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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
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+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #69026 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69026)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Essays on the Latin Orient, by William
-Miller
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Essays on the Latin Orient
-
-Author: William Miller
-
-Release Date: September 21, 2022 [eBook #69026]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
-             at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
-             generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS ON THE LATIN
-ORIENT ***
-
-
-
-
-
-
-ESSAYS ON THE LATIN ORIENT
-
-                        CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
-                           C. F. CLAY, MANAGER
-                       LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4
-
-                             [Illustration]
-
-                      NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.
-                      BOMBAY   }
-                      CALCUTTA } MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
-                      MADRAS   }
-                      TORONTO: THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.
-                      TOKYO: MARUZEN·KABUSHIKI·KAISHA
-
-                           ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
-
-
-
-
-                                  ESSAYS
-                                    ON
-                             THE LATIN ORIENT
-
-                                    BY
-                       WILLIAM MILLER, M.A. (OXON.)
-      HON. LL.D. IN THE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF GREECE: CORRESPONDING
-       MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF GREECE:
-                   AUTHOR OF _THE LATINS IN THE LEVANT_
-
-                                CAMBRIDGE
-                         AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
-                                   1921
-
-
-
-
-    “You imagine that the campaigners against Troy were the only
-    heroes, while you forget the other more numerous and diviner
-    heroes whom your country has produced.”
-
-               PHILOSTRATUS, _Life of Apollonius of Tyana_, III. 19.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE
-
-
-This volume consists of articles and monographs upon the Latin Orient
-and Balkan history, published between 1897 and the present year. For
-kind permission to reprint them in collected form I am indebted to
-the editors and proprietors of _The Quarterly Review_, _The English
-Historical Review_, _The Journal of Hellenic Studies_, _Die Byzantinische
-Zeitschrift_, _The Westminster Review_, _The Gentleman’s Magazine_, and
-_The Journal of the British and American Archæological Society of Rome_.
-All the articles have been revised and brought up to date by the light
-of recent research in a field of history which is no longer neglected in
-either the Near East or Western Europe.
-
-                                                                     W. M.
-
-36, VIA PALESTRO, ROME.
-
-_March, 1921._
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-
-
-    CHAP.                                                       PAGE
-
-      I. THE ROMANS IN GREECE                                      1
-
-     II. BYZANTINE GREECE                                         29
-
-    III. FRANKISH AND VENETIAN GREECE                             57
-
-            1. THE FRANKISH CONQUEST OF GREECE                    57
-
-            2. FRANKISH SOCIETY IN GREECE                         70
-
-            3. THE PRINCES OF THE PELOPONNESE                     85
-
-               APPENDIX: THE NAME OF NAVARINO                    107
-
-            4. THE DUKES OF ATHENS                               110
-
-               APPENDIX: THE FRANKISH INSCRIPTION AT KARDITZA    132
-
-            5. FLORENTINE ATHENS                                 135
-
-               APPENDIX:
-
-                 NOTES ON ATHENS UNDER THE FRANKS                155
-
-                 THE TURKISH CAPTURE OF ATHENS                   160
-
-            6. THE DUCHY OF NAXOS                                161
-
-               APPENDIX: THE MAD DUKE OF NAXOS                   175
-
-            7. CRETE UNDER THE VENETIANS (1204-1669)             177
-
-            8. THE IONIAN ISLANDS UNDER VENETIAN RULE            199
-
-            9. MONEMVASIA                                        231
-
-           10. THE MARQUISATE OF BOUDONITZA (1204-1414)          245
-
-           11. ITHAKE UNDER THE FRANKS                           261
-
-           12. THE LAST VENETIAN ISLANDS IN THE ÆGEAN            265
-
-           13. SALONIKA                                          268
-
-     IV. THE GENOESE COLONIES IN GREECE                          283
-
-            1. THE ZACCARIA OF PHOCÆA AND CHIOS (1275-1329)      283
-
-            2. THE GENOESE IN CHIOS (1346-1566)                  298
-
-            3. THE GATTILUSJ OF LESBOS (1355-1462)               313
-
-      V. TURKISH GREECE (1460-1684)                              355
-
-     VI. THE VENETIAN REVIVAL IN GREECE (1684-1718)              403
-
-    VII. MISCELLANEA FROM THE NEAR EAST                          429
-
-            1. VALONA                                            429
-
-            2. THE MEDIÆVAL SERBIAN EMPIRE                       441
-
-               APPENDIX: THE FOUNDER OF MONTENEGRO               458
-
-            3. BOSNIA BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST                460
-
-            4. BALKAN EXILES IN ROME                             497
-
-            5. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM (1099-1291)        515
-
-            6. A BYZANTINE BLUE STOCKING: ANNA COMNENA           533
-
-
-
-
-ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-
-  PLATE   FIGS.                                         TO FACE PAGE
-
-      I. 1 & 2. THE CHURCH OF ST GEORGE AT KARDITZA              134
-
-     II.   1.   MONEMVASIA FROM THE LAND                         234
-
-           2.   MONEMVASIA. ENTRANCE TO KASTRO                   234
-
-    III.   1.   MONEMVASIA. Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα                235
-
-           2.   MONEMVASIA. Ἁγία Σοφία                           235
-
-     IV.        MONEMVASIA. KASTRO                               240
-
-      V.   1.   MONEMVASIA. TOWN WALLS AND GATE                  241
-
-           2.   MONEMVASIA. MODERN TOWN AT BASE OF CLIFF         241
-
-     VI.   1.   BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE WEST             246
-
-           2.   BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE EAST             246
-
-     VII.  1.   BOUDONITZA. THE KEEP AND THE HELLENIC GATEWAY    247
-
-           2.   BOUDONITZA. THE HELLENIC GATEWAY                 247
-
-                     ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT
-
-    Fig. 1. INSCRIPTION ON THE CHURCH AT KARDITZA                133
-
-     ”   2. ARMS ON WELL-HEAD IN THE CASTLE AT MONEMVASIA        242
-
-                                MAP
-
-    THE NEAR EAST IN 1350                  BETWEEN PAGES 282 AND 283
-
-
-
-
-I. THE ROMANS IN GREECE
-
-
-From the Roman conquest in 146 B.C. Greece lost her independence for a
-period of nearly two thousand years. During twenty centuries the country
-had no separate existence as a nation, but followed the fortunes of
-foreign rulers. Attached, first to Rome and then to Constantinople, it
-was divided among various Latin nobles after the fall of the Byzantine
-Empire in 1204, and succumbed to the Turks in the fifteenth and sixteenth
-centuries. From that time, with the exception of the brief Venetian
-occupation of the Peloponnese, and the long foreign administration of
-the Ionian Islands, it remained an integral part of the Turkish Empire
-till the erection of the modern Greek kingdom. Far too little attention
-has been paid to the history of Greece under foreign domination, for
-which large materials have been collected since Finlay wrote his great
-work. Yet, even in the darkest hours of bondage, the annals of Greece can
-scarcely fail to interest the admirers of ancient Hellas.
-
-The victorious Romans treated the vanquished Greeks with moderation, and
-their victory was regarded by the masses as a relief from the state of
-war which was rapidly consuming the resources of the taxpayers. Satisfied
-to forego the galling symbols, provided that they held the substance,
-of power in their own hands, the conquerors contented themselves with
-dissolving the Achaian League, with destroying, perhaps from motives of
-commercial policy, the great mart of Corinth, and with subordinating the
-Greek communities to the governor of the Roman province of Macedonia,
-who exercised supreme supervision over them. But these local bodies were
-allowed to preserve their formal liberties; Corfù, the first of Greek
-cities to submit to Rome, always remained autonomous, and Athens and
-Sparta enjoyed special immunities as “the allies of Rome,” while the
-sacred character of Delphi secured for it practical autonomy. A few years
-after the conquest the old Leagues were permitted to revive, at least in
-name; and the land tax, payable by most of the communities to the Roman
-Government, seemed to fulfil the expectation of the natives that their
-fiscal burdens would be diminished under foreign rule. The historian
-Polybios[1], who successfully pleaded the cause of his countrymen at
-this great crisis in their history, has contrasted the purity of Roman
-financial administration with the corruption of Greek public men, and
-has cited a saying current in Greece soon after the conquest: “If we had
-not perished quickly, we should not have been saved.” While this was the
-popular view, the large class of landed proprietors was also pleased by
-the recognition of its social position by its new masters, and the men
-who were entrusted with the delicate task of organising the conquered
-country at the outset of its new career wisely availed themselves of
-the disinterested services of Polybios, who enjoyed the confidence of
-both Greeks and Romans. Even Mummius himself, the destroyer of Corinth,
-if he carried off many fine statues to deck his triumph, left behind
-him the memory of his gentleness to the weak, as well as that of his
-firmness to the strong, and might have been taken as the embodiment of
-those qualities which Virgil, more than a century later, held up to the
-imitation of his countrymen.
-
-The _pax Romana_, which the Roman conquest seemed likely to confer
-upon the jealous Greeks, was occasionally broken in the early decades
-of the new administration. The sacred isle of Delos, which was then
-subordinate to Athens, and which had become the greatest mart for
-merchandise and slaves in the Levant since the destruction of Corinth,
-and the silver-mines of Laurion, which had of old provided the sinews
-of naval warfare against the Persian host, were the scenes of servile
-insurrections such as that which about the same time raged in Sicily, and
-a democratic rising at Dyme not far from Patras called for repression.
-But the participation of many Greeks in the quarrel between Rome and
-Mithridates, King of Pontus, entailed far more serious consequences
-upon their country. While the warlike Cretans, who had not bowed as yet
-beneath the Roman yoke, sent their redoubtable archers to serve in his
-ranks, the Athenians were seduced from their allegiance by the rhetoric
-of their fellow-citizen, Athenion, or Aristion, a man of dubious origin,
-who had found the profession of philosopher so paying that he was now
-able to indulge in that of a patriot. Appointed captain of the city,
-he established a reign of terror, and included the Roman party and his
-own philosophic rivals in the same proscription. He despatched the
-bibliophile Apellikon, who had purchased the library of Aristotle, with
-an expedition against Delos, which failed; but a similar attempt by the
-Pontic forces was successful, and the prosperity of the island was almost
-ruined by their ravages. When the armies of Mithridates reached the
-mainland, there was a great rising against the Romans, and for the second
-time the plain of Chaironeia witnessed a battle, which on this occasion,
-however, was indecisive. A great change now took place in the fortunes of
-the war. Sulla arrived in Greece, routed the Athenian philosopher and
-his Pontic colleague in a single battle, cowed most of the Greeks by the
-mere terror of his name, and laid siege to Athens and the Piræus, which
-offered a vigorous resistance. The groves of the Academy and the Lyceum
-furnished the timber for his battering rams; the treasuries of the most
-famous temples, those of Delphi, Olympia and Epidauros, provided pay for
-his soldiers; the remains of the famous “long walls,” which had united
-Athens with her harbour, were converted into siegeworks. The knoll near
-the street of tombs, on which a tiny church now stands, is supposed to be
-part of Sulla’s mound, and the bones found there those of his victims.
-An attempt to relieve the besieged failed; and, as their provisions
-grew scarce, the Athenians lost heart and sought to obtain favourable
-terms from the enemy. In the true Athenian spirit, they prayed for
-consideration on the ground that their ancestors had fought at Marathon.
-But the practical Roman replied that he had “not come to study history,
-but to chastise rebels[2],” and insisted on unconditional surrender.
-In 86 B.C. Athens was taken by assault, and many of the inhabitants
-were butchered; but, in spite of his indifference to the glories of
-Marathon, the conqueror consented to spare the fabric of the city for
-the sake of its ancient renown. The Akropolis, where Aristion had taken
-refuge, still held out, and the Odeion of Perikles, which stood at the
-south-east corner of it, perished by fire in the siege. Want of water at
-last forced the garrison to surrender, and the evacuation of the Piræus
-by the Pontic commander made Sulla master of that important position
-also. To the Piræus he showed as little mercy as Mummius had shown to
-Corinth. While from Athens he carried off nothing except a few columns
-of the temple of Zeus Olympios, a large sum of money which he found in
-the treasury of the Parthenon, and a fine manuscript of Aristotle and
-Theophrastos, he levelled the Piræus with the ground, and inflicted
-upon it a punishment from which it did not recover till the time of
-Constantine. Then he marched to Chaironeia, where another battle ended in
-the rout of the Pontic army, and the Thebans atoned for their rebellion
-by the loss of half their territory, which the victor consecrated to the
-temples of Delphi and Olympia as compensation for what he had taken from
-them. A fresh Pontic defeat at Orchomenos in Bœotia ended the war upon
-Greek soil, but the struggle long left its mark upon the country. Athens
-still retained her privileges, and the Cappadocian King Ariobarzanes
-II, Philopator and his son, restored the Odeion of Perikles[3], but
-many of her citizens had died in the siege, and the rival armies had
-inflicted enormous injuries on Attica and Bœotia, the chief theatre of
-the war. Some small towns never recovered, and Thebes sank into a state
-of insignificance from which she did not emerge for centuries.
-
-The pirates continued the work of destruction, which the first
-Mithridatic war had begun. The geographical configuration of the Ægean
-coasts has always been favourable to that ancient scourge of the Levant,
-and the conclusion of peace between Rome and the Pontic king let loose
-upon society a number of adventurers, whose occupation had ceased with
-the war. The inhabitants of Cilicia and Crete excelled above all others
-in the practice of this lucrative profession, and many were their
-depredations upon the Greek shores and islands. One pirate captain
-destroyed the sanctuaries of Delos and carried off the whole population
-into slavery; two others defeated the Roman admiral in Cretan waters.
-This last disgrace resulted in the conquest of that fine island by the
-Roman proconsul Quintus Metellus, whose difficult task fully earned
-him the title of “Creticus.” The islanders fought with the desperate
-courage which they have evinced in all ages. Beaten in the open, they
-retired behind the walls of Kydonia and Knossos, and when those places
-fell, a guerilla warfare went on in the mountains, until at last Crete
-surrendered, and the last vestige of Greek freedom in Europe disappeared
-in the guise of a Roman province. Meanwhile, Pompey had swept the pirates
-from the seas, and established a colony of those marauders at Dyme, the
-scene of the previous rebellion[4]. Neither before nor since has piracy
-been put down with such thoroughness in the Levant, and Greece enjoyed,
-for a time at least, a welcome immunity from its ravages.
-
-But the administration of the provinces in the last century of the Roman
-Republic often pressed very heavily upon the unfortunate provincials.
-Even after making due deduction for professional exaggeration from the
-charges brought by Cicero against extortionate governors, there remains
-ample evidence of their exactions. The notorious Verres, the scourge
-of Sicily, though he only passed through Greece, levied blackmail upon
-Sikyon and plundered the treasury of the Parthenon, and bad governors of
-Macedonia, like Caius Antonius and Piso, had greater opportunities for
-making money at the expense of the Greeks. As Juvenal complained at a
-later period, even when these scoundrels were brought to justice on their
-return home, their late province gained nothing by their punishment,
-and Caius Antonius, in exile on Cephalonia, treated that island as if
-it were his private property. The Roman money-lenders had begun, too,
-to exploit the financial necessities of the Greeks, and even so ardent
-a Philhellene as Cicero’s correspondent, Atticus, who owed his name to
-his long sojourn at Athens and to his interest in everything Attic, lent
-money to the people of Sikyon on such ruinous terms that they had to sell
-their pictures to pay off the debt. Athens, deprived of her commercial
-resources since the siege by Sulla, resorted to the sale of her coveted
-citizenship, much as some modern States sell titles, and subsisted
-mainly on the reputation of her schools of philosophy. It became the
-fashion for young Romans of promise to study there; thus Cicero spent six
-months there and revisited the city on his way to and from his Cilician
-governorship, and Horace tells us that he tried “to seek the truth among
-the groves of Academe[5].” Others resorted to Greece for purposes of
-travel or health, and the hellebore of Antikyra (now Aspra Spitia) on
-the Corinthian Gulf and the still popular baths of Ædepsos in Eubœa were
-fashionable cures in good Roman society. Moreover, a tincture of Greek
-letters was considered to be part of the education of a Roman gentleman.
-Cicero constantly uses Greek phrases in his correspondence, and Latin
-poets borrowed most of their plumes from Greek literature.
-
-The two Roman civil wars which were fought on Greek soil between 49 and
-31 B.C., were a great misfortune for Greece, whose inhabitants took sides
-as if the cause were their own. The struggle between Cæsar and Pompey
-was decided at Pharsalos in Thessaly, and most of the Greeks found that
-they had chosen the cause of the vanquished, whose exploits against the
-pirates and generous gift of money for the restoration of Athens were
-still remembered. But Cæsar showed his usual magnanimity towards the
-misguided Greeks, with the exception of the Megareans, whose stubborn
-resistance to his arms was severely punished. Most of the survivors of
-the siege were sold as slaves, and one of Cæsar’s officials, writing
-to Cicero a little later, says that as he sailed up the Saronic Gulf,
-the once flourishing cities of Megara, the Piræus and Corinth lay in
-ruins before his eyes[6]. It was Cæsar, however, who in 44 B.C., raised
-the last of these towns from its ashes. But the new Corinth, which he
-founded, was a Roman colony rather than a Greek city, whose inhabitants
-were chiefly freedmen, and whose name was at first associated with
-a lucrative traffic in antiquities, derived from the plunder of the
-ancient tombs. Had he lived, Cæsar had intended to dig a canal through
-the Isthmus—a feat reserved for the reign of the late King George. On
-Cæsar’s death, his murderer, Brutus, was enthusiastically welcomed by
-the Athenians, who erected statues to him and Cassius besides those
-of the ancient tyrannicides, Harmodios and Aristogeiton. The struggle
-between him and the Triumvirs was decided at Philippi in Greek Macedonia,
-near the modern Kavalla, but had little effect upon the fortunes of
-Greece, though there were Greek contingents on either side. After the
-fall of Brutus, Antony spent a long time at Athens, where he flattered
-the susceptible natives by wearing their costume, amused them by his
-antics and orgies on the Akropolis, gratified them by the gift of Ægina
-and other islands, and scandalised them by the presence of Cleopatra,
-upon whom he expected them to bestow the highest honours. When the war
-broke out between him and Octavian for the mastery of the Roman world,
-Greece for the second time became the theatre of her masters’ fratricidal
-strife. At no previous time since the conquest had the unhappy country
-suffered such oppression as then. The inhabitants were torn from their
-homes to serve on the ships of Antony, the Peloponnese was divided into
-two hostile camps according to the sympathies of the natives, and in the
-great naval battle of Aktion the fleeing ship of Cleopatra was pursued
-by a Lacedæmonian galley. The geographer Strabo, who passed through
-Greece two years later, has left us a grim picture of the state of the
-country. Bœotia was utterly ruined; Larissa was the only town in Thessaly
-worth mentioning; many of the most famous cities of the Peloponnese were
-barren wastes; Megalopolis was a wilderness, Laconia had barely thirty
-towns; Dyme, whose citizens had taken to piracy again, was falling into
-decay. The Ionian Islands and Tegea formed pleasant exceptions to the
-general misery, but as an instance of the wretched condition of the
-Ægean, the islet of Gyaros was unable to pay its annual tribute of £5.
-The desolation of Greece impressed Octavian so deeply that he founded
-two colonies for his veterans on Hellenic soil, one in 30 B.C. on the
-spot where his camp had been pitched at the battle of Aktion, which
-received the name of Nikopolis (“City of victory”) in memory of that
-great triumph, the other at Patras, a site most convenient for the
-Italian trade. In both cases the numbers of the Roman colonists were
-augmented by the compulsory immigration of the Greeks who inhabited the
-neighbouring cities and villages. This measure had the bad effect of
-increasing the depopulation of the surrounding country, but it imparted
-immediate prosperity to both Patras and Nikopolis, and the factories of
-the former gave employment to numbers of women, while the celebration of
-the “Aktian games” at the latter colony attracted sight-seers from other
-places. Augustus, as Octavian was now called, made an important change in
-the administration of Greece, separating it from the Macedonian command,
-with which it had hitherto been combined, and forming it in 27 B.C. into
-a separate senatorial province of Achaia, which was practically identical
-with the boundaries of the Greek kingdom before 1912, and of which
-Cæsar’s recently founded colony of Corinth was made the capital. But this
-restriction of the limits of the province did not affect the liberties of
-the different communities, though here and there Augustus altered their
-respective jurisdictions. Thus, in order to give Nikopolis a share in
-the Amphiktyonic Council, he modified the composition of that ancient
-body, and he enfranchised the Free Laconians who inhabited the central
-promontory of the Peloponnese, from Sparta; thus founding the autonomy
-which that rugged region has so often enjoyed[7]. But Athens and Sparta
-both continued to be “allies of Rome,” Augustus made a Spartan Prince of
-the Lacedæmonians, and honoured them by his own presence at their public
-meals. If he forbade the Athenians to sell the honour of citizenship,
-he allowed himself to be initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries, and his
-friend, Agrippa, presented Athens with a new theatre. As a proof of
-their loyalty and gratitude, the Athenians dedicated a temple on the
-Akropolis “to Augustus and Rome,” a large fragment of which may still be
-seen, and erected a statue of Agrippa, the pedestal of which is still
-standing in a perilous position at the approach to the Propylæa. It was
-in further honour of the master of the Roman world, that an aqueduct
-was constructed from the Klepsydra fountain to the Tower of the Winds,
-which the Syrian Andronikos had built at a somewhat earlier period of the
-Roman domination. The adjoining gate of Athena Archegetis was raised out
-of money provided by Cæsar and Augustus, a number of friendly princes
-proposed to complete the temple of Olympian Zeus, while an inscription
-still preserves the generosity of another ruler, Herod, King of the Jews,
-towards the home of Greek culture.
-
-The land now enjoyed a long period of peace, and began to recover from
-the effects of the civil wars. A further boon was the transference of
-Achaia from the jurisdiction of the Senate to that of the Emperor soon
-after the accession of Tiberius, who, whatever his private vices may
-have been, was most considerate in his treatment of the provincials. He
-sternly repressed attempts at extortion, kept his governors in office
-for long terms, and, when an earthquake injured the city of Aigion on
-the gulf of Corinth, excused the citizens from the payment of taxes for
-three years. The restriction of the much-abused right of asylum in
-various temples, such as that of Poseidon on the island of Tenos, and
-the delimitation of the Messenian and Lacedæmonian boundary, showed the
-interest of the Roman Government in Greek affairs; and the cult of the
-Imperial family, which was now developed in Greece, was perhaps due to
-gratitude no less than to the natural obsequience of a conquered race.
-The visit of the Emperor’s nephew, Germanicus, to Athens delighted the
-Athenians and scandalised Roman officialdom by the Imperial traveller’s
-disregard of etiquette; and it was insinuated by a prejudiced Roman
-even at that early period that these voluble burgesses, who talked so
-much about their past history, were not really the descendants of the
-ancient Greeks, but “the offscourings of the nations.” So deep was
-the impression made by the courtesy of Germanicus that, several years
-later, an impostor, who pretended to be his son Drusus, found a ready
-following in Greece, which he traversed from the Cyclades to Nikopolis.
-It became the custom, too, to banish distinguished Romans, who had
-incurred the Emperor’s displeasure, to an Ægean island, and Amorgos,
-Kythnos, Seriphos, and Gyaros were the equivalent of Botany Bay. The
-last two islets in particular were regarded with intense horror, and
-Juvenal has selected them as types of the worst punishment that could
-befall one of his countrymen[8]. Caligula, less moderate than Tiberius
-in his treatment of the Greeks, carried off the famous statue of Eros
-from Thespiæ, for which his unaccomplished plan of cutting the Isthmus of
-Corinth was no compensation. Claudius restored the stolen statue, and in
-44 A.D. handed over the province of Achaia to the Senate—an arrangement
-which, with one brief interval, continued to be the practice of the Roman
-Government for the future. Meanwhile, alike under Senatorial and Imperial
-administration, the Greeks had acquired Roman tastes and had even adopted
-in many cases Roman names. If old-fashioned Romans complained that Rome
-had become “a Greek city,” where glib Hellenic freedmen had the ear of
-the Emperor and starving Greeklings were ready to practise any and every
-profession, the conservatives in Greece lamented the introduction of such
-peculiarly Roman sports as the gladiatorial shows, of which the remains
-of the Roman amphitheatre at Corinth are a memorial. The conquering and
-the conquered races had reacted on one another; the Romans had become
-more literary; the Greeks had become more material.
-
-It was at this period, about 54 A.D., that an event occurred which
-profoundly modified the future of the Greek race. In, or a little
-before, that year St Paul arrived at Athens, and, stirred by the
-idolatry of the city, delivered his famous speech in the midst of the
-Areopagos. The unvarnished narrative of the Acts of the Apostles does
-not disguise the failure of the great teacher’s first attempt to convert
-the argumentative Greeks, to whom the new gospel seemed “foolishness.”
-But “Dionysios the Areopagite and a woman named Damaris, and others
-with them,” believed, thus forming the small beginnings of the Church
-which grew up there in later days. From Athens the Apostle proceeded
-to Corinth, where he stayed “a year and six months.” The capital of
-Achaia and mart of Greece was a fine field for his missionary labours.
-The Roman colony, which had now been in existence almost a century, had
-become the home of commerce and the luxury which usually accompanies
-it. The superb situation, commanding the two seas, had attracted a
-cosmopolitan population, including many Jews, and the vices of the East
-and the West seemed to meet on the Isthmus—the Port Said of the Roman
-Empire. We may trace in the language of the two Epistles, which the
-Apostle addressed to the Corinthians later on, the main characteristics
-of the seat of Roman rule in Greece. The allusions to the fights with
-wild beasts, to the Isthmian games, to the long hair of the Corinthian
-dandies, to the easy virtue of the Corinthian women, all show what was
-the daily life of the most flourishing city of Greece in the middle
-of the first century. Yet even at Corinth many were persuaded by the
-arguments of the tent-maker, and a Christian community was founded at
-the port of Kenchreæ on the Saronic Gulf. At the outset the converts
-were of humble origin, like “the house of Stephanas, the first fruits
-of Achaia”; but Gaius, Tertius, Quartus, and “Erastus, the chamberlain
-of the city,” were persons of better position. That a man like Gallio,
-the brother of Seneca the philosopher and uncle of Lucan the poet, a
-man whom the other great poet of the day, Statius, has described as
-“sweetness” itself, was at that time governor of Achaia, shows the
-importance attached by the Romans to their Greek province. St Paul had
-not the profound classical learning of the governor’s talented family,
-but the two Epistles to the Thessalonians, which he wrote during this
-first stay at Corinth, have conferred an undying literary interest on
-the capital of Roman Greece. Silas and Timotheus joined the Apostle at
-that place; and after his departure the learned Alexandrian, Apollos,
-carried on the work of Christianity among the Corinthians. But the germs
-of those theological parties, which were destined later on to divide
-the Greek Christians, had already been planted in the congenial soil
-of Achaia. The Christian community of Corinth, with the fatal tendency
-to faction which has ever marked the Hellenic race, was soon split up
-into sections, which followed, one St Paul, another Apollos, another the
-supposed injunctions of St Peter, another the simple faith of Christ.
-Even women, and that, too, unveiled, like the Laises of Corinth, had
-taken upon themselves to speak at Christian gatherings, and drinking and
-the other sensual crimes of that luxurious city had proved temptations
-too strong for some of the new converts. This state of things provoked
-the two Epistles to the Corinthians and the second visit of the Apostle
-to the then Greek capital, where he remained three months, writing on
-this occasion also two Epistles from Greece—that to the Romans and that
-to the Galatians. For the sake of the greater security which the land
-route afforded, he returned to Asia through Northern Greece, accompanied
-among others by St Luke, whose traditional connection with Greece may
-be traced in the wax figure of the Virgin, said to be his work, in the
-monastery of Megaspelæon, and in the much later Roman tomb venerated as
-his, at Thebes. With the exception of his delay at Fair Havens on the
-south coast of Crete, we are not told by the writer of the Acts that St
-Paul ever set foot on Greek territory again; but he left Titus in that
-island “to ordain elders in every city,” and contemplated spending a
-winter at Nikopolis. A tradition, unsupported, however, by good evidence,
-has been preserved to the effect that he was liberated from his Roman
-imprisonment, and it has been supposed that he employed part of the time
-that remained before his death in revisiting Corinth and Crete. His
-“kinsmen,” Jason and Sosipater, bishops of Tarsus and Ikonium, preached
-the Word at Corfù, where one of them was martyred, and where one of the
-two oldest churches of the island still preserves their names[9]. The
-Greek journey of the pagan philosopher, Apollonios of Tyana, who tried to
-restore the ancient life of Hellas and to check the Romanising tendencies
-of the age, took place only a few years after the first appearance of the
-Apostle of the Gentiles in Greece.
-
-Another visitor of a very different kind next arrived in the classic
-land. Nero had already displayed his taste for the fine arts by
-despatching an emissary to Greece with the object of collecting statues
-for the adornment of his palace and capital. Delphi, Olympia and Athens,
-where, in the phrase of a contemporary satirist, “it was easier to meet
-a god than a man,” furnished an ample booty, and the Thespians again
-lost, this time for ever, the statue of Eros. But Nero was not content
-with the sculpture of Greece; he yearned to display his manifold talents
-before a Greek audience, “the only one,” as he said, “worthy of himself
-and his accomplishments.” Accordingly, in 66, he crossed over to Kassopo
-in Corfù, and began his theatrical tour by singing before the altar
-of Zeus there. Such was the zeal of the Imperial pot-hunter, that he
-commanded all the national games to be celebrated in the same year, so
-that he might have the satisfaction of winning prizes at them all in
-the same tour. In order to exhibit his musical gifts, he ordered the
-insertion of a new item in the time-honoured programme at Olympia, where
-he built himself a house, and at Corinth broke the Isthmian rules by
-contending in both tragedy and comedy. As a charioteer he eclipsed all
-previous performances by driving ten horses abreast, upsetting his car
-and still receiving the prize from the venal judges; as a victor, he
-had the effrontery to proclaim his own victory, and the number of his
-wreaths might have done credit to a royal funeral. In return for their
-compliance, the Greeks were informed by the voice of the Emperor himself
-on the day of the Isthmian games that they were once more free from the
-jurisdiction of the Senate and exempt from the payment of taxes[10]. The
-name of freedom and the practical advantage of fiscal immunity appealed
-with force to the patriotic and commercial sides of the Greek character,
-and outweighed the extortions of the Emperor and his suite to such a
-degree that Nero became a popular hero, in whose honour medals were
-struck and statues erected. To signalise yet further his stay in Greece,
-he bade the long projected canal to be dug across the Isthmus. This
-time the work was actually begun, and a prominent philosopher, who had
-incurred the Imperial displeasure, was seen digging away with a gang of
-other convicts. Nero himself dug the first sod with a golden spade, and
-carried away the first spadefuls of earth in a basket on his shoulders.
-But the task, of which traces may still be seen, was soon abandoned, and
-the dangers which threatened his throne recalled the Emperor to Italy.
-But first he consulted the Oracle of Delphi, which fully maintained its
-ancient reputation for obscurity and accuracy, but was bidden henceforth
-to be dumb. The two most celebrated seats of Greek antiquity, Athens and
-Sparta, he left, however, unvisited—Sparta, because he disapproved of its
-institutions; Athens, because he, the matricide, feared the vengeance of
-the Furies, whose fabled shrine was beneath the Areopagos[11].
-
-The civil war, which raged in Italy between the death of Nero and the
-accession of Vespasian, had little influence upon Greece, except that it
-gave an adventurer, who bore a striking resemblance to the late Emperor
-and shared his musical tastes, the opportunity of personating him. But
-this pretender, who had made himself master of the island of Kythnos, was
-soon suppressed[12], and Vespasian, as he visited Greece on his way from
-the East to Rome, could calmly study the condition of that country. The
-stern old soldier, who, in spite of his Greek culture, had fallen asleep
-during Nero’s recitations, had no sympathy with Greek antiquities, and
-maintained that the Hellenes did not know how to use their newly-restored
-freedom, which had involved the impoverished Roman exchequer in the loss
-of the Greek taxes. He accordingly restored the organisation and fiscal
-arrangements which had been in force before Nero’s proclamation, only
-that the province of Achaia under the Flavian dynasty no longer included
-Thessaly, Epeiros, and Akarnania. For a long time Greece had no political
-history; but we know that Domitian, like Tiberius, was as considerate
-towards the provincials as he was tyrannical to the Roman nobles; that he
-cherished a special cult for the goddess Athena; and that he deigned to
-allow himself to be nominated as Archon Eponymos of Athens for the year
-93—an instance which shows the continuance of an institution which had
-been founded nearly eight centuries earlier. Trajan’s direct connection
-with Greece was limited to a stay at Athens on the way to the Parthian
-war, but he counted among his friends the most celebrated Greek author of
-that age, the famous Plutarch, who passed a great part of his time in the
-small Bœotian town of Chaironeia, where his so-called “chair,” obviously
-the end seat of one of the rows in the theatre, may still be seen in the
-little church. Like Polybios in the first period of the Roman conquest,
-Plutarch served as a link to unite the Greeks and their masters. At once
-an Hellenic patriot and an admirer of Rome, he combined love of the past
-independence of his country with a shrewd sense of the advantages of
-Roman rule in the existing circumstances. True, the Greece of his time
-was very different from that of the Golden Age. While the single city
-of Megara had sent 3000 heavy armed men to the battle of Platæa, the
-whole province of Achaia could not raise a larger number in his days.
-Depopulation was going on apace; Eubœa was almost desolate, and the
-inland towns of the mainland were mostly losing their trade, which was
-gravitating to the coasts. The expenditure of the Greek taxes at Rome led
-to the want of funds for public objects, and the Roman system of making
-immunity from taxation a principle of Roman citizenship divided the
-Greeks into two classes, the rich and the poor. The former led luxurious
-lives, built expensive houses, added acre to acre, and fell into the
-hands of the foreign money-lenders of Corinth or Patras. The latter sank
-lower and lower in the social scale, and it was noticed that, while the
-Greek women had become more beautiful, the classic grace of Hellenic
-manhood had declined. But Greece continued to exercise her perennial
-charm on the cultured traveller. In spite of the Thessalian brigands,
-tourists journeyed to see the Vale of Tempe, and a race of loquacious
-guides arose, whose business it was to explain the history of Delphi. Men
-of the highest rank were proud to be made Athenian citizens, and one of
-them, Antiochos Philopappos, grandson of the last king of Kommagene, was
-commemorated in the last years of Trajan by the monument which is to-day
-one of the most conspicuous in all Athens.
-
-The reign of Hadrian was a very happy period for the Greeks. A lover of
-both ancient and contemporary Hellas, which he visited several times,
-the Imperial traveller left his mark all over the country. We may gather
-from Pausanias, whose own wanderings began at this period, that there
-was scarcely a single Greek city of importance which had not received
-some benefit from this Emperor. Coins of Patras describe him as “the
-restorer of Achaia,” Megara regarded him as her “second founder,”
-Mantineia had to thank him for the restoration of her classical name.
-Alive to the want of through communication between the Peloponnese and
-Central Greece, he built a safe road along the Skironian cliffs, where
-now the tourist looks down on the azure sea from the train that takes
-him from Megara to Corinth. He provided the latter city with water by
-means of an aqueduct from Lake Stymphalos, and began the aqueduct at
-Athens which was completed by his successor. But this was only one of
-his many Athenian improvements. His affection for Athens, where he lived
-as a Greek among Greeks and had held the office of Archon Eponymos, like
-Domitian, led him to assign the revenues of Cephalonia to the Athenian
-treasury, to regulate the oil-trade, that important branch of Attic
-commerce, his edict about which may still be read on the gate of Athena
-Archegetis, to repair the theatre of Dionysos, and to present the city
-with a Pantheon, a library, contained within the Stoa which still bears
-his name and of which part is still standing, and a gymnasium. He also
-built there a temple of Hera, and completed that of Zeus Olympios, which
-had been begun by Peisistratos more than six centuries before and had
-provided Sulla with spoil. The still standing columns of this magnificent
-building formed the nucleus of the “new Athens,” which he founded outside
-“the old city of Theseus,” and to which the Arch of Hadrian, as the
-inscriptions upon it show, was intended as the entrance. With another
-of his foundations, the temple of Zeus Panhellenios, was connected the
-institution of the Panhellenic festival, which represented the unity of
-the Greek race and, like the more ancient games, had a religious basis.
-Hadrian called into existence a synod of “Panhellenes,” composed of
-members of the Greek communities on both sides of the Ægean, who met at
-Athens and whose treasurer was styled “Hellenotamias,” or “steward of
-the Hellenes”—a title borrowed from the classical Confederacy of Delos.
-In name, indeed, the golden age of Athens seemed to have returned, and
-the enthusiastic Athenians heaped one honour after another upon the head
-of the great Philhellene. They adored him as a god, and the President of
-the Panhellenic synod became his priest; his statues rose all over the
-city, his name was bestowed upon one of the months, a thirteenth tribe
-was formed and called after him, and the thirteen wedges of the repaired
-theatre of Dionysos contained each a bust of Hadrian; even an unworthy
-favourite of the Emperor was dubbed a deity with the same ease that we
-convert a charitable tradesman into a peer.
-
-Hadrian’s two immediate successors continued his Philhellenic policy.
-Antoninus Pius erected new buildings for the use of the visitors to that
-fashionable health-resort, the Hieron of Epidauros; and in graceful
-recognition of the legend, according to which the founders of the first
-settlement on the Palatine were emigrants from Pallantion in Arkadia,
-raised that village to the rank of a city, with the privileges of
-self-government and immunity from taxes. Marcus Aurelius seemed to have
-realised the Utopian ideal of Plato, that philosophers should be kings
-or kings philosophers. The Imperial author of the _Meditations_ wrote
-in Greek, had sat at the feet of Greek teachers, and greatly admired
-the products of the Greek intellect. But his reign was disturbed by
-warlike alarms, and it is noteworthy that at this period the first of
-those barbarian tribes from the North, which inflicted so much injury
-upon Greece in later centuries, penetrated into that country. The Greeks
-showed, however, that they had not in the long years of peace, forgotten
-how to defend themselves. At Elateia the Kostobokes—such was the name of
-the marauders—received a check from a local force and withdrew beyond the
-frontier[13]. In spite of his distant campaigns, Marcus Aurelius found
-time to visit Athens, restored the temple at Eleusis, was initiated into
-the Eleusinian mysteries, and founded in 176 the Athenian University.
-It was, indeed, the heyday of Academic life, and Athens was under the
-Antonines the happy hunting-ground of professors, who received salaries
-from the Imperial exchequer, and enjoyed the privilege of exemption from
-costly public duties. One of their number, Herodes Atticus of Marathon,
-has, by his splendid gifts to the city, perpetuated his fame to our own
-time. His vast wealth, united to his renown as a professor of rhetoric,
-not only made him the most prominent man in Athens, where he held the
-post of President of the new Panhellenic synod, but gained him the Roman
-consulship, the friendship of Hadrian, and the honour of instructing
-the early years of Marcus Aurelius. When Verus, the colleague of the
-latter in the Imperial dignity, visited Athens, it was as the guest of
-the sophist of Marathon; when the University was founded, it was Herodes
-who selected the professors. The charm of his villas at Kephisia, then,
-as now, the suburban pleasaunce of the dust-choked Athenians, and in
-his native village, has been extolled by one of his pupils, while the
-Odeion which still bears his name was erected by him to the memory of
-his second wife[14]. He also restored the Stadion, which had been built
-by Lykourgos about five centuries earlier, and within its precincts his
-body was interred. There still exist remains of his temple of Fortune,
-a goddess of whom he had varied experiences. For his vast wealth and
-the sense of their own inferiority caused the Athenians to revile their
-benefactor, and as many of them owed him money, he was naturally regarded
-as their enemy until his death. Many other Greek cities benefited by
-his liberality; he built a theatre at Corinth and restored the bathing
-establishment at Thermopylæ; and he was even accused of making life too
-easy for his fellow-countrymen because he provided Olympia with pure
-water by means of an aqueduct, of which the Exedra is still visible.
-
-It was at this period, too, that the traveller Pausanias wrote his famous
-_Description of Greece_, a work which gives a faithful account of that
-country as it struck his observant eyes. Compared with what it had been
-in Strabo’s time, the land seemed prosperous in the age of the Antonines,
-though some districts had never recovered from the ravages of the Roman
-wars. Much of Bœotia was still in the desolate state in which Sulla had
-left it; Ætolia had not been inhabited since Octavian carried off its
-population to Nikopolis; the lower town of Thebes was quite deserted, and
-the ancient name was then, as now, confined to the ancient Akropolis,
-while the sole occupants of Delos were the Athenians sent to guard the
-temple. But Delphi was in a flourishing condition, the Roman colonies of
-Patras and Corinth continued to prosper, and among the ancient cities of
-the Peloponnese, Argos and Sparta still held the foremost rank, while the
-much more modern Megalopolis, upon which such high hopes had been built,
-shared the fate of Tiryns and Mycenæ. Moreover, despite the robbery of
-statues by Romans from Mummius to Nero, Pausanias found a vast number
-of ancient masterpieces all over the country, and even the paintings,
-with which Polygnotos had adorned the Stoa Poikile at Athens, were still
-visible. As for the relics of classical lore and prehistoric legend,
-they abounded in every city that could boast of a hero, and the remark
-of Cicero was as true in the time of Pausanias, that in a Greek town one
-came upon the traces of history at every step. In the second century,
-too, good Doric was still spoken by the Messenians; and, if the pure
-Attic of Plato had been somewhat corrupted at Athens by the presence of
-many foreign students, it was still preserved in all its glory by the
-peasants of Attica. The writings of Lucian at this period show how even
-a Syrian could, by long residence at Athens, acquire a masterly gift of
-Attic prose. The illusion of a classical revival was further kept up
-by the continuance of ancient institutions, even though they had lost
-the reality of power. Pausanias mentions the existence, and describes
-the composition, of the Amphiktyonic Council in his time, when it was
-still the guardian of the Delphic oracle. The Court of the Areopagos
-preserved its ancient forms at Athens; the Ephors and other Spartan
-authorities had survived the disapproval of Nero; the Confederacy of the
-Free Laconians, though reduced in size, still included eighteen cities;
-Bœotia and Phokis enjoyed the privilege of local assemblies. The great
-games still attracted competitors and spectators; the great oracles still
-found some believers, who consulted them; and the old religion, if it
-had little moral force, was, at least in externals, still that of the
-majority, though philosophers regretted it and enlightened persons like
-Pausanias inclined to a rational interpretation of the myths, and told
-stories of bribes administered to the Pythian priestess. Christianity
-had made little progress in Greece during the three generations that
-had elapsed since the last visit of St Paul. Mention is, indeed, made
-by the Christian historian, Eusebius, of large communities at Larissa,
-Sparta, and in Crete; but Corinth still remained the chief seat of the
-new faith, and the Corinthian Christians still retained that factious
-spirit which St Paul had rebuked. Athens, as the home of philosophy, was
-little favourable to the simplicity of the Gospel; but the celebrated
-Athenian philosopher, Aristides, was not only converted to Christianity,
-but presented an Apology for that creed to Hadrian during his residence
-in the city; while another Athenian, Hyginos, was chosen Pope in the age
-of the Antonines. Anacletos, the second (or, in other lists, fourth)
-Bishop of Rome after St Peter, is said to have been a native of Athens,
-and a third, Xystos, perished, as Pope Sixtus II, in the persecution
-of Valerian. The tradition that Dionysios the Areopagite, became first
-Bishop of Athens[15], and there gained the crown of martyrdom, and that
-St Andrew suffered death at Patras, has been cherished, and in the case
-of Patras has had a considerable historical influence.
-
-With the death of Marcus Aurelius the series of Philhellenic Emperors
-ended, and the Roman civil wars in the last decade of the second century
-occupied the attention of the Empire. Without taking an active part in
-the struggle, Greece submitted to the authority of Pescennius Niger, one
-of the unsuccessful candidates, and this temporary error of judgment
-may have induced the Emperor Septimius Severus to inflict a punishment
-upon Athens, the cause of which is usually ascribed to a slight which
-he suffered during his student days there. His successor, Caracalla, by
-extending the Roman citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Empire,
-gave the Greeks an opportunity, of which they were not slow to avail
-themselves. From that moment the doors of the Roman administration
-were thrown open to all the races of the Roman dominions, and the
-nimble-witted Greeks so obtained a predominance in that department such
-as they acquired much later under Turkish rule. From that moment, too,
-they considered themselves as “Romans,” and the name stuck to them long
-after the Roman Empire had passed away. But Caracalla, while he thus made
-them the equals of the Romans in the eyes of the law, increased the taxes
-which it had long been the privilege of Roman citizens to pay, while he
-continued to exact those which the provincials had paid previous to their
-admission to the citizenship. The reductions made by his successors,
-Macrinus and Alexander Severus, were to a large extent neutralised by
-the great depreciation of the currency, which began under Caracalla and
-continued for the next half century. The Government paid its creditors
-in depreciated money, but took good care that the taxes were paid in
-good gold pieces. The worst results followed: officials were tempted,
-like the modern Turkish Pashas, to recoup themselves by extortion for
-the diminution in their salaries; trade with foreign countries became
-uncertain, even the specially thriving Greek industries of marble and
-purple dye must have been affected, and possessors of good coin buried
-it in the ground. Amid this dismal scene of decay, Athens continued to
-preserve her reputation as a University town. Though no longer patronised
-by cultured Emperors, she still attracted numbers of pupils to her
-lecture rooms; and the name of Longinus, author of the celebrated
-treatise, _On the Sublime_, adorns the scanty Athenian annals of this
-period. That the drama was not neglected is clear from the inscription
-which records the restoration of the theatre of Dionysos by the Archon
-Phaidros during this period. But the philosophers and playgoers of Athens
-were soon to be roused by the alarm of an invasion such as their city had
-not experienced for many a generation.
-
-Hitherto, with the unimportant exception of the raid of the Kostobokes
-as far as Elateia, Greece had never been submitted to the terrors of a
-barbarian inroad since the Roman Conquest, The Roman Empire had protected
-Achaia from foreign attack, and even the least friendly of the Emperors
-had allowed no one to plunder the art treasures of the Greek cities
-except their own occasional emissaries. Hence the Greece of the middle of
-the third century preserved in many respects the same external appearance
-as that of the same country four hundred years earlier. But this blessing
-of peace, which Rome had conferred upon the Greeks, had had the bad
-effect of training up a nation which was a stranger to the arts of war.
-Caracalla, indeed, had raised a couple of Spartan regiments; but the
-local militia of the Greek cities had had no experience of fighting, and
-the fortifications of the country had been allowed to fall into ruin.
-Such was the state of the Greek defences when in 250 the Goths crossed
-the Balkans and entered what is now South Bulgaria. Measures were at once
-taken to defend the Greek provinces. Claudius, afterwards Emperor, was
-ordered to occupy the historic pass of Thermopylæ, but his forces were
-small and most of them had been newly enrolled. The death of the Emperor
-Decius, fighting against the Goths, increased the alarm, and the siege of
-Salonika thoroughly startled the Greeks. No sooner had Valerian mounted
-the Imperial throne, than they signalised his reign by repairing the
-walls of Athens, which had been neglected since the siege of Sulla[16],
-and it was perhaps at the same time that a fort and a new gate were
-erected for the defence of the Akropolis[17]. As a second line of defence
-the fortifications across the Isthmus were restored, and occupied, just
-as by Peloponnesian troops of old on the approach of the Persian host.
-But these preparations did not long preserve the country from the attacks
-of the Goths. Distracted by the rival claims of self-styled Emperors,
-Valens in Achaia, and Piso in Thessaly, who had availed themselves of
-the general confusion to declare their independence, and visited by a
-terrible plague which followed in the wake of the Roman armies, the
-Greeks soon had the Gothic hosts upon them. A first raid was repulsed,
-only to be repeated in 267 on a far larger scale. This time the Goths
-and fierce Heruli arrived by sea, and, after ravaging the storied island
-of Skyros, captured Argos, Sparta, and the lower city of Corinth. Athens
-herself was surprised by the enemy, before the Emperor Gallienus, whose
-admiration for the ancient city had been shown by his initiation into
-the Eleusinian mysteries and his acceptance of the Athenian citizenship
-with the office of Archon Eponymos, could send troops to her assistance.
-But at this crisis in her history, Athens showed herself worthy of her
-glorious past. At that time one of her leading citizens was the historian
-Dexippos, whose writings on the Scythian wars, preserved now only in
-fragments, were favourably compared by a Byzantine critic with those of
-Thucydides[18]. But Dexippos, if a less caustic writer, was a better
-general, than the historian of the Peloponnesian war. He assembled a
-body of Athenians, addressed them in a fiery harangue, a fragment of
-which still exists[19], and reminded them that the event of battles
-was usually decided by bravery rather than by numbers. Marshalling his
-troops in the Olive Grove, he accustomed them little by little to the
-noise of the Gothic war cries and the sight of the Gothic warriors. The
-arrival of a Roman fleet effected a timely diversion, and the barbarians,
-taken between two hostile forces, abandoned Athens and succumbed to
-the Emperor’s arms on their march towards the North. Fortunately they
-seem to have spared the monuments of the city during their occupation,
-and we are told that the Athenian libraries were saved from the flames
-by the deep policy of a shrewd Goth, who thought that the pursuit of
-literature would unfit the Greeks for the art of war[20]. Dexippos, who
-proved by his own example the compatibility of learning with strategy,
-has been commemorated in an inscription, which praises his merits as a
-writer, but is silent about his fame as a maker, of history—known to us
-from a single sentence of the Latin biographer of Gallienus[21]. Yet at
-that moment Greece needed men of action rather than men of letters. For
-another Gothic invasion took place two years later, and from Thessaly to
-Crete the vessels of the barbarians harried the coasts. But the interval
-had been used to put the defences of the cities into repair; and such
-was the ill-success of the invaders, who could not take a single town,
-that they did not renew the attack. For more than a century the land
-was spared the horrors of a fresh Gothic war. The great victory of the
-Emperor Claudius II over the Goths at Nish and the abandonment of what
-is now Roumania to them by his successor Aurelian secured the peace
-of Achaia. Although the three invasions had resulted in the loss of a
-considerable amount of moveable property and of many slaves, who had
-either been carried off as captives or had escaped from their Greek
-masters to the Gothic ranks, the recovery of Athens and Corinth seems to
-have been so rapid that seven years after the last raid they were among
-the nine cities of the Empire to which the Roman Senate wrote announcing
-the election of the Emperor Tacitus and bidding them direct any appeals
-from the Proconsul to the Prefect of the City of Rome—a clear proof of
-their civic importance.
-
-But the Greeks soon looked for the fountain of justice elsewhere than on
-the banks of the Tiber. With the reign of Diocletian began the practice
-of removing the seat of Government from Rome, and that Emperor usually
-resided at Nicomedia. His establishment of four great administrative
-divisions of the Empire really separated the two Eastern, in which Greece
-was comprehended, from the two Western, and prepared the way for the
-foundation of Constantinople by Constantine and the ultimate division
-of the Eastern and Western Empires. Diocletian’s further increase in
-the number of the provinces, several of which were grouped under one
-of the Dioceses, into which the Empire was split up for administrative
-purposes, had the double effect of altering the size of the Greek
-provinces, and of scattering them over several Dioceses. Thus Achaia,
-Thessaly, “Old” Epeiros (as the region round Nikopolis was now called),
-and Crete, formed four separate provinces included in the Mœsian Diocese,
-the administrative centre of which was Sirmium, the modern Mitrovitz.
-The Ægean islands, on the other hand, composed one of the provinces of
-the Asian Diocese. The province of Achaia had, however, the privilege of
-being administered by a Proconsul, who was an official of more exalted
-rank than the great majority of provincial governors. Side by side with
-these arrangements, the currency reform of Diocletian and the edict by
-which he fixed the highest price of commodities cannot fail to have
-affected the trade of Greece, while his love of building benefited the
-Greek marble quarries.
-
-After the abdication of Diocletian the Christians of Greece were visited
-by another of those persecutions, of which they had had experience under
-the Emperor Decius half a century earlier. But on neither occasion
-were the martyrdoms numerous, except in Crete, and it would appear that
-Christianity in Greece was less prosperous, or less progressive, than
-the same creed in the great cities of the East, where the victims were
-far more numerous. Constantine’s toleration made him as popular with
-the Greek Christians as his marked respect for the Athenian University
-made him with the Greek philosophers, and it is, therefore, no wonder
-that in his final struggle against his rival, Licinius, he was able to
-collect a Greek fleet, which mustered in the harbour of the Piræus, then
-once more an important station, and forced for him the passage of the
-Dardanelles. But the reign of Constantine, although he found a biographer
-in the young Athenian historian, Praxagoras[22], was not conducive to
-the national development of Greece. Adopting the administrative system
-of Diocletian, he continued the practice of dividing the Empire into
-four great “Prefectures,” as they were now called, each of which was
-subdivided into Dioceses, and the latter again into provinces. The four
-Greek provinces of Thessaly, Achaia (including some of the Cyclades and
-some of the Ionian Islands), Old Epeiros (including Corfù and Ithake),
-and Crete (of which Gortyna was the capital), formed part of the
-Diocese of Macedonia in the Prefecture of Illyricum, whereas the rest
-of the Greek islands composed a distinct province of the Asian Diocese
-in the Prefecture of the Orient. Thus, the Greek race continued to be
-split into fragments, while at the same time the levelling tendency of
-Constantine’s administration gradually swept away those Greek municipal
-institutions, which had hitherto survived all changes, and thus the
-inhabitants of different parts of the country began to lose their
-peculiar characteristics. A few time-honoured vestiges of ancient Greek
-freedom existed for some time longer; thus the Areopagos and the Archons
-of Athens and the provincial assembly of Achaia may be traced on into
-the fifth century. But their place was taken by the new local senates,
-composed of so-called _Decuriones_, who were chosen from the richest
-landowners, and who had to collect, and were held personally responsible
-for, the amount of the land-tax. This onerous office was made hereditary,
-and there was no means of escaping it except by death or flight to a
-monastic cell; even a journey outside the country required a special
-permit from the governor, and the rich _Decurio_, like the mediæval serf,
-was tied down to the land which he was so unfortunate as to own. Even an
-Irish landlord’s lot seems happy compared with that of a Greek _Decurio_,
-nor was the provincial who escaped the unpleasant privilege of serving
-the State in that capacity greatly to be envied. The exaction of taxes
-became at once more stringent and more regular—a combination peculiarly
-objectionable to the Oriental mind—and the re-assessment of their burdens
-every fifteen years led the people to calculate time by the “Indictions,”
-or edicts in which, with all the solemnity of purple ink, the Emperor
-fixed the amount of the imposts for this new cycle of taxation. That
-the ruler himself became conscious of the inequalities of his subjects’
-contributions was evident half a century later when Valentinian I
-allowed the citizens of each municipality to elect an official, styled
-_Defensor_, whose duty it was to defend his fellow-citizens before the
-Emperor against the fiscal exactions of the authorities.
-
-The transference of the capital to Constantinople, enormous as its
-ultimate results have proved to be, was at first a disadvantage to the
-inhabitants of Greece. We are accustomed to look on the centre of the
-Byzantine Empire as a largely Greek city, but it must be remembered
-that, at the outset, it was Roman in conception and that its language
-was Latin. Almost immediately, however, it began to drain Greece of its
-population, attracted by the prospects of work and the certainty of
-“bread and games” in the New Rome. In the days of Demosthenes Byzantium
-had been the granary of Athens; now Attica, always unproductive of
-wheat, began to find that Constantine’s growing capital had to import
-bread-stuffs for its own use, and the Athenians were thankful for an
-annual grant of corn from the Emperor. The founder wanted, too, Greek
-works of art to adorn his city, and 427 statues were placed in Sta
-Sophia alone; the Muses of Helikon were carried off to the palace of the
-Emperor; the serpent column, which the grateful Greeks had dedicated at
-Delphi after the battle of Platæa, was set up in the Hippodrome, where
-one of its three heads was struck off by the battle-axe of Mohammed II.
-
-The conversion of Constantine to Christianity had the natural effect of
-bringing within the Christian ranks those lukewarm pagans who took their
-religious views from the Emperor. But the comparative immunity from
-persecution which the Christians of Greece had enjoyed under the pagan
-ascendancy led them to treat their opponents with the same mildness.
-There was no reaction, because there had been no revolution, and the
-devotees of the old and the new religion went on living peaceably side
-by side. The even greater temptation to the subtle Greek intellect to
-indulge in the wearisome Arian controversy, which so long convulsed a
-large part of the Church in the East, was rejected owing to the fortunate
-unanimity of the bishops who were sent from Greece to attend the Council
-of Nice. Their strong and united opposition to the heresy of Arius was
-re-echoed by their flocks at home, and the Church, undivided on this
-crucial question, became more and more identified with the people. After
-Constantine’s death the harmony between the pagans and the Christians
-was temporarily disturbed. Under Constantius II the public offerings
-ceased, the temples were closed, the oracles fell into disuse; under
-Julian the Apostate a final attempt was made to rehabilitate the ancient
-religion. Julian seemed, indeed, to the conservative party in Greece to
-have restored for two brief years the silver age of Hadrian, if not the
-golden age of Perikles. The jealousy of Constantius, by sending him in
-honourable exile to Athens, had made him an enthusiastic admirer of not
-only the literature but the creed of the old Hellenes. It was at that
-time that he abjured Christianity and was initiated into the Eleusinian
-mysteries, and when he took up arms against Constantius it was to the
-Corinthians, Lacedæmonians, and Athenians that he addressed Apologies for
-his conduct. These manifestoes, of which that to the Athenians is still
-extant among the writings of Julian, had such an effect upon the Greeks,
-flattered no doubt by such an attention, that they declared in his
-favour, and on his rival’s death they had their reward. The temples were
-re-opened, the altars once more smoked with the offerings of the devout,
-the great games were revived, including the Aktian festival of Augustus,
-which had fallen into decline with the falling fortunes of Nikopolis.
-Julian restored that city and others like it, and the Argives did not
-appeal in vain for a rehearing of a wearisome law-suit with Corinth to
-an Emperor who was steeped to the lips in classic lore. At Athens he
-purged the University by excluding Christians from professorial chairs,
-Christian students were often converted, like the Emperor, by the genius
-of the place, and the University became the last refuge of Hellenism in
-Greece, when Julian’s attempted restoration of the old order of things
-collapsed at his death. Throughout this period, indeed, the University of
-Athens was not only the chief intellectual centre of the Empire—for Rome
-had ceased, and the newly founded University of Constantinople had not
-yet begun, to attract the best intellects—but it was the all-absorbing
-institution of the city. Athenian trade had gone on decaying, and under
-Constans, the son of Constantine, the people of Athens were obliged to
-ask the Emperor for the grant of certain insular revenues, which he
-allowed them to devote to the purchase of provisions. So Athens was now
-solely a University town, and the ineradicable yearning of the Greeks for
-politics found vent, in default of a larger opening, in such academic
-struggles as the election of a professor or the merits of the rival
-corps of students. These corps, each composed as a rule of students
-from the same district, kept Athens alive with their disputes, which
-sometimes degenerated into pitched battles calling for the intervention
-of the Roman governor from Corinth. So keen was the competition between
-them, that their agents were posted at the Piræus to accost the sea-sick
-freshman as soon as he landed and enlist him in this or that corps. Each
-corps had its favourite professor, for whose class it obtained pupils, by
-force or argument, and whose lectures it applauded whenever the master
-brought out some fresh conceit or distorted the flexible Greek language
-into some new combination of words. The celebrated sophist Libanios,
-and the poetic divine, Gregory of Nazianzos, respectively the apologist
-and the censor of Julian, have left us a graphic sketch of the student
-life in their time at Athens, when the scarlet and gold garments of the
-lecturers and the gowns of their pupils mingled in the streets of the
-ancient city, which still deserved in this fourth century the proud title
-of “the eye of Greece.”
-
-The triumph of paganism ceased with the death of Julian; but his
-successor Jovian, though he ordered the Church of the Virgin to be
-erected at Corfù out of the fragments of a heathen temple opposite the
-royal villa[23], proclaimed universal toleration. His wise example was
-followed by Valentinian I, who repealed Julian’s edict which had made
-the profession of paganism a test of professorial office at Athens, and
-allowed his subjects to approach heaven in what manner they pleased.
-The Greeks were specially exempted from the law forbidding nocturnal
-sacrifices because it would “make their life unendurable.” The Eleusinian
-mysteries were permitted to be celebrated, and Athens continued to
-derive much profit from those festivals. It was fortunate for the Greeks
-that, at the partition of the Empire between him and Valens in 364, the
-Prefecture of Illyricum, which included the bulk of the Greek provinces,
-was joined to the Western half, and thus fell to his share. His reign
-marked the last stage of that peaceful development which had gone on in
-Greece since the Gothic invasion of the previous century. A few years
-after his death the Emperor Theodosius I publicly proclaimed the Catholic
-faith to be the established creed of the Empire, and proceeded to stamp
-out paganism with all the zeal of a Spaniard. The Oracle of Delphi was
-closed for ever, the temples were shut, and in 393 the Olympic games,
-which had been the rallying point of the Hellenic race for untold
-centuries, ceased to exist. As a token of their discontinuance the
-statue of Zeus, which had stood in the temple of the god at Olympia, was
-removed to Constantinople, and the time-honoured custom of reckoning
-time by the Olympiads was definitely replaced by the prosaic cycle of
-Indictions. Yet Athens still remained a bulwark of the old religion, and
-the preservation of that city from the great earthquake which devastated
-large parts of Greece in 375 was attributed to the miraculous protection
-of the hero Achilles, whose statue had been placed in the Parthenon by
-the venerable hierophant of the Eleusinian mysteries.
-
-But a worse evil than earthquakes was about to befall the Greeks. After
-more than a century’s peace, the Goths crossed the Balkans and defeated
-the Emperor Valens in the battle of Adrianople. The Greek provinces,
-entrusted for their better defence to the strong arm of Theodosius,
-escaped for the moment with no further loss than that caused by a Gothic
-raid in the North and by the brigandage which is the natural result of
-every war in the Balkan Peninsula. But, on the death of that Emperor
-and the final division of the Roman Empire between his sons, Honorius
-and Arcadius, in 395, the Goths, under their great leader, Alaric,
-attacked the now divided Prefecture of Illyricum. The evil results of the
-complete separation of the Eastern from the Western Empire were at once
-felt. The Greek provinces, which had just been attached to the Eastern
-system, might have been saved from this incursion if the Western general,
-Stilicho, had been permitted by Byzantine jealousy to rout the Goths in
-Thessaly. As the arm of that great commander was thus arrested in the act
-of striking, Alaric not only was able to penetrate into Epeiros as far
-as Nikopolis, which at that time almost entirely belonged to St Jerome’s
-friend, the devout Paula, but he marched over Pindos into Thessaly,
-defeated the local militia, and turned to the South upon Bœotia and
-Attica. The last earthquake had laid many of the fortifications in ruins,
-the Roman army of occupation was small, and its commander unwilling to
-imitate the conduct of Leonidas at Thermopylæ. The monks facilitated the
-inroad of a Christian army. The famous fortifications of Thebes had been
-restored, but they did not check the course of the impetuous Goth, who,
-leaving them unassailed, went straight to Athens. A later pagan historian
-has invented the pleasing legend that Pallas Athena and the hero Achilles
-appeared to protect the city from the invaders. But the Goths, who were
-not only Christians but Arian heretics, would have been little influenced
-by such an apparition. Athens capitulated, and Alaric, who bade spare the
-holy sanctuaries of the Apostles when, fifteen years later, he entered
-Rome, abstained from destroying the artistic treasures of which Athens
-was full. But the great temple of the mysteries at the town of Eleusis,
-and that town itself, so intimately associated with that ancient cult,
-were sacrificed either to the fanaticism of the Arian monks who followed
-the Gothic army, to the cupidity of the troops, or to both. The last
-hierophant seems to have perished with the shrine, of which he was the
-guardian, and a pagan apologist saw in his fall the manifest wrath of
-the gods, angry at the usurpation of that high office by one who did not
-belong to the sacred family of the Eumolpidæ. Henceforth the Eleusinian
-mysteries ceased to exist, and the home of those great festivals is now a
-sorry Albanian village, where ruins still mark the work of the destroyer.
-Megara shared the fate of Eleusis, the Isthmus was left without
-defenders, and Corinth, Argos, and Sparta were sacked. Those who resisted
-were cut down, their wives carried off into slavery, their children made
-to serve a Gothic master. Even a philosopher died of a broken heart at
-the spectacle of this terrible calamity. Fortunately, Alaric’s sojourn
-in the Peloponnese was shortened by the arrival of Stilicho with an
-army in the Gulf of Corinth. The Goths withdrew to the fastnesses of
-Mount Pholoe, between Olympia and Patras, and it seemed as if Stilicho
-had only to draw his lines around them and then wait for hunger to do
-its work. But from some unexplained cause—perhaps a court intrigue at
-Constantinople, perhaps the negligence of the general—Alaric was allowed
-to escape over the Gulf of Corinth into Epeiros. After devastating
-that region he was rewarded by the Government of Constantinople with
-the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial forces in the Eastern
-half of Illyricum, which comprised the scenes of his recent ravages.
-The principle of converting a brigand into a policeman has often proved
-successful, but there were probably many who shared the indignant
-feelings of the poet Claudian[24] at this sudden transformation of “the
-devastator of Achaia” into her protector. But Alaric could not rebuild
-the cities, which he had destroyed; he could not restore prosperity to
-the lands, which he had ravaged. We have ample evidence of the injury
-which this invasion had inflicted upon Greece in the legislation of
-Theodosius II in the first half of the next century. Two Imperial edicts
-remitted sixty years’ arrears of taxation; another granted the petition
-of the people of Achaia that their taxes might be reduced to one-third of
-the existing amount on the ground that they could pay no more; while yet
-another relieved the Greeks from the burden of contributing towards the
-expenses of the public games at Constantinople. There is proof, too, in
-the pages of a contemporary historian, as well as in the dry paragraphs
-of the Theodosian Code, that much of the land had been allowed to go out
-of cultivation and had been abandoned by its owners. Athens, however, had
-survived the tempest which had laid waste so large a part of the country.
-True, we find the philosopher Synesios, who visited that seat of learning
-soon after Alaric’s invasion, writing sarcastically to a correspondent,
-that Athens “resembled the bleeding and empty skin of a slaughtered
-victim,” and was now famous for its honey alone. But the disillusioned
-visitor makes no mention of the destruction of the buildings, for which
-the city was renowned. Throughout the vicissitudes of the five and a
-half centuries, which we have traversed since the Roman Conquest, one
-conqueror after another had spared the glories of Athens, and even after
-the terrible calamity of this Gothic invasion she remained the one bright
-spot amid the darkness which had settled down upon the land of the
-Hellenes.
-
-
-
-
-II. BYZANTINE GREECE
-
-
-The period of more than a century which separated Alaric’s invasion from
-the accession of Justinian was not prolific of events on the soil of
-Greece. But those which occurred there tended yet further to accelerate
-the decay of the old classic life. Scarcely had the country begun to
-recover from the long-felt ravages of the Goths, than the Vandals,
-who had now established themselves in Africa, plundered the west and
-south-west coasts of Greece from Epeiros to Cape Matapan. But at this
-crisis the Free Laconian town of Kainepolis showed such a Spartan spirit
-that the Vandal King Genseric was obliged to retire with considerable
-loss. He revenged himself by ravaging the beautiful island of Zante,
-and by throwing into the Ionian Sea the mangled bodies of 500 of its
-inhabitants[25]. Nikopolis was held as a hostage by the Vandals till
-peace was concluded between them and the Eastern Empire, when their raids
-ceased. Seven years afterwards, in 482, the Ostrogoths under Theodoric
-devastated Larissa and the rich plain of Thessaly. In 517 a more serious,
-because permanent enemy, appeared for the first time in the annals of
-Greece. The Bulgarians had already caused such alarm to the statesmen
-of Constantinople that they had strengthened the defences of that city,
-and it was probably at this time that the fortifications of Megara were
-restored. On their first inroad, however, the Bulgarians penetrated no
-further into Greece than Thermopylæ and the south of Epeiros. But they
-carried off many captives, and, to complete the woes of the Greeks, one
-of those severe earthquakes to which that country is liable laid Corinth
-in ruins.
-
-The final separation of the Eastern and Western Empires tended to
-identify the interests of the Greeks with those of the Eastern Emperors,
-to make Greek the language of the Court, and to encourage the Greek
-nationality. But from that period down to the Latin conquest of
-Constantinople, the Imperial city grew more and more in importance at the
-expense of the old home of the Hellenes, and Greece became more and more
-provincial. But it seems an exaggeration to say with Finlay that during
-those eight centuries “no Athenian citizen gained a place of honour in
-the annals of the Empire.” To Athens, at least, belongs the honour of
-having produced the Empress Eudokia, wife of Theodosius II, whose acts
-of financial justice to her native land she may have prompted, such as
-that which, in 435, reduced the tribute of the dwellers in Greece by
-two-thirds, while she is said to have founded twelve churches in her
-native city, among them the quaint little Kapnikarea, so conspicuous a
-feature of modern Athens, if we may trust the belief embodied in the
-inscription inside. The daughter of an Athenian professor, Leontios,
-celebrated alike for her beauty and accomplishments, she went to
-Constantinople to appeal against an unjust decision which had enriched
-her brothers but had left her almost penniless. She lost her case, but
-she won the favour of Pulcheria, the masterful sister of Theodosius,
-and was appointed one of her maids of honour. She used this favourable
-position to the best advantage, gained the heart of the young Emperor,
-who was seven years her junior in age and many more in knowledge of the
-world, and had no scruples about exchanging paganism and the name of
-Athenais for Christianity and the baptismal title of Eudokia. She showed
-her Christian charity by forgiving and promoting her brothers; she kept
-up her literary accomplishments by turning part of the Old Testament
-into Greek verse; but she was accused of ambition and infidelity, the
-latter charge being substantiated by a superb apple, which the Emperor
-had presented to his wife, which she in turn had sent to her lover, and
-he, like an idiot, had placed on the Emperor’s table! She died in exile
-at Jerusalem, a striking example of the vicissitudes of human fortunes.
-Yet even in the time of her power, she could not, perhaps would not,
-prevent her husband’s persecution of the religion which she had abjured.
-His orders to the provincial authorities to destroy the temples or to
-consecrate them to Christian worship were not always carried out, it is
-true. But the pictures of Polygnotus, which Pausanias had seen in the
-Stoa Poikile at Athens, excited the covetousness of an Imperial governor,
-and the gold and ivory statue of Athena by Phidias vanished from the
-Parthenon for ever[26]; the temple of Zeus at Olympia was destroyed by
-an earthquake or by Christian bigotry, the shrine of Asklepios on the
-slope of the Akropolis was pulled down, while the heathen divinities
-became gradually assimilated with the Christian saints, in whom they
-finally merged. Thus Helios, the sun-god, was converted into Elias, whose
-name is so prominent all over the map of modern Greece; the wine-god
-Dionysos became a reformed character in the person of St Dionysios, and
-the temples of Theseus and Zeus Olympios at Athens were dedicated to St
-George and St John. By a still more striking transformation the Parthenon
-was consecrated as a church of the Virgin during the sixth century,
-and was thenceforth regarded as the Cathedral of Athens. The growth of
-Christianity is observable, too, from the lists of Greek sees represented
-at the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, while the importance of Corinth
-as the seat of the Metropolitan of Achaia is shown by the synod which
-was held there to settle a point of Church discipline in 419. In spite,
-however, of its political separation from Rome, we find Greece making
-appeals to the Pope when grave theological questions arose. At this
-period the Archbishop of Salonika was regarded as the official head of
-all the Greek provinces in Europe, yet when he seemed to the orthodox
-Epeirotes to be affected with heresy, they sent in their adhesion to Rome.
-
-Theodosius II was not content with the destruction of temples; he
-desired the final disappearance of such vestiges of municipal freedom
-as Constantine had spared. In the same spirit of uniformity in which
-he codified the law, he swept away the remains of Lycurgus’ system
-at Sparta and the Court of Areopagos. Yet, as institutions usually
-survive their practical utility in a conservative country, we are not
-surprised to find the name of an Eponymos Archon as late as 485. And the
-University of Athens still lived on, fighting the now hopeless battle
-of the old religion with all the zeal of the latest Neo-Platonic school
-of philosophy. The endowments of that school and the patriotism of rich
-Athenians, like Theagenes, one of the two last Archons, and known as
-the wealthiest Greek of his day, made up for the withdrawal of Imperial
-subsidies, and the bitter tongue of Synesios could still complain of
-the airs which those who had studied at Athens gave themselves ever
-afterwards. “They regard themselves,” wrote the philosopher, “as
-demi-gods and the rest of mankind as donkeys.” But the university
-received a severe blow when, in 425, Theodosius enlarged and enriched the
-University of Constantinople with a number of new professorial chairs.
-If his institution of fifteen professors of the Greek language and
-literature gave that tongue an official position in what had hitherto
-been mainly a Latin city, it also attracted the best talent—men like
-Jacobus, the famous physician of the Emperor Leo the Great—from Greece to
-Constantinople, which thus acted as a magnet to the aspiring provincials,
-just as Paris acts to the rest of France. The last great figure of the
-Athenian University, Proklos, whose commentaries on Plato are still
-extant, was engaged in demonstrating by the purity of his life and his
-doctrines that a pagan could be no less moral and more intellectual than
-a Christian. The old gods, deposed from their thrones, seemed to favour
-their last champion; so, when the statue of Athena was removed from the
-Akropolis, the goddess appeared to the philosopher in a dream and told
-him that henceforth his house would be her home. The famous Bœthius,
-whose _Consolation of Philosophy_ was translated by our King Alfred,
-is thought to have studied at Athens in the last years of Proklos, and
-earlier in the fifth century the charming Hypatia, whom Kingsley has
-immortalised for English readers, may be numbered among the ladies who
-at that time sought higher education at Athens and softened by their
-presence the rough manners of the masculine students. But, with the death
-of Proklos, the cause of polytheism and the prosperity of the university
-declined yet more. The shrewd young Greeks saw that there was no longer
-a career for pagans; even the rich benefactor of Athens, Theagenes, was
-converted to Christianity. Justinian dealt the university its death-blow
-in 529 by decreeing that no one should teach philosophy at Athens, and by
-confiscating the endowments of the Platonic school. Seven philosophers,
-of whom the most celebrated was Simplikios, the Aristotelian commentator,
-resolved to seek under the benevolent despotism of Chosroes, King of
-Persia, that freedom of speech which was denied to them by Justinian.
-They believed at a distance that the barbarian monarch had realised the
-ideal of Plato—a philosopher on the throne; they went to his court and
-were speedily disillusioned. Home-sick and heart-broken, they begged
-their new patron to let them return to die in Greece. Chosroes, who was
-at the time engaged in negotiating a treaty of peace with Justinian,
-inserted a clause allowing the unhappy seven “to pass the rest of their
-days without persecution in their native land,” and Simplikios was thus
-enabled, in the obscurity of private life, to compose those commentaries
-which are still studied by disciples of Aristotle[27]. Thus perished the
-University of Athens, and with it paganism vanished from Greece, save
-where, in the mountains of Laconia, it lingered on till beyond the middle
-of the ninth century. The ancient name of “Hellenes” was now exclusively
-applied to the remnant which still adhered to the old religion, so much
-so that Constantine Porphyrogenitus[28] in the tenth century called the
-Peloponnesian Greeks “Graikoi,” because “Hellenes” would have still meant
-idolaters. All the subjects of Justinian were collectively described as
-“Romans,” while those who inhabited Greece came gradually to be specified
-as “Helladikoi.”
-
-The reign of Justinian marked the annihilation of the ancient life in
-other ways than these. He disbanded the provincial militia, to which
-we have several times alluded, and which down to his time furnished a
-guard for the Pass of Thermopylæ. This garrison proved, however, unable
-to keep out the Huns and Slavs who invaded Greece in 539, and, like the
-Persians of old, marched through the Pass of Anopaia into the rear of
-the defenders. The ravages of these barbarians, who devasted Central
-Greece and penetrated as far as the Isthmus, led Justinian to repair
-the fortifications of Thermopylæ, where he placed a regular force of
-2000 men, maintained out of the revenues of Greece. He also re-fortified
-the Isthmus, and put such important positions as Larissa, Pharsalos,
-Corinth, Thebes, and Athens, with the Akropolis, in a state of proper
-defence. But these military measures involved a large expenditure,
-which Justinian met by appropriating the municipal funds. The effect
-of this measure was to deprive the municipal doctors and teachers of
-their means of livelihood, to stop the municipal grants to theatres
-and other entertainments, to make the repair of public buildings and
-the maintenance of roads—the greatest of all needs in a country with
-the geographical configuration of Greece—most difficult. The old Greek
-life had centred in the municipality, so that from this blow it never
-recovered; fortunately, the Church was now sufficiently well organised
-to take its place, and henceforth that institution became the depository
-of the national traditions, the mainstay in each successive century
-of the national existence. Yet another loss to Greece was that of the
-monuments, which were taken to Constantinople to make good the ravages
-of the great conflagration, caused by the _Nika_ sedition. The present
-church of Sta Sophia, which Justinian raised out of the ashes of the
-second, was adorned with pillars from Athens as well as marble from
-the Greek quarries, and thus once again, as St Jerome had said, other
-cities were “stripped naked” to clothe Constantinople. Earthquakes, which
-shook Patras, Corinth, and Naupaktos to their foundations, completed the
-destruction of much that was valuable, and the bubonic plague swept over
-the country, recalling those terrors of which Thucydides and Lucretius
-had left such a striking description in their accounts of the pestilence
-at Athens in the days of Perikles. The King of the Ostrogoths, Totila,
-after twice taking Rome, sent a fleet to harry Corfù and the opposite
-coast of Epeiros, plundered Nikopolis and the ancient shrine of Dodona.
-It was in consequence of this and similar raids that the Corfiotes
-finally abandoned their old city and took refuge in the present citadel,
-called later on in the tenth century from its twin peaks (Κορυφοί) Corfù,
-instead of Corcyra. The Bulgarians, a few years later, made a fresh raid
-as far as Thermopylæ, where they were stopped by the new fortifications.
-In short, the ambitious foreign policy of Justinian, the powers of
-nature, and the increasing boldness of the barbarians, contrived to make
-this period fatal to Greece. Yet the Emperor bestowed one signal benefit
-upon that country. By the importation of silkworms he gave the Greeks the
-monopoly, so far as Christendom was concerned, of a valuable manufacture,
-which was not infringed till the Norman invasion six centuries later.
-
-The history of Greece becomes very obscure after the death of Justinian,
-and the historian must be content to piece together from the Byzantine
-writers such stray allusions as those chroniclers of court scandals make
-to the neglected fatherland of the Greeks. The salient fact of this
-period is the recurrence of the Slav invasions of Justinian’s time.
-We learn that in 578 or 581 an army of 100,000 Slavonians “ravaged
-Hellas” and Thessaly[29]; in 589, under the Emperor Maurice, the Avars,
-according to the contemporary historian, Evagrios, “conquered all Greece,
-destroying and burning everything[30].” This passage has given rise to a
-famous controversy, which at one time convulsed not only the learned, but
-the diplomatic world. In 1830 a German scholar, Professor Fallmerayer,
-published the first volume of a _History of the Peninsula Morea during
-the Middle Ages_, in which he advanced the astounding theory that the
-inhabitants of modern Greece have “not a single drop of genuine Greek
-blood in their veins.” “The Greek race in Europe,” he wrote, “has been
-rooted out. A double layer of the dust and ashes of two new and distinct
-human species covers the graves of that ancient people. A tempest,
-such as has seldom arisen in human history, has scattered a new race,
-allied to the great Slav family, over the whole surface of the Balkan
-peninsula from the Danube to the inmost recesses of the Peloponnese. And
-a second, perhaps no less important revolution, the Albanian immigration
-into Greece, has completed the work of destruction.” The former of
-these two foreign settlements in the Peloponnese, that of the Slavs and
-Avars, was supposed by Fallmerayer to have taken place as the result
-of the above-mentioned invasion of 589, and his supposition received
-plausible confirmation from a mediæval document. The Patriarch Nicholas,
-writing towards the end of the eleventh century to the Emperor Alexios I
-Comnenos, alludes to the repulse of the Avars from before the walls of
-Patras in 807, and adds that they “had held possession of the Peloponnese
-for 218 years (_i.e._ from 589), and had so completely separated it from
-the Byzantine Empire that no Byzantine official dared to set his foot in
-it[31].” A similar statement from the _Chronicle of Monemvasia_[32]—a
-late and almost worthless compilation—was also unearthed by the zealous
-Fallmerayer, who accordingly believed that he had proved the existence
-of a permanent settlement of the Peloponnese by the Slavs and Avars
-between 589 and 807, “in complete independence of the Byzantine governors
-of the coast.” It was in the coast-towns alone and in a few other
-strongholds, such as Mt Taygetos, that he would allow of any survival of
-the old Greek race, and he triumphantly pointed to the famous name of
-“Navarino” as containing a fresh proof of an Avar settlement, while in
-many places he found Slavonic names, corresponding to those of Russian
-villages. Another evidence of this early Slavonic settlement seemed to
-be provided by the remark of the very late Byzantine writer, Phrantzes,
-that his native city of Monemvasia on the south-east coast, which used
-to supply our ancestors’ cellars with malmsey, was separated from the
-diocese of Corinth and raised to the rank of a metropolitan see about
-this identical time, presumably because many Greeks had taken refuge
-there from the Slavs, and were cut off from Corinth. Finally, a nun, who
-composed an account of the pilgrimage of St Willibald, the Anglo-Saxon
-Bishop of Eichstätt, in 723, stated that he “crossed to Monemvasia in
-the Slavonian land,” an expression which Fallmerayer hailed as a proof
-that at that period the Peloponnese was known by that name. It need not
-be said that Fallmerayer’s theory was as flattering to Panslavism as
-it was unpleasant to Philhellenes. But it is no longer accepted in its
-full extent. No one who has been in Greece can fail to have been struck
-by the similarity between the character of the modern and the ancient
-Greeks. Many an island has its “Odysseus of many wiles”; every morning
-and evening the Athenians are anxious to hear “some new thing”; and the
-comedies of Aristophanes contain many personal traits which fit the
-subjects of the present king. Nor does even the vulgar language contain
-any considerable Slavonic element, although there are a certain number of
-Slavonic place-names to be found on the map, including perhaps Navarino.
-Moreover, the contemporary historian, Theophylact Simokatta, makes no
-mention of the invasion of 589, though he minutely describes the wars
-of that period. Yet, as we shall see later, there is no doubt that at
-one time there was a great Slavonic immigration into Greece, but it took
-place about 746, instead of in 589, and the incoming Slavs, so far from
-annihilating the Greeks, were gradually assimilated by that persistent
-race, as has happened to conquering peoples elsewhere.
-
-But Fallmerayer was not content with wiping out the Greeks from the
-Peloponnese. He next propounded the amazing statement that the history
-of Athens was a blank for four centuries after the time of Justinian,
-and explained this strange phenomenon by a Slavonic inundation in that
-Emperor’s reign. In consequence of this invasion, the Athenians were said
-to have fled to Salamis, where they remained for 400 years, while their
-city was abandoned to olive groves and utterly neglected. These “facts,”
-which the learned German had culled from the chronicle of the Anargyroi
-Monastery[33], which, however, distinctly says “three years,” and not
-400, and refers to Albanians, not Slavs, have since been disproved, not
-only by the obviously modern date of that compilation, which is now
-assigned to the nineteenth century, and which refers to the temporary
-abandonment of Athens after its capture by Morosini in 1687, but by the
-allusions which may be found to events at Athens during this period of
-supposed desertion. Thus, we hear of an heretical bishop being sent
-there towards the end of the sixth century, and we have the seal of the
-orthodox divine who was Bishop of Athens a hundred years later[34].
-An eloquent appeal was made by the Byzantine historian, Theophylact
-Simokatta, to the city to put on mourning for the Emperor Maurice, who
-died in 602, and sixty years later another Emperor, Constans II, landed
-at the Piræus on his way to Sicily, spent the winter at Athens, and
-collected there a considerable force of soldiers. Even some few traces
-of culture may be found there in the century which followed Justinian’s
-closing of the university. St Gislenus, who went as a missionary to
-Hainault, and a learned doctor, named Stephen, were both born at Athens,
-and the former is stated to have studied there. Finally, in the middle
-of the eighth century, the famous Empress Irene first saw the light in
-the city, which had already given one consort to an Emperor of the East.
-Thus, if comparatively obscure, Athens was not a mere collection of ruins
-in an olive grove, but a city of living men and women which had never (as
-Zygomalas wrote to Crusius in the sixteenth century) “remained desolate
-for about 300 years.”
-
-The attacks of the Slavs and of the newly-founded Arabian power marked
-the course of the seventh century. In 623 the Slavs made an incursion
-into Crete, and that island, of which we have heard little under the
-Imperial rule, was also visited by the Arabs in 651 and 674. But though
-the Cretans were forced to pay tribute to the Caliph, Moawyah, they
-were treated with kindness by the politic conqueror. About the same
-time as this second Arab invasion, and while the main Arab force was
-besieging Constantinople, a body of Slavs seized the opportunity to
-settle in the rich plain of Thessaly, and it is from one of their tribes
-that the present town of Velestino, so often mentioned in the war of
-1897, received its name. Yet this tribe soon became so friendly that it
-assisted the Greeks in the defence of Salonika against a Slavonic army—a
-further proof of the readiness with which the Slavs adopted the Greek
-point of view. It is clear also that the command of the Imperial troops
-in Greece was regarded as an important post, for we find it entrusted to
-Leontios, who made himself Emperor. The Greek islands were still used as
-places of detention for prisoners of position. Thus Naxos was chosen as
-the temporary exile of Pope Martin I by the Emperor Constans II, and the
-future Emperor Philippicus was banished to Cephalonia.
-
-A new era opened for the Empire with the accession of Leo the Isaurian
-in 716. In the first place, that sovereign completed the reform of
-the system of provincial administration, which had lasted more or
-less continuously since the time of Constantine. In place of the old
-provincial divisions, the Empire was now parcelled out into military
-districts, called Themes—a name originally applied to a regiment and
-then to the place at which the regiment was quartered. The choice of
-such a title indicates the essentially military character of the new
-arrangement, which implied the maintenance of a small division of troops
-in each district as a necessary defence against the Avars, Slavs, and
-Arabs, whose depredations had menaced provinces seldom exposed to
-attack in the old times. Six out of the twenty-eight Themes comprised
-Greece, as she was before the late Balkan wars. The Peloponnese, with
-its capital of Corinth, formed one; Central Greece, including Eubœa,
-formed another, under the name of Hellas, but its capital was Thebes, not
-Athens; Nikopolis, which comprised Ætolia and Akarnania, and Cephalonia
-(the latter created a separate Theme later on, and including all the
-Ionian Islands) were two more; the Ægean Sea, popularly known as the
-Dodekannesos, or “twelve islands,” composed one of the Asian Themes, and
-Thessaly was a part of the Theme of Macedonia. Both the military and
-civil authority in each Theme was vested in the hands of a Commander,
-known as _strategós_, except in the case of the Ægean Islands, where
-the post was filled by an Admiral, called _droungários_. Under the
-_strategós_ were the _protonotários_ or “judge,” who was a judicial and
-administrative authority, and two military personages, one of whom, the
-_kleisourárches_, was so-called because he watched the mountain passes,
-like the later Turkish _derben-aga_. So far as Greece is concerned, the
-eclipse of Athens by Thebes, perhaps owing to the silk industry for which
-the latter city was famous in the Middle Ages, is a very noticeable
-feature of the new administration.
-
-Another reform of Leo the Isaurian aroused the intense indignation of
-the inhabitants of Greece. We have seen that the spread of Christianity
-in that country had been facilitated by the assimilation of pagan forms
-of worship in the new ritual. It was natural that a race, which had
-been accustomed for centuries to connect art with religion and to seek
-the noblest statuary in the temples of the gods, should have regarded
-with peculiar favour the practice of hanging pictures in churches.
-When therefore Leo, whose Armenian origin perhaps made him personally
-unsympathetic to the Greeks, issued an edict against image-worship, his
-orders met with the most bigoted resistance in Greece. It may be that
-a more searching census for the purposes of the revenue had already
-rendered him unpopular; but to those who know how strong is the influence
-of the Church in the East, and what fierce disputes an ecclesiastical
-question kindles there, the edict of the Emperor will seem ample ground
-for the Greek rising of 727. An eruption at the volcanic island of
-Santorin was interpreted as a sign of divine displeasure at the doings
-of the iconoclast sovereign; while Pope Gregory II addressed two violent
-missives to the Emperor, and probably encouraged the agitation in
-Greece, which still acknowledged him as spiritual head of the Church.
-The “Helladikoi,” as they were now called, and the seamen of the
-Cyclades fitted out a fleet under the leadership of a certain Stephen;
-and, with the co-operation of Agallianos, one of the Imperial military
-officials, set up an orthodox Emperor, named Kosmas, and boldly set sail
-for Constantinople—a proof of the resources of Greece at this period.
-But the result of this naval undertaking was very different from that
-which Greece had equipped on behalf of Constantine. A battle was fought
-under the walls of the capital between the two fleets. The Emperor Leo,
-availing himself of the terrible invention of the Greek fire, which
-had been used with such deadly effect in the recent Saracen siege of
-Constantinople, annihilated his opponents’ vessels. Agallianos, seeing
-that all was lost, leaped into the sea; Stephen and Kosmas fell by the
-axe of the executioner. We are not told what punishment was meted out
-to the Greeks, but, in consequence of the strong attitude of opposition
-which the Papacy had taken up to the Emperor, Leo in 732 deprived the
-Pope of all jurisdiction over Greece, and placed that country under the
-ecclesiastical authority of the Patriarch of Constantinople.
-
-The next important event in the history of Greece was the great plague,
-which broke out at Monemvasia in 746 and spread all over the Empire. The
-political consequences of this visitation were far-reaching. For not
-only was the population of Greece diminished by the increased mortality
-there, but it was further lessened by emigration to Constantinople,
-where there were openings for plasterers and other skilled workmen,
-and where great numbers had died of the epidemic. The place of these
-emigrants in the Peloponnese was taken by Slav colonists, and this is
-the true explanation of the Slavonic colonisation, which Fallmerayer
-placed so much earlier. In the celebrated words of the Imperial author,
-Constantine Porphyrogenitus, “All the open country was Slavonised and
-became barbarous, when the plague was devouring the whole world[35].”
-It seems from the phrase “open country,” that such Greeks as remained
-behind crowded into the towns, and that the rural districts were thus
-left free for the Slavs to occupy. And this is confirmed by the _Epitome
-of Strabo’s Geography_, compiled apparently about the end of the tenth
-century, which states that at that time “All Epeiros and a large part
-of Hellas and the Peloponnese and Macedonia were inhabited by Scythian
-Slavs.” The memory of this Slavonic occupation has been preserved by the
-Slavonic names of places, which Colonel Leake was the first to notice.
-That the Slavs excited the alarm of the Byzantine government is clear
-from the fact that in 783 Staurakios was despatched by the Empress Irene
-to crush their efforts at independence. The Empress was actuated by
-love of Greece as well as by motives of policy, for she was a native of
-Athens, like her predecessor, Eudokia. At the age of seventeen she had
-been selected by the Emperor Constantine Copronymos as the wife of his
-son, Leo IV, and the premature death of her husband left her the real
-mistress of the Empire, which she governed, first as Regent for her son
-and then as sole ruler, for over twenty years. One of the earliest acts
-of her Regency was to send the expedition against the Slavs. Those in
-Thessaly and Central Greece were forced to pay tribute; those in the
-Peloponnese yielded a rich booty to the Byzantine commander. But the
-Slavs were not permanently subdued, as was soon evident. Irene, for the
-greater security of her throne, had banished her five brothers-in-law
-to Athens, which was, of course, devoted to her, and was at that time
-governed by one of her kinsmen. But the five prisoners managed to
-communicate with Akamir, a Slav chieftain who lived at Velestino, and a
-plot was formed for the elevation of them to the throne. The plans of the
-conspirators fell into the hands of Irene’s friends, and the prisoners
-were removed to a safer place. Irene, however, was dethroned a little
-later by Nikephoros I, and banished to Mitylene, where she died. In spite
-of her appalling treatment of her son, whom she had dethroned and blinded
-in order to gratify her greed of power, tradition states that she showed
-her piety and patriotism by the foundation of several churches at Athens.
-Some of her foundations disappeared in the storm and stress of the War
-of Independence; others were removed to make way for the streets of the
-modern town; but the Church of the Panagia Gorgoepekoos, or so-called old
-Metropolis[36], which still stands, is ascribed to her, and the ruins of
-the monastery which she built and where she at one time lived strew the
-beautiful island of Prinkipo. Even with her death her native city did
-not lose its connection with the Byzantine Court. Among her surviving
-relatives at Athens was a beautiful niece, Theophano, who was married
-to a man of position there. Nikephoros, anxious, no doubt, like all
-usurpers, to connect his family with that of the Sovereign whom he had
-deposed, resolved that the fair Athenian should become the consort of his
-son, Staurakios. He accordingly snatched her from the arms of her husband
-and brought her to Constantinople, where her second marriage took place.
-But this third Athenian Empress did not long enjoy the reward of her
-infidelity to her first husband. Staurakios survived his father’s death
-at the hands of the Bulgarians a very few months, and his consort, like
-Eudokia and Irene, ended her life in a monastery.
-
-The Slavs of the Peloponnese believed that their chance of obtaining
-independence had come during the troubled reign of Nikephoros, when the
-Saracens under Haroun Al Rashid and the growing power of the Bulgarians
-menaced the Byzantine Empire. They accordingly rose, and, after
-plundering the houses of their Greek neighbours, laid siege in 807 to
-the fortress of Patras, which was the principal stronghold of the old
-inhabitants in the north-west of the country. The Slavs blockaded the
-city from the land side, while a Saracen fleet prevented the introduction
-of supplies by sea. The besieged, knowing that the fate of Hellenism in
-the Peloponnese depended on their efforts, held out against these odds
-in the hope that they would thus give the Imperial commander at Corinth
-time to relieve them. At last, when all hope of deliverance seemed to
-have disappeared, they sent out a horseman to one of the hills in the
-direction of Corinth to see if the longed for army of relief was in
-sight. His orders were to gallop back as soon as he caught a glimpse of
-the approaching Imperialists and to lower the flag which he carried, so
-that his comrades in Patras might have the glad news at once. But his
-eyes in vain searched the road along the Gulf of Corinth for the gleam
-of weapons or the dust that would announce the march of soldiers. Sadly
-he turned his horse towards Patras, when, at a spot where he was in full
-view of the walls, his steed stumbled and the flag fell. The besieged,
-believing that help was at hand, were inspired with fresh courage, and,
-sallying from the gates, inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Slavs,
-which was followed up after the arrival of the relieving force three days
-later by the restoration of the Imperial authority along the west coast.
-At that age so great a victory was naturally ascribed to superhuman aid.
-St Andrew, the patron-saint of Patras, who, as we have seen, was believed
-to have suffered martyrdom there, and whose relics were then preserved
-there, had caused the scout’s horse to stumble and had been seen on a
-milk-white steed leading the citizens in their successful onslaught on
-the Slavs[37]. The gratitude, or policy, of the government showed itself
-in the dedication of the spoil and captives to the service of the church
-of St Andrew, and the Slavonic peasants of the neighbourhood became its
-tenants and paid it a yearly rent. The Archbishop of Patras, who had
-hitherto been dependent upon Corinth, was raised by Nikephoros to the
-rank of a Metropolitan, and Methone, Korone and Lacedæmon, were placed
-under his immediate jurisdiction. The political object and result of
-this step, which was ratified by later Emperors, was to hellenise the
-vanquished Slavs by means of the Greek clergy. Moreover, the policy
-of Nikephoros in organising Greek military colonies round the Slav
-settlements in Greece, tended to check Slavonic raids. Public lands were
-bestowed on these colonists whose establishment contributed much to the
-ultimate fusion of the two races. Thus, the defeat of the Slavs before
-Patras and the wise measures of Nikephoros prevented the Peloponnese
-from becoming a Slavonic State, like Servia or Bulgaria, and from that
-date the tide, which had at one time threatened to submerge the Greek
-nationality there, began to ebb. Of this phenomenon we shall be able to
-watch the progress.
-
-A generation elapsed without a renewal of the Slav agitation in the
-Peloponnese; but about 849 a fresh rising took place. On this occasion
-the appearance of a Byzantine commander in the field soon caused the
-collapse of the rebels. Two Slavonic tribes, however, the Melings
-and Ezerits, which inhabited the slopes to the west, and the plain
-to the east of Mount Taygetos, were enabled by the strength of their
-geographical position to make terms with the Byzantine government, and
-agreed to pay a small tribute which was assessed according to their
-respective means[38]. The Church continued the work of the soldiers by
-building monasteries in the Slavonic districts, and from the middle
-of the ninth century the Greek element began to recover lost ground.
-Nearly all the Slavs and the last of the Hellenic pagans in the south
-of Taygetos were then converted, and the adoption of Christianity by
-the Bulgarians cannot have failed to affect the Slavonic settlers in
-the Byzantine Empire. Of the revived prosperity of Greece we have two
-remarkable proofs. In 823 that country raised a fleet of 350 sail for
-the purpose of intervening in the civil war then raging between the
-Emperor Michael the Stammerer and a Slavonic usurper, and this implies
-the possession of considerable resources. Still more striking is the
-story of the rich widow, Danielis of Patras. About the time of the
-Byzantine expedition against the Slavs of Taygetos, the future Emperor,
-Basil I, then chief groom in the service of a prominent courtier, was at
-Patras in attendance on his master, who had been sent there on political
-business. One day, as the comely groom was entering the church of St
-Andrew, a monk stopped him and told him that he should become Emperor.
-Shortly afterwards he fell ill of a fever, which, by detaining him at
-Patras after his master’s departure, proved to be a blessing in disguise.
-Moved by philanthropy or the prophecy of the monk, Danielis took the sick
-groom into her house, bade him be a brother to her son, and, when he had
-recovered from his illness, provided him with a train of thirty slaves
-to accompany him to Constantinople, and loaded him with costly presents.
-When, in 867, the monk’s forecast was fulfilled, and Basil mounted the
-Imperial throne, he did not forget his benefactress. He not only promoted
-her son to a high position in his court, but invited the aged lady to
-Constantinople. In spite of her age and infirmities, Danielis travelled
-in a litter, accompanied by 300 slaves, who took in turns the duty of
-carrying their mistress. As a gift to the Emperor, she brought 500 more,
-as well as 100 maidens, chosen for their skill in embroidery, 100 purple
-garments, 300 linen robes, and 100 more of such fine material that each
-piece could easily be packed away in a hollow cane. Every kind of gold
-and silver vessel completed the list of presents, which would not have
-disgraced a brother sovereign. When she arrived, she was lodged like
-a queen and addressed as “mother” by her grateful _protégé_. Basil’s
-gratitude was rewarded by fresh favours. Danielis called for a notary
-and made over to the Emperor and her own son a part of her landed estates
-in the Peloponnese. Finding that Basil had tried to atone for the murder
-of his predecessor, which had given him the throne, by the erection of a
-church, she had a huge carpet manufactured by her own workmen to cover
-the splendid mosaic floor. Once again, on the death of her favourite,
-she journeyed to Constantinople to greet his son and successor. Her own
-son was by that time dead, so she devised the whole of her property to
-the young Emperor Leo VI. At her request, a high official was sent to
-the Peloponnese to prepare an inventory of her effects. Even in these
-days a sovereign would rejoice at such a windfall. Her loose cash, her
-gold and silver plate, her bronze ornaments, her wardrobe, and her
-flocks and herds represented a princely fortune. As for her slaves, they
-were so numerous that the Emperor, in the embarrassment of his riches,
-emancipated 3000 of them and sent them as colonists to Apulia, then part
-of the Byzantine Empire. Eighty farms formed the real property of this
-ninth century millionairess, whose story throws light on the position of
-the Peloponnesian landed class, or _archontes_, at that period. Danielis
-was, doubtless, exceptionally rich, and Patras was then, as now, the
-chief commercial town in the Peloponnese. But the existence of such an
-enormous fortune as hers presupposes a high degree of civilisation,
-in which many others must have participated. Even learning was still
-cultivated in Greece, for the distinguished mathematician Leo, who was
-one of the ornaments of the Byzantine Court, is expressly stated to have
-studied rhetoric, philosophy and science under a famous teacher, Michael
-Psellos, who lectured at a college in the island of Andros, where his
-pupil’s name is not yet forgotten[39].
-
-But while the Greeks had thus triumphed in the Peloponnese, they had
-lost ground elsewhere. Availing themselves of the disorders in the
-Byzantine Empire, when the Greek ships were all engaged in the civil war
-of 823, a body of Saracens, who had emigrated from the south of Spain
-to Alexandria, descended on Crete, at that time recovering from the
-effects of an earthquake, but still possessing thirty cities. Landing
-at Suda Bay, they found the islanders mostly favourable, or at any rate
-indifferent, to a change of masters. Reinforced by a further batch of
-their countrymen, the Saracens resolved to settle there. A Cretan monk is
-said to have shown them a strong position where they could pitch their
-camp; so they burnt their ships and established themselves at the spot
-indicated, the site of the present town of Candia, which derives its
-Venetian name from the Chandak or “ditch” surrounding it. The conquest of
-the island was soon accomplished—a clear proof of the islanders’ apathy
-when we remember the heroic defence of the Cretans in more recent times.
-Religious toleration reconciled many to the sway of the Saracens; in the
-course of years a number of the Christians embraced the creed of their
-conquerors, helping to man their fleets and sharing the profits of that
-nefarious traffic in slaves of which Crete, as in former days Delos,
-became the centre. One district, which we may identify with Sphakia,
-was permitted to enjoy autonomy. For Greece the rule of the Saracens in
-Crete was a serious misfortune. Cretan corsairs ably led by Christian
-renegades, in quest of booty and slaves, ravaged the Cyclades and the
-Ionian Islands, and menaced the coast towns of the mainland, whither the
-terrified inhabitants of Ægina and similarly exposed spots migrated in
-the hope of safety. The efforts of the Byzantine government to recover
-“the great Greek island,” which was now a terror to the whole Levant,
-were for more than a century unsuccessful, and during 138 years Crete
-remained in the possession of the Saracens. Occasionally their fleet was
-annihilated, as in the reign of Basil I, when the Byzantine admiral,
-hearing that they meditated a descent upon the west coast of Greece,
-conveyed his ships across the Isthmus in the night by means of the old
-tram-road, or _diolkos_, which had been used by the contemporaries
-of Thucydides, and has even now not entirely disappeared. By this
-brilliant device he took the enemy by surprise in the Gulf of Corinth,
-and destroyed their vessels. But new fleets arose as if by magic, and
-Basil was obliged to strengthen the garrisons of the Peloponnese. His
-successor, aroused to action by their daring attacks upon Demetrias and
-Salonika, both flourishing cities which they devastated and plundered,
-equipped a naval expedition, to which the Greek Themes contributed ships
-and men, with the object of recapturing Crete. But neither that nor
-the subsequent armada despatched by the Imperial author, Constantine
-Porphyrogenitus, was destined to succeed. At last, in 961, the
-redoubtable commander, Nikephoros Phokas, restored Crete to the Byzantine
-Empire. But even at that early period, Candia began to establish the
-reputation which it so nobly increased during the Turkish siege seven
-centuries later. Its strong fortifications for seven long months resisted
-the Byzantine general; but he patiently waited for a favourable moment,
-and at last took the place by storm. The most drastic measures were
-adopted for the complete reduction of the island. The broad brick walls
-of Candia were pulled down; a new fortress called Temenos was erected on
-the height of Rhoka some miles inland, to overawe the inhabitants. Some
-of the Saracens emigrated, others sank into a state of serfdom. As usual
-the missionary followed the Byzantine arms, and the island attracted many
-Greek and Armenian Christians; the name of the latter still lingers in
-the Cretan village of Armeni; among the former were some distinguished
-Byzantine families, whose descendants furnished leaders to the
-insurrections later on. In the conversion of the Cretan apostates back
-to Christianity, an Armenian monk called Nikon, and nicknamed “Repent
-Ye” from the frequency of that phrase in his sermons, found a fine field
-for his labours. The Christian churches, for which Crete had once been
-famous, rose again, and the reconquest of the island gave to Nikephoros
-Phokas the Imperial diadem, to the deacon Theodosios the subject for a
-long iambic poem, and to Nikon the more lasting dignity of a saint. But,
-in spite of his efforts, not a few Arabs retained their religion, and the
-Cretan Mussulmans of Amari are still reckoned as their descendants.
-
-The tenth century witnessed not only the recovery of Crete for the
-Byzantine Empire and for the Christian faith, but also the spread of
-monasteries over Greece. When Nikon had concluded his Cretan mission he
-visited Athens, where he is said by his biographer to have enchanted the
-people with his sermons, penetrated as far as Thebes, and then returned
-to Sparta, where he founded a convent and established his headquarters.
-Thence he set out on missionary journeys among the Slavonic tribes
-of the Melings and Ezerits, who had again risen against the Imperial
-authority and had again been reduced to the payment of a tribute. Those
-wild clans continued, however, to harry the surrounding country, and the
-monastery of St Nikon was only protected from their attacks by the awe
-which the holy man’s memory inspired. Long after his death he was adored
-as the guardian of Sparta, where his memory is still green, and the
-Peloponnesian mariner, caught in a storm off Cape Matapan, would pray to
-him, as his ancestors had prayed to Castor and Pollux. For Central Greece
-the career of the blessed Luke the younger was as important as that of
-St Nikon for the South. The parents of this remarkable man had fled from
-Ægina, when the Cretan corsairs plundered that island, and had taken
-refuge in Macedonia, where Luke was born. Filled with the idea that he
-had a call to a holy life, the young Luke settled as a hermit on a lonely
-Greek mountain by the sea-shore, where for seven long years he devoted
-himself to prayer. A Bulgarian raid drove him to the Peloponnese, where
-for ten years more he served as the attendant of another hermit, who,
-like the famous Stylites of old, lived on a pillar near Patras. After
-further adventures, he migrated to Stiris, between Delphi and Livadia,
-where the monastery which bears his name now stands.
-
-The absorption of the Christianised Slavs by the Greeks was occasionally
-interrupted by the Bulgarian inroads, which now became frequent. Since
-the foundation of the first Bulgarian Empire towards the end of the
-ninth century, the power of that race had greatly increased, and the
-Byzantine sovereigns found formidable rivals in the Bulgarian tsars.
-About 929 the Bulgarians captured Nikopolis, and converted it into a
-Slavonic colony, which was only reconquered by considerable efforts.
-Arsenios, Metropolitan of Corfù, who was canonised later on, and was
-for centuries the patron saint of the island, where his festival is
-still celebrated and his remains repose, fell into the hands of these
-invaders, but was rescued by the valour of the islanders[40], and a
-new tribe, called Slavesians, probably an offshoot of the Bulgarians,
-made its way into the Peloponnese. The troublesome clans of Melings
-and Ezerits seized this opportunity to demand the reduction of their
-tribute, which had been raised after their last rising. The Government
-wisely granted their demand, and so prevented a formidable insurrection.
-Athens was also disturbed by a domestic riot. A certain Chases, a high
-Byzantine official, had aroused the resentment of the people by his
-tyranny and the scandals of his life. Alarmed at the threatening attitude
-of the inhabitants, who had been joined by others from the country, he
-took refuge at the altar in the Church of the Virgin on the Akropolis,
-the ancient Parthenon. But the sanctuary did not protect him from the
-vengeance of his enemies, who stoned him to death at the altar, thus
-showing less reverence for the Virgin than the ancient Athenians had once
-shown under somewhat similar circumstances for the goddess Athena.
-
-The Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who wrote about the middle of
-the tenth century, has left us a favourable sketch of the Peloponnese
-as it was in his day. Forty cities were to be found in that Theme, and
-some idea of its resources may be formed from the statement that the
-Peloponnesians excused themselves from personal service in an Italian
-campaign by the payment of 7200 pieces of gold and the presentation of
-1000 horses all equipped[41]. The purple, parchment, and silk industries,
-as well as the shipping trade, must have yielded considerable profits
-to those who carried them on, and the presence of many Jews at Sparta
-in the time of St Nikon, who tried to expel them, shows that there was
-money to be made there. His biography represents that city—of which
-the contemporary Empress, Theophano, wife of Romanos II and Nikephoros
-Phokas, was perhaps a native[42]—as possessing a powerful aristocracy,
-and as having commercial relations with Venice. The reconquest of Crete,
-by freeing the coast-towns from the depredations of pirates, naturally
-increased the prosperity of Greece. Schools rose again at Athens and
-Corinth, and from that time down to the beginning of the thirteenth
-century the country improved, in spite of occasional invasions. Thus,
-the Bulgarian Tsar Samuel captured Larissa and carried off many of
-its inhabitants, as well as the remains of the Thessalian Archbishop,
-St Achilleios, which had long been the chief relic of the place. His
-standards were twice seen south of the Isthmus, and Attica was ravaged
-by his forces. To this period we may refer the statement above quoted
-that “all Epeiros and a large part of Hellas and the Peloponnese and
-Macedonia were occupied by Scythian Slavs.” But when they arrived at
-the river Spercheios on their return march, they were surprised by a
-Byzantine army and utterly defeated. The Emperor Basil II, surnamed
-“the Bulgar-slayer,” completed the destruction of the first Bulgarian
-Empire, and on his triumphal progress through Northern and Central Greece
-in 1019 found the bones of the slain still bleaching on the banks of
-the Spercheios. After inspecting the fortifications of Thermopylæ, he
-proceeded to Athens, which no Byzantine Emperor had visited since the
-days of Constans II. The visit was an appropriate sequel to the campaign.
-For the first time for centuries the Byzantine dominions extended from
-the Bosporos to the Danube, and the Balkan peninsula once again was under
-Greek domination. In the Church of the Virgin on the Akropolis, the very
-centre and shrine of the old Hellenic life in bygone days, the victorious
-Emperor offered up thanks to Almighty God for his successes, and showed
-his gratitude by rich offerings to the church out of the spoil which he
-had taken. The beauty of the building, which he seems to have enhanced
-by a series of frescoes, traces of which are still visible, was justly
-celebrated in the next generation, and one curiosity of that holy spot,
-the ever-burning golden lamp, is specially mentioned by the author of the
-so-called _Book of Guido_, and by the Icelandic pilgrim, Saewulf. Other
-persons imitated the example of Basil, and the restoration or foundation
-of Athenian churches was one of the features of the first half of the
-eleventh century. Freed for the time from corsairs and hostile armies,
-Greece was once more able to pursue the arts of peace unhindered. During
-the great famine which prevailed at Constantinople in 1037, the Themes of
-Hellas and the Peloponnese were able to export 100,000 bushels of wheat
-for the relief of the capital. The chief grievance of the Greeks was the
-extortion of the Imperial Government, which aroused two insurrections
-after the death of Basil. The first of these movements took place
-at Naupaktos, where the people rose against “Mad George,” the hated
-representative of the Emperor, murdered him, and plundered his residence.
-This revolt was suppressed with great severity, the archbishop, who had
-been on the side of the people, being blinded, according to the prevalent
-fashion of Byzantine criminal law. Some years later, the inhabitants of
-the Theme of Nikopolis murdered the Imperial tax-collector, and called in
-the Bulgarians, who had risen against fiscal extortion like themselves.
-While Naupaktos held out in the West, the Thebans, then a rich and
-flourishing community, abandoned their silk manufactories, and took the
-field against the Bulgarians[43]. But they were defeated with great loss,
-and it has even been asserted that the victors occupied the Piræus with
-the connivance of the discontented Athenians.
-
-This surmise, which has, however, been rejected by the German historian
-of mediæval Athens, rests upon one of the most curious discoveries that
-have been made in connection with the place. Every visitor to Venice has
-seen the famous lions which adorn the front of the arsenal. One of these
-statues, brought home as a trophy by Morosini from the Piræus in 1688,
-has upon it a runic inscription, which has been deciphered by an expert.
-According to his version, the inscription commemorates the capture of
-the Piræus at this period by the celebrated Harold Hardrada, whom our
-King Harold defeated at Stamford Bridge, and who, in 1040, was commander
-of the Imperial Guard at Constantinople. In consequence, it appears,
-of an Athenian rising, Harold had been sent with a detachment of that
-force, composed largely of Norwegians, to put down the rebellion. After
-accomplishing their object, the Northmen, in the fashion of the modern
-tourist, scrawled their names and achievements on the patient lion, which
-then stood, like the lion of Lindau, at the entrance of the Piræus and
-gave to that harbour its later name of Porto Leone. It would be difficult
-to find a more curious piece of historical evidence than that a monument
-in Venice should tell us of a Norwegian descent upon Athens.
-
-Dissension among the Bulgarians led to their collapse, and Greece enjoyed
-a complete freedom from barbarian inroads for the next forty years, with
-the exception of a passing invasion by the Uzes, a Turkish tribe, who
-left no mark upon the country. Athens at this period was regarded by the
-Byzantine officials who were sent there as the uttermost ends of the
-earth, though at Constantinople Philhellenism had a worthy representative
-in the historian and philosopher Psellos, who constantly manifested a
-deep interest in “the muse of Athens.” A more curious figure, typical of
-that monastic age, was the Cappadocian monk Meletios, who established
-himself on the confines of Attica and Bœotia, and by means of his
-miracles gained great influence there. We find him descending from his
-solitary mountain to Athens to rescue a band of Roman pilgrims, who had
-taken refuge there and had been threatened with death by the bigoted
-Athenians. We hear of the convents which he founded in various parts of
-Greece, and it was to him that the land was largely indebted for the
-plague of monks, many of them merely robbers in disguise, which checked
-civic progress and injured all national life in the next century. Worse
-than this, the final separation of the Greek and Latin Churches in 1053,
-by kindling a fanatical hatred between West and East, brought countless
-woes upon the Levant, and was one of the causes of the Latin invasions
-which culminated in the overthrow of the Byzantine Empire in 1204.
-
-There now appeared, for the first time in the history of Greece, that
-vigorous race which in the same century conquered our own island. The
-Normans of Italy, under their redoubtable leader, Robert Guiscard,
-resolved to emulate the doings of William the Conqueror by subduing the
-Byzantine Empire, which seemed to those daring spirits an easy prey.
-They began by the annexation of the Byzantine provinces of Apulia and
-Calabria, and then turned their eyes across the Adriatic to the opposite
-coast. An excuse was easily found for this invasion. One of Guiscard’s
-daughters had been engaged to the son of the Emperor Michael VII. But
-the revolution, which overthrew Michael, sent his son into a monastery,
-and thus provided Guiscard with an opportunity of posing as the champion
-of the fallen dynasty. An impostor, who masqueraded as the deposed
-Emperor, implored his aid in the cause of legitimacy, and the great
-Pope, who then occupied the throne under the name of Gregory VII, bade
-the godly help in the contest against the schismatic Greeks. After long
-preparations Guiscard appeared in 1081 off Corfù, which surrendered to
-the Norman invader, and then directed his forces against the walls of
-Durazzo, now a crumbling Albanian fortress, then “the Western key of the
-empire.” Menaced at the same moment by the Turks in Asia and the Normans
-in Europe, the Emperor Alexios I made peace with the former and then
-set out to the relief of Durazzo. But he did not trust to a land force
-alone, and as the Byzantine navy, like the Turkish fleet in our own days,
-had been neglected and the money intended for its maintenance had been
-misappropriated, he applied for aid to the mercantile Republic of Venice.
-The Venetians saw a chance of consolidating their trade in the Levant,
-and, as the price of their assistance, obtained from the embarrassed
-Emperor the right of free trade throughout the empire, where the Greek
-cities of Thebes, Athens, Corinth, Nauplia, Methone, Korone, Corfù,
-Euripos, and Demetrias are specially mentioned as their haunts. But
-the aid of a Venetian fleet did not prevent the victory of the Normans
-over Alexios on the plain near Durazzo, where Cæsar and Pompey had once
-contended. The Emperor retreated to Ochrida, where, two generations
-earlier, the Bulgarian Tsar Samuel had fixed his residence, while his
-conqueror, after taking Durazzo, marched across Albania and captured the
-city of Kastoria, which was defended by three hundred English, members of
-the Imperial Guard. Recalled to Italy by troubles in his own dominions
-and by the distress of his ally the Pope, Guiscard left the prosecution
-of the campaign to his son Bohemond, who penetrated into Thessaly, that
-historic battle-ground of the Near East. But the walls of Larissa and
-the gold of Alexios proved too much for the strength of the Normans, and
-Bohemond was forced to retire to Italy. He found his father fresh from
-his triumph at Rome, which he had delivered to the Pope, and ready for
-a second campaign against the Byzantine Empire. In 1084 Guiscard set
-sail again; after three naval battles with the Greeks and their Venetian
-allies, Corfù once more surrendered to the Normans, and their leader used
-it as a stepping-stone to the island of Cephalonia. But he contracted a
-fever there, which put an end to his life and to the expedition, of which
-he had been the heart and soul. The village of Phiskardo has perpetuated
-his name, thus marking this second attempt of the West to impose its sway
-upon the East.
-
-Bohemond renewed, twenty-two years later, his father’s attacks upon the
-Byzantine Empire. In the meanwhile, as the result of his share in the
-first crusade, he had become Prince of Antioch—one of those feudal States
-which now adjoined the immediate dominions of the Eastern Emperor and
-exercised considerable social influence on the customs of his subjects.
-Aided by the Pisans, whose fleet ravaged the Ionian Islands, Bohemond
-seemed likely to repeat the early successes of his father; but Alexios
-had learnt how to deal with the Latins, and the Normans’ second assault
-on Durazzo ended in a treaty of peace, by which Bohemond swore fealty
-to the Emperor. For the next forty years Greece had nothing to fear
-from the Normans, but the evil results of the alliance with Venice now
-became manifest. The Republic of St Mark had jealous commercial rivals
-in Italy, who envied her the monopoly of the Levantine trade. When,
-therefore, concessions were made to the Pisans and the previous charter
-of the Venetians was not renewed, the Empire found itself involved in
-a naval war with the latter, from which the defenceless Greek islands
-suffered, and which was only ended by the renewal of the old Venetian
-privileges. The mercantile powers of Italy had come to treat the
-Byzantine possessions much as modern European States regard Turkey, as
-a Government from which trading concessions can be obtained. But every
-fresh grant offended some one and gave the favoured party more and more
-influence in the affairs of the Empire. Fresh Venetian factories were
-founded in Greece, and the increasing prosperity of that country had the
-disadvantage of attracting the covetous foreigner.
-
-Such was the state of affairs when, in 1146, Guiscard’s nephew, King
-Roger of Sicily, availing himself of an insult to his honour, invaded
-Greece with far greater success than had attended his uncle. The Sicilian
-Admiral, George of Antioch, occupied Corfù, with the connivance of the
-poorer inhabitants, who complained of the heavy taxation of the Imperial
-Government which in the twelfth century levied from that one Ionian
-Island about 9,000,000 _dr._ of modern money, or more than the present
-Greek Exchequer raises from all the seven, but was repulsed by the bold
-inhabitants of the impregnable rock of Monemvasia; then, after plundering
-the west coast, he landed his troops at the modern Itea, on the north of
-the Gulf of Corinth, and thence marched past Delphi on Thebes, at that
-time the seat of the silk manufacture. The city was undefended, but that
-did not save it from the rapacity of the Normans. Alexander the Great
-had, at least, spared “the house of Pindaros” when he took Thebes; but
-its new conquerors left nothing that was of any value behind them. After
-they had thoroughly ransacked the houses and churches they made the
-Thebans swear on the Holy Scriptures that they had concealed nothing, and
-then departed, dragging with them the most skilful weavers and dyers so
-as to transfer the silk industry to Sicily. This last was a serious blow
-to the monopoly of the silk trade which Greece had hitherto enjoyed so
-far as Christian States were concerned. The secret of the manufacture
-had been jealously guarded; and the fishers who obtained the famous
-purple dye for the manufacturers were a privileged class, exempted from
-the payment of military taxes. Roger was well aware of the value of his
-captives; he established them and their families at Palermo, and at the
-conclusion of the war they were not restored to their homes in Greece.
-But the art of making and dyeing silk does not seem to have died out at
-Thebes, which, fifteen years after the Norman invasion, had recovered
-much of its former prosperity. When the Jewish traveller, Benjamin of
-Tudela, visited it about 1161, he found 2000 of his co-religionists
-there, among them the best weavers and dyers in Greece, and towards
-the end of the century forty garments of Theban silk were sent as a
-present by the Emperor to the Sultan of Iconium. Although there are no
-silks now manufactured at Thebes and no mulberry-trees there, the plain
-near the town is still called by the peasants _Morokampos_, from the
-mulberry-trees which once grew upon it. From Thebes the Normans proceeded
-to the rich city of Corinth, which fell into their hands without a blow.
-Those who have ascended the grand natural fortress of Akrocorinth may
-easily understand the surprise of the warlike Normans at its surrender by
-the cowardly Byzantine commandant. “If Nikephoros Chalouphes”—such was
-his name—“had not been more timid than a woman,” exclaimed the Sicilian
-admiral, “we should never have entered these walls.” The town below
-yielded an even richer booty than Thebes—for it was then, as under the
-Romans, the great emporium of the Levantine trade in Greece—and laden
-with the spoils of Thebes and Corinth and with the relics of St Theodore,
-the Norman fleet set sail on its homeward voyage. Nineteen vessels fell
-victims to privateers, but the surviving ships brought such a valuable
-cargo into the great harbour of Palermo that the admiral was able to
-build out of his share the bridge which is still called after him, Ponte
-dell’ Ammiraglio. The Church of La Martorana as its older name of Sta
-Maria dell’ Ammiraglio testifies, was also founded by him. The captives,
-except the silk-weavers, were afterwards restored to their homes, and
-Corfù was recaptured by the chivalrous Emperor, Manuel Comnenos, after a
-siege, in the course of which he performed such prodigies of valour as to
-win the admiration of the Norman commander.
-
-The revival of material prosperity in Greece after the close of this
-conflict was most remarkable, and in the second half of the twelfth
-century that country must have been one of the most flourishing parts of
-the Empire. The Arabian geographer, Edrisi, who wrote in 1153, tells us
-that the Peloponnese had thirteen cities, and alludes to the vegetation
-of Corfù, the size of Athens, and the fertility of the great Thessalian
-plain, while Halmyros was then one of the most important marts of the
-Empire. Benjamin of Tudela tells us of Jewish communities in Larissa,
-Naupaktos, Arta, Corinth, Patras, Eubœa, Corfù (consisting of one man),
-Zante, and Ægina, as well as in Thebes, and this implies considerable
-wealth. Like St Nikon, he found them in Sparta, and we may note as a
-curious phenomenon the existence of a colony of Jewish agriculturists
-on the slopes of Parnassos. Salonika, where the Hebrew element is now
-so conspicuous, even then had 500 Jews. When we remember how rare are
-Jews in Greece to-day, except there and at Corfù, their presence in such
-numbers in the twelfth century is all the more strange. Nor were they all
-engaged in money-making. The worthy rabbi met Jews at Thebes who were
-learned in the Talmud, while the Greek clergy had also some literary
-representatives. It was about this time that the biography of St Nikon
-was composed; the philosophical and theological writings of Nicholas,
-Bishop of Methone, and Gregory, the Metropolitan of Corinth, belonged
-to the same epoch. Athens, after a long eclipse, had once more become a
-place of study. Yet, in point of wealth, Athens was inferior to several
-other Greek cities, and perhaps for that reason had no Jewish colony. We
-have from the pen of Michael Akominatos, the last Greek Metropolitan of
-Athens before the Latin conquest, who was appointed about 1175, a full
-if somewhat pessimistic account of the condition of his diocese, which
-then included ten bishoprics. Michael was a man of distinguished family,
-a brother of the Byzantine statesman and historian, Niketas Choniates,
-and a pupil of the great Homeric scholar, Eustathios, who was Archbishop
-of Salonika. An ardent classical scholar, he had been enchanted at
-the prospect of taking up his abode in the episcopal residence on the
-Akropolis, of which he had formed the most glorified idea. But the
-golden dream of the learned divine vanished at the touch of reality. It
-was said of the Philhellenes, who went to aid the Greeks in the War of
-Independence, that they expected to find the Peloponnese filled with
-“Plutarch’s men”; finding that the modern Greeks were not ancient heroes
-and sages, they at once put them down as scoundrels and cut-throats. The
-worthy Michael seems to have experienced the same disillusionment and
-to have committed the same error as the Philhellenes. Fallen walls and
-rickety houses fringing mean streets gave him a bad impression as he
-entered the city in triumphal procession. His cathedral, it is true, with
-its frescoes and its offerings from the time of Basil the Bulgar-slayer,
-with its eternal lamp, the wonder of every pilgrim, and with the noble
-memories of the golden age of Perikles which clung round its venerable
-structure, seemed to him superior to Sta Sophia in all its glory, a
-palace worthy of a king. And what bishop could boast of a minster such
-as the Parthenon? But the Athenians, “the off-spring of true-born
-Athenians,” as he styled them in his pompous inaugural address, did not
-appreciate, could scarcely even understand, the academic graces of his
-style. The shallow soil of Attica had become a parched desert, where
-little or no water was; the classic fountain of Kallirrhoe had ceased to
-run, the olive-yards were withered up by the drought. The silk-weavers
-and dyers, traces of whose work have been found in the Odeion of Herodes
-Atticus, had disappeared. Emigration and the exactions of the Byzantine
-officials completed the tale of woe, which Michael was ever ready to pour
-into the ear of a sympathetic correspondent. In 1198, he addressed a
-memorial to the Emperor Alexios Comnenos III, on behalf of the Athenians,
-from which we learn that the city was free from the jurisdiction of the
-provincial governor, who resided at Thebes, and who was not even allowed
-to enter the city, which, like Patras and Monemvasia, was governed by its
-own _archontes_. But it appears that the governor none the less quartered
-himself on the inhabitants, and had thrice imposed higher ship-money on
-Athens than on Thebes and Chalkis. Nor did the Metropolitan hesitate to
-tell another Emperor, Isaac Angelos, that Athens was too poor to present
-him with the usual coronation offering of a golden wreath. Yet, when the
-Lord High Admiral came to Athens, he found merchantmen in the Piræus,
-and the Government raised more out of the impoverished inhabitants than
-out of Thebes and Eubœa. We must therefore not take too literally all
-the rhetorical complaints of the archbishop, which are incompatible with
-the great luxury of the Athenian Court under the French Dukes in the
-next century. As a good friend of Athens, he was anxious to make the
-city appear as poor as possible in the eyes of a grasping Government,
-for in the East it has always been a dangerous thing to appear rich. As
-a cultured man of the world, he exaggerated the “barbarism”—such is his
-own phrase, which would have staggered the ancient Athenians—of the spot
-where his lot had been cast. He derided the Attic Greek of his time as
-a rude dialect, and told his classical friends that few of the historic
-landmarks in Attica had preserved their ancient names pure and undefiled.
-Sheep grazed, he said, among the remains of the Painted Porch. “I live
-in Athens,” he wrote in a poem on the decay of the city, “yet it is not
-Athens that I see.” Yet Athens was at least spared the horrors of the
-sack of Salonika by the Normans of Sicily, whose great invasion in 1185
-touched only the fringe of Greece.
-
-Then, as in the war which broke out between Venice and the Empire some
-years earlier, it was the islands which suffered. After the attack
-by the mob on the Latin quarter of Constantinople, those Latins who
-escaped revenged themselves by preying upon the dwellers in the Ægean,
-whose flourishing state had been noted by Edrisi before that terrible
-visitation. Cephalonia and Zante were now permanently severed from
-the Byzantine sway, many Italians settled there, and after succumbing
-to Margaritone, the Sicilian admiral, Corfù, then a very rich island,
-became for some years the home of Vetrano, a Latin pirate, who was
-soon the terror of the Greek coasts. As if this were not enough, Isaac
-Angelos robbed many of the churches of their ornaments and pictures for
-the benefit of his capital, such as the famous picture at Monemvasia
-of Our Lord being dragged to the Cross, and extortion once more roused
-an insurrection in the Theme of Nikopolis. His successor injured Greek
-trade by granting most extensive privileges to the Venetians, who
-secured the commercial supremacy in the Levant. The Byzantine State
-was becoming visibly weaker every day, and the re-establishment of the
-second Bulgarian Empire suggested to a bold official, Manuel Kamytzes,
-the idea of carving out, with Bulgarian aid, a kingdom for himself in
-Greece. His attempt failed, but the growth of feudalism had loosened the
-old ties which bound that country to Constantinople. The power of the
-landed aristocracy, the _archontes_, as they were called, had gone on
-growing since the days of Danielis of Patras. Their rivalries threatened
-the Greek towns with the scenes which disgraced the cities of mediæval
-Italy, and some of them, like the great clan of Sgouros at Nauplia, were
-hereditary nobles of almost princely position. Large estates, the curse
-of ancient Italy, had grown up in Greece; the Empress Euphrosyne, for
-example, was owner of a vast property in Thessaly, which included several
-flourishing towns. Moreover, that province was no longer inhabited
-by a mainly Greek population; in the twelfth century it had passed
-so completely under Wallachian influence that it was known as Great
-Wallachia, and its colonists were the ancestors of those Koutso-Wallachs,
-who still pasture their herds in the country near the Thessalian
-frontier, descending to Bœotia in the winter, and who, in the war of
-1897, were on the Turkish side. Finally a debased currency pointed to the
-financial decline of the Byzantine Government. In short, the Empire was
-ripe for the Latin conquest. It was not long delayed.
-
-
-
-
-III. FRANKISH AND VENETIAN GREECE
-
-
-1. THE FRANKISH CONQUEST OF GREECE
-
-Professor Krumbacher says in his _History of Byzantine Literature_, that,
-when he announced his intention of devoting himself to that subject,
-one of his classical friends solemnly remonstrated with him, on the
-ground that there could be nothing of interest in a period when the
-Greek preposition ἀπό governed the accusative, instead of the genitive
-case. I am afraid that many people are of the opinion of that orthodox
-grammarian. There has long prevailed in some quarters an idea that, from
-the time of the Roman conquest in 146 B.C. to the day when Archbishop
-Germanos raised the standard of Independence at Kalavryta in 1821, the
-annals of Greece were practically a blank, and that that country thus
-enjoyed for nearly twenty centuries that form of happiness which consists
-in having no history. Fifty years ago there was, perhaps, some excuse for
-this theory; but the case is very different now. The great cemeteries
-of Mediæval Greece—I mean the Archives of Venice, Naples, Palermo and
-Barcelona—have given up their dead. We know now, year by year, yes,
-almost month by month, the vicissitudes of Hellas under her Frankish
-masters, and all that is required now is to breathe life into the dry
-bones, and bring upon the stage in flesh and blood that picturesque
-and motley crowd of Burgundian, Flemish and Lombard nobles, German
-knights, rough soldiers of fortune from Cataluña and Navarre, Florentine
-financiers, Neapolitan courtiers, shrewd Venetian and Genoese merchant
-princes, and last, but not least, the bevy of high-born dames, sprung
-from the oldest families of France, who make up, together with the Greek
-_archons_ and the Greek serfs, the persons of the romantic drama, of
-which Greece was the theatre for 250 years.
-
-The history of Frankish Greece begins with the Fourth Crusade. I need
-not recapitulate the oft-told story of that memorable expedition, which
-influenced for centuries the annals of Eastern Europe, and which forms
-the historical basis of the Eastern question. We all know, from the
-paintings of the Doge’s Palace, how the Crusaders set out with the
-laudable object of freeing the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel, how
-they turned aside to the easier and more lucrative task of overturning
-the oldest Empire in the world, and how they placed on the throne of
-all the Cæsars Count Baldwin of Flanders as first Latin Emperor of
-Constantinople. The Greeks fled to Asia Minor, and there at Nice, the
-city of the famous Council, and at Trebizond on the shores of the Black
-Sea, founded two Empires, of which the latter existed for over 250 years.
-
-When the Crusaders and their Venetian allies sat down to partition the
-Byzantine Empire among themselves, they paid no heed to the rights of
-nationalities or to the wishes of the people whose fate hung upon their
-decisions. A fourth part of the Byzantine dominions, consisting of the
-capital, the adjacent districts of Europe and Asia, and several of the
-islands, was first set aside to form the new Latin Empire of Romania.
-The remaining three-fourths were then divided in equal shares between
-the Venetian Republic and the Crusaders, whose leader was Boniface of
-Montferrat in the North of Italy, the rival of Baldwin for the throne
-of the East. The Greek provinces in Asia, and the island of Crete had
-originally been intended as his share of the spoil; but he wished to
-obtain a compact extent of territory nearer his own home and his wife’s
-native land of Hungary, and accordingly sold Crete to the Venetians,
-and established himself as King of Salonika with sovereignty over a
-large part of Greece, as yet unconquered. The Venetians, with their
-shrewd commercial instincts and their much more intimate knowledge of
-the country, secured all the best harbours, islands and markets in the
-Levant—an incident which shows that an acquaintance with geography may
-sometimes be useful to politicians.
-
-In the autumn of 1204 Boniface set out to conquer his Greek dominions.
-The King of Salonika belonged to a family, which was no stranger to the
-ways of the Orient. One of his brothers had married the daughter of
-the Greek Emperor Manuel I; another brother and a nephew were Kings of
-Jerusalem—a vain dignity which has descended from them, together with the
-Marquisate of Montferrat, to the present Italian dynasty. Married to the
-affable widow of the Greek Emperor Isaac II, Boniface was a sympathetic
-figure to the Greeks, who had speedily flocked in numbers to his side,
-and several of whom accompanied him on his march through Greece. Among
-these was the bastard Michael Angelos, of whom we shall hear later as
-the founder of a new dynasty. With the King of Salonika there went too a
-motley crowd of Crusaders in quest of fiefs, men of many nationalities,
-Lombards, Flemings, Frenchmen and Germans. There were Guillaume de
-Champlitte, a grandson of the Count of Champagne; Othon de la Roche, son
-of a Burgundian noble; Jacques d’Avesnes, son of a Flemish crusader who
-had been at the siege of Acre, and his two nephews, Jacques and Nicholas
-de St Omer; Berthold von Katzenellenbogen, a Rhenish warrior who had
-given the signal for setting fire to Constantinople; the Marquess Guido
-Pallavicini, youngest son of a nobleman from near Parma, who had gone
-to Greece because at home every common man could hale him before the
-courts; Thomas de Stromoncourt, and Ravano dalle Carceri of Verona,
-brother of the _podestà_ Realdo, whose name still figures on the _Casa
-dei Mercanti_ there. Just as the modern general takes with him a band
-of war-correspondents to chronicle his achievements, so Boniface was
-accompanied by Rambaud de Vaqueiras, a troubadour from Provence, who
-afterwards boasted in one of the letters in verse which he addressed to
-his patron, that he “had helped him to conquer the Empire of the East and
-the Kingdom of Salonika, the island of Pelops and the Duchy of Athens.”
-Such were the men at whose head the Marquess of Montferrat marched
-through the classic vale of Tempe, the route of so many armies, into the
-great fertile plain of Thessaly.
-
-While the Crusaders are traversing the vale of Tempe, let us ask
-ourselves for a moment, who were the races, and what was the condition,
-of the country which they were about to enter? The question is important,
-for the answer to it will enable us to understand the ease with which a
-small body of Franks conquered, almost without opposition, nearly the
-whole of Greece. The bulk of the inhabitants were, of course, Greeks;
-for no one, except a few propagandists, now believes the theory, so
-confidently advanced by Professor Fallmerayer 90 years ago, according
-to which there is not a single drop of Hellenic blood in the Greek
-nation, but the Kingdom of Greece is inhabited by Slavs and Albanians.
-At the time of the Frankish conquest, the Slavonic elements in the
-population, the survivals of the Slavonic immigrations of the dark
-centuries, were confined to the mountain fastnesses of Arcadia and
-Laconia, where Taygetos was known as “the mountain of the Slavs.” The
-marvellous power of the Hellenic race for absorbing and hellenising
-foreign nationalities—a power like that of the Americans in our own
-day—had prevented the Peloponnese from becoming a Slav state, a Southern
-Serbia or Bulgaria, though such Slavonic names as Charvati near Mycenæ
-and Slavochorio still preserve the memory of the Slavonic settlements.
-As for the Albanians, they had not yet entered Greece; had they done so,
-the conquest would probably have been far less easy. Besides the Greeks
-and the Slavs, there were Wallachs in Thessaly, who extended as far south
-as Lamia, and who had bestowed upon the whole of that region the name,
-which we find employed by the Byzantine historian Niketas, of “Great
-Wallachia.” That the Wallachs are of Roman descent, scarcely admits of
-doubt; at the present day the Roumanians claim them as their kinsmen;
-and the “Koutso”—or “lame,” Wallachs, so-called because they cannot
-pronounce _chinch_ (or _cinque_) correctly, form one of the most thorny
-questions of contemporary diplomacy. The Jewish traveller, Benjamin of
-Tudela, who visited Greece about 40 years before the Frankish conquest,
-argued from their Scriptural names and from the fact that they called the
-Jews “brethren,” that they were connected with his own race. They showed,
-however, their “brotherly” love by merely robbing the Israelites, while
-they both robbed and murdered the Greeks.
-
-In the south-east of the Peloponnese were to be found the mysterious
-Tzakones, a race which now exists at Leonidi and the adjacent villages
-alone, but which then occupied a wider area. Opinions differ as to the
-origin of this tribe, which still retains a dialect quite distinct from
-that spoken anywhere else in Greek lands and which was noticed as a
-“barbarian” tongue by the Byzantine satirist, Mazaris, in the fifteenth
-century. But Dr Deffner of Athens, the greatest living authority on
-their language, of which he has written a grammar, regards them as the
-descendants of the ancient Laconians, their name as a corruption of the
-words Τοὺς Λάκωνας, and their speech as “new Doric.” Scattered about,
-wherever money was to be made by trade, were colonies of Jews.
-
-The rule of the Franks must have seemed to many Greeks a welcome relief
-from the financial oppression of the Byzantine Government. Greece was, at
-the date of the Conquest, afflicted by three terrible plagues: the tax
-collectors, the pirates, and the native tyrants. The Imperial Government
-did nothing for the provinces, but wasted the money which should have
-been spent on the defences of Greece, in extravagant ostentation at the
-capital. Byzantine officials, sent to Greece, regarded that classic land,
-in the phrase of Niketas, as an “utter hole,” an uncomfortable place of
-exile. The two Greek provinces were governed by one of these authorities,
-styled _prætor_, _protoprætor_, or “general,” whose headquarters were at
-Thebes. We have from the pen of Michael Akominatos, the last Metropolitan
-of Athens before the conquest and brother of the historian Niketas, a
-vivid account of the exactions of these personages. Theoretically, the
-city of Athens was a privileged community. A golden bull of the Emperor
-forbade the _prætor_ to enter it with an armed force, so that the
-Athenians might be spared the annoyance and expense of having soldiers
-quartered upon them. Its regular contribution to the Imperial Exchequer
-was limited to a land-tax, and it was expected to send a golden wreath
-as a coronation offering to a new Emperor. But, in practice, these
-privileges were apt to be ignored. The indignant Metropolitan complains
-that the _prætor_, under the pretext of worshipping in the Church of
-“Our Lady of Athens,” as the Parthenon was then called, visited the city
-with a large retinue. He laments that one of these Imperial Governors
-had treated the city “more barbarously than Xerxes,” and that the leaves
-of the trees, nay almost every hair on the heads of the unfortunate
-Athenians, had been numbered. The authority of the _prætor_, he says,
-is like Medea in the legend; just as she scattered her poisons over
-Thessaly, so it scatters injustice over Greece—a classical simile, which
-had its justification in the hard fact, that it had long been the custom
-of the Byzantine Empire to pay the Governors of the European provinces
-no salaries, but to make their office self-supporting, a practice still
-followed by the Turkish Government. The Byzantine Government, too,
-following a policy similar to that which cost our King Charles I his
-throne, levied ship-money, really for the purpose of its own coffers,
-nominally for the suppression of piracy.
-
-Piracy was then, as so often, the curse of the islands and the deeply
-indented coast of Greece. We learn from the English Chronicle ascribed
-to Benedict of Peterborough, which gives a graphic account of Greece as
-it was in 1191, that many of the islands were uninhabited from fear of
-pirates, and that others were their chosen lairs. Cephalonia and Ithake,
-which now appears under its mediæval name of Val di Compare—first used,
-so far as I know by the Genoese historian, Caffaro, in the first half
-of the twelfth century—had a specially evil reputation, and bold was
-the sailor who dared venture through the channel between them. Near
-Athens, the island of Ægina was a stronghold of corsairs, who injured
-the property of the Athenian Church, and dangerously wounded the nephew
-of the Metropolitan. Yet the remedy for piracy was almost worse than the
-disease. Well might the anxious Metropolitan tell the Lord High Admiral,
-that the Athenians regarded their proximity to the sea as the greatest of
-their misfortunes.
-
-Besides the Byzantine officials and the pirates, the Greeks had a third
-set of tormentors in the shape of a brood of native tyrants, whose feuds
-divided city against city and divided communities into rival parties.
-Even where the Emperor had been nominally sovereign, the real power
-was in the hands of local magnates, who had revived, on the eve of the
-Frankish conquest, the petty tyrannies of ancient Greece. Under the
-dynasty of the Comneni, who imitated and introduced the ways of Western
-chivalry, feudalism had already made considerable inroads into the East.
-At the time of the Fourth Crusade, local families were in possession of
-large tracts of territory which they governed almost like independent
-princes. Of all these _archontes_, as they were called, the most
-powerful was Leon Sgouros, hereditary lord of Nauplia, who had extended
-his sway over Argos “of the goodly steeds,” and had seized the city and
-fortress of Corinth, proudly styling himself by a high-sounding Byzantine
-title, and placing his fortunes under the protection of St Theodore the
-Warrior. The manners of these local magnates were no less savage than
-those of the Western barons of the same period. Thus, Sgouros on one
-occasion invited the Archbishop of Corinth to dinner, and then put out
-the eyes of his guest, and hurled him over the rocks of the citadel.
-The contemporary historian Niketas has painted in the darkest colours
-the character of the Greek _archontes_, upon whom he lays the chief
-responsibility for the evils which befell their country. He speaks of
-them as “inflamed by ambition against their own fatherland, slavish men,
-spoiled by luxury, who made themselves tyrants, instead of fighting the
-Latins.” The Emperor and historian, John Cantacuzene, gives much the same
-description of their descendants a century and a half later.
-
-Such was the condition of Greece, when Boniface and his army emerged from
-the vale of Tempe and marched across the plain of Thessaly to Larissa.
-He bestowed that ancient city upon a Lombard noble, who henceforth
-styled himself Guglielmo de Larsa from the name of his fief. Velestino,
-the ancient Pheræ, the scene of the legend of Admetos and Alcestis,
-and the site of the modern battle, fell to the share of Berthold von
-Katzenellenbogen, whose name must have proved a stumbling-block to his
-Thessalian vassals. The army then took the usual route by way of Pharsala
-and Domoko—names familiar alike in the ancient and modern history of
-Greek warfare—down to Lamia and thence across the Trachinian plain to
-Thermopylæ, where Sgouros was awaiting it. But the memories of Leonidas
-failed to inspire the _archon_ of Nauplia to follow his example. Niketas
-tells us that the mere sight of the Latin knights in their coats of mail
-sufficed to make him flee straight to his own fastness of Akrocorinth,
-leaving the pass undefended. Conscious of its strength—for Thermopylæ
-must have been far more of a defile then than now—Boniface resolved to
-secure it permanently against attack. He therefore invested the Marquess
-Guido Pallavicini, nicknamed by the Greeks “Marchesopoulo,” with the
-fief of Boudonitza, which commanded the other end of the pass. Thus
-arose the famous Marquisate of Boudonitza, which was destined to play
-an important part in the Frankish history of Greece, and which, after a
-continuous existence of over two centuries, as guardian of the Northern
-marches, has left a memory of its fallen greatness in the ruins of the
-castle and chapel of its former lords, of whose descendants, the Zorzi
-of Venice, there are still living—so Mr Horatio Brown informs me—some
-thirty representatives in that city. Following the present carriage-road
-from Lamia to the Corinthian Gulf, Boniface established another defensive
-post at the pass of Gravia, so famous centuries afterwards in the War of
-Independence, conferring it as a fief on the two brothers Jacques and
-Nicholas de St Omer. At the foot of Parnassos, on the site of the ancient
-Amphissa, he next founded the celebrated barony of Salona, which lasted
-almost as long as the Marquisate of Boudonitza. Upon the almost Cyclopean
-stones of the classic Akropolis of Amphissa, which Philip of Macedon had
-destroyed fifteen centuries before, Thomas de Stromoncourt built himself
-the fortress, of which the majestic ruins—perhaps the finest Frankish
-remains in Greece—still stand among the cornfields on the hill above the
-modern town. According to the local tradition, the name of Salona, which
-the place still bears in common parlance, despite the usual official
-efforts to revive the classical terminology, is derived from the King of
-Salonika, its second founder. The lord of Salona soon extended his sway
-down to the harbour of Galaxidi, and the barony became so important that
-two at least of the house of Stromoncourt struck coins of their own,
-which are still preserved.
-
-Boniface next marched into Bœotia, where the people, glad to be relieved
-from the oppression of Sgouros, at once submitted. Thebes joyfully
-opened her gates, and then the invaders pursued their way to Athens. The
-Metropolitan thought it useless to defend the city, and a Frankish guard
-was soon stationed on the Akropolis. The Crusaders had no respect for
-the great Cathedral. To these soldiers of fortune the classic glories of
-the Parthenon appealed as little as the sanctity of the Orthodox Church.
-The rich treasury of the Cathedral was plundered, the holy vessels
-were melted down, the library which the Metropolitan had collected was
-dispersed. Unable to bear the sight, Akominatos quitted the scene where
-he had laboured so long, and, after wandering about for a time, finally
-settled down in the island of Keos, whence he could at least see the
-coast of Attica.
-
-Thebes with Bœotia and Athens with Attica and the Megarid were bestowed
-by the King of Salonika upon his trusty comrade in arms, Othon de la
-Roche, who had rendered him a valuable service by assisting to settle a
-serious dispute between him and the Emperor Baldwin, and who afterwards
-negotiated the marriage between Boniface’s daughter and Baldwin’s brother
-and successor. Thus, in the words of a monkish chronicler, “Othon de la
-Roche, son of a certain Burgundian noble, became, as by a miracle, Duke
-of the Athenians and Thebans.” The chronicler was only wrong in the
-title which he attributed to the lucky Frenchman, who had thus succeeded
-to the glories of the heroes and sages of Athens. Othon modestly styled
-himself _Sire d’Athènes_, or _Dominus Athenarum_ in official documents,
-which his Greek subjects magnified into “the Great Lord” (Μέγας κύρ),
-and Dante, who had probably heard that such had been the title of the
-first Frankish ruler of Athens, transferred it by a poetic anachronism
-to Peisistratos. Half a century after the conquest, Othon’s nephew and
-successor, Guy I, received, at his request, the title of Duke from
-Louis IX of France—and Shakespeare in _A Midsummer Night’s Dream_ and
-Chaucer in _The Knight’s Tale_ have by a similar anachronism conferred
-the ducal title of the De la Roche upon Theseus, the legendary founder
-of Athens. Contemporary accounts make no mention of any resistance to
-the Lord of Athens on the part of the Greeks. Later Venetian authors,
-however, actuated perhaps by patriotic bias, propagated a story, that the
-Athenians sent an embassy to offer their city to Venice, but that their
-scheme was frustrated “not without bloodshed by the men of Champagne
-under the Lord de la Roche.”
-
-We naturally ask ourselves what was the appearance and condition of the
-most famous city of the ancient world at the time of Othon’s accession,
-and the voluminous writings of the eminent man who was Metropolitan at
-that moment, which have been published by Professor Lampros of Athens,
-throw a flood of light upon the Athens of the beginning of the thirteenth
-century. The only Athenian manufactures were soap and the weaving of
-monkish habits, but the ships of the Piræus still took part in the
-purple-fishing off the lonely island of Gyaros, the Botany Bay of the
-Roman Empire. There was still some trade at the Piræus, for the Byzantine
-Admiral had found vessels there. It was then guarded by the huge lion,
-now in front of the arsenal at Venice, which gave the harbour its
-mediæval name of Porto Leone, and on which Harold Hardrada, afterwards
-slain at Stamford Bridge, had scratched his name nearly two centuries
-before. We may infer, too, from the mention of Athens in the commercial
-treaties between Venice and the Byzantine Empire that the astute
-Republicans saw some prospect of making money there. But the “thin soil”
-of Attica was as unproductive as in the days of Thucydides, and yielded
-nothing but oil, honey, and wine, the last strongly flavoured with resin,
-as it still is, so that the Metropolitan could write to a friend that it
-“seems to be pressed from the juice of the pine rather than from that of
-the grape.” The harvest was always meagre, and famines were common. Even
-ordinary necessaries were not always obtainable. Akominatos could not
-find a decent carriage-builder in the place; and, in his despair at the
-absence of blacksmiths and workers in iron, he was constrained to apply
-to Athens the words of Jeremiah: “the bellows are burnt.” Emigration,
-still the curse of Greece, was draining off the able-bodied poor, so that
-the population had greatly diminished, and the city threatened to become
-what Aristophanes had called “a Scythian wilderness.”
-
-Externally, the visitor to the Athens of that day, must have been struck
-by the marked contrast between the splendid monuments of the classic age
-and the squalid surroundings of the mediæval town. The walls were lying
-in ruins, the houses of the emigrants had been pulled down, the streets,
-where once the sages of antiquity had walked, were now desolate. But the
-hand of the invader and the tooth of time had, on the whole, dealt gently
-with the Athenian monuments. The Parthenon, converted long before into
-the Cathedral of Our Lady of Athens, was almost as little damaged, as if
-it had only just been built. The metopes, the pediments, and the frieze
-were still intact, and remained so when, more than two centuries later,
-Cyriacus of Ancona, the first archæologist who had ever visited Athens
-during the Frankish period, drew his sketch of the Parthenon, which is
-still preserved in Berlin and of which a copy by Sangallo may be seen in
-the Vatican library. On the walls were the frescoes, traces of which are
-still visible, executed by order of the Emperor Basil II, “the slayer
-of the Bulgarians,” nearly two centuries earlier. Over the altar was a
-golden dove, representing the Holy Ghost, and ever flying with perpetual
-motion. In the cathedral, too, was an ever-burning lamp, fed by oil that
-never failed, which was the marvel of the pilgrims. So widespread was the
-fame of the Athenian Minster, that the great folk of Constantinople, in
-spite of their supercilious contempt for the provinces and their dislike
-of travel, came to do obeisance there. Of the other ancient buildings
-on the sacred rock, the graceful temple of Nike Apteros had been turned
-into a chapel; the Erechtheion had become a church of the Saviour, or
-a chapel of the Virgin, while the episcopal residence, which is known
-to have then been on the Akropolis, was probably in the Propylæa. The
-whole Akropolis had for centuries been made into a fortress, the only
-defence which Athens then possessed, strong enough to have resisted the
-attack of a Greek magnate like Sgouros, but incapable of repulsing a
-Latin army. Already strange legends and new names had begun to grow round
-some of the classical monuments. The Choragic monument of Lysikrates
-was already popularly known as “the lantern of Demosthenes,” its usual
-designation during the Turkish domination, when it became the Capuchin
-Convent, serving in 1811 as a study to Lord Byron, who from within
-its walls launched his bitter poem against the filcher of the Elgin
-marbles. But, even at the beginning of the thirteenth century, many of
-the ancient names of places lingered in the mouths of the people. The
-classically cultured Metropolitan was gratified as a good Philhellene, to
-hear that the Piræus and Hymettos, Eleusis and Marathon, the Areopagos
-and Kallirrhoe, Salamis and Ægina were still called by names, which
-the contemporaries of Perikles had used, even though the Areopagos was
-nothing but a bare rock, the plain of Marathon yielded no corn, and the
-“beautifully-flowing” fountain had ceased to flow. But new, uncouth names
-were beginning to creep in; thus, the partition treaty of 1204 describes
-Salamis as “Culuris” (or, “the lizard”), a vulgar name, derived from the
-shape of the island, which I have heard used in Attica at the present day.
-
-Of the intellectual condition of Athens we should form but a low
-estimate, if we judged entirely from the lamentations of the elegant
-Byzantine scholar whom fate had made its Metropolitan. Akominatos had
-found that his tropes, and fine periods, and classical allusions were
-far over the heads of the Athenians who came to hear him, and who talked
-in his cathedral, even though that cathedral was the Parthenon. He wrote
-that his long residence in Greece had made him a barbarian. Yet he was
-able to add to his store of manuscripts in this small provincial town.
-Moreover, there is some evidence to prove that, even at this period,
-Athens was a place of study, whither Georgians from the East and English
-from the West came to obtain a liberal education. Matthew Paris tells us
-of Master John of Basingstoke, Archdeacon of Leicester in the reign of
-Henry III, who used often to say, that whatever scientific knowledge he
-possessed had been acquired from the youthful daughter of the Archbishop
-of Athens. This young lady could forecast the advent of pestilences,
-thunderstorms, eclipses, and earthquakes. From learned Greeks at Athens
-Master John professed to have heard some things of which the Latins had
-no knowledge; he found there the testaments of the twelve Patriarchs, and
-he brought back to England the Greek numerals and many books, including a
-Greek grammar which had been compiled for him at Athens. The same author
-tells us, too, of “certain Greek philosophers”—that is, in mediæval Greek
-parlance, monks—who came from Athens at this very time to the Court
-of King John, and disputed about nice sharp quillets of theology with
-English divines. It is stated, also, though on indifferent authority, as
-Mr F. C. Conybeare of Oxford kindly informs me, that the Georgian poet,
-Chota Roustavéli, and other Georgians spent several years at Athens on
-the eve of the Frankish conquest.
-
-Othon de la Roche showed his gratitude to his benefactor, the King of
-Salonika, by accompanying him in his attack upon the strongholds of
-Sgouros in the Peloponnese. The Franks routed the Greek army at the
-Isthmus of Corinth, and while Othon laid siege to the noble castle above
-that town, Boniface proceeded to the attack on Nauplia. There he was
-joined by a man, who was destined to be the conqueror and ruler of the
-peninsula.
-
-It chanced that, a little before the capture of Constantinople, Geoffroy
-de Villehardouin, nephew of the quaint chronicler of the Fourth Crusade,
-had set out on a pilgrimage to Palestine. On his arrival in Syria, he
-heard of the great achievements of the Crusaders, and resolved without
-loss of time to join them. But his ship was driven out of its course by
-a violent storm, and Geoffroy was forced to take shelter in the harbour
-of Methone on the coast of Messenia. During the winter of 1204, which
-he spent at that spot, he received an invitation from a local magnate
-to join him in an attack on the lands of the neighbouring Greeks.
-Villehardouin, nothing loth, placed his sword at the disposal of the
-Greek traitor, and success crowned the arms of these unnatural allies.
-But the Greek _archon_ died, and his son, more patriotic or more prudent
-than his father, repudiated the dangerous alliance with the Frankish
-stranger. But it was too late. Villehardouin had discovered the fatal
-secret, that the Greeks of the Peloponnese were an unwarlike race, whose
-land would fall an easy conquest to a resolute band of Latins. At this
-moment, tidings reached him that Boniface was besieging Nauplia. He at
-once set out on a six days’ journey across a hostile country to seek
-his aid. In the camp he found his old friend and fellow-countryman,
-Guillaume de Champlitte, who was willing to assist him. He described to
-Champlitte the richness of the land which men called “the Morea”—a term
-which now occurs for the first time in history, and which seems to have
-been originally applied to the coast of Elis and thence extended to the
-whole peninsula, just as the name Italy, originally a part of Calabria,
-has similarly spread over the whole of that country. He professed his
-readiness to recognise Champlitte as his liege lord in return for his
-aid, and Boniface consented, after some hesitation, to their undertaking.
-With a hundred knights and some men-at-arms, the two friends rode out
-from the camp before Nauplia to conquer the peninsula.
-
-The conquest of the Morea has been compared with that of England by the
-Normans. In both cases a single pitched battle decided the fate of
-the country, but in the Morea, the conquerors did not, as in England,
-amalgamate with the conquered. The Hastings of the Peloponnese was fought
-in the olive-grove of Koundoura, in the North-East of Messenia, and
-the little Frankish force of between 500 and 700 men easily routed the
-over-confident Greeks, aided by the Slavs of Taygetos, who altogether
-numbered from 4000 to 6000. After this, one place after another fell
-into the hands of the Franks, who showed towards the conquered that tact
-which we believe to be one of the chief causes of our own success in
-dealing with subject races. Provided that their religion was respected,
-the Greeks were not unwilling to accept the Franks as their masters, and
-on this point the conquerors, who were not bigots, made no difficulties.
-By the year 1212, the whole of the peninsula was Frankish, except where
-the Greek flag still waved over the impregnable rock of Monemvasia, the
-St Michael’s Mount of Greece, and where at the two stations of Methone
-and Korone in Messenia Venice had raised the lion-banner of St Mark.
-Insignificant as they are now, those twin colonies were of great value
-to the Venetian traders, and there is a whole literature about them in
-the Venetian Archives. All the galleys stopped there on the way to Syria
-and Crete; pilgrims to the Holy Land found a welcome there in “the German
-house,” founded by the Teutonic Knights, and as late as 1532 there was a
-Christian Governor at Korone. The population was then removed to Sicily,
-and of those exiles the present Albanian monks of Grottaferrata are the
-descendants.
-
-I have now described the conquest of the mainland; it remains to speak
-of the islands, which had mostly been allotted to Venice by the treaty
-of partition. But the shrewd Government saw that its resources could
-not stand the strain of conquering and administering the large group of
-the Cyclades. It was, therefore, decided to leave to private citizens
-the task of occupying them. There was no lack of enterprise among the
-Venetians of that day, and on the bench of the Consular Court, as we
-should now call it, at Constantinople, sat the very man for such an
-enterprise—Marco Sanudo, nephew of “the old Doge Dandolo.” Sanudo
-descended from the bench, gathered round him a band of adventurous
-spirits, equipped eight galleys and was soon master of seventeen islands,
-some of which he distributed as fiefs to his comrades. Naxos alone
-offered any real resistance, and, in 1207, the conqueror founded the
-Duchy of “the Dodekannesos” (or “Twelve Islands,” as the Byzantines
-called it), which soon received the title of the “Duchy of Naxos,” or “of
-the Archipelago”—a corruption of the name “Ægeopelagos,” which occurs
-as early as a Venetian document of 1268. This delectable Duchy lasted,
-first under the Sanudi, and then under the Crispi, till 1566, while the
-Gozzadini of Bologna held seven of the islands down to 1617, and Tenos
-remained in Venetian hands till it was finally taken in 1715 and ceded to
-the Turks by the peace of Passarovitz in 1718. For persons so important
-as the Dukes it was necessary to invent a truly Roman genealogy;
-accordingly, the Paduan biographer, Zabarella, makes the Sanudi descend
-from the historian Livy, while the Crispi, not to be beaten, claimed
-Sallust as their ancestor, and may, perhaps, be regarded as the forbears
-of the late Italian Prime Minister, Francesco Crispi.
-
-The two great islands of Crete and Eubœa had very different fortunes.
-Crete, as we saw, was sold by Boniface to the Venetians, and remained a
-Venetian colony for nearly five centuries. Eubœa, or Negroponte, as it
-was called in the Middle Ages, was divided by Boniface into three large
-baronies, which were assigned to three Lombard nobles from Verona, who
-styled themselves the _terciers_, or _terzieri_. We have no English
-equivalent for the word; perhaps, borrowing a hint from Shakespeare,
-we may call them “the three Gentlemen of Verona.” But Venice soon
-established a colony, governed by a bailie, at Chalkis, the capital of
-the island, and the subsequent history of Negroponte shows the gradual
-extension of Venetian influence over the Lombards.
-
-The seven Ionian Islands naturally fall into three divisions. Kythera
-(or Cerigo) in the far South; the centred group, consisting of Zante,
-Cephalonia, Ithake, and Levkas (or Santa Maura); and Corfù and Paxo
-in the North. Of these divisions, the first fell to the share of a
-scion of the great Venetian family of Venier—a family which traced its
-name and descent from Venus, and naturally claimed the island, where
-she had risen from the sea. Zante, Cephalonia and Ithake had a very
-curious history—a history long obscure, but now well ascertained. They
-belonged to Count Maio (or Matteo) Orsini, a member of the great Roman
-family, who came, as the Spanish Chronicle of the Morea informs us, from
-Monopoli in Apulia. This bold adventurer, half-pirate, half-crusader,—a
-not unusual combination in those days—thus succeeded to the realm of
-Odysseus, which was thenceforth known, from his title, as the County
-Palatine of Cephalonia. Corfù with its appendage of Paxo, was at first
-assigned to ten nobles of the Republic in return for an annual payment.
-But, ere long, those two islands, together with Levkas, which is scarcely
-an island at all, were included in the dominions of a Greek prince,
-the bastard Michael Angelos, who had slipped away from the camp of
-Boniface, and had established himself, by an opportune marriage with the
-widow of the late Byzantine governor, as independent Greek sovereign
-of Epeiros. His wife was a native of the country; his father had been
-its governor; he thus appealed to the national feelings of the natives,
-whose mountainous country has in all ages defied the attacks of invading
-armies. A man of great vigour, he soon extended his sway from his capital
-of Arta to Durazzo in the North, and to the Corinthian Gulf in the South,
-and his dominions, known as the principality, or Despotat of Epeiros,
-served as the rallying point of Hellenism—the only portion of Greece,
-except Monemvasia, which still remained Greek.
-
-I would fain have said something of the inner life of Frankish Greece—of
-its society, of its literature, and of the great influence which women
-exercised in its affairs. But for these subjects there is no time left.
-I would only add, in conclusion, that the Frankish conquest of Greece
-affords the clue to one of the vexed problems of modern literature—the
-second part of Goethe’s _Faust_, which an American scholar, Dr Schmitt,
-has shown to have been inspired by the account given in the _Chronicle of
-the Morea_, a work which was first printed by Buchon in 1825, at the time
-when Goethe was engaged on that part of his famous tragedy. Its origin
-is obvious from the following lines, which he puts into the mouth of his
-hero:
-
-    I hail you Dukes, as forth ye sally
-    Beneath the rule of Sparta’s Queen[44]!
-    Thine, German, be the hand that forges
-    Defence for Corinth and her bays:
-    Achaia, with its hundred gorges,
-    I give thee, Goth, to hold and raise.
-    Towards Elis, Franks, direct your motion;
-    Messene be the Saxon’s state:
-    The Norman claim and sweep the Ocean,
-    And Argolis again make great.
-
-
-2. FRANKISH SOCIETY IN GREECE
-
-We saw in the last essay, how at the beginning of the thirteenth century
-a small body of Franks conquered nearly the whole of Greece, and how,
-as the result of their conquests, a group of Latin states sprang into
-existence in that country—the Duchies of Athens and of the Archipelago,
-the principality of Achaia, the County Palatine of Cephalonia, the three
-baronies of Eubœa, and the Venetian colony of Crete, while at two points
-alone—in the mountains of Epeiros and on the isolated rock of Monemvasia,
-so well-known to our ancestors as the place whence they obtained their
-Malmsey wine—the Greek flag still waved. In the present essay, I would
-give some account of Frankish organisation, political and ecclesiastical,
-of Frankish society, and of Frankish literature.
-
-The usual tendency of the desperately logical Latin intellect, when
-brought face to face with a new set of political conditions, is to frame
-a paper constitution, absolutely perfect in theory, and absolutely
-unworkable in practice. But the French noblemen whom an extraordinary
-accident had converted into Spartan and Athenian law-givers, resisted
-this temptation, nor did they seek inspiration from the laws of Solon
-and Lycurgus. They fortunately possessed a model, the _Assizes of
-Jerusalem_ which had been drawn up a century before for that Kingdom,
-and which, under the name of the _Book of the Customs of the Empire of
-Romania_—a work still preserved in a Venetian version of 1452 drawn
-up for the island of Eubœa—was applied to all the Frankish states in
-Greece. This feudal constitution, barbarous as it may seem to our modern
-ideas, seems to have worked well; at any rate, it was tried by the best
-test, that of experience, and lasted, with one small amendment, for 250
-years. In Achaia, about which we have most information, a commission
-was appointed, consisting of two Latin bishops, two bannerets, and five
-leading Greeks, under the presidency of Geoffroy de Villehardouin, for
-the purpose of dividing the Morea into fiefs and of assigning these to
-the members of the conquering force according to their wealth and the
-numbers of their followers, and the book, or “register” as the Chronicler
-calls it, containing the report of this commission, was then laid before
-a Parliament, held at Andravida, or Andreville, in Elis, now a small
-village which the traveller passes in the train between Patras and
-Olympia, but then the capital of the principality of Achaia.
-
-According to this Achaian Doomsday-book, twelve baronies, whose number
-recalls the twelve peers of Charlemagne, were created, their holders,
-with the other lieges, forming a High Court, which not only advised the
-Prince in political matters but acted as a judicial tribunal for the
-decision of feudal questions. In the creation of these twelve baronies
-due regard was paid to the fact that the Franks were a military colony
-in the midst of an alien, and possibly hostile, population, spread over
-a country possessing remarkable strategic positions. Later on, after the
-distribution of the baronies, strong castles were erected in each upon
-some natural coign of vantage, from which the baron could overawe the
-surrounding country. The main object of this system may be seen from the
-name of the famous Arcadian fortress of Matagrifon, a name given also to
-our Richard I’s castle at Messina[45], (“Kill-Greek,” the Greeks being
-usually called _Grifon_ by the French chroniclers), built near the modern
-Demetsana by the baron of Akova, Gautier de Rozières, to protect the rich
-valley of the Alpheios. The splendid remains of the castle of Karytaina,
-the Greek Toledo, which dominates the gorge of that classic river, which
-the Franks called _Charbon_, still mark the spot where Hugues de Bruyères
-and his son Geoffroy built a stronghold out of the ruins of the Hellenic
-Brenthe to terrify the Slavs of Skorta, the ancient Gortys and the home
-of the late Greek Prime Minister, Delyannes. The special importance
-of these two baronies was demonstrated by the bestowal of 24 knights’
-fees upon the former and of 22 upon the latter. The castle-crowned hill
-of Passavâ, so-called, not, as Fallmerayer imagined, from a Slavonic
-Passau, but from the French war-cry _Passe Avant_, still reminds us how
-Jean de Neuilly, hereditary marshal of Achaia and holder of four fiefs,
-once watched the restless men of Maina; and, if earthquakes have left no
-mediæval buildings at Vostitza, the classic Aigion, where Hugues de Lille
-de Charpigny received eight knights’ fees, his family name still survives
-in the village of Kerpine, now a station on the funicular railway between
-Diakophto and Kalavryta. At Kalavryta itself Othon de Tournay, and at
-Chalandritza to the south of Patras Audebert de la Trémouille, scion of
-a family famous in the history of France, were established, with twelve
-and four fiefs respectively. Veligosti near Megalopolis with four fell
-to the share of the Belgian Matthieu de Valaincourt de Mons, and Nikli
-near Tegea with six to that of Guillaume de Morlay. Guy de Nivelet kept
-the Tzakones of Leonidi in check and watched the plain of Lakonia from
-his barony of Geraki with its six fiefs—a castle which has been surveyed
-by the British School at Athens—and Gritzena, entrusted to a baron
-named Luke with four fiefs depending on it guarded the ravines of the
-mountainous region round Kalamata. Patras became the barony of Guillaume
-Aleman, a member of a Provençal family still existing at Corfù, and the
-bold baron did not scruple to build his castle out of the house and
-church of the Latin Archbishop. Finally, the dozen was completed by the
-fiefs of Kalamata and Kyparissia (or Arkadia, as it was called in the
-Middle Ages, when what we call Arcadia was known as Mesarea) which became
-the barony of Geoffroy de Villehardouin. In addition to these twelve
-temporal peers there were seven ecclesiastical barons, whose sees were
-carved out on the lines of the existing Greek organisation, and of whom
-Antelme of Clugny, Latin Archbishop of Patras and Primate of Achaia was
-the chief. The Archbishop received eight knights’ fees, the bishops four
-a piece, and the same number was assigned to each of the three great
-Military Orders of the Teutonic Knights, the Knights of St John, and
-the Templars. When, a century later, the Templars were dissolved, their
-possessions went to the Knights of St John. In Elis was the domain of the
-Prince, and his usual residence, when he was not at Andravida, was at
-Lacedæmonia, or La Crémonie, as the Franks called it.
-
-After the distribution of the baronies came the assignment of military
-service. All vassals were liable to render four months’ service in the
-field, and to spend four months in garrison (from which the prelates
-and the three Military Orders were alone exempted), and even during the
-remaining four months, which they could pass at home, they were expected
-to hold themselves ready to obey the summons of the Prince. After the
-age of 60, personal service was no longer required; but the vassal must
-send his son, or, if he had no son, some one else in his stead. Thus
-the Franks were on a constant war footing; their whole organisation
-was military—a fact which explains the ease with which they held down
-the unwarlike Greeks, so many times their superiors in numbers. This
-military organisation had, however, as the eminent modern Greek historian
-Paparregopoulos has pointed out, the effect of making the Greeks, too,
-imbibe in course of time something of the spirit of their conquerors.
-It is thus that we may explain the extraordinary contrast between the
-tameness with which the Greeks accepted the Frankish domination, and
-their frequent rebellions against that of the Turks. All over the Levant
-and even in Italy the Frankish chivalry of Achaia became famous. They
-fought against the luckless Conradin at Tagliacozzo, and the ruse, which
-won that battle and which Dante has ascribed to Erard de Valéry, is
-attributed by the _Chronicle of the Morea_ to Prince William of Achaia.
-Round the Prince there grew up a hierarchy of great officials with
-high-sounding titles, to which the Greeks had no difficulty in fitting
-Byzantine equivalents. The Prince himself bore a sceptre, as the symbol
-of his office, when he presided over the sessions of the High Court.
-
-We learn from the _Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania_
-something about the way in which the feudal system worked in the
-principality of Achaia. Society was there composed of six main
-elements—the Prince, the holders of the twelve great baronies, the
-greater and lesser vassals (among whom were some Greeks), the freemen,
-and the serfs. The Prince and his twelve peers alone had the power of
-inflicting capital punishment; but even the Prince could not punish any
-of the barons without the consent of the greater vassals. If he were
-taken prisoner in battle, he could call upon his vassals to become
-hostages in his place, until he had raised the amount of his ransom. No
-one, except the twelve peers, was allowed to build a castle in Achaia
-without his permission, and without it any vassal, who left the country
-and stayed abroad, was liable to lose his fief. Leave of absence was,
-however, never refused if the vassal wished to claim the succession to
-a fief abroad, to contract a marriage, or to make a pilgrimage to the
-Holy Sepulchre, or to the Churches of St Peter and St Paul in Rome or
-to that of St James at Compostella. But in such cases the vassals must
-return within two years and two days. The vassals were of two classes,
-the greater (or _ligii_) and the lesser (or _homines plani homagii_),
-who took no part in the Council of the Prince. A liege could not sell
-his fief without the Prince’s consent; but if the liege were a widow—for
-the Salic Law did not obtain in Frankish Greece, and ladies often held
-important fiefs—she might marry whom she pleased, except only an enemy of
-the Prince. When a fief fell vacant, the successor must needs appear to
-advance his claim within a year and a day if he were in Achaia, within
-two years and two days if he were abroad. It was the tricky application
-of this rule which led to the succession of Geoffroy de Villehardouin
-to the throne of Achaia. Champlitte had been summoned away to claim a
-fief in France, and had requested his trusted comrade in arms to act
-as his viceroy till he had sent a relative to take his place. When the
-news reached the Morea that a young cousin of Champlitte was on his way,
-Geoffroy resolved to use artifice in order to prevent his arrival in
-time. He accordingly begged the Doge to assist him, and the latter, who
-had excellent reasons for remaining on good terms with him, managed to
-entertain his passing guest at Venice for more than two months. When, at
-last, young Robert de Champlitte put to sea, the ship’s captain received
-orders to leave him ashore at Corfù, and it was with difficulty that he
-managed to obtain a passage from there to the Morea. When he landed there
-he had, however, a few days still in hand; but the crafty Villehardouin
-managed by marching rapidly from one place to another to avoid meeting
-him till the full term prescribed by the feudal pact had expired. He was
-then informed that he had forfeited the principality, which thus fell
-to Villehardouin by a legal quibble. The pious did not, however, forget
-to point out later on, that the crime of the founder of the dynasty was
-visited upon his family to the third and fourth generation, as we shall
-see in the sequel.
-
-There was a great difference between feudal society in Achaia and in the
-Duchy of Athens. While in the principality the Prince was merely _primus
-inter pares_, at Athens the “Great Lord” had at the most one exalted
-noble, the head of the great house of St Omer, near his throne. It is
-obvious from the silence of all the authorities, that the Burgundians
-who settled with Othon de la Roche in his Greek dominions were men of
-inferior social position to himself—a fact further demonstrated by
-the comparative lack in Attica and Bœotia of those baronial castles,
-so common in the Morea. Indeed, it is probable that, in one respect,
-the Court of Athens under the De la Roche resembled the Court of the
-late King George, namely, that there was no one, except the members of
-his own family, with whom the ruler could associate on equal terms.
-But in Frankish, as in modern Athens, the family of the sovereign was
-soon numerous enough to form a coterie of its own. The news of their
-relative’s astounding fortune attracted to Attica several members of his
-clan from their home in Burgundy; they doubtless received their share
-of the good things, which had fallen to Othon; one nephew divided with
-his uncle the lordship of Thebes, another more distant kinsman became
-commander of the castle of Athens. Other Burgundians will doubtless have
-followed in their wake, for in the thirteenth century Greece, or “New
-France,” as Pope Honorius III called it, was to the younger sons of
-French noble houses what the British colonies were fifty years ago to
-impecunious but energetic Englishmen. The elder Sanudo, who derived his
-information from his relatives, the Dukes of Naxos, specially tells us
-that this was the case at the Achaian Court. He says of Geoffroy II of
-Achaia, that “he possessed a broad domain and great riches; he was wont
-to send his most confidential advisers from time to time to the Courts of
-his vassals, to see how they lived, and how they treated their subjects.
-At his own Court he constantly maintained 80 knights with golden spurs,
-to whom he gave their pay and all that they required; so knights came
-from France, from Burgundy, and above all from Champagne. Some came to
-amuse themselves, others to pay their debts; others because of crimes
-which they had committed at home.”
-
-There was another marked distinction between Attica and the Morea.
-Niketas mentions no great local magnates as settled at Athens or Thebes
-in the last days of the Byzantine domination, nor do we hear of such
-during the whole century of Burgundian rule. Thus, whereas Crete,
-Negroponte, and the Morea still retained old native families, which in
-Crete headed insurrections, in Negroponte showed a tendency to emigrate,
-and in the Morea held fiefs and even occasionally, as in the case of the
-Sgouromallaioi, intermarried with the Franks, who usually, as Muntaner
-tells us, took their wives from France and despised marriages with Greeks
-even of high degree, Athens contained no such native aristocracy. It
-is only towards the close of the fourteenth century that we hear of any
-Greeks prominent there, and then they are not nobles, but notaries. Only
-in the last two generations of Latin rule, is there a national party at
-Athens, in which the famous family of Chalkokondyles, which produced
-the last Athenian historian, was prominent. The Greeks of Attica were,
-therefore, mostly peasants, whose lot was much the same as it was all
-over the feudal world, namely that of serfdom. We have examples, too,
-of actual slavery at Athens, even in the last decades of the Latin
-domination.
-
-Othon’s dominions were large, if measured by the small standard of
-classical Greece. Burgundian Athens embraced Attica, Bœotia, the Megarid,
-the ancient Opuntian Lokris, and the fortresses of Nauplia and Argos,
-which the “Great Lord” had received as a fief from the principality
-of Achaia in return for his services at the time of their capture.
-Thus situated, the Athenian state had a considerable coast-line and at
-least four ports—the Piræus, Nauplia, the harbour of Atalante opposite
-Eubœa, and Livadostro, or Rive d’Ostre, as the Franks called it, on
-the Gulf of Corinth—the usual port of embarkation for the West. Yet
-the Burgundian rulers of Athens made little attempt to create a navy,
-confining themselves to a little amateur piracy. Venice was most jealous
-of any other Latin state, which showed any desire to rival her as a
-maritime power in the Levant, and in a treaty concluded in 1319 between
-the Republic and the Catalans, who then held the Duchy of Athens, it was
-expressly provided that they should launch no new ships in “the sea of
-Athens” and should dismantle those already afloat and place their tackle
-in the Akropolis.
-
-We are not told where the first Frankish ruler of Athens resided, but
-there can be no doubt that, like his immediate successors, he fixed his
-capital at Thebes—for it was not till the time of the Florentine Dukes
-in the fifteenth century that the Propylæa at Athens became the ducal
-palace. The old Bœotian city continued, under the Burgundian dynasty, to
-be the most important place in the Athenian Duchy. The silk manufacture
-still continued there; for it is specially mentioned in the commercial
-treaty which Guy I of Athens concluded with the Genoese in 1240, and we
-hear of a gift of 20 silken garments from Guy II to Pope Boniface VIII.
-The town contained both a Genoese and a Jewish colony, and it was a nest
-of Hebrew poets, whose verses, if we may believe a rival bard, were one
-mass of barbarisms. But the great feature of Thebes was the castle, built
-by Nicholas II de St Omer out of the vast fortune of his wife, Princess
-Marie of Antioch. This huge building is described as “the finest baronial
-mansion in all the realm of Romania”; it contained sufficient rooms
-for an Emperor and his court, and the walls were covered with frescoes
-illustrating the conquest of the Holy Land, in which the ancestors of
-the Great Theban baron had played a prominent part. Unhappily, the great
-castle of Thebes was destroyed by the Catalans in the fourteenth century,
-and one stumpy tower alone remains to preserve, like the Santameri
-mountains in the Morea, the name and fame of the great Frankish family of
-St Omer.
-
-I have spoken of the political organisation of the two chief Frankish
-states of Greece; I would next say something of their ecclesiastical
-arrangements. The policy of the Franks towards the Greek Church was more
-than anything else the determining factor of their success or failure
-in Greece, for in all ages the Greeks have regarded their Church as
-inseparably identified with their nationality, and even to-day the terms
-“Christian” and “Greek” are often used as identical terms. Now, as that
-fair-minded modern Greek historian, Paparregopoulos, has pointed out,
-the Franks were confronted at the outset with an ecclesiastical dilemma,
-from which there was no escape. Either they must persecute the Orthodox
-Church, in which case they would make bitter enemies of the persecuted
-clergy and of the Nicene and Byzantine Emperors; or they must tolerate
-it, in which case their Greek subjects would find natural leaders in
-the Orthodox bishops, who would sooner or later conspire against their
-foreign rulers. This was exactly what happened as soon as the Franks
-abandoned the policy of persecution for that of toleration. At first,
-they simply annexed the existing Greek ecclesiastical organisation, which
-had subsisted, with one or two small changes, ever since the days of the
-Emperor Leo the Philosopher, ousted the Orthodox hierarchy from their
-sees, and installed in their places Catholic ecclesiastics from the West.
-
-Thus, at Athens, a Frenchman, named Bérard, became the first Catholic
-Archbishop of Athens, and thus began that long series which existed
-without a break till the time of the Turkish conquest and was
-subsequently renewed in 1875. Later on, however, when the Florentine
-Dukes of Athens, at the end of the fourteenth century, permitted the
-Greek Metropolitan to reside in his see, he at once entered into
-negotiations with the Turks, and the same phenomenon meets us at Salona
-and other places. As Voltaire has said, the Greek clergy “preferred the
-turban of a Turkish priest to the red hat of a Roman Cardinal,” and
-this strange preference contributed in great measure to the downfall
-of Latin rule in the Levant. For, throughout the long period of the
-Frankish domination, the Catholic Church made hardly any headway among
-the Greeks. The elder Sanudo, who knew the Levant better than most of his
-contemporaries, wrote to Pope John XXII, that the Western Powers might
-destroy the Byzantine Empire but could not retain their conquests, for
-the examples of Cyprus, Crete, the principality of Achaia, and the Duchy
-of Athens showed that only the foreign conquerors and not the natives
-belonged to the Roman faith. Even to-day, the Catholics of Greece come
-mostly from those Italian families, whose ancestors emigrated to the
-Levant in the Frankish period, and are mostly to be found just where
-we should expect to find them—in the Ionian Islands and the Cyclades,
-that is to say, in the two places where Latin rule lasted longest.
-Moreover, the Catholic Church did not receive the consideration which it
-might have reasonably expected from the Frankish rulers themselves. The
-correspondence of Innocent III, who sat on the Chair of St Peter at the
-time of the conquest, is full of complaints against the hostile attitude
-of the Franks towards the Roman clergy. The Archbishop of Patras was not
-safe even in his own palace, for the sacrilegious baron Aleman, who, as
-we saw, had received that town as a fief, considered the Archiepiscopal
-plan of fortifying the place against pirates as amateurish, carried the
-Primate off to prison, cut off his representative’s nose, and converted
-the palace and the adjacent church of St Theodore into the present
-castle. Geoffroy I de Villehardouin neither paid tithes himself, nor
-compelled his subjects to pay them; he forced the clergy to plead before
-the secular tribunals, and exempted the Greek priests and monks from
-the jurisdiction of the Catholic Archbishop. His son and successor,
-Geoffroy II, went even farther in this secular policy. When the Latin
-clergy refused to perform military service, on the ground that they owed
-obedience to the Pope alone, he confiscated their fiefs and devoted the
-funds which he thus obtained to building the great castle of Chlomoutsi,
-or Clermont, near Glarentza in the West of Elis, the ruins of which
-still remain a striking monument of the relations between Church and
-State in Frankish Greece. This castle took three years to construct;
-and, as soon as it was finished, Geoffroy laid the whole matter before
-Pope Honorius III. He pointed out that if the Latin priests would not
-help him to fight the Greeks, they would only have themselves to blame
-if the principality, and with it their Church, fell under the sway of
-those Schismatics. The Pope saw the force of this argument; the Prince
-ceased to appropriate the revenues of the clergy; and peace reigned
-between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. It is interesting to
-note, that, under the next Prince, the castle of Chlomoutsi became the
-mint of the principality, whence coins known as _tournois_, or _tornesi_,
-because they bore on them a representation of the Church of St Martin of
-Tours, were issued for more than a century. Many thousands of these coins
-have been found in Greece, specimens may be seen in the Doge’s Palace
-and in the Museo Correr at Venice, and from this Achaian currency the
-castle received its Italian name of Castel Tornese. The town and harbour
-of Glarentza near it rose to be the chief port of the principality.
-Boccaccio mentions Genoese merchantmen there in one of the novels of the
-_Decameron_, in which a “Prince of the Morea” is one of the characters;
-the famous Florentine banking house of the Peruzzi had a branch there,
-and Pegalotti describes to us the weights, measures, and customs duties
-of this flourishing commercial place.
-
-When we come to consider the social life of Frankish Greece, we are
-struck by the prominent part which women played in it, and in political
-life as well. The Salic law did not obtain in the Latin states of the
-Levant, except at Naxos under the Crispi, and, without expressing any
-opinion upon the thorny question of female suffrage, I do not think
-that it can be denied that the participation of the weaker sex in the
-government of a purely military community had disastrous effects. It
-happened on two occasions that almost the entire baronage of Frankish
-Greece was annihilated on the field of battle, and after the former
-of these disasters—the battle of Pelagonia in 1259, in which Prince
-William of Achaia was taken prisoner by the troops of the Greek Emperor
-of Nice—the fate of the principality was decided by the votes of its
-ladies. The Emperor Michael VIII was resolved to make the best use of
-the advantage which the rashness of the Prince had placed within his
-power, and demanded, as the price of his captive’s freedom, the cession
-of the three great fortresses of Monemvasia, Mistra, and Maina, the
-first of which had only recently been surrendered by the Greeks to the
-Franks, while the other two had been erected by Prince William himself.
-The question was submitted by Duke Guy I of Athens, who was then acting
-as Regent of Achaia, to a Parliament, convened at Nikli in 1262. At this
-“Ladies’ Parliament” there were only two other men present—for all the
-men of mark were either in prison or had been slain at Pelagonia—and
-their wives or widows had to take their place at the Council. Naturally,
-an assembly so composed was guided by sentiment rather than by reasons
-of high policy. In vain the statesmanlike Duke of Athens argued in
-scriptural language, that “it were better that one man should die for the
-people than that the other Franks of the Morea should lose the fruits
-of their fathers’ labours”; in vain, to show his disinterestedness, he
-offered to take the Prince’s place in prison or to pledge his own Duchy
-to provide a ransom. The conjugal feelings of the ladies prevailed,
-the three castles were surrendered, and from that day dates the gradual
-recovery of the Morea by the Greeks. Two noble dames were sent, in strict
-accordance with feudal law, as hostages for their lord to Constantinople,
-and it is interesting to note the ingratitude with which one of them
-was treated by him in the sequel. While she was still in prison on his
-account, the great barony of Matagrifon, to which she was entitled as
-next of kin, fell vacant. But the Prince, who wished to bestow it upon
-one of his daughters, declined to invest her with it, on the technical
-ground that she had permitted the period of time allowed by the feudal
-code to elapse without appearing to claim the fief. Unable to obtain
-justice, she resorted to matrimony with one of the powerful barons of
-St Omer as the only means of compelling the Prince to give her what was
-hers. In this she was partially successful; but the incident throws a
-lurid light on the chivalry of the brave warrior, whom the author of the
-_Chronicle of the Morea_ has made his hero.
-
-It would be interesting to present a few portraits of the leading women
-of Frankish Greece. There were the two daughters of Prince William,
-of whom the elder, Princess Isabelle, succeeded him and whose hand
-was eagerly sought in marriage by three husbands; her younger sister,
-Marguérite, died in the grim castle of Chlomoutsi, the prisoner of the
-turbulent Moreote barons, who never forgave her for having married her
-daughter without their approval. There was Isabelle’s daughter, Matilda,
-who had already been twice a widow when she was only 23, and who was
-left all alone to govern the principality, where every proud feudal
-lord claimed to do what was right in his own eyes. Compelled by King
-Robert “the Wise” of Naples to go through the form of marriage with his
-brother, John of Gravina, a man whom she loathed, she was imprisoned
-for her contumacity in the Castel dell’ Uovo of Naples. There were the
-three Duchesses of Athens—Helene Angela, widow of Duke William, Regent
-for her son, and the first Greek who had governed Athens for 80 years;
-Maria Melissene, widow of Duke Antonio I, who tried to betray the Duchy
-to her countrymen the Greeks; and most tragic of all, Chiara Giorgio,
-a veritable villain of melodrama, widow of Nerio II, who fell in love
-with a young Venetian noble, induced him by the offer of her hand and
-land to poison the wife whom he had left behind in his palace at Venice,
-and expiated her crime before the altar of the Virgin at Megara at the
-hands of the last Frankish Duke of Athens, thus causing the Turkish
-conquest. Of like mould was the Dowager Countess of Salona, whose evil
-government drove her subjects to call in the Turks, and whose beautiful
-daughter, the last Countess of that historic castle, ended her days
-in the Sultan’s harem. Another of these masculine dames was Francesca
-Acciajuoli, wife of Carlo Tocco, the Palatine Count of Cephalonia, the
-ablest and most masterful woman of the Latin Orient, who used to sign
-her letters in cinnabar ink “Empress of the Romans.” In her castles at
-Sta Maura and at Cephalonia she presided over a bevy of fair ladies, and
-Froissart has quaintly described the splendid hospitality with which she
-received the French nobles, whom the Turks had taken prisoners at the
-battle of Nikopolis on the Danube. “The ladies,” writes the old French
-chronicler, “were exceeding glad to have such noble society, for Venetian
-and Genoese merchants were, as a rule, the only strangers who came to
-their delightful island.” He tells us, that Cephalonia was ruled by
-women, who scorned not, however, to make silken coverings so fine, that
-there was none like them. Fairies and nymphs inhabited this ancient realm
-of Odysseus, where a mediæval Penelope held sway in the absence of her
-lord! Yet another fair dame of the Frankish world, the Duchess Fiorenza
-Sanudo of Naxos, occupied for years the astute diplomatists of Venice,
-who were resolved that so eligible a young widow should marry none but
-a Venetian, and who at last, when suitors of other nationalities became
-pressing, had the Duchess kidnapped and conveyed to Crete, where she was
-plainly told that, if she ever wished to see her beloved Naxos again,
-she must marry the candidate of the Most Serene Republic. And finally,
-we have the portrait of a more feminine woman than most of these ladies,
-Marulla of Verona, a noble damsel of Negroponte, whom old Ramon Muntaner
-describes from personal acquaintance as “one of the fairest Christians in
-the world, the best woman and the wisest that ever was in that land.”
-
-Social life must have been far more brilliant in the hey-day of the
-Frankish rule than anything that Greece had witnessed for centuries.
-The _Chronicle of the Morea_ tells us, that the Achaian nobles in their
-castles “lived the fairest life that a man can,” and has preserved the
-account of the great tournament on the Isthmus of Corinth—a mediæval
-revival of the Isthmian games—which Philip of Savoy, at that time Prince
-of Achaia, organised in 1305. From all parts of the Frankish world men
-came in answer to the summons of the Prince. There were Duke Guy II of
-Athens with a brave body of knights, the Marquess of Boudonitza and the
-three barons of Eubœa, the Duke of the Archipelago and the Palatine
-Count of Cephalonia, the Marshal of Achaia, Nicholas de St Omer, with a
-following of Theban vassals, and many another lesser noble. Messengers
-had been sent throughout the highlands and islands of the Latin Orient
-to proclaim to all and sundry, how seven champions had come from beyond
-the seas and did challenge the chivalry of Romania to joust with them.
-Never had the fair land of Hellas seen a braver sight than that presented
-by the lists at Corinth in the lovely month of May, when the sky and the
-twin seas were at their fairest. More than 1000 knights and barons took
-part in the tournament, which lasted for twenty days, while all the fair
-ladies of Achaia and Athens “rained influence” on the combatants. There
-were the seven champions, clad in their armour of green taffetas covered
-with scales of gold; there was the Prince of Achaia, who acquitted
-himself right nobly in the lists, as a son of Savoy should, with all his
-household. Most impetuous of all was the Duke of Athens, eager to match
-his skill in horsemanship and with the lance against Master William
-Bouchart, accounted one of the best jousters of the West. The chivalrous
-Bouchart would fain have spared his less experienced antagonist; but
-the Duke, who had cunningly padded himself beneath his plate armour,
-was determined to meet him front to front; their horses collided with
-such force that the iron spike of Bouchart’s charger pierced Guy’s steed
-between the shoulders, so that horse and rider rolled in the dust. St
-Omer would fain have met the Count John of Cephalonia in the lists; but
-the Palatine, fearing the Marshal’s doughty arm, pretended that his horse
-could not bear him into the ring, nor could he be shamed into the combat,
-when Bouchart rode round and round the lists on the animal, crying aloud,
-“This is the horse which would not go to the jousts!” So they kept high
-revel on the Isthmus; alas! it was the last great display of the chivalry
-of “New France”; six years later, many a knight who had ridden proudly
-past the dames of the Morea, lay a mangled corpse on the swampy plain of
-Bœotia, the victim of the knife of Aragon. Besides tournaments, hunting
-was one of the great attractions of life in mediæval Greece; we hear,
-too, of an archery match in Crete, at which the archers represented
-different nations; we are told of great balls held in Negroponte, which
-the gay Lombard society of that island attended; and mention is made
-of the jongleurs who were attached to the brilliant Court of Thebes.
-Muntaner, who knew Duke Guy II and had visited his capital, has given us
-a charming account of the ceremony in the Theban Minster, when the last
-De la Roche came of age and received the order of knighthood—“a duty
-which the King of France or the Emperor himself would have thought it an
-honour to perform, for the Duke was one of the noblest men in all Romania
-who was not a King, and eke one of the richest.” The episode gives us
-some idea of the wealth and splendour and open-handed generosity of the
-Burgundian Dukes of Athens.
-
-In conclusion, I should like to say something about Frankish influence
-on the language and literature of Greece. We are specially told that the
-Franks of Achaia spoke most excellent French; but, at the same time,
-there is direct evidence, that in the second generation, at any rate,
-they also spoke Greek. The _Chronicle of the Morea_ describes how Prince
-William of Achaia after the battle of Pelagonia addressed his captor
-in that language, and Duke John of Athens, according to Sanudo, once
-used a Greek phrase, which is a quotation from Herodotus. Later on, the
-Florentine Dukes of Athens drew up many of their documents in Greek, just
-as Mohammed II employed that language in his diplomatic communications.
-The Venetian Governors of Eubœa, however, who held office for only two
-years, had to employ an interpreter, who is specially mentioned in one
-of the Venetian documents. While a number of French feudal and Italian
-terms crept into the Greek language, as may be seen in the Cyclades at
-the present day, and especially in the Venetian island of Tenos, the
-Franks covered the map of Greece with a strange and weird nomenclature.
-Thus, Lacedæmonia became “La Crémonie,” the first syllable being mistaken
-for the definite article; Athens was known as “Satines,” or “Sethines,”
-Thebes as “Estives,” Naupaktos as “Lepanto,” Zeitounion, the modern
-Lamia, as “Gipton,” Kalavryta as “La Grite,” Salona as “La Sole,” Lemnos
-as “Stalimene,” and the island of Samothrace as “Sanctus Mandrachi.” Most
-wonderful transformation of all, Cape Sunium becomes in one Venetian
-document “Pellestello” (πολλοὶ στῦλοι), from the “Many columns” of the
-temple, which gave it its usual Italian name of “Cape Colonna.”
-
-The Franks have too often been accused of being barbarians, whereas there
-is evidence that they were not indifferent to literature. Among the
-conquerors were not a few poets. Conon de Béthune was a writer of poems
-as well as an orator; Geoffroy I of Achaia composed some verses which
-have been preserved; Rambaud de Vaqueiras, the troubadour of Boniface of
-Montferrat, was rewarded for his songs by lands in Greece. Count John II
-Orsini of Epeiros ordered Constantine Hermoniakos to make a paraphrase of
-Homer in octosyllabic verse. We may say of this production, as Bentley
-said of Pope’s translation of the _Iliad_, “it is a pretty poem, but you
-must not call it Homer”; still it is interesting to find a Latin ruler
-patronising Greek literature. The courtly poet was so delighted that he
-tells us that his master was “a hero and a scholar,” and that the Lady
-Anna of Epeiros “excelled all women that ever lived in beauty, wisdom,
-and learning.” Historical accuracy compels me to add that the “heroic
-and scholarly” Count had gained his throne by the murder of his brother,
-while the “beautiful, wise and learned” Anna assassinated her husband!
-Throughout a great part of the Frankish period, too, people were engaged
-in transcribing Greek manuscripts. Several Athenians copied medical
-treatises, William of Meerbeke, the Latin Archbishop of Corinth in 1280,
-whose name survives in the Argive Church of Merbaka[46], translated
-Hippocrates, Galen, Aristotle, and Proklos, and one of the Tocchi—the
-Italian family which followed the Orsini as Counts of Cephalonia—employed
-a monk to copy for him manuscripts of Origen and Chrysostom. Yet, in
-1309, a Theban canon had to go to the West to continue his studies; and,
-a century later, the Archbishop of Patras obtained leave to study at the
-University of Bologna.
-
-But the chief literary monument of Frankish Greece is the _Chronicle of
-the Morea_—the very curious work which exists in four versions, Greek,
-French, Italian, and Spanish. The Italian version need not detain us,
-for it contains no new facts and is merely an abbreviated translation of
-the Greek, chiefly remarkable for the extraordinary, but characteristic,
-mutilation of the proper names. The Spanish version, made in 1393 by
-order of Heredia, the romantic Grand-Master of the Knights of St John,
-and the French version, found in the castle of St Omer—another proof of
-Frankish culture—are of great historic interest. But by far the most
-remarkable of all the four versions is the Greek—a poem of some 9000
-lines in the usual jog-trot “political” metre of most mediæval and modern
-Greek poetry, composed, in my opinion, by a half-caste lawyer, who
-obviously had the most enthusiastic admiration for the Franks, to whom he
-doubtless owed his place and salary. With the exception of a few French
-feudal terms, this most remarkable poem may be read without the slightest
-difficulty by any modern Greek scholar,—a striking proof that the vulgar
-Greek spoken to-day is almost exactly the same as that in common use
-in the first half of the fourteenth century, when the _Chronicle_ was
-composed. As regards its literary merits, opinions differ. As a rule,
-it is merely prose in the form of verse; but here and there, the author
-rises to a much higher level, and his work is a store-house of social,
-and especially legal information, even where his chronology and history
-have been shown by documentary evidence to be inaccurate.
-
-The bright and chivalrous Frankish society has long passed away; but a
-few Italian and Catalan families still linger in the Cyclades, there are
-still Venetian names and titles in the Ionian Islands; the Tocchi were
-till lately represented at Naples and the Zorzi still are at Venice; the
-towers of Thebes and Paros, the Norman arch of Andravida, the noble
-castles of Karytaina and Chlomoutsi, and the carvings and frescoes of
-Geraki still remind us of the romance of feudal Greece, when every coign
-of vantage had its lord, and from every donjon floated the banner of a
-baron.
-
-
-3. THE PRINCES OF THE PELOPONNESE
-
-It is satisfactory to note that, after a long period of neglect, the
-great romance of mediæval Greek history is finding interpreters. Since
-George Finlay revealed to the British public the fact that the annals of
-Greece were by no means a blank in the Middle Ages, and that Athens was a
-flourishing city in the thirteenth century, much fresh material has been
-collected, by both Greek and German scholars, from the Venetian and other
-archives, which throws fresh light upon the dark places of the Latin rule
-in the Levant. Finlay’s work can never lose its value. Its author had
-not the microscopic zeal for genealogies and minutiæ which distinguished
-Hopf; but he possessed gifts and advantages of a far higher order. He
-knew Greece and the Greeks as no other foreign scholar has known them;
-he had a deep insight into the causes of political and social events; he
-drew his picture, as the Germans say, _in grossen Zügen_, and he left a
-work which no student of mediæval Greece can afford to ignore, and every
-statesman engaged in Eastern affairs would do well to read. All that is
-now wanted is for some one to do in England what Gregorovius did in so
-agreeable a manner for the Germans—to make the dry bones of the Frank
-chivalry live again, and to set before us in flesh and blood the Dukes
-of Athens and the Princes of Achaia, the Marquesses of Boudonitza, the
-Lords of Salona, the Dukes of the Archipelago, and the three barons of
-Eubœa. Despite the vandalism of mere archæologists, who can see nothing
-of interest in an age when Greeks were shaky in their declensions, and of
-bigoted purists among the Greeks themselves, who strive to erase every
-evidence of foreign rule alike from their language and their land, the
-feudal castles of the Morea, of continental Greece, and of the islands,
-still remind us of the days when classic Hellas, as Pope Honorius III
-said, was “New France,” when armoured knights and fair Burgundian damsels
-attended Mass in St Mary’s Minster on the Akropolis, and jousts were held
-on the Isthmus of Corinth.
-
-Of the Frankish period of Greek history the _Chronicle of the Morea_ is
-the most curious literary production, valuable alike as an historical
-source—save for occasional errors of dates and persons, especially in
-the earlier part—and as a subject for linguistic study. The present
-edition, the fruit of many years’ labour, is almost wholly devoted to
-the latter aspect of the _Chronicle_, about which there is much that is
-of interest. Versions exist in French, in Italian, and in Aragonese,
-as well as in Greek; and the question as to whether the Greek or the
-French was the original has been much discussed. The present editor,
-differing from Buchon and Hopf, believes that the French _Livre de la
-Conqueste_ could not have been the original. In any case, the Greek
-_Chronicle_ is of more literary interest than the French, because it
-throws a strong light on modern Greek. Any person familiar with the
-modern colloquial language could read with ease, except for a few French
-feudal terms, this fourteenth century popular poem, many of whose phrases
-might come from the racy conversation of any Greek peasant of to-day,
-and is very different from the classical imitation of the contemporary
-Byzantine historians. Its poetic merits are small, nor does the jog-trot
-“political” metre in which it is composed tend to lofty flights of
-poetry. We know not who was its author; but, on the whole, there seems to
-be reason for believing that he was a Gasmoulos—one of the offspring of
-mixed marriages between Greeks and Franks—probably employed, as his love
-of legal nomenclature shows, in some clerkly post. Unpoetical himself, he
-has at least been the cause of noble poetry in others; for, as Dr Schmitt
-shows, the second part of Goethe’s _Faust_ has been largely inspired
-by its perusal; and the hero of that drama finds his prototype in the
-chivalrous builder of Mistra.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-No chapter of this mediæval romance is more striking than the conquest
-of the Morea by the Franks and the history of their rule in the classic
-peninsula. At the time of the fourth crusade the Peloponnese was a prey
-to that spirit of particularism which has been, unhappily, too often
-characteristic of the Greeks in ancient, in mediæval, and in modern
-times. Instead of uniting among themselves in view of the Latin peril,
-the great _archontes_ of the Morea availed themselves of the general
-confusion to occupy strong positions and to extend their own authority
-at the expense of their neighbours. The last historian and statesman of
-Constantinople before the Latin conquest, Niketas of Chonæ, has left us a
-sad picture of the demoralisation of society in Greece at that critical
-moment. The leading men, he says, instead of fighting, cringed to the
-conquerors; some were inflamed by ambition against their own country,
-slavish creatures, spoiled by luxury, who made themselves tyrants,
-instead of opposing the Latins[47]. Of these _archontes_ the most
-prominent was Leon Sgouros, hereditary lord of Nauplia, who had seized
-the Larissa of Argos and the impregnable citadel high above Corinth, and
-who, though he failed to imitate the heroism of Leonidas in the Pass of
-Thermopylæ, held out at Akrocorinth till his death.
-
-Such was the state of the country when a winter storm drove into the
-haven of Modon, on the Messenian coast, Geoffroy de Villehardouin, a
-crusader from Champagne, and nephew of the chronicler of the conquest of
-Constantinople. A Greek _archon_ of the neighbourhood, thinking that the
-opportunity was too good to be lost, invited the storm-bound warrior to
-aid him in the conquest of the surrounding country. Geoffroy was nothing
-loth; and the two unnatural allies speedily subdued one place after
-another. But, as ill-luck would have it, the Greek died; and his son,
-more patriotic or less trustworthy than the father, broke the compact
-with the Frankish intruder, and turned Geoffroy out of his quickly-won
-possessions. The crusader’s position was serious; he was in a hostile
-country and surrounded by an alien and suspicious population; but he was
-a man of resource, and, hearing that Boniface, Marquess of Montferrat and
-King of Salonika, had made a triumphal march through continental Greece
-and was at that moment besieging the great stronghold of Nauplia, he set
-out across the Peloponnese—a six days’ journey—and succeeded in reaching
-the Frankish camp. There he found an old friend and neighbour, Guillaume
-de Champlitte, to whom he confided the scheme which he had been revolving
-in his mind. “I come,” he said, so we learn from his uncle’s chronicle,
-“from a land which is very rich, and men call it the Morea”—a name which
-here occurs for the first time in the history of Greece, and the origin
-of which is still a puzzle to all her historians. He urged Champlitte to
-join him in the task of conquering this El Dorado, promising to recognise
-him as his liege lord in return for his assistance. Champlitte agreed,
-and the two friends, at the head of a small body of a hundred knights and
-some esquires, started on their bold venture[48].
-
-The ease with which the little band of Western warriors conquered the
-peninsula, which had once produced the Spartan warriors, strikes every
-reader of the _Chronicle of the Morea_—the prosaic, but extremely curious
-and valuable poem in which the Frank conquest is described. The cause
-lay partly in the disunited state of Greek society and the feuds of the
-local _archontes_, but still more in the neglect of military training,
-due to the fact that the Byzantine emperors had long drawn their best
-troops from the non-Hellenic portions of their heterogeneous dominions.
-It is remarkable that, apart from Sgouros, interned, as it were, on
-Akrocorinth, and a Greek _archon_, Doxapatres, who held a small but
-strongly situated castle in one of the gorges of Arcadia, the invaders
-met with little opposition. Greece, as we know from the complaints of
-Michael Akominatos, the last orthodox Archbishop of Athens before the
-conquest, had been plundered by Byzantine tax-gatherers and despised as
-a “Scythian wilderness” by Byzantine officials. So, when the inhabitants
-found that the Franks had no intention of interfering with their prized
-municipal privileges, they had no great objection to exchanging a master
-who spent their money at Constantinople for one who spent it in Elis at
-the new Peloponnesian capital of Andreville or Andravida. One pitched
-battle decided the fate of “the isle of Greece,” as the Franks sometimes
-called it. At the olive grove of Koundoura, in the north-east of
-Messenia, the small force of Franks easily routed a Greek army six times
-larger; and as the chronicler, always in sympathy with the invaders, puts
-it,
-
-    Αὐτὸν καὶ μόνον τὸν πόλεμον ἐποῖκαν οἱ Ρωμαῖοι
-    Εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ποὺ ἐκέρδισαν οἱ Φράγκοι τὸν Μορέαν.
-
-Yet a modern Greek historian of singular fairness, the late K.
-Paparregopoulos, has remarked how great was the change in the Turkish
-times. The descendants of the unwarlike Moreotes, who fell so easy a prey
-to the Frankish chivalry in 1205, never lost an opportunity of rising
-against the Turks after the Frankish domination was over. As he justly
-says, one of the main results of the long Latin rule was to teach Greek
-“hands to war and their fingers to fight.”
-
-Thus, almost by a single blow, the Franks had become masters of the
-ancient “island of Pelops.” Here and there a few natural strongholds
-still held out. Even after the death of Sgouros his triple crown of
-forts, Corinth, Nauplia, and Argos, was still defended for the Greek
-cause in the name of the lord, or Despot, of Epeiros, where a bold scion
-of the imperial house of Angelos had founded an independent state on
-the ruins of the Byzantine Empire. The great rock of Monemvasia in the
-south-east of the Morea, whence our ancestors derived their Malmsey wine,
-remained in the hands of its three local _archontes_; while, in the
-mountains of southern Lakonia, a race which had often defied Byzantium
-scorned to acknowledge the noblemen of Champagne. The local magnate,
-Joannes Chamaretos, could boast for a time that he kept his own lands
-in Lakonia, but he, too, had to take refuge at the Epeirote Court at
-Arta[49]. Finally, the two Messenian ports of Modon and Koron were
-claimed by Venice, which, with her usual astuteness, had secured those
-valuable stations on the way to Egypt in the deed of partition by which
-the conquerors of the empire had divided the spoils among themselves at
-Constantinople. Not without reason did Pope Innocent III, whose letters
-are full of allusions to the Frankish organisation of Greece, style
-Guillaume de Champlitte “Prince of all Achaia.”
-
-Champlitte now attempted to provide for the internal government of his
-principality by the application of the feudal system, which, even before
-the Frankish conquest, had crept into many parts of the Levant. The
-_Chronicle of the Morea_, whose author revels in legal details, gives
-an account of the manner in which “the isle of Greece” was organised
-by its new masters. A commission, consisting of two Latin bishops, two
-bannerets, and five Greek _archontes_, under the presidency of Geoffroy
-de Villehardouin, drew up a species of Domesday-book for the new state.
-In accordance with the time-honoured feudal custom, twelve baronies were
-created and bestowed upon prominent members of the Frankish force, who
-were bound to be at the prince’s beck and call with their retainers in
-time of need; and the castles of these warrior barons were purposely
-erected in strong positions, whence they could command important passes
-or overcome troublesome neighbours. Even to-day the traveller may see the
-fine fortress above the town of Patras which Guillaume Aleman, one of the
-feudatories, constructed out of the Archbishop’s palace; the castle of
-Karytaina, the Toledo of Greece, still reminds us of the time when Hugues
-de Bruyères held the dalesmen of Skorta, ancestors of M. Delyannes, in
-check; and, far to the South, the war-cry of Jean de Neuilly, hereditary
-Marshal of Achaia, _Passe avant_, lingers in the name of Passavâ, the
-stronghold which once inspired respect in the men of Maina, who boast
-that they spring from Spartan mothers. Seven ecclesiastical peers, the
-Latin Archbishop of Patras at their head, and the three military orders
-of St John, the Templars, and the Teutonic Knights also received fiefs;
-and, while Geoffroy de Villehardouin was invested with Kalamata and
-Kyparissia, fertile Elis became the princely domain.
-
-But Guillaume de Champlitte did not long enjoy his Achaian dignity. If
-he was a prince in Greece he was still a French subject; and the death
-of his brother made it necessary for him to do homage in person for his
-fief in France. On the way he died; and the cunning Villehardouin, by an
-ingenious stratagem, contrived to become master of the country. It had
-been declared that a claimant must take possession of Achaia within a
-year and a day after the date of the last vacancy; and Geoffroy contrived
-to have Champlitte’s heir detained in Venice and left behind at Corfù
-till the fatal date had almost passed. A little skilful manœuvring from
-one place to another in the Morea filled up the rest of the time, so
-that, when young Robert de Champlitte at last met Geoffrey in full court
-at Lacedæmonia, the mediæval town which had risen near the Eurotas,
-the year and a day had already elapsed. The court decided in favour of
-Geoffrey, anxious, no doubt, that their ruler should be a statesman of
-experience and not a young man fresh from France. Robert gave no further
-trouble, and Geoffrey remained for the rest of his days “Lord of Achaia.”
-By his tact and cleverness he had contrived to win the regard both of
-the Frank barons and of the Greek population, whose religion and ancient
-customs he had sworn to respect. He was thus enabled to subdue the three
-outstanding fortresses which had once been the domain of Sgouros, while
-he settled all claims that the Venetians might have upon the Morea by
-allowing them to keep Modon and Koron, granting them a separate quarter
-in every town in his principality, and doing homage to them for the whole
-peninsula on the island of Sapienza. He crowned his career by marrying
-his son to the daughter of the Latin Emperor Peter of Courtenay, from
-whose family the Earls of Devon are descended.
-
-Under his son and successor, Geoffrey II, the Frank principality
-prospered exceedingly. The Venetian historian, Marino Sanudo, who derived
-much of his information from his relative, Marco II Sanudo, Duke of
-Naxos, has given us a vivid picture of life at the Peloponnesian court
-under the rule of the second of the Villehardouins. A just prince,
-Geoffrey II used to send his friends from time to time to the baronial
-castles of the Morea to see how the barons treated their vassals. At his
-own court he kept “eighty knights with golden spurs”; and “knights came
-to the Morea from France, from Burgundy, and above all from Champagne,
-to follow him. Some came to amuse themselves, others to pay their debts,
-others again because of crimes which they had committed[50].” In fact,
-towards the middle of the thirteenth century, the Morea had become for
-the younger sons of the French chivalry much what the British colonies
-were to adventurers and ne’er-do-weels fifty years ago. It was a place
-where the French knights would find their own language spoken—we are
-specially told what good French was spoken in Greece in the Frankish
-period—and could scarcely fail to obtain congenial employment from a
-prince of their own race.
-
-One difficulty, however, had soon arisen in the Frank principality.
-The Latin clergy, who had had their full share of the spoils, declined
-to take any part in the defence of the country. Geoffrey, with all
-the energy of his race, opposed a stout resistance to these clerical
-pretensions, and confiscated the ecclesiastical fiefs, spending the
-proceeds upon the erection of the great castle of Clermont or Chlomoutsi
-above the busy port of Glarentza, the imposing ruins of which are still
-a land-mark for miles around. When he had finished the castle Geoffroy
-appealed to the Pope, placing before the Holy Father the very practical
-argument that, if the principality, through lack of defenders, were
-recaptured by the Greeks, the loss would fall just as much on the Roman
-Church as on the prince, while the fault would be entirely with the
-former. The Pope was sufficiently shrewd to see that Geoffroy was right;
-the dispute was settled amicably; and both the prince and the Latin
-clergy subscribed generously for the preservation of the moribund Latin
-empire, which exercised a nominal suzerainty over the principality of
-Achaia.
-
-Geoffroy’s brother and successor, the warlike Guillaume de Villehardouin,
-saw the Frank state in the Morea reach its zenith, and by his rashness
-contributed to its decline. Born in Greece, and speaking Greek, as
-the _Chronicle of the Morea_ expressly tells us, the third of the
-Villehardouins began by completing the conquest of what was his native
-land. It was he who laid siege to the rock of Monemvasia for three long
-years, till at last, when the garrison had been reduced to eat mice and
-cats, the three _archontes_ advanced along the narrow causeway which
-gives the place its name[51], and surrendered on terms which the prince
-wisely granted. It was he, too, who built the noble castle of Mistra on
-the site of the Homeric Messe, now abandoned to tortoises and sheep, but
-for two centuries a great name in the history of Greece. To a ruler so
-vigorous and so determined even the weird Tzakones, that strange tribe,
-perhaps Slavs but far more probably Dorians, which still lingers on and
-cherishes its curious language around Leonidi, yielded obedience; while
-the men of Maina, hemmed in by two new castles, ceased to trouble.
-
-For the first and last time in its history the whole Peloponnese owned
-the sway of a Frank prince, except where, at Modon and Koron, Venice
-kept “its right eye,” as it called those places, fixed on the East.
-So powerful a sovereign as St Louis of France wished that he had some
-of Guillaume’s knights to aid him in his Egyptian war; and from seven
-hundred to one thousand horsemen always attended the chivalrous Prince
-of Achaia. His court at La Crémonie, the French version of Lacedæmonia,
-was “more brilliant than that of many a king”; and this brilliance was
-not merely on the surface. “Merchants,” says Sanudo, “went up and down
-without money, and lodged in the house of the bailies; and on their
-simple note of hand people gave them money[52].” But Guillaume’s ambition
-and his love of fighting for fighting’s sake involved the principality
-in disaster. Not content with beginning the first fratricidal war
-between the Frank rulers of the East by attacking Guy de la Roche, Lord
-of Athens, he espoused the cause of his father-in-law, the Greek Despot
-of Epeiros, then engaged in another brotherly struggle with the Greek
-Emperor of Nice. On the field of Pelagonia in Macedonia the Franks were
-routed; and the Prince of Achaia, easily recognised by his prominent
-teeth, was dragged from under a heap of straw, where he was lying, and
-carried off a prisoner to the court of the Emperor Michael VIII.
-
-Guillaume’s captivity was the cause of endless evils for the
-principality; for Michael, who in 1261, by the recapture of
-Constantinople, had put an end to the short-lived Latin empire and
-restored there the throne of the Greeks, was resolved to regain a
-footing in the Morea and to make use of his distinguished captive for
-that purpose. He accordingly demanded, as the price of the prince’s
-freedom, the three strong fortresses of Mistra, Monemvasia, and Maina.
-The matter was referred to a ladies’ parliament held at Nikli, near the
-site of the ancient Tegea, for so severe had been the losses of the
-Frank chivalry that the noble dames of the Morea had to take the places
-of their husbands. We can well understand that, with a tribunal so
-composed, sentiment and the ties of affection would have more influence
-than the _raison d’état_. Yet Guillaume’s old opponent, Guy de la Roche,
-now Duke of Athens and bailie of Achaia during the prince’s captivity,
-laid before the parliament the argument that it was better that one
-man should die for the people than that the rest of the Franks should
-lose the Morea[53]. At the same time, to show that he bore no malice,
-he chivalrously offered to go to prison in place of the prince. But the
-ladies of the Morea thought otherwise. It was decided to give up the
-three castles; and two of the fair châtelaines were sent as hostages to
-Constantinople.
-
-Thus, in 1262, the Byzantine Government regained a foothold in the
-Morea; a Byzantine province was created, with Mistra as its capital, and
-entrusted at first to a general of distinction annually appointed, and
-ultimately conferred as an appanage for life upon the Emperor’s second
-son. The native Greeks of the whole peninsula thus had a rallying-point
-in the Byzantine province, and the suspicion of the Franks that the
-surrender of the three fortresses “might prove to be their ruin[54],”
-turned out to be only too well-founded. As for the Franks who were left
-in the Byzantine portion of the Morea, their fate is obscure. Probably,
-as Dr Schmitt thinks, some emigrated to the gradually dwindling Frankish
-principality, while others became merged in the mass of Greeks around
-them. In all ages the Hellenes, like the Americans of to-day, have shown
-the most marvellous capacity for absorbing the various races which have
-come within their borders. A yet further element of evil omen for the
-country was introduced in consequence of this partial restoration of the
-Byzantine power. As might have been foreseen, the easy morality of that
-age speedily absolved the prince from his solemn oaths to the Emperor,
-and he was scarcely released when a fresh war broke out between them. It
-was then, for the first time, that we hear of Turks in the Morea—men who
-had been sent there as mercenaries by the Emperor Michael. Careless whom
-they served, so long as they were paid regularly, these Oriental soldiers
-of fortune deserted to the prince; and those who cared to settle in the
-country received lands and wives, whose offspring were still living, when
-the _Chronicle of the Morea_ was written (p. 372), at two places in the
-peninsula.
-
-Unhappily for the principality, as the chronicler remarks, Guillaume de
-Villehardouin left no male heir; and nothing more strongly justifies the
-Salic law than the history of the Franks in the Morea, where it was not
-applied. Anxious to take what precautions he could against the disruption
-of his dominions after his death, the last of the Villehardouin princes
-married his elder daughter Isabelle to the second son of Charles of
-Anjou, the most powerful sovereign in the south of Europe at that time,
-who, in addition to his other titles, had received from the last Latin
-Emperor of the East, then a fugitive at Viterbo, the suzerainty over
-the principality of Achaia, hitherto held by the Emperor. This close
-connection with the great house of Anjou, to which the kingdom of the
-Two Sicilies then belonged, seemed to provide Achaia with the strongest
-possible support. The support, too, was near at hand; for communication
-between Italy and Glarentza, the chief port of the Morea, was, as we
-know from the novels of Boccaccio, not infrequent; and we hear of
-Frankish nobles from Achaia making pilgrimages to the two great Apulian
-sanctuaries of St Nicholas of Bari and Monte Santangelo. But, when
-Guillaume de Villehardouin died in 1278 and was laid beside his brother
-and father in the family mausoleum at Andravida (where excavations, made
-in 1890, failed to find their remains)[55], his daughter Isabelle was
-still a minor, though already a widow.
-
-The government of the principality accordingly fell into the hands of
-bailies appointed by the suzerain at Naples. Sometimes the bailie was
-a man who knew the country, like Nicholas St Omer, whose name is still
-perpetuated by the St Omer tower at Thebes and the Santameri mountains
-not far from Patras; sometimes he was a foreigner, who knew little of
-the country, and, in the words which the _Chronicle_ (p. 544) puts
-into the mouths of two Frankish nobles, “tyrannised over the poor,
-wronged the rich, and sought his own profit.” The complainants warned
-Charles II of Anjou, who was now their suzerain, that he was going
-the right way to “lose the principality”; and the King of Naples took
-their advice. He bestowed the hand of the widowed Isabelle upon a young
-Flemish nobleman, Florenz of Hainault, who was then at his court, and
-who thus became Prince of the Morea. Florenz wisely made peace with the
-Byzantine province, so that “all became rich, both Franks and Greeks,”
-and the land recovered from the effects of war and maladministration.
-But the Flemings, who had crowded over to Greece at the news of their
-countryman’s good fortune, were less scrupulous than their prince and
-provoked reprisals from the Greeks, from whom they sought to wring money.
-On the other hand, it would seem that the natives of the Byzantine
-province were able to secure good treatment from the Emperor, for there
-is preserved in that interesting little collection, the Christian
-Archæological Museum at Athens, a golden bull of Andronikos II, dated
-1293, concerning the privileges of the sacred rock of Monemvasia. When
-the modern Greeks come to think more highly of their mediæval history,
-they should regard that rugged crag with reverence. For two centuries it
-was the guardian of their municipal and national liberties.
-
-Florenz of Hainault lived too short a time for the welfare of the Morea;
-and Isabelle, once more a widow, was married again in Rome (whither she
-had gone for the first papal jubilee of 1300) to a prince of the doughty
-house of Savoy, which thus became concerned with the affairs of Greece.
-Philip of Savoy was at the time in possession of Piedmont; and, as might
-have been expected, Piedmontese methods of government were not adapted to
-the latitude of Achaia. He was a man fond of spending, and an adept at
-extorting, money. The microscopic Dr Hopf has unearthed from the archives
-at Turin the bill—a fairly extensive one—for his wedding-breakfast; and
-the magnificent tournament which he organised on the Isthmus of Corinth,
-and in which all the Frankish rulers of Greece took part, occupied a
-thousand knights for more than twenty days. “He had learned money-making
-at home,” it was said, when the extravagant prince from Piedmont let it
-be understood that he expected presents from his vassals, and imposed
-taxes on the privileged inhabitants of Skorta. But the days of the
-Savoyard in Achaia were numbered. The house of Anjou, suzerains of the
-principality, had never looked with favour on his marriage with Isabelle;
-an excuse was found for deposing him in favour of another Philip, of
-Taranto, son of the King of Naples. To make matters smoother, Isabelle
-and her husband received, as some compensation for relinquishing all
-claims to the Morea, a small strip of territory on the shores of the
-Fucine lake. They both left Greece for ever. Isabelle died in Holland;
-and Philip of Savoy sleeps in the family vault at Pinerolo, near Turin,
-leaving to his posterity by a second marriage the empty title of “Prince
-of Achaia.”
-
-The house of Villehardouin was not yet extinct. Isabelle had a daughter,
-Matilda of Hainault, whose husband, Louis of Burgundy, was permitted,
-by the tortuous policy of the Neapolitan Angevins, to govern the
-principality. But a rival claimant now appeared in the field in the
-person of Fernando of Majorca, one of the most adventurous personages
-of those adventurous times, who is well known to us from the quaint
-Catalan Chronicle of Ramon Muntaner. Fernando had already had his full
-share of the vicissitudes of life. He had been at one time head of the
-Catalan Grand Company, which had just won the Duchy of Athens on the
-swampy meadows of the Bœotian Kephissos, and he had sat a prisoner in the
-castle of Thebes, the famous Kadmeia, whose walls were painted with the
-exploits of the crusaders in the Holy Land. He had married the daughter
-of Guillaume de Villehardouin’s younger child, the Lady of Akova, and
-he claimed Achaia in the name of his dead wife’s infant son. Such was
-the violence of the age that both the rivals perished in the struggle,
-Fernando on the scaffold, and Louis of Burgundy by a poison administered
-to him by one of the petty potentates of Greece. Even more miserable
-was the end of the unhappy Matilda. Invited by the unscrupulous King of
-Naples to his court, she was informed that she must marry his brother,
-John of Gravina. With the true spirit of a Villehardouin, the Princess
-refused; and even the Pope himself, whose authority was invoked, could
-not make her yield. She had already, she said, married again, and must
-decline to commit bigamy. This gave the King of Naples the opportunity he
-sought. He declared that, by marrying without her suzerain’s consent, she
-had forfeited her principality, which he bestowed upon his brother. The
-helpless Princess was thrown into the Castel dell’ Uovo at Naples, and
-was afterwards allowed to die a lingering death in that island-prison,
-the last of her race. So ended the dynasty of the Villehardouins.
-
-Grievous, indeed, was the situation of the Franks in Greece at this
-moment. Though little more than a hundred years had elapsed since the
-conquest, the families of the conquerors were almost extinct. The
-terrible blow dealt at the Frank chivalry by the rude Catalans, almost
-on the very battlefield of Chaironeia, was as fatal to Frankish, as was
-the victory of Philip of Macedon to free, Greece. Of the barons who had
-taken part in that contest, where many Achaian nobles had stood by the
-side of the headstrong Athenian duke, only four survived. Moreover, the
-Frank aristocracy, as Finlay has pointed out, committed racial suicide
-by constituting themselves an exclusive class. Intermarriages with the
-Greeks took place, it is true; and a motley race, known as Gasmoûloi[56],
-the offspring of these unions, of whom the author of the _Chronicle_
-was perhaps a member, fell into the usual place of half-castes in the
-East. But Muntaner expressly says that the nobles of Achaia usually took
-their wives from France. Meanwhile new men had taken possession of some
-of the old baronies—Flemings, Neapolitans, and even Florentines, one
-of whom, Nicholas Acciajuoli, whose splendid tomb is to be seen in the
-Certosa near Florence, laid on the rocks of Akrocorinth the foundations
-of a power which, a generation later, made the bankers of Tuscany dukes
-of Athens. The Greeks, had they been united, might have recovered the
-whole peninsula amidst this state of confusion. But the sketch which the
-imperial historian, John Cantacuzene, has left us of the _archontes_ of
-the Morea shows that they were quite as much divided among themselves as
-the turbulent Frank vassals of the shadowy Prince of Achaia. “Neither
-good nor evil fortune,” he wrote, “nor time, that universal solvent, can
-dissolve their mutual hatred, which not only endures all their lives, but
-is transmitted after death as a heritage to their children[57].”
-
-Cantacuzene, however, took a step which ultimately led to the recapture
-of the Morea, when he abolished the system of sending a subordinate
-Byzantine official to Mistra, and appointed his second son, Manuel, with
-the title of Despot, as governor of the Byzantine province for life. The
-Despot of Mistra at once made his presence felt. He drove off the Turkish
-corsairs, who had begun to infest the deep bays and jagged coast-line
-of the peninsula, levied ship-money for its defence against pirates,
-and, when his Greek subjects objected to be taxed for their own benefit,
-crushed rebellion by means of his Albanian bodyguard. Now, for the first
-time, we hear of that remarkable race, whose origin is as baffling to
-ethnologists as is their future to diplomatists, in the history of the
-Morea, where hereafter they were destined to play so distinguished
-a part. It is to the policy of Manuel Cantacuzene, who rewarded his
-faithful Albanians with lands in the south-west and centre of the
-country, that modern Greece owes the services of that valiant race,
-which fought so vigorously for her independence and its own in the last
-century. Manuel’s example was followed by other Despots; and ere long ten
-thousand Albanians were colonising the devastated and deserted lands of
-the Peloponnese.
-
-Meanwhile the barren honour of Prince of Achaia had passed from one
-absentee to another. John of Gravina, who had been installed in the room
-of the last unhappy Villehardouin princess, grew disgusted with the sorry
-task of trying to restore order, and transferred his rights to Catherine
-of Valois, widow of his brother, Philip of Taranto; her son Robert, who
-was both suzerain and sovereign of the principality, was a mere phantom
-ruler whom the Achaian barons treated with contempt. After his death
-they offered the empty title of princess to Queen Joanna I of Naples on
-condition that she did not interfere with their fiefs and their feuds.
-Then a new set of conquerors descended upon the distracted country, and
-began the last chapter of Frankish rule in Achaia.
-
-The great exploit of the Catalans in carving out for themselves a duchy
-bearing the august name of Athens had struck the imagination of Southern
-Europe. Towards the close of the fourteenth century a similar, but less
-famous band of freebooters, the Navarrese Company, repeated in Achaia
-what the Catalans, seventy years earlier, had achieved in Attica and
-Bœotia. Conquering nominally in the name of Jacques de Baux, a scion of
-the house of Taranto, but really for their own hands, the soldiers of
-Navarre rapidly occupied one place after another. Androusa, in Messenia,
-at that time the capital of the Frankish principality, fell before them;
-and at “sandy Pylos,” the home of Nestor, then called Zonklon, they made
-such a mark that the spot was believed by Hopf to have derived its name
-of Navarino from the castle which they held there. In 1386 their captain,
-Pedro Bordo de San Superan, styled himself Vicar of the principality, a
-title which developed into that of prince.
-
-Meanwhile another Western Power, and that the most cunning and
-persistent, had taken advantage of these troublous times to gain a
-footing in the Peloponnese. Venice, true to her cautious commercial
-policy, had long been content with the two Messenian stations of Modon
-and Koron, and had even refused a tempting offer of some desperate
-barons to hand over to her the whole of Achaia. During the almost
-constant disturbances which had distracted the rest of the peninsula
-since the death of Guillaume de Villehardouin, the two Venetian ports
-had enjoyed comparative peace and prosperity. The high tariffs which the
-Frankish princes had erected round their own havens had driven trade to
-these Venetian harbours, so conveniently situated for trade with the
-great Venetian island of Crete as well. The documents which Sathas has
-published from the Venetian archives are full of allusions to these
-two now almost forgotten places. But at last, towards the end of the
-fourteenth century, Venice resolved on expansion. She accordingly bought
-Argos and Nauplia, the old fiefs which the first French Lord of Athens
-had received from the first of the Villehardouins, and which lingered
-on in the hands of the representatives of the fallen Athenian duke. A
-little later Lepanto, the old Naupaktos, gave the Venetians a post on the
-Corinthian Gulf.
-
-As the Byzantine Empire dwindled before the incursions of the Turks,
-the Greek province of Mistra assumed more importance in the eyes of
-the statesmen at Constantinople. In 1415 the Emperor Manuel II, with
-an energy which modern sovereigns of Greece would do well to imitate,
-resolved to see for himself how matters stood, and arrived in the Morea.
-He at once set to work to re-erect the six-mile rampart, or “Hexamilion,”
-across the Isthmus, which had been fortified by Xerxes, Valerian,
-Justinian, and, in recent times, by the last Despot of Mistra, Theodore
-I Palaiologos. Manuel’s wall followed the course of Justinian’s; and, in
-the incredibly short space of twenty-five days, forced labourers, working
-under the imperial eye, had erected a rampart strengthened by no less
-than 153 towers.
-
-But the Emperor saw that it was necessary to reform the Morea from
-within as well as to fortify it without. We have from the pen of a
-Byzantine satirist, Mazaris, who has written a _Dialogue of the Dead_
-in the manner of Lucian, a curious, if somewhat highly-coloured account
-of the Moreotes as they were, or at any rate seemed to him to be, at
-this time[58]. In the Peloponnese, he tells us, are “Lacedæmonians,
-Italians, Peloponnesians (Greeks), Slavonians, Illyrians (Albanians),
-Egyptians (gypsies), and Jews, and among them are not a few half-castes.”
-He says that the Lakonians, who “are now called Tzakones,” have “become
-barbarians” in their language, of which he gives some specimens. He
-goes on to make the shrewd remark, true to-day of all Eastern countries
-where the Oriental assumes a veneer of Western civilisation, that “each
-race takes the worst features of the others,” the Greeks assimilating
-the turbulence of the Franks, and the Franks the cunning of the Greeks.
-So insecure was life and property that arms were worn night and day—a
-practice obsolete in the time of Thucydides. Of the Moreote _archontes_
-he has nothing good to say; they are “men who ever delight in battles
-and disturbances, who are for ever breathing murder, who are full of
-deceit and craft, barbarous and pig-headed, unstable and perjured,
-faithless to both Emperor and Despots.” Yet a Venetian report—and the
-Venetians were keen observers—sent to the government a few years later,
-depicts the Morea as a valuable asset. It contained, writes the Venetian
-commissioner, 150 strong castles; the soil is rich in minerals; and it
-produces silk, honey, wax, corn, raisins, and poultry.
-
-Even in the midst of alarms an eminent philosopher—to the surprise of
-the elegant Byzantines, it is true—had fixed his seat at Mistra. George
-Gemistos Plethon believed that he had found in Plato a cure for the evils
-of the Morea. Centuries before the late Mr Henry George, he advocated a
-single tax. An advanced fiscal reformer, he suggested a high tariff for
-all articles which could be produced at home; a paper strategist, he had
-a scheme which he submitted, together with his other proposals, to the
-Emperor, for creating a standing army; an anti-clerical, he urged that
-the monks should work for their living, or discharge public functions
-without pay. The philosopher, in tendering this advice to the Emperor,
-modestly offered his own services for the purpose of carrying it out.
-Manuel II was a practical statesman, who knew that he was living, as
-Cicero would have said, “non in Platonis republica, sed in fæce Lycurgi.”
-The offer was rejected.
-
-At last the long threatened Turkish peril, temporarily delayed by the
-career of Timour and the great Turkish defeat at Angora, was at hand.
-The famous Ottoman commander, Evrenos Beg, had already twice entered
-the peninsula, once as the ally of the Navarrese prince against the
-Greek Despot, once as the foe of both. In 1423 a still greater captain,
-Turakhan, easily scaled the Hexamilion, leaving behind him at Gardiki,
-as a memorial of his invasion, a pyramid of eight hundred Albanian
-skulls. But, by the irony of history, just before Greeks and Franks alike
-succumbed to the all-conquering Turks, the dream of the Byzantine court
-was at last realised, and the Frank principality ceased to exist.
-
-The Greek portion of the Morea was at this time in the hands of the
-three brothers of the Emperor John VI Palaiologos—Theodore II, Thomas,
-and Constantine—the third of whom was destined to die on the walls of
-Constantinople as last Emperor of the East. Politic marriages and force
-of arms soon extinguished the phantom of Frankish rule; and the Genoese
-baron, Centurione Zaccaria, nephew of Bordo de San Superan, who had
-succeeded his uncle as last Prince of Achaia, was glad to purchase peace
-by giving his daughter’s hand to Thomas Palaiologos with the remaining
-fragments of the once famous principality, except the family barony and
-the princely title, as her dowry. Thus, when Centurione died in 1432,
-save for the six Venetian stations, the whole peninsula was once more
-Greek. Unhappily, the union between the three brothers ended with the
-disappearance of the common enemy. Both Theodore and Constantine were
-ambitious of the imperial diadem; and, while the former was pressing
-his claims at Constantinople, the latter was besieging Mistra, having
-first sent the historian Phrantzes, his confidential agent in these
-dubious transactions, to obtain the Sultan’s consent. Assisted by his
-brother Thomas and a force of Frank mercenaries, Constantine was only
-induced to keep the peace by the intervention of the Emperor; till,
-in 1443, Theodore removed this source of jealousy by carrying out his
-long-cherished scheme of retiring from public life. He accordingly handed
-over the government of Mistra to Constantine and received in exchange the
-city of Selymbria on the Sea of Marmora, where he afterwards died of the
-plague.
-
-The Morea was now partitioned between Constantine, who took possession
-of the eastern portion, embracing Lakonia, Argolis, Corinth, and the
-southern shore of the Corinthian Gulf as far as Patras, and Thomas,
-who governed the western part. With all his faults Constantine was a
-man of far greater energy and patriotism than the rest of his family,
-and he lost no time in developing a national policy. His first act was
-to restore the Hexamilion; his next, to attempt the recovery of the
-Athenian duchy from the Acciajuoli family for the Greek cause, which
-he personified. Nine years earlier, on the death of Duke Antonio, he
-had sent Phrantzes to negotiate for the cession of Athens and Thebes.
-Foiled on that occasion, he now invaded the duchy and forced the weak
-Duke Nerio II to do homage and pay tribute to him. The Albanians and
-Koutso-Wallachs of Thessaly rose in his favour; the Serbs promised to
-aid him in defending the Isthmus against the Turks; it seemed for the
-moment as if there were at last some hope of a Christian revival in the
-Near East. But the battle of Varna soon put an end to these dreams.
-Murad II, accompanied by the Duke of Athens, set out in 1446, at the
-head of a large army, for the Isthmus. The two Despots had assembled a
-considerable force behind the ramparts of the Hexamilion, which seemed
-so imposing to the Sultan that he remonstrated with his old military
-counsellor, Turakhan, for having advised him to attack such apparently
-impregnable lines so late in the season. But the veteran, who knew
-his Greeks and had taken the Hexamilion twenty-three years before,
-replied that its defenders would not long resist a determined attack.
-A Greek officer, who had been sent by Constantine to reconnoitre the
-Turkish position, came back so terrified at the strength of the enemy
-that he urged his master to retreat at once to the mountains of the
-Morea. The Despot ordered his arrest as a disciplinary measure, but he
-was so greatly struck by what he had heard that he sent the Athenian
-Chalkokondyles, father of the historian, to offer terms of peace to
-the Sultan. Murad scornfully rejected the proposals, arrested the
-envoy, and demanded, as the price of his friendship, the destruction of
-the Hexamilion and the payment of tribute. This was too much for the
-high-spirited Despot, and the conflict began.
-
-For three whole days the excellent Turkish artillery played upon the
-walls of the rampart. Then a general assault was ordered, and, after a
-brave defence by the two Despots, a young Serbian janissary climbed to
-the top of the wall and planted the Turkish flag there in full view of
-the rival hosts. The towers on either side of him were soon taken by
-his comrades, the gates were forced in, and the Turks streamed through
-them into the peninsula. The Greeks fled; the two Despots among them;
-Akrocorinth surrendered, and a band of 300, who had thought of “making
-a new Thermopylæ” at Kenchreæ, were soon forced to lay down their arms.
-Together with 600 other captives, they were beheaded by the Sultan’s
-orders. Then the Turkish army was divided into two sections; one, under
-old Turakhan, penetrated into the interior; the other, commanded by the
-Sultan in person, followed the coast of the Corinthian Gulf, burning the
-mediæval town which had arisen on the ruins of Sikyon. Aigion shared the
-same fate; but most of the inhabitants of Patras had escaped over the
-Gulf before Murad arrived there. The old Frankish citadel defied all the
-efforts of the besiegers, for the besieged knew that they had nothing to
-hope from surrender. A breach was made in the walls, but the defenders
-poured boiling resin on to the heads of the janissaries and worked at
-the rampart till the breach was made good. The season was by this time
-very far advanced, so the Sultan and his lieutenant withdrew to Thebes,
-dragging with them 60,000 captives, who were sold as slaves. The Despots
-were glad to obtain peace and a qualified independence by paying a
-capitation tax, and by sending their envoys to do homage to the Sultan
-in his headquarters at Thebes. The Greeks ascribed their misfortunes to
-their Albanian and Frankish mercenaries, the former of whom had begun to
-feel their power, while the latter had espoused the cause of Centurione’s
-illegitimate son at the moment when the Despots were engaged in the
-defence of the country.
-
-On the death of the Emperor in 1448 the Despot Constantine succeeded to
-the imperial title; and it is a picturesque fact that the last Emperor of
-Constantinople was crowned at Mistra, where his wife still lies buried,
-near that ancient Sparta which had given so many heroes to Hellas. His
-previous government was bestowed on his youngest brother Demetrios, with
-the exception of Patras, which was added to the province of Thomas.
-The new partition took place in Constantinople, where the two brothers
-solemnly swore before God and their aged mother to love one another and
-to rule the Morea in perfect unanimity. But no sooner had they arrived
-at their respective capitals of Mistra and Patras than they proceeded to
-break their oaths. Thomas, the more enterprising of the two, attacked
-his brother; Demetrios, destitute of patriotism, called in the aid of
-the Turks, who readily appeared under the leadership of Turakhan, made
-Thomas disgorge most of what he had seized, and on the way destroyed
-what remained of the Hexamilion. The object of this was soon obvious. As
-soon as the new Sultan, Mohammed II, was ready to attack Constantinople,
-he ordered Turakhan to keep the two Palaiologoi busy in the Morea, so
-that they might not send assistance to their brother the Emperor. The
-old Pasha once again marched into the peninsula; but he found greater
-resistance than he had expected on the Isthmus. He and his two sons,
-Achmet and Omar, then spread their forces over the country, plundering
-and burning as they went, till the certainty of Constantinople’s fall
-rendered their presence in the Morea no longer necessary. But as Achmet
-was retiring through the Pass of Dervenaki, that death-trap of armies,
-between Argos and Corinth, the Greeks fell upon him, routed his men and
-took him prisoner. Demetrios, either from gratitude for Turakhan’s recent
-services to him, or from fear of the old warrior’s revenge, released his
-captive without ransom. It was the last ray of light before the darkness
-of four centuries descended upon Greece.
-
-The news that Constantinople had fallen and that the Emperor had been
-slain came like a thunderbolt upon his wretched brothers, who naturally
-expected that they would be the next victims. But Mohammed was not in a
-hurry; he knew that he could annihilate them when he chose; meanwhile
-he was content to accept an annual tribute of 12,000 ducats. The folly
-of the greedy Byzantine officials, who held the chief posts at the petty
-courts of Patras and Mistra, had prepared, however, a new danger for the
-Despots. The Albanian colonists had multiplied while the Greek population
-had diminished; and the recent Turkish devastations had increased the
-extent of waste land where they could pasture their sheep. Fired by the
-great exploits of their countryman, Skanderbeg, in Albania, they were
-seized by one of those rare yearnings for independence which meet us only
-occasionally in Albanian history. The official mind seized this untoward
-moment to demand a higher tax from the Albanian lands. The reply of the
-shepherds was a general insurrection in which 30,000 Albanians followed
-the lead of their chieftain, Peter Boua, “the lame.” Their object was to
-expel the Greeks from the peninsula; but this, of course, did not prevent
-other Greeks, dissatisfied, for reasons of their own, with the rule of
-the Despots, from throwing in their lot with the Albanians. A Cantacuzene
-gained the support of the insurgents for his claims on Mistra by taking
-an Albanian name; the bastard son of Centurione emerged from prison and
-was proclaimed as Prince of Achaia. Both Mistra and Patras were besieged;
-and it soon became clear that nothing but Turkish intervention could save
-the Morea from becoming an Albanian principality. Accordingly, the aid of
-the invincible Turakhan was again solicited; and, as Mohammed believed
-in the policy—long followed in Macedonia by his successors—of keeping
-the Christian races as evenly balanced as possible, the Turkish general
-was sent to suppress the revolt without utterly destroying the revolted.
-Turakhan carried out his instructions with consummate skill. He soon put
-down the insurgents, but allowed them to retain their stolen cattle and
-the waste lands which they had occupied, on payment of a fixed rent. He
-then turned to the two Despots and gave them the excellent advice to live
-as brothers, to be lenient to their subjects, and to be vigilant in the
-prevention of disturbances. Needless to say, his advice was not taken.
-
-The power of the Palaiologoi was at an end; and the Greek _archontes_
-and Albanian chiefs did not hesitate to put themselves in direct
-communication with the Sultan when they wanted the confirmation of their
-privileges. But the Despots might, perhaps, have preserved the forms of
-authority for the rest of their lives had it not been for the rashness
-of Thomas, who seemed to be incapable of learning by experience that
-he only existed on sufferance. In 1457, emboldened by the successes of
-Skanderbeg, he refused to pay his tribute. Mohammed II was not the man
-to submit to an insult of that sort from a petty prince whom he could
-crush whenever he chose. In the spring of the following year the great
-Sultan appeared at the Isthmus; but this time the noble fortress of
-Akrocorinth held out against him. Leaving a force behind him to blockade
-it, he advanced into the interior of the peninsula, accompanied by the
-self-styled Albanian leader in the late revolt, Cantacuzene, whose
-influence he found useful in treating with the Arnauts. The Greeks, whom
-he took, were despatched as colonists to Constantinople; the Albanians,
-who had broken their parole, were punished by the breaking of their
-wrists and ankles—a horrible scene long commemorated by the Turkish name
-of “Tokmak Hissari,” or “the castle of the ankles.” Mouchli, at that time
-one of the chief towns in the Morea, near the classic ruins of Mantinea,
-offered considerable resistance; but lack of water forced the defenders
-to yield, and then the Sultan returned to Corinth. His powerful cannon
-soon wrecked the bakehouse and the magazines of the citadel; provisions
-fell short; and the fact was betrayed by the archbishop to the besiegers.
-At last the place surrendered, and its gallant commander was deputed by
-Mohammed to bear his terms of peace to Thomas. The latter was ordered to
-cede the country as far south as Mouchli, and as far west as Patras; this
-district was then united with the Pashalik of Thessaly, the governor of
-the whole province being Turakhan’s son Omar, who remained with 10,000
-soldiers in the Morea. The other Despot, Demetrios, was commanded to send
-his daughter to the Sultan’s harem.
-
-Thomas at once complied with his conqueror’s demands; but his ambition
-soon revived when Mohammed had gone. Fresh victories of Skanderbeg
-suggested to him the flattering idea that a Palaiologos could do more
-than a mere Albanian. Divisions among the Turkish officers in his
-old dominions increased his confidence—a quality in which Greeks are
-not usually lacking. Early in 1459 he raised the standard of revolt;
-but, at the same time, committed the folly of attacking his brother’s
-possessions. Phrantzes, who, after having been sold as a slave when
-Constantinople fell, had obtained his freedom and had entered the service
-of Thomas, has stigmatised in forcible language the wickedness of those
-evil counsellors who had advised his master to embark on a civil war and
-to “eat his oaths as if they were vegetables.” Most of Thomas’ successes
-were at the expense of his brother, for, of all the places lately annexed
-by the Turks, Kalavryta alone was recovered. But the Albanians did far
-more harm to the country than either the Greeks or the Turkish garrison
-by plundering both sides with absolute impartiality and deserting from
-Thomas to Demetrios, or from Demetrios to Thomas, on the slightest
-provocation. Meanwhile the Turks attacked Thomas at Leondari, at the
-invitation of his brother; and the defeat which he sustained induced the
-miserable Despot to go through the form of reconciliation with Demetrios,
-under the auspices of Holy Church. This display of brotherly love had the
-usual sequel—a new fratricidal war; but Mohammed II had now made up his
-mind to put an end to the Palaiologoi, and marched straight to Mistra.
-Demetrios soon surrendered, and humbly appeared in the presence of his
-master. The Sultan insisted upon the prompt performance of his former
-command, that the Despot’s daughter should enter the seraglio, and told
-him that Mistra could no longer be his. He therefore ordered him to bid
-his subjects surrender all their cities and fortresses—an order which
-was at once executed, except at Monemvasia. That splendid citadel, which
-had so long defied the Franks at the zenith of their power, and boasted
-of the special protection of Providence, now scorned to surrender to the
-infidel. The daughter of Demetrios, who had been sent thither for safety,
-was, indeed, handed over to the Turkish envoys, and Demetrios himself was
-conducted to Constantinople; but the Monemvasiotes proclaimed Thomas as
-their liege lord, and he shortly afterwards presented Monemvasia to the
-Pope, who appointed a governor.
-
-Having thus wiped the province of Demetrios from the map, Mohammed turned
-his arms against Thomas. Wherever a city resisted, its defenders were
-punished without mercy and in violation of the most solemn pledges. The
-Albanian chiefs who had defied the Sultan at Kastritza were sawn asunder;
-the Albanian captain of Kalavryta was flayed alive; Gardiki was once
-more the scene of a terrible massacre, ten times worse than that which
-had disgraced Turakhan thirty-seven years before. These acts of cruelty
-excited very different feelings in the population. Some, especially the
-Albanians, were inspired to fight with the courage of despair; others
-preferred slavery to an heroic death. From the neighbourhood of Navarino
-alone 10,000 persons were dragged away to colonise Constantinople; and a
-third of the Greeks of Greveno, which had dared to resist, were carried
-off as slaves. The castles of Glarentza and Santameri were surrendered by
-the descendants of Guillaume de Villehardouin’s Turks, who experienced,
-like the Albanians, the faithless conduct of their conquerors. Meanwhile
-Thomas had fled to Navarino, and, on the day when the Sultan reached that
-place, set sail with his wife and family from a neighbouring harbour for
-Corfù. There the faithful Phrantzes joined him and wrote his history of
-these events—the swan-song of free Greece.
-
-Another Palaiologos, however, Graitzas by name, showed a heroism of
-which the Despot was incapable. This man, the last defender of his
-country, held out in the castle of Salmenikon between Patras and Aigion
-till the following year, and, when the town was taken, still defied all
-the efforts of the Turks, who allowed him to withdraw, with all the
-honours of war, into Venetian territory at Lepanto. In the autumn of 1460
-Mohammed left the Morea, after having appointed Zagan Pasha as military
-governor, with orders to install the new Turkish authorities and to make
-arrangements for the collection of the capitation tax and of the tribute
-of children. Thus the Morea fell under Turkish rule, which thenceforward
-continued for an almost unbroken period of three hundred and fifty years.
-Save at Monemvasia, where the papal flag still waved, and at Nauplia,
-Argos, Thermisi, Koron, Modon, and Navarino, where Venice still retained
-her colonies, there was none to dispute the Sultan’s sway.
-
-The fate of the Palaiologoi deserves a brief notice. Demetrios lived ten
-years at Ænos in Thrace in the enjoyment of the pension which Mohammed
-allowed him, and died a monk at Adrianople in 1470. His daughter, whom
-the Sultan never married after all, had predeceased him. Thomas proceeded
-to Rome with the head of St Andrew from Patras as a present for the Pope,
-who received the precious relic with much ceremony at the spot near the
-Ponte Molle, where the little chapel of St Andrew now commemorates the
-event, and assigned to its bearer a pension of 300 ducats a month, to
-which the cardinals added 200 more, and Venice a smaller sum. He died
-at Rome in 1465, leaving two sons and two daughters. One of the latter
-died in a convent on the island of Santa Maura; the other married, first
-a Caracciolo of Naples and then the Grand Duke Ivan III of Russia, by
-whom she had a daughter, afterwards the wife of Alexander Jagellon of
-Poland. With this daughter the female line became extinct. Of Thomas’
-two sons, the elder, Andrew, married a woman off the streets of Rome,
-ceded all his rights, first to Charles VIII of France, and then to
-Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, and died in 1502 without issue. The
-younger son, Manuel, escaped from papal tutelage to the court of Mohammed
-II, who gave him an establishment and allowed him a daily sum for its
-maintenance. He died a Christian; but of his two sons (the elder of whom
-died young), the younger became a Mussulman, took the name of Mohammed,
-and is last heard of in the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent. Though
-the family would thus appear to have long been extinct, a Cornish
-antiquary announced in 1815 that the church of Landulph contained a
-monument to one of Thomas’ descendants. A few years ago a lady residing
-in London considered herself to be the heiress of the Palaiologoi and
-aspired to play a part in the Eastern question[59]. But neither of
-these claims is genealogically sound; for there is no historical proof
-of the existence of the supposed third son of Thomas, mentioned in the
-Landulph inscription. But, after all, the world has not lost much by the
-extinction of this race, nor would the future of Constantinople or Greece
-be affected by its revival.
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-THE NAME OF NAVARINO
-
-Ever since Hopf published his history of mediæval Greece writers on that
-subject have followed his opinion that the name of Navarino was derived
-from the Navarrese Company, which entered the Morea in 1381 to support
-the claims of Jacques de Baux, titular emperor of Constantinople and
-prince of Achaia, and which established its headquarters at the classic
-Pylos. Hopf adduces no evidence in support of this derivation, which
-he thrice repeats[60], except that of the French traveller De Caumont,
-who saw at Pylos in 1418 _ung chasteau hault sur une montaigne que se
-nomme chasteau Navarres_[61]. But his opinion, mainly formed in order to
-controvert the anti-Hellenic theory of Fallmerayer, has been followed,
-also without proof, by Hertzberg[62], Tozer[63], and more tentatively by
-Paparregopoulos[64]. The name of Navarino, however, seems to have existed
-long before the Navarrese Company ever set foot in Greece. Nearly a
-century earlier a golden bull[65] of the Emperor Andronikos II, dated
-1293, confirmed the possessions of the church of Monemvasia, among which
-it specially mentions τὴν Πύλον, τὸν καλούμενον Ἀβαρῖνον. A little before
-the date of this imperial document (1287-1289) Nicholas II de Saint-Omer,
-lord of half Thebes, was bailie of the principality of Achaia for Charles
-II of Naples, and the Greek _Chronicle of the Morea_[66] tells us that
-ἔχτισεν τὸ κάστρον τοῦ Ἀβαρίνου. Now Hopf himself thought that the French
-version of the _Chronicle, Le Livre de la Conqueste_[67] (in which the
-above passage runs _ferma le chastel de port de Junch_), was the original
-of the four editions which we possess. It is generally agreed that the
-French version was written between 1333 and 1341; but it is by no means
-certain that the French is the original and the Greek a translation;
-rather would it appear that the Greek was the original, in which case it
-was composed in the early part of the fourteenth century, for the one
-passage[68] which refers to an event as late as 1388 is regarded as an
-interpolation by the latest editor of the _Chronicle_, Dr Schmitt. Even
-the most recent of all the four versions—the Aragonese—was written, as it
-expressly says[69], no later than 1393. Therefore we have every reason
-for regarding the mention of the name Ἀβαρῖνος in the Greek _Chronicle_
-as a second proof that it was in common use long before the time of the
-Navarrese[70].
-
-There are several other passages in which the name occurs, the date of
-which cannot, however, be fixed with certainty. In the _Synekdemos_ of
-Hierokles[71] we have three times the phrase Πύλος, ἡ πατρὶς Νέστορος,
-νῦν δὲ καλεῖται Ἀβαρῖνος. Now Hierokles wrote before 535, but all these
-three passages occur in the lists of towns which have changed their
-names, and these three lists must belong, as Krumbacher points out,
-to a much later period than the main body of the work. The scholiast
-to Ptolemy[72] also makes an annotation Πύλος ὀ καὶ Ἀβαρῖνος, and in
-the Latin manuscripts of that passage the rendering is _Pylus, qui et
-Abarmus_ (sic).
-
-The alteration of Abarinos into Navarino follows, of course, the usual
-Greek habit of prefixing to the mediæval name the last letter of the
-accusative of the article. Thus εἰς τὸν Ἀβαρῖνον becomes Ναβαρῖνον,
-just as εἰς τὴν Πόλιν becomes _Stambûl_, εἰς τὰς Ἀθῆνας _Satines_ or
-_Sathines_, εἰς τὰς Θῆβας _Estives_. The conclusion seems to be that
-Fallmerayer was right after all when he derived the name of Navarino
-from a settlement of Avars on the site of the ancient Pylos[73]. The
-settlement of the Navarrese Company there was merely a coincidence.
-
-It may be added that _Abarinus_ also occurs in a document[74] of Charles
-I of Naples, dated 1280, as the name of a place in Apulia, not apparently
-Bari.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-Since I wrote the above note on this subject I have found two other
-passages which confirm the view that the name of Navarino existed
-before the Navarrese Company entered Greece. They occur in the
-_Commemoriali_[75], where we find Venice complaining to Robert, prince
-of Achaia, and to the bailie of Achaia and Lepanto that the crew of a
-Genoese ship had started from _Navarrino vecchio_ and had plundered some
-Venetian subjects. The dates of these two documents are 1355 and 1356.
-The late Professor Krumbacher, in the _Byzantinische Zeitschrift_ (XIV.
-675), agreed that Hopf’s derivation had been disproved by my article, but
-thought that the name of Navarino comes not from the Avars, but from the
-Slavonic _javorina_, “a wood of maples.”
-
-
-AUTHORITIES
-
-1. _The Chronicle of Morea._ Ed. John Schmitt, Ph.D. London, 1904.
-
-2. _Le Livre de la Conqueste._ In _Recherches historiques sur la
-Principauté française de Morée_. Tome II. By J. A. Buchon. Paris, 1845.
-New Edn. by J. Longnon. Paris, 1911.
-
-3. Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (_History of the Greek Nation_). By K.
-Paparregopoulos. 4th Edn. Athens, 1903.
-
-4. _Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters._ Von K. Hopf.
-In Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_. Bände 85, 86. Leipzig,
-1867.
-
-5. _Chroniques Gréco-Romanes inédites ou peu connues._ Published by
-Charles Hopf. Berlin, 1873.
-
-6. _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter._ Von F. Gregorovius. 3rd
-Edn. Stuttgart, 1889.
-
-7. _La Conquête de Constantinople, par Geoffroy de Villehardouin._ By
-Émile Bouchet. Paris, 1891.
-
-8. _Georgii Acropolitæ Opera._ Ed. by A. Heisenberg. Leipzig, 1903.
-
-9. _Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Byzantinæ._ Bonn, 1828-43.
-
-10. _Anecdota Græca._ Ed. J. Fr. Boissonade. Tom. III. Paris, 1831.
-
-
-4. THE DUKES OF ATHENS
-
-Nations, like individuals, sometimes have the romance of their lives in
-middle age—a romance unknown, perhaps, to the outside world until, long
-years afterwards, some forgotten bundle of letters throws a flash of rosy
-light upon a period hitherto regarded as uneventful and commonplace.
-So is it with the history of Athens under the Frankish domination,
-which Finlay first described in his great work. But since his day
-numerous documents have been published, and still more are in course of
-publication, which complete the picture of mediæval Athens as he drew it
-in a few master-strokes. Barcelona and Palermo have been ransacked for
-information; the Venetian archives have yielded a rich harvest; Milan has
-contributed her share; and a curious collection of Athenian legends has
-been made by an industrious and patriotic Greek. We know now, as we never
-knew before, the strange story of the classic city under her French, her
-Catalan, and her Florentine masters; and it is high time that the results
-of these researches should be laid before the British public. The present
-paper deals with the first two of these three periods.
-
-The history of Frankish Athens begins with the Fourth Crusade. By the
-deed of partition, which divided up the Byzantine Empire among the
-Latin conquerors of Constantinople, the crusading army, whose chief was
-Boniface, Marquess of Montferrat, had received “the district of Athens
-with the territory of Megara[76]”; and both Attica and Bœotia were
-included in that short-lived realm of Salonika, of which he assumed the
-title of king. Among the trusty followers who accompanied Boniface in his
-triumphal progress across his new dominions was Othon de la Roche, son of
-a Burgundian noble, who had rendered him a valuable service by assisting
-to settle the serious dispute between him and the first Latin Emperor of
-Constantinople, and who afterwards negotiated the marriage between his
-daughter and the Emperor Baldwin I’s brother and successor. This was the
-man upon whom the King of Salonika, in 1205, bestowed the most famous
-city of the ancient world. Thus, in the words of an astonished chronicler
-from the West, “Othon de la Roche, son of a certain Burgundian noble,
-became, as by a miracle, Duke of the Athenians and Thebans[77].”
-
-The chronicler was only wrong in the title which he attributed to the
-lucky Frenchman, who had succeeded by an extraordinary stroke of fortune
-to the past glories of the heroes and sages of Athens. Othon modestly
-styled himself “Sire d’Athènes” or “Dominus Athenarum,” which his Greek
-subjects magnified into the “Great Lord” (Μέγας Κύρ or Μέγας Κύρης),
-and Dante, in the _Purgatorio_, transferred by a poetic anachronism to
-Peisistratos. Contemporary accounts make no mention of any resistance to
-Othon de la Roche on the part of the Greeks, nor was such likely; for the
-eminent man, Michael Akominatos, who was then Metropolitan of Athens,
-was fully aware that the Akropolis could not long resist a Western army.
-Later Venetian writers, however, actuated perhaps by patriotic bias,
-propagated a story that the Athenians sent an embassy offering their city
-to Venice, but that their scheme was frustrated, “not without bloodshed,
-by the men of Champagne under the Lord de la Roche[78].” If so, it was
-the sole effort which the Greeks of Attica made during the whole century
-of French domination.
-
-Othon’s dominions were large, if measured by the small standard of
-classical Greece. The Burgundian state of Athens embraced Attica, Bœotia,
-Megaris, and the ancient Opuntian Lokris to the north; while to the
-south of the isthmus the “Great Lord’s” deputies governed the important
-strongholds of Argos and Nauplia, conferred upon him, in 1212, by Prince
-Geoffroy I of Achaia as the reward of his assistance in capturing them,
-and thenceforth held by Othon and his successors for a century as fiefs
-of the Principality. The Italian Marquess of Boudonitza on the north,
-the Lord of Salona on the west, were the neighbours, and the latter
-subsequently the vassal, of the ruler of Athens, his bulwarks against the
-expanding power of the Greek despots of Epeiros. Thus situated, mediæval
-Athens had at least four ports—Livadostro, or Rive d’Ostre, as the Franks
-called it, on the Gulf of Corinth, where Othon’s relatives landed when
-they arrived from France; the harbour of Atalante opposite Eubœa; the
-beautiful bay of Nauplia; and the famous Piræus, known in the Frankish
-times by the name of Porto Leone from the huge lion, now in front of
-the Arsenal at Venice, which then guarded the entrance to the haven of
-Themistokles. It is strange, in these circumstances, that the Burgundian
-rulers of Athens made little or no attempt to create a navy, especially
-as Latin pirates infested the coast of Attica, and a sail down the
-Corinthian Gulf was described as “a voyage to Acheron[79].”
-
-Guiltless of a classical education, and unmoved by the genius of the
-place, Othon abstained from seeking a model for the constitution of his
-new state in the laws of Solon. Like the other Frankish princes of the
-Levant, he adopted the “Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania,”
-a code of usages based on the famous “Assizes of Jerusalem.” But the
-feudal society which was thus installed in Attica was very different
-from that which existed in the Principality of Achaia or in the Duchy
-of the Archipelago. The “Great Lord” of Athens had, at the most, only
-one exalted noble, the head of the famous Flemish house of St Omer, near
-his throne. It is obvious, from the silence of all the authorities,
-that the Burgundians who settled in Othon’s Greek dominions were men of
-inferior social position to himself, a fact further demonstrated by the
-comparative lack in Attica and Bœotia of those baronial castles so common
-in the Peloponnese.
-
-In one respect the Court of Athens, under Othon de la Roche, must have
-resembled the Court of the late King George, namely, that there was no
-one, except the members of his own family, with whom the ruler could
-associate on equal terms. But, as in Georgian, so in Frankish Athens,
-the family of the sovereign was numerous enough to form a society of
-its own. Not only did Othon marry a Burgundian heiress, by whom he had
-two sons, but the news of his astounding good fortune attracted to the
-new El Dorado in Greece various members of his clan from their home in
-Burgundy. They doubtless received their share of the good things which
-had fallen to their lucky relative; a favourite nephew, Guy, divided
-with his uncle the lordship of Thebes; a more distant relative became
-commander of the castle of Athens. Both places became the residences
-of Latin archbishops; and in the room of Michael Akominatos, in the
-magnificent church of “Our Lady of Athens,” as the Parthenon was now
-called, a Frenchman named Bérard, perhaps Othon’s chaplain, inaugurated
-the long series of the Catholic prelates of that ancient see. The last
-Greek Metropolitan retired sorrowfully from his plundered cathedral to
-the island of Keos, whence he could still see the shores of his beloved
-Attica; and for well-nigh two centuries his titular successors never once
-visited their confiscated diocese. The Greek priests who remained behind
-performed their services in the church near the Roman market, which was
-converted into a mosque at the time of the Turkish conquest, and has now
-been degraded to a military bakery; while Innocent III assigned to the
-Catholic archbishop the ancient jurisdiction of the Orthodox Metropolitan
-over his eleven suffragans, and confirmed to the Church of Athens its
-possessions at Phyle and Marathon—places still called by their classical
-names.
-
-    The renewal of the divine grace (wrote the enthusiastic Pope to
-    Bérard) suffereth not the ancient glory of the city of Athens
-    to grow old. The citadel of most famous Pallas hath been
-    humbled to become the seat of the most glorious Mother of God.
-    Well may we call this city “Kirjath-sepher,” which when Othniel
-    had subdued to the rule of Caleb, “he gave him Achsah, his
-    daughter to wife[80].”
-
-But the “Othniel” of Athens, to whom the Pope had made a punning
-allusion, was, like the other Frankish rulers of his time, a sore
-trial to the Holy See. He forbade his subjects to give or bequeath
-their possessions to the Church, levied dues from the clergy, and
-showed no desire to pay tithes or compel his people to pay them. A
-“concordat” between Church and State was at last drawn up in 1210,
-at a Parliament convened by the Latin Emperor Henry in the valley of
-Ravenika, near Lamia, and attended by Othon and all the chief feudal
-lords of continental Greece. By this it was agreed that the clergy of
-both dominations should pay the old Byzantine land-tax to the temporal
-authorities, but that, in return, all churches, monasteries, and other
-ecclesiastical property, should be entrusted to the Latin Patriarch of
-Constantinople free of all feudal services.
-
-Othon was more loyal to the Empire than to the Papacy. When the Lombard
-nobles of Salonika, on the death of Boniface, tried to shake off the
-feudal tie which bound that kingdom to the Latin Emperor, he stood by
-the latter, even though his loyalty cost him the temporary loss of his
-capital of Thebes. He was rewarded by a visit which the Emperor Henry
-paid him at Athens, where no Imperial traveller had set foot since Basil
-“the Bulgar-slayer,” two centuries earlier, had offered up prayer and
-thanksgivings in the greatest of all cathedrals. Like Basil, Henry also
-prayed “in the Minster of Athens, which men call Our Lady,” and received
-from his host “every honour in his power[81].” Only once again did an
-emperor of Constantinople bow down in the Parthenon; and then it was not
-as a conqueror but as a fugitive that he came.
-
-The “Great Lord” was not fired with the romance of reigning over the
-city of Perikles and Plato. When old age crept on, he felt, like many
-another baron of the conquest, that he would like to spend the evening of
-his days in his native land; and in 1225 he departed for Burgundy with
-his wife and sons, leaving his nephew, Guy, to succeed him in Greece.
-Under the wise rule of his successor, the Athenian state prospered
-exceedingly. Thebes, where Guy and his connections, the great family
-of St Omer, resided, had recovered much of its fame as the seat of the
-silk manufactory. Jews and Genoese both possessed colonies there; and
-the shrewd Ligurian traders negotiated a commercial treaty with the new
-ruler which allowed them to have their own consul, their own court of
-justice, and their own buildings both there and at Athens.
-
-The Greeks too profited by the enlightened policy of their sovereign. One
-Greek monk at this time made the road to the monastery of St John the
-Hunter on the slopes of Hymettos, to which the still standing column on
-the way to Marathon alludes; another built one of the two churches at the
-quaint little monastery of Our Lady of the Glen, not far from the fort of
-Phyle. For thirty years Athens enjoyed profound peace, till a fratricidal
-war between Guillaume de Villehardouin, the ambitious Prince of Achaia,
-and the great barons of Eubœa involved Guy in their quarrel. The prince
-summoned Guy, his vassal for Argos and Nauplia, to assist him against his
-foes; Guy, though bound not only by this feudal tie but by his marriage
-to one of William’s nieces, refused his aid, and did all he could to help
-the enemies of the prince. The latter replied by invading the dominions
-of his nephew. Forcing the Kakè Skála, that narrow and ill-famed road
-which leads along the rocky coast of the Saronic Gulf towards Megara, he
-met Guy’s army at the pass of Mount Karydi, “the walnut mountain,” on
-the way to Thebes. There Frankish Athens and Frankish Sparta first met
-face to face; the Sire of Athens was routed and fled to Thebes, where he
-obtained peace by a promise to appear before the High Court of Achaia and
-perform any penalty which it might inflict upon him for having borne arms
-against the Prince.
-
-The High Court met at Nikli near Tegea; and the Sire of Athens, escorted
-by all his chivalry, made a brave show before the assembled barons. They
-were so much impressed by the spectacle that they declared they could not
-judge so great a man, and referred the decision to St Louis of France,
-the natural protector of the French nobles of Greece. The chivalrous
-monarch propounded the question to the _parlement_ at Paris, which
-decided that Guy was technically guilty, but that the trouble and cost of
-his long journey to France was ample punishment for his offence. Louis
-IX, anxious to show him some mark of royal favour, conferred upon him,
-at his special request, the title of Duke of Athens, for which, he told
-the king, there was an ancient precedent. The ducal style borne by Guy
-and his successors has become famous in literature as well as in history.
-Dante, Boccaccio, Chaucer, and Shakespeare bestowed it upon Theseus, and
-the Catalan chronicler, Muntaner, upon Menelaos.
-
-Meanwhile the wheel of fortune had avenged the Duke of Athens. His
-victorious enemy, involved in a quarrel between the rival Greek states
-of Nice and Epeiros, had been taken prisoner by the Greek Emperor; and
-the flower of the Achaian chivalry was either dead or languishing in the
-dungeons of Lampsakos. In these circumstances the survivors offered to
-Guy the regency of Achaia—a post which he triumphantly accepted. But he
-had not been long in Greece when another blow descended upon the Franks.
-The Latin Empire of Constantinople fell; and the Emperor Baldwin II, a
-landless exile, was glad to accept the hospitality of the Theban Kadmeia
-and the Castle of Athens. Thus, on that venerable rock, was played the
-last pitiful scene in the brief Imperial drama of the Latin Orient[82].
-
-Fired by the reconquest of Constantinople, Michael VIII now meditated
-the recovery of the Peloponnese, and demanded the cession of the three
-strongest castles in the peninsula as the price of his prisoner’s
-freedom. It was Guy’s duty, as regent of Achaia, to convene the High
-Court of the Principality to consider this momentous question. The
-parliament, almost exclusively composed of ladies—for all the men of mark
-had been slain or were in prison—decided, against Guy’s better judgment,
-in favour of accepting the Emperor’s terms; and Guy, whose position was
-one of great delicacy, finally yielded. Not long afterwards, the first
-Duke of Athens died, conscious of having heaped coals of fire upon the
-head of his enemy, and proud of leaving to his elder son, John, a state
-more prosperous than any other in Greece.
-
-The second Duke, less fortunate than his father, was involved in the
-wars against the Greek Emperor, which occupied so much of that period.
-The restless scion of the house of Angelos, who had carved out for
-himself a principality in the ancient realm of Achilles in Phthiotis,
-and reigned over Wallachs and Greeks at Neopatras, or La Patre, beneath
-the rocky walls of Mount Œta, fled as a suppliant to the Theban Court
-and offered the duke the hand of his daughter Helene if he would only
-assist him against the Palaiologoi. The duke, gouty and an invalid,
-declined matrimony, but promised his aid. At the head of a picked body
-of Athenian knights he easily routed the vastly superior numbers of the
-Imperial army, which he contemptuously summed up in a phrase, borrowed
-from Herodotos, as “many people, but few men.” As his reward he obtained
-for his younger brother William the fair Helene as a bride; and her
-dowry, which included the important town of Lamia, extended the influence
-of the Athenian duchy as far north as Thessaly. But John of Athens was
-destined to experience, like William of Achaia, the most varied changes
-of fortune. Wounded in a fight with the Greeks and their Catalan allies
-outside the walls of Negroponte, he fell from his horse and was carried
-off a prisoner to Constantinople. Michael VIII did not, however, treat
-the Duke of Athens as he had treated the Prince of Achaia. He made no
-demand for Athenian territory, but contented himself with a ransom of
-some £13,500. Policy, rather than generosity, was the cause of this
-apparent inconsistency. Fears of an attack by Charles of Anjou, alarm at
-the restless ambition of his prisoner’s kinsman, the Duke of Neopatras,
-and suspicion of the orthodox clerical party in his own capital, which
-regarded him as a schismatic because of his overtures to Rome, convinced
-him that the policy of 1262 would not suit the altered conditions of
-1279. He even offered his daughter in marriage to his prisoner, but the
-latter refused the Imperial alliance. A year later John died, and William
-his brother reigned in his stead.
-
-During the seven years of his reign William de la Roche was the leading
-figure in Frankish Greece. Acknowledging the suzerainty of the Angevin
-kings of Naples, who had become overlords of Achaia by the treaty of
-Viterbo, he was appointed their viceroy in that principality, and in that
-capacity built the castle of Dematra, the site of which may be perhaps
-found at Kastri, between Tripolitsa and Sparta. Possessed of ample means,
-he spent his money liberally for the defence of Frankish Greece, alike
-in the Peloponnese and in Eubœa; and great was the grief of all men
-when his valiant career was cut short. Now, for the first time since
-the conquest, Athens was governed by a Greek, for Guy’s mother, Helene
-Angela of Neopatras, who has given her title to K. Rhanghaves’ drama,
-_The Duchess of Athens_, acted as regent for her infant son, Guy, until a
-second marriage with her late husband’s brother-in-law, Hugh de Brienne,
-provided him with a more powerful guardian. The family of Brienne was one
-of the most famous of that day. First heard of in Champagne during the
-reign of Hugh Capet, it had, in the thirteenth century, won an Imperial
-diadem at Constantinople, a royal crown at Jerusalem, and a count’s
-coronet at Lecce and at Jaffa; ere long it was destined to provide the
-last French Duke of Athens.
-
-The Burgundian duchy of Athens had now reached its zenith; and the
-ceremony of Guy II’s coming of age, which has been described for us in
-the picturesque Catalan chronicle of Muntaner, affords a striking proof
-of the splendour of the ducal Court at Thebes. The young duke had invited
-all the great men of his duchy; he had let it be known, too, throughout
-the Greek Empire and the Despotat of Epeiros and his mother’s home of
-Thessaly, that whosoever came should receive gifts and favours from his
-hands, “for he was one of the noblest men in all Romania who was not a
-king, and eke one of the richest.” When all the guests had assembled,
-Archbishop Nicholas of Thebes celebrated mass in the Theban minster;
-and then all eyes were fixed upon the Duke, to see whom he would ask
-to confer upon him the order of knighthood—“a duty which the King of
-France, or the Emperor himself, would have thought it a pleasure and an
-honour to perform.” What was the surprise of the brilliant throng when
-Guy, instead of calling upon such great nobles as Thomas of Salona or
-Othon of St Omer, co-owner with himself of Thebes, called to his side a
-young Eubœan knight, Boniface of Verona, lord of but a single castle,
-which he had sold the better to equip himself and his retinue. Yet no
-one made a braver show at the Theban Court; he always wore the richest
-clothes, and on the day of the ceremony none was more elegantly dressed
-than he, though every one had attired himself and his _jongleurs_ in the
-fairest apparel. This was the man whom the young duke bade dub him a
-knight, and upon whom, as a reward for this service, he bestowed the hand
-of a fair damsel of Eubœa, Agnes de Cicon, Lady of the classic island of
-Ægina and of the great Eubœan castle of Karystos or Castel Rosso, still a
-picturesque ruin. The duke gave him also thirteen castles on the mainland
-and the famous island of Salamis—sufficient to bring him in a revenue of
-50,000 _sols_.
-
-Prosperous indeed must have been the state whose ruler could afford
-such splendid generosity. Worthy too of such a sovereign was the castle
-in which he dwelt—the work of the great Theban baron, Nicholas II de
-St Omer, who had built it out of the vast wealth of his wife, Marie
-of Antioch. The castle of St Omer, which was described as “the finest
-baronial mansion in all Romania[83],” contained sufficient rooms for
-an emperor and his court; and its walls were decorated with frescoes
-illustrating the conquest of the Holy Land by the Franks, in which the
-ancestors of its founder had borne a prominent part. Alas! one stumpy
-tower, still bearing the name of Santameri, is all that now remains of
-this noble residence of the Athenian dukes and the Theban barons.
-
-French influence now spread from Thebes over the great plain of Thessaly
-to the slopes of Olympos. The Duke of Neopatras died, leaving his nephew
-of Athens guardian of his infant son and regent of his dominions,
-threatened alike by the Greek Emperor, Andronikos II, and by the able and
-ambitious Lady of Epeiros. At Lamia, the fortress which had been part of
-his mother’s dowry, Guy received the homage of the Thessalian baronage,
-and appointed as his viceroy Antoine le Flamenc, a Fleming who had become
-lord of the Bœotian Karditza (where a Greek inscription on the church of
-St George still commemorates him as its “most pious” founder), and who
-is described as “the wisest man in all the duchy.” The Greek nobles of
-Thessaly learnt the French language; coins with Latin inscriptions were
-issued in the name of Guy’s young ward from the mint of Neopatras[84];
-and the condition of Thessaly was accurately depicted in that curious
-story the _Romance of Achilles_, in which the Greek hero marries a
-French damsel and the introduction of French customs is allegorically
-represented by cutting the child’s hair in Frankish fashion[85].
-
-Wherever there was knightly work to be done, the gallant Duke of Athens
-was foremost; none was more impetuous than he at the great tournament
-held on the Isthmus of Corinth in 1305, at which the whole chivalry of
-Frankish Greece was present. He needs must challenge Master Bouchart,
-one of the best jousters of the West, to single combat with the lance;
-and their horses met with such force that the ducal charger fell and
-rolled its rider in the dust. His Theban castle rang with the songs
-of minstrels; festival after festival followed at his Court; and this
-prosperity was not merely on the surface. Now for the first time we find
-Attica supplying Eubœa with corn, while the gift of silken garments to
-Pope Boniface VIII is a proof of the continued manufacture of silk at
-Thebes. But the duke’s health was undermined by an incurable malady; he
-had no heirs of his body; and, when he died in 1308, there was already
-looming on the frontiers of Greece that Grand Company of Catalan soldiers
-of fortune whom the weakness of the Emperor, Andronikos II, had invited
-from the stricken fields of Sicily to be the terror and the scourge of
-the Levant. The last duke of the house of la Roche was laid to rest in
-the noble Byzantine abbey of Daphni or Dalfinet (as the Franks called
-it), on the Sacred Way between Athens and Eleusis, which Othon had
-bestowed upon the Cistercians a century before. Even to-day there may
-be seen in the courtyard a sarcophagus, with a cross, two snakes, and
-two lilies carved upon it, which the French scholar Buchon (_La Grèce
-continentale_) believed to have been the tomb of “the good duke,” Guy II.
-
-The succession to the “delectable duchy” of Athens—for such, indeed,
-it was in the early years of the fourteenth century—was not seriously
-disputed. There were only two claimants, both first cousins of the late
-duke—Eschive, Lady of Beyrout, and Walter de Brienne, Count of Lecce, a
-true scion of that adventurous family, who had been a “knight of death”
-in the Angevin cause in Sicily, and had fought like the lion on his
-banner at the fatal battle of Gagliano. The rival claims having been
-referred to the High Court of Achaia, of which the Duke of Athens was, in
-Angevin times, a peer, the barons decided, as was natural, in favour of
-the gallant and powerful Count of Lecce, more fitted than a lonely widow
-to govern a military state. Unfortunately, Duke Walter of Athens was as
-rash as he was brave; prison and defeat in Sicily had not taught him to
-respect the infantry of Cataluña. Speaking their language and knowing
-their ways, he thought that he might use them for his own ends and then
-dismiss them when they had served his purpose.
-
-In the spring of 1309 the Catalan Grand Company threatened by starvation
-in Macedonia, marched through the vale of Tempe into the granary of
-Greece, whence, a year later, they descended upon Lamia. The Duke of
-Neopatras had now come of age, and had not only emancipated himself
-from Athenian tutelage, but had formed a triple alliance with the
-Greek Emperor and the Greek Despot of Epeiros in order to prevent the
-ultimate annexation of his country by his French neighbours. In these
-circumstances the new Duke of Athens bethought himself of employing the
-wandering Catalans against the allies. Thanks to the good offices of
-Roger Deslaur, a knight of Roussillon who was in his employ, he engaged
-them at the same high rate of payment which they had received from
-Andronikos II. The Catalans at once showed that they were well worth the
-money, for by the end of a six months’ campaign they had captured more
-than thirty castles for their employer. Thereupon his three adversaries
-hastened to make peace with him on his own terms.
-
-Walter now rashly resolved to rid himself of the expensive mercenaries
-for whom he had no further use. He first selected 500 men from their
-ranks, gave them their pay and lands on which to settle, and then
-abruptly bade the others begone, although at the time he still owed them
-four months’ wages. They naturally declined to obey this summary order,
-and prepared to conquer or die; for retreat was impossible, and there was
-no other land where they could seek their fortune. Walter, too, assembled
-all available troops against the common enemies of Frankish Greece—for
-as such the savage Catalans were regarded. Never had a Latin army made
-such a brave show as that which was drawn up under his command in the
-spring of 1311 on the great Bœotian plain, almost on the self-same spot
-where, more than sixteen centuries before, Philip of Macedon had won that
-“dishonest victory” which destroyed the freedom of classic Greece, and
-where, in the time of Sulla, her Roman masters had thrice met the Pontic
-troops of Mithridates. All the great feudatories of Greece rallied to
-his call. There came Alberto Pallavicini, Marquess of Boudonitza, who
-kept the pass of Thermopylæ; Thomas de Stromoncourt of Salona, who ruled
-over the slopes of Parnassos, and whose noble castle still preserves
-the memory of its mediæval lords; Boniface of Verona, the favourite of
-the late Duke of Athens; George Ghisi, one of the three great barons of
-Eubœa; and Jean de Maisy, another powerful magnate of that famous island.
-From Achaia, and from the scattered duchy of the Archipelago, contingents
-arrived to do battle against the desperate mercenaries of Cataluña.
-Already Walter dreamed of not merely routing the company, but of planting
-his lion banner on the ramparts of Byzantium.
-
-But the Catalans were better strategists than the impetuous Duke of
-Athens. They knew that the strength of the Franks lay in the rush of
-their splendid cavalry, and they laid their plans accordingly. The marshy
-soil of the Copaic basin afforded them an excellent defence against a
-charge of horsemen; and they carefully prepared the ground by ploughing
-it up, digging a trench round it, and then irrigating the whole area by
-means of canals from the river Kephissos. By the middle of March, when
-the two armies met face to face, a treacherous covering of green grass
-concealed the quaking bog from the gaze of the Frankish leaders.
-
-As if he had some presentiment of his coming death, Walter made his
-will—a curious document still preserved[86]—and then, on March 15, took
-up his stand on the hill called the Thourion, still surmounted by a
-mediæval tower, to survey the field. Before the battle began, the 500
-favoured Catalans whom he had retained came to him and told him that
-they would rather die than fight against their old comrades. The duke
-bade them do as they pleased; and their defection added a welcome and
-experienced contingent to the enemy’s forces. When they had gone, the
-duke, impatient for the fray, placed himself at the head of 200 French
-knights with golden spurs and charged with a shout across the plain.
-But, when they reached the fatal spot where the grass was greenest,
-their horses, heavily weighted with their coats of mail, plunged all
-unsuspecting into the treacherous morass. Some rolled over with their
-armoured riders in the mire; others, stuck fast in the stiff bog, stood
-still, in the picturesque phrase of the Byzantine historian, “like
-equestrian statues,” powerless to move. The shouts of “Aragon! Aragon!”
-from the Catalans increased the panic of the horses; showers of arrows
-hailed upon the helpless Franks; and the Turkish auxiliaries of the
-Catalans rushed forward and completed the deadly work. So great was the
-slaughter that only four Frankish nobles are known to have survived that
-fatal day—Boniface of Verona, Roger Deslaur, the eldest son of the
-Duke of Naxos, and Jean de Maisy of Eubœa[87]. At one blow the Catalans
-had destroyed the noble chivalry of Frankish Greece; and the men, whose
-forefathers had marched with Boniface of Montferrat into Greece a century
-earlier, lay dead in the fatal Bœotian swamp. Among them was the Duke
-of Athens, whose head, severed by a Catalan knife, was borne, long
-afterwards, on a funeral galley to Brindisi and buried in the church of
-Santa Croce in his Italian county of Lecce.
-
-The Athenian duchy, “the pleasaunce of the Latins,” as Villani[88]
-quaintly calls it, now lay at the mercy of the Grand Company; for the
-Greeks made no resistance to their new masters, and in fact looked upon
-the annihilation of the Franks as a welcome relief. We would fain believe
-the story of the Aragonese _Chronicle of the Morea_, that the heroic
-widow of the fallen duke, a worthy daughter of a Constable of France,
-defended the Akropolis, where she had taken refuge with her little son
-Walter, till she saw that there was no hope of succour. But the Byzantine
-historian, Nikephoros Gregoras, expressly says that Athens fell without
-a struggle, as Thebes had already fallen. Argos and Nauplia alone held
-aloft the banner of the Frankish dukes. Thus the Catalans were able,
-without opposition, to parcel out among themselves the towns and castles
-of the duchy; the widows of the slain became the wives of the slayers;
-each soldier received a consort according to his services; and many a
-rough warrior thus found himself the husband of some noble dame in whose
-veins flowed the bluest blood of France, and “whose washhand-basin,” in
-the phrase of Muntaner, “he was not worthy to bear.”
-
-After nine years’ wandering these vagabonds settled down in the promised
-land, which the most extraordinary fate had bestowed upon them. But they
-lacked a leader of sufficient social position to preside over their
-changed destinies. Finding no such man in their own ranks, they offered
-the post to one of their four noble prisoners, Boniface of Verona, whom
-Muntaner, his guest at Negroponte, has described as “the wisest and most
-courteous nobleman that was ever born.” Both of these qualities made him
-disinclined to accept an offer which would have rendered him an object of
-suspicion to Venice, his neighbour in Eubœa, and of loathing to the whole
-Frankish world. On his refusal the Catalans turned to Roger Deslaur, whom
-neither ties of blood nor scruples of conscience prevented from becoming
-their leader. As his reward he received the castle of Salona together
-with the widow of its fallen lord.
-
-But the victors of the Kephissos soon recognised that they needed some
-more powerful head than a simple knight of Roussillon, if they were to
-hold the duchy against the jealous enemies whom their meteoric success
-had alarmed and excited. Their choice naturally fell upon King Frederick
-II of Sicily, the master whom they had served in that island ten years
-earlier, and who had already shown that he was not unwilling to profit by
-their achievements. Accordingly, in 1312, they invited him to send them
-one of his children. He gave them as their duke his second son Manfred,
-in whose name—as the Duke was still too young to come himself—he sent,
-as governor of Athens, Beranger Estañol, a knight of Ampurias. On his
-arrival Deslaur laid down his office, and we hear of him no more.
-
-The Catalan duchy of Athens was now organised as a state, which, though
-dependent in name on a Sicilian duke, really enjoyed a large measure
-of independence. The duke nominated the two chief officials, the
-vicar-general and the marshal, of whom the former, appointed during
-good pleasure, was the political, the latter the military, governor of
-the duchy. The marshal was always chosen from the ranks of the Company;
-and the office was for half a century hereditary in the family of De
-Novelles. Each city and district had its own local governor, called
-_veguer_, _castellano_, or _capitán_, whose term of office was fixed at
-three years, and who was nominated by the duke, by the vicar-general, or
-by the local representatives from among the citizens of the community.
-The principal towns and villages were represented by persons known as
-_sindici_, and possessed municipal officials and councils, which did
-not hesitate to present petitions, signed with the seal of St George
-by the chancellor, to the duke whenever they desired the redress of
-grievances. On one occasion we find the communities actually electing the
-vicar-general; and the dukes frequently wrote to them about affairs of
-state. One of their principal subsequent demands was that official posts
-should be bestowed upon residents in the duchy, not upon Sicilians.
-
-The feudal system continued to exist, but with far less brilliance
-than under the Burgundian dukes. The Catalan conquerors were of common
-origin; and, even after seventy years of residence, the roll of noble
-families in the whole duchy contained only some sixteen names. The
-Company particularly objected to the bestowal of strong fortresses,
-such as Livadia, upon private individuals, preferring that they should
-be administered by the government officials. The “Customs of Barcelona”
-now supplanted the feudal “Assizes of Romania”; the Catalan idiom of
-Muntaner took the place of the elegant French which had been spoken by
-the Frankish rulers of Greece. Even to their Greek subjects the Spanish
-dukes wrote in “the Catalan dialect,” the employment of which, as we
-are expressly told, was “according to the custom and usage of the city
-of Athens.” Alike by Catalans and French, the Greeks were treated as
-an inferior race, excluded, as a general rule, from all civic rights,
-forbidden to intermarry with the conquerors, and still deprived of
-their higher ecclesiastical functionaries. But there were some notable
-exceptions to these harsh disqualifications. The people of Livadia, for
-services rendered to the Company, early received the full franchise of
-the Conquistadors; towards the end of the Catalan domination we find
-Greeks holding such important posts as those of _castellano_ of Salona,
-chancellor of Athens, and notary of Livadia; a count of Salona and a
-marshal married Greek ladies; and their wives were allowed to retain
-their own faith.
-
-Under the rule of Estañol the Catalans not only held their ground in
-Attica and Bœotia, but increased the terror of their name among all their
-neighbours. In vain the Pope appealed to King James II of Aragon to
-drive them out of Attica; in vain he described the late Duke Walter as
-a “true athlete of Christ and faithful boxer of the Church”; the king’s
-politic reply was to the effect that the Catalans, if they were cruel,
-were also Catholics, who would prove a valuable bulwark of Romanism
-against the schismatic Greeks of Byzantium[89]. The appointment of King
-Frederick II’s natural son, Don Alfonso Fadrique (or Frederick), as
-“President of the fortunate army of Franks in the Duchy of Athens” yet
-further strengthened the position of the Company. The new vicar-general
-was a man of much energy and force of character; and during his thirteen
-years’ administration the Catalan state attained its zenith. Practically
-independent of Sicilian influence—for the nominal Duke Manfred died in
-the year of Fadrique’s appointment, and his younger brother William was
-likewise a minor—he acquired a stronger hold upon Attica, and at the same
-time a pretext for intervention in the affairs of Eubœa, by his marriage
-with Marulla, the heiress of Boniface of Verona, “one of the fairest
-Christians in the world, the best woman and the wisest that ever was in
-that land,” as Muntaner, who knew her, enthusiastically describes her.
-With her Fadrique received back, as her dowry, the thirteen castles which
-Guy II of Athens had bestowed upon her father on that memorable day at
-Thebes.
-
-The growing power of the Catalans under this daring leader, who had
-marched across “the black bridge” of Negroponte and had occupied two
-of the most important castles of the island, so greatly alarmed the
-Venetians that they persuaded King Frederick II of Sicily to curb
-the restless ambition of his bastard son, lest a European coalition
-should be formed against the disturber of Greece. Above all else, the
-Republic was anxious that a Catalan navy should not be formed at the
-Piræus; and it was therefore stipulated, in 1319, that a plank was to
-be taken out of the hull of each of the Catalan vessels then lying in
-“the sea of Athens,” and that the ships’ tackle was to be taken up to
-“the Castle of Athens” and there deposited[90]. Thus shut out from naval
-enterprise, Fadrique now extended his dominions by land. The last Duke
-of Neopatras had died in 1318, and the best part of his duchy soon fell
-into the hands of the Catalans of Athens, who might claim that they
-represented the Burgundian dukes, and were therefore entitled to some
-voice in the government of a land which Guy II had once administered.
-At Neopatras, the seat of the extinct Greek dynasty of the Angeloi,
-Fadrique made his second capital, styling himself “Vicar-General of
-the duchies of Athens and Neopatras.” Thenceforth the Sicilian dukes
-of Athens assumed the double title which figures on their coins and in
-their documents; and, long after the Catalan duchies had passed away,
-the Kings of Aragon continued to bear it. This conquest made the Company
-master of practically all continental Greece; even the Venetian Marquess
-of Boudonitza paid an annual tribute of four horses to the Catalan
-vicar-general[91]. Still, however, the faithful family of Foucherolles
-held the two great fortresses of Argos and Nauplia for the exiled house
-of Brienne.
-
-Young Walter had now grown up to man’s estate, and it seemed to him that
-the time had come to strike a blow for the recovery of his Athenian
-heritage. The Angevins of Naples supported him in their own interest as
-well as his; Pope John XXII bade the Archbishops of Patras and Corinth
-preach a crusade against the “schismatics, sons of perdition, and pupils
-of iniquity” who had seized his patrimony; but the subtle Venetians,
-who could have contributed more than Angevin aid or papal thunder to
-the success of his expedition, had just renewed their truce with the
-Catalans. From that moment his attempt was bound to fail.
-
-Walter was, like his father, a rash general, while his opponents had
-not forgotten the art of strategy, to which they owed their success.
-At first the brilliant band of French knights and Tuscan men-at-arms
-which crossed over with him to Epeiros in 1331 carried all before it.
-But, when he arrived in the Catalan duchy, he found that the enemy was
-much too cautious to give his fine cavalry a chance of displaying its
-prowess on the plains of Bœotia. While the Catalans remained behind the
-walls of their fortresses, the invaders wasted their energies on the
-open country. Ere long Walter’s small stock of money ran out, and his
-chances diminished with it. The Greeks rendered him no assistance. It is
-true that a correspondent of the historian Nikephoros Gregoras wrote that
-they were “suffering under extreme slavery,” and had “exchanged their
-ancient happiness for boorish ways,” while Guillaume Adam said that they
-were “worse than serfs”; but either their sufferings were insufficient to
-make them desire a change of masters, or their boorishness was such that
-it made them indifferent to the advantages of French culture. Early in
-the following year Walter took ship for Italy, never to return. Summoned
-by the Florentines to command their forces, he became tyrant of their
-city, whence he was expelled amidst universal rejoicings eleven years
-later. His name and arms may still be seen in the Bargello of Florence.
-Thirteen years afterwards he fell fighting, as Constable of France,
-against the English at the battle of Poitiers. His sister Isabelle, wife
-of Walter d’Enghien, succeeded to his estates and his pretensions; some
-of her descendants continued to bear, till 1381, the empty title of Duke
-of Athens, while the last fragments of the French duchy—the castles of
-Nauplia and Argos—remained in the possession of others of her line till,
-in 1388, they were purchased by Venice.
-
-One irreparable loss was inflicted upon Greece by this expedition. In
-order to prevent the castle of St Omer at Thebes from falling into his
-hands, the Catalans destroyed that noble monument of Frankish rule.
-Loudly does the _Chronicle of the Morea_ lament over the loss of a
-building more closely associated than any other with the past glories
-of the De la Roche. At the time of its destruction it belonged to
-Bartolommeo Ghisi, Great Constable of Achaia, one of the three great
-barons of Eubœa, son-in-law of Fadrique, and a man of literary and
-historic tastes, for the French version of the Chronicle, _Le Livre de la
-Conqueste_, was originally found in his Theban castle[92]. Had Fadrique
-still been head of the Company at the time, he would probably have saved
-his kinsman’s home; but for some unexplained reason he was no longer
-vicar-general, though he was still in Greece. Possibly, as he paid a
-visit to Sicily about this time, he may have been accused at the Sicilian
-Court of aiming at independent sovereignty in the duchies—an accusation
-to which his too successful career may have lent some colour. Though he
-never resumed the leadership of the Catalans he passed the rest of his
-life in Greece, where one of his sons was Count of Salona, and another
-became, later on, vicar-general of the duchies.
-
-Soon after Walter’s futile expedition the Papacy made its peace with
-the “sons of perdition,” who came to be regarded as a possible defence
-against the growing Turkish peril. Unfortunately, when the Catalans
-became respectable members of Christendom, they ceased to be formidable.
-Occasionally the old Adam broke out, as when the Count of Salona plied
-the trade of a pirate with the aid of the “unspeakable” Turk. But
-their Thessalian conquests were slipping away from the luxurious and
-drunken progeny of the hardy warriors who had smitten the Franks in the
-marshes of the Kephissos. Meanwhile, in distant Sicily, the shadowy
-Dukes of Athens and Neopatras came and went without ever seeing their
-Greek duchies. Duke William died in 1338; and his successors, John and
-Frederick of Randazzo, the picturesque town on the slopes of Etna, both
-succumbed to the plague a few years later—mere names in the history of
-Athens. But in 1355 the new Duke of Athens became also King of Sicily,
-under the title of Frederick III; and thus the two duchies, which had
-hitherto been the appanage of younger members of the royal family, were
-united with the Sicilian crown in the person of its holder.
-
-Thenceforth, as is natural, the archives of Palermo contain far more
-frequent allusions to the duchies of Athens and Neopatras, whose
-inhabitants petition their royal duke for redress of grievances and
-for the appointment of suitable officials. But it is evident from the
-tenour of these documents that the Catalan state was rapidly declining.
-In addition to the Turkish peril and the menaces of the Venetians of
-Negroponte, the once united soldiers of fortune were divided into
-factions, which paralysed the central authority, and were aggravated
-by the prolonged absence of the vicar-general in Sicily. One party
-wished to place the duchies under the protection of Genoa, the natural
-enemy of Venice, while two bitter rivals, Roger de Lluria and Pedro
-de Pou, or Petrus de Puteo, the chief justice, an unjust judge and a
-grasping and ambitious official, both claimed the title of vicar of
-the absent vicar-general. Pou’s tyranny became so odious to Catalans
-and Greeks alike that the former rose against him and slew him and his
-chief adherents. The experiment of allowing the vicar-general as well
-as the duke to remain an absentee had thus proved to be a failure;
-Lluria, as the strongest man on the spot, was rewarded with the office
-of vicar-general as the sole means of keeping the duchies intact. So
-vulnerable did the Catalan state appear that the representatives of
-Walter of Brienne, the Baron of Argos and the Count of Conversano,
-renewed the attempt of their predecessor and, if we may believe the
-Aragonese _Chronicle of the Morea_, actually occupied for a time the city
-of Athens.
-
-The fast approaching Turkish danger ought to have united all the Latin
-states of the Levant against the common foe, to whom they all eventually
-succumbed. An attempt at union was made by Pope Gregory XI, at the
-instance of the Archbishop of Neopatras; and a congress of the Christian
-rulers of the East was convened by him to meet at Thebes in 1373. We can
-well imagine how the ancient city, the capital of the Athenian duchy, was
-enlivened by the arrival of these more or less eminent persons, or their
-envoys; how the Archbishops of Neopatras and Naxos preached a new crusade
-against the infidel in the church of Our Lady; how every one applauded
-their excellent advice; and how personal jealousies marred the results of
-that, as of every subsequent congress on the Eastern question. Scarcely
-had the delegates separated, when Nerio Acciajuoli, Baron of Corinth, the
-boldest and astutest of them all, a worthy scion of that great Florentine
-family of bankers established for a generation in the principality of
-Achaia showed his appreciation of the value of unity by seizing Megara
-as the first step on the way to Athens. It is an interesting proof of
-the popularity of Catalan rule among those Greeks, at any rate, who held
-office under the Company, that one of the warmest defenders of Megara was
-a Greek notary, Demetrios Rendi, who afterwards rose to a position of
-importance at Athens. Such was the weakness of the once terrible Catalan
-state that the upstart Florentine’s attack remained unavenged. The fall
-of Catalan rule was now only a question of time.
-
-The death of the royal Duke of Athens and Neopatras, Frederick III, in
-1377, yet further injured his Greek duchies. The duke had bequeathed them
-to his young daughter Maria; but the succession was disputed by King
-Pedro IV of Aragon, brother-in-law of Frederick III, who appealed to the
-principle of the Salic law as laid down by that monarch’s predecessor,
-Frederick II. The Catalans of Attica were naturally disinclined to accept
-the government of a young girl at so critical a moment, when the Turk was
-at their gates. All the three archbishops and the principal barons and
-knights at once declared for the King of Aragon; but there was a minority
-in favour of Maria, headed by the Venetian Marquess of Boudonitza, who
-was eager to shake off the bond of vassalage to the vicar-general. The
-burgesses, anxious for security, supported the Aragonese party. At this
-moment, however, a third competitor appeared in the duchies in the shape
-of the Navarrese Company, which sought to repeat the exploits of the
-Catalans seventy years before. The researches of the learned historian
-of the Catalans and Navarrese, Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch, have thrown
-a flood of light upon this portion of the Athenian annals, and have
-explained much that was hitherto obscure. Employed originally by King
-Charles II of Navarre in his struggle with Charles V of France, the
-Navarrese mercenaries had found their occupation gone when those two
-rival sovereigns made peace in 1366. After many vicissitudes they found
-congenial service, fourteen years later, under the banner of Jacques de
-Baux, Prince of Achaia and the last titular Emperor of Constantinople,
-who thought the moment had come to recover his ancestors’ dominions.
-
-Accordingly, early in 1380, they directed their steps towards Attica,
-under the command of Mahiot de Coquerel, chamberlain of the King of
-Navarre, and Pedro de Superan, surnamed Bordo, or the bastard[93].
-These experienced leaders found valuable assistance in the chiefs of
-the Sicilian party; in the knights of St John who sallied forth from
-the Morea to pillage the distracted duchy; in the Count of Conversano,
-who seems to have now made a second attempt to regain his ancestors’
-heritage; and in the mutual jealousies of Thebes and Athens, fomented by
-the characteristic desire of the Athenians to be independent of Theban
-supremacy. In Bœotia, one place after another fell before the adventurers
-from Navarre; the noble castle of Livadia, which still preserves the
-memory of its Catalan masters, was betrayed by a Greek from Durazzo; and
-the capital was surrendered by two Spanish traitors. But the fortress of
-Salona defied their assaults; and the Akropolis, thanks to the bravery of
-its governor, Romeo de Bellarbe, and to the loyalty of the ever useful
-notary, Demetrios Rendi, baffled the machinations of a little band of
-malcontents. These severe checks broke the force of the soldiers of
-Navarre; their appearance in Greece had alarmed all the petty potentates
-of the Morea and the islands; and they withdrew to Bœotia, whence, some
-two years later, they were finally dislodged. Thence they proceeded to
-the Morea, where they carved out a principality, nominally for Jacques de
-Baux, really for themselves.
-
-The people of Athens and Salona, whose loyalty to the crown of Aragon
-had saved the duchies, were well aware of the value of their services,
-and were resolved to have their reward. Both communities accordingly
-presented petitions to King Pedro; and these capitulations, drawn up in
-the Catalan language, have fortunately been preserved in the archives
-of Barcelona. Both the Athenian capitulations and those of Salona are
-largely concerned with personal questions—requests that this or that
-faithful person should receive privileges, lands, and honours, especially
-his Majesty’s most loyal subject, the Greek, Demetrios Rendi. From the
-date of the Frankish conquest no member of the conquered race had ever
-risen to such eminence as this serviceable clerk, who now obtained broad
-acres, goods, and serfs in both Attica and Bœotia. But there were
-some clauses in the Athenian petition of a more general character. The
-Athenians begged the central authorities at Thebes for a continuance of
-their recently won independence, and for permission to bequeath their
-property and serfs to the Catholic Church. Both these prayers met with
-a blank refusal. King Pedro told the petitioners that he intended to
-treat the duchies as an indivisible whole, and that home-rule for Athens
-was quite out of the question. He also reminded them that the Catalans
-were only a small garrison in Greece, and that, if holy Church became
-possessed of their property, there would be no one left to defend the
-country. He also observed that there was no hardship in this, for the
-law of Athens was also that of his kingdoms of Majorca and Valencia. The
-soundness of his Majesty’s statesmanship was obvious in the peculiar
-conditions of the Catalan state; but this demand shows the influence of
-the Church, an influence rarely found in the history of Frankish Greece.
-
-Of all the dukes who had held sway over Athens, Pedro IV was the first
-to express himself in enthusiastic terms about the Akropolis. The poetic
-monarch—himself a troubadour and a chronicler—described that sacred rock
-in eloquent language as “the most precious jewel that exists in the
-world, and such as all the kings of Christendom together would imitate
-in vain.” He had doubtless heard from the lips of Bishop Boyl of Megara,
-who was chaplain in the chapel of St Bartholomew in the governor’s palace
-on the Akropolis, a description of the ancient buildings, then almost
-uninjured, which the bishop knew so well. Yet he considered twelve
-men-at-arms sufficient defence for the brightest jewel in his crown.
-
-Pedro now did his best to repair the ravages of the civil war; he
-ordered a general amnesty for all the inhabitants of the duchies, and
-showered rewards on faithful cities and individuals. Livadia, always a
-privileged town in the Catalan period, not only received a confirmation
-of its rights, but became the seat of the Order of St George in Greece,
-an honour due to the fact that the head of the saint was then preserved
-there. Most important of all for the future history of Greece, the king
-granted exemption from taxes for two years to all Albanians who would
-come and settle in the depleted duchies. This was the beginning of that
-Albanian colonisation of Attica of which so many traces remain in the
-population and the topography of the present day.
-
-But the Albanian colonists came too late to save the Catalan domination.
-From the heights of Akrocorinth and from the twin hills of Megara, Nerio
-Acciajuoli, the Florentine upstart, had been attentively watching the
-rapid dissolution of the Catalan power. He saw a land weakened by civil
-war and foreign invasion; he knew that the titular duke was an absentee,
-engrossed with more important affairs; he found the ducal viceroys
-summoned away to Spain or Sicily, while the old families of the conquest
-were almost as extinct as the French whom they had displaced. He was a
-man of action, without scruples, without fear, and he resolved to strike.
-Hiring a galley from the Venetian arsenal at Candia, under pretext of
-sweeping Turkish corsairs from the two seas, he assembled a large force
-of cavalry, and sought an excuse for intervention. The pride of a noble
-dame was the occasion of the fall of Athens. Nerio asked the Dowager
-Countess of Salona to give her daughter’s hand to his brother-in-law,
-Pietro Saraceno, scion of a Sienese family long settled in Eubœa. The
-Countess, in whose veins flowed the Imperial blood of the Cantacuzenes,
-scornfully rejected the offer of the Florentine tradesman, and affianced
-her daughter to a Serbian princeling of Thessaly. Franks and Greeks
-at Salona were alike indignant at this alliance with a Slav; Nerio’s
-horsemen invaded the county and the rest of the duchy, while his galley
-went straight for the Piræus. In the absence of a guiding hand—for the
-vicar-general was away in Spain—the Catalans made no serious resistance;
-only the Akropolis and a few other castles held out. In vain the King of
-Aragon despatched Pedro de Pau to take the command; that gallant officer,
-the last Catalan governor of the noblest fortress in Europe, defended the
-“Castle of Athens” for more than a twelvemonth, till, on May 2, 1388,
-it too surrendered to the Florentine. In vain, on April 22, as a last
-resource, it had been offered to the Countess of Salona, if she could
-save it[94]. The new King of Aragon in vain promised the _Sindici_ of
-Athens to visit “so famous a portion of his realm,” and announced that he
-was sending a fleet to “confound his enemies.” We know not whether the
-fleet ever arrived; if it did, it was unsuccessful. The sovereigns of
-Aragon might gratify their vanity by appointing a titular vicar-general,
-or even a duke, of the duchies whose names they still included in their
-titles; once, indeed, the news of an expedition aroused alarm at Athens.
-But it proved to be merely the usual tall talk of the Catalans; the flag
-of Aragon never waved again from the ramparts of the Akropolis; the duchy
-passed to the Acciajuoli.
-
-The Catalan Grand Company disappeared from the face of Attica as rapidly
-as rain from its light soil. Like their Burgundian predecessors, these
-soldiers of fortune conquered but struck no root in the land. Some took
-ship for Sicily; some, like Ballester, the last Catalan Archbishop of
-Athens, are heard of in Cataluña; while others, among them the two
-branches of the Fadrique family, lingered on for a time, the one at
-Salona, the other at Ægina, where we find their connections, the Catalan
-family of Caopena, ruling till 1451—a fact which explains the boast of a
-much later Catalan writer, Peña y Farel, that his countrymen maintained
-their “ancient splendour” in Greece till the middle of the fifteenth
-century. Thither the Catalans conveyed the head of St George, and thence
-it was removed to the Church of San Giorgio Maggiore at Venice, when
-the Venetians succeeded the Caopena as masters of Ægina. Even to-day a
-noble family in Zante bears the name of Katalianos; and in the island of
-Santorin are three families of Spanish origin—those of Da Corogna, De
-Cigalla, and Delenda, to which last the recent Catholic Archbishop of
-Athens belonged. Besides the castles of Salona, Livadia, and Lamia, and
-the row of towers between Livadia and Thebes, the Catalans have left a
-memorial of their stay in Greece in the curious fresco of the Virgin and
-Child, now in the Christian Archæological Museum at Athens, which came
-from the church of the Prophet Elias near the gate of the Agora. Unlike
-their predecessors, they minted no coins; unlike them, they had no ducal
-court in their midst to stimulate luxury and refinement. Yet even in the
-Athens of the Catalans there was some culture. A diligent Athenian priest
-copied medical works; and we hear of the libraries belonging to the
-Catholic bishops of Salona and Megara.
-
-The Greeks long remembered with terror the Catalan domination. A Greek
-girl, in a mediæval ballad, prays that her seducer may “fall into the
-hands of the Catalans”; even a generation ago the name of Catalan
-was used as a term of reproach in Attica and in Eubœa, in Akarnania,
-Messenia, Lakonia, and at Tripolitsa. Yet, as we have seen, the Greeks
-did not raise a finger to assist a French restoration when they had the
-chance, while there are several instances of Greeks rendering valuable
-aid to the Catalans against the men of Navarre. Harsher they may have
-been than the French, but they probably gained their bad name before
-they settled down in Attica, and became more staid and more tolerant as
-they became respectable. In our own time they have found admirers and
-apologists among their own countrymen, who are justly proud of the fact
-that the most famous city in the world was for two generations governed
-by the sons of Cataluña. And in the history of Athens, where nothing can
-lack interest, they, too, are entitled to a place.
-
-
-AUTHORITIES
-
-1. _I Libri Commemoriali._ Vols. I-VI. Ed. by R. Predelli. Venice: Reale
-Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, 1876-1903.
-
-2. _Libro de las Fechos et Conquistas del Principado de la Morea._ Ed. by
-A. Morel-Fatio. Geneva, 1885.
-
-3. _La Espedición y Dominación de los Catalanes en Oriente; Los Navarros
-en Grecia._ By D. Antonio Rubió y Lluch. Barcelona, 1887.
-
-4. _Sul Dominio dei Ducati di Atene e Neopatria dei Re di Sicilia._ By F.
-Guardione. Palermo, 1895.
-
-5. _Chronik des Edlen En Ramon Muntaner._ Ed. Karl Lanz. Stuttgart, 1844.
-
-6. Οἱ Καταλάνοι ἐν τῇ Ἄνατολῇ (_The Catalans in the East_). By E. I.
-Stamatiades. Athens, 1869.
-
-7. _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum._ Ed. G. M. Thomas and R. Predelli.
-Venice, 1880-1899.
-
-8. _De Historiæ Ducatus Atheniensis Fontibus._ By K. Hopf. 1852.
-
-9. _Catalunya a Grecia._ By D. Antonio Rubió y Lluch. Barcelona, 1906.
-
-10. Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν
-(_Documents relating to the Mediæval History of Athens_). Ed. Sp. P.
-Lampros. Athens, 1906.
-
-And other works.
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-THE FRANKISH INSCRIPTION AT KARDITZA
-
-To students of Frankish Greece the church at Karditza in Bœotia is one of
-the most interesting in the country, because it contains an inscription
-referring to an important Frankish personage, Antoine le Flamenc, and
-dating from the fatal year 1311, which witnessed the overthrow of the
-Frankish Duchy of Athens in the swamps of the Bœotian Kephissos. Buchon
-had twice[95] published this inscription; but, as I was anxious to
-know in what condition it was and to have an exact facsimile of it, I
-asked Mr D. Steel, the manager of the Lake Copais Company, to have a
-fresh copy taken. Mr Steel kindly sent his Greek draughtsman to copy
-the inscription, and at the same time visited the church and took the
-photographs now published (Plate I, Figs. 1 and 2). Subsequently, in
-1912, I visited the church with him and saw the inscription, which is
-painted on the plaster of the wall. Mr Steel informed me that, when he
-first saw the church about 1880, “the extension of the west end,” clearly
-visible in the photographs, “had not yet been made, while at that end
-there existed a sort of verandah set on pieces of ancient columns.”
-
-On comparing the present copy (Text-fig. 1) with Buchon’s versions, it
-will be noticed that not only are there several differences of spelling,
-but that the French scholar omitted one important addition to the year
-at the end of the inscription—the indiction, which is rightly given as
-the 9th. This is a further proof that the date of the inscription is
-1311, which corresponds with both the year 6819 and the 9th indiction. As
-the battle of the Kephissos was fought on March 15th of that year, and
-as Antoine le Flamenc is known to have survived the terrible carnage of
-that day, we may surmise, as I have elsewhere suggested, that the work
-commemorated in the inscription was “in pursuance of a vow made before he
-went into action.”
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 1. INSCRIPTION ON THE CHURCH AT KARDITZA.]
-
-Antoine le Flamenc, whose ancestors had settled in the Holy Land, is
-several times mentioned during the first decade of the fourteenth
-century. The _Livre de la Conqueste_[96] states that Guy II, Duke of
-Athens, appointed him his “bailie and lieutenant” in Thessaly in 1303,
-and describes him as _un des plus sages hommes de Romanie_ and _le plus
-sage dou duchame_. The same passage alludes also to Jean le Flamenc,
-his son, as receiving a post in Thessaly. Doubtless their experience of
-the Wallachs, who then, as now, wandered as winter approached from the
-Thessalian to the Bœotian Karditza, would specially commend these two
-distinguished men for such duties. Two years later we find Antoine as
-one of the witnesses of a deed[97] regarding the property of the Duchess
-of Athens, just come of age at Thebes, in her father’s land of Hainault.
-On April 2nd, 1309, both Antoine and Jean were present at the engagement
-of the then widowed Duchess with Charles of Taranto at Thebes[98].
-On the 23rd of a certain month (? September) of 1308, a Venetian
-document[99] alludes to the intention of _Fiammengo Antonio_, together
-with Guy II, Rocaforte, and Bonifacio da Verona, to _tentar l’impresa di
-Negroponte_—in other words, to make an attempt upon that Venetian colony.
-On August 11th, 1309, another Venetian letter, this time addressed to
-_Egregio militi Antonio Fiammengo_, informs us that he had rented the
-property of Pietro Correr, an absent canon of Thebes, and bids him not to
-consign the rents to any but the rightful person. A second letter of the
-same day, addressed to the bailie and councillors of Negroponte, mentions
-him again in connection with this affair[100]. Finally, the list of Greek
-dignitaries, with whom the Republic was in correspondence, originally
-drawn up before the battle of the Kephissos and then corrected in 1313,
-mentions _Ser Antonius Flamengo miles_[101]. As his name is not followed
-by the word _decessit_ or _mortuus_, added to those who had fallen in the
-battle, he was one of the very few survivors.
-
-To these certain facts Hopf[102] added the assumption, based on no
-evidence, that he was the “Frank settled in the East,” whom Isabella,
-Marchioness of Boudonitza, married, and who, in 1286, disputed the
-succession to that castle with her cousin.
-
-As Buchon’s books are rare, I append his transcript of the inscription:
-
-                       ΑΝΗΓΕΡΘΗ Ο ΘΥΙΩΣ ΚΕ ΠΝΣΕΠΤΟΣ
-                         ΝΑΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΙΠΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΜ.Τ
-                        ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΥ ΔΗΑ ΣΙΝΕΡΓΙΑΣ ΚΕ
-                      ΠΟΘΟΥ ΠΟΛΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΩΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ
-                          ΚΑΒΑΛΑΡΙ ΜΙΣΕΡ ΑΝΤΟΝΙ
-                                 ΛΕ ΦΛΑΜΑ
-                     ΟΔΕ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΗΛΙΦΕΝ ΠΟΛΩΝ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΩΝ
-                       ΟΔΕ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΕΝ ΗΣΤΟΡΗΑ ΑΥΤΑ
-                        ΠΑΡΑ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΜΟΝΑΧΟΥ
-                             ΚΕ ΚΑΘΕΓΟΥΜΕΝΟΥ
-                        ΚΑΙ ΝΙΚΟΔΕΜΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΜΟΝΑΧΟΥ
-                           ΤΟΝ ΑΥΤΑΔΕΛΦΩΝ ΤΟΥΣ
-                            ΑΝΑΚΕΝΕΣΑΝΤΑΣ ΤΟΝ
-                               ΗΚΟΝ ΤΟΥΤΟΝ.
-                              + ΕΤΙ. ϛωΙΘ. +
-
-[Illustration: PLATE I
-
-Fig. 1. THE CHURCH OF ST GEORGE AT KARDITZA, LOOKING TOWARDS THE END,
-WHICH IS MODERN
-
-Fig. 2. THE CHURCH OF ST GEORGE AT KARDITZA, SHOWING OLD BELFRY AND
-BUTTRESSES SUPPORTING OLD PART OF THE BUILDING]
-
-
-5. FLORENTINE ATHENS
-
-The history of mediæval Athens is full of surprises. A Burgundian
-nobleman founding a dynasty in the ancient home of heroes and
-philosophers; a roving band of mercenaries from the westernmost
-peninsula of Europe destroying in a single day the brilliant French
-civilisation of a century; a Florentine upstart, armed with the modern
-weapons of finance, receiving the keys of the Akropolis from a gallant
-and chivalrous soldier of Spain—such are the tableaux which inaugurate
-the three epochs of her Frankish annals. In an earlier paper in the
-_Quarterly Review_ (January 1907) we dealt with the French and the
-Catalan periods; we now propose to trace the third and last phase of
-Latin rule over the most famous of Greek cities.
-
-When, in the spring of 1388, Nerio Acciajuoli found himself master of
-“the Castle of Setines,” as the Franks called the Akropolis, his first
-care was to conciliate the Greeks, who formed by far the largest part of
-his subjects, and who may have aided him to conquer the Athenian duchy.
-For the first time since the day, nearly two centuries before, when
-Akominatos had fled from his beloved cathedral to exile at Keos, a Greek
-Metropolitan of Athens was allowed to reside in his see, not, indeed, on
-the sacred rock itself, but beneath the shadow of the Areopagos. We may
-be sure that this remarkable concession was prompted, not by sentiment,
-but by policy, though the policy was perhaps mistaken. The Greek
-hierarchy has in all ages been distinguished for its political character;
-and the presence of a high Greek ecclesiastic at Athens at once provided
-his fellow-countrymen with a national leader against the rulers, whom
-they distrusted as foreigners and he hated as schismatics. He was ready
-to call in the aid of the Turks against his fellow-Christians, just as in
-modern Macedonia a Greek bishop abhorred the followers of the Bulgarian
-Exarch far more than those of the Prophet. Thus early in Florentine
-Athens were sown the seeds of the Turkish domination; thus, in the
-words of the Holy Synod, “the Athenian Church seemed to have recovered
-its ancient happiness such as it had enjoyed before the barbarian
-conquest[103].”
-
-Nor was it the Church alone which profited by the change of dynasty.
-Greek for the first time became the official language of the Government;
-Nerio and his accomplished daughter, the Countess of Cephalonia, used it
-in their public documents; the Countess, the most masterful woman of the
-Latin Orient, proudly signed herself, in the cinnabar ink of Byzantium,
-“Empress of the Romans”; even Florentines settled at Athens assumed the
-Greek translation of their surnames. Thus, a branch of the famous Medici
-family was transplanted to Athens, became completely Hellenised under the
-name of Iatros, and has left behind it a progeny which scarcely conceals,
-beneath that of Iatropoulos, its connection with the mediæval rulers of
-Florence. There is even evidence that the “elders” of the Greek community
-were allowed a share in the municipal government of Florentine, no less
-than in that of Turkish, Athens.
-
-Hitherto the career of Nerio Acciajuoli had been one of unbroken
-success. His star had guided him from Florence to Akrocorinth, and
-from Akrocorinth to the Akropolis; his two daughters, one famed as
-the most beautiful, the other as the most talented woman of her time,
-were married to the chief Greek and to the leading Latin potentate of
-Greece—to Theodore Palaiologos, Despot of Mistra, and to Carlo Tocco, the
-Neapolitan noble who ruled over the County Palatine of Cephalonia. These
-alliances seemed to guard him against every foe. He was now destined,
-however, to experience one of those sudden turns of fortune which were
-peculiarly characteristic of Frankish Greece. He was desirous of rounding
-off his dominions by the acquisition of the castles of Nauplia and Argos,
-which had been appendages of the French Duchy of Athens, but which,
-during the Catalan period, had remained loyal to the family of Brienne
-and to its heirs, the house of Enghien. In 1388, Marie d’Enghien, the
-Lady of Argos, left a young and helpless widow, had transferred her
-Argive estates to Venice, which thus began its long domination over the
-ancient kingdom of Agamemnon. But, before the Venetian commissioner had
-had time to take possession, Nerio had instigated his son-in-law, the
-Despot of Mistra, to seize Argos by a _coup de main_. For this act of
-treachery he paid dearly. It was not merely that the indignant Republic
-broke off all commercial relations between her colonies and Athens,
-but she also availed herself of the Navarrese Company, which was now
-established in the Morea, as the fitting instrument of her revenge. The
-Navarrese commander accordingly invited Nerio to a personal conference
-on the question of Argos; and the shrewd Florentine, with a childlike
-simplicity remarkable in one who had lived so many years in the Levant,
-accepted the invitation, and deliberately placed himself in the power
-of his enemies. The opportunity was too good to be lost; the law of
-nations was mere waste-paper to the men of Navarre; Nerio was arrested
-and imprisoned in a Peloponnesian prison. At once the whole Acciajuoli
-clan set to work to obtain the release of their distinguished relative;
-the Archbishop of Florence implored the intervention of the Pope; the
-Florentine Government offered the most liberal terms to Venice; a message
-was despatched to Amedeo of Savoy; most efficacious of all, the aid of
-Genoa was invoked on behalf of one whose daughter was a Genoese citizen.
-Nerio was released; but his ransom was disastrous to Athens. In order to
-raise the requisite amount, he stripped the silver plates off the doors
-of the Parthenon and seized the gold, silver and precious stones which
-the piety of many generations had given to that venerable cathedral.
-
-Nerio was once more free, but he was not long allowed to remain
-undisturbed in his palace on the Akropolis. The Sicilian royal family
-now revived its claims to the Athenian duchy, and even nominated a
-phantom vicar-general[104]; and, what was far more serious, the Turks,
-under the redoubtable Evrenos Beg, descended upon Attica. The overthrow
-of the Serbian Empire on the fatal field of Kossovo had now removed
-the last barrier between Greece and her future masters; and Bayezid,
-“the Thunderbolt,” fell upon that unprotected land. The blow struck
-Nerio’s neighbour, the Dowager Countess of Salona, the proud dame who
-had so scornfully rejected his suit nine years before. Ecclesiastical
-treachery and corruption sealed the fate of that ancient fief of the
-Stromoncourts, the Deslaurs, and the Fadriques, amid tragic surroundings,
-which a modern Greek drama has endeavoured to depict[105]. The Dowager
-Countess had allowed her paramour, a priest, to govern in her name; and
-this petty tyrant had abused his power to wring money from the shepherds
-of Parnassos and to debauch the damsels of Delphi by his demoniacal
-incantations in the classic home of the supernatural. At last he cast
-his eyes on the fair daughter and full money-bags of the Greek bishop;
-deprived of his child and fearing for his gold, the bishop roused his
-flock against the monster and begged the Sultan to occupy a land so well
-adapted for his Majesty’s favourite pastimes of hunting and riding as is
-the plain at the foot of Parnassos. The Turks accepted the invitation;
-the priest shut himself up in the noble castle, slew the bishop’s
-daughter, and prepared to fight. But there was treachery among the
-garrison; a man of Salona murdered the tyrant and offered his head to the
-Sultan; and the Dowager Countess and her daughter in vain endeavoured
-to appease the conqueror with gifts. Bayezid sent the young Countess to
-his harem; her mother he handed over to the insults of his soldiery, her
-land he assigned to one of his lieutenants. Her memory still clings to
-the “pomegranate” cliff (ροιά) at Salona, whence, according to the local
-legend, repeated to the author on the spot, “the princess” was thrown.
-
-Nerio feared for his own dominions, whence the Greek Metropolitan
-had fled—so it was alleged—to the Turkish camp, and had promised the
-infidels the treasures of the Athenian Church in return for their aid.
-For the moment, however, the offer of tribute saved the Athenian duchy;
-but its ruler hastened to implore the aid of the Pope and of King
-Ladislaus of Naples against the enemies of Christendom, and at the same
-time sought formal recognition of his usurpation from that monarch, at
-whose predecessors’ court the fortunes of his family had originated,
-and who still pretended to be the suzerain of Achaia, and therefore of
-its theoretical dependency, Athens. Ladislaus, nothing loth, in 1394
-rewarded the self-seeking Florentine for having recovered the Duchy of
-Athens “from certain of His Majesty’s rivals,” with the title of duke,
-with remainder—as Nerio had no legitimate sons—to his brother Donato and
-the latter’s heirs. Cardinal Angelo Acciajuoli, another brother, was to
-invest the new duke with a golden ring; and it was expressly provided
-that Athens should cease to be a vassal state of Achaia, but should
-thenceforth own no overlord save the King of Naples. The news that one
-of their clan had obtained the glorious title of Duke of Athens filled
-the Acciajuoli with pride—such was the fascination which the name of
-that city exercised in Italy. Boccaccio, half a century before, had
-familiarised his countrymen with a title which Walter of Brienne, the
-tyrant of Florence, had borne as of right, and which, as applied to Nerio
-Acciajuoli, was no empty flourish of the herald’s college.
-
-The first Florentine Duke of Athens did not, however, long survive the
-realisation of his ambition. On September 25 of the same year he died,
-laden with honours, the type of a successful statesman. But, as he lay
-on his sick-bed at Corinth, the dying man seems to have perceived that
-he had founded his fortunes on the sand. Pope and King might give him
-honours and promises; they could not render effective aid against the
-Turks. It was under the shadow of this coming danger that Nerio drew up
-his remarkable will.
-
-His first care was for the Parthenon, Our Lady of Athens, in which he
-directed that his body should be laid to rest. He ordered its doors to be
-replated with silver, its stolen treasures to be bought up and restored
-to it; he provided that, besides the twelve canons of the cathedral,
-there should be twenty priests to say masses for the repose of his
-soul; and he bequeathed to the Athenian minster, for their support and
-for the maintenance of its noble fabric, the city of Athens, with its
-dependencies, and all the brood-mares of his valuable stud. Seldom has a
-church received such a remarkable endowment; the Cathedral of Monaco,
-built out of the earnings of a gaming-table, is perhaps the closest
-parallel to the Parthenon maintained by the profits of a stud-farm.
-Nerio made his favourite daughter, the Countess of Cephalonia, his
-principal heiress; to her he bequeathed his castles of Megara, Sikyon,
-and Corinth, while to his natural son, Antonio, he left the government
-of Thebes, Livadia, and all beyond it. To the bastard’s mother, Maria
-Rendi, daughter of the ever-serviceable Greek notary who had been so
-prominent in the last years of the Catalan domination, and had retained
-his position under the new dynasty, her lover granted the full franchise,
-with the right to retain all her property, including, perhaps, the spot
-between Athens and the Piræus which still preserves the name of her
-family. Finally, he recommended his land to the care of the Venetian
-Republic, which he begged to protect his heiress and to carry out his
-dispositions for the benefit of Our Lady of Athens.
-
-Donato Acciajuoli made no claim to succeed his brother in the Duchy of
-Athens. He was Gonfaloniere of Florence and Senator of Rome; and he
-preferred those safe and dignified positions in Italy to the glamour
-of a ducal coronet in Greece, in spite of the natural desire of the
-family that one of their name should continue to take his title from
-Athens[106]. But it was obvious that a conflict would arise between the
-sons-in-law of the late duke, for Nerio had practically disinherited his
-elder daughter in favour of her younger but abler sister. Carlo Tocco of
-Cephalonia at once demanded the places bequeathed to his wife, occupied
-Megara and Corinth, and imprisoned the terrified executors in his island
-till they had signed a document stating that he had carried out the terms
-of his father-in-law’s will. Theodore Palaiologos, who contended that
-Corinth had always been intended to be his after Nerio’s death, besieged
-it with a large force, till Tocco, calling in a still larger Turkish
-army, drove his brother-in-law from the Isthmus[107].
-
-Meanwhile, the Greeks of Athens had followed the same fatal policy of
-invoking the common enemy as arbiter of their affairs. It was not to be
-expected that the Greek race, which had of late recovered its national
-consciousness, and which had ever remained deeply attached to its
-religion, would quietly acquiesce in the extraordinary arrangement by
-which the city of Athens was made the property of the Catholic cathedral.
-The professional jealousy and the _odium theologicum_ of the two great
-ecclesiastics, Makarios, the Greek Metropolitan, and Ludovico da Prato,
-the Latin archbishop, envenomed the feelings of the people. The Greek
-divine summoned Timourtash, the Turkish commander, to rid Athens of
-the _filioque_ clause; and his strange ally occupied the lower town.
-The castle, however, was bravely defended by Matteo de Montona, one of
-the late duke’s executors, who despatched a messenger in hot haste to
-the Venetian colony of Negroponte, offering to hand over Athens to the
-Republic if the governor would promise in her name to respect the ancient
-franchises and customs of the Athenians. The bailie of Negroponte agreed,
-subject to the approval of the home Government, and sent a force which
-dispersed the Turks, and, at the close of 1394, for the first time in
-history, hoisted the lion-banner of the Evangelist on the ancient castle
-of Athens.
-
-The Republic decided, after mature consideration, to accept the offer of
-the Athenian commander. No sentimental argument, no classical memories,
-weighed with the sternly practical statesmen of the lagoons. The romantic
-King of Aragon had waxed enthusiastic over the glories of the Akropolis;
-and sixty years later the greatest of Turkish Sultans contemplated his
-conquest with admiration. But the sole reason which decided the Venetian
-Government to annex Athens was its proximity to the Venetian colonies,
-and the consequent danger which might ensue to them if it fell into
-Turkish or other hands. Thus Venice took over the Akropolis in 1395,
-not because it was a priceless monument, but because it was a strong
-fortress; she saved the Athenians, not, as Cæsar had done, for the sake
-of their ancestors, but for that of her own colonies, “the pupil of her
-eye.” From the financial point of view, indeed, Athens could not have
-been a valuable asset. The Venetians confessed that they did not know
-what its revenues and expenses were; and, pending a detailed report from
-their governor, they ordered that only eight priests should serve “in the
-Church of St Mary of Athens”—an act of economy due to the fact that some
-of Nerio’s famous brood-mares had been stolen and the endowment of the
-cathedral consequently diminished. On such accidents did the maintenance
-of the Parthenon depend in the Middle Ages.
-
-We are fortunately in a better position than was the Venetian Government
-to judge of the contemporary state of Athens. At the very time when its
-fate was under discussion an Italian notary spent two days in that city;
-and his diary is the first account which any traveller has left us, from
-personal observation, of its condition during the Frankish period[108].
-“The city,” he says, “which nestles at the foot of the castle hill,
-contains about a thousand hearths” but not a single inn, so that, like
-the archæologist in some country towns of modern Greece, he had to seek
-the hospitality of the clergy. He describes “the great hall” of the
-castle (the Propylaia), with its thirteen columns, and tells how the
-churchwardens personally conducted him over “the Church of St Mary,”
-which had sixty columns without and eighty within. On one of the latter
-he was shown the cross made by Dionysios the Areopagite at the moment
-of the earthquake which attended our Lord’s passion; four others, which
-surrounded the high altar, were of jasper and supported a dome, while the
-doors came—so he was told—from Troy. The pious Capuan was then taken to
-see the relics of the Athenian cathedral—the figure of the Virgin painted
-by St Luke, the head of St Makarios, a bone of St Denys of France, an
-arm of St Justin, and a copy of the Gospels written by the hand of St
-Elena—relics which the wife of King Pedro IV of Aragon had in vain begged
-the last Catalan archbishop to send her fifteen years before[109].
-
-He saw, too, in a cleft of the wall, the light which never fails, and
-outside, beyond the castle ramparts, the two pillars of the choragic
-monument of Thrasyllos, between which there used to be “a certain idol”
-in an iron-bound niche, gifted with the strange power of drowning hostile
-ships as soon as they appeared on the horizon—an allusion to the story
-of the Gorgon’s head, mentioned by Pausanias, which we find in later
-mediæval accounts of Athens. In the city below he noticed numbers of
-fallen columns and fragments of marble; he alludes to the Stadion; and
-he visited the “house of Hadrian,” as the temple of Olympian Zeus was
-popularly called. He completed his round by a pilgrimage to the so-called
-“Study of Aristotle, whence scholars drank to obtain wisdom”—the
-aqueduct, whose marble beams, commemorating the completion of Hadrian’s
-work by Antoninus Pius, were then to be seen at the foot of Lykabettos,
-and, after serving in Turkish times as the lintel of the Boubounistra
-gate, now lie, half buried by vegetation, in the palace garden. But the
-fear of the prowling Turks and the feud between Nerio’s two sons-in-law
-rendered travelling in Attica difficult; the notary traversed the Sacred
-Way in fear of his life, and was not sorry to find himself in the castle
-of Corinth, though the houses in that city were few and mean, and the
-total population did not exceed fifty families.
-
-The Venetian Government next arranged for the future administration of
-its new colony. The governor of Athens was styled _podestà_ and captain,
-and was appointed for the usual term of two years at an annual salary of
-£70, out of which he had to keep a notary, an assistant, four servants,
-two grooms, and four horses. Four months elapsed before a noble was
-found ambitious of residing in Athens on these terms, and of facing the
-difficult situation there. Attica was so poor that he had to ask his
-Government for a loan; the Turkish corsairs infested the coast; the
-Greek Metropolitan, though now under lock and key at Venice, still found
-means of communicating with his former allies. Turkish writers even
-boast—and a recently published document confirms their statement—that
-their army captured “the city of the sages” in 1397; and an Athenian
-dirge represented Athens mourning the enslavement of the husbandmen of
-her suburb of Sepolia, who will no longer be able to till the fields of
-Patesia.
-
-The Turkish invaders came and went; but another and more obstinate enemy
-ever watched the little Venetian garrison on the Akropolis. The bastard
-Antonio Acciajuoli fretted within the walls of his Theban domain, and was
-resolved to conquer Athens, as his father had done before him. In vain
-did Venice, alarmed by the reports of her successive governors, raise the
-numbers of the garrison to fifty-six men; in vain did she order money
-to be spent on the defences of the castle; in vain did she attempt to
-pacify the discontented Athenians, who naturally preferred the rule of
-an Acciajuoli who was half a Greek to that of a Venetian noble. By the
-middle of 1402 Antonio was master of the lower city; it seemed that,
-unless relief came at once, he would plant his banner on the Akropolis.
-The Senate, at this news, ordered the bailie of Negroponte to offer a
-reward for the body of the bold bastard, alive or dead, to lay Thebes
-in ashes, and to save the castle of Athens. That obedient official set
-out at the head of six thousand men to execute the second of these
-injunctions, only to fall into an ambush which his cunning enemy had
-laid in the pass of Anephorites. Venice, now alarmed for the safety of
-her most valuable colony far more than for that of Athens, hastily sent
-commissioners to make peace. But Antonio calmly continued the siege of
-the Akropolis, till at last, seventeen months after his first appearance
-before the city, when the garrison had eaten the last horse, and had been
-reduced to devour the plants which grew on the castle rock, its gallant
-defenders, Vitturi and Montona, surrendered with the honours of war. The
-half-caste adventurer had beaten the great Republic.
-
-Venice attempted to recover by diplomacy what she had lost by arms.
-She possessed in Pietro Zeno, the baron of Andros, a diplomatist of
-unrivalled experience in the tortuous politics of the Levant. Both he
-and Antonio were well aware that the fate of Athens depended upon the
-Sultan; and to his Court they both repaired, armed with those pecuniary
-arguments which have usually proved convincing to Turkish ministers. The
-diplomatic duel was lengthy; but at last the Venetian gained one of those
-paper victories so dear to ambassadors and so worthless to practical men.
-The Sultan promised to see that Athens was restored to the Republic, but
-he took no steps to perform his promise; while Antonio, backed by the
-Acciajuoli influence in Italy, by the Pope, and the King of Naples, held
-his ground. Venice wisely resigned herself to the loss of a colony which
-it would have been expensive to recover. To save appearances, Antonio was
-induced to become her vassal for “the land, castle, and place of Athens,
-in modern times called Sythines[110],” sending every year, in token of
-his homage, a silk _pallium_ from the Theban manufactories to the church
-of St Mark—a condition which he was most remiss in fulfilling.
-
-The reign of Antonio Acciajuoli—the longest in the history of Athens
-save that of the recent King of the Hellenes—was a period of prosperity
-and comparative tranquillity for that city. While all around him
-principalities and powers were shaken to their foundations; while that
-ancient warden of the northern March of Athens, the Marquisate of
-Boudonitza, was swept away for ever; while Turkish armies invaded the
-Morea, and annexed the Albanian capital to the Sultan’s empire; while
-the principality of Achaia disappeared from the map in the throes of a
-tardy Greek revival, the statesmanlike ruler of Athens skilfully guided
-the policy of his duchy. At times even his experienced diplomacy failed
-to avert the horrors of a Turkish raid; on one occasion he was forced to
-join, as a Turkish vassal, in an invasion of the Morea. But, as a rule,
-the dreaded Mussulmans spared this half-Oriental, who was a past-master
-in the art of managing the Sultan’s ministers. From the former masters
-of Athens, the Catalans and the Venetians, he had nothing to fear. Once,
-indeed, he received news that Alfonso V of Aragon, who never forgot
-to sign himself “Duke of Athens and Neopatras,” intended to put one
-of his Catalan subjects into possession of those duchies. But Venice
-reassured him with a shrewd remark that the Catalans usually made much
-ado about nothing. On her part the Republic was friendly to the man who
-had supplanted her. She gave Antonio permission, in case of danger, to
-send the valuable Acciajuoli stud—for, like his father, he was a good
-judge of horse-flesh—to the island of Eubœa; and she ordered her bailie
-to “observe the ancient commercial treaties between the duchy and the
-island, which he would find in the chancery of Negroponte.” But when
-he sought to lay the foundations of a navy, and strove to prevent the
-fruitful island of Ægina, then the property of the Catalan family of
-Caopena, from falling into the hands of Venice, he met with a severe
-rebuff. To the Florentine Duke of Athens Ægina, as a Venetian colony,
-might well seem, as it had seemed to Aristotle, the “eyesore of the
-Piræus.”
-
-With his family’s old home, Florence, Antonio maintained the closest
-relations. In 1422 a Florentine ambassador arrived in Athens with
-instructions to confer the freedom of the great Tuscan Commonwealth upon
-the Duke; to inform him that Florence, having now, by the destruction of
-Pisa and the purchase of Leghorn, become a maritime power, intended to
-embark in the Levant trade; and to ask him, therefore, for the benefit
-of the most-favoured-nation clause. Antonio gladly made all Florentine
-ships free of his harbours, and reduced the usual customs dues in favour
-of all Florentine merchants throughout his dominions. Visitors from
-Tuscany, when they landed at Riva d’Ostia, on the Gulf of Corinth, must,
-indeed, have felt themselves in the land of a friendly prince, though
-his Court on the Akropolis presented a curious mixture of the Greek and
-the Florentine elements. Half a Greek himself, Antonio chose both his
-wives from that race—the first the beautiful daughter of a Greek priest,
-to whom he had lost his heart in the mazes of a wedding-dance at Thebes;
-the second an heiress of the great Messenian family of Melissenos, whose
-bees and bells are not the least picturesque escutcheon in the heraldry
-of mediæval Greece. As he had no children, numbers of the Acciajuoli clan
-came to Athens with an eye to the ducal coronet, which had conferred
-such lustre upon the steel-workers and bankers of Brescia and Florence.
-One cousin settled down at the castle of Sykaminon, near Oropos, which
-had belonged to the Knights of the Hospital, and served his kinsman
-as an ambassador; another became bishop of Cephalonia, the island of
-that great lady, the Countess Francesca, whom Froissart describes as a
-mediæval Penelope, whose maids of honour made silken coverings so fine
-that there was none like them, and whose splendid hospitality delighted
-the French nobles on their way home from a Turkish prison after the
-battle of Nikopolis. Two other Acciajuoli were archbishops of Thebes;
-and towards the close of Antonio’s long reign a second generation of the
-family had grown up in Greece. With such names as Acciajuoli, Medici,
-Pitti, and Machiavelli at the Athenian Court, Attica had, indeed, become
-a Florentine colony.
-
-Antonio and his Florentine relatives must have led a merry life in their
-delectable duchy. In the family correspondence we find allusions to
-hawking and partridge shooting; and the ducal stable provided good mounts
-for the young Italians who scoured the plains of Attica and Bœotia in
-quest of game. The cultured Florentines were delighted with Athens and
-the Akropolis. “You have never seen,” wrote Nicolò Machiavelli to one
-of his cousins, “a fairer land nor yet a fairer fortress than this.” It
-was there, in the venerable Propylaia, that Antonio had fixed his ducal
-residence. No great alterations were required to convert the classic work
-of Mnesikles into a Florentine palace. All that the Acciajuoli seem to
-have done was to cut the two vestibules in two so as to make four rooms,
-to fill up the spaces between the pillars with walls—removed so recently
-as 1835—and to add a second storey, the joist-sockets of which are still
-visible, to both that building and the Pinakotheke, which either then, or
-in the Turkish times, was crowned with battlements.
-
-To the Florentine dukes is also usually ascribed the construction of
-the square “Frankish tower,” which stood opposite the Temple of Nike
-Apteros till it was pulled down in 1874 by one of those acts of pedantic
-barbarism which considers one period of history alone worthy of study,
-instead of regarding every historical monument as a precious landmark
-in the evolution of a nation. We can well believe that the Florentine
-watchman from the projecting turret daily swept sea and land in all
-directions, save where the massive cathedral of Our Lady shut out part
-of Hymettos from his view; and at night the beacon-fire kindled on
-the summit warned Akrocorinth of the approach of Turkish horsemen or
-rakish-looking galleys. Nor did the Italians limit their activity as
-builders to the castle-crag alone. Chalkokondyles expressly says that
-Antonio’s long and peaceful administration enabled him to beautify the
-city. There is evidence that the dukes possessed a beautiful villa at
-the spring of Kallirrhoe, and that close by they were wont to pray in
-the church of St Mary’s-on-the-rock, once a temple of Triptolemos. More
-than two centuries later a French ambassador heard mass in this church;
-and one of his companions found the lion rampant and the three lilies
-of the Florentine bankers, which visitors to the famous Certosa know so
-well, still guarding—_auspicium melioris ævi_—the entrance of the Turkish
-bazaar[111].
-
-Of literary culture there are some few traces in Florentine Athens. It
-was in Antonio’s reign that Athens gave birth to her last historian,
-Laonikos Chalkokondyles, the Herodotos of mediæval Greece, who told the
-story of the new Persian invasion, and to his brother Demetrios, who did
-so much to diffuse Greek learning in Italy. Another of Antonio’s subjects
-is known to scholars as a copyist of manuscripts at Siena; and it is
-obvious that the two Italian Courts of Athens and Joannina were regarded
-as places where professional men might find openings. A young Italian
-writes from Arezzo to ask if either Antonio Acciajuoli or Carlo Tocco
-could give him a chair of jurisprudence, logic, medicine, or natural or
-moral philosophy[112]. Unfortunately, we are not told whether the modest
-request of this universal genius was granted or not.
-
-Thus, for a long period, the Athenian duchy enjoyed peace and prosperity,
-broken only by a terrible visitation of the plague and further diminished
-by emigration—that scourge of modern Greece. But the modern Greeks have
-not the twin institutions, serfdom and slavery, on which mediæval society
-rested. Even the enlightened Countess of Cephalonia presented a young
-female slave to one of her cousins, with full power to sell or otherwise
-dispose of her as he pleased. Antonio did all in his power to retain
-the useful Albanians, who had entered his dominions in large numbers
-after the capture of the Despotat of Epeiros by Carlo Tocco in 1418,
-and thus rendered a service to Attica, the results of which are felt to
-this present hour. It is to the wise policy of her last Aragonese and
-her second Florentine duke that that Albanian colonisation is due which
-has given “the thin soil” of Attica numbers of sturdy cultivators, who
-still speak Albanian as well as Greek, and still preserve in such village
-names as Spata, Liosia, and Liopesi, the memory of the proud Albanian
-chieftains of Epeiros. Greek influence, too, grew steadily under a
-dynasty which was now half Hellenised. The notary and chancellor of the
-city continued to be a Greek; and a Greek _archon_ was, for the first
-time since the Frankish conquest, to play a leading part in Athenian
-politics[113].
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-When one morning in 1435, after a reign of thirty-two years, Antonio’s
-attendants found him dead in his bed, a Greek as well as an Italian party
-disputed the succession. The Italian candidate, young Nerio, eldest son
-of Franco Acciajuoli, baron of Sykaminon, whom the late Duke had adopted
-as his heir, occupied the city. But the Duchess Maria Melissene and her
-kinsman, Chalkokondyles, father of the historian and the leading man
-of Athens, held the castle. Well aware, however, that the Sultan was
-the real master of the situation, the Greek _archon_ set out for the
-Turkish Court to obtain Murad II’s consent to this act of usurpation.
-The Sultan scornfully rejected the bribes of the Athenian diplomatist,
-threw him into prison, and sent his redoubtable captain, Tourakhan, to
-occupy Thebes. Even then the Greek Duchess did not abandon all hope of
-securing Athens for the national cause. Through the historian Phrantzes
-she made an arrangement with Constantine Palaiologos, the future Emperor,
-then one of the Despots of the Morea, and the foremost champion of
-Hellenism, that he should become Duke of Athens, and that she should
-receive compensation near her old home in the Peloponnese. This scheme
-would have united nearly all Greece under the Imperial family; but it
-was doomed to failure. There was a section of Greeks at Athens hostile
-to Chalkokondyles—for party spirit has always characterised Greek public
-life—and this section joined the Florentine party, decoyed the Duchess
-out of the Akropolis, and proclaimed Nerio II. The marriage of the new
-Duke with the Dowager Duchess[114] and the banishment of the family of
-Chalkokondyles secured the internal peace of the distracted city; and the
-Sultan was well content to allow a Florentine princeling to retain the
-phantom of power so long as he paid his tribute with regularity.
-
-The weak and effeminate Nerio II was exactly suited for the part of a
-Turkish puppet. But, like many feeble rulers, the “lord of Athens and
-Thebes” seems to have made himself unpopular by his arrogance; and a few
-years after his accession he was deprived of his throne by an intrigue
-of his brother, Antonio II. He then retired to Florence, the home of his
-family, where he had property, to play the part of a prince in exile, if
-exile it could be called. There he must have been living at the time of
-the famous Council, an echo of whose decisions we hear in distant Athens,
-where a Greek priest, of rather more learning than most of his cloth,
-wrote to the Œcumenical Patriarch on the proper form of public prayer
-for the Pope. A bailie—so we learn from one of his letters[115]—was then
-administering the duchy, for Antonio had died in 1441; his infant son,
-Franco, was absent at the Turkish Court; and his subjects had recalled
-their former lord to the Akropolis. There he was seen, three years later,
-by the first antiquary who ever set foot in Frankish Athens, Cyriacus of
-Ancona, the Pausanias of mediæval Greece.
-
-That extraordinary man, like Schliemann, a merchant by profession but
-an archæologist by inclination, had already once visited Athens. In
-1436 he had stayed there for a fortnight as the guest of a certain
-Antonelli Balduini; but on that occasion he was too much occupied copying
-inscriptions to seek an audience of the Duke. He, too, like the Capuan
-notary, went to see “Aristotle’s Study”; he describes the “house” or
-“palace of Hadrian”; he alludes to the statue of the Gorgon on the south
-of the Akropolis. But of contemporary Athens, apart from the monuments,
-he tells us little beyond the facts that it possessed four gates and
-that it had “new walls”—a statement corroborated by that of another
-traveller thirty years later, which might indicate the so-called wall of
-Valerian as the work of the Acciajuoli[116]. Of the inhabitants he says
-nothing; as living Greeks, they had for him no interest; was he not an
-archæologist?
-
-In February 1444 the worthy Cyriacus revisited Athens; and on this
-occasion, accompanied by the Duke’s cousin and namesake, he went to pay
-his respects to “Nerio Acciajuoli of Florence, then prince of Athens,”
-whom he “found on the Akropolis, the lofty castle of the city[117].”
-Again, however, the archæological overpowered the human interest; and he
-hastened away from the ducal presence to inspect the Propylaia and the
-Parthenon. His original drawing of the west front of the latter building
-has been preserved in a manuscript, which formerly belonged to the Duke
-of Hamilton, but is now in the Berlin Museum, and is the earliest known
-pictorial reproduction of that splendid temple[118]. Other Athenian
-sketches may be seen in the Barberini manuscript of 1465, now at the
-Vatican, which contains the diagrams of San Gallo; and it seems that the
-eminent architect, who took the explanatory text almost _verbatim_ from
-the note-books of Cyriacus, also copied the latter’s drawings.
-
-The travels of the antiquary of Ancona in Greece demonstrate an
-interesting fact, which has too often been ignored, that the Latin rulers
-of the Levant were sometimes men of culture and taste. Crusino Sommaripa,
-the baron of Paros, took a pride in showing his visitor some marble
-statues which he had had excavated, and allowed him to send a marble
-head and leg to his friend Giustiniani-Banca, of Chios, a connoisseur of
-art who composed Italian verses in his “Homeric” villa. So deeply was
-Cyriacus moved by Crusino’s culture and kindness that he too burst out
-into an Italian poem, of which happily only one line has been published.
-Dorino Gattilusio, the Genoese lord of Lesbos, aided him in his
-investigation of that island; the Venetian governor of Tenos escorted him
-in his state-galley to inspect the antiquities of Delos; and Carlo Tocco
-II, whom he quaintly describes as “King of the Epeirotes,” gave him every
-facility for visiting the ruins of Dodona, and was graciously pleased
-to cast his royal eye over the manuscript account of the antiquary’s
-journey[119]. Another of the Tocchi is known to have employed a Greek
-priest to copy for him the works of Origen and Chrysostom; and in the
-remote Peloponnesian town of Kalavryta Cyriacus met a kindred soul, who
-possessed a large library from which he lent the wandering archæologist
-a copy of Herodotos. Thus, on the eve of the Turkish conquest, Greece
-was by no means so devoid of culture as has sometimes been too hastily
-assumed. It is clear, on the contrary, that her Frankish princes were by
-no means indifferent to their surroundings, and that the more enlightened
-of her own sons were conscious of her great past.
-
-The very year of the antiquary’s second visit to Athens witnessed the
-last attempt of a patriotic and ambitious Greek to recover all Greece
-for his race. The future Emperor Constantine was now Despot of Mistra,
-the mediæval Sparta; and he thought that the moment had at last come for
-renewing the plan for the annexation of the Athenian duchy which had
-failed nine years before. The Turks, hard pressed by the Hungarians and
-Poles, defeated by “the white knight of Wallachia” at Nish, defied by
-Skanderbeg in the mountains of Albania, and threatened by the appearance
-of a Venetian fleet in the Ægean, could no longer protect their creature
-at Athens. Ere long the last Constantine entered the gates of Thebes
-and forced Nerio II to pay him tribute. The Court of Naples heard that
-he had actually occupied Athens; and Alfonso V of Aragon, who had never
-forgotten that he was still titular Duke of Athens and Neopatras, wrote
-at once to Constantine demanding the restitution of the two duchies
-to himself, and sent the Marquess of Gerace to receive them from the
-conqueror’s hands. Scarcely, however, had the letter been despatched when
-the fatal news of the great Turkish victory at Varna reached the writer.
-We hear nothing more of Gerace’s mission, for all recognised that the
-fate of Athens now depended upon the will of the victorious Sultan. To
-Murad II the shadowy claims of the house of Aragon and the efforts of the
-house of Palaiologos were alike indifferent.
-
-Nerio’s attitude at this crisis was pitiful in the extreme. The Turks
-punished him for having given way to Constantine. Constantine again
-threatened him for his obsequiousness in promising to renew his tribute
-to the Turks. But the Sultan, true to the traditional Turkish policy
-of supporting the weaker of two rival Christian nationalities, forced
-the Greek Despot to evacuate the Florentine duchy. Nerio had the petty
-satisfaction of accompanying his lord and master to the Isthmus and of
-witnessing the capture of the famous Six-mile Rampart, in which the
-Greeks had vainly trusted, by the Serbian janissaries. Five years later,
-in 1451, a Venetian despatch gives us a last and characteristic glimpse
-of the wretched Nerio, when the Venetian envoy to the new Sultan,
-Mohammed II, is instructed to ask that potentate if he will compel his
-vassal, “the lord of Sithines and Stives,” to settle the pecuniary claims
-of two Venetians[120].
-
-Nerio’s death was followed by one of those tragedies in which the women
-of Frankish Greece were so often protagonists, and of which a modern
-dramatist might well avail himself. After the death of his first wife,
-Nerio II had married a passionate Venetian beauty, Chiara Zorzi, or
-Giorgio, one of the daughters of the baron of Karystos, or Castel
-Rosso, in the south of Eubœa, who sprang from the former Marquesses
-of Boudonitza. The Duchess Chiara bore him a son, Francesco, who was
-unfortunately still a minor at the time of his father’s death. The
-child’s mother possessed herself of the regency and persuaded the Porte,
-by the usual methods, to sanction her usurpation. Soon afterwards,
-however, there visited Athens on some commercial errand a young Venetian
-noble, Bartolommeo Contarini, whose father had been governor of the
-Venetian colony of Nauplia. The Duchess fell in love with her charming
-visitor, and bade him aspire to her hand and land. Contarini replied
-that alas! he had left a wife behind him in his palace on the lagoons.
-To the Lady of the Akropolis, a figure who might have stepped from a
-play of Æschylus, the Venetian wife was no obstacle. It was the age of
-great crimes. Contarini realised that Athens was worth a murder, poisoned
-his spouse, and returned to enjoy the embraces and the authority of the
-Duchess.
-
-But the Athenians soon grew tired of this Venetian domination. They
-complained to Mohammed II; the great Sultan demanded explanations; and
-Contarini was forced to appear with his stepson, whose guardian he
-pretended to be, at the Turkish Court. There he found a dangerous rival
-in the person of Franco Acciajuoli, only son of the late Duke Antonio II
-and cousin of Francesco, a special favourite of Mohammed and a willing
-candidate for the Athenian throne. When the Sultan heard the tragic
-story of Chiara’s passion, he ordered the deposition of both herself and
-her husband, and bade the Athenians accept Franco as their lord. Young
-Francesco was never heard of again. But the tragedy was not yet over.
-Franco had no sooner assumed the government of Athens than he ordered the
-arrest of his aunt Chiara, threw her into the dungeons of Megara, and
-there had her mysteriously murdered. A picturesque legend current three
-centuries later at Athens makes Franco throttle her with his own hands as
-she knelt invoking the aid of the Virgin, and then cut off her head with
-his sword[121]; so deep was the impression which her fate made upon the
-popular imagination.
-
-The legend tells us how her husband, “the Admiral,” had come with many
-ships to the Piræus to rescue her, but arrived too late. Unable to save,
-he resolved to avenge her, and laid the grim facts before the Sultan.
-Mohammed II, indignant at the conduct of his _protégé_, but not sorry,
-perhaps, of a pretext for destroying the remnants of Frankish rule
-at Athens, ordered Omar, son of Tourakhan, the governor of Thessaly,
-to march against the city. The lower town offered no resistance, for
-its modern walls had but a narrow circumference, and its population
-and resources were scanty. Nature herself seemed to fight against
-the Athenians. On May 29, the third anniversary of the capture of
-Constantinople, a comet appeared in the sky; a dire famine followed, so
-that the people were reduced to eat roots and grass. On June 4, 1456,
-the town fell into the hands of the Turks[122]. But the Akropolis,
-which was reputed impregnable, long held out. In vain the Constable of
-Athens and some of the citizens offered the castle to Venice through one
-of the Zorzi family; the Republic ordered the bailie of Negroponte to
-keep the offer open, but took no steps to save the most famous fortress
-in Christendom; in vain he summoned one Latin prince after another to
-his aid. From the presence of an Athenian ambassador at the Neapolitan
-Court[123] we may infer that Alfonso V of Aragon, the titular “Duke of
-Athens,” was among their number. The papal fleet, which was despatched
-to the Ægean, did not even put into the Piræus. Meanwhile Omar, after a
-vain attempt to seduce the garrison from its allegiance, reminded Franco
-that sooner or later he must restore Athens to the Sultan who gave it.
-“Now, therefore,” added the Turkish commander, “if thou wilt surrender
-the Akropolis, His Majesty offers thee the land of Bœotia, with the city
-of Thebes, and will allow thee to take away the wealth of the Akropolis
-and thine own property.” Franco only waited till Mohammed had confirmed
-the offer of his subordinate, and then quitted the castle of Athens, with
-his wife and his three sons, for ever. At the same time the last Catholic
-archbishop, Nicolò Protimo of Eubœa, left the cathedral of Our Lady. It
-was not till 1875 that a Latin prelate again resided at Athens.
-
-The great Sultan, so his Greek biographer, Kritoboulos, tells us, was
-filled with a desire to see the city of the philosophers. Mohammed knew
-Greek, and had heard and read much about the wisdom and marvellous
-works of the ancient Athenians; we may surmise that Cyriacus of Ancona
-had told him of the Athenian monuments when he was employed as reader
-to his Majesty during the siege of Constantinople[124]. This strange
-“Philhellene”—for so Kritoboulos audaciously describes the conqueror of
-Hellas—longed to visit the places where the heroes and sages of classic
-Athens had walked and talked, and at the same time to examine, with
-a statesman’s eye, the position of the city and the condition of its
-harbours. In the autumn of 1458, on his return from punishing the Greek
-Despots of the Morea, he had an opportunity of achieving his wish. When
-he arrived at the gates (if we may believe a much later tradition[125]),
-the Abbot of Kaisariane, the monastery which still nestles in one of the
-folds of Hymettos, handed him the keys of the city. There is nothing
-improbable in the story, for the Greek Metropolitan, Isidore, had fled to
-the Venetian Island of Tenos; and the abbot may therefore have been the
-most important Greek dignitary left at Athens. The Sultan devoted four
-days to visiting his new possession, “of all the cities in his Empire
-the dearest to him,” as the Athenian Chalkokondyles proudly says. But of
-all that he saw he admired most the Akropolis, whose ancient and recent
-buildings he examined “with the eyes of a scholar, a Philhellene, and a
-great sovereign.” Like Pedro IV of Aragon before him, he was proud to
-possess such a jewel, and in his enthusiasm he exclaimed, “How much,
-indeed, do we not owe to Omar, the son of Tourakhan!”
-
-The conquered Athenians were once again saved by their ancestors. Like
-his Roman prototype, Mohammed II treated them humanely, granted all their
-petitions, and gave them many and various privileges. So late as the
-seventeenth century there were Athenians who could show patents of fiscal
-exemption, issued to their forebears by the conqueror. If, however, the
-Greek clergy had hoped that the great cathedral would be restored to
-the Orthodox church, they were disappointed. The Parthenon, by a third
-transformation, was converted into a mosque; and soon, from the tapering
-minaret which rose above it, the muezzin summoned the faithful to the
-_Ismaïdi_, or “house of prayer.” A like fate befell the church which had
-served as the Orthodox cathedral during the Frankish domination, but
-which received, in honour of the Sultan’s visit, the name of _Fethijeh
-Jamisi_, or “Mosque of the Conqueror,” and which still preserves, amid
-the squalid surroundings of the military bakery, the traces of its former
-purpose.
-
-The anonymous treatise on “The Theatres and Schools of Athens,” which
-was probably composed by some Greek at this moment, perhaps to serve as
-a guide-book for the distinguished visitor, gives us a last glimpse of
-Frankish Athens. The choragic monument of Lysikrates was still known as
-“the lantern of Demosthenes”; the Tower of the Winds was supposed to be
-“the School of Sokrates”; the gate of Athena Archegetis was transformed
-in common parlance into “the palace of Themistokles”; the Odeion of
-Perikles was called “the School of Aristophanes”; and that of Herodes
-Atticus was divided into “the palaces of Kleonides and Miltiades.” The
-spots where once had stood the houses of Thucydides, Solon, and Alkmaion
-were well known to the omniscient local antiquary, who unhesitatingly
-converts the Temple of Wingless Victory into “a small school of
-musicians, founded by Pythagoras.”
-
-On the fifth day after his arrival the heir of these great men left
-Athens for Thebes, the abode of his vassal Franco, who must have heaved
-a sigh of relief when his terrible visitor, after a minute examination
-of Bœotia, set out for Macedonia. For two years longer he managed to
-retain his Theban dominions, from which he received a revenue as large
-as that which he had formerly enjoyed, till, in 1460, Mohammed, after
-finally destroying the two Greek principalities of the Morea, revisited
-Athens. There the Sultan heard a rumour that some Athenians had conspired
-to restore their Florentine lord. This decided Franco’s fate. At the
-moment he was serving, as the man of the Turk, with a regiment of Bœotian
-cavalry in Mohammed’s camp. His suzerain ordered him to join in an attack
-which he meditated upon the surviving fragments of the ancient county
-of Cephalonia, the domain of the Tocchi. Franco shrank from fighting
-against his fellow-countryman; and a curious letter has recently been
-published[126] in which, for this very reason, he offered his services
-as a _condottiere_ to Francesco Sforza of Milan for the sum of 10,000
-ducats a year. But he was forced to obey; he did his pitiable task, and
-repaired to the headquarters of Zagan Pasha, the governor of the Morea,
-unconscious that the latter had orders to kill him. The Pasha invited him
-to his tent, where he detained him in conversation till nightfall; but,
-as the unsuspecting Frank was on his way back to his own pavilion, the
-governor’s guards seized and strangled him. Such was the sorry end of the
-last “Lord of Thebes.” Mohammed annexed all Bœotia, and thus obliterated
-the last trace of the Duchy of Athens.
-
-Franco’s three sons were enrolled in the corps of janissaries, where
-one of them showed military and administrative ability of so high an
-order as to win the favour of his sovereign. Their mother, a Greek of
-noble lineage and famed for her beauty, became the cause of a terrible
-tragedy which convulsed alike Court and Church. Amoiroutses, the former
-minister and betrayer of the Greek Empire of Trebizond, fell desperately
-in love with the fair widow, to whom he addressed impassioned verses, and
-swore, though he was already married, to wed her or die. The Œcumenical
-Patriarch forbade the banns, and lost his beard and his office rather
-than yield to the Sultan. But swift retribution fell upon the bigamist,
-for he dropped down dead, a dice-box in his hand.
-
-Though the Acciajuoli dynasty had thus fallen for ever, members of
-that great family still remained in Greece. An Acciajuoli was made
-civil governor of the old Venetian colony of Koron, in Messenia, when
-the Spaniards conquered it from the Turks in 1532. When they abandoned
-it, he was captured by pirates but eventually ransomed, only to die in
-poverty at Naples, where his race had first risen to eminence. At the
-beginning of the last century the French traveller, Pouqueville, was
-shown at Athens a donkey-driver named Neri, in whose veins flowed the
-blood of the Florentine Dukes; and the modern historian of Christian
-Athens, Neroutsos, used to contend that his family was descended from
-Nerozzo Pitti, lord of Sykaminon and uncle of the last Duke of Athens.
-In Florence the family became extinct only so recently as 1834; and the
-Certosa and the Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli still preserve its memory there. In
-a Florentine gallery are two coloured portraits of the Dukes of Athens,
-which would seem to be those of Nerio I and the bastard Antonio I. In
-that case the Florentine Dukes of Athens are the only Frankish rulers of
-Greece, except the Palatine Counts of Cephalonia, whose likeness has been
-preserved to posterity[127].
-
-Thus ended the strange connection between Florence and Athens. A titular
-Duke of Athens had become tyrant of the Florentines, a Florentine
-merchant had become Duke of Athens; but the age when French and Italian
-adventurers could find an El Dorado on the poetic soil of Greece was
-over. The dull uniformity of Turkish rule spread over the land, save
-where the Dukes of the Archipelago and the Venetian colonies still
-remained the sole guardians of Western culture, the only rays of light in
-the once brilliant Latin Orient.
-
-
-AUTHORITIES
-
-1. Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (_Documents
-relating to the Mediæval History of Athens_). Ed. Sp. P. Lampros. Athens,
-1906.
-
-2. _Briefe aus der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli” in der Laurenziana zu
-Florenz._ By Ferdinand Gregorovius. Munich, 1890.
-
-3. Nicolai de Marthono liber peregrinationis ad loca sancta. In _La Revue
-de l’Orient Latin_, vol. III. Paris, 1895.
-
-4. Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων (_Memorials of the History of the
-Athenians_). By Demetrios Gr. Kampouroglos. 2nd Edn. Athens, 1891-92.
-
-5. Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων (_History of the Athenians_). By D. Gr.
-Kampouroglos. Athens, 1889-96.
-
-6. Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας (_History of Athens under the
-Turks_). By Th. N. Philadelpheus. Athens, 1902.
-
-7. Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (_Memorials of Greek History_). Edited by
-C. N. Sathas. Paris, 1880-90.
-
-8. Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_). New Series. Vols. I-III. Ed.
-by Sp. P. Lampros. Athens, 1904-17.
-
-9. _Nouvelles Recherches historiques sur la principauté française de
-Morée._ By Buchon. Two vols. Paris, 1843.
-
-10. _La politica Orientale di Alfonso di Aragona._ By F. Cerone. In
-_Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_. Vols. XXVII-XXVIII.
-Naples, 1902-3.
-
-And other works.
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-NOTES ON ATHENS UNDER THE FRANKS
-
-Within the last sixteen years a great deal of new material has been
-published on the subject of Frankish Athens. The late Professor
-Lampros[128] not only translated into Greek the _Geschichte der Stadt
-Athen im Mittelalter_ of Gregorovius, but added some most valuable notes,
-and more than a whole volume of documents, some of which had never
-seen the light before, while others were known only in the summaries
-or extracts of Hopf, Gregorovius, or Signor Predelli. He also issued a
-review, the Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, devoted to mediæval Greek history, of
-which thirteen volumes have appeared. The French have gone on printing
-the _Regesta_ of the thirteenth-century popes, which contain occasional
-allusions to Greek affairs. Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch, the Catalan
-scholar, has issued a valuable pamphlet, _Catalunya a Grecia_[129],
-besides contributing a mass of documents from the archives at Palermo
-to the collection of Professor Lampros; and the essay on the “Eastern
-Policy of Alfonso of Aragon,” published by Signor Cerone in the _Archivio
-Storico per le province Napoletane_[130], contains many hitherto
-unknown documents dealing with the last two decades of Greek history
-before the Turkish conquest. I propose in the present article to point
-out the most important additions to our knowledge of Athens under her
-western masters which have thus been obtained. Of the condition of the
-Parthenon—“Our Lady of Athens”—on the eve of the Frankish conquest we
-have some interesting evidence. We learn from an iambic poem of Michael
-Akominatos, the Greek Metropolitan of Athens, that he “beautified the
-church, presented new vessels and furniture for its use, increased the
-number of the clergy, and added to the estates” of the great cathedral,
-as well as to the “flocks and herds” which belonged to it. Every year a
-great festival attracted the Greeks from far and near to the shrine of
-the “Virgin of Athens[131].”
-
-As was only to be expected, very little fresh light has been thrown on
-the Burgundian period. We learn however, from a Greek manuscript in the
-Vatican library, how Leon Sgouros, the _archon_ of Nauplia, who long held
-out at Akrocorinth against the Frankish conquerors, met his end. Rather
-than be taken captive “he mounted his horse and leapt from Akrocorinth,
-so that not a single bone in his body was left unbroken[132].” We find
-too, in a letter from Honorius III to Othon de la Roche, dated February
-12, 1225, the last allusion to the presence of the _Megaskyr_ in his
-Athenian dominions before his return to France; and we hear of two
-members of his family, William and Nicholas, both canons of Athens. The
-former had _gravem in litteratura defectum_, or else he would have been
-made archbishop of Athens; the latter is probably the same person whose
-name has been found on the stoa of Hadrian[133].
-
-The Catalan period receives much more illustration. We know at last the
-exact date at which it ended, for a letter of Jacopo da Prato (probably
-a relative of the Ludovico da Prato who was the first Florentine
-archbishop of Athens), dated Patras, May 9, 1388, announces that Nerio
-Acciajuoli _ebe adi 2 di questo lo chastello di Settino_[134]. Thus Don
-Antonio Rubió y Lluch[135] was right in his surmise that Don Pedro de
-Pau, who is mentioned as erroneously reported dead in a letter of John
-I of Aragon, dated November 16, 1387, held out in the Akropolis down
-to 1388. The Catalan scholar had shown that the brave commander of “the
-Castle of Athens” had sent an envoy to John I, who received him “in the
-lesser palace of Barcelona” on March 18, 1387, and who promised the
-_sindici_ of Athens on April 26 to pay a speedy visit to his distant
-duchy[136]. Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch also writes to me that Hopf was
-mistaken in translating _Petrus de Puteo_ of the Sicilian documents—the
-official whose high-handed proceedings led to a revolution at Thebes in
-which he, his wife, and his chief followers lost their lives—as Peter
-de Puig[137]. His name should really be Peter de Pou, and it is obvious
-from the documents that Hopf’s chronology of his career is also wrong.
-He is mentioned in a document of August 3, 1366, as already dead[138];
-we learn that his official title was “vicar of the duchies”—that is to
-say, deputy for Matteo de Moncada, the absent vicar-general—and he is
-spoken of as “having presided in the duchies as vicar-general,” and as
-“having presided in the office of the vicariate[139].” We find too that
-the castle of Zeitoun or Lamia (_turrim Griffinam_) belonged to him[140].
-Roger de Lluria, who was at this time marshal of the duchies[141], is
-already officially styled as vicar-general[142] on August 3, 1366, though
-the formal commission removing Matteo de Moncada and appointing Roger
-de Lluria in his place was not made out till May 14 of the following
-year[143]. The new vicar-general held till his death, which must have
-taken place before March 31, 1370, when his successor was appointed[144],
-the two great offices[145], and, I think, the facts above stated enable
-us to explain the reason why no more marshals were appointed after that
-date. The office of marshal had been hereditary in the family of De
-Novelles, and Gregorovius[146] pointed out that Ermengol de Novelles did
-not (as Hopf imagined) hold it till his death, but that Roger de Lluria
-was marshal before that event. I should suppose that Ermengol had been
-deprived of the office as a punishment for his rebellion against his
-sovereign[147]; that the conflict between Lluria and Pou proved that
-there was no room in the narrow court of Thebes for two such exalted
-officials as a vicar and a marshal; and, as Lluria, when he became vicar,
-combined the two offices in his person, it was thought a happy solution
-of the difficulty.
-
-Professor Lampros has published three documents[148] from the Vatican
-archives which refer to a mysterious scheme for the marriage of a
-Sicilian duchess of Athens. The documents have no date, except the day
-of the month, and in one case of the week, and one of them is partly in
-cypher. But I think that I have succeeded in fixing the exact date of the
-first to January 4, 1369, because in 1368, December 22 was on a Friday.
-This suits all the historical facts mentioned. The bishop of Cambrai, to
-whom the second letter is addressed, must be Robert of Geneva (afterwards
-the anti-pope Clement VII), who occupied that see from October 11, 1368,
-to June 6, 1371. The _dominus Anghia_, whose death has so much disturbed
-the diocese, is Sohier d’Enghien, who was beheaded in 1367; the _comes
-Litii_ is his brother Jean, count of Lecce, and the latter’s nephew,
-whose marriage “with the young niece of the king of Sicily, daughter of
-a former Catalan duke of Athens,” is considered suitable, is Gautier
-III, titular duke of Athens, who had inherited the claims of the Brienne
-family. The lady whose marriage is the object of all these negotiations
-must therefore have been one of the two daughters of John, Marquis of
-Randazzo and Duke of Athens and Neopatras, who died in 1348, and whose
-youngest child, Constance, may therefore have been _xx annorum et ultra_
-at this period, and is known to have been single. She was the niece
-of King Peter II and cousin of Frederick III of Sicily, one of whose
-sisters is described as too old for the titular duke, which would of
-course have been the case in 1369. The allusions to Philip II of Taranto
-as still living also fix the date as before the close of 1373, when
-he died. Moreover Archbishop Simon of Thebes is known to have been in
-Sicily in 1367, and may have remained there longer. What was apparently
-an insuperable chronological obstacle, the allusion to _obitum domini
-regis Franciæ_, disappeared when I examined the original document in the
-Vatican library and found that the last two words were _regie fameie_,
-that is, _familiæ_. Possibly the allusion may be to Pedro the Cruel of
-Castile, who was slain in 1369. The letters then disclose a matrimonial
-alliance which would have reconciled the Athenian claims of the house
-of Enghien with the ducal dominion over Catalan Athens exercised by
-Frederick III of Sicily.
-
-Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch has published two letters[149] of “the queen of
-Aragon,” wife of Pedro IV (not, as assumed by K. Konstantinides, Maria,
-queen of Sicily and duchess of Athens), from the former of which, dated
-1379 and addressed to Archbishop Ballester of Athens, we glean some
-curious information about the relics which the cathedral of _Santa Maria
-de Setines_ (the Parthenon) then contained, and of which the Italian
-traveller Nicolò da Martoni made out a list sixteen years later[150].
-The Catalan scholar has shown too that some years after the Florentine
-conquest of Athens a certain Bertranet, _un dels majors capitans del
-ducat d’Atenes_, recovered a place where was the head of St George, that
-is to say, Livadia[151]. The personage mentioned is Bertranet Mota,
-whose name occurs in the treaty with the Navarrese in 1390, as a witness
-to another document in the same year, in the list of fiefs in 1391, in
-Nerio Acciajuoli’s will, and in a letter of the bishop of Argos in 1394.
-He was a friend of Nerio’s bastard, Antonio; he had obviously helped
-the latter to recover Livadia from the Turks in 1393, and we are thus
-able to reconcile Chalkokondyles, who says that Bayezid had already
-annexed Livadia, with the clause in Nerio’s will leaving the important
-fortress to Antonio[152]. More interesting still, as showing the tenacity
-with which the kings of Aragon clung to the shadow of their rule over
-Athens, is the letter of Alfonso V to the despot Constantine Palaiologos
-(afterwards the last emperor of Constantinople), dated November 27, 1444,
-in which the king says that he has heard that Constantine has occupied
-Athens, and therefore requests him to hand over the two duchies of Athens
-and Neopatras to the Marquess of Gerace, his emissary[153].
-
-Lastly, to our knowledge of the Florentine period Professor Lampros
-has contributed three letters[154] of the Athenian priest and copyist
-Kalophrenas, which show that the attempts of the council of Florence for
-the union of the eastern and western churches found an echo in Florentine
-Athens. Professor Lampros was puzzled to explain the allusion to τοῦ
-ἀφεντὸς τοῦ μπαὴλου in one of the letters. He thinks it alludes to the
-Venetian bailie at Chalkis, who however had no jurisdiction at Athens
-at that period. If however, as he supposes, the correspondence dates
-from 1441 the phrase presents no difficulty. In that year Antonio II
-Acciajuoli had died, leaving an infant son, Franco, then absent at the
-Turkish court, and Nerio II, the former duke, returned to Athens. We may
-therefore suppose that “the prince’s baily” was the official who governed
-Athens till Nerio II came back. Professor Lampros has also published a
-letter[155] of Franco, the last duke of Athens, to Francesco Sforza of
-Milan, dated 1460, from Thebes, which Mohammed II had allowed him to
-retain after the capture of Athens in 1456. In this letter, written not
-long before his murder, Franco offers his services as a _condottiere_
-to the duke of Milan. This was not his only negotiation with western
-potentates, for only a few days before the loss of Athens an ambassador
-of his was at the Neapolitan court[156].
-
-One mistake has escaped the notice of Professor Lampros, as of his
-predecessors. The date of the second visit of Cyriacus of Ancona to
-Athens, when he found Nerio II on the Akropolis, must have been 1444 and
-not 1447, because the antiquary’s letter from Chios is dated _Kyriaceo
-die iv. Kal. Ap._ Now, March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and we know
-from another letter of Cyriacus to the emperor John VI, written before
-June 1444, that he left Chalkis for Chios on _v. Kal. Mart._ of that year.
-
-
-THE TURKISH CAPTURE OF ATHENS
-
-The authorities differ as to the exact date of the capture of Athens by
-the Turks. A contemporary note in Manuscript No. 103 of the Liturgical
-Section of the National Library at Athens, quoted by Kampouroglos[157],
-fixes it at “May 4, 1456, Friday”; but in that year _June_ 4, not
-May 4, was a Friday, which agrees with the date of June 1456, given
-by Phrantzes[158], the _Chronicon Breve_[159], and the _Historia
-Patriarchica_[160]. But the best evidence in favour of June is the
-following document of 1458, to which allusion was made by Gaddi[161]
-in the seventeenth century, but which has never been published. I owe
-the copy to the courtesy of the Director of the “Archivio di Stato” at
-Florence.
-
-    Item dictis anno et indictione [1458 Ind. 7] et die xxvj
-    octobris.
-
-    Magnifici et potentes domini domini priores artium et
-    vexillifer iustitie populi et comunis Florentie Intellecta
-    expositione facta pro parte Loysii Neroczi Loysii de
-    Pictis[162] civis florentini exponentis omnia et singula
-    infrascripta vice et nomine Neroczi eius patris et domine
-    Laudomine eius matris et filie olim Franchi de Acciaiuolis
-    absentium et etiam suo nomine proprio et vice et nomine
-    fratrum ipsius Loysii et dicentis et narrantis quod dictus
-    Neroczus eius pater et domina Laudomina eius mater iam diu
-    et semper cum eorum familia prout notum est multis huius
-    civitatis habitaverunt in Grecia in civitate Athenarum in qua
-    habebant omnia eorum bona mobilia et immobilia excepta tantum
-    infrascripta domo Florentie posita et quod dictus Neroczus iam
-    sunt elapsi triginta quinque anni vel circa cepit in uxorem
-    dictam dominam Laudominam in dicta civitate Athenarum ubi per
-    gratiam Dei satis honorifice vivebant. Et quod postea de mense
-    iunii anni millesimi quadringentesimi quinquagesimi sexti
-    prout fuit voluntas Dei accidit quod ipsa civitas Athenarum
-    fuit capta a Theucris et multi christiani ibi existentes ab
-    eisdem spoliati et depulsi fuerunt inter quos fuit et est ipse
-    Neroczus qui cum dicta eius uxore et undecim filiis videlicet
-    sex masculis et quinque feminis expulsus fuit et omnibus suis
-    bonis privatus et ita se absque ulla substantia reduxit in
-    quoddam castrum prope Thebes in quo ad presens ipse Neroczus
-    cum omni eius familia se reperit in paupertate maxima; et quod
-    sibi super omnia molestum et grave est coram se videre dictas
-    puellas iam nubiles et absque principio alicuius dotis et cum
-    non habeant aliqua bona quibus possint succurrere tot tantisque
-    eorum necessitatibus nisi solum unam domum cum una domuncula
-    iuxta se positam Florentie in loco detto al Poczo Toschanelli
-    quibus a primo, secundo et tertio via a quarto domus que olim
-    fuit domine Nanne Soderini de Soderinis ipsi Nerozus et domina
-    Laudomina et eorum filii predicti optarent posse vendere domos
-    predictas ut de pretio illarum possint partim victui succurrere
-    partim providere dotibus alicuius puellarum predictarum[163].
-
-The petitioners in the document are all well known. Nerozzo Pitti and
-his wife Laudamia owned the castle of Sykaminon, near Oropos, which had
-belonged to her father, Franco Acciajuoli[164]. She was the aunt of the
-last two dukes of Athens. Pitti also possessed the island of Panaia, or
-Canaia, the ancient Pyrrha, opposite the mouth of the Maliac Gulf, and
-his “dignified tenure” of those two places is praised by Baphius in his
-treatise _De Felicitate Urbis Florentiæ_[165], a century later. According
-to the contemporary chronicler, Benedetto Dei[166], the Athenian Pitti
-were compelled to become Mohammedans when Bœotia was annexed; but the
-late historian Neroutsos used to maintain his descent from Nerozzo.
-
-
-6. THE DUCHY OF NAXOS
-
-Of all the strange and romantic creations of the Middle Ages none is
-so curious as the capture of the poetic “Isles of Greece” by a handful
-of Venetian adventurers, and their organisation as a Latin Duchy for
-upwards of three centuries. Even to-day the traces of the ducal times may
-be found in many of the Cyclades, where Latin families, descendants of
-the conquerors, still preserve the high-sounding names and the Catholic
-religion of their Italian ancestors, in the midst of ruined palaces and
-castles, built by the mediæval lords of the Archipelago out of ancient
-Hellenic temples. But of the Duchy of Naxos little is generally known.
-Its picturesque history, upon which Finlay touched rather slightly in
-his great work, has since then been thoroughly explored by a laborious
-German, the late Dr Hopf; but that lynx-eyed student of archives had
-no literary gifts; he could not write, he could only read, and his
-researches lie buried in a ponderous encyclopædia. So this delightful
-Duchy, whose whole story is one long romance, still awaits the hand of a
-novelist to make it live again.
-
-The origin of this fantastic State of the blue Ægean is to be found in
-the overthrow of the Greek Empire at the time of the Fourth Crusade. By
-the partition treaty made between the Latin conquerors of Constantinople,
-Venice received the Cyclades among other acquisitions. But the Venetian
-Government, with its usual commercial astuteness, soon came to the
-conclusion that the conquest of those islands would too severely tax the
-resources of the State. It was therefore decided to leave the task of
-occupying them to private citizens, who would plant Venetian colonies
-in the Ægean, and live on friendly terms with the Republic. There was
-no lack of enterprise among the Venetians of that generation, and it so
-happened that at that very moment the Venetian colony at Constantinople
-contained the very man for such an undertaking. The old Doge, Dandolo,
-had taken with him on the crusade his nephew, Marco Sanudo, a bold
-warrior and a skilful diplomatist, who had signalised himself by
-negotiating the sale of Crete to the Republic, and was then filling
-the post of judge in what we should now call the Consular Court at
-Constantinople. On hearing the decision of his Government, Sanudo quitted
-the bench, gathered round him a band of adventurous spirits, to whom he
-promised rich fiefs in the El Dorado of the Ægean, equipped eight galleys
-at his own cost, and sailed with them to carve out a Duchy for himself in
-the islands of the Archipelago. Seventeen islands speedily submitted, and
-at one spot alone did he meet with any real resistance. Naxos has always
-been the pearl of the Ægean: poets have placed there the beautiful myth
-of Ariadne and Dionysos; Herodotos describes it as “excelling the other
-islands in prosperity[167]”; even to-day, when so many of the Cyclades
-are barren rocks, the orange and lemon groves of Naxos entitle it, far
-more than Zante, to the proud name of “flower of the Levant.” This was
-the island which now opposed the Venetian filibuster, as centuries before
-it had opposed the Persians. A body of Genoese pirates had occupied the
-Byzantine castle before Sanudo’s arrival; but that shrewd leader, who
-knew the value of rashness in an emergency, burnt his galleys, and then
-bade his companions conquer or die. The castle surrendered after a five
-weeks’ siege, so that by 1207 Sanudo had conquered a duchy which existed
-for 359 years. His duchy included, besides Naxos, where he fixed his
-capital, the famous marble island of Paros; Kimolos, celebrated for its
-fuller’s earth; Melos, whose sad fortunes furnished Thucydides with one
-of the most curious passages in his history; and Syra, destined at a
-much later date to be the most important of all the Cyclades. True to
-his promise, Sanudo divided some of his conquests among his companions;
-thus, Andros and the volcanic island of Santorin became sub-fiefs of
-the Duchy. Sanudo himself did homage, not to Venice, but to the Emperor
-Henry of Romania, who formally bestowed upon him “the Duchy of the
-Dodekannesos,” or Archipelago, on the freest possible tenure. Having thus
-arranged the constitution of his little State, he proceeded to restore
-the ancient city; to build himself a castle, which commanded his capital
-and which is now in ruins; to erect a Catholic cathedral, on which, in
-spite of its restoration in the seventeenth century, his arms may still
-be seen; to improve the harbour by the construction of a mole; and to
-fortify the town with solid masonry, of which one fragment stands to-day,
-a monument, like the Santameri tower at Thebes, of Frank rule in Greece.
-
-As we might expect from so shrewd a statesman, the founder of this
-island-duchy was fully sensible of the advantages to be derived from
-having the Greeks on his side. Instead of treating them as serfs and
-schismatics, he allowed all those who did not intrigue against him
-with the Greek potentates at Trebizond, Nice, or Arta, to retain their
-property. He guaranteed the free exercise of their religion, nor did
-he allow the Catholic archbishop, sent him by the Pope, to persecute
-the Orthodox clergy or their flocks. The former imperial domains were
-confiscated, in order to provide and maintain a new fleet, so necessary
-to the existence of islands menaced by pirates. That Marco I was a
-powerful and wealthy ruler is proved not only by his buildings, but also
-by the value set upon his aid. When the Cretans had risen, as they so
-often did, against the Venetians, the Governor sent in hot haste to Naxos
-for Marco’s assistance. The Duke was still a citizen of the Republic;
-but the Governor knew his man, and stimulated his patriotism by the
-offer of lands in Crete. Marco lost no time in appearing upon the scene,
-defeated the insurgents, and claimed his reward. The Governor was also a
-Venetian, and not over-desirous of parting with his lands now that the
-danger seemed to be over. But Marco knew his Greeks by this time, and
-readily entered into a plot with a Cretan chief for the conquest of the
-island. Candia was speedily his, while the Governor had to escape in
-woman’s clothes to the fortress of Temenos. But, just as he seemed likely
-to annex Crete to his Duchy, Venetian reinforcements arrived. Unable to
-carry out his design, he yet succeeded by his diplomacy in securing an
-amnesty and pecuniary compensation, with which he retired to his island
-domain. But the failure of his Cretan adventure did not in the least damp
-his ardour. With only eight ships he boldly attacked the squadron of the
-Emperor of Nice, nearly four times as numerous. Captured and carried as a
-prisoner to the Nicene Court, he so greatly impressed the Emperor by his
-courage and manly beauty that the latter ordered his release, and gave
-him one of the princesses of the imperial house in marriage. In short,
-his career was that of a typical Venetian adventurer, brave, hard-headed,
-selfish, and unscrupulous; in fact, just the sort of man to found a
-dynasty in a part of the world where cleverness counts for more than
-heroic simplicity of character.
-
-During the long and peaceful reign of his son Angelo, little occurred to
-disturb the progress of the Duchy. But its external relations underwent a
-change at this time, in consequence of the transference of the suzerainty
-over it from the weak Emperor of Romania to the powerful Prince of
-Achaia, Geoffroy II, as a reward for Geoffroy’s assistance in defending
-the Latin Empire against the Greeks. Angelo, too, equipped three galleys
-for the defence of Constantinople, and, after its fall, sent a handsome
-present to the exiled Emperor. Like his father, he was summoned to aid
-the Venetian Governor of Crete against the native insurgents, but on
-the approach of the Nicene fleet he cautiously withdrew. His son, Marco
-II, who succeeded him in 1262, found himself face to face with a more
-difficult situation than that which had prevailed in the times of his
-father and grandfather. The Greeks had recovered ground not only at
-Constantinople, but in the south-east of the Morea, and their successes
-were repeated on a smaller scale in the Archipelago. Licario, the
-Byzantine admiral, captured many of the Ægean islands, some of which
-remained thenceforth part of the imperial dominions. Besides the Sanudi,
-the dynasty of the Ghisi, lords of Tenos and Mykonos, alone managed to
-hold its own against the Greek invasion; yet even the Ghisi suffered
-considerably from the attacks of the redoubtable admiral. One member
-of that family was fond of applying to himself the Ovidian line, “I am
-too big a man to be harmed by fortune,” and his subjects on the island
-of Skopelos, which has lately been notorious as the place of exile of
-Royalist politicians, used to boast that, even if the whole realm of
-Romania fell, they would escape destruction. But Licario, who knew that
-Skopelos lacked water, invested it during a hot summer, forced it to
-capitulate, and sent the haughty Ghisi in chains to Constantinople. Marco
-II had to quell an insurrection of the Greeks at Melos, who thought that
-the time had come for shaking off the Latin yoke. Educated at the court
-of Guillaume de Villehardouin, Marco had imbibed the resolute methods of
-that energetic prince, and he soon showed that he did not intend to relax
-his hold on what his grandfather had seized. Aided by a body of Frank
-fugitives from Constantinople, he reduced the rebels to submission,
-and pardoned all of them with the exception of a Greek priest whom he
-suspected of being the cause of the revolt. This man he is said to have
-ordered to be bound hand and foot, and then thrown into the harbour of
-Melos.
-
-Towards the orthodox clergy Marco II was, if we may believe the
-Jesuit historian of the Duchy, by no means so tolerant as his two
-predecessors[168]. There was, it seems, in the island of Naxos an altar
-dedicated to St Pachys, a portly man of God, who was believed by the
-devout Naxiotes to have the power of making their children fat. In the
-East fatness is still regarded as a mark of comeliness, and in the
-thirteenth century St Pachys was a very popular personage, whose altar
-was visited by loving mothers, and whose hierophants lived upon the
-credulity of the faithful. Marco II regarded this institution as a gross
-superstition. Had he been a wise statesman, he would have tolerated it
-all the same, and allowed the matrons of Naxos to shove their offspring
-through the hollow altar of the fat saint, so long as no harm ensued to
-his State. But Marco II was not wise; he smashed the altar, and thereby
-so irritated his Orthodox subjects that he had to build a fortress to
-keep them in order. But the Greeks were not the only foes who menaced
-the Duchy at this period. The Archipelago had again become the happy
-hunting-ground of pirates of all nationalities—Greek corsairs from the
-impregnable rock of Monemvasia or from the islands of Santorin and Keos,
-Latins like Roger de Lluria, the famous Sicilian admiral, who preyed on
-their fellow-religionists, mongrels who combined the vices of both their
-parents. The first place among the pirates of the time belonged to the
-Genoese, the natural rivals of the Venetians in the Levant, and on that
-account popular with the Greek islanders. No sooner was a Genoese galley
-spied in the offing than the peasants would hurry down with provisions
-to the beach, just as the Calabrian peasants have been known to give
-food to notorious brigands. The result of these visitations on the
-smaller islands may be easily imagined: thus the inhabitants of Amorgos
-emigrated in a body to Naxos from fear of the corsairs; yet, in spite
-of the harm inflicted by Licario and the pirates, we are told that the
-fertile plain of Drymalia, in the interior of Naxos, “then contained
-twelve large villages, a number of farm buildings, country houses and
-towers, with about 10,000 inhabitants.” Sometimes the remote consequences
-of the pirates’ raids were worse than the raids themselves. Thus, on one
-of these expeditions, some corsairs carried off a valuable ass belonging
-to one of the Ghisi. The ass, marked with its master’s initials, was
-bought by Marco II’s son, Guglielmo, who lived at Syra. The purchaser
-was under no illusions as to the ownership of the ass, but was perfectly
-aware that he was buying stolen goods. Seeing this, Ghisi invaded Syra,
-laid the island waste, and besieged Sanudo in his castle. But the fate
-of the ass had aroused wide sympathies. Marco II had taken the oath of
-fealty to Charles of Anjou, as suzerain of Achaia, after the death of his
-liege lord, Guillaume de Villehardouin, and it chanced that the Angevin
-admiral was cruising in the Archipelago at the time of the rape of the
-ass. Feudal law compelled him to assist the son of his master’s vassal;
-a lady’s prayers conquered any hesitation that he might have felt; so he
-set sail for Syra, where he soon forced Ghisi to raise the siege. The
-great ass case was then submitted to the decision of the Venetian bailie
-in Eubœa, who restored the peace of the Levant, but only after “more than
-30,000 heavy soldi” had been expended for the sake of the ass!
-
-After the recapture of Constantinople by the Greeks, the policy of
-Venice towards the dukes underwent a change. As we have seen, neither
-the founder of the Duchy nor his son and grandson were vassals of the
-Republic, though they were all three Venetian citizens. But the Venetian
-Government, alarmed at the commercial privileges accorded to its great
-rivals, the Genoese, by the Byzantine Emperor, now sought to obtain a
-stronger military and commercial position in the Archipelago, and, if
-possible, to acquire direct authority over the Duchy. An excuse for
-the attempt was offered by the affairs of Andros. That island had been
-bestowed by Marco I as a sub-fief of Naxos upon Marino Dandolo. Marco
-II resumed immediate possession of it after the death of Dandolo’s
-widow, and refused to grant her half of the island to her son by a
-second marriage, Nicolò Quirini, on the plausible plea that he arrived
-to do homage after the term allowed by the feudal law had expired. But
-Quirini was a Venetian bailie, and accordingly appealed to Venice for
-justice. The Doge summoned Marco II to make defence before the Senate;
-but Marco replied that Venice was not his suzerain, that the ducal Court
-at Naxos, and not the Senate at Venice, was the proper tribunal to try
-the case, and that he would be happy to afford the claimant all proper
-facilities for pleading his cause if he would appear there. The question
-then dropped; Marco remained in possession of Andros, while the Republic
-waited for a more favourable opportunity of advancing its political
-interests in the Archipelago.
-
-This opportunity was not long in coming. Towards the end of the
-thirteenth century a violent war broke out between Venice and her Genoese
-rivals, supported by the Byzantine Emperor. While the Genoese tried to
-undermine Venetian power in Crete, Venice let loose a new swarm of
-privateers on the islands of the Ægean, which Licario had recovered
-for the Byzantines. Then for the first time we meet with the word
-_armatoloí_, so famous in the later history of Greece, applied originally
-to the outfitters, or _armatores_, of privateers. The dispossessed
-Venetian lords were thus enabled to reconquer many of the possessions
-which they had then lost; Amorgos, the birthplace of Simonides, was
-restored to the Ghisi, Santorin and Therasia to the Barozzi, but only
-on condition that they recognised the suzerainty of the Republic. This
-arrangement was contested by the Duke of the Archipelago, on the ground
-that those islands had originally been sub-fiefs of his ancestors’
-dominions. Guglielmo Sanudo, the purchaser of the ass, had now succeeded
-to the Duchy, and, as might have been inferred from that story, was
-not likely to be over-scrupulous in his methods. As one of the Barozzi
-declined to do him homage, he had him arrested by corsairs on the high
-seas, and threw him into the ducal dungeon at Naxos. This was more than
-Venice could stand, for this scion of the Barozzi had been Venetian
-governor of Candia. An ultimatum was therefore despatched to the Duke,
-bidding him send his captive to Eubœa within eight days, under pain of
-being treated as a pirate. This message had the desired effect. Guglielmo
-let his prisoner go, and it was seen that the name of Venice was more
-powerful than before in the Archipelago. But neither Venice nor the Duke
-could prevent the increasing desolation of the islands. The Catalans
-had now appeared in the Levant; in 1303 they ravaged Keos; after their
-establishment in the Duchy of Athens they organised a raid on Melos,
-from which, like the Athenians of old, they carried off numbers of
-the inhabitants as slaves. A Spaniard from Coruña, Januli da Corogna,
-occupied Siphnos, and two of the leading families in Santorin to-day are
-of Catalan origin. A member of one of them, Dr De Cigalla, or Dekigallas,
-as he is called in Greek, is a voluminous author, and a great authority
-on the eruptions of that volcanic island. Turkish squadrons completed the
-work of destruction; we hear of a new exodus from Amorgos in consequence
-of their depredations, but this time the frightened islanders preferred
-to seek refuge under the Venetian banner in Crete rather than in Naxos.
-The latter island was, indeed, no longer so secure as it had been. True,
-Duke Guglielmo had welcomed the establishment of the warlike knights of
-St John at Rhodes, and had helped them to conquer that stronghold, in the
-hope that they would be able to ward off the Turks from his dominions.
-Venice, too, had come to see that her wisest policy was to strengthen the
-Naxiote Duchy, and furnished both the next Dukes, Nicolò I and Giovanni
-I, with arms for its protection. But, all the same, in 1344 the dreaded
-Turks effected a landing on Naxos, occupied the capital, and dragged
-away 6000 of the islanders to captivity. This misfortune increased the
-panic of the peasants throughout the Archipelago. They fled in greater
-numbers than ever to Crete, so that Giovanni complained at Venice of
-the depopulation of his islands, and asked for leave to bring back the
-emigrants. Even the fine island of Andros, which had formerly produced
-more wheat and barley than it could consume, was now forced to import
-grain from Eubœa, while many of the proprietors in other parts of the
-Ægean had to procure labour from the Morea. In fact, towards the middle
-of the fourteenth century, such security as existed in the Levant was due
-solely to the presence of the Venetian fleet in Cretan and Eubœan waters,
-and to a policy such as that which conferred upon the historian, Andrea
-Dandolo, the islet of Gaidaronisi, to the south of Crete, on condition
-that he should fortify its harbour against the assaults of pirates.
-Naturally, at such a time, it was the manifest advantage of the Naxiote
-Dukes to tighten the alliance with Venice. Accordingly we find Giovanni
-I preparing to assist the Venetians in their war with the Genoese, when
-the latter suddenly swooped down upon his capital and carried him off as
-a prisoner to Genoa.
-
-In 1361, a few years after his release, Giovanni I died, leaving an
-only daughter, Fiorenza, as Duchess of the Archipelago. It was the
-first time that this romantic State had been governed by a woman, and,
-needless to say, there was no lack of competitors for the hand of the
-rich and beautiful young widow. During her father’s lifetime Fiorenza
-had married one of the Eubœan family of Dalle Carceri, which is often
-mentioned in mediæval Greek history, and she had a son by this union,
-who afterwards succeeded her in the Duchy. Over her second marriage
-there now raged a diplomatic battle, which was waged by Venice with
-all the unscrupulousness shown by that astute Republic whenever its
-supremacy was at stake. The first of this mediæval Penelope’s suitors was
-a Genoese, one of the merchant adventurers, or _maonesi_, who held the
-rich island of Chios much as a modern chartered company holds parts of
-Africa under the suzerainty of the home Government. To his candidature
-Venice was, of course, strongly opposed, as it would have been fatal to
-Venetian interests to have this citizen of Genoa installed at Naxos.
-Fiorenza was therefore warned not to bestow her hand upon an enemy of
-the Republic, when so many eligible husbands could be found at Venice
-or in the Venetian colonies of Eubœa and Crete. At the same time, the
-Venetian bailie of Eubœa was instructed to hinder by fair means or foul
-the Genoese marriage. Fiorenza meekly expressed her willingness to marry
-a person approved by Venice, but soon afterwards showed a desire to
-accept the suit of Nerio Acciajuoli, the subsequent Duke of Athens.
-This alliance the Republic vetoed with the same emphasis as the former
-one; but Nerio was an influential man, who had powerful connections in
-the kingdom of Naples, and was therefore able to obtain the consent of
-Robert of Taranto, at that time suzerain of the Duchy. That Robert was
-Fiorenza’s suzerain could not be denied; but Venice replied that she was
-also a daughter of the Republic, that her ancestors had won the Duchy
-under its auspices, had been protected by its fleets, and owed their
-existence to its resources. What, it was added, have the Angevins of
-Naples done, or what can they do, for Naxos? Simultaneous orders were
-sent to the commander of the Venetian fleet in Greek waters to oppose,
-by force if necessary, the landing of Nerio in that island. The Venetian
-agents in the Levant had, however, no need of further instructions. They
-knew what was expected of them, and were confident that their action,
-if successful, would not be disowned. Fiorenza was kidnapped, placed on
-board a Venetian galley, and quietly conveyed to Crete. There she was
-treated with every mark of respect, but was at the same time plainly
-informed that if she wished ever to see her beloved Naxos again she
-must marry her cousin Nicolò Sanudo “Spezzabanda,” the candidate of the
-Republic and son of a large proprietor in Eubœa. The daring of this young
-man, to which he owed his nickname of “Spezzabanda,” “the disperser of
-a host,” may have impressed the susceptible Duchess no less than the
-difficulties of her position. At any rate she consented to marry him, the
-wedding was solemnised at Venice, the Republic pledged itself to protect
-the Duchy against all its enemies, and granted to Santorin, which had
-been reconquered by Duke Nicolò I, the privilege of exporting cotton and
-corn to the Venetian lagoons. Venice had won all along the line, and
-when the much-wooed Duchess died, “Spezzabanda” acted as regent for his
-stepson, Nicolò II dalle Carceri. He showed his gratitude to his Venetian
-patrons by assisting in suppressing the great Cretan insurrection of this
-period. He also defended Eubœa against the Catalans of Athens, showing
-himself ready to fight for the rights of young Nicolò whenever occasion
-offered.
-
-Nicolò II was the last and worst of the Sanudi Dukes. From his father he
-had inherited two-thirds of Eubœa, which interested him more than his own
-Duchy, but at the same time involved him in disputes with Venice. Chafing
-at the tutelage of the Republic, he selected the moment when Venice was
-once more engaged in war with Genoa, to negotiate with the Navarrese
-company of mercenaries then in Central Greece for its aid in the conquest
-of the whole island of Eubœa. This attempt failed, and, so far from
-increasing his dominions, Nicolò diminished them in other directions. We
-have seen how Andros had been reunited with Naxos by Marco II. The new
-Duke now bestowed it as a sub-fief upon his half-sister, Maria Sanudo,
-thus severing its direct connection with his Duchy. Nor was he more
-cautious in his internal policy. He aroused the strongest resentment
-among his subjects, Greeks and Franks alike, by his extortion, and they
-found a ready leader in a young Italian who had lately become connected
-by marriage with the Sanudo family. This man, Francesco Crispo—a name
-which suggested to biographers of the late Italian Prime Minister a
-possible relationship—was a Lombard who had emigrated to Eubœa and had
-then obtained the lordship of Melos by his union with the daughter of
-Giovanni I’s brother Marco, who had received that island as a sub-fief of
-Naxos, and under whom it had greatly prospered. Crispo chanced to be in
-Naxos at the time when the complaints of the people were loudest, and he
-aspired to the fame, or at any rate the profits, of a tyrannicide. During
-one of the ducal hunting parties he contrived the murder of the Duke, and
-was at once accepted by the populace as his successor. Thus, in 1383,
-fell the dynasty of the Sanudi, by the hand of a Lombard adventurer,
-after 176 years of power.
-
-Times had greatly changed since the conquest of the Archipelago, nor
-was a usurper like Crispo in a position to dispense with the protection
-of Venice. He therefore begged the Republic to recognise him as the
-rightful Duke, which the astute Venetians saw no difficulty in doing.
-He further strengthened the bond of union by bestowing the hand of his
-daughter upon the rich Venetian, Pietro Zeno, who played a considerable
-part in the tortuous diplomacy of the age. Crispo did not hesitate to
-rob Maria Sanudo of Andros in order to confer it upon his son-in-law,
-and it was not for many years, and then only after wearisome litigation,
-that it reverted to her son. She was obliged to content herself with the
-islands of Paros and Antiparos, and to marry one of the Veronese family
-of Sommaripa, which now appears for the first time in Greek history,
-but which came into the possession of Andros towards the middle of the
-fifteenth century, and still flourishes at Naxos. Sure of Venetian
-support, Crispo indulged in piratical expeditions as far as the Syrian
-coast, while he swept other and less distinguished pirates from the sea.
-His son-in-law seconded his efforts against the Turks; yet, in spite
-of their united attempts, they left their possessions in a deplorable
-state. Andros had been so severely visited by the Turkish corsairs that
-it contained only 2000 inhabitants, and had to be repopulated by Albanian
-immigrants, who are still very numerous there; Ios, almost denuded of
-its population, was replenished by a number of families from the Morea.
-Although the next Duke, Giacomo I, was known as “The Pacific,” and paid
-tribute to the Sultan on condition that no Turkish ships should visit his
-islands, he was constantly menaced by Bayezid I. In his distress, like
-the Emperor Manuel, he turned to Henry IV of England, whom he visited in
-London in 1404. Henry was not able to assist him, though he had at one
-time intended to lead an army “as far as to the sepulchre of Christ”;
-but, when Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, made a pilgrimage to
-Palestine in 1418, he was conveyed back to Venice on one of Pietro Zeno’s
-galleys. This was, so far as we have been able to discover, the only
-connection between England and the Duchy. In the same year Giacomo died
-at Ferrara, on his way to see the Pope, the natural protector of the
-Latins in the Levant.
-
-During the greater part of the fifteenth century the history of the
-Archipelago presents a monotonous series of family feuds and Turkish
-aggression. The subdivision of the islands, in order to provide appanages
-for the younger members of some petty reigning dynasty, was a source of
-weakness, which recalls the mediæval annals of Germany, nor did there
-arise among the Dukes of this period a strong man like the founder of the
-Duchy. One of them was advised by Venice to make the best terms that he
-could with the Sultan, though complaints were made that he had failed to
-warn the Venetian bailie of Eubœa of the approaching Turkish fleet, by
-means of beacon-fires—an incident which takes us back to the _Agamemnon_
-of Æschylus. The fall of Constantinople, followed by the capture of
-Lesbos and Eubœa by the Turks, greatly alarmed the Dukes, who drew closer
-than ever to the Venetian Republic, and were usually included in all the
-Venetian treaties. Other misfortunes greatly injured the islands. The
-Genoese plundered Naxos and Andros, and the volcanic island of Santorin
-was the scene of a great eruption in 1457, which threw up a new islet in
-the port. A few years later, Santorin had suffered so much from one cause
-or another that it contained no more than 300 inhabitants. An earthquake
-followed this eruption, further increasing the misery of the Archipelago.
-But this was the age of numerous religious foundations, some of them
-still in existence, such as the church of Sant’ Antonio at Naxos, which
-was bestowed upon the Knights of St John, as their arms on its walls
-remind the traveller. It was about this time too that Cyriacus of Ancona,
-after copying inscriptions at Athens, visited Andros and other islands
-of the Ægean. The island rulers not only received him courteously, but
-ordered excavations to be made for his benefit—a proof of culture which
-should be set against their wanton destruction of ancient buildings, in
-order to provide materials for their own palaces—a practice of which
-the tower at Paros is so striking an example. When we remember that each
-petty lord considered it necessary to be well lodged, the extent of these
-ravages may be easily imagined.
-
-Towards the close of the fifteenth century the condition of the islanders
-had become intolerable, and matters came to a climax under the rule of
-Giovanni III. That despotic Duke incurred the displeasure not only of
-the Sultan, but also of his own subjects. The former complained that
-he had fallen into arrears with his tribute—for the Dukes had long
-had to purchase independence by the payment of _bakshîsh_—and that he
-harboured corsairs, who plundered the Asian coast. The latter grumbled
-at the heavy taxes which the Duke pocketed without doing anything for
-the protection of his people. The Archbishop of Naxos made himself the
-mouthpiece of popular discontent, and wrote to Venice, in the name of the
-people of Naxos and Paros, offering to acknowledge the suzerainty of the
-Republic. Venice replied, authorising him to point out to the Duke and
-to Sommaripa, the lord of Paros, the utter hopelessness of their present
-position, and to offer them an assured income for the rest of their lives
-if they would cede their islands to a Venetian commissioner. But the
-negotiations failed; the Naxiotes, driven to despair, took the law into
-their own hands, and in 1494 murdered their Duke. The Archbishop then
-proceeded to Venice, and persuaded the Senate to take over the Duchy, at
-least till the late Duke’s son, Francesco, came of age. During the next
-six years Venetian Commissioners administered the islands, which were,
-however, loyally handed over to Francesco III at the end of that time.
-The new Duke proved unfortunately to be a homicidal maniac, who killed
-his wife and tried to kill his heir. As a consequence he was removed to
-Crete and a second brief Venetian occupation lasted during the rest of
-his successor’s minority[169]. The long reign of his son, Giovanni IV,
-who, soon after his accession, was captured by Turkish pirates while
-on a hunting party, lasted till 1564 and witnessed the loss of many of
-the Ægean islands. That great sovereign, Suleyman the Magnificent, now
-sat upon the Turkish throne, and his celebrated admiral, Khaireddîn
-Barbarossa, spread fire and sword through many a Christian village.
-In 1537 the classic island of Ægina, still under Venetian domination,
-was visited by this terrible scourge, who massacred all the adult male
-population, and took away 6000 women and children as slaves. So complete
-was the destruction of the Æginetans that, when a French admiral touched
-at the island soon afterwards, he found it devoid of inhabitants. There,
-as usual, an Albanian immigration replenished, at least to some extent,
-the devastated sites, but Ægina was long in recovering some small measure
-of its former prosperity. Thence Barbarossa sailed to Naxos, whence he
-carried off an immense booty, compelling the Duke to purchase his further
-independence—if such it could be called—by a tribute of 5000 ducats,
-and submitting him to the ignominy of seeing the furniture of his own
-palace sent on board the Admiral’s flagship under his very eyes. The
-horrible scenes of those days would seem to have impressed themselves
-deeply upon the mind of the wretched Duke, who gave vent to his feelings
-in a bitter letter of complaint to the Pope and other Christian princes.
-This curious document urged them to “apply their ears and lift up their
-eyes, and attend with their minds while their own interests were still
-safe,” and reminded them of the evils caused by discord in the councils
-of Christendom. The Duke emphasised his admirable truisms, which might
-have been addressed to the Concert of Europe at any time during the
-last fifty years, by a well-worn tag from Sallust—Sallustius Crispus,
-“the author of our race.” But neither his platitudes nor his allusion
-to his distinguished ancestry, which he might have had some difficulty
-in proving, availed him. The Turks went on in their career of conquest.
-Paros was annexed, Andros was forced to pay tribute, the Venetians lost
-Skiathos and Skopelos, and by the shameful treaty of 1540 forfeited the
-prestige which they had so long wielded in the Levant.
-
-The Duchy of Naxos had long existed by the grace of the Venetian
-Republic, and, now that Venice had been crippled, its days were numbered.
-The capture of Chios in 1566 was the signal for its dissolution. As
-soon as the news arrived in Naxos and Andros that the Turks had put an
-end to the rule of the joint-stock company of the Giustiniani in that
-fertile island, the Greeks of the Duchy complained to the Sultan of the
-exactions to which they were subjected by their Frank lords. There was
-some justification for their grievances, for Giacomo IV, the last of the
-Frank Dukes, was a notorious debauchee; and the conduct of the Catholic
-clergy, by the admission of a Jesuit historian, had become a public
-scandal. But the main motive of the petitioners seems to have been that
-intense hatred of Catholicism which characterised the Orthodox Greeks
-during the whole period of the Frank rule in the Levant, and which, as
-we saw under Austrian rule in Bosnia, has not yet wholly disappeared.
-Giacomo was fully aware of the delicacy of his position, and he resolved
-to convince the Turkish Government, as force was out of the question, by
-the only other argument which it understands. He collected a large sum
-of money, and went to Constantinople to reply to his accusers. But he
-found the ground already undermined by the artifices of the Œcumenical
-Patriarch, who had warmly espoused the cause of the Orthodox Naxiotes,
-and was in the confidence of the Turkish authorities. Giacomo had no
-sooner landed than he was clapped into prison, where he languished for
-five months, while the renegade, Pialì Pasha, quietly occupied Naxos
-and its dependencies and drove the Sommaripa out of Andros. But the
-Greeks of the Duchy soon discovered that they had made an indifferent
-bargain. One of the most important banking houses of the period was
-that of the Nasi, which had business in France, the Low Countries, and
-Italy, and lent money to kings and princes. The manager of the Antwerp
-branch was an astute Portuguese Jew, who at one time called himself João
-Miquez and posed as a Christian, and then reverted to Judaism and styled
-himself Joseph Nasi. A marriage with a wealthy cousin made him richer
-than before; he migrated to the Turkish dominions, where Jews were very
-popular with the Sultans, and became a prime favourite of Selim II. This
-was the man on whom that sovereign now bestowed the Duchy; and thus,
-by a prosaic freak of fortune, the lovely island of classical myth and
-mediæval romance became the property of a Jewish banker. Nasi, as a Jew,
-knew that he would be loathed by the Greeks, so he never visited his
-orthodox Duchy, but appointed a Spaniard named Coronello to act as his
-agent, and to screw as much money as possible out of the inhabitants. In
-this he was very successful.
-
-As soon as Giacomo IV was released he set out for the west to procure
-the aid of the Pope and Venice for the recovery of his dominions, even
-pledging himself in that event to do homage to the Republic for them.
-But, in spite of the great victory of Lepanto, the Turks remained in
-undisturbed possession of the Duchy, except for a brief restoration of
-Giacomo’s authority by Venice in 1571. On the accession of Murad III
-Giacomo had hopes of obtaining his further restoration through the good
-offices of the new Sultan’s mother, a native of Paros, belonging to the
-distinguished Venetian family of Baffo. But though she promised her
-aid, and he went to plead his cause in person at Constantinople, the
-Sultan was inexorable. The last of the Dukes died in the Turkish capital
-in 1576, and was buried in the Latin church there. Three years later
-Joseph Nasi died also, whereupon the Duchy was placed under the direct
-administration of the Porte.
-
-But though Naxos and all the important islands had been annexed by
-the Turks, there still remained a few fragments of the Latin rule in
-the Levant. The seven islands of Siphnos, Thermia, Kimolos, Polinos,
-Pholegandros, Gyaros, and Sikinos were retained by the Gozzadini family
-on payment of a tribute until 1617, while Venice still preserved Tenos as
-a station[170] in the Levant for a whole century more. Everywhere else
-in the Ægean the crescent floated from the battlements of the castles
-and palaces where for three and a half centuries the Latin nobles had
-practised the arts of war.
-
-The occupation of the Greek islands by the Latins was unnatural, and,
-like most unnatural things, it was destined not to endure. But this
-strange meeting of two deeply interesting races in the classic seats
-of Greek lyric poetry can scarcely fail to strike the imagination. And
-to-day, when Italy is once more showing a desire to play a _rôle_ in the
-near East, when Italians have officered the Cretan police, when Italian
-troops have occupied thirteen islands in the lower Ægean since 1912,
-including the old Quirini fief of Stampalia, when the Aldobrandini’s
-thirteenth century possession of Adalia is being revived, and the
-statesmen of Rome are looking wistfully across the Adriatic, it is
-curious to go back to the times when Venetian and Lombard families held
-sway among the islands of the Ægean, and the Latin galleys, flying the
-pennons of those petty princes, glided in and out of the harbours of that
-classic sea. Even in her middle age Greece had her romance, and no fitter
-place could have been chosen for it than “the wave-beat shore of Naxos.”
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-THE MAD DUKE OF NAXOS
-
-Subsequent historians of the Duchy of Naxos have accepted without
-question Hopf’s[171] chronology and brief description of the reign of
-Francesco III Crispo, who was formally proclaimed duke, after a brief
-Venetian protectorate, in October 1500. According to the German scholar,
-who is followed by Count Mas Latrie[172], Francesco III “quietly
-governed” his island domain down to 1518, the only incident in his
-career being his capture by Turkish corsairs while hunting in 1517. His
-wife, according to the same authorities, had already predeceased him,
-having died “before 1501.” But a perusal of Sanuto’s _Diarii_ shows that
-all these statements are wrong. Francesco III, so far from “quietly
-governing” his subjects, was a homicidal maniac, who murdered his wife in
-1510 and died in the following year.
-
-We first hear of the duke’s madness in 1509, when he and his
-brother-in-law, Antonio Loredano, were on board the ducal galley, then
-engaged in the Venetian service at Trieste. The duke was put in custody
-at San Michele di Murano, but was subsequently released and allowed to
-return to Naxos[173]. There, as we learn from two separate accounts, one
-sent to the Venetian authorities in Crete by the community of Naxos, the
-other sent to Venice by Antonio da Pesaro, Venetian governor of Andros,
-the duke had a return of the malady[174]. On August 15, 1510, he was
-more than usually affectionate to his wife, Taddea Loredano, to whom
-he had been married fourteen years, and who is described by one of the
-Venetian ambassadors as “a lady of wisdom and great talent[175].” Having
-inveigled the duchess to his side “by songs, kisses, and caresses,” he
-seized his sword and tried to slay her. The terrified woman fled, just
-as she was, in her nightdress, out of the ducal palace, and took refuge
-in the house of her aunt, Lucrezia Loredano, Lady of Nio. Thither, in
-the night of Saturday, August 17, her husband pursued her; he burst open
-the doors, and entered the bedroom, where he found the Lady of Nio and
-her daughter-in-law, to whom he gave three severe blows each. Meanwhile,
-on hearing the noise, the duchess had hidden under a wash-tub; a slave
-betrayed her hiding-place, and the duke struck her over the head with
-his sword. In the attempt to parry the blow, she seized the blade in her
-hands, and fell fainting on the ground, where her miserable assailant
-gave her a thrust in the stomach. She lived the rest of the night and
-the next day, while the duke fled to his garden, whence he was induced
-by the citizens to return to the palace. There, as he sat at meat with
-his son Giovanni, he heard from one of the servants that the people
-wished to depose him and put Giovanni in his place. In a paroxysm of
-rage, he seized a knife to kill his son; but his arm was held, and the
-lad saved himself by leaping from the balcony. The duke tried to escape
-to Rhodes, but he was seized, after a struggle in which he was wounded,
-and sent to Santorin. His son Giovanni IV was proclaimed duke, and as he
-could not have been more than eleven years old—his birth is spoken of
-as imminent[176] in May 1499—a governor of the duchy was elected in the
-person of Jacomo Dezia, whom we may identify with Giacomo I Gozzadini,
-baron of the island of Zia, who is mentioned as being present in the
-ducal palace at Naxos, in a document[177] of 1500, whose family had a
-mansion there, and who had already been governor in 1507. From Santorin,
-Francesco III was removed on a Venetian ship to Candia, where, as we
-learn from letters of August 15, 1511, he died of fever[178].
-
-Meanwhile, on October 18, 1510, it had been proposed at Venice that
-the mad duke’s brother-in-law, Antonio Loredano, should be sent as
-governor to Naxos, with a salary of 400 ducats a year, payable out of
-the revenues, just as Venetian governors had been sent there during the
-minority of Francesco III. Loredano sailed on January 16, 1511, for his
-post, where he remained for four and a half years[179]. Naxos, in his
-time, cannot have been a gloomy exile, for we hear of the “balls and
-festivals with the accompaniment of very polished female society” which
-greeted the Venetian ambassador[180]. We do not learn who governed the
-duchy between July 1515, when Loredano returned to Venice, and the coming
-of age of Duke Giovanni IV, which seems to have been in May 1517. On
-May 6 of that year he wrote a letter to the Cretan government, signed
-_Joannes Crispus dux Egeo Pelagi_, which Sanuto has preserved[181]; and
-in the same summer _il ducha di Nixia, domino Zuan Crespo_, was captured
-by corsairs while hunting, and subsequently ransomed[182]—an adventure
-which Hopf, as we have seen, wrongly ascribed to Francesco III.
-
-
-7. CRETE UNDER THE VENETIANS (1204-1669)
-
-Of all the Levantine possessions acquired by Venice as the result of
-the Fourth Crusade, by far the most important was the great island of
-Crete, which she obtained in August, 1204, from Boniface of Montferrat
-to whom it had been given 15 months earlier by Alexios IV, at the cost
-of 1000 marks of silver. At that time the population of the island,
-which in antiquity is supposed to have been a million, was probably
-about 500,000 or 600,000[183]. Lying on the way to Egypt and Syria, it
-was an excellent stopping-place for the Venetian merchantmen, and the
-immense sums of money expended upon its defence prove the value which the
-shrewd statesmen of the lagoons set upon it. Whether its retention was
-really worth the enormous loss of blood and treasure which it involved
-may perhaps be doubted, though in our own days the Concert of Europe has
-thought fit to spend about thrice the value of the island in the process
-of freeing it from the Turk. What distinguishes the mediæval history of
-Crete from that of the other Frank possessions in the Near East is the
-almost constant insubordination of the Cretan population. While in the
-Duchy of Athens we scarcely hear of any restlessness on the part of
-the Greeks, while in the Principality of Achaia they gave comparatively
-little trouble, while in the Archipelago they seldom murmured against
-their Dukes—in Crete, on the other hand, one insurrection followed
-another in rapid succession, and the first 160 years of Venetian rule are
-little else than a record of insurrections. The masters of the island
-explained this by the convenient theory, applied in our own time to
-the Irish, that the Cretans had a double dose of original sin, and the
-famous verse of Epimenides, to which the New Testament has given undying
-reputation, must have been often in the mouths of Venetian statesmen. But
-there were other and more natural reasons for the stubborn resistance
-of the islanders. After the reconquest of Crete by Nikephoros Phokas,
-the Byzantine Government had sent thither many members of distinguished
-military families, and their descendants, the _archontes_ of the island
-at the time of the Venetian invasion, furnished the leaders for these
-perennial revolts[184]. Moreover, the topography of Crete is admirably
-suited for guerilla warfare; the combination of an insular with a
-highland spirit constitutes a double gage of independence, and what the
-Venetians regarded as a vice the modern Greeks reckon as a virtue.
-
-Even before the Venetians had had time to take possession of the island,
-their great rivals, the Genoese, had established a colony there, so that
-it was clear from the outset that Venice was not the only Latin Power
-desirous of obtaining Crete. The first landing of the Venetians was
-effected at Spinalonga, where a small colony was founded. But, before the
-rest of the island could be annexed, a Genoese citizen, Enrico Pescatore,
-Count of Malta, one of the most daring seamen of his age, had set foot
-in Crete in 1206 at the instigation of Genoa, and invited the Cretans
-to join his standard. He easily made himself master of the island,
-over which he endeavoured to strengthen his hold by the restoration or
-construction of fourteen fortresses, still remaining, although in ruins.
-A larger force was then despatched from Venice, which drove out the
-Maltese adventurer, who appealed to the Pope as a faithful servant of the
-Church, and continued to trouble the conquerors for some years more[185].
-In 1207 Tiepolo had been appointed the first Venetian Governor, or Duke,
-as he was styled, of Crete; but it was not till the armistice with Genoa
-in 1212 that the first comprehensive attempt at colonisation was made,
-and the organisation of a Cretan Government was undertaken. According to
-the feudal principles then in vogue, which a century earlier had been
-adopted for the colonisation of the Holy Land, the island was divided
-into 132 knights’ fiefs (a number subsequently raised to 200, and then
-to 230) and 48 sergeants’ or foot soldiers’ fiefs, and volunteers were
-invited to take them. The former class of lands was bestowed on Venetian
-nobles, the latter on ordinary citizens; but in both cases the fiefs
-became the permanent property of the holders, who could dispose of them
-by will or sale, provided that they bequeathed or sold them to Venetians.
-The nobles received houses in Candia, the Venetian capital (which now
-gave its name to the whole island), as well as pasture for their cattle,
-the State reserving to itself the direct ownership of the strip of coast
-in which Candia lay, the fort of Temenos and its precincts, and any gold
-or silver mines that might hereafter be discovered. The division of the
-island into six parts, or _sestieri_, was modelled, like the whole scheme
-of administration, on the arrangements of the city of Venice, where the
-_sestieri_ still survive. So close was the analogy between the colonial
-and the metropolitan divisions that the colonists of each _sestiere_ in
-Crete sprang from the same _sestiere_ at Venice—a system which stimulated
-local feeling. At the head of each _sestiere_ an official known as a
-_capitano_ was placed, while the government of the colony was carried on
-by a greater and a lesser Council of the colonists, by two Councillors
-representing the Doge, and by the Duke, who usually held office for two
-years. The first batch of colonists was composed of twenty-six citizens
-and ninety-four nobles of the Republic, the latter drawn from some of
-the best Venetian families. But it is curious that, while we still find
-descendants of Venetian houses in the Cyclades and at Corfù, scarcely
-a trace of them remains in Crete[186]. As for ecclesiastical matters,
-always of such paramount importance in the Levant, the existing system
-was adopted by the newcomers. Candia remained an archbishopric, under
-which the ten bishoprics of the island were placed; but the churches,
-with two temporary exceptions, were occupied by the Latin clergy, and
-that body was required, no less than the laity, to contribute its quota
-of taxation towards the defence of the capital[187]. Although we hear
-once or twice of a Greek bishop in Crete, the usual practice was to allow
-no orthodox ecclesiastic above the rank of a _protopapâs_ to reside at
-Candia, while Greek priests had to seek consecration from the bishops of
-the nearest Venetian colonies. But, as the Venetian colonists in course
-of time became Hellenised and embraced the Orthodox faith, the original
-organisation of the Latin church was found to be too large, so that, at
-the time of the Turkish conquest, the Latin Archbishop of Candia with his
-four suffragans represented Roman Catholicism in the island, and outside
-the four principal towns there was scarcely a Catholic to be found.
-
-The division of the island into fiefs naturally caused much bad blood
-among the natives, who objected to this appropriation of their lands.
-In 1212, the same year which witnessed the arrival of the colonists, an
-insurrection broke out under the leadership of the powerful family of
-the Hagiostephanitai. The rising soon assumed such serious proportions
-that Tiepolo called in the aid of Duke Marco I of Naxos, whose duplicity
-in this connection was narrated in a previous essay. In addition to
-these internal troubles, the Genoese and Alamanno Costa, Count of
-Syracuse, an old comrade of the Count of Malta again became active; but
-the Venetians wisely purchased the acquiescence of the Genoese in the
-existing state of things by valuable concessions, the chief of which was
-the recognition of Genoa’s former privileges of trade with the Empire
-of Romania, and imprisoned Costa in an iron cage. From that moment,
-save for two brief raids in 1266 and 1293, Genoa abandoned the idea of
-contesting her rival’s possession of Crete. In the same year, however,
-only five years after the first rising, a fresh Cretan insurrection,
-due to the high-handed action of the Venetian officials, caused the
-proud Republic of St Mark to admit the necessity of conceding something
-to the islanders. The ringleaders received a number of knights’ fiefs,
-and became Venetian vassals. But a further distribution of lands in the
-parts of the island hitherto unconfiscated kindled a new revolt. The
-rebels, seeing the growth of the Empire of Nice, offered their country to
-the Emperor Vatatzes if he would come and deliver them, while the Duke
-summoned the reigning sovereign of Naxos to his aid. The latter withdrew
-on the approach of the Nicene admiral, who managed to land a contingent
-in the island. Long after the admiral’s departure these men held their
-own in the mountains, and it was eight years before the Venetians
-succeeded in suppressing the rising. On the death of Vatatzes, the
-Cretans seemed to have lost hope of external assistance, and no further
-attempt was made to throw off the Venetian yoke till after the fall
-of the Latin Empire of Romania. Meanwhile, in 1252, a fresh scheme of
-colonisation was carried out; ninety more knights’ fiefs were granted in
-the west of the island, and the town of Canea, the present capital, was
-founded, on or near the site of the ancient Cydonia[188]; one half of the
-new city was reserved to Venice, and the other half became the property
-of the colonists.
-
-After the recapture of Constantinople by the Greeks, the value of the
-island became greater than ever to the Venetians. Three years after that
-event we find the Doge Zeno writing to Pope Urban IV that “the whole
-strength of the Empire” lay in Crete, while at the same time the revival
-of the Greek cause, both on the Bosporos and in the Morea, led to an
-attack upon it by the Byzantine forces. But Venice had less difficulty in
-coming to terms with the Emperor than in managing her unruly subjects.
-In 1268 the Venetian colonists rose under leaders who bore the honoured
-names of Venier and Gradenigo, demanding complete separation from the
-mother country. The harsh policy of the Republic towards her colonies
-was an excuse for this outbreak; but no further attempt of the kind was
-made for another hundred years, when the descendants of the Venier and
-the Gradenigo of 1268 headed a far more serious rebellion. Another Greek
-rising now followed, this time organised by the brothers Chortatzai,
-but the Venetians had now succeeded in winning over a party among the
-Cretans, including Alexios Kallerges, the richest of all the _archontes_.
-This man used all his local influence on the side of the Government;
-yet even so the rebellion continued for several years, and at times
-threatened to gain the upper hand. One Venetian Governor was lured into
-the mountains, surprised, and slain; another was driven behind the walls
-of Candia, and only saved from capture by the fidelity of the Greek
-inhabitants of that district. At last adequate reinforcements arrived,
-the Chortatzai were banished from the island, and the castle of Selino
-was erected to overawe the rebels in their part of the country. Peace
-then reigned for a few years, and the conciliatory policy of the next
-Governor earned for him the title of “the good” Duke from the Cretan
-subjects of the Republic.
-
-But the calm was soon disturbed by a fresh outbreak. In 1283 the same
-Alexios Kallerges who had been so valuable an auxiliary of Venice in the
-last rising inaugurated a rebellion which, arising out of the curtailment
-of his own family privileges, spread to the whole island and lasted for
-sixteen years. The home Government made the mistake of under-estimating
-the importance of this movement, which it neglected to suppress at the
-outset by the despatch of large bodies of men. As usual, the insurgents
-operated in the mountains, whence the Venetians were unable to dislodge
-them, while the Genoese laid Canea in ashes in 1293, and tried to
-establish relations with the insurrectionary chief. But Kallerges was not
-disposed to exchange the rule of one Italian State for that of another,
-and, as he saw at last that he could not shake off the Venetian yoke
-single-handed, he came to terms with the Governor. His patriotic refusal
-of the Genoese offers had excited the admiration of the Venetians, who
-were ready to make concessions to one whom Genoa could not seduce. He
-was allowed to keep the fiefs which the Angeloi had granted in the
-Byzantine days to his family, he was created a knight, and his heirs
-received permission to intermarry with Venetians—a practice absolutely
-prohibited as a rule in Venetian colonies. It is pleasant to be able to
-record that both parties to this treaty kept their word. Kallerges on his
-death-bed bade his four sons remain true to Venice; one of his grandsons
-fought in her cause, and his descendants were rewarded with the title of
-patricians—at that time a rare distinction. These frequent insurrections,
-combined with the horrors of plague and famine, do not seem to have
-permanently injured the resources of the island, nor were the ravages of
-corsairs, fitted out by the Catalans of Attica in the early part of the
-fourteenth century, felt much beyond the coast. At any rate, in 1320 such
-was the prosperity of the colony that the Governor was able to remit a
-large surplus to Venice after defraying the costs of administration. But
-the harsh policy of the Republic gradually alienated the colonists as
-well as the natives. A demand for ship-money caused a fresh rebellion of
-the Greeks in 1333, in which one of the Kallergai fought for, and another
-of them against, the Venetian Government. Eight years later a member of
-that famous Cretan family, forgetting the patriotic conduct of his great
-ancestor, entered into negotiations with the Turks; but he was invited to
-a parley by the Venetian Governor, who had him arrested as a traitor and
-thrown in a sack into the sea. This act of cruelty and treachery had the
-effect of embittering and prolonging the Cretan resistance, so that the
-Venetians soon held nothing in the island except the capital and a few
-castles. At last the arrival of overwhelming reinforcements forced the
-rebel leader, Michael Psaromelingos, to bid his servant kill him, and the
-rebellion was over. The death of this chieftain has formed the subject of
-a modern Greek drama, for the Greeks of the mainland have always admired,
-and sometimes imitated, the desperate valour of their Cretan brethren. On
-the Venetians this revolt made so great an impression that the Duke was
-ordered to admit no Cretan into the Great Council of the island without
-the special permission of the Doge—an order due as much to the fears of
-the home Government as to the jealousy of the colonists.
-
-But the most significant feature of this insurrection was the apathy
-of the Venetian vassals in contributing their quota of horses and men
-for the defence of the island. Somewhat earlier, the knights had been
-compelled, in spite of their vigorous protests, to pay the sum which,
-by the terms of their feudal tenure, they were supposed to expend upon
-their armed followers, direct to the Exchequer, which took care to see
-that the money was properly applied. Many of the poorer among them now
-found themselves unable to provide the amounts which the Government
-required, and so became heavily indebted to the Treasury. It was the
-opinion of Venetian statesmen that Crete should be self-supporting, but
-it at last became necessary to grant a little grace to the impoverished
-debtors, some of whom had shown signs of coquetting with the Turks. Thus
-the discontented Venetian colonists, who had been born and trained for
-the most part in an island which exercises a strong attraction on even
-foreign residents, found that they had more grievances in common with the
-Greeks than bonds of union with the city of their ancestors. More than a
-century and a half had elapsed since the first great batch of colonists
-had left the lagoons for the great Greek island. Redress had been
-stubbornly refused, and it only needed a spark to set the whole colony
-ablaze.
-
-In 1362 a new Duke, Leonardo Dandolo, arrived at Candia with orders from
-the Venetian Senate to demand from the knights a contribution towards
-the repair of the harbour there. The knights contended that, as the
-harbour would benefit trade, which was the interest of the Republic,
-while their income was exclusively derived from agriculture, the expense
-should be borne by the home Government. As the Senate persisted, the
-whole body of knights rose under the command of two young members of
-the order, Tito Venier, Lord of Cerigo—the island which afterwards
-formed part of the Septinsular Republic—and Tito Gradenigo, entered
-the Duke’s palace, and put him and his Councillors in irons. Having
-arrested all the Venetian merchants whom they could find, the rebels then
-proclaimed the independence of Crete—how often since then has it not been
-announced!—appointed Marco Gradenigo, Tito’s uncle, Duke, and elected
-four Councillors from their own ranks. In order to obtain the support of
-the Greeks they declared that the Roman Catholic ritual had ceased to
-exist throughout the island, and announced their own acceptance of the
-Orthodox faith. In token of the new order of things the Venetian insignia
-were torn down from all the public buildings, and St Mark made way for
-Titus, the patron saint and first bishop of Crete[189]. The theological
-argument was more than the Greeks could resist, and the descendants of
-Catholic Venetians and Orthodox _archontes_ made common cause against
-Popery and the tax-collector.
-
-When the news reached Venice, it excited the utmost consternation. But,
-as no sufficient forces were available, the Republic resolved to try
-what persuasion could effect. A trusty Greek from the Venetian colony
-of Modon was sent to treat with the Greeks, while five commissioners
-proceeded to negotiate with the revolutionary Government at Candia.
-The commissioners were courteously heard; but when it was found that
-they were empowered to offer nothing but an amnesty, and that only on
-condition of prompt submission to the Republic, they were plainly told
-that the liberty recently won by arms should never be sacrificed to the
-commands of the Venetian Senate. Nothing remained but to draw the sword,
-and the home Government had prudently availed itself of the negotiations
-to begin its preparations, both diplomatic and naval. All the Powers
-friendly to Venice, the Pope, the Emperor Charles IV, the King of France,
-and the Queen of Naples, even Genoa herself, forbade their subjects to
-trade with the island, and the Pope, alarmed at the apostasy of the
-colonists, addressed a pastoral to the recalcitrant Cretans. But neither
-papal arguments nor an international boycott could bend the stubborn
-minds of the insurgents. It was not till the arrival of the Venetian
-fleet and army, the latter under the command of Luchino dal Verme, the
-friend of Petrarch, who had warned him, with the inevitable allusions to
-the classic poets and to St Paul, of the “untruthfulness,” “craft,” and
-“deceit” of the Cretans, that the movement was crushed.
-
-The armament was of considerable size. Italy had been ransacked for
-soldiers, the Duchy of the Archipelago and Eubœa for ships, and Nicolò
-“Spezzabanda,” the regent of Naxos, hastened to assist his Venetian
-patrons. Candia speedily fell, and then the commissioners who accompanied
-the military and naval forces proceeded to mete out punishment to the
-chief insurgents without mercy. Marco Gradenigo and two others were
-beheaded on the platform of the castle, where their corpses were ordered
-to remain, under penalty of the loss of a hand to any one who tried
-to remove them. The same bloody and brief assizes were held in Canea
-and Rethymno; the most guilty were executed, the less conspicuous were
-banished. Tito Venier was captured by Venetian ships on the high sea,
-and paid for his treasonable acts with his head; his accomplice, Tito
-Gradenigo, managed to escape to Rhodes, but died in exile. The property
-of the conspirators was confiscated by the State.
-
-Great was the joy at Venice when it was known that the insurrection
-had been suppressed. Three days were given up to thanksgivings and
-festivities, at which Petrarch was present, and of which he has left an
-account. Foreign powers congratulated the Republic on its success, while
-in Crete itself the new Duke ordered the celebration of May 10 in each
-year-the anniversary of the capitulation of Candia—as a public holiday.
-But the peace, or perhaps we should say desolation, of the island was
-soon disturbed. Some of the banished colonists combined with three
-brothers of the redoubtable family of the Kallergai, who proclaimed the
-Byzantine Emperor sovereign of Crete. This time the Venetian Government
-sent troops at once to Candia, but hunger proved a more effective weapon
-than the sword. The inhabitants of Lasithi, where the insurgents had
-their headquarters, surrendered the ringleaders rather than starve. Then
-followed a fresh series of savage sentences, for the Republic considered
-that no mercy should be shown to such constant rebels. While the chiefs
-were sent to the block, the whole plateau of Lasithi was converted into
-a desert, the peasants were carried off and their cottages pulled down,
-and the loss of a foot and the confiscation of his cattle were pronounced
-to be the penalty of any farmer or herdsman who should dare to sow corn
-there or to use the spot for pasture. This cruel and ridiculous order
-was obeyed to the letter; for nearly a century one of the most fertile
-districts of Crete was allowed to remain in a state of nature, till at
-last in 1463 the urgent requirements of the Venetian fleet compelled the
-Senate to consent to the recultivation of Lasithi. But as soon as the
-temporary exigencies of the public service had been satisfied, Lasithi
-fell once more under the ban, until towards the end of the fifteenth
-century the plain was placed under the immediate supervision of the Duke
-and his Councillors. It would be hard to discover any more suicidal
-policy than this, which crippled the resources of the colony in order
-to gratify a feeling of revenge. But it has ever been the misfortune
-of Crete that the folly of her rulers has done everything possible to
-counteract her natural advantages.
-
-A long period of peace now ensued, a peace born not of prosperous
-contentment but of hopeless exhaustion. The first act of the Republic
-was to substitute for the original oath of fealty, exacted from the
-colonists at the time of the first great settlement in 1212, a much
-stricter formula of obedience. The next was to put up to auction the
-vacant fiefs of the executed and banished knights at Venice, for it had
-been resolved that none of those estates should be acquired by members of
-the Greek aristocracy. The bidding was not very brisk, for Crete had a
-bad character on the Venetian exchange, so that, some years later, on the
-destruction of the castle of Tenedos, the Republic transported the whole
-population to Candia. There they settled outside the capital in a suburb
-which, from their old home, received the name of Le Tenedee[190].
-
-We hear little about Crete during the first half of the fifteenth
-century, which was so critical a time for the Franks of the mainland.
-The principal grievance of the colonists at that period seems to have
-been the arrogance of the Jews, against whom they twice petitioned
-the Government. It was a Jew, however, who, together with a priest,
-betrayed to the Duke the plot which had been concocted by a leading
-Greek of Rethymno in 1453 for the murder of all the Venetian officials
-on one day, the incarceration of all other foreigners, and the
-proclamation of a Greek prince as sovereign of the island. The capture
-of Constantinople by the Turks in that year, followed as it was by
-the flight of many Greek families to Crete, induced the Venetians to
-take more stringent precautions against the intrigues of their Cretan
-subjects. An order was issued empowering the Duke to make away with
-any suspected Cretans without trial or public inquiry of any kind. We
-are reminded by this horrible ordinance of the secret commission for
-the slaughter of dangerous Helots which had been one of the laws of
-Lycurgus. Nothing could better show the insecurity of Venetian rule, even
-after two centuries and a half had passed since the conquest. Another
-incident, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, shows how savage
-was the punishment meted out to the insurgents, with the approval of
-the authorities. At that period the Cretans of Selmo, Sphakia, and the
-Rhiza, not far from the latter place united their forces against their
-Venetian masters under the leadership of the Pateropouloi clan. The
-three insurgent districts were formed into an independent Republic, of
-which a leading Greek was chosen Rector. The Venetians of Canea, under
-the pretext of a wedding feast at the villa of one of their countrymen
-at the charming village of Alikianou, lured the Rector and some fifty
-of his friends to that place, seized the guests after the banquet, and
-hanged or shot him, his son, and many others in cold blood. The remainder
-of the rebels were rigorously proscribed, and a pardon was granted to
-those alone who produced at Canea the gory head of a father, a brother,
-a cousin, or a nephew[191]. Nor were the foes of Venice only those of
-her own household. The Turkish peril, which had manifested itself in
-sporadic raids before the fall of Constantinople, became more pressing
-after the loss of the Morea. Appeals were made by the inhabitants for
-reinforcements and arms, and at last, when the capture of Eubœa by the
-Turks had deprived them of that valuable station, the Venetians turned
-their thoughts to the protection of Crete, and resolved to restore the
-walls of Candia. Those who saw, like the author, those magnificent
-fortifications before the sea-gate was destroyed by the British troops
-in 1898, can estimate the strength of the town in the later Venetian
-period. Unfortunately, those ramparts, which afterwards kept the Turks
-at bay for twenty-four years, could not prevent the dreaded Barbarossa’s
-ravages on other parts of the coast. In 1538 that great captain appeared
-with the whole Turkish fleet—then a very different affair from the
-wretched hulks of 1898 which were a terror only to their crews—landed at
-Suda Bay, laid all the adjacent country waste, and nearly captured Canea.
-Thirty years later, this raid was repeated with even greater success,
-for Rethymno was destroyed, and soon the loss of Cyprus deprived Crete
-of a bulwark which had hitherto divided the attention of the advancing
-Turk. Venice was, at length, thoroughly alarmed for the safety of her
-great possession, and she took the resolve of introducing drastic reforms
-into the island. With this object an experienced statesman, Giacomo
-Foscarini, was sent to Crete in 1574 as special commissioner, with full
-powers to inquire into, and redress, the grievances of the islanders.
-Foscarini, well aware that his task would be no easy one, endeavoured
-to excuse himself on private grounds; but his patriotism prevailed over
-all other considerations, and he set out for Crete with the intention of
-increasing the resources of the island and at the same time protecting
-the inhabitants against the oppression of those placed over them. In
-accordance with this policy, he issued, as soon as he had landed, a
-proclamation, urging all who had grievances against any Venetian official
-to come without fear, either openly or in secret, before him, in the
-certainty of obtaining justice and redress. He then proceeded to study
-the condition of the country, and it is fortunate that the results of his
-investigation have been preserved in an official report, which throws
-a flood of light on the state of Crete during the latter half of the
-sixteenth century[192].
-
-At the time of Foscarini’s visit the island was divided up into 479
-fiefs, 394 of which belonged to Venetians, who were no longer subdivided
-into the two original classes of knights and sergeants, or foot soldiers,
-but were all collectively known as knights. Of the remaining fiefs,
-thirty-five belonged to native Cretan families, twenty-five to the
-Latin Church, and twenty-five to the Venetian Government. None of these
-last three classes paid taxes or yielded service of any sort to the
-Republic, though a rent was derived from such of the State domains as
-were let. As might be guessed from the frequent repetition of Cretan
-insurrections, the condition of the native Cretan aristocracy was one
-of the most serious problems in the island. When Venice had adopted,
-somewhat reluctantly, the plan of bestowing fiefs on the Greek leaders,
-twelve prominent Cretan families had been selected, whose descendants,
-styled _archontópouloi_, or _archontoromaîoi_, formed a privileged class
-without obligations of any sort. As time went on, the numbers of these
-families had increased, till, shortly before Foscarini’s visit, they
-comprised at least 400 souls. But, as the number of the fiefs at their
-disposal remained the same, a series of subdivisions became necessary,
-and this led to those continual quarrels, which were the inevitable
-result of the feudal system all over Greece. A hard and fast line was
-soon drawn between the richer “sons of the _archontes_,” who lived a
-life of idleness and luxury in the towns, and the poorer members of
-the clan, who sank into the position of peasants on their bit of land,
-without, however, losing their privileges and their pride of descent.
-The latter quality involved them in perpetual feuds with rival families
-equally aristocratic and equally penniless, and the celebrated district
-of Sphakia, in particular, had even then acquired the evil notoriety
-for turbulent independence which it preserved down to the end of the
-nineteenth century. Shortly before Foscarini appeared on the scene, a
-Venetian commissioner had paid a visit to that spot for the express
-purpose of chastising the local family of the Pateroi, whose hereditary
-feud with the family of the Papadopouloi of Rethymno had become a public
-scandal. Both the parties, the latter of whom still has a representative
-in an illustrious family resident at Venice, were of common stock, for
-both were branches of the ancient Cretan clan of the Skordiloi. But they
-hated one another with all the bitterness of near relatives; revenge
-was the most precious heritage of their race; the bloody garment of
-each victim was treasured up by his family, every member of which wore
-mourning till his murder had been wiped out in blood; and thus, as in
-Albania to-day, and in Corsica in the days of Mérimée, there was no end
-to the chain of assassinations. On this occasion the Sphakiotes, who
-could well maintain the classic reputation of the Cretan bowmen, were
-completely crushed by the heavily armed troops of Venice. Their homes
-were burned to the ground, those who resisted were slain; those who were
-captured were sent into exile at Corfù, where they mostly died of cruel
-treatment or home-sickness, the home-sickness which every true Cretan
-feels for his mountains. The survivors of the clan were forbidden to
-rebuild their dwellings or to approach within many miles of their beloved
-Sphakia. The inhospitable valleys and rough uplands became their refuge,
-and winter and lack of food had been steadily diminishing their numbers
-when Foscarini arrived at Sphakia to see for himself how things were in
-that notorious district.
-
-Sphakia lies on the south coast of the island, almost exactly opposite
-the Bay of Suda on the north. Foscarini describes it as consisting of
-“a very weak tower,” occupied by a Venetian garrison of eleven men,
-and a small hamlet built in terraces on the hills. The wildness of the
-scenery was in keeping, he says, with the wildness of the inhabitants,
-whose bravery, splendid physique, and agility in climbing the rocks he
-warmly praises. Their appearance suggested to him a comparison with “the
-wild Irish,” and they have certainly vied with the latter in the trouble
-which they have given to successive Governments. Their long hair and
-beards, their huge boots and vast skirts, the dagger, sword, bow and
-arrows, which every Sphakiote constantly carried, and the unpleasant
-odour of goats, which was derived from their habit of sleeping in caves
-among their herds, and which clung to their persons, struck the observant
-Venetian in a more or less agreeable manner. Yet he remarked that,
-if they were let alone and not agitated by family feuds, they were a
-mild and gentle race, and the peasant spokesman of the clan seemed to
-him one of nature’s noblemen. With this man Foscarini came to terms,
-promising the Pateroi a free pardon, their return to their homes, and the
-restoration of their villages, on condition that they should furnish men
-for the Venetian galleys, send a deputation twice a year to Canea, and
-work once annually on the fortifications of that town. The Sphakiotes
-loyally kept these conditions during the stay of Foscarini in the island,
-their district became a model of law and order, while their rivals,
-the Papadopouloi, were frightened into obedience by the threats of the
-energetic commissioner. He further organised all the native clans in
-companies for service in the militia under chiefs, or _capitani_, chosen
-by him from out of their midst and paid by the local government. This
-local militia was entrusted with the policing of the island, on the sound
-principle that a former brigand makes the best policeman. Disobedience or
-negligence was punished by degradation from the privileged class of free
-_archontópouloi_, and thus the military qualities of the Cretans were
-diverted into a useful channel, and a strong motive provided for their
-loyalty. Similarly since the union with Greece the Cretans have become
-excellent constables.
-
-The next problem was that of the Venetian knights. It had been the
-original intention of the Republic that none of their fiefs should pass
-into Greek hands. But as time went on many of the colonists had secretly
-sold their estates to the natives, and had gone back to Venice to spend
-the proceeds of the sale in luxurious idleness. When Foscarini arrived,
-he found that many even of those Venetians who remained in Crete had
-become Greek in dress, manners, and speech. More than sixty years earlier
-we hear complaints of the lack of Catholic priests and of the consequent
-indifference of the colonists to the religion of their forefathers,
-so that we are not surprised to hear Foscarini deploring the numerous
-conversions of the Venetians in the country districts to the Orthodox
-faith through the want of Latin churches. In the town of Candia, where
-the nobles were better off, they still remained strict Catholics, and
-this difference of religion marked them off from the Orthodox people;
-but their wives had adopted Oriental habits, and lived in the seclusion
-which we associate with the daily life of women in the East. In Canea,
-which was a more progressive place than the capital, things were a little
-more hopeful, but even there education was almost entirely neglected.
-In the country, owing to the subdivision of fiefs, many of the smaller
-Venetian proprietors had sunk to the condition of peasants, retaining
-neither the language nor the chivalrous habits of their ancestors, but
-only the sonorous names of the great Venetian houses whence they sprang.
-All the old martial exercises, on which the Republic had relied for the
-defence of the island, had long fallen into abeyance. Few of the knights
-could afford to keep horses; few could ride them. When they were summoned
-on parade at Candia, they were wont to stick some of their labourers on
-horseback, clad in their own armour, to the scandal of the Government and
-the amusement of the spectators, who would pelt these improvised horsemen
-with bad oranges or stones. Another abuse arose from the possession of
-one estate by several persons, who each contributed a part of the horse’s
-equipment which the estate was expected to furnish. Thus the net result
-of the feudal arrangements in Crete at this period was an impoverished
-nobility and an utterly inadequate system of defence.
-
-Foscarini set to work to remedy these evils with great courage. He
-proceeded to restore the old feudal military service, with such
-alterations as the times required. He announced that neglect of this
-public duty would be punished by confiscation of the vassal’s fief; he
-abolished the combination of several persons for the equipment of one
-horse, but ordered that the small proprietors should each provide one of
-the cheap but hardy little Cretan steeds, leaving the wealthier knights
-to furnish costlier animals. By this means he created a chivalrous spirit
-among the younger nobles, who began to take pride in their horses, and
-1200 horsemen were at the disposal of the State before he left the
-island. He next turned his attention to the remedy of another abuse—the
-excessive growth of the native Cretan aristocracy owing to the issue of
-patents of nobility by corrupt officials. Still worse was the reckless
-bestowal of privileges, such as exemptions from personal service on the
-galleys and from labour on the fortifications, upon Cretans of humble
-origin, or even upon whole communities. The latter practice was specially
-objectionable, because the privileged communities exercised a magnetic
-attraction upon the peasants of other districts, who flocked into them,
-leaving the less favoured parts of the island almost depopulated. Quite
-apart from this cause, the diminution of the population, which at the
-time of the Venetian conquest was about half a million, but had sunk to
-271,489 shortly before Foscarini’s arrival, was sufficiently serious. It
-is obvious that in ancient times, Crete with its “ninety cities” must
-have supported a large number of inhabitants; but the plagues, famines,
-and earthquakes of the sixteenth century had lessened the population,
-already diminished by Turkish raids and internal insurrections. In 1524
-no fewer than 24,000 persons died of the plague, and the Jews alone were
-an increasing body. Against them Foscarini was particularly severe; he
-regarded the fair Jewesses of Candia as the chief cause of the moral
-laxity of the young nobles; he absolutely forbade Christians to accept
-service in Jewish families; and nowhere was his departure so welcome as
-in the Ghetto of Candia. The peasants, on the other hand, regarded him
-as a benefactor; for their lot, whether they were mere serfs or whether
-they tilled the land on condition of paying a certain proportion of the
-produce, was by no means enviable. The serfs, or _pároikoi_, were mostly
-the descendants of the Arabs who had been enslaved by Nikephoros Phokas,
-and who could be sold at the will of their masters. The free peasants
-were overburdened with compulsory work by the Government, as well as by
-the demands of their lords. In neither case was Foscarini sure that he
-had been able to confer any permanent benefit upon them. At least, he had
-followed the maxim of an experienced Venetian, that the Cretans were not
-to be managed by threats and punishments.
-
-He concluded his mission by strengthening the two harbours of Suda
-and Spinalonga, by increasing the numbers and pay of the garrison, by
-improving the Cretan fleet and the mercantile marine, and by restoring
-equilibrium to the budget. The Levantine possessions of Venice cost her
-at this period more than they brought in, and it was the desire of the
-Republic that Crete, should, at any rate, be made to pay expenses. With
-this object, Foscarini regulated the currency, raised the tariff in such
-a way that the increased duties fell on the foreign consumer, saw that
-they were honestly collected, and endeavoured to make the island more
-productive. But in all his reforms the commissioner met with stubborn
-resistance from the vested interests of the Venetian officials and the
-fanaticism of the Orthodox clergy, always the bitterest foes of Venice
-in the Levant. In dealing with the latter, Foscarini saw that strong
-measures were necessary; he persuaded his Government to banish the worst
-agitators, and to allow the others to remain only on condition that they
-behaved well. Then, after more than four years of labour, he returned to
-Venice, where he was thanked by the Doge for his eminent services. He
-had been, indeed, as his monument in the Carmelite church there says,
-“Dictator of the island of Candia”; but even his heroic policy did “but
-skin and film the ulcerous place.” Not ten years after his departure
-we find another Venetian authority, Giulio de Garzoni, writing of the
-tyranny of the knights and officials, the misery of the natives, the
-disorder of the administration, and the continued agitation of the Greek
-clergy among the peasantry. So desperate had the latter become that
-there were many who preferred even the yoke of the Sultan to that of the
-Catholic Republic[193]. The population of the island, which Foscarini
-had estimated at 219,000, had sunk in this short space of time to about
-176,000. Numbers of Cretans had emigrated to Constantinople since
-Foscarini left, where they formed a large portion of the men employed
-in the Turkish arsenal, and where the information which they gave to
-the Turks about the weakness of the Cretan garrison and forts filled
-the Venetian representatives with alarm. Yet Venice seemed powerless to
-do more for the oppressed islanders; indeed, she inclined rather to the
-Machiavellian policy of Fra Paolo Sarpi, who advised her to treat the
-Cretans like wild beasts, upon whom humanity would be only thrown away,
-and to govern the island by maintaining constant enmity between the
-barbarised colonists and the native barbarians. “Bread and the stick,
-that is all that you ought to give them.” Such a policy could only
-prevail so long as Venice was strong enough to defend the colony, or wise
-enough to keep at peace with the Sultan.
-
-The latter policy prevailed for nearly three-quarters of a century after
-the peace between Venice and the Porte in 1573, and during that period
-we hear little of Crete. The quaint traveller Lithgow[194], who visited
-it in the first decade of the seventeenth century, alludes to a descent
-of the Turks upon Rethymno in 1597, when that town was again sacked and
-burned; and he remarks, as Plato had done in _The Laws_, that he never
-saw a Cretan come out of his house unarmed. He found a Venetian garrison
-of 12,000 men in the island, and reiterates the preference of the Cretans
-for Turkish rule, on the ground that they would have “more liberty and
-less taxes.” But while he was disappointed to find no more than four
-cities in an island which in Homer’s day had contained ninety, he tells
-us that Canea had “ninety-seven palaces,” and he waxes eloquent over the
-great fertility of the country near Suda. It is curious to find, nearly
-three centuries ago, that Suda bay was eagerly coveted by a foreign
-potentate, the King of Spain, of whose designs the astute Venetians were
-fully aware, and whose overtures they steadily declined.
-
-The time had now arrived when the Cretans were to realise their desires,
-and exchange the Venetian for the Turkish rule. The Ottoman sultans had
-long meditated the conquest of the island, and two recent events had
-infuriated Ibrahim I against the Venetians. The Near East was at that
-time cursed with a severe outbreak of piracy, in which there was little
-to choose between Christians and Mussulmans. While the Venetians had
-chased some Barbary corsairs into the Turkish harbour of Valona, on
-the coast of Albania, and had injured a minaret with their shots, they
-had allowed a Maltese squadron, which had captured the nurse of the
-Sultan’s son, to sail into a Cretan harbour with its booty. The fury
-of the Sultan, whose affection for his son’s nurse was well known, was
-not appeased by the apologies of the Venetian representative. Great
-preparations were made for an expedition against Crete, and Ibrahim
-constantly went down to the arsenals to urge on the workmen. All over
-the Turkish empire the word went forth to make ready. The forests of
-the Morea were felled to furnish palisades, the naval stores of Chalkis
-were emptied to supply provisions for the troops. All the time the Grand
-Vizier kept assuring the Venetian bailie that these gigantic efforts were
-directed not against the Republic, but against the knights of Malta.
-In vain the Mufti protested against this act of deception, and pleaded
-that, if war there must be against Venice, at least it might be open.
-The Capitan-Pasha and the war party silenced any religious scruples of
-the Sultan, and the Mufti was told to mind his own business. As soon
-as the truth dawned upon the Venetians they lost no time in preparing
-to meet the Turks. Andrea Cornaro, the new Governor of Crete, hastily
-strengthened the fortifications of Candia and of the island at the mouth
-of Suda bay, while the home Government sent messages for aid to every
-friendly State, from Spain to Persia, with but little result. The Great
-Powers were then at each other’s throats; France was quarrelling with
-Spain, Germany was still in the throes of the Thirty Years’ War, England
-was engaged in the struggle between King and Parliament, and it was
-thought that the English wine trade would benefit by the Turkish conquest
-of Crete. Besides, the downfall of the Levantine commerce of Venice was
-regarded with equanimity by our Turkey merchants, and the Venetians
-accused us of selling munitions of war to the infidel. It was remarked,
-too, that Venice, of all States, was the least entitled to expect
-Christendom to arm in her defence, for no other Government had been so
-ready to sacrifice Christian interests in the Levant when it suited her
-purpose. Only the Pope and a few minor States promised assistance.
-
-In 1645 the Turkish fleet sailed with sealed orders for the famous bay
-of Navarino. Then the command was given to arrest all Venetian subjects,
-including the Republic’s representative at Constantinople, and the
-Turkish commander, a Dalmatian renegade, set sail for Crete. Landing
-without opposition to the west of Canea, he proceeded to besiege that
-town, whose small but heroic garrison held out for two months before
-capitulating. The principal churches were at once converted into mosques;
-but the losses of the Turks during the siege, and the liberal terms
-which their commander had felt bound to offer to the besieged, cost him
-his head. At Venice great was the consternation at the loss of Canea;
-enormous pecuniary sacrifices were demanded of the citizens, and titles
-of nobility were sold in order to raise funds for carrying on the war.
-Meanwhile, an attempt to create a diversion by an attack upon Patras only
-served to exasperate the Turks, who became masters of Rethymno in 1646,
-and in the spring of 1648 began that memorable siege of Candia which was
-destined to last for more than twenty years. Even though Venice sued
-for peace, and offered to the Sultan Parga and Tenos[195], as well as a
-tribute, in return for the restoration of Canea and Rethymno, the Turks
-remained obdurate, and were resolved at all costs to have the island,
-“even though the war should go on for a hundred years.” And indeed it
-seemed likely to be prolonged indefinitely. The substitution of Mohammed
-IV for Ibrahim I as Sultan, and the consequent confusion at the Turkish
-capital, made it difficult for the Turks to carry on the struggle with
-the vigour which they had shown at the outset. The Venetian fleet waited
-at the entrance of the Dardanelles to attack Turkish convoys on their
-way to Crete, while the Ottoman provision-stores at Volo and Megara
-were burned. But these successes outside of the island delayed, without
-preventing, the progress of the Turkish arms. In fact, the Venetian
-forays in the Archipelago, notably at Paros and Melos, had the effect
-of embittering the Greeks against them, and, as a Cretan poet wrote,
-the islanders had to suffer, whichever side they took. In Crete itself,
-an ambitious Greek priest persuaded the Porte to have him appointed
-Metropolitan of the island, and to allow him to name seven suffragans.
-The Cretan militia refused to fight, and even the warlike Sphakiotes,
-under the leadership of a Kallerges, did little beyond cutting off a few
-Turkish stragglers. At last they yielded to the Turks, whose humane
-treatment of the Greek peasants throughout the island, combined with
-the unpopularity of the Latin rule, frustrated the attempt to provoke
-a general rising of the Cretans against the invaders. Nor was a small
-French force, which Cardinal Mazarin at last sent to aid the Venetians,
-more successful. Both sides were, in fact, equally hampered and equally
-unable to obtain a decisive victory; the Venetian fleet at the islet of
-Standia, and the Turkish army in the fortress of New Candia, which it had
-erected, kept watching one another, while year after year the wearisome
-war dragged on. Then, in 1666, a new element was introduced into the
-conflict. The Grand Vizier, Ahmed Köprili, landed in Crete, resolved to
-risk his head upon the success of his attempt to take Candia[196].
-
-For two years and a half Köprili patiently besieged the town, with an
-immense expenditure of ammunition and a great loss of life. Worse and
-worse grew the condition of the garrison, which was commanded by the
-brave Francesco Morosini, who was destined later on to inflict such
-tremendous blows upon the Turks in the Morea. A ray of hope illumined
-the doomed fortress when, in June 1669, a force of 8000 French soldiers
-under the Duc de Navailles, and fifty French vessels under the Duc de
-Beaufort, arrived in the harbour, sent by Louis XIV, at the urgent prayer
-of Pope Clement IX, to save this bulwark of Catholicism. But these French
-auxiliaries met with no success. Four days after their arrival, the Duc
-de Beaufort fell in a sally outside the walls[197]. His colleague, the
-Duc de Navailles, soon lost heart, and sailed away to France, leaving
-the garrison to its fate. His departure was the turning-point in the
-siege. The houses were riddled with shots, the churches were in ruins,
-the streets were strewn with splinters of bombs and bullets, every
-day diminished the number of the defenders, and sickness was raging
-in the town. Then Morosini saw that it was useless to go on fighting.
-He summoned a council of war, and proposed that the garrison should
-capitulate. A few desperate men opposed his proposition, saying that
-they would rather blow up the place and die, as they had fought, like
-heroes among its ruins. But Morosini’s opinion prevailed, the white flag
-was hoisted on the ramparts, and two plenipotentiaries—one of them an
-Englishman, Colonel Thomas Anand—were appointed to settle the terms of
-capitulation with the Grand Vizier, who was represented at the conference
-by a Greek, Panagiotes Nikouses, the first of his race who became
-Grand Dragoman of the Porte[198]. Köprili insisted upon the complete
-cession of Crete, with the exception of the three fortresses of Suda,
-Spinalonga, and Grabusa, with the small islands near them; but he showed
-his appreciation of the heroic defence of Candia by allowing the garrison
-to march out with all the honours of war. On September 27 the keys of
-the town were handed to him on a silver dish, and on the same day, the
-whole population, except six persons, left the place. There, at least,
-the Greeks preferred exile to Turkish rule, and one of Köprili’s first
-acts was to induce fresh inhabitants to come to the deserted town by the
-promise of exemption from taxes for several years.
-
-The cost of this siege, one of the longest in history, “Troy’s rival,”
-as Byron called it[199], had been enormous. The Venetians, it was
-calculated, had lost 30,985 men, and the Turks 118,754, and the Republic
-had spent 4,253,000 ducats upon the defence of this one city. Some idea
-of the miseries inflicted by this long war of a quarter of a century may
-be formed from the fact that the population of Crete, which had risen to
-about 260,000 before it began, was estimated by the English traveller
-Randolph, eighteen years after the Turkish conquest, at only 80,000, of
-whom 30,000 were Turks. Even before the siege it had been said that Crete
-cost far more than it was worth, and from the pecuniary standpoint the
-loss of the island was a blessing in disguise. But a cession of territory
-cannot be measured by means of a balance-sheet. The prestige of the
-Republic had been shattered, her greatest possession in the Levant had
-been torn from her, and once more the disunion of the Western Powers had
-been the Turk’s opportunity. Both the parties to the treaty were accused
-of having concluded an unworthy peace. Every successful Turkish commander
-has enemies at home, who seek to undermine his influence; but Köprili was
-strong enough to keep his place. Morosini, less fortunate, was, indeed,
-acquitted of the charges of bribery and malversation brought against him,
-but he was not employed again for many years, until he was called upon to
-take a noble revenge for the loss of Candia.
-
-Venice did not retain her three remaining Cretan fortresses indefinitely.
-Grabusa was betrayed by its venal commander to the Turks in 1691; Suda
-and Spinalonga were captured in 1715 during the Turco-Venetian War, and
-the Treaty of Passarovitz confirmed their annexation to Turkey[200].
-
-So, after 465 years, the Venetian domination came to an end. From the
-Roman times to the present day no government has lasted so long in that
-restless island; and the winged lion on many a building, the old galley
-arches on the left of the port of Candia, and the chain of Venetian
-fortresses, of which Prof. Gerola has given a detailed description in
-his great work, _Venetian Monuments in the island of Crete_, remind us
-of the bygone rule of the great republic. But the traveller will inquire
-in vain for the descendants of those Venetian colonists whose names have
-been preserved in the archives at Venice. Rather than remain in Crete,
-most of them emigrated to Corfù or to the Ægean islands, or else returned
-to Venice—reluctantly, we may be sure, for Crete has ever exercised a
-strange fascination on all who have dwelt there. Now that Crete is once
-more emancipated from the Turk, it is possible to compare the Venetian
-and the Ottoman rule, and even Greeks themselves, no lovers of the Latins
-in the Levant, have done justice to the merits of the Republic of St
-Mark. The yoke of Venice was at times heavy, and her hand was relentless
-in crushing out rebellion. But a Greek writer of eminence has admitted
-that the Venetian administration in Crete was not exceptionally cruel, if
-judged by the low standard of humanity in that period[201]. Some persons,
-on the strength of certain striking instances of ferocious punishment
-inflicted on those who had taken part in the Cretan risings[202], have
-pronounced the Venetians to have been worse than the Turks. But in
-our own day the Germans, who boast of their superior education, have
-exterminated the inhabitants of a South Sea island as vengeance for the
-murder of one missionary and have incited the Turks to massacre the
-Armenians. It should be reckoned to the credit of Venice that she, at
-least, did not attack the religion, or attempt to proscribe the language,
-of her Greek subjects, but sternly repelled the proselytising zeal of the
-Papacy, so that the Orthodox Church gained more followers than it lost.
-The permission accorded in Crete to mixed marriages tended to make the
-children of the Venetian colonists good Cretans and luke-warm Catholics,
-where they did not go over to the Orthodox creed. The Greeks were given
-a share in the administration, trade was encouraged, and many of the
-natives amassed large fortunes. At no time in the history of the island
-was the export of wine so considerable as during the Venetian occupation.
-So great was the wine trade between Crete and England that Henry VIII
-appointed in 1522 a certain merchant of Lucca, resident in the island, as
-first English Consul there—the beginning of our consular service. Various
-travellers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries allude to this
-traffic, and Ben Jonson, in his play of _The Fox_, talks of “rich Candian
-wine” as a special vintage. In return, we sent woollens to the islanders,
-till the French managed to supplant us[203]. Nor was learning neglected
-under the Venetians. The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries produced many
-Cretans of distinction, among them Pope Alexander V. One became a famous
-engineer, two others gained renown as printers at Venice and Rome; a
-great Cretan artist, Domenicos Theotokopoulos, obtained undying fame at
-Madrid under the name of “El Greco”; one Cretan author edited the Moral
-Treatises of Plutarch; another, Joannes Bergikios, wrote a history of
-his native island in Italian. We have two poems in Greek by the Cretans
-Bouniales and Skleros upon the war of Candia[204]. It was a Cretan of
-Venetian origin, Vincenzo Comaro, who wrote the romance of _Erotokritos_,
-which was “the most popular reading of the Levant from the sixteenth to
-the nineteenth century,” and in which Herakles, “king of Athens,” his
-lovely daughter Aretousa, and her lover Erotokritos are the principal
-figures, amidst a crowd of princelets obviously modelled on the Frankish
-dukes and marquesses of mediæval Greece. Other novelists were produced
-by the island, but when Crete fell all the lettered Cretans left, and
-with their departure the romantic spirit in literature, which they had
-imbibed from the West, ceased[205]. A Greek school had been founded at
-Candia in 1550, and many young Cretans went to Italy for purposes of
-study[206]. Markos Mousouros, the Cretan scholar, was buried in Sta Maria
-della Pace in Rome in 1517; another Cretan, Skouphos, published his
-_Rhetoric_ at Venice in 1681. Compared with the present day, when the
-island has just emerged from the deadening effect of 229 years of Turkish
-rule, its civilisation was materially more advanced in Venetian times.
-The Venetians made roads, bridges, and aqueducts; the Turks created
-nothing, and allowed the former means of communication to decay. Yet, as
-we have seen, Venice was never popular with the Cretans, and the reason
-is perfectly obvious to those who have observed the Greek character. Be
-the material advantages of foreign domination never so great, the Greek
-resents being governed by those of another race and creed, especially if
-that creed be Roman Catholicism. The history of the Ionian Islands under
-the British Protectorate, of Cyprus under the existing arrangement, of
-the Morea under the Venetians, of Athens and of Naxos under the Latin
-dukes, all point the same moral. The patriotic Greek would rather be free
-than prosperous, and most Greeks, though sharp men of business, are warm
-patriots. That is the lesson of Venetian rule in Crete—a lesson which
-Europe, after the agony of a century of insurrections, at last took to
-heart by granting the Cretans autonomy—now become union with Greece.
-
-
-8. THE IONIAN ISLANDS UNDER VENETIAN RULE
-
-On their way from Venice to Constantinople the soldiers of the fourth
-crusade cast anchor at Corfù, which (as modern Corfiote historians
-think) had lately been recovered from the Genoese pirate Vetrano by
-the Byzantine government, and was at that time, in the language of the
-chronicler Villehardouin, “very rich and plenteous.” In the deed of
-partition the Ionian islands were assigned to the Venetians; but they
-did not find Corfù by any means an easy conquest. The natives, combining
-with their old master, Vetrano, ousted the Venetian garrison, and it
-was not till he had been defeated in a naval battle and hanged with a
-number of his Corfiote supporters that the Republic was able to occupy
-the island. Even then the Venetian government, finding it impossible to
-administer directly all the vast territories which had suddenly come into
-its possession, granted the island in fiefs to ten Venetian citizens on
-condition that they should garrison it and should pay an annual rent to
-the Republic. The rights of the Greek church were to be respected, and
-the taxes of the loyal islanders were not to be raised[207]. But this
-first Venetian domination of Corfù was of brief duration. When Michael I
-Angelos founded the Despotat of Epeiros the attraction of a neighbouring
-Greek state proved too much for the Corfiotes, who threw off the Latin
-yoke and willingly became his subjects. A memorial of his rule may still
-be seen in the splendidly situated castle of Sant’ Angelo, whose ruins
-rise high above the waters of the Ionian Sea not far from the beautiful
-monastery of Palaiokastrizza[208].
-
-Corfù prospered greatly under the Despots of Epeiros. They took good care
-to ratify and extend the privileges of the church, to grant exemptions
-from taxation to the priests, and to reduce the burdens of the laity to
-the smallest possible figure. In this they showed their wisdom, for the
-church became their warmest ally, and a Corfiote divine was one of the
-most vigorous advocates of his patron in the ecclesiastical and political
-feud between the rival Greek empires of Nice and Salonika. But after
-little more than half a century of Orthodox rule the island passed into
-the possession of the Catholic Angevins. Michael II of Epeiros, yielding
-to the exigencies of politics, had given his daughter in marriage to the
-ill-starred Manfred of Sicily, to whom she brought Corfù as a part of her
-dowry. Upon the death of Manfred at the battle of Benevento the powerful
-Sicilian admiral Chinardo, who had governed it for his master, occupied
-the island until he was murdered by the inhabitants at the instigation
-of Michael. The crime did not, however, profit the crafty Despot. The
-national party in Corfù endeavoured, indeed, to restore the island to the
-rule of the Angeloi; but Chinardo’s soldiers, under the leadership of a
-baron named Aleman, successfully resisted the agitation. As the defeat
-of Manfred had led to the establishment of Charles of Anjou as king of
-Naples and Sicily, and as they were a small foreign garrison in the midst
-of a hostile population, they thought it best to accept that powerful
-prince as lord of the island. By the treaty of Viterbo the fugitive Latin
-emperor, Baldwin II, ceded to Charles any rights over it which he might
-possess, and thus in 1267 the Angevins came into possession of Corfù,
-though Aleman was allowed to retain the fortresses of the place until his
-death[209]. For more than five centuries the Latin race and the Catholic
-religion predominated there.
-
-The Angevin rule, as might have been anticipated from its origin, was
-especially intolerant of the Orthodox faith. Charles owed his crown
-to the Pope, and was anxious to repay the obligation by propagating
-Catholicism among his Orthodox subjects. The Venetians, as we saw, had
-enjoined the tolerance of the Greek church during their brief period of
-domination, so that now for the first time the islanders learnt what
-religious persecution meant. The Metropolitan of Corfù, whose office
-had been so greatly exalted by the Despots of Epeiros, was deposed, and
-in his room a less dignified ecclesiastic, called “chief priest” (μέγας
-πρωτοπαπᾶς), was substituted. The title of “Archbishop of Corfù” was now
-usurped by a Latin priest, and the principal churches were seized by the
-Catholic clergy[210]. In the time of the Angevins too the Jews, who still
-flourish there almost alone in Greece, made their first appearance in any
-numbers in Corfù, and first found protectors there; but the injunctions
-of successive sovereigns, bidding the people treat them well, would seem
-to show that this protection was seldom efficacious[211]. The government
-of the island was also reorganised. An official was appointed to act as
-viceroy with the title of captain, and the country was divided into four
-bailiwicks. Many new fiefs were assigned, while some that already existed
-were transferred to Italians and Provençals.
-
-The Sicilian Vespers, which drove the house of Anjou from Sicily and
-handed that kingdom over to the rival house of Aragon, indirectly
-affected the fortunes of Corfù. The Corfiotes did not, indeed, imitate
-the Sicilians and massacre the French; but their connexion with the
-Angevins now exposed them to attack from the Aragonese fleets. Thus the
-famous Roger de Lluria burnt the royal castle and levied blackmail upon
-the inhabitants. Another Roger, the terrible Catalan leader, De Flor,
-ravaged the fertile island in one of his expeditions; yet, in spite of
-these incursions, we find the condition of Corfù half a century later
-to have been far superior to that of the neighbouring lands. The fact
-that the diligent research of the local historians has brought to light
-so little information about the Angevin period in itself proves that,
-in that generally troubled time, Corfù enjoyed tranquillity. Beyond
-the names of its sovereigns, Charles II of Naples, Philip I, Robert,
-and Philip II of Taranto, Catherine of Valois and Marie de Bourbon, we
-know little about the island from the time when Charles II, reserving
-to himself the overlordship, transferred it as a fief in 1294 to his
-fourth son, the first of those princes, down to the death of Philip
-II in 1373. It then experienced the evils of a disputed succession,
-and, as it espoused the cause of Queen Joanna I of Naples, it was
-attacked by the Navarrese mercenaries, who were in the pay of the rival
-candidate, Jacques de Baux, and who afterwards played so important a
-part in the Morea. When Joanna lost her crown and life at the hands of
-Charles III of Durazzo, the latter obtained Corfù, and, with the usual
-kindness of usurpers insecure on their thrones, he confirmed the fiscal
-privileges which the Angeloi had granted to the Corfiotes in the previous
-century[212]. But after his violent death four years later, in 1386, the
-decline of the Angevin dynasty and the unsettled condition of the east of
-Europe caused the islanders to turn their eyes in the direction of the
-only power which could protect them.
-
-Venice indeed had never forgotten her brief possession of Corfù: she
-had long been scheming how to recover so desirable a naval station, and
-her consul encouraged the Venetian party in the island. There was also
-a Genoese faction there, but its attempt to hold the old castle failed,
-and on May 28, 1386, the Corfiotes hoisted the standard of St Mark.
-Six envoys—one of them, it is worth noting, a Jewish representative of
-the considerable Hebrew community—were appointed to offer the island
-to the Republic upon certain conditions, the chief of which were the
-confirmation of the privileges granted by the Angevins, a declaration
-that Venice would never dispose of the place to any other power, and a
-promise to maintain the existing system of fiefs. On June 9 a second
-document was drawn up, reiterating the desire of the islanders, “or the
-greater and saner part of them,” to put themselves under the shelter
-of the Republic. Since the death of Charles III, they said, “the island
-has been destitute of all protection, while it has been coveted by
-jealous neighbours on every side and almost besieged by Arabs and Turks.”
-Wherefore, “considering the tempest of the times and the instability
-of human affairs,” they had resolved to elect Miani, the Venetian
-admiral, captain of the island, and he had entered the city without the
-least disturbance. The castle of Sant’ Angelo held out for a time in
-the name of Ladislaus, king of Naples; but the transfer of the island
-was effected practically without bloodshed. On its side the Venetian
-government readily agreed to the terms of the six Corfiote envoys, but
-thought it prudent to purchase the acquiescence of the king of Naples in
-this transaction. Accordingly in 1402 the sum of 30,000 gold ducats was
-paid to him for the island, and the Venetian title was thus made doubly
-sure[213]. For 411 years the lion of St Mark held unbroken possession of
-Corfù.
-
-Meanwhile the fate of the other Ionian islands had been somewhat
-different, and they only gradually passed beneath the Venetian sway.
-Paxo, the baronial fief of the successive families of Malerba, Sant’
-Ippolito and Altavilla, was, indeed, joined politically with Corfù, from
-which it is so short a distance, but Cephalonia, Zante, and Ithake had
-fallen about the time of the Latin conquest of Constantinople into the
-hands of a roving crusader or pirate—the terms were then identical—named
-Majo, or Matthew, a member of the great Orsini clan and son-in-law of
-the Sicilian Admiral Margaritone, who styled himself count palatine of
-the islands, though he recognised the supremacy of Venice. Stricken with
-pangs of conscience for his sins, he atoned for them by placing his
-possessions under the protection of the Pope, who made short work of the
-Orthodox bishops and put the islands under a single Latin ecclesiastic.
-Majo did fealty to Geoffroy I de Villehardouin of Achaia, and the islands
-were thenceforth reckoned as a vassal state of that principality.
-Historians have narrated the horrible crimes of the descendants of Count
-Majo in describing the stormy history of Epeiros, and so terrible was
-the condition of the islands when John of Gravina set out to claim the
-principality of Achaia that he had no difficulty in occupying them as
-dependencies of that state. A few years later, in 1333, an arrangement
-was made by which they were united with Achaia and Corfù under the
-Angevin sceptre. But Robert of Taranto subsequently separated them in
-1357 from the latter island by conferring them upon Leonardo Tocco of
-Benevento, who also became in 1362 duke of Santa Maura, an island whose
-history during the thirteenth and part of the fourteenth centuries is
-buried in the deepest obscurity. It appears to have belonged to the
-Despots of Epeiros down to a little before the year 1300, when it is
-mentioned as a part of the county of Cephalonia. Captured by young Walter
-of Brienne in his expedition to Greece in 1331, it was by him bestowed on
-the Venetian family of Zorzi in 1355.
-
-The Turks took the four islands of Cephalonia, Ithake, Zante, and Santa
-Maura from the Tocchi in 1479, and the attempt of Antonio Tocco to
-recover his brother’s dominions ended in his murder at the hands of the
-Ionians. By arrangement with the Sultan the Venetians, who had expelled
-Antonio’s forces, handed Cephalonia over to the Turks in 1485, but kept
-Zante, which thus, from 1482 onwards, was governed by them, on payment
-of an annual tribute of 500 ducats to the Turkish treasury[214]. This
-tribute ceased in 1699, when the treaty of Carlovitz formally ceded the
-island, free of payment, to the Republic. The Venetians invited colonists
-to emigrate thither, in order to fill up the gaps in the population; for
-the Turks had carried off many of the inhabitants to Constantinople, for
-the purpose of breeding mulatto slaves for the seraglio by intermarriage
-with negroes. As there were many homeless exiles at the time, in
-consequence of the Turkish conquests in the Levant, there was no lack
-of response to this invitation, and Zante soon became a flourishing
-community. Its wealth was further increased, in the sixteenth century,
-by the introduction of the currant from the neighbourhood of Corinth,
-so that at that period it merited its poetic title of “the flower of
-the Levant.” Cephalonia did not long remain in Turkish hands. After two
-futile attempts to take it the Venetians succeeded, in 1500, with the aid
-of the famous Spanish commander, Gonsalvo de Cordoba, in capturing the
-island, and at the peace of 1502-3 the Republic was finally confirmed
-in its possession, which was never afterwards disturbed. Ithake seems
-to have followed the fate of its larger neighbour. Santa Maura[215],
-however, though taken two years after Cephalonia, was almost at once
-restored to the Turks, and did not become Venetian till its capture by
-Morosini in 1684, which was ratified by the treaty of Carlovitz fifteen
-years later. It had long been a thorn in the side of the Venetians, as
-it was, under the Turkish rule, a dangerous nest of pirates, against
-whom the Corfiotes more than once fitted out punitive expeditions. When
-Santa Maura was reluctantly given back to the Sultan in 1503, part of
-the population emigrated to Ithake, then almost desolate[216], and at
-the same time Cephalonia received an influx of Greeks from the Venetian
-possessions on the mainland which the Turks had just taken. Kythera,
-or Cerigo, which is not geographically an Ionian island at all, and
-is no longer connected with the other six, was the property of the
-great Venetian family of Venier, which traced its name and origin from
-Venus, the goddess of Kythera, from 1207, with certain interruptions
-and modifications, down to the fall of the Republic. These Venetian
-Marquesses of Cerigo were ousted by the Greeks under Licario after the
-restoration of Byzantine rule in the South of the Peloponnese in 1262.
-The Emperor bestowed the island upon Paul Monoyannes, a member of one of
-the three great Monemvasiote families, but in 1309 intermarriage between
-the children of the Greek and Latin lords restored it to the Venieri,
-who divided it up into twenty-four shares. But the participation of the
-Venieri in the Cretan insurrection of 1363 led to the transformation
-of their island into a Venetian colony. Thirty years later, however,
-thirteen out of the twenty-four shares were restored to them, while
-the Venetian Governor was dependent upon the Cretan administration, so
-long as Crete remained Venetian, and upon the Government of the Morea
-during the Venetian occupation in the early part of the eighteenth
-century. After the peace of Passarovitz he became the subordinate of the
-_provveditore generale del Levante_ at Corfù, and the former “eye of
-Crete” was thenceforth treated as one of the seven Ionian Islands for the
-remainder of the Venetian rule.
-
-Besides the seven islands Venice also acquired, at different periods
-after her occupation of Corfù, several dependencies on the mainland
-opposite. Of these, owing to its dramatic history in the days of the
-British protectorate, the most interesting was Parga, first taken in
-1401[217]. As the landing-place for the famous rock of Suli, with
-which in a famous line Byron has connected it, it was a place of some
-importance, and was fortified by the Venetians as an outpost against
-the Turks. But the Republic ultimately found that it cost more than it
-was worth, and several times in vain urged the inhabitants to emigrate
-over the narrow channel to Anti-Paxo, or to settle in Corfù. But then,
-as in 1819, the Pargians showed a touching, if inconvenient, attachment
-to their ancient home, perhaps not unmixed with the desire to continue
-the lucrative traffic of selling the munitions of war, sent from Venice
-for their own defence, to the neighbouring Turks. Butrinto, opposite
-the northern end of Corfù, had voluntarily surrendered to the Venetians
-soon after their final occupation of that island, and, like Parga, was
-fortified with works, of which the remains may still be seen. During the
-Venetian rule of the Ionian Islands Butrinto, well known to sportsmen for
-its duck-shooting, and to scholars for the allusion in the _Æneid_[218],
-was several times captured and recaptured. The fisheries in the lakes
-there, which had once been the property of Cicero’s friend Atticus,
-were of considerable value to the Venetians[219], as they are still to
-the present proprietors; and the place became definitely assured to
-the Republic in 1718, at which date Vonitza inside, and Prevesa at the
-entrance of, the Ambrakian Gulf, the latter a stronghold of corsairs
-and an important military position which resisted the Greek bombardment
-during the Greco-Turkish war of 1897, were also confirmed to Venice.
-The value set by the Venetians upon these continental dependencies may
-be judged from the fact that they were called “the eyes and ears of the
-Republic on the mainland.”
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-The administration of the islands during the Venetian period was modelled
-on that of the Republic. In Corfù, the first occupied and most important
-of the seven, the chief Venetian functionary was known as the bailie,
-who was subsequently assisted by two noble Venetian councillors, and by
-a third official, called _provveditore e capitano_, who was in command
-of the garrison and resided in the fortress. The strong castle of Sant’
-Angelo, on the west coast, which was never taken though often besieged,
-was entrusted to a special officer. But the power of the bailie was
-soon overshadowed by that of the commander of the fleet, which was
-soon stationed at Corfù, and for which the arsenal at Govino, of which
-large and imposing ruins still remain, was built. This naval authority
-was the _provveditore generale del Levante_; he was usually appointed
-for three years, and exercised very important functions at the time
-when Venice was still a first-class eastern power. Strict orders were
-issued to all these officials that they should respect the rights of
-the natives, and spies, known as “inquisitors over the affairs of the
-Levant,” were sent from time to time to the islands for the purpose of
-checking the Venetian administration and of ascertaining the grievances
-of the governed, who had also the privilege, which they often exercised,
-of sending special missions to Venice to lay their complaints before
-the home government. Ionian historians, after due deduction is made
-for the strong Venetian bias of the privileged class from which they
-sprang, are agreed that redress was almost invariably granted, though the
-abuses of which the natives complained were apt to grow up again. Thus
-when, in the early part of the seventeenth century, the Corfiotes sent
-envoys to point out the excesses committed by the sailors of the fleet
-the Venetian government forbade the men to land on the island[220]. Not
-long afterwards we find the “inquisitors” ordering the removal of all
-statues and epitaphs erected to the Venetian officials at Corfù, in order
-to prevent this slavish practice, which had descended to the Greeks from
-the Roman days[221]. And somewhat later the exactions of the Venetian
-officials were stopped. A large share in the local administration was
-granted to the inhabitants, or rather to those of noble birth, for
-Corfiote society was divided into the three classes of nobles, burghers,
-and manual labourers. At first the so-called national council was a much
-more democratic body, including many foreigners and local tradesmen.
-But the latter and their children were gradually excluded from it, the
-entrance of the former was restricted, and in 1440 the functions of
-the national council were strictly limited to the annual election of
-a smaller body, the communal, or city, council—a body composed at the
-outset of seventy, and, half a century later, of 150 members, a total
-which was maintained till the last years of Venetian rule, when the
-numbers were reduced to sixty. For the purposes of this annual election
-the members of the national council met in a quaint old house, decorated
-with pictures of Nausikaa welcoming Odysseus, and of other scenes from
-the early history of Corcyra, and situated between the old fortress and
-the town. This interesting memorial of Venetian rule has long since been
-swept away.
-
-The council of 150, which thus became the governing body of the island,
-was composed of Greeks as well as Latins, and formed a close oligarchy.
-Once only, during the crisis of the Candian war, it was resolved to add
-to it those citizens who would pay a certain sum towards the expenses
-of that costly struggle[222]. It had the right of electing every year
-certain officials, called syndics (σύνδικοι), at first four in number—two
-Greeks and two Latins—and at a later period, when the numbers of the
-Latins had declined, only three. These syndics were required to be more
-than thirty-eight (at another period thirty-five) years of age, and
-were regarded as the special representatives of the community of Corfù.
-Those who felt themselves wronged looked to them for redress, and, in
-accordance with the economic heresies of that age, they regulated prices
-in the markets—a curious interference with the usual Levantine practice
-of bargaining. The council of 150 also elected three judges, of whom one
-must always be a Latin; but these officials possessed no more than a
-consultative vote, and the real decision of cases rested with the bailie
-and his two councillors. No local offices—and there were many in Venetian
-days—were held for more than a year; most of them were purely honorary,
-and all were in the gift of the council of 150. One of the most important
-was that of _trierarch_, or captain of the Corfiote war galleys, an
-official whom the Venetians wisely allowed these experienced seamen,
-worthy descendants of the seafaring Phaiakians of the _Odyssey_, to
-elect. Two campaigns entitled a Corfiote officer to the rank of captain
-in the Republican fleet, and it would have been well if the British had
-followed in this respect the example of their predecessors[223], and
-thus opened a naval career to the Ionians. The Corfiote nobles also
-commanded the town militia, composed of about 500 artisans, and called
-“apprentices,” or _scolari_, who received immunity from taxation in lieu
-of pay and exercised on Sundays alone. Each village provided a certain
-number of rural police. In imitation of the similar record at Venice a
-Golden Book was established, containing the names of the Corfiote nobles.
-When the latter were much diminished in numbers by the first great siege
-of the island by the Turks in 1537 new families were added to the list
-from the burgher class, and Marmora gives the names of 112 noble families
-existing at the time when he wrote his history, in 1672[224]. The
-Golden Book was burned as the symbol of hated class distinction in the
-first enthusiasm for liberty, equality, and fraternity after the French
-republicans took possession of Corfù.
-
-The Venetians had found the feudal system already in existence when they
-took over the island, where it had been introduced in Byzantine days, and
-they had promised to maintain it. We are told by Marmora that there were
-twenty-four baronies there in former times, and later on the total seems
-to have been a dozen. In the last century of Venetian rule there were
-fifteen[225]. Occasionally the Venetians created a new fief, such as that
-of the gipsies, to reward public services. The Ἀθίγγανοι, or gipsies,
-who were about 100 in number, were subject to the exclusive jurisdiction
-of the baron, upon whom their fief had been bestowed, “an office,” as
-Marmora says, “of not a little gain and of very great honour.” They had
-their own military commander, and every year on May 1 they marched under
-his leadership to the sound of drums and fifes, bearing aloft their
-baron’s standard and carrying a maypole, decked with flowers, to the
-square in front of the house where the great man lived. There they set
-up their pole and sang a curious song in honour of their lord[226], who
-provided them with refreshment and on the morrow received from them their
-dues. Every feudatory was compelled to keep one horse for the defence of
-the island, and was expected to appear with it on May Day on parade. The
-peasants were worse off under this feudal system than their fellows on
-the mainland under Turkish rule. They had no political rights whatever;
-they were practically serfs, and were summed up in the capitulations at
-the time of the Venetian occupation together with “the other movable and
-immovable goods” of their lords[227]. A decision of the year 1641 that
-no one should vote in the council who had not a house in the city must
-also have tended to produce absenteeism, still one of the evils of Corfù,
-where at the present day only four landed proprietors live on their
-estates. A distaste for country life, always a marked feature of Greek
-society, may thus have been increased, and the concentration of all the
-nobles and men of position in the town, which is now ascribed at Corfù
-to the lucrative posts and gaieties of the capital during the British
-protectorate, would seem to have begun much earlier. Occasionally we hear
-of a peasants’ rising against their oppressors. Thus in 1652 a movement
-of the kind had to be put down by force; but the Venetian government,
-engaged at the time in the Candian war, did not think it desirable to
-punish the insurgents. Somewhat earlier a democratic agitation for
-granting a share in the local administration was vetoed by the Republic.
-Marmora remarks in his time that “the peasants are never contented;
-they rise against their lords on the smallest provocation[228].” Yet,
-until the last century of her rule, Venice had little trouble with
-the inhabitants. She kept the nobles in good humour by granting them
-political privileges, titles, and the entrance to the Venetian navy,
-and, so long as the Turk was a danger, she was compelled, from motives
-of prudence, to pay a due regard to their wishes. As for the other two
-classes of the population they hardly entered into the calculations of
-Venetian statesmen.
-
-No foreign government can govern Greeks if it is harsh to the national
-church and clergy, and the shrewd Venetians, as might have been
-anticipated, were much less bigoted than the Angevins. While, on the one
-hand, they gave, as Catholics, precedence to the Catholic Church, they
-never forgot that the interests of the Republic were of more importance
-than those of the Papacy. Accordingly, in the Ionian islands no less
-than in Crete, they studiously prevented any encroachments on the part of
-either the Œcumenical Patriarch or the Pope. Their ecclesiastical policy
-is well expressed in an official decree, “that the Greeks should have
-liberty to preach and teach the holy word, provided only that they say
-nothing about the republic or against the Latin religion[229].” Mixed
-marriages were allowed; and, as the children usually became Orthodox,
-it is not surprising to learn that twenty years before the close of
-the Venetian occupation there were only two noble Latin families in
-Corfù which still adhered to the Catholic faith, while at Cephalonia
-Catholicism was almost exclusively confined to the garrison[230]. The
-Venetians retained, however, the externals of the Angevin system. The
-head of the Orthodox Church in Corfù was still called “chief priest”
-(μέγας πρωτοπαπᾶς), while the coveted title of Archbishop was reserved
-for the chief of the Catholic clergy. The “chief priest” was elected by
-the assembled urban clergy and 30 nobles, and held office for five years,
-at the end of which he sank into the ranks of the ordinary popes, from
-whom he was then only distinguished by his crimson sash. Merit had, as
-a rule, less to do with his election than his relationship to a noble
-family and the amount of the pecuniary arguments which he applied to the
-pockets of the electors, and for which he recouped himself by his gains
-while in office. In each of the four bailiwicks into which Corfù was
-then divided, and in the island of Paxo, there was a πρωτοπαπᾶς, under
-the jurisdiction of the “chief priest,” who was dependent upon no other
-ecclesiastical authority than that of the Œcumenical Patriarch, with
-whom, however, he was only allowed to correspond through the medium of
-the Venetian bailie at Constantinople. Two liberal Popes, Leo X and Paul
-III, expressly forbade any interference with the religious services of
-the Greeks on the part of the Latin Archbishop; and upon the introduction
-of the Gregorian calendar it was specially stipulated by Venice[231] that
-in the Ionian islands Latins as well as Greeks should continue to use the
-old method of reckoning, in order to avoid the confusion of two Easters
-and two Christmasses in one and the same community. When we consider how
-strong, even to-day, is the opposition of the Orthodox Church to the new
-style, we can understand how gratifying this special exemption must have
-been to the Greeks of that period.
-
-From these causes there was less bitterness than in most other places
-between the adherents of the two churches. The Catholics took part in
-the religious processions of the Orthodox. When the body of St Spiridion
-was carried round the town the Venetian authorities and many of the
-garrison paid their respects to the sacred relics; twenty-one guns were
-fired from the Old Fortress, and the ships in the harbour saluted; and
-the enlightened Catholic Archbishop, Quirini, author of a work on the
-antiquities of Corfù, actually went in full state to the Greek church
-of St Spiridion on the festival of that saint[232]. The Orthodox clergy
-reciprocated these attentions by meeting the Catholics in the church of
-St Arsenios, a tenth-century bishop and first Metropolitan of Corfù,
-where the discordant chanting of Greeks and Latins represented their
-theological concord, and by praying for the Pope and the Latin Archbishop
-at the annual banquet at the latter’s palace. They were ready, also,
-to excommunicate refractory villages at the bidding of the government,
-and this practice, which filled the superstitious people with terror,
-was one of the greatest social abuses of Corfù. It was put into force
-against individuals on the least provocation, and we are told that the
-same priest was quite willing to provide a counter-excommunication for a
-consideration[233].
-
-The position of the Corfiote Jews, though far less favourable than that
-of the Orthodox, was much better than that of the Hebrew colonies in
-other parts of the Venetian dominions. In the very first days of the
-Venetian occupation an order was issued to the officials of the Republic,
-bidding them behave well to the Jewish community and to put no heavier
-burdens upon them than upon the rest of the islanders. Many of the
-Venetian governors found it convenient to borrow not only money, but
-furniture, plate, and liveries from them. That they increased—owing to
-the Jewish immigration from Spain and Portugal in 1492 and from Naples
-and Calabria half a century later—in numbers under the Venetians may
-be inferred from Marmora’s statement that in 1665 there were about 500
-Jewish houses in Corfù, and the historian, who shared to the full the
-natural dislike for the Hebrew race which is so characteristic of the
-Greeks and so cordially reciprocated by the Jews, naïvely remarks that
-the Corfiote Jews would be rich if they were let alone[234]. A century
-later they had monopolised all the trade as middlemen, and the landed
-proprietors were in their debt. They paid none of the usual taxes levied
-on Jewish banks at Venice, and when, by the decree of 1572, the Jews were
-banished from Venetian territory, a special exemption was granted to
-those of Corfù. They were allowed to practise there as advocates, with
-permission to defend Christians no less than members of their own race.
-They had their own council and elected their own officials, and a law
-of 1614 prohibits the practice of digging up their dead bodies, under
-pain of hanging. At the same time they had to submit to some degrading
-restrictions. They were compelled to wear a yellow mark on the breast, or
-a yellow hat, as a badge of servitude, and an ordinance of 1532 naïvely
-remarks that this was “a substitute for the custom of stoning, which does
-so much injury to the houses.” True, a money payment to the treasury
-secured a dispensation from the necessity of wearing these stigmas; but
-there was no exception to the rule which enjoined upon all Jews residence
-in a separate part of the city, where they were divided into two groups,
-each with its own synagogue. Even to-day the Jewish quarter in the town
-of Corfù is known as the _Hebraïká_. Absurd tales were current about
-them. Travellers were told that one of them was a lineal descendant of
-Judas, and it was rumoured that a young Jewish girl was about to give
-birth to a Messiah. They were not allowed to possess real property or
-to take land or villas on lease, with the exception of one house for
-the personal use of the lessee. But the effect of this enactment was
-nullified by means of mortgages; and if a Jew wanted to invest money in
-houses he had no difficulty in finding a Christian who would purchase
-or rent them with borrowed Jewish capital. They were expected to offer
-a copy of the law of Moses to a new Latin Archbishop, who sometimes
-delighted the Corfiotes by lecturing them on their shortcomings, and
-sometimes, like Quirini, was tolerant of their creed. Finally, they were
-forbidden to indulge in public processions—an injunction perhaps quite as
-much in their own interest as in that of the public peace[235].
-
-The Venetian government did practically nothing for education during the
-four centuries of its rule in the Ionian islands. No public schools were
-founded, for, as Count Viaro Capodistria informed the British parliament
-much later, the Venetian senate never allowed such institutions to be
-established in the Ionian islands[236]. The administration was content
-to pay a few teachers of Greek and Italian in Corfù and one in each of
-the other islands. There was also some private instruction to be had,
-and the promising young men of the best families, eager to be doctors
-or lawyers, were sent to complete their education at the university of
-Padua. But the attainment of a degree at that seat of learning was not
-arduous, for by a special privilege the Ionians could take their degree
-without examination. And the Ionian student after his return soon forgot
-what he had learned, retaining only the varnish of culture. There were
-exceptions, however, to this low standard. It was a Corfiote who founded
-at Venice, in 1626, the Greek school, called Flangineion, after the name
-of its founder, Flangines, which did so much for the improvement of Greek
-education[237]; while it was a Cephalonian, Nikodemos Metaxas, who about
-the same time set up the first Greek printing press in Constantinople,
-which he had purchased in England[238]. But even in the latest Venetian
-period there were few facilities for attaining knowledge in Corfù. We
-are told that at that time reading and writing—the highest attainments
-of the average Greek pope—could be picked up in one of the monasteries,
-and Latin in the school of some Catholic priest, but that there were no
-other opportunities of mental cultivation there. The historian Mario
-Pieri, himself a native of Corfù, remarks that towards the close of the
-eighteenth century, when he was a boy, there were no public schools, no
-library, no printing press, and no regular bookseller in the island, and
-the only literature that could be bought there consisted of a grammar and
-a Latin dictionary, displayed in the shop of a chemist[239]. No wonder
-that the Corfiotes were easier to manage in those days than in the more
-enlightened British times, when newspapers abounded and some of the best
-pens in southern Europe were ready to lampoon the British protectorate.
-
-Yet, even under the Venetians, that love of literature which has
-always characterised the Greeks did not become wholly extinct. Jacobo
-Triboles, a Corfiote resident at Venice, published in the sixteenth
-century in his native dialect a poem, the subject of which was taken
-from Boccaccio, called the _History of the King of Scotland and the
-Queen of England_. Another literary Corfiote, author of a _Lament for
-the Fall of Greece_, was Antonios Eparchos, a versatile genius, at once
-poet, Hellenist, and soldier, upon whom the fief of the gipsies was
-conferred for his services[240]. Several other Corfiote bards sang of
-the Venetian victories, while, in 1672, Andrea Marmora, a member of
-a noble family still extant in Corfù, published in Italian the first
-history of his country from the earliest times to the loss of Crete by
-the Venetians. Subsequent writers have criticised Marmora’s effusive
-style, his tendency to invent details, his intense desire to glorify
-the most serene Republic[241]. But his work is quaintly written and he
-thoroughly reflects the feelings of his class and era. In 1725 Quirini,
-whom we have already mentioned as Latin Archbishop of Corfù, issued the
-first edition of a Latin treatise on the antiquities of his see, which
-was followed, thirteen years later, by a second and enlarged edition. In
-1656 an academy of thirty members, known as the _Assicurati_, was founded
-at Corfù[242], and only succumbed amid the dangers of the Turkish siege
-of 1716. A second literary society was started about the same time, and
-a third saw the light in 1732. Of the other islands Cephalonia produced
-in the seventeenth century a priest of great oratorical gifts in the
-person of Elias Meniates. In short, the Frankish influence, which had
-practically no literary result on the mainland, was much more felt in the
-intellectual development of the Ionians. But this progress was gained at
-the expense of the Greek language, which, under the Venetians, became
-solely the tongue of the peasants. Even to-day Greek is almost the only
-language understood in the country districts of Corfù, while Italian is
-readily spoken in the town. In the Venetian times the Venetian dialect
-was the conversational medium of good society, and the young Corfiote,
-fresh from his easy-won laurels at Padua, looked down with contempt upon
-the noblest and most enduring of all languages. Yet it will never be
-forgotten in Corfù that in the resurrection and regeneration of Greek two
-Corfiotes of the eighteenth century, Eugenios Boulgaris and Nikephoros
-Theotokes, played a leading part. The former in particular was the
-pioneer of Greek as it is written to-day, the forerunner of the more
-celebrated Koraes, and he dared to write, to the disgust of the clergy,
-in a language which the people could understand. But, as his best work
-was done at Joannina, then the chief educational centre of the Greek
-race, it concerns the general history of Greece under the Turks rather
-than that of the seven islands[243].
-
-Ionian commerce was hampered by the selfish colonial policy then
-prevalent in Europe, which aimed at concentrating all colonial trade in
-the metropolis, through which the exports of the islands had to pass.
-This naturally led to a vast amount of smuggling, even now rampant in the
-Greek Archipelago, in which the British gained an unenviable pre-eminence
-and for which they sometimes paid with their lives. The oil trade, the
-staple industry of Corfù, was, however, greatly fostered by the grant
-of 360 _drachmai_ for every plantation of 100 olive trees, and we find
-that, in the last half-century of the Venetian rule, there were nearly
-two millions of these trees in that island, which exported 60,000 barrels
-of oil every second year. The taxes consisted of a tithe of the oil,
-the crops, and the agricultural produce, and a money payment on the
-wine, a “chimney tax” on each house, and an export duty of 15 per cent.
-on the oil, 9 per cent. on the salt, and 4 per cent. on other articles.
-There was also an import duty of 6 per cent. on Venetian and of 8 per
-cent. on foreign, goods. The revenue of Zante was so greatly benefited
-by the introduction of the currant industry that it increased more than
-forty-fold in the space of thirty years during the sixteenth century,
-and a hundred years later the traveller Spon said it deserved the name
-of the “island of gold” and called it “a terrestrial paradise.” But
-the wholesale conversion of corn fields into currant plots caused such
-alarm that the local authorities applied to Venice for permission to
-root up the currant bushes by force. The Republic replied by allowing
-the currants to remain, but at the same time levying a tax upon them,
-the proceeds of which were devoted to the purchase and storage of bread
-stuffs. The currant industry of that island was injured by further
-duties, and was thus placed at a disadvantage as compared with the
-lightly taxed currants of the Morea. But in the eighteenth century such
-numbers of English ships came to Zante to load currants that the place
-had an English consul, two English offices, and an English cemetery,
-while our countrymen were very popular there[244]. One of the English
-families, attracted thither by the currant trade, that of Sergeant,
-still flourishes there. These public granaries were also instituted at
-Corfù, which continued, however, to suffer severely from famines. At
-the time when Zante was so prosperous Corfù was less productive, and we
-accordingly hear that the Venetians obtained permission from the Pope
-to levy a tithe on the goods of the Catholic clergy, in order to defray
-the costs of maintenance. The salt pans of Levkimo, at the south of the
-island, formed a government monopoly, and the importation of foreign
-salt was punished by banishment[245]. In order, perhaps, to counteract
-the excessive usury of the Corfiote Jews, the government established
-an official pawnshop[246], where money was lent at a moderate rate of
-interest—6 per cent.
-
-The administration of the other six islands was on similar lines to that
-of Corfù. The nearest of them, Paxo, with its dependency, Anti-Paxo,
-was treated as part of that island, and, as we have seen, the Corfiote
-“chief priest” had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over it, just as nowadays
-the Greek Archbishop of Corfù is also styled “of the Paxoi.” In 1513,
-however, Paxo, together with the taxes which it paid, was sold by the
-Venetians to the heirs of a Corfiote noble, who treated its inhabitants
-so badly that many of them fled to Turkish territory. At last the
-_provveditore generale del Levante_, under whose province the affairs of
-these islands came, interfered, fixed the taxes of Paxos at a certain
-sum, and appointed a native with a title of _capitano_ to govern it as
-the representative of the _provveditore e capitano_ at Corfù. Zante was
-administered during the first half-century of Venetian rule by a single
-_provveditore_; but when the population had considerably increased the
-Zantiotes, like the Cephalonians, had need of further officials—two
-councillors and a secretary, all Venetian nobles—who assisted the
-_provveditore_, and, like him, were appointed for two years. In both
-Cephalonia and Zante there were a general council, composed of the
-nobles, and a smaller council, whose numbers were finally fixed in Zante
-at 150. The character of these two islands, separated by such a narrow
-channel of sea, was, however, widely different. Zante was much more
-aristocratic in its ideas, though the feudal system, against which the
-popular rising of 1628 was directed, prevailed in both islands alike,
-where it had been introduced by the Latin counts, Zante having twelve
-fiefs and Cephalonia six[247]. But Cephalonia, owing to its purer
-Hellenic population, was actuated by the democratic sentiments engrained
-in the Greek character. The meetings of the Cephalonian council were
-remarkable for their turbulence, of which the authorities frequently
-complained, and a retiring governor of that island drew up a report to
-the home government in 1754 in which he described in vivid colours the
-tendency of the strong to tyrannise over the weak, which he had found
-common to all classes, and which caused annoyance to the government
-and frequent disturbances of the public peace[248]. British officials
-had in turn a similar experience, and Mr Gladstone discovered that the
-_vendetta_ was not extinct in the wild mountainous regions of Cephalonia
-when he visited the Ionian islands on his celebrated mission. Venice
-fostered the quarrels between the various parties at Argostoli, and
-governed the unruly Cephalonians by means of their own divisions. In
-Zante the number of the noble families, at first indefinite, was finally
-fixed at ninety-three; and if any became extinct the vacancy was filled
-by the ennoblement of a family of burghers. Once a year the _provveditore
-generale del Levante_ paid a visit of inspection to these islands; his
-arrival was the greatest event of the whole calendar, and etiquette
-prescribed the forms to be observed on his landing. He was expected to
-kiss first the cross presented to him by the Latin bishop, and then the
-copy of the Gospels offered to him by the spiritual head of the Orthodox
-community.
-
-Leonardo Tocco had restored the Greek episcopal throne in Cephalonia,
-and in the Venetian times, promoted to the rank of an archbishopric, it
-continued to exist with jurisdiction over the Greeks at Zante and Ithake,
-which was often disputed by the “chief priest” (πρωτοπαπᾶς) of Zante,
-where a Latin bishop also resided. This dispute was at last settled by a
-decree of the senate that the Cephalonian clergy should retain the right
-to elect their prelate on condition of choosing a Zantiote on every third
-vacancy[249]. In Zante, as in Corfù, the Jews were a considerable factor;
-at the close of the Venetian rule they numbered about 2000, and lived in
-a separate quarter of the city, walled in and guarded; and the island
-was remarkable for the violent anti-Semitic riots of 1712[250], arising
-out of the usual fiction of the slaughtered Christian child, which found
-their counterpart at Corfù in our own time. But the greatest evil in
-these less important islands was that their _provveditori_, being chosen
-from the poorer Venetian aristocracy, the so-called _barnabotti_, and
-receiving small salaries, made up for their lack of means by corruption,
-just as the Turkish officials do now. The efforts of the home government
-to check the abuse of bribery, by forbidding its officials to receive
-presents, were not always successful. The discontent of the lesser
-islands found vent in the embassies which they had the right to send to
-Venice, and we occasionally hear of their _provveditori_ being detected
-in taking bribes. More rarely the _provveditore generale_ himself was
-degraded from his high office for malversation. Accordingly the most
-recent Greek historian of the fiscal administration of the islands under
-the Venetians, considers that it was fortunate for them to have been
-taken, and lost, by Venice when they were[251].
-
-Anything which concerns the supposed home of Odysseus must necessarily
-be of interest, and fortunately we have some facts about the government
-of Ithake at this period. We first hear of a Venetian governor there in
-1504, when the island had been repeopled by emigrants from Santa Maura,
-and this official was assisted by two local magnates, called “elders
-of the people” (δημογέροντες). In 1536 a life governor was appointed,
-and upon his death, in 1563, a noble from Cephalonia, appointed by the
-council of that island, was sent to administer it with the two “elders,”
-subject to the approval of the _provveditore generale_, who visited
-Ithake every March. The Ithakans twice successfully complained to Venice
-of their Cephalonian governors, who were accused of extortion and of
-improper interference in local affairs. Accordingly in 1697 the office
-was abolished, and thenceforth the two Ithakan “elders” held sway alone,
-while every year the principal men of the island met to elect the local
-officials. Small as it is, Ithake formed one feudal barony[252], of which
-the Galati were the holders, and its population at the close of the
-Venetian period was estimated at about 7000.
-
-Santa Maura was more democratic in its constitution than most of the
-islands; for when Morosini took it from the Turks he permitted the
-inhabitants to decide how they would be governed. Accordingly the general
-council came in course of time to be largely composed of peasants;
-but when, towards the close of the eighteenth century, the Venetian
-government sent a special commissioner to reform the constitutions of the
-seven islands he created a second and smaller council of fifty at Santa
-Maura, to which the election of the local officials was transferred.
-Venice was represented there by two _provveditori_, one of whom had
-jurisdiction over the continental dependencies of Prevesa and Vonitza,
-subject, however, to the supreme authority of the commander of the
-fleet at Corfù[253]. Parga and Butrinto were entrusted to two officers
-sent from the seat of the Ionian government; the former had its own
-council, its own local officials, and paid neither taxes nor duties. All
-its inhabitants were soldiers, and many of them pirates, and they were
-known to imprison a Venetian governor, just as the Albanians of our time
-besieged a Turkish _vali_, till they could get redress[254].
-
-Finally the distant island of Kythera was administered by a Venetian
-noble sent thither every two years. While it was a dependency of Crete
-Kythera fell into a very bad state; its chief men indulged in constant
-dissensions; the government was arbitrary, the garrison exacting. In
-1572 an attempt was made to remedy these evils by the establishment of a
-council of thirty members, elected on a property qualification, with the
-power of electing the local authorities. A Golden Book was started, and
-the natives were granted the usual privilege of appeal to the Venetian
-government, either in Crete or at the capital. All the islands shared
-with Corfù the right of electing the captains of their own galleys, and
-they on more than one occasion rendered valuable services to the Republic
-at sea.
-
-There had been, as we have noticed, a Genoese party at Corfù when the
-fate of the island lay in the balance, and the commercial rivals of
-Venice did not abandon all hope of obtaining so desirable a possession
-until some time after the establishment of the Venetian protectorate.
-Twice, in 1403 and again in 1432, they attacked Corfù, but on both
-occasions without success. The first time they tried to capture the
-impregnable castle of Sant’ Angelo, which was courageously defended by
-a Corfiote noble. The second attempt was more serious. The invaders
-effected a landing, and had already ravaged the fertile island, when a
-sudden sally of the townsfolk and the garrison checked their further
-advance. Many of the Genoese were taken prisoners, while those who
-succeeded in escaping to their vessels were pursued and severely handled
-by the Venetian fleet. The further attempts of Genoese privateers to
-waylay merchantmen on their passage between Corfù and Venice were
-frustrated, and soon the islanders had nothing to fear from these
-Christian enemies of their protectors.
-
-Although the Turks were rapidly gaining ground on the mainland, they
-were repulsed in the attack which they made upon Corfù in 1431, and did
-not renew the attempt for another century. Meanwhile, after the fall of
-Constantinople and the subsequent collapse of the Christian states of
-Greece, Corfù became the refuge of many distinguished exiles. Thomas
-Palaiologos, the last Despot of the Morea, and the historian Phrantzes
-fled thither; the latter wrote his history at Corfù at the instance
-of some noble Corfiotes, and lies buried in the church of Sts Jason
-and Sosipater, where Caterina Zaccaria, wife of Thomas Palaiologos,
-also rests. About the same time the island obtained a relic which had
-the greatest influence upon its religious life. Among the treasures
-of Constantinople at the moment of the capture were the bodies of St
-Theodora, the imperial consort of the iconoclast emperor Theophilos,
-and St Spiridion, the latter a Cypriote bishop who took a prominent
-part at the council of Nice and whose remains had been transferred
-to Constantinople when the Saracens took Cyprus. A certain priest,
-Kalochairetes by name, now brought the bodies of the two saints to Corfù,
-where they arrived in 1456. Upon the priest’s death his two eldest sons
-became proprietors of the male saint’s remains, and his youngest son
-received those of the female, which he bestowed upon the community. The
-body of St Spiridion ultimately passed to the distinguished family of
-Boulgaris, to which it still belongs, and is preserved in the church of
-the saint, just as the body of St Theodora reposes in the metropolitical
-church. Four times a year the body of St Spiridion is carried in
-procession, in commemoration of his alleged services in having twice
-delivered the island from plague, once from famine, and once from the
-Turks. His name is the most widespread in Corfù, and the number of boys
-called “Spiro” is legion[255].
-
-During the operations against the Turks at this period the Corfiotes
-distinguished themselves by their active co-operation with their
-protectors. We find them fighting twice at Parga and twice at Butrinto;
-we hear of their prowess at the Isthmus of Corinth and beneath the
-walls of Patras in 1463, when Venice, alarmed for the safety of her
-Peloponnesian stations, called the Greeks to arms; and they assisted
-even in the purely Italian wars of the Republic. It seems, indeed, as
-if, at that period, the words of Marmora were no mere servile phrase:
-“Corfù was ever studying the means of keeping herself a loyal subject of
-the Venetians[256].” At last, after rather more than a century of almost
-complete freedom from attack, the island was destined to undergo the
-first of the two great Turkish sieges which were the principal events in
-its annals during the Venetian occupation. In 1537 war broke out between
-the Republic and Suleyman the Magnificent, at that time engaged in an
-attack upon the Neapolitan dominions of Charles V. During the transport
-of troops and material of war across the channel of Otranto the Turkish
-and Venetian fleets came into hostile collision, and though Venice
-was ready to make amends for the mistakes of her officials the Sultan
-resolved to punish them for the insults to his flag. He was at Valona,
-on the Albanian coast, at the time, and, removing his camp to Butrinto,
-despatched a force of 25,000 men, under the command of the redoubtable
-Barbarossa, the most celebrated captain in the Turkish service, to take
-possession of the island. The Turks landed at Govino, destroyed the
-village of Potamo, and marched upon the capital, which at that time had
-no other defences than the old fort. That stronghold and the castle of
-Sant’ Angelo were soon the only two points in the island not in the power
-of the invaders. A vigorous cannonade was maintained by Barbarossa from
-the site of the present town and from the islet of Vido, but the garrison
-of 4000 men, half Italians and half Corfiotes, under the command of
-Jacopo di Novello, kept up a brisk reply. The Greeks, it was said, could
-not have fought better had they been fighting for the national cause,
-and they made immense sacrifices in their determination never to yield.
-In order to economise food they turned out of the fortress the women,
-old men, and children, who went to the Turkish lines to beg for bread.
-The Turkish commander, hoping to work on the feelings of the garrison,
-refused; so the miserable creatures, repudiated alike by the besieged
-and besiegers, wandered about distractedly between the two armies,
-striving to regain admission to the fortress by showing their ancient
-wounds gained in the Venetian service, and at last, when their efforts
-proved unavailing, lying down in the ditches to die. Their sufferings
-contributed largely towards the victory of the defenders, for while
-provisions held out in the fortress they began to fail in the camp.
-
-Sickness broke out among the half-starved Turks, and, after a stay
-of only thirteen days in the island, they re-embarked. But in that
-short time they had wrought enormous damage. They had ravaged the fair
-island with fire and sword, and they carried away more than 20,000
-captives[257]. The population was so greatly reduced by this wholesale
-deportation that nearly forty years afterwards the whole island contained
-only some 17,500 inhabitants, and rather more than a century after this
-siege a census showed that the total was not more than 50,000—a much
-smaller number than in classical days, when it is estimated to have been
-100,000. In 1761 it had declined to 44,333; at the end of the Venetian
-occupation it was put down at 48,000; a century later, in 1896, it was
-90,872[258]. At the census of 1907 it was 94,451. Butrinto and Paxo, less
-able to defend themselves than Corfù, fell into the hands of the Turks,
-who plundered several of the other Ionian islands. Great was the joy of
-Venice at the news that the invaders had abandoned Corfù, and public
-thanksgivings were offered up for the preservation of the island, even in
-the desolate condition in which the Turks had left it. A Corfiote, named
-Noukios, secretary of an Ambassador of Charles V and author of three
-books of travels, the second of which, relating to England, has been
-translated into English, wrote, with tears in his eyes, a graphic account
-of this terrible visitation.
-
-One result of this invasion was the tardy but systematic fortification
-of the town of Corfù, at the repeated request of the Corfiote council,
-which sent several embassies to Venice with that object. More than 2000
-houses were pulled down in the suburb of San Rocco to make room for the
-walls, for which the old classical city, Palaiopolis, as it is still
-called, provided materials, and Venice spent a large sum on the erection
-of new bastions. Two plans are in existence showing the fortifications
-of the citadel and of the town about this period[259], and some parts
-of the present Fortezza Vecchia date from the years which followed
-this first Turkish siege. The still existing Fortezza Nuova was built
-between 1577 and 1588, when the new works were completed. Another result
-of the Turco-Venetian war was the grant of lands at Corfù to the Greek
-soldiers, or _stradioti_, who had formed the Venetian garrisons of
-Monemvasia and Nauplia, and for whom provision had to be made when, in
-1540, the Republic ceded these two last of her Peloponnesian possessions
-to the sultan. The present suburb of Stratia still preserves the name of
-these soldiers. The loss of the Venetian stations in the Morea and the
-subsequent capture of Cyprus by the Turks naturally increased the numbers
-of the Greeks in Corfù.
-
-Shortly before the battle of Lepanto the Turks raided Kythera, Zante, and
-Cephalonia, and again landed in Corfù. But the memory of their previous
-failure and the fact that the garrison was prepared for resistance
-deterred them from undertaking a fresh siege. They accordingly contented
-themselves with plundering the defenceless villages, but this time did
-not carry off their booty with impunity. Their ships were routed; as they
-were departing many of them sank, and in Marmora’s time the sunken wrecks
-could still be seen when the sea was calm[260]. In the battle of Lepanto
-1500 Corfiote seamen took part on the Christian side, and four ships were
-contributed by the island and commanded by natives. One of these Corfiote
-captains was captured during the engagement and skinned alive, his skin
-being then fastened as a trophy to the rigging of one of the Turkish
-vessels. Another, Cristofalo Condocalli, captured the Turkish admiral’s
-ship, which was long preserved in the arsenal at Venice, and he received
-as his reward a grant of land near Butrinto, together with the then
-rare title of _cavaliere_. The criticisms which Finlay, after his wont,
-has passed upon the Greeks at Lepanto, and which do not agree with the
-testimony of a contemporary Venetian historian, certainly do not affect
-the conduct of the Ionians[261]. A little later, when the Turks again
-descended upon Corfù, they were easily repulsed, and the long peace which
-then ensued between Venice and the Porte put an end to these anxieties.
-Both the Corfiotes and the local militia of Zante did service about this
-time under the banner of St Mark in Crete; but the fearful losses of the
-Zantiotes, of whom eighty only out of 800 returned home alive from the
-Cretan mountains, made the peasants reluctant to serve again.
-
-There are few facts to relate of the Ionian islands during the peaceful
-period between the battle of Lepanto and the war of Candia. At Corfù
-the peace was utilised for the erection of new buildings; the church
-of St Spiridion was finished, and the body of the saint transferred
-to it[262]. But the town did not strike the Venetian traveller Pietro
-della Valle, who visited it early in the seventeenth century, as a
-desirable residence. Both there and at Zante he thought the buildings
-were more like huts than houses, and he considered the latter island
-barren and no longer deserving of its classical epithet of “woody[263].”
-It was about this time that the Venetians introduced the practice of
-tournaments, which were held on the esplanade, and at which the Corfiote
-nobles showed considerable skill. Rather later the island was visited
-by the plague, which was stayed, according to the local belief, through
-the agency of their patron saint, who had on a previous occasion saved
-his good Corfiotes from famine by inspiring the captains of some corn
-ships to steer straight for their port. The first two of the four
-annual processions were the token of the people’s gratitude for these
-services[264].
-
-When the Candian war broke out further fortifications were built at Corfù
-as a precautionary measure; but during the whole length of the struggle
-the Turks came no nearer than Parga and Butrinto. The Corfiotes were thus
-free to assist the Venetians, instead of requiring their aid. Accordingly
-the Corfiote militia was sent to Crete, and horses and money were given
-to the Venetian authorities for the conflict, while one Corfiote force
-successfully held Parga against the enemy, and another recaptured
-Butrinto. In fact the smallness of the population at the census of that
-period was attributed to the large number of men serving on the galleys
-or in the forts out of the island. When Crete was lost Corfù naturally
-became of increased importance to the republic, and in the successful war
-between Venice and Turkey, which broke out in 1684, the Ionian islands
-played a considerable part. They were used as winter quarters for the
-Venetian troops, and the huge mortars still outside the gate of the Old
-Fortress at Corfù bear the memorable date of 1684, while a monument of
-Morosini occupies, but scarcely adorns, the wall of the old theatre. That
-gallant commander now led a squadron, to which the three chief islands
-all contributed galleys, against the pirates’ nest of Santa Maura. The
-countrymen of Odysseus are specially mentioned among the 2000 Ionian
-auxiliaries, and the warlike bishop of Cephalonia brought a contingent
-of over 150 monks and priests to the Republic’s standard[265]. Santa
-Maura fell after a sixteen days’ siege; the capture of Prevesa followed;
-and though the latter was restored to the Sultan with dismantled
-fortifications by the treaty of Carlovitz, Santa Maura was never again,
-save for a few brief months during the next war, a Turkish island. The
-Venetians did not forget the Ionians, who had co-operated with them
-so readily. Colonel Floriano, one of the Cephalonian commanders, was
-granted the two islets of Kalamos and Kastos, off the coast of Akarnania,
-famous in Homer as the abode of “the pirate Taphians.” Thenceforth their
-inhabitants were bidden to pay to him and his heirs the tithes hitherto
-due to the Venetian government. In consequence of this he assumed the
-curious title of _conte della Decima_ (“count of the Tithe”), still
-borne by his descendants[266]. No wonder that Venice was popular with an
-aristocracy to which it gave employment and rewards.
-
-The occupation of the Morea by the Venetians in the early part of the
-eighteenth century secured the Ionians from disturbance so long as
-the peace lasted; but when the Turks set about the re-conquest of the
-peninsula they became involved in that last struggle between Venice and
-Turkey. In 1715 the Turkish fleet took Kythera, the garrison of which
-refused to fight, and the Venetians blew up the costly fortifications
-of Santa Maura and removed the guns and garrison to Corfù, in order
-that they might not fall into the hands of their foes[267]. Alarmed at
-the successes of the Turks, but unable in the degenerate condition of
-the commonwealth to send a capable Venetian to defend the remaining
-islands, the government, on the recommendation of Prince Eugène, engaged
-Count John Matthias von der Schulenburg to undertake the defence. A
-German by birth, and a brother of the duchess of Kendal, mistress of
-our George I, Count von der Schulenburg did not owe his career, strange
-as it may seem to us, to social influence or female intrigue. Entering
-the Polish service, he had compelled the admiration of his opponent,
-Charles XII of Sweden, and had afterwards fought with distinction under
-the eyes of the duke of Marlborough at the siege of Tournai and in the
-battle of Malplaquet. Armed with the rank of field-marshal, he set out
-for Corfù, where he rapidly put the unfinished fortifications into as
-good a condition as was possible in the time, and paid a hurried visit
-to Zante for the same purpose. The approach of the Turks hastened his
-return, for it was now certain that their objective was Corfù. They had
-requisitioned the Epeirotes to make a wide road from Thessaly down to
-the coast opposite that island, traces of which were in existence half
-a century ago[268]. Along this road Kara Mustapha Pasha marched with
-65,000 men, and effected a junction at Butrinto with the Turkish fleet
-under Janum Khoja. In the narrow strait at the north end of the island,
-opposite the shrine of the virgin at Kassopo, which had taken the place
-of the altar of Jupiter Cassius, before which Nero had danced, a division
-of the Venetian fleet engaged the Turkish ships and cut its way through
-them into Corfù. But this did not prevent the landing of 33,000 Turks
-at Govino and Ipso, who encamped along the Potamo and made themselves
-masters of the suburbs of Mandoukio and Kastrades, on either side of the
-town. Meanwhile Schulenburg had armed all the inhabitants, including even
-the Jews, and we are specially told that one of the latter distinguished
-himself so much as to merit the rank of a captain[269]. But he wrote that
-he was “in want of every thing,” and his motley garrison of Germans,
-Italians, Slavs, and Greeks was at no time more than 8000 men. Even
-women and priests aided in the defence, and one Greek monk, with a huge
-iron crucifix in his hands, was a conspicuous figure as he charged the
-besiegers, invoking the vengeance of God upon their heads.
-
-The Turkish commander’s first object was to occupy the two eminences
-of Mounts Abraham and San Salvatore, which commanded the town, but had
-been carelessly left without permanent fortifications. A first assault
-upon these positions was repulsed, but a second was successful, and
-the Turks now called on Schulenburg to surrender. The arrival of some
-reinforcements revived the spirits of the besieged, who had now withdrawn
-from the town into the citadel, while the Turkish artillery played upon
-the houses and aimed at the _campanile_ of St Spiridion’s church. The
-New Fortress was the point at which the enemy now directed all their
-efforts; one of the bastions was actually taken, and a poet has recorded
-that Muktar, grandfather of the famous Ali Pasha of Joannina, fought
-his way into the castle and hung up his sword on the gate[270]; but
-Schulenburg, at the head of his men, drove out the Turks with enormous
-loss. He said himself that that day was the most dangerous of his life;
-but his reckless daring saved Corfù. It was expected that the Turks would
-renew the assault three days later; but when the fatal morning broke, lo!
-they were gone. On the evening before, one of those terrific showers
-of rain to which Corfù is liable about the end of August descended upon
-the Turkish camp. The storm swept away their baggage into the sea, and
-the panic-stricken Turks—so the story ran-saw a number of acolytes
-carrying lighted candles, and an aged bishop, who was identified with
-St Spiridion, pursuing the infidels staff in hand. The murmurs of the
-janissaries and the news of a great Turkish defeat on the Danube may have
-had more to do with the seraskier’s hasty departure than the miraculous
-intervention of the saint. But the Venetians, with true statesmanship,
-humoured the popular belief that St Spiridion had protected the Corfiotes
-and themselves in their hour of need. We can still see hanging in the
-church of St Spiridion the silver lamp which the senate dedicated to the
-saint “for having saved Corfù,” and a companion to which was provided by
-the Corfiote nobles in memory of the safe arrival of the two divisions
-of the fleet. The islanders still celebrate on August 11 (O.S.), the
-anniversary of the Turkish rout in 1716, the solemn procession of the
-saint, which Pisani, the Venetian admiral, instituted in his honour[271].
-
-The siege had lasted for forty-eight days, and the losses on both sides
-had been very great. The lowest estimate of the Turkish dead and wounded
-was 8000. Schulenburg put down his own casualties at 1500. Moreover the
-Turks had left their artillery behind them, and in their own hurried
-re-embarkation some 900 were drowned. The Venetian fleet, under Pisani,
-whose indolence was in striking contrast to the energy of Schulenburg,
-did not succeed in overtaking the foe; but Schulenburg retook Butrinto,
-to which he attached much importance, and personally superintended the
-re-fortification of Santa Maura, which another Latin inscription still
-commemorates. The extraordinary honours paid to him were the measure of
-Corfù’s value to the Republic. In his favour, as in that of Morosini, an
-exception was made to the rule forbidding the erection of a statue to a
-living person. Before the Old Fortress, which he so gallantly defended,
-there still stands his image. Medals were struck in his honour, and
-foreign sovereigns wrote to congratulate him. Nor did his services to
-the Ionians end here. The fear of a fresh attack brought him to Corfù
-again in the following year. From thence he made a successful attack upon
-Vonitza and Prevesa, and those places, together with Butrinto, Cerigo,
-and the islet of Cerigotto, or Antikythera, were finally confirmed to
-the Republic at the peace of Passarovitz. After the peace he drew up a
-systematic plan for the defence of the islands, which considerations
-of expense prevented the Republic from carrying out as fully as he
-wished. One restoration was imperative—that of the citadel of Corfù,
-which was blown up by a flash of lightning striking the powder magazine
-only two years after the great siege. Pisani and 1500 men lost their
-lives in this accident; several vessels were sunk and much damage done.
-Under Schulenburg’s directions these works were repaired. At the same
-time, warned by the experience of the late siege, he strongly fortified
-Mounts Abraham and San Salvatore and connected them with subterranean
-passages[272]. To pay for these improvements a tax of one-tenth was
-imposed upon the wine and oil of the island[273]. Large sums were also
-spent in the next few years upon the defences of Zante, Santa Maura,
-and the four continental dependencies of the islands. But the Republic,
-having lost much of her Levant trade, could no longer keep them up,
-and Corfù was again damaged by a second explosion in 1789. About the
-middle of the eighteenth century there was a huge deficit in the Ionian
-accounts, and the islands became a burden to the declining strength of
-the Venetian commonwealth. On Corfù in particular she spent twice what
-she got out of it.
-
-The peace of Passarovitz in 1718, which made the useless island of Cerigo
-the furthest eastern possession of Venice, practically closed the career
-of the Republic as an oriental power, and thenceforth of all her vast
-Levantine possessions the seven islands and their four dependencies
-alone remained under her flag. The decadence of Turkey preserved them to
-the Republic rather than any strength of her own, so that for the next
-seventy-nine years they were unmolested. Yet this immunity from attack
-by her old enemy caused Venice to neglect the welfare of the Ionian
-islands, which were always best governed at the moment when she feared to
-lose them. The class of officials sent from the capital during this last
-period was very inferior. Poor and badly paid, they sought to make money
-out of the islanders, and at times defrauded the home government without
-fear of detection. M. Saint-Sauveur, who resided as French consul in
-the Ionian islands from 1782 to 1799, has given a grim account of their
-social and political condition in the last years of Venetian rule; and,
-after due deduction for his obvious bias against the fallen Republic,
-there remains a large substratum of truth in his statements. At Zante the
-cupidity of the Venetian governors reached its height. Nowhere was so
-little of the local revenue spent in the locality, nowhere were the taxes
-more oppressive or more numerous; nowhere were the illicit gains of
-the Venetian officials larger. They were wont to lend money at usurious
-interest to the peasants, who frequently rose against their foreign and
-native oppressors—for the nobles and burgesses of that rich island were
-regarded by the tillers of the soil with intense hatred. Murders were
-of daily occurrence at Zante; most well-to-do natives had _bravi_ in
-their pay; there was a graduated tariff for permission to wear weapons;
-and Saint-Sauveur was once an eye-witness of an unholy compact between
-a high Venetian official and a Zantiote who was desirous to secure in
-advance impunity for his intended crime[274]. It is narrated how the
-wife of a Venetian governor of Zante used to shout with joy “Oil, oil!”
-as soon as she heard a shot fired, in allusion to the oil warrants, the
-equivalent of cash, which her husband received for acquitting a murderer.
-Justice at this period was more than usually halting. The French consul
-could only remember three or four sentences of death during the whole of
-his residence in the islands, and when, a little earlier, the crew of a
-foreign ship was murdered in the channel of Corfù by some islanders under
-the leadership of a noble, only one scapegoat, and he a peasant, was
-punished. Pirates were not uncommon, Paxo being one of their favourite
-haunts. Yet after the peace of Passarovitz Corfù was the centre of the
-Republic’s naval forces, and it was in the last years of Venetian rule
-that many of the present buildings were built at Govino, and a road was
-at last constructed from that point to the town[275].
-
-During the Russo-Turkish war between 1768 and 1774 many Ionians took part
-in the insurrectionary movement against the Turks on the mainland, in
-spite of the proclamations of the Venetian government, which was anxious,
-like the British protectorate fifty years later, to prevent its subjects
-from a breach of neutrality[276]; but it could not even control its own
-officials, for a _provveditore generale_ sold the ordnance and provisions
-stored at Corfù under his charge to the Russians. The sympathy of the
-Ionians for Orthodox Russia was natural, especially as many Greeks from
-the Turkish provinces had settled in the islands without having forgotten
-their homes on the mainland. They took part in the sieges of Patras and
-Koron, while after the base desertion of the Greeks by the Russians the
-islands became the refuge of many defeated insurgents. These refugees
-were, however, delivered up by the Venetians to the Turks, and nothing
-but a vigorous Russian protest saved from punishment two Ionian nobles
-who had taken up arms on her side. Russia followed up her protest by
-appointing Greeks or Albanians as her consuls in the three principal
-islands[277]; many Cephalonians emigrated to the new Russian province of
-the Crimea, and Cephalonian merchantmen began to fly her flag. During
-the next Russo-Turkish war—that between 1787 and 1792—the Ionians fitted
-out corsairs to aid their friends, and a Russian general was sent to
-Ithake to direct the operations of the Greeks. Two of the latter, Lampros
-Katsones of Livadia and the Lokrian Androutsos, father of the better
-known klepht Odysseus, were specially conspicuous. Lampros styled himself
-“king of Sparta,” and christened his son Lycurgus. He established himself
-on the coast of Maina and plundered the ships of all nations—a patriot
-according to some, a pirate according to others. When a French frigate
-had put an end to his reign of terror he, like Androutsos, fled to the
-Ionian islands. The Venetians caused a hue and cry to be raised for his
-followers, who were saved from the gallows by their Russian patrons; but
-Androutsos was handed over to the Turks, who left him to languish in
-prison at Constantinople. Katsones became the hero of a popular poem.
-
-The attacks of pirates from Barbary and Dulcigno upon Prevesa and Cerigo
-roused the Venetians to the necessity of punishing those marauders,
-and accordingly Angelo Emo was appointed “extraordinary captain of the
-ships” and sent to Corfù. After a vigorous attempt at reforming the
-naval establishment there, which had fallen into a very corrupt state,
-he chastised the Algerines and Tunisians, to the great relief of the
-Ionians. The Zantiotes “presented him with a gold sword, and struck a
-medal in his honour”; in Corfù a mural tablet still recalls his services
-against the Barbary corsairs, and his name ranks with those of Morosini
-and Schulenburg in the history of the islands[278].
-
-The long peace of the eighteenth century had marked results upon the
-social life of the Ionians. It had the bad effect, especially at Corfù,
-of increasing the desire for luxuries, which the natives could ill
-afford, but which they obtained at the sacrifice of more solid comfort.
-Anxious to show their European culture, the better classes relinquished
-the garb of their ancestors, and the women, who now for the first time
-emerged from the oriental seclusion in which they had been kept for
-centuries in most of the islands, deprived themselves of necessaries
-and neglected their houses in order to make a smart appearance on
-the esplanade—a practice not yet extinct at Corfù. Yet this partial
-emancipation of the Ionian ladies, due to the European habits introduced
-by the increasing number of Venetian officers who had married Corfiote
-wives, was a distinct benefit to society. Gradually ladies went to the
-theatre; at first they were screened by a _grille_ from the public gaze,
-then a mask was considered sufficient protection; finally that too was
-dropped[279]. The population of the islands and their dependencies in
-1795 was put down at 152,722. But Corfù was already in the deplorable
-state of poverty into which it once more relapsed after the withdrawal
-of the British. In spite of its splendid climate and its fertile soil
-the fruitful island of the Phaiakians at the end of the Venetian rule
-could not nourish its much smaller number of inhabitants for more than
-four or five months in the year. The fault did not lie with the soil;
-but few of the proprietors had the capital to make improvements, and few
-of the peasants had the energy or the necessary incentives to labour.
-The lack of beasts of burden and of carriageable roads was a great
-drawback. One governor did at last, in 1794, construct five roads from
-the town into the country, by means of voluntary subscriptions and a tax
-on every loaded horse entering the streets[280]. But it was not till the
-British time that either this or the scarcely less evil of want of water
-was remedied. The successors of the seafaring subjects of Alkinoös had
-scarcely any mercantile marine, while the Cephalonians, sons of a less
-beautiful island, voyaged all over the Levant in search of a livelihood.
-An attempt to naturalise sugar, indigo, and coffee in a hollow of the
-Black Mountain was a failure[281]. Zante, less luxurious and naturally
-richer than either of her two other greater sisters, suffered during
-the Anglo-French war from the absence of English commerce; and repeated
-earthquakes, the predecessors of that of 1893, caused much damage
-there[282]. As might have been expected the Venetian system had not
-improved the character of the islanders, whose faults were admitted by
-their severest critics to be due to the moral defects of the government.
-If the Corfiotes of that day seemed to Saint-Sauveur to be ignorant and
-superstitious, poor and indolent, they were what Venice had made them.
-Yet, in spite of all her errors, the Republic had given to the seven
-islands a degree of civilisation which was lacking in Turkish Greece, and
-which, improved by our own protectorate, still characterises the Ionians
-to-day. Corfù and Zante are still, after over fifty years of union with
-the Hellenic kingdom, in many respects more Italian than Greek. Even
-to-day the seal of Venice is upon them; not merely does the lion of St
-Mark still stand out from their fortifications, but in the laws and the
-customs, in the survival of the Italian language and of Italian titles of
-nobility here almost alone in Greece, we can trace his long domination.
-But no Corfiote or Zantiote, for all that, desires to become Italian.
-
-The French Revolution had little immediate influence upon the Ionian
-islands, though there were some disturbances at Zante, and the citizens
-of Corfù petitioned Venice against the exclusive privileges of the
-nobles. Three years before the outbreak in Paris, the most serene
-Republic had sent a special commissioner to reform the constitution of
-the islands; but those reforms mainly consisted in reducing the numbers
-of the councils at Corfù and Santa Maura. Much greater hopes were formed
-in 1794 on the arrival of Widman, the last _provveditore generale_ whom
-Venice sent to Corfù. Widman had had a distinguished naval career; his
-benevolence was well known by report, and the Corfiotes, who had been
-plundered by his rapacious predecessor, gave him a reception such as had
-never fallen to the lot of any of their previous Venetian governors[283].
-It was fortunate for him that he was so popular, for, after selling his
-own silver to meet the pressing needs of the administration, he had
-to appeal to the generosity of the Ionians for funds to carry on the
-government. He did not appeal in vain; the inhabitants of the three chief
-islands subscribed money; the four continental dependencies, having no
-money, offered men, who could not, however, be accepted, as there were
-no uniforms available; the Jews gave him over £400 and armed a certain
-number of soldiers at their expense; he was even reduced, as he could
-get nothing but promises from home, to use up the savings-bank deposits
-in the public service. In the apology which he published two years
-after the loss of the islands he gave a black picture of the state of
-the fortifications, which contained scarcely enough powder for a single
-man-of-war. Under the circumstances his sole consolation was the perusal
-of St Augustin. Such was the condition of the Ionian defences when the
-French troops entered Venice in 1797[284].
-
-Venice was preparing to send commissioners with powers to establish a
-democratic form of government at Corfù, when Bonaparte, fearing lest
-Russia should occupy the islands, ordered General Gentili to go thither
-at once, bidding him introduce some telling classical allusions in
-his proclamation to the islanders. In the guise of an ally of Venice,
-with Venetian forces mixed among his own, and flying the lion banner
-of St Mark at his mast-head, Gentili sailed into Corfù on July 11. He
-informed Widman that he had come to protect the islands, and asked that
-room might be found within the fortress for their new protectors; he
-told the people in a trilingual proclamation that the French Republic,
-in alliance with the Venetians, would free this fragment of ancient
-Hellas, and revive the glories and the virtues of classic times. Catching
-the classical spirit of the general’s proclamation, the head of the
-Orthodox church met him as he landed and presented him with a copy of
-the _Odyssey_. The islanders received the French as saviours. Gentili
-occupied the citadel, and Bonaparte wrote from Milan that they hoped “to
-regain, under the protection of the great French nation, the sciences,
-arts, and commerce which they had lost through oligarchical tyranny.”
-
-
-9. MONEMVASIA
-
-MONEMVASIA DURING THE FRANKISH PERIOD (1204-1540)
-
-There are few places in Greece which possess the combined charms of
-natural beauty and of historic association to the same extent as
-Monemvasia. The great rock which rises out of the sea near the ancient
-Epidauros Limera is not only one of the most picturesque sites of the
-Peloponnese, but has a splendid record of heroic independence, which
-entitles it to a high place in the list of the world’s fortresses (Plate
-II, Figs. 1, 2). Monemvasia’s importance is, however, wholly mediæval;
-and its history has hitherto never been written; for the painstaking
-brochure of the patriotic Monemvasiote ex-deputy and ex-Minister K.
-Papamichalopoulos[285], was composed before modern research rendered it
-possible to draw upon the original authorities at Venice and elsewhere.
-In the present chapter I have endeavoured to state briefly what, in the
-present state of Greek mediæval studies, is known about this interesting
-city during the Frankish period.
-
-At the time of the Frankish Conquest of the rest of Greece, Monemvasia
-was already a place of considerable importance. Even if we reject
-the statement of the fifteenth century historian, Phrantzes[286],
-himself a native of the place, that the Emperor Maurice had raised it
-to the rank of the 34th Metropolitan see—a statement contradicted by
-an ecclesiastical document of 1397—we know at least that it was even
-then the seat of a Greek bishopric, whose holder remained a suffragan
-of Corinth[287] till the Latins captured the latter city in 1210.
-The Comneni had confirmed the liberties of a community so favourably
-situated, and the local aristocracy of Monemvasia enjoyed the privilege
-of self-government. Thanks to the public spirit of its inhabitants, the
-wisdom of the local magnates, and the strength of its natural defences,
-which made it in the Middle Ages the Gibraltar of Greece, it had repelled
-the attack of the Normans from Sicily in the middle of the twelfth
-century. Fifty years later it was a busy sea-port town, whose ships
-were seen at the Piræus by Michael Akominatos, the last Metropolitan of
-Athens before the Conquest, and whose great artistic treasure, the famous
-picture of Our Lord being “dragged,” which has given its name to the
-Ἑλκόμενος church, attracted the covetousness of the Emperor Isaac II[288].
-
-As might have been expected from its position and history, Monemvasia was
-the last spot in the Peloponnese to acknowledge the Frankish supremacy.
-Geoffroy I Villehardouin had contented himself perforce with sending
-a body of troops to raid the country as far as the causeway, or μόνη
-ἔμβασις, which leads to the great rock-fortress and from which its
-name is derived[289]; and his son Geoffroy II seems to have meditated
-the conquest of the place[290]; but it was reserved for the third of
-the Villehardouins, soldierly Prince William, to hoist the _croix
-ancrée_ of his family over the “sacred rock” of Hellenism, which was
-in uninterrupted communication by sea with the successor of Byzantium,
-the Greek Emperor of Nice[291], and was therefore a constant source of
-annoyance to the Franks of the Peloponnese. The Prince, after elaborate
-preparations, began the siege not long after his accession in 1246.
-He summoned to his aid the great vassals of the Principality—Guy I of
-Athens, who owed him allegiance for Nauplia and Argos; the three barons
-of Eubœa; Angelo Sanudo, Duke of Naxos, with the other lords of the
-Cyclades, and the veteran Count Palatine of Cephalonia, Matteo Orsini,
-ruler of the island-realm of Odysseus[292]. But the Prince of Achaia saw
-that without the naval assistance of Venice, which had taken care that
-his principality should not become a sea-power, he could never capture
-the place. He accordingly obtained the aid of four Venetian galleys, and
-then proceeded to invest the great rock-fortress by land and water. For
-three long years the garrison held out, “like a nightingale in its cage,”
-as the Chronicler quaintly says—and the simile is most appropriate, for
-the place abounds with those songsters—till all supplies were exhausted,
-and they had eaten the very cats and mice. Even then, however, they
-only surrendered on condition that they should be excused from all
-feudal services, except at sea, and should even in that case be paid.
-True to the conciliatory policy of his family, William wisely granted
-their terms, and then the three _archontes_ of Monemvasia, Mamonas,
-Daimonoyannes, and Sophianos, advanced along the narrow causeway to his
-camp and offered him the keys of their town. The conqueror received them
-with the respect of one brave man for another, loaded them with costly
-gifts, and gave them fiefs at Vatika near Cape Malea. A Frankish garrison
-was installed in the coveted fortress; and a Latin bishop, Oddo of
-Verdun, at last occupied the episcopal palace there, which had been his
-(on paper) ever since Innocent III[293] had organised the Latin see of
-Monemvasia as one of the suffragans of Corinth.
-
-The Frankish occupation lasted, however, barely fourteen years, and has
-left no marks on the picturesque town. Buchon, indeed, who spied the
-Villehardouin arms on the Gorgoepekoos church at Athens, thought that he
-had discovered the famous _croix ancrée_ on one of the churches[294].
-He apparently meant the Ἑλκόμενος church, which the late Sir T. Wyse
-called and Murray’s _Handbook_ still calls St Peter’s—a name not now
-known in Monemvasia, but derived perhaps from an inscription to a certain
-_Dominus Petrus_, whose remains “lie in peace” hard by. One church in
-the town, “Our Lady of the Myrtle,” bears, it is true, a cross with
-anchored work below, and four stars above the door. But this church,
-as I was informed and as the name implies, was founded by people from
-Cerigo, whose patron saint is the Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα (Plate III, Fig.
-1). The capture of the town by the Franks is, however, still remembered
-at Monemvasia, and local tradition points out the place on the mainland
-where Villehardouin left his cavalry. One pathetic event occurred at the
-rock during the brief Frankish period—the visit of the last Latin Emperor
-of Constantinople, Baldwin II, in 1261, on his way from his lost capital
-to Italy[295]. In the following year Monemvasia was one of the castles
-ceded to his successor, the Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, as the
-ransom of Prince William of Achaia, captured by the Greeks three years
-earlier after the fatal battle of Pelagonia.
-
-The mediæval importance of Monemvasia really dates from this retrocession
-to the Byzantine Emperor in 1262, when a Byzantine province was
-established in the south-east of the Morea. It not only became the seat
-of an Imperial governor, or κεφαλή, but it was the landing-place where
-the Imperial troops were disembarked for operations against the Franks,
-the port where the Tzakones and the _Gasmoûloi_, or half-castes, of the
-Peloponnese enlisted for service in the Greek navy. During the war which
-began in 1263 between Michael VIII and his late captive, we accordingly
-frequently find it mentioned; it was thither that the Genoese transports
-in the Imperial service conveyed the Greek troops; it was thither, too,
-that the news of the first breach of the peace was carried post-haste,
-and thence communicated to Constantinople; it was there that the Imperial
-generals took up their headquarters at the outset of the campaign;
-and it was upon the Monemvasiotes that the combatants, when they were
-reconciled, agreed to lay the blame for the war[296]. Under the shadow
-of the Greek flag, Monemvasia became, too, one of the most dangerous
-lairs of corsairs in the Levant. The great local families did not
-disdain to enter the profession, and we read of both the Daimonoyannai
-and the Mamonades in the report of the Venetian judges, who drew up a
-long statement in 1278 of the depredations caused by pirates to Venetian
-commerce in the Levant. On one occasion the citizens looked calmly on
-while a flagrant act of piracy was being committed in their harbour,
-which, as the port of shipment for Malmsey wine, attracted corsairs
-who were also connoisseurs[297]. Moreover, the Greek occupation of so
-important a position was fatal to the Venetian lords of the neighbouring
-islands, no less than to Venetian trade in the Ægean. The chief sufferers
-were the two Marquesses of Cerigo and Cerigotto, members of the great
-families of Venier and Viaro, who had occupied those islands after the
-Fourth Crusade. It would appear from a confused passage of the Italian
-Memoir on Cerigo, that the islanders, impatient at the treatment which
-they received from their Latin lord, the descendant, as he boasted, of
-the island-goddess Venus herself, sent a deputation to invoke the aid of
-the Greek governor of the new Byzantine province in the Morea[298]. At
-any rate, the famous cruise of Licario, the upstart Italian of Negroponte
-who went over to the Greeks, temporarily ended the rule of the Venetian
-Marquesses. A governor was sent to Cerigo from Monemvasia; but ere
-long Michael VIII conferred that island upon the eminent Monemvasiote
-_archon_, Paul Monoyannes, who is described in a Venetian document
-as being in 1275 “the vassal of the Emperor and captain of Cerigo.”
-Monoyannes fortified the island, where his tomb was discovered during the
-British protectorate, and it remained in the possession of his family
-till 1309, when intermarriage between the children of its Greek and Latin
-lords restored Cerigo to the Venieri[299].
-
-[Illustration: PLATE II
-
-Fig. 1. MONEMVASIA FROM THE LAND.
-
-Fig. 2. MONEMVASIA. ENTRANCE TO KASTRO.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE III
-
-Fig. 1. MONEMVASIA. Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα.
-
-Fig. 2. MONEMVASIA. Ἁγία Σοφία.]
-
-The Byzantine Emperors naturally rewarded a community so useful to them
-as that of Monemvasia. Michael VIII granted its citizens valuable fiscal
-exemptions; his pious son and successor, Andronikos II not only confirmed
-their privileges and possessions, but founded the church of the Divine
-Wisdom which still stands in the castle. The adjoining cloister has
-fallen in ruins; the Turks after 1540 converted the church, like the
-more famous Santa Sophia of Constantinople, into a mosque, the _mihrab_
-of which may still be traced, and smashed all the heads of the saints
-which once adorned the church—an edifice reckoned as ancient even in the
-days of the Venetian occupation, when a Monemvasiote family had the _jus
-patronatus_ over it (Plate III, Fig. 2). But a fine Byzantine plaque over
-the door—two peacocks and two lambs—still preserves the memory of the
-Byzantine connexion. Of Andronikos II we have, too, another Monemvasiote
-memorial—the Golden Bull of 1293, by which he gave to the Metropolitan
-the title of “Exarch of all the Peloponnese,” with jurisdiction over
-eight bishoprics, some, it is true, still _in partibus infidelium_, as
-well as the titular Metropolitan throne of Side, and confirmed all the
-rights and property of his diocese, which was raised to be the tenth
-of the Empire and extended, at any rate on paper, right across the
-peninsula to “Pylos, which is called Avarinos”—a convincing proof of the
-error made by Hopf in supposing that the name of Navarino arose from the
-Navarrese company a century later. The Emperor lauds in this interesting
-document, which bears his portrait and is still preserved in the National
-Library and (in a copy) in the Christian Archæological Museum at Athens,
-the convenience and safe situation of the town, the number of its
-inhabitants, their affluence and their technical skill, their seafaring
-qualities, and their devotion to his throne and person. His grandson and
-namesake, Andronikos III, in 1332 granted them freedom from market-dues
-at the Peloponnesian fairs[300]. But a city so prosperous was sure to
-attract the covetous glances of enemies. Accordingly, in 1292, Roger
-de Lluria, the famous admiral of King James of Aragon, on the excuse
-that the Emperor had failed to pay the subsidy promised by his father
-to the late King Peter, descended upon Monemvasia, and sacked the lower
-town without a blow. The _archontes_ and the people took refuge in the
-impregnable citadel, leaving their property and their Metropolitan in
-the power of the enemy[301]. Ten years later, another Roger, Roger de
-Flor, the leader of the Catalan Grand Company, put into Monemvasia on
-his way to the East on that memorable expedition which was destined to
-ruin “the pleasaunce of the Latins” in the Levant. On this occasion the
-Catalans were naturally on their good behaviour. Monemvasia belonged
-to their new employer, the Emperor Andronikos; it had been stipulated
-that they should receive the first instalment of their pay there;
-and Muntaner[302] tells us that the Imperial authorities gave them a
-courteous reception and provided them with refreshments, including
-probably a few barrels of the famous Malmsey.
-
-Monemvasia fortunately escaped the results of the Catalan expedition,
-which proved so fatal to the Duchy of Athens and profoundly affected the
-North and West of the Morea. Indeed, in the early part of the fourteenth
-century the corsairs of the great rock seemed to have actually seized the
-classic island of Salamis under the eyes of the Catalan rulers of Athens,
-whose naval forces in the Saronic Gulf had been purposely crippled by
-the jealous Venetian Government. At any rate we find Salamis, which
-had previously belonged to Bonifacio da Verona, the baron of Karystos
-in Eubœa, and had passed with the hand of his daughter and heiress to
-Alfonso Fadrique, the head of the terrible Catalan Company in Attica,
-now paying tribute to the Byzantine governor of Monemvasia[303]. When,
-however, towards the end of the fourteenth century, the Greeks began to
-recover most of the Peloponnese, the city which had been so valuable to
-them in the earlier days of the reconquest of the Morea had to compete
-with formidable rivals. In 1397, when Theodore I Palaiologos obtained,
-after a desperate struggle, the great fortress of Corinth, which had
-been his wife’s dowry from her father, Nerio Acciajuoli, his first
-act was to restore the Metropolitan see of that ancient city, and the
-first demand of the restored Metropolitan was for the restitution to
-him by his brother of Monemvasia of the two suffragan bishoprics of
-Zemenos and Maina, which had been given to the latter’s predecessor
-after the Latin conquest of Corinth[304]. This demand was granted, and
-we are not surprised to hear that the Monemvasiotes were disaffected to
-the Despot, under whom such a slight had been cast upon their Church.
-The Moreote _archontes_ at this period were intensely independent of
-the Despot of Mistra, even though the latter was the brother of the
-Emperor. The most unruly of them all was Paul Mamonas of Monemvasia,
-who belonged to the great local family which had been to the fore in
-the days of Villehardouin. This man held the office of “Grand-Duke”
-or Lord High Admiral in the Byzantine hierarchy of officials and
-claimed the hereditary right to rule as an independent princelet over
-his native city, of which his father had been Imperial governor. When
-Theodore asserted his authority, and expelled the haughty _archon_, the
-latter did not hesitate to arraign him before the supreme authority of
-those degenerate days—the Sultan Bayezid I who ordered his immediate
-restoration by Turkish troops—a humiliation alike for the Greek Despot
-and for the sacred city of Hellenism[305]. Theodore had, indeed, at one
-time thought of bestowing so unruly a community upon a Venetian of tried
-merit; and, in 1419, after the death of Paul’s son, the Republic was
-supposed by Hopf to have come into possession of the coveted rock and
-its surroundings—then a valuable commercial asset because of the Malmsey
-which was still produced there[306]. But the three documents, upon which
-he relies for this statement, merely show that Venetian merchants were
-engaged in the wine-trade at Monemvasia.
-
-It was at this period that Monemvasia produced two men of letters, George
-Phrantzes and the Monk Isidore. To the latter we owe a series of letters,
-one of which, addressed to the Emperor Manuel II on the occasion of his
-famous visit to the Morea in 1415, describes his pacification of Maina
-and his abolition of the barbarous custom of cutting off the fingers
-and toes of the slain, which the Mainates had inherited from the Greeks
-of Æschylus and Sophocles. He also alludes to the Greek inscriptions
-which he saw at Vitylo[307]. Of Phrantzes, the historian of the Turkish
-conquest, the secretary and confidant of the Palaiologoi, the clever if
-somewhat unscrupulous diplomatist, who, after a busy life, lies buried
-in the quiet church of Sts Jason and Sosipater at Corfù, it is needless
-to speak. In the opinion of the writer, Phrantzes should hold a high
-place in Byzantine history. His style is clear and simple, compared with
-that of his contemporary Chalkokondyles, the ornate Herodotus of the new
-Persian Conquest; he knew men and things; he was no mere theologian or
-rhetorician, but a man of affairs; and he wrote with a _naïveté_, which
-is as amusing as it is surprising in one of his profession. Monemvasia
-may be proud of having produced such a man, who has placed in his
-history a glowing account of his birthplace. We hear too in 1540 of a
-certain George, called “Count of Corinth” but a native of Monemvasia,
-who had a fine library, and among the many Peloponnesian calligraphists,
-the so-called “Murmures,” found later on in Italy, there were some
-Monemvasiotes[308].
-
-We next find Monemvasia in the possession of the Despot Theodore II
-Palaiologos[309], who ratified its ancient privileges. All the Despot’s
-subjects, whether freemen or serfs, were permitted to enter or leave
-this important city without let or hindrance, except only the dangerous
-denizens of Tzakonia and Vatika, whose character had not altered in the
-two hundred years which had elapsed since the time of Villehardouin. The
-citizens, their beasts, and their ships were exempt from forced labour;
-and, at their special request, the Despot confirmed the local custom,
-by which all the property of a Monemvasiote who died without relatives
-was devoted to the repair of the castle; while, if he had only distant
-relatives, one-third of his estate was reserved for that purpose (Plate
-V, Fig. 1). This system of death duties (τὸ ἀβιωτίκιον, as it was called)
-was continued by Theodore’s brother and successor, Demetrios, by whom
-Monemvasia was described as “one of the most useful cities under my
-rule[310].” Such, indeed, he found it to be, when, in 1458, Mohammed II
-made his first punitive expedition into the Morea. On the approach of
-the great Sultan, the Despot fled to the rock of Monemvasia. It was the
-ardent desire of the Conqueror to capture that famous fortress, “the
-strongest of all cities that we know,” as the contemporary Athenian
-historian, Chalkokondyles[311], called it. But his advisers represented
-to him the difficult nature of the country which he would have to
-traverse, so he prudently desisted from the enterprise. Two years later,
-when Mohammed II visited the Morea a second time and finally destroyed
-Greek rule in that peninsula, Monemvasia again held out successfully.
-After sheltering Demetrios against an attack from his treacherous brother
-Thomas, the town gave refuge to the wife and daughter of the former.
-Demetrios had, however, promised to give his daughter in marriage to the
-great Sultan; and Isa, son of the Pasha of Üsküb, and Matthew Asan, the
-Despot’s brother-in-law, were accordingly sent to demand the surrender of
-the city and of the two princesses, whom it contained. The Monemvasiotes
-did, indeed, hand over the two Imperial ladies to the envoys of the
-Sultan and the Despot; but, relying on their immense natural defences,
-animated by the sturdy spirit of independence which had so long
-distinguished them, and inspired by the example of their governor, Manuel
-Palaiologos, they bade them tell Mohammed not to lay sacrilegious hands
-on a city which God had meant to be invincible. The Sultan is reported
-to have admired their courage, and wisely refrained from attacking the
-impregnable fortress of mediæval Hellenism. As Demetrios was the prisoner
-of the Sultan, the Governor proclaimed Thomas as his liege-lord; but
-the latter, a fugitive from Greece, was incapable of maintaining his
-sovereignty and tried to exchange it with the Sultan for another sea-side
-place[312]. A passing Catalan corsair, one Lope de Baldaja, was then
-invited to occupy the rock; but the liberty-loving inhabitants soon drove
-out the petty tyrant whom they had summoned to their aid, and, with the
-consent of Thomas, placed their city under the protection of his patron,
-the Pope. Pius II gladly appointed both spiritual and temporal governors
-of the fortress which had so long been the stronghold of Orthodoxy, and
-of that nationalism with which Orthodoxy was identical[313].
-
-But the papal flag did not wave long over Monemvasia. The Orthodox Greeks
-soon grew tired of forming part of the Pope’s temporal dominion, and
-preferred the rule of Venice, the strongest maritime power interested
-in the Levant, whose governors were well known to be “first Venetians
-and then Catholics.” The outbreak of the Turco-Venetian War of 1463, and
-the appearance of a Venetian fleet in the Ægean, gave the citizens their
-opportunity. The Pope, as Phrantzes informs us, had no wish to give up
-the place; but he was far away, his representative was feeble, the flag
-of Venice was for the moment triumphant in Greek waters, and accordingly
-in 1463 or 1464, the inhabitants admitted a Venetian garrison. On
-September 21, 1464, the Senate made provision for the government of
-this new dependency. A _Podestà_ was to be elected for two years at an
-annual salary of 500 gold ducats, this salary to be paid every three
-months out of the revenues of the newly-conquered island of Lemnos. Six
-months later, it was decreed that in case there was no money available
-for the purpose at Lemnos, the _Podestà_ should receive his salary from
-the Cretan treasury[314]. From that time to 1540 Monemvasia remained a
-Venetian colony. Once, indeed, a plot was organised in the ancient city
-of the Palaiologoi for the purpose of wresting the place from the claws
-of the Lion of St Mark. Andrew Palaiologos, the still more degenerate
-son of the degenerate Thomas, had, in 1494, transferred all his Imperial
-rights and claims to King Charles VIII of France, then engaged in his
-expedition to Naples, in the Church of San Pietro in Montorio at Rome.
-In accordance with this futile arrangement his partisans at Monemvasia,
-where the Imperial name of Palaiologos was still popular, schemed to
-deliver the city to his French ally[315]. But the plans of Charles VIII,
-and with them the plot at Monemvasia, came to nought. Venice remained
-mistress of the Virgin fortress.
-
-[Illustration: PLATE IV
-
-MONEMVASIA. KASTRO.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE V
-
-Fig. 1. MONEMVASIA. TOWN WALLS AND GATE.
-
-Fig. 2. MONEMVASIA. MODERN TOWN AT BASE OF CLIFF.]
-
-Down to the peace of 1502-3, Monemvasia seems to have been fairly
-prosperous under Venetian rule. By the Turco-Venetian treaty of 1479
-she had been allowed to retain the dependency of Vatika[316] in the
-neighbourhood of Cape Malea, which had been captured from the Turks
-in 1463, and where her citizens had long possessed property. But the
-territories of Monemvasia were terribly restricted after the next
-Turco-Venetian war: she had then lost her outlying castles of Rampano
-and Vatika, from which the ecclesiastical authorities derived much
-of their dues; and we find the inhabitants petitioning the Republic
-for the redress of their grievances, and pointing out that this last
-delimitation of their frontiers had deprived them of the lands which they
-had been wont to sow. The rock itself produced nothing, and accordingly
-all their supplies of corn had now to be imported through the Turkish
-possessions[317]. As for the famous vintage, which had been the delight
-of Western connoisseurs, it was no longer produced at Malvasia, for
-the Turks did not cultivate the vineyards which were now in their
-hands, and most of the so-called “Malmsey,” _nihil de Malfasia habens
-sed nomen_, as worthy Father Faber says, had for some time come from
-Crete or Modon[318], till the latter place, too, became Turkish. But,
-in spite of these losses, Monemvasia still remained what she had been
-for centuries—an impregnable fortress, the Gibraltar of Greece. The
-Venetians renewed the system, which had prevailed under the Despots of
-the Morea, of devoting one of the local imposts to the repair of the
-walls; the Venetian _Podestà_, who lived, like the military governor, up
-in the castle, seems to have been a popular official; and the Republic
-had wisely confirmed the special privileges granted by the Byzantine
-Emperors to the Church and community of this favoured city (Plate IV).
-Both a Greek Metropolitan and a Latin Archbishop continued to take their
-titles from Monemvasia, and the most famous of these prelates was the
-eminent Greek scholar, Markos Mousouros. It is interesting to note that
-in 1521 Pope Leo X had a scheme for founding an academy for the study of
-the Greek language out of the revenues of whichever of these sees first
-fell vacant, as Arsenios Apostoles, at that time Metropolitan, was a
-learned Greek and a Uniate, and in both capacities, a prime favourite of
-the classically cultured Pontiff. In 1524, however, despite the thunders
-of the Œcumenical Patriarch, the Greek and the Italian prelates agreed
-among themselves that the former should retain the see of Monemvasia and
-that the latter should take a Cretan diocese[319]. The connection between
-“the great Greek island” and this rocky peninsula was now close. The
-Greek priests of Crete, who had formerly gone to the Venetian colonies
-of Modon and Coron for consecration, after the loss of those colonies in
-1500 came to Monemvasia; the Cretan exchequer continued to contribute
-to the expenses of the latter; and judicial appeals from the _Podestà_
-of Malmsey lay to the colonial authorities at Candia, instead of being
-remitted to Venice; for, as a Monemvasiote deputation once plaintively
-said, the expenses of the long journey had been defrayed by pawning the
-chalices of the churches. Even now Monemvasia is remote from the world;
-in those Venetian days she was seldom visited, not only because of her
-situation, but because of the fear which ships’ captains had of her
-inhabitants[320].
-
-The humiliating peace of 1540, which closed the Turco-Venetian war
-of 1537, closed also the history of Venice in the Morea till the
-brief revival at the close of the seventeenth century. This shameful
-treaty cost the Republic her two last possessions on the mainland of
-Greece—Nauplia and Monemvasia, both still uncaptured and the latter
-scarcely assailed by the Turkish forces[321]. Admiral Mocenigo was sent
-to break as best he could to her loyal subjects the sad news that the
-Republic had abandoned their homes to the Turks. The Venetian envoy, if
-we may believe the speech which Paruta puts into his mouth, repeated to
-the weeping people the ancient adage, _ubi bene, ibi patria_, and pointed
-out to them that they would be better off in a new abode less exposed
-than their native cities had been to the Turkish peril. In November a
-Venetian fleet arrived in the beautiful bay of Nauplia and off the sacred
-rock of Monemvasia to remove the soldiers, the artillery, and all the
-inhabitants who wished to live under Venetian rule. Then the banner of
-the Evangelist was lowered, the keys of the two last Venetian fortresses
-in the Morea were handed to Kassim Pasha, and the receipts for their
-transfer were sent to Venice[322].
-
-[Illustration: Fig. 2. ARMS ON WELL-HEAD IN THE CASTLE.]
-
-The inhabitants of the two cities had been loyal to Venice, and Venice
-was loyal to them. The first idea of transporting the Monemvasiotes to
-the rocky island of Cerigo—then partly a Venetian colony and partly
-under the rule of the great Venetian family of Venier, which boasted
-its descent from Venus, the fabled goddess of Kythera—was abandoned, in
-deference to the eloquent protests of the Metropolitan, and lands were
-assigned to the exiles in the more fertile colonies of the Republic.
-A commission of five nobles was appointed to consider the claims, and
-provide for the settlement, of the _stradioti_, or light horsemen from
-Nauplia and Monemvasia, who had fought like heroes against the Turks;
-and this commission sat for several years, for the claimants were
-numerous and not all genuine[323]. Some, like the ancient local family of
-Daimonoyannes, formerly lords of Cerigo, received lands in Crete[324],
-where various members of the Athenian branch of the great Florentine
-family of the Medici, which had been settled for two hundred years at
-Nauplia, also found a home. Scions of the clan of Mamonas went to Zante
-and Crete, and are found later on at Corinth, Nauplia, Athens and Corfù.
-Others were removed to Corfù, where they soon formed an integral part
-of the Corfiote population and where the name of these _stradioti_ is
-still preserved in a locality of the island; while others again were
-transplanted to Cephalonia, Cyprus, or Dalmatia. Not a few of them were
-soon, however, smitten with home-sickness; they sold their new lands and
-returned to be Turkish subjects at Nauplia and Monemvasia[325].
-
-The Venetian fortifications; the old Venetian pictures on the
-eikonostasis of the Ἑλκόμενος church; the quaint Italian chimneys, and
-the well-head up in the castle, which bears the winged lion of St Mark,
-two private coats of arms, the date MDXIV and the initials S R upon it,
-the latter those of Sebastiano Renier, _Podestà_ from 1510 to 1512 (to
-whom the first coat belongs, while the second is that of Antonio Garzoni,
-_Podestà_ in 1526 and again in 1538, when he was the last _Podestà_
-before the Turkish conquest), still speak to us of this first Venetian
-occupation, when the ancient Byzantine city, after the brief vicissitudes
-of French and Papal government, found shelter for nearly eighty years
-beneath the flag of the Evangelist (Plate V, Fig. 2 and Text-fig. 2).
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-TWO VENETIAN DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE ACQUISITION OF MONEMVASIA IN 1464
-
-
-I.—_Regina_ fol. 52.
-
-                       MCCCCLXIIIJ indictione xij.
-
-        Die xxi Septembris.
-
-    Cum per gratiam omnipotentis Dei acquista sit in partibus
-    grecie insula Staliminis dives et opulenta in qua sunt tres
-    terre cum Castellis viz Cochinum, Mudrum et Paleocastrum que
-    tempore pacis reddere solent ducatos circa xᵐ. Item etiam
-    Civitas Malvasie sita in Amorea. Ad quorum locorum bonam
-    gubernationem et conservationem sub obedientia nostri Dominii
-    providendum est de rectoribus et camerariis e venetiis
-    mittendis tam pro populis regendis et jure reddendo quam pro
-    introitibus earum bene gubernandis et non perdendis sicut
-    hucusque dicitur esse factum....
-
-    Eligatur per quattuor manus electionum in maiori consilio
-    unus potestas Malvasie cum salario ducatorum V. auri in anno,
-    sit per duos annos tantum; et habeat salarium liberum cum
-    prerogativis et exemptionibus rectoris Staliminis et similiter
-    in contumacia sua. Debeat habere duos famulos et tres equos et
-    recipiat salarium suum ab insula Staliminis de tribus mensibus
-    in tres menses ante tempus.
-
-                          †De parte        474
-                           De non           14
-                           Non syncere       9
-
-    Die xvij Septembris mcccclxiiij in consilio di xlᵗᵃ.
-
-                           De parte         26
-                           De non            0
-                           Non sync.         1
-
-
-
-II.—_Regina_ fol. 56.
-
-        Die iij Marcii 1465.
-
-    Captum est in maiori Consilio: Quod Rector monouasie elegendus
-    de tribus in tres menses habere debeat salarium suum a loco
-    nostro stalimnis et quum facile accidere posset per magnas
-    impensas quas idem stalimnis locus habet quod inde salarium
-    ipsum suum habere non posset.... Vadit pars quod in quantum
-    idem rector noster monouasie a Stalimnis insula salarium ipsum
-    suum habere non posset juxta formam presentis electionis sue a
-    camera nostra crete illud percipere debeat sicuti conueniens et
-    honestum est de tribus in tres menses juxta formam presentis
-    ipsius.
-
-                          †De parte        573
-                           De non           39
-                           Non syncere      42
-
-
-THREE VENETIAN DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE WINE-TRADE AT MONEMVASIA
-
-(I have altered the Venetian dates to Modern Style):
-
-                                                     _Jan. 9, 1420._
-
-        _Capta._
-
-    Attenta humili et devota supplicatione fidelium civium
-    nostrorum mercatorum Monavaxie et Romanie et considerate quod
-    mercantia huiusmodi vinorum hoc anno parvum vel nichil valuit,
-    ob quod ipsi mercatores multa et maxima damna sustinuerunt, ob
-    quibus (_sic_) nullo modo possunt ad terminum quatuor mensium
-    sibi limitatum solvere eorum datia prout nobis supplicaverunt;
-    Vadit pars quod ultra terminum quatuor mensium sibi concessum
-    per terram ad solvendum datia sua pro suis monavasiis et
-    romaniis, concedatur eisdem et prorogetur dictus terminus usque
-    ad duos menses ultra predictos menses quatuor sibi statuitos
-    per terram ut supra dando plezariam ita bonam et sufficientem
-    pro ista prorogatione termini, quod comune nostrum sit securum
-    de datio suo, solvendo ad terminum debitum.
-
-                             De parte omnes.
-
-    (Archivio di State Venezia—Deliberazioni Senate Misti Reg. 53.
-    c. 21.)
-
-                                                    _Feb. 19, 1421._
-
-        _Capta._
-
-    Quod audita devota supplicatione fidelium civium nostrorum
-    mercatorum Romanie et Monovasie Venetiis existentium, et
-    intellectis damnis que receperunt iam annis tribus de ipsis
-    vinis et maxime hoc anno quia per piratas accepte sibi fuerunt
-    plures vegetes huiusmodi vinorum, et considerato quod ilia que
-    habent non possunt expedire, propter que damna non possunt
-    solvere sua datia ad terminum sibi limitatum per ordines
-    nostros. Et audita superinde responsione offitialium nostrorum
-    datii vini ex nunc captum sit quod ultra dictum terminum sibi
-    limitatum per ordines nostros elongetur terminus solvendi dicta
-    datia ipsorum vinorum usque duos alios menses.
-
-                             De parte omnes.
-                             De non       0.
-                             Non sinceri  0.
-
-    (Archivio di State Venezia—Deliberazioni Senato Misti Reg. 53.
-    c. 112.)
-
-                                                     _Feb. 9, 1428._
-
-                         In Consilio Rogatorum.
-
-        _Capta._
-
-    Quod mercatoribus Monovaxie et Romanie, qui non potuerunt
-    expedire vina sua propter novitates presentes elongetur
-    terminus solvendi datia sua per unum mensem ultra terminum
-    limitatum per ordines nostros.
-
-                          De parte omnes alii.
-                          De non            2.
-                          Non sinceri       1.
-
-    (Archivio di Stato Venezia—Deliberazioni Senato Misti Reg. 56.
-    carte. 76tᵒ.)
-
-
-10. THE MARQUISATE OF BOUDONITZA (1204-1414)
-
-Of all the feudal lordships, founded in Northern Greece at the time of
-the Frankish Conquest, the most important and the most enduring was
-the Marquisate of Boudonitza. Like the Venieri and the Viari in the
-two islands of Cerigo and Cerigotto at the extreme south, the lords of
-Boudonitza were Marquesses in the literal sense of the term—wardens of
-the Greek Marches—and they maintained their responsible position on
-the outskirts of the Duchy of Athens until after the establishment of
-the Turks in Thessaly. Apart, too, from its historic importance, the
-Marquisate of Boudonitza possesses the romantic glamour which is shed
-over a famous classical site by the chivalry of the middle ages. What
-stranger accident could there have been than that which made two noble
-Italian families the successive guardians of the historic pass which is
-for ever associated with the death of Leonidas!
-
-Among the adventurers who accompanied Boniface of Montferrat, the new
-King of Salonika, on his march into Greece in the autumn of 1204, was
-Guido Pallavicini, the youngest son of a nobleman from near Parma who had
-gone to the East because at home every common man could hale him before
-the courts[326]. This was the vigorous personality who, in the eyes of
-his conquering chief, seemed peculiarly suited to watch over the pass of
-Thermopylæ, whence the Greek _archon_, Leon Sgouros, had fled at the mere
-sight of the Latins in their coats of mail. Accordingly, he invested him
-with the fief of Boudonitza, and ere long, on the Hellenic substructures
-of Pharygæ, rose the imposing fortress of the Italian Marquesses.
-
-The site was admirably chosen, and is, indeed, one of the finest in
-Greece. The village of Boudonitza, Bodonitza, or Mendenitza, as it is
-now called, lies at a distance of three and a half hours on horseback
-from the baths of Thermopylæ and nearly an hour and a half from the
-top of the pass which leads across the mountains to Dadi at the foot
-of Parnassos. The castle, which is visible for more than an hour as
-we approach from Thermopylæ, stands on a hill which bars the valley
-and occupies a truly commanding position (Plate VI, Figs. 1 and 2).
-The Warden of the Marches, in the Frankish times, could watch from its
-battlements the blue Maliac Gulf with the even then important town
-of Stylida, the landing-place for Zetounion, or Lamia; his eye could
-traverse the channel up to, and beyond, the entrance to the Gulf of
-Almiro, as the Gulf of Volo was then called; in the distance he could
-descry two of the Northern Sporades—Skiathos and Skopelos—at first in the
-hands of the friendly Ghisi, then reconquered by the hostile Byzantine
-forces. The northernmost of the three Lombard baronies of Eubœa with the
-bright streak which marks the baths of Ædepsos, and the little island of
-Panaia, or Canaia, between Eubœa and the mainland, which was one of the
-last remnants of Italian rule in this part of Greece, lay outstretched
-before him; and no pirate craft could come up the Atalante channel
-without his knowledge. Landwards, the view is bounded by vast masses
-of mountains, but the danger was not yet from that quarter, while a
-rocky gorge, the bed of a dry torrent, isolates one side of the castle.
-Such was the site where, for more than two centuries, the Marquesses of
-Boudonitza watched, as advanced sentinels, first of “new France” and then
-of Christendom.
-
-The extent of the Marquisate cannot be exactly defined. In the early
-years after the Conquest we find the first Marquess part-owner of
-Lamia[327]; his territory extended down to the sea, upon which later
-on his successors had considerable commercial transactions, and the
-harbour from which they obtained their supplies would seem to have been
-simply called the _skala_ of Boudonitza. In 1332 Adam, the Archbishop
-of Antivari, alludes to the “castle and port of Boudonice (_sic_),
-through which we shall have in abundance grain of all kinds from
-Wallachia” (_i.e._ Thessaly, the “Great Wallachia” of the Byzantine
-historians and of the “Chronicle of the Morea”)[328]. The Pallavicini’s
-southern frontier marched with the Athenian _seigneurie_; but their
-feudal relations were not with Athens, but with Achaia. Whether or no
-we accept the story of the “Chronicle of the Morea,” that Boniface of
-Montferrat conferred the suzerainty of Boudonitza upon Guillaume de
-Champlitte, or the more probable story of the elder Sanudo, that the
-Emperor Baldwin II gave it to Geoffroy II de Villehardouin[329], it
-is certain that later on the Marquess was one of the twelve peers of
-Achaia[330], and in 1278 Charles I of Naples, in his capacity of Prince
-of Achaia, accordingly notified the appointment of a bailie of the
-principality to the Marchioness of that day[331]. It was only during
-the Catalan period that the Marquess came to be reckoned as a feudatory
-of Athens[332]. Within his dominions was situated a Roman Catholic
-episcopal see—that of Thermopylæ, dependent upon the metropolitan see of
-Athens. At first the bishop resided at the town which bore that name; on
-its destruction, however, during those troublous times, the bishop and
-canons built an oratory at Boudonitza. Even there, however, the pirates
-penetrated and killed the bishop, whereupon in 1209 the then occupant
-of the see, the third of the series, begged Innocent III to allow him
-to move to the abbey of “Communio”—perhaps a monastery founded by one
-of the Comneni—within the same district[333]. Towards the close of
-the fourteenth century, the bishop was commonly known by the title of
-“Boudonitza,” because he resided there, and his see was then one of the
-four within the confines of the Athenian Duchy[334].
-
-[Illustration: PLATE VI
-
-Fig. 1. BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE WEST.
-
-Fig. 2. BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE EAST.]
-
-[Illustration: PLATE VII
-
-Fig. 1. BOUDONITZA. THE KEEP AND THE HELLENIC GATEWAY.
-
-Fig. 2. BOUDONITZA. THE HELLENIC GATEWAY.]
-
-Guido, first Marquess of Boudonitza, the “Marchesopoulo,” as his Greek
-subjects called him, played a very important part in both the political
-and ecclesiastical history of his time—just the part which we should have
-expected from a man of his lawless disposition. The “Chronicle” above
-quoted represents him as present at the siege of Corinth. He and his
-brother, whose name may have been Rubino, were among the leaders of the
-Lombard rebellion against the Latin Emperor Henry in 1209; he obstinately
-refused to attend the first Parliament of Ravenika in May of that
-year; and, leaving his castle undefended, he retreated with the still
-recalcitrant rebels behind the stronger walls of the Kadmeia at Thebes.
-This incident procured for Boudonitza the honour of its only Imperial
-visit; for the Emperor Henry lay there one evening—a certain Wednesday—on
-his way to Thebes, and thence rode, as the present writer has ridden,
-through the _closure_, or pass, which leads over the mountains and down
-to Dadi and the Bœotian plain—then, as now, the shortest route from
-Boudonitza to the Bœotian capital[335], and at that time the site of a
-church of our Lady, _Sta Maria de Clusurio_, the property of the abbot
-and canons of the Lord’s Temple. Like most of his fellow-nobles, the
-Marquess was not over-respectful of the rights and property of the Church
-to which he belonged. If he granted the strong position of Lamia to the
-Templars, he secularised property belonging to his bishop and displayed
-a marked unwillingness to pay tithes. We find him, however, with his
-fellows, signing the _concordat_ which was drawn up to regulate the
-relations between Church and State at the second Parliament of Ravenika
-in May, 1210[336].
-
-As one of the leading nobles of the Latin kingdom of Salonika, Guido
-continued to be associated with its fortunes. In 1221 we find him acting
-as bailie for the Regent Margaret during the minority of the young
-King Demetrius, in whose name he ratified a convention with the clergy
-respecting the property of the Church[337]. His territory became the
-refuge of the Catholic Archbishop of Larissa, upon whom the bishopric of
-Thermopylæ was temporarily conferred by Honorius III, when the Greeks of
-Epeiros drove him from his see. And when the ephemeral kingdom had fallen
-before them, the same Pope, in 1224, ordered Geoffroy II de Villehardouin
-of Achaia, Othon de la Roche of Athens, and the three Lombard barons of
-Eubœa to aid in defending the castle of Boudonitza, and rejoiced that
-1300 _hyperperi_ had been subscribed by the prelates and clergy for its
-defence, so that it could be held by “G. lord of the aforesaid castle,”
-till the arrival of the Marquess William of Montferrat[338]. Guido was
-still living on May 2, 1237, when he made his will. Soon after that date
-he probably died; Hopf[339] states in his genealogy, without citing any
-authority, that he was killed by the Greeks. He had survived most of
-his fellow-Crusaders; and, in consequence of the Greek reconquest of
-Thessaly, his Marquisate was now, with the doubtful exception of Larissa,
-the northernmost of the Frankish fiefs, the veritable “March” of Latin
-Hellas.
-
-Guido had married a Burgundian lady named Sibylle, possibly a daughter
-of the house of Cicon, lately established in Greece, and therefore a
-cousin of Guy de la Roche of Athens. By her he had two daughters and a
-son, Ubertino, who succeeded him as second Marquess. Despite the feudal
-tie which should have bound him to the Prince of Achaia, and which he
-boldly repudiated, Ubertino assisted his cousin, the “Great Lord” of
-Athens, in the fratricidal war between those prominent Frankish rulers,
-which culminated in the defeat of the Athenians at the battle of Karydi
-in 1258, where the Marquess was present, and whence he accompanied Guy
-de la Roche in his retreat to Thebes. In the following year, however,
-he obeyed the summons of the Prince of Achaia to take part in the fatal
-campaign in aid of the Despot Michael II of Epeiros against the Greek
-Emperor of Nice, which ended on the plain of Pelagonia; and in 1263, when
-the Prince, after his return from his Greek prison, made war against
-the Greeks of the newly established Byzantine province in the Morea,
-the Marquess of Boudonitza was once more summoned to his aid[340]. The
-revival of Greek power in Eubœa at this period, and the frequent acts
-of piracy in the Atalante channel were of considerable detriment to the
-people of Boudonitza, whose food supplies were at times intercepted by
-the corsairs[341]. But the Marquess Ubertino profited by the will of
-his sister Mabilia, who had married Azzo VII d’Este of Ferrara, and
-bequeathed to her brother in 1264 her property near Parma[342].
-
-After the death of Ubertino, the Marquisate, like so many Frankish
-baronies, fell into the hands of a woman. The new Marchioness of
-Boudonitza was his second sister, Isabella, who is included in the
-above-mentioned circular note, addressed to all the great magnates of
-Achaia by Charles I of Anjou, the new Prince, and notifying to them
-the appointment of Galeran d’Ivry as the Angevin vicar-general in the
-principality. On that occasion, the absence of the Marchioness was one
-of the reasons alleged by Archbishop Benedict of Patras, in the name
-of those present at Glarentza, for the refusal of homage to the new
-bailie[343]. So important was the position of the Marquisate as one of
-the twelve peerages of Achaia.
-
-The Marchioness Isabella died without children; and, accordingly, in
-1286, a disputed succession arose between her husband, a Frank settled in
-the East, and the nearest male representative of the Pallavicini family,
-her cousin Tommaso, grandson of the first Marquess’s brother, Rubino. The
-dispute was referred to Guillaume de la Roche, Duke of Athens, in his
-capacity of bailie of Achaia, before the feudal court of which a question
-relating to Boudonitza would legally come. Tommaso, however, settled the
-matter by seizing the castle, and not only maintained himself there, but
-transmitted the Marquisate to his son, Alberto[344].
-
-The fifth Marquess is mentioned as among those summoned by Philip of
-Savoy, Prince of Achaia, to the famous Parliament and tournament on the
-Isthmus of Corinth in the spring of 1305, and as having been one of
-the magnates who obeyed the call of Philip’s namesake and successor,
-Philip of Taranto, in 1307[345]. Four years later he fell, at the great
-battle of the Kephissos, fighting against the Catalans beneath the lion
-banner of Walter of Brienne[346], who by his will a few days before had
-bequeathed 100 _hyperperi_ to the church of Boudonitza[347].
-
-The Marquisate, alone of the Frankish territories north of the Isthmus,
-escaped conquest by the Catalans, though, as at Athens, a widow and her
-child were alone left to defend it. Alberto had married a rich Eubœan
-heiress, Maria dalle Carceri, a scion of the Lombard family which had
-come from Verona at the time of the Conquest. By this marriage he had
-become a hexarch, or owner of one-sixth of that great island, and is
-so officially described in the Venetian list of Greek rulers. Upon his
-death, in accordance with the rules of succession laid down in the _Book
-of the Customs of the Empire of Romania_, the Marquisate was divided
-in equal shares between his widow and his infant daughter, Guglielma.
-Maria did not, however, long remain unconsoled; indeed, political
-considerations counselled an immediate marriage with some one powerful
-enough to protect her own and her child’s interests from the Catalans of
-Athens. Hitherto the Wardens of the Northern March had only needed to
-think of the Greek enemies in front, for all the territory behind them,
-where Boudonitza was most easily assailable, had been in the hands of
-Frenchmen and friends. More fortunate than most of the high-born dames
-of Frankish Greece, the widowed Marchioness had avoided the fate of
-accepting one of her husband’s conquerors as his successor. Being thus
-free to choose, she selected as her spouse Andrea Cornaro, a Venetian of
-good family, a great personage in Crete, and Baron of Skarpanto. Cornaro
-thus, in 1312, received, by virtue of his marriage, his wife’s moiety of
-Boudonitza[348], while her daughter conferred the remaining half, by her
-subsequent union with Bartolommeo Zaccaria, upon a member of that famous
-Genoese race, which already owned Chios and was about to establish a
-dynasty in the Morea[349].
-
-Cornaro now came to reside in Eubœa, where self-interest as well as
-patriotism led him to oppose the claims of Alfonso Fadrique, the new
-viceroy of the Catalan Duchy of Athens. His opposition and the natural
-ambition of Fadrique brought down, however, upon the Marquisate the
-horrors of a Catalan invasion, and it was perhaps on this occasion
-that Bartolommeo Zaccaria was carried off as a captive and sent to a
-Sicilian prison, whence he was only released at the intervention of
-Pope John XXII. It was fortunate for the inhabitants of Boudonitza that
-Venice included Cornaro in the truce which she made with the Catalans in
-1319[350]. Four years later he followed his wife to the grave, and her
-daughter was thenceforth sole Marchioness.
-
-Guglielma Pallavicini was a true descendant of the first Marquess. Of
-all the rulers of Boudonitza, with his exception, she was the most
-self-willed, and she might be included in that by no means small
-number of strong-minded, unscrupulous, and passionate women, whom
-Frankish Greece produced and whom classic Greece might have envied as
-subjects for her tragic stage. On the death of her Genoese husband, she
-considered that both the proximity of Boudonitza to the Venetian colony
-of Negroponte and her long-standing claims to the castle of Larmena in
-that island required that she should marry a Venetian, especially as the
-decision of her claim and even her right to reside in the island depended
-upon the Venetian bailie. Accordingly, she begged the Republic to give
-her one of its nobles as her consort, and promised dutifully to accept
-whomsoever the Senate might choose. The choice fell upon Nicolò Giorgio,
-or Zorzi, to give him the Venetian form of the name, who belonged to
-a distinguished family which had given a Doge to the Republic and had
-recently assisted young Walter of Brienne in his abortive campaign to
-recover his father’s lost duchy from the Catalans. A Venetian galley
-escorted him in 1335 to the haven of Boudonitza, and a Marquess,
-the founder of a new line, once more ruled over the castle of the
-Pallavicini[351].
-
-At first there was no cause to regret the alliance. If the Catalans, now
-established at Neopatras and Lamia, within a few hours of Boudonitza,
-occupied several villages of the adjacent Marquisate, despite the
-recommendations of Venice, Nicolò I came to terms with them, probably
-by agreeing to pay that annual tribute of four fully equipped horses to
-the Vicar-General of the Duchy of Athens, which we find constituting
-the feudal bond between that state and Boudonitza in the time of his
-son[352]. He espoused, too, the Eubœan claims of his wife; but Venice,
-which had an eye upon the strong castle of Larmena, diplomatically
-referred the legal question to the bailie of Achaia, of which both
-Eubœa and Boudonitza were technically still reckoned as dependencies.
-The bailie, in the name of the suzeraine Princess of Achaia, Catherine
-of Valois, decided against Guglielma, and the purchase of Larmena by
-Venice ended her hopes. Furious at her disappointment, the Marchioness
-accused her Venetian husband of cowardice and of bias towards his native
-city, while more domestic reasons increased her indignation. Her consort
-was a widower, while she had had a daughter by her first marriage, and
-she suspected him of favouring his own offspring at the expense of her
-child, Marulla, in whose name she had deposited a large sum of money at
-the Venetian bank in Negroponte. To complete the family tragedy played
-within the walls of Boudonitza there was only now lacking a sinister ally
-of the angry wife. He, too, was forthcoming in the person of Manfredo
-Pallavicini, the relative, business adviser, and perhaps paramour, of
-the Marchioness. As one of the old conqueror’s stock, he doubtless
-regarded the Venetian husband as an interloper who had first obtained the
-family honours and then betrayed his trust. At last a crisis arrived.
-Pallavicini insulted the Marquess, his feudal superior; the latter
-threw him into prison, whereupon the prisoner attempted the life of his
-lord. As a peer of Achaia, the Marquess enjoyed the right of inflicting
-capital punishment. He now exercised it; Pallavicini was executed, and
-the assembled burgesses of Boudonitza, if we may believe the Venetian
-version, approved the act, saying that it was better that a vassal should
-die rather than inflict an injury on his lord.
-
-The sequel showed, however, that Guglielma was not appeased. She might
-have given assent with her lips to what the burgesses had said. But she
-worked upon their feelings of devotion to her family, which had ruled
-so long over them; they rose against the foreign Marquess at their
-Lady’s instigation; and Nicolò was forced to flee across to Negroponte,
-leaving his little son Francesco and all his property behind him. Thence
-he proceeded to Venice, and laid his case before the Senate. That body
-warmly espoused his cause, and ordered the Marchioness to receive him
-back to his former honourable position, or to deliver up his property.
-In the event of her refusal, the bailie of Negroponte was instructed to
-break off all communications between Boudonitza and that island and to
-sequestrate her daughter’s money still lying in the Eubœan bank. In order
-to isolate her still further, letters were to be sent to the Catalans of
-Athens, requesting them not to interfere between husband and wife. As the
-Marchioness remained obdurate, Venice made a last effort for an amicable
-settlement, begging the Catalan leaders, Queen Joanna I of Naples, as
-the head of the house of Anjou, to which the principality of Achaia
-belonged, and the Dauphin Humbert II of Vienne, then commanding the papal
-fleet against the Turks, to use their influence on behalf of her citizen.
-When this failed, the bailie carried out his instructions, confiscated
-the funds deposited in the bank, and paid Nicolò out of them the value of
-his property. Neither the loss of her daughter’s money nor the spiritual
-weapons of Pope Clement VI could move the obstinate Lady of Boudonitza,
-and in her local bishop, Nitardus of Thermopylæ, she could easily find
-an adviser who dissuaded her from forgiveness[353]. So Nicolò never
-returned to Boudonitza; he served the Republic as envoy to the Serbian
-Tsar, Dushan, and as one of the Doge’s Councillors, and died at Venice in
-1354. After his death, the Marchioness at once admitted their only son,
-Francesco, the “Marchesotto,” as he was called, now a youth of seventeen,
-to rule with her, and, as the Catalans were once more threatening her
-land, made overtures to the Republic. The latter, glad to know that a
-Venetian citizen was once more ruling as Marquess at Boudonitza, included
-him and his mother in its treaties with Athens, and when Guglielma died,
-in 1358, after a long and varied career, her son received back the
-confiscated property of his late half-sister[354].
-
-The peaceful reign of Francesco was a great contrast to the stormy
-career of his mother. His Catalan neighbours, divided by the jealousies
-of rival chiefs, had no longer the energy for fresh conquests. The
-establishment of a Serbian kingdom in Thessaly only affected the Marquess
-in so far as it enabled him to bestow his daughter’s hand upon a Serbian
-princelet[355]. The Turkish peril, which was destined to swallow up the
-Marquisate in the next generation, was, however, already threatening
-Catalans, Serbs, and Italians alike, and accordingly Francesco Giorgio
-was one of the magnates of Greece whom Pope Gregory XI invited to
-the Congress on the Eastern question, which was summoned to meet at
-Thebes[356] on October 1, 1373. But when the Athenian duchy, of which he
-was a tributary, was distracted by a disputed succession between Maria,
-Queen of Sicily, and Pedro IV of Aragon, the Venetian Marquess, chafing
-at his vassalage and thinking that the moment was favourable for severing
-his connexion with the Catalans, declared for the Queen. He was, in fact,
-the most important member of the minority which was in her favour, for
-we are told that “he had a very fine estate,” and we know that he had
-enriched himself by mercantile ventures. Accordingly he assisted the
-Navarrese Company in its attack upon the duchy, so that Pedro IV wrote
-in 1381 to the Venetian bailie of Negroponte, begging him to prevent
-his fellow-countryman at Boudonitza from helping the King’s enemies.
-As the Marquess had property in the island, he had given hostages to
-fortune. The victory of the Aragonese party closed the incident, and the
-generous policy of the victors was doubtless extended to him. But in 1388
-the final overthrow of the Catalan rule by Nerio Acciajuoli made the
-Marquisate independent of the Duchy of Athens[357]. In feudal lists—such
-as that of 1391—the Marquess continued to figure as one of the temporal
-peers of Achaia[358], but his real position was that of a “citizen and
-friend” of Venice, to whom he now looked for help in trouble.
-
-Francesco may have lived to see this realisation of his hopes, for he
-seems to have died about 1388, leaving the Marquisate to his elder
-son, Giacomo, under the regency of his widow Euphrosyne, a daughter
-of the famous insular family of Sommaripa, which still survives in
-the Cyclades[359]. But the young Marquess soon found that he had only
-exchanged his tribute to the Catalan Vicar-General for a tribute to the
-Sultan. We are not told the exact moment at which Bayezid I imposed this
-payment, but there can be little doubt that Boudonitza first became
-tributary to the Turks in the campaign of 1393-4, when “the Thunderbolt”
-fell upon Northern Greece, when the Marquess’s Serbian brother-in-law
-was driven from Pharsala and Domoko, when Lamia and Neopatras were
-surrendered, when the county of Salona, founded at the same time as
-Boudonitza, ceased to exist. On the way to Salona, the Sultan’s army must
-have passed within four hours of Boudonitza, and we surmise that it was
-spared, either because the season was so late—Salona fell in February,
-1394—or because the castle was so strong, or because its lord was a
-Venetian. This respite was prolonged by the fall of Bayezid at Angora
-and the fratricidal struggle between his sons, while the Marquess was
-careful to have himself included in the treaties of 1403, 1408, and 1409
-between the Sultan Suleyman and Venice; a special clause in the first of
-these instruments released him from all obligations except that which
-he had incurred towards the Sultan’s father Bayezid[360]. Still, even
-in Suleyman’s time, such was his sense of insecurity, that he obtained
-leave from Venice to send his peasants and cattle over to the strong
-castle of Karystos in Eubœa, of which his brother Nicolò had become the
-lessee[361]. He figured, too, in the treaty of 1405, which the Republic
-concluded with Antonio I Acciajuoli, the new ruler of Athens, and might
-thus consider himself as safe from attack on the south[362]. Indeed, he
-was anxious to enlarge his responsibilities, for he was one of those
-who bid for the two Venetian islands of Tenos and Mykonos, when they
-were put up to auction in the following year. In this offer, however, he
-failed[363].
-
-The death of Suleyman and the accession of his brother Musa in 1410
-sealed the fate of the Marquess. Early in the spring a very large
-Turkish army appeared before the old castle. Boudonitza was strong,
-and its Marquess a resolute man, so that for a long time the siege was
-in vain. “Giacomo,” says the Venetian document composed by his son,
-“preferred, like the high-minded and true Christian that he was, to die
-rather than surrender the place.” But there was treachery within the
-castle walls; betrayed by one of his servants, the Marquess fell, like
-another Leonidas, bravely defending the mediæval Thermopylæ against
-the new Persian invasion. Even then, his sons, “following in their
-father’s footsteps,” held the castle some time longer in the hope that
-Venice would remember her distant children in their distress. The Senate
-did, indeed, order the Captain of the Gulf to make inquiries whether
-Boudonitza still resisted and in that case to send succour to its gallant
-defenders—the cautious Government added—“with as little expense as
-possible.” But before the watchmen on the keep could descry the Captain
-sailing up the Atalante channel, all was over; both food and ammunition
-had given out and the Zorzi were constrained to surrender, on condition
-that their lives and property were spared. The Turks broke their
-promises, deprived their prisoners of their goods, expelled them from the
-home of their ancestors, and dragged young Nicolò to the Sultan’s Court
-at Adrianople[364].
-
-Considerable confusion prevails in this last act of the history of
-Boudonitza, owing to the fact that the two leading personages, the
-brother and eldest son of the late Marquess, bore the same name of
-Nicolò. Hopf has accordingly adopted two different versions in his three
-accounts of these events. On a review of the documentary evidence, it
-would seem that the brother, the Baron of Karystos, was not at Boudonitza
-during the siege, and that, on the capture of his nephew, he proclaimed
-himself Marquess. Venice recognised his title, and instructed her envoy
-to Musa to include him in her treaty with the Sultan and to procure at
-the same time the release of the late Marquess’s son. Accordingly, in
-the peace of 1411, Musa promised, for love of Venice and seeing that
-he passed as a Venetian, to harass him no more, on condition that he
-paid the tribute established. Not only so, but the Marquess’s ships and
-merchandise were allowed to enter the Turkish dominions on payment of
-a fixed duty[365]. Thus temporarily restored, the Marquisate remained
-in the possession of the uncle, from whom the nephew, even after his
-release, either could not, or cared not to claim it. He withdrew to
-Venice, and, many years later, received as the reward of his father’s
-heroic defence of Boudonitza, the post of _châtelain_ of Pteleon, near
-the mouth of the Gulf of Volo, the last Venetian outpost on the mainland
-of North-Eastern Greece—a position which he held for eight years[366].
-
-Meanwhile, his uncle, the Marquess, had lost all but his barren title.
-Though the Turks had evacuated Boudonitza, and the castle had been
-repaired, he felt so insecure that he sent his bishop as an emissary to
-Venice, begging for aid in the event of a fresh Turkish invasion and for
-permission to transport back to Boudonitza the serfs whom he had sent
-across to Karystos a few years before[367]. His fears proved to be well
-founded. In vain the Republic gave orders that he should be included in
-her treaty with the new Sultan, Mohammed I. On June 20, 1414, a large
-Turkish army attacked and took the castle, and with it many prisoners,
-the Marquess, so it would seem, among them—for in the following year we
-find his wife, an adopted daughter of the Duke of Athens, appealing to
-Venice to obtain his release from his Turkish dungeon[368]. He recovered
-his freedom, but not his Marquisate. In the treaty of 1416, Boudonitza
-was, indeed, actually assigned to him in return for the usual tribute;
-but nine years later we find Venice still vainly endeavouring to obtain
-its restitution[369]. He continued, however, to hold the title of
-Marquess of Boudonitza with the castle of Karystos, which descended to
-his son, the “Marchesotto,” and his son’s son[370], till the Turkish
-conquest of Eubœa in 1470 put an end to Venetian rule over that great
-island. Thence the last titular Marquess of Boudonitza, after governing
-Lepanto, retired to Venice, whence the Zorzi came and where they are
-still largely represented.
-
-Of the castle, where for two hundred years Pallavicini and Zorzi held
-sway, much has survived the two Turkish sieges and the silent ravages
-of five centuries. Originally there must have been a triple enclosure,
-for several square towers of the third and lowest wall are still
-standing in the village and outside it. Of the second enceinte the most
-noticeable fragment is a large tower in ruins, while the innermost wall
-is strengthened by three more. In the centre of this last enclosure are
-the imposing remains of the large square donjon (Plate VII, Fig. 1),
-and adjoining this is the most interesting feature of the castle—the
-great Hellenic gateway (Plate VII, Fig. 2), which connects one portion
-of this enclosure with the other, and which Buchon has described so
-inaccurately[371]. It is _not_ “composed of six stones,” but of three
-huge blocks, nor do “the two upper stones meet at an acute angle”; a
-single horizontal block forms the top. Buchon omits to mention the
-Byzantine decoration in brick above this gateway. Of the brick conduit
-which he mentions I could find no trace, but the two cisterns remain.
-The large building near them is presumably the Frankish church of
-which he speaks; but the window which he found there no longer exists.
-Possibly, when the new church in the village was erected, the builders
-took materials from the chapel in the castle for its construction. At any
-rate, that very modern and commonplace edifice contains several fragments
-of ancient work. Thus, the stone threshold of the west door bears three
-large roses, while on the doorway itself are two stars; and the north
-door is profusely decorated with a rose, two curious creatures like
-griffins, two circles containing triangles, and a leaf; above this door
-is a cross, each arm of which forms a smaller cross. As usually happens
-in the Frankish castles of Greece—with the exception of Geraki—there
-are no coats of arms at Boudonitza, unless this composite cross is an
-allusion to the “three crosses,” said to have been originally borne by
-one branch of the Pallavicini. The “mediæval seal” in the possession
-of a local family dates from the reign of Otho! But there exists a
-genuine seal of the monastery of the Holy Virgin of Boudonitza, ascribed
-by M. Schlumberger[372] to the end of the fourteenth or beginning of
-the fifteenth century. The Marquesses have left behind them neither
-their portraits—like the Palatine Counts of Cephalonia of the second
-dynasty—nor any coins—like the French barons of Salona, to whom they
-bear the nearest resemblance. One of their line, however, the Marquess
-Alberto, figures in K. Rhanghaves’s play, _The Duchess of Athens_,
-and their castle and their ofttimes stormy lives fill not the least
-picturesque page of that romance which French and Italian adventurers
-wrote with their swords in the classic sites of Hellas.
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-
-I
-
-1335 DIE XVI JANUARIJ.
-
-Capta. Quod vir nobilis Ser Nicolaus Georgio, cum sua familia et levibus
-arnesiis possit ire cum galeis nostris unionis. Et committatur Capitaneo,
-quod eum conducat Nigropontum, et si poterit eum facere deponi ad
-Bondenizam, sine sinistro armate faciat inde sicut ei videbitur.—Omnes de
-parte.
-
-                                                      Misti, XVI. f. 97tᵒ.
-
-
-II
-
-1345 DIE 21 JULIJ.
-
-Capta. Cum dominacio ducalis ex debito teneatur suos cives in eorum
-iuribus et honoribus cum justicia conservare et dominus Nicolaus Georgio,
-Marchio Bondanicie, sit iniuriatus ut scitis, et Marchionatu suo per eius
-uxorem indebite molestatus, et dignum sit, subvenire eidem in eo quod cum
-honore dominacionis comode fieri potest, ideo visa et examinata petitione
-ipsius marchionis, et matura et diligenti deliberatione prehabita,
-consulunt concorditer viri nobiles, domini, Benedictus de Molino et
-Pangracius Justiniano; quod committatur consiliario ituro Nigropontum,
-quod postquam illuc applicuerit vadat ad dominam Marchisanam, uxorem
-dicti domini Nicolay pro ambaxatore, exponendo eidem, quomodo iam diu
-ipsam ad dominacionem misit suos procuratores et ambaxatores petens sibi
-per dominacionem de uno nobilium suorum pro marito provideri, et volens
-dominacio suis beneplacitis complacere, consensit quod ipse dominus
-Nicolaus carus civis suus ad eam iret, quem ipsa domina receptando,
-ostendit id habere multum ad bonum. Et quoniam ob hoc semper Ducale
-Dominium promtum et favorabilem se exhibuit ad omnia que suam et suorum
-securitatem respicerent et augumentum, treuguas quamplurimas confirmando
-et opportuna alia faciendo. Sed cum nuperrime per relacionem ipsius
-domini Nicolay viri sui ad ducalis magnificentie audienciam sit deductus
-de morte cuiusdam Pallavesini inopinatus casus occursus qui mortuus
-fuit in culpa sua, sicut postmodum extitit manifestum, quia dum ipse
-Marchio coram omnibus burgensibus congregatis, de velle et consensu
-dicte domine exponeret rei geste seriem, ab ipsis habuit in responsum
-quod ipse Palavesin dignam penam luerat propter foliam suam, et melius
-erat, quod ipse, qui vaxallus erat mortuus fuisset quam dicto suo domino
-iniuriam aliquam intulisset, quod ecciam ipsa domina in presencia
-dictorum burgensium ratificavit. Unde consideratis predictis vellit amore
-dominij, ipsum dominum Nicolaum honori pristino restituere, quod si
-fecerit, quamquam sit iustum et honestum nobis plurimum complacebit, et
-erimus suis comodis stricius obligati. Verum si dicta domina dubitaret
-de recipiendo ipsum dicat et exponat ambaxator prefatus, quod firmiter
-dominacio hanc rem super se assumpsit et taliter imposuit civi suo
-quod minime poterit dubitare. Que omnia si dicta domina acetabit bene
-quidem, si vero non contentaretur et ipsum recipere non vellet, procuret
-habere et obtinere omnia bona dicti Marchionis que secum scripta portet
-antedictus ambaxator et si ipsa ea bona dare neglexerit, dicat quod bona
-sua et suorum ubicumque intromitti faciemus, et protestetur cum notario,
-quem secum teneatur ducere, quod tantam iniuriam, quam dominacio suam
-propriam reputat, non poterit sustinere, sed providebit de remediis
-opportunis sicuti honori suo et indenitati sui civis viderit convenire,
-firmiter tenens quod sicut semper dominacio ad sui conservacionem et
-suorum exhibuit se promtam favorabilem et benignam, sic in omnibus
-reperiet ipsam mutatam, agravando factum cum hijs et alijs verbis, ut
-viderit convenire. Et rediens Nigropontum omnia, que gexerit, fecerit et
-habuerit, studeat velociter dominacioni per suas literas denotare. Verum
-si dictus consiliarius iturus tardaret ire ad regimen suum, quod baiullus
-et consiliarij Nigropontis determinent quis consiliariorum de inde ad
-complendum predicta ire debebit.
-
-Et scribatur baiullo et consiliarijs Nigropontis, quod si habebunt post
-redditum dicti ambaxatoris, quod ipsa domina stet dura nec vellit ipsum
-dominum Nicolaum recipere, quod possint si eis videbitur facere et
-ordinare quod homines Bondanicie non veniant Nigropontum et quod homines
-Nigropontis non vadant Bondaniciam.
-
-Item prefati baiullus et consiliarij sequestracionem factam de aliqua
-pecunie quantitate que pecunia est damiselle Marulle filie dicte domine
-firmam tenere debeant, donec predicta fuerint reformata, pacificata vel
-diffinita, vel donec aliud sibi mandaretur de hinc.
-
-Et scribantur litere illis de la compagna, quas dominus bayullus et
-consiliarij presentent vel presentari fatiant, cum eis videbitur, rogando
-dictos de compagna, quod cum alique discordie venerint inter virum
-nobilem dominum Nicolam Georgio et eius uxorem Marchisanam se in aliquo
-facto dicte domine intromittere non vellint quod posset civi nostro
-contrariare ad veniendum ad suam intentionem.
-
-De non 14—Non sinceri 13.—Alij de parte.
-
-                                                      Misti, XXIII. f. 26.
-
-
-III
-
-1345 DIE V AUGUSTI.
-
-Capta. Quod respondeatur domine Marchisane Bondinicie ad suas litteras
-substinendo ius civis nostri Nicolai Georgio, cum illis verbis que
-videbuntur sequendo id quod captum fuit pridie in hoc consilio in favorem
-civis nostri.
-
-                                                    Misti, XXIII. f. 30tᵒ.
-
-
-IV
-
-1346 DIE XXIV JANUARIJ.
-
-Capta. Quod scribatur nostro Baiulo et Consiliariis Nigropontis quod
-Ser Moretus Gradonico consiliarius, vel alius sicut videbitur Baiulo et
-Consiliariis, in nostrum ambaxatorem ire debeat ad dominam Marchionissam
-Bondenicie, et sibi exponat pro parte nostra quod attenta honesta et
-rationabili requisitione nostra quam sibi fieri fecimus per virum
-Nobilem Johannem Justiniano nostrum consiliarium Nigroponti, quem ad
-eam propterea in nostrum ambaxatorem transmisimus super reformatione
-scandali orti inter ipsam et virum nobilem Nicolaum Georgio eius virum
-in reconciliatione ipsius cum dicto viro suo: Et intellecta responsione
-quam super premissis fecit nostro ambaxatori predicto gravamur et
-turbamur sicut merito possumus et debemus, de modo quem ipsam servavit
-et servat erga dictum virum suum. Nam sibi plene poterat et debebat
-sufficere remissio et reconciliatio cum [eo?] facta coram nobis per
-dictum eius virum, secundum nostrum mandatum, et nuncio suo in nostra
-presencia constituto de omni offensa et iniuria sibi facta, et debebat
-esse certa quod quicquid idem Marchio in nostra presencia et ex nostro
-mandato promittebat effectualiter observasse. Et quod volentes quod bona
-dispositio dicti viri sui et paciencia nostra de tanta iniuria facta
-civi nostro sibi plenius innotescat deliberavimus iterate ad eam mittere
-ipsum in nostrum ambaxatorem ad requirendum et rogandum ipsam quod debeat
-reconciliare cum dicto viro suo et eum recipere ad honorem et statum in
-quo erat antequam inde recederet, nam quamvis hoc sit sibi debitum et
-conveniat pro honore et bono suo, tamen erit gratissimum menti nostre et
-ad conservacionem ipsius marchionisse et suorum avidius nos disponet et
-circa hoc alia dicat que pro bono facto viderit opportuna.
-
-Si vero dicta marchionissa id facere recusaret nec vellet condescendere
-nostre intentioni et requisitioni predicte, dictus Ser Moretus assignet
-terminum dicte Marchionisse unius mensis infra quem debeat complevisse
-cum effectu nostram requisitionem premissam. Et sibi expresse dicat,
-quod elapso dicto termino nulla alia requisitione sibi facta, cum non
-intendamus dicto civi nostro in tanto suo iure deficere, faciemus
-intromitti personas et bona suorum et sua ubicumque in forcio nostro
-poterunt reperire. Et ultra hoc providebimus in dicto facto de omnibus
-favoribus et remediis, que pro bono et conservacione dicti civis
-nostri videbimus opportuna. Et si propter premissa dicta Marchionissa
-ipsum recipere et reintegrare voluerit bene quidem sin autem scribatur
-dicto baiulo et consiliariis quod elapso termino dicti mensis et ipsa
-marchionissa premissa facere recusante mittant ad nos per cambium sine
-aliquo periculo yperpera octomillia quinquaginta vel circa que sunt apud
-Thomam Lippomanum et Nicolaum de Gandulfo, qua pecunia Venecias veniente
-disponetur et providebiter de ipsa sicut dominationi videbitur esse
-iustum.
-
-Capta. Item quod scribatur domino Delphino Vihennensi et illis de
-Compagna in favorem dicti civis nostri et recommendando ei iura et
-iusticiam ipsius in illa forma et cum illis verbis que dominacioni pro
-bono facti utilia et necessaria videbuntur.
-
-Non sinceri 15—Non 12.—De parte 57.
-
-                                                    Misti, XXIII. f. 46tᵒ.
-
-
-V
-
-1348 DIE XI FEBRUARIJ PRIME INDICTIONIS.
-
-Capta. Quod possint scribi littere domino Pape et aliquibus Cardinalibus
-in recommendacione iuris domini Nicolai Georgio marchionis Bondinicie
-nostri civis in forma inferius anotata.
-
-                               Domino Pape.
-
-Sanctissime pater pro civibus meis contra Deum et iusticiam aggravatis,
-Sanctitati Vestre supplicationes meas porrigo cum reverentia speciali:
-Unde cum nobilis vir Nicolaus Georgio Marchio Bondinicie honorabilis
-civis meus, iam duodecim annis matrimonii iura contraserit cum domina
-Marchionissa Bondinicie predicte et cum ea affectione maritali
-permanserit habens ex ea filium legiptimum, qui est annorum undecim, ipsa
-domina Marchionissa in preiudicium anime sue, Dei timore postposito ipsum
-virum suum recusat recipere et castrum Bondinicie et alia bona spectantia
-eidem suo viro tenet iniuste et indebite occupata in grave damnum civis
-mei predicti et Dei iniuriam manifestam precipientis, ut quos Deus
-coniunxit homo non separet: Unde Sanctitati Vestre humiliter supplico
-quatenus Clementie Vestre placeat dictum civem meum habere in suo iure
-favorabiliter commendatum, ut dicta domina eum tanquam virum legiptimum
-recipiat et affectione maritali pertractet sicut iura Dei precipiunt,
-atque volunt, et salus animarum etiam id exposcit. Cum ipse civis meus
-sit paratus ex sua parte ipsam dominam pro uxore legiptima tractare
-pacifice et habere.
-
-                                                       Misti, XXIV. f. 63.
-
-_Note._—The “Misti” are cited throughout from the originals at Venice; I
-have corrected the dates to the modern style.
-
-
-11. ITHAKE UNDER THE FRANKS
-
-In works descriptive of Greece it is customary to find the statement that
-the island of Odysseus was “completely forgotten in the middle ages,”
-and even so learned a mediæval scholar as the late Antonios Meliarakes,
-whose loss is a severe blow to Greek historical geography, asserts this
-proposition in his admirable political and geographical work on the
-prefecture of Cephalonia[373]. But there are a considerable number of
-allusions to Ithake during the Frankish period, and it is possible, at
-least in outline, to make out the fortunes of the famous island under its
-western lords.
-
-The usual name for Ithake in Italian documents is Val di Compare, the
-earliest use of which, so far as I can ascertain, occurs in the Genoese
-historian Caffaro’s _Liberatio Orientis_, written in the first half of
-the twelfth century[374]. According to K. Bergotes of Cephalonia this
-name was given to the island by an Italian captain, who was driven
-to anchor there one stormy night. Seeing a light shining through the
-darkness, he landed, and found that it proceeded from a hut in which a
-child had lately been born. At the request of the parents he accepted the
-office of godfather, or κουμπάρος at the child’s christening, and named
-the valley where the hut lay Val di Compare, to commemorate the event.
-Whether this derivation be correct or not, the name stuck to the island
-for several centuries, though we shall also find the classical Ithake
-still surviving contemporaneously with it. The neighbouring islands of
-Zante and Cephalonia were severed from the Byzantine empire in 1185,
-at the time of the invasion of Greece by the Normans of Sicily, and
-were occupied by their admiral, Margaritone of Brindisi. Ithake is not
-specially mentioned as included among his conquests, but its connection
-with the other two islands under the rule of his immediate successors
-makes it very probable. Six years later, in the graphic account of Greece
-as it was in 1191, ascribed to Benedict of Peterborough, Fale (Valle)
-de Compar is said to have had a specially evil reputation for piracy,
-and the channel between it and Cephalonia is described as a favourite
-lair of those robbers[375]. After Margaritone’s death he was succeeded
-by a Count Maio, or Matthew, a member of the great Roman family of
-Orsini, who seems to have been born in Apulia—according to one account
-he came from Monopoli—and who at the time of the fourth crusade was
-lord of Cephalonia, Zante, and _Theachi, el qual se clamado agora Val
-de Compare_[376], under the suzerainty of the king of Sicily. Although
-the two larger of those islands had fallen to the share of Venice by
-the partition treaty he and his descendants continued in possession of
-them and of Ithake, though he thought it wise, in 1209, to acknowledge
-the overlordship of the Republic. A Venetian document of 1320, alluding
-to this transaction, specially mentions Val di Compare as one of the
-islands, for which he then did homage[377]. In 1236 the count recognised
-as his suzerain Prince Geoffroy II of Achaia, and he and his successors
-were henceforth reckoned among the twelve peers of that principality, in
-whose history they played an important part[378].
-
-The next mention of Ithake occurs in a Greek document of 1264, in which
-Count Matthew’s son and successor, “the most high and mighty Richard,
-palatine count and lord of Cephalonia, Zakynthos, and Ithake,” confirms
-the possessions of the Latin bishopric of Cephalonia[379]. Here Ithake is
-called by its classical name, which was not confined to Greeks, for we
-find it used in a Venetian document of 1278, where the island is again
-mentioned as the scene of piracies[380]. Later on, in 1294, a document in
-the Angevin archives at Naples mentions the promise of Count Richard to
-bestow “the castle of Koronos”—a name still given to part of the island
-of Cephalonia—“or the island of Ithake” (_sive vellent castrum Corony
-de dominio suo, sive vellent insulam Ythace_) upon his son John I, on
-the occasion of the latter’s marriage with the daughter of Nikephoros I,
-despot of Epeiros[381]. Richard, in spite of the repeated remonstrances
-of Charles II of Naples, who, in virtue of the treaty of Viterbo, was
-suzerain of Achaia, and accordingly of Cephalonia, failed to carry out
-this promise. We next hear of Val di Compare in the above-mentioned
-Venetian document of 1320, in which Count John I’s son, Nicholas, who had
-two years earlier murdered his nephew, the last Despot of Epeiros of the
-house of the Angeloi, and had made himself Despot, is reminded that his
-ancestor Matthew had done homage, as he was now offering to do, for the
-three islands of Cephalonia, Zante, and Val di Compare to the Venetian
-republic.
-
-Although not mentioned by name Ithake doubtless followed the fortunes
-of Cephalonia and Zante when those islands were conquered from the
-Orsini by John of Gravina, prince of Achaia, in 1324. The “county of
-Cephalonia,” of which the island of Odysseus had long formed a part, was
-thus under the direct authority of the Angevins, and was transferred by
-John of Gravina, together with the principality of Achaia, to Robert of
-Taranto in 1333, after which date the same Angevin officials held office
-in both Achaia and the insular county till Robert bestowed the latter
-in 1357 upon his friend Leonardo Tocco, a Neapolitan courtier, whose
-family came from Benevento. In an ecclesiastical document[382] of 1389
-the Greek bishop of Methone, writing about the archbishopric of Levkas,
-mentions “the duchess Franka (Francesca), lady of Levkas, Ithake, Zante
-and Cephalonia,” the allusion being to the daughter of Nerio I Acciajuoli
-of Athens, who had in the previous year married Carlo I Tocco, count
-of Cephalonia and duke of Levkadia. A little earlier, in a Piedmontese
-document[383] of 1387, we find Amedeo of Savoy, one of the claimants
-to the principality of Achaia, rewarding the zeal of one of his Greek
-supporters, Joannes Laskaris Kalopheros, with Cephalonia, Zante, Val di
-Compare, and other places as hereditary possessions—a gift which was, of
-course, never carried out, as the islands were not Amedeo’s to bestow.
-Spandugino[384] specially mentions “Itaca,” or “Val di Compare,” as
-being part of the insular dominions of the Tocchi, and Carlo II Tocco
-is described in documents of 1430 and 1433, and by the annalist Stefano
-Magno, as _comes palatinus Cephaloniæ, Ithacæ, et Jacinti_—a designation
-repeated in a document of 1458 after his death[385]. We find an allusion
-to it under both its classical and its mediæval name in the _Liber
-Insularum_ of Buondelmonti[386], written in 1422, and the latter also
-occurs in a Venetian document of 1430, where Val di Compare[387] is
-stated to belong to Carlo II. Six years later the archæologist Cyriacus
-of Ancona, visiting the “king of the Epeirotes,” as he calls that prince,
-mentions _Itaci_ (sic) _insulæ_ as opposite the mainland[388]. After
-Leonardo III lost practically all his continental possessions to the
-Turks in 1449 he still retained the islands, Ithake among them, under
-the protection of Venice, of which both he and his father were honorary
-citizens, and under the nominal suzerainty of the kings of Naples. From
-a document of 1558 we learn that it was in his time that the family of
-Galates—the only Ithakan family which enjoyed the privileges of nobility
-in the Venetian period, and which is still extant in the island—first
-received exemptions[389]. It was he too who revived the Orthodox see of
-Cephalonia and bestowed it, together with spiritual jurisdiction over
-Ithake, upon Gerasimos Loverdo[390].
-
-When Mohammed II sent Achmet Pasha to conquer all that remained of
-Leonardo’s dominions in 1479 we are told by Stefano Magno[391] that the
-Turkish commander “ravaged also the island of Itacha (_sic_), called
-Valle di Compare, which belonged to the said lord,” whom he also styles
-“palatine count of Cephalonia, Itaca (_sic_) and Zakynthos.” Loredano,
-the Venetian admiral, thereupon sent some galleys to Ithake and rescued
-seven or eight persons—an act of which the pasha complained. This
-devastation of the island will account for the fact that, in 1504, the
-Venetian government, which then owned Cephalonia and Zante, took steps
-for repopulating “an island named Val di Compare, situated opposite
-Cephalonia, at present uninhabited, but reported to have been formerly
-fertile and fruitful.” Accordingly lands were offered to settlers,
-free from all taxes for five years, at the end of which time the
-colonists were to pay to the Treasury of Cephalonia the same dues as the
-inhabitants of that island[392]. Thenceforth down to 1797 Ithake remained
-beneath the sway of the Venetian republic. The offer of the senate seems
-to have been successful; among those who accepted it were the family
-of Boua Grivas, of Albanian origin, connected with the clan of Boua,
-which had formerly ruled over Arta and Lepanto and had played a part in
-the Albanian revolts of 1454 and 1463 in the Morea, that of Petalas,
-and that of Karavias, which in modern times produced a local historian
-of Ithake[393]. In 1548 Antonio Calbo, the retiring _provveditore_
-of Cephalonia, reported to the Venetian government, that “under the
-jurisdiction of Cephalonia there is another island, named Thiachi,
-very mountainous and barren, in which there are different harbours and
-especially a harbour called Vathi; in the island of Thiachi are three
-hamlets, in three places, inhabited by about sixty families, who are in
-great fear of corsairs, because they have no fortress in which to take
-refuge[394].” The three hamlets mentioned in this report are doubtless
-those of Paleochora, Anoe, and Exoe, which are regarded as the oldest in
-the island.
-
-The former counts of Ithake were till lately the only Latin rulers
-of Greece who still existed in prosperous circumstances. But in the
-seventeenth century they took the title of “prince of Achaia”—to which
-they were not entitled, although the counts of Cephalonia had once been
-peers of Achaia and Leonardo II and Carlo I had for a short time occupied
-Glarentza. The modern representative of the family was Carlo, Duke of
-Regina[395], who succeeded his cousin Francesco Tocco in 1894. But he is
-now dead and his only son was killed in a motor accident.
-
-
-12. THE LAST VENETIAN ISLANDS IN THE ÆGEAN
-
-It has hitherto been asserted by historians of the Latin Orient that,
-after the capture of the Cyclades by the Turks in the sixteenth
-century, the two Venetian islands of Tenos and Mykonos remained in the
-possession of the Republic down to 1715. As to Tenos, this statement is
-unimpeachable; as to Mykonos, despite the assertions of Hopf[396] and
-Hertzberg[397], who quote no authorities for the fact, all the evidence
-goes to show that it ceased to belong to Venice in the sixteenth century.
-
-The two islands, the only members of the Cyclades group under the direct
-rule of the Venetian government, were bequeathed to the Republic by
-George III Ghisi, their ancestral lord, upon whose death in 1390 they
-passed into its hands. The islanders implored Venice not to dispose
-of them; and, though there were not failing applicants for them among
-the Venetian princelets of the Levant, she listened to the petition of
-the inhabitants. At first an official from Negroponte was sent as an
-annual governor; then, in 1407, Venetian nobles who would accept the
-governorship of Tenos and Mykonos, with which _Le Sdiles_, or Delos,
-was joined, for a term of four years, paying a certain sum out of the
-revenues to Venice and keeping the balance for themselves, were invited
-to send in their names. One of them was appointed, still under the
-authority of the bailie of Negroponte[398]; and this system continued
-down to 1430, when a rector was sent out from Venice for two years, and
-the two islands were thenceforth governed directly by an official of the
-Republic.
-
-Mykonos remained united with Tenos under the flag of St Mark till the
-first great raid of the Turkish fleet in the Cyclades under Khaireddîn
-Barbarossa in 1537. Neither Andrea Morosini nor Paruta, nor yet Hajji
-Kalifeh, mentions its fate in their accounts of that fatal cruise; but
-Andrea Cornaro in his _Historia di Candia_[399] relates that, after
-taking the two islands of Thermia and Zia, Barbarossa went to Mykonos,
-many of whose inhabitants escaped to Tenos, while the others became his
-captives. After the Turkish admiral’s departure the fugitives returned;
-but in the same year one of Barbarossa’s lieutenants, a corsair named
-Granvali, with eighteen ships, paid a second visit to Mykonos and carried
-off many of them. Accordingly the shameful treaty[400] between Venice and
-the Sultan, concluded in 1540, in both versions mentions Mykonos among
-the islands ceded to the Sultan, while Tenos was expressly retained. How,
-in the face of this, Hopf can have asserted that Mykonos still remained
-Venetian it is difficult to understand. Nor is this all. In a document of
-1545 the Republic orders her ambassador at Constantinople to obtain the
-restoration of the island[401]; in 1548 a certain Zuan Zorzo Muazzo, of
-Tenos, begs, and receives, from the Venetian government another fief in
-compensation for that which he had lost in Mykonos[402]. A petition from
-the inhabitants of Tenos to Venice in 1550 mentions the lack of ships
-“at the present time when Mykonos has been lost[403].” We have, too, the
-statement of Sauger[404], who becomes more trustworthy as he approaches
-his own time, that Duke Giovanni IV Crispo, of Naxos, bestowed the island
-of Mykonos (apparently in 1541) upon his daughter on her marriage with
-Giovanfrancesco Sommaripa, lord of Andros. There is nothing improbable in
-this. The Turks acquiesced at the same time in the action of the duke in
-turning the Premarini family out of their part of Zia, and bestowing that
-also upon his son-in-law; they may have had no objection to his dealing
-in the same manner with the devastated island of Mykonos. At any rate
-the latter was no longer Venetian. The long and elaborate reports[405]
-of the Venetian commissioners, who visited Tenos in 1563 and 1584, make
-no mention whatever of Mykonos, except that in the latter document we
-hear of a Grimani as Catholic bishop of Tenos and of the sister island;
-nor does Foscarini allude to it in his report on Cerigo and Tenos in
-1577. More conclusive still, while the style of the Venetian governor
-is “rector of Tenos and Mykonos” down to 1593, from that date onwards
-the governor is officially described as “rector of Tenos” alone[406].
-Hopf[407] is, therefore, wrong in giving us a long list of _rettori di
-Tinos e Myconos_ from 1407 to 1717. It seems probable that the latter
-island ceased to belong to Venice in 1537, but that the rector of Tenos
-continued to bear the name of Mykonos also, as a mere form, for rather
-more than half a century longer. Possibly it may have belonged to the
-Sommaripa of Andros from 1541 to 1566, when that dynasty was dethroned.
-
-These conclusions are confirmed by the travellers and geographers
-who wrote about the Levant between that date and the loss of Tenos.
-Porcacchi[408], in 1572, mentions Mykonos, without saying to whom it
-belonged. One of the Argyroi, barons of Santorin, who, in 1581, gave
-Crusius the information about the Cyclades which he embodied in his
-_Turco-Græcia_[409], had nothing to say about Mykonos, except that it
-contained one castle and some hamlets, while he specially mentioned
-that Tenos and Cerigo were “under Venice.” Botero[410], in 1605, giving
-a full list of the Venetian possessions in the Levant, includes the
-Ionian Islands and Tenos alone. Neither the French ambassador, Louis des
-Hayes[411], who visited Greece in 1630, nor the sieur du Loir[412], who
-sailed with him, is more explicit, though both describe Crete, Cerigo,
-and Tenos as the sole Venetian islands in the Ægean. Thévenot[413],
-in 1656, and Boschini[414], ten years later, tell us that Mykonos was
-“almost depopulated” because of corsairs, but are likewise silent as to
-its ownership. Baudrand, in his _Geographia_[415], remarked, however,
-that it had been _sub dominio Turcarum à sæculo et ultra, cum antea
-Venetis pareret_, an account which appears to me to coincide with the
-real facts. But both Spon[416] and Wheler[417] censured the geographer
-for his statement that it had been Venetian, so completely had the
-Venetian tradition faded at the time of their visit in 1675. At that
-period, as they inform us, the Sultan’s galleys never failed to come
-there every year to collect the capitation tax, and the governor of
-the island was a Greek sent by the Turks from Constantinople. Both
-travellers surmised, however, that the island might perhaps have changed
-hands during the Candian war, when it was neglected. Their surmise
-is rendered probable by the remark of Sebastiani[418], who visited
-it in 1666, during that long struggle. For he says that it was then
-ecclesiastically under the jurisdiction of the Catholic bishop of Tenos,
-who had begged the Venetian admiral, Comaro, to give his deputy in
-Mykonos the old Venetian church of San Marco for the use of the twenty
-Latin inhabitants. Randolph[419] confirms their story of its subjection
-to the Sultan, for he tells of a visit paid to the island by the Capitan
-Pasha in 1680. Piacenza[420] reiterates their criticism of Baudrand, and
-mentions that the atlases of the Mediterranean erroneously described it
-as _insula altera hoc in tractu maritimo Reipublicæ Venetæ obsequium
-præstans_, whereas it was really “under the Turkish yoke.” Dapper[421]
-takes the same view. After mentioning that Tenos “is the last Venetian
-island in this quarter of the Levant” he adds that “there are authors
-who allege that Mykonos is in subjection to Venice.” Finally, in 1700,
-Tournefort[422] found the island dependent on the Capitan Pasha, to whom
-it paid the capitation tax, while in the last war it had been subject
-to the bey of Kos. Although, he says, it was conquered by Barbarossa,
-the Venetian governor of Tenos still continues to style himself
-_provveditore_ of Mykonos also. But throughout the period of the Candian
-war and right down to the end of the Venetian occupation of Tenos the
-governor of the latter is always called simply _Rettor a Tine_ in the
-official registers[423]. If further refutation were needed of Hopf’s
-statement that Mykonos was captured from the Venetians in 1715, it may be
-added that Ferrari[424], the contemporary authority for the surrender of
-Tenos, never mentions it, nor does it figure in the peace of Passarovitz.
-
-
-13. SALONIKA
-
-Salonika, “the Athens of Mediæval Hellenism” and second to Athens alone
-in contemporary Greece, has been by turns a Macedonian provincial city,
-a free town under Roman domination, a Greek community second only to
-Constantinople, the capital of a short-lived Latin kingdom and of a brief
-Greek empire to which it gave its name, a Venetian colony, and a Turkish
-town[425]. There, in 1876, the murder of the consuls was one of the
-phases of the Eastern crisis; there, in 1908, the Young Turkish movement
-was born; there, in 1913, King George of Greece was assassinated; and
-there in 1916 M. Venizelos established his Provisional Government, in the
-city which served as a base for the Allies in their Macedonian campaign.
-
-Nor has Salonika’s contribution to literature been inconsiderable. The
-historian Petros Patrikios in the sixth century; the essayist Demetrios
-Kydones, who wrote a “monody over those who fell in Salonika” in 1346,
-during the civil war between John Cantacuzene and John V Palaiologos;
-John Kameniates and John the Reader, the historians respectively of the
-Saracen and the Turkish sieges, and Theodore Gazes, who contributed to
-spread Greek teaching in the West, were natives of the place. Plotinos
-and John, hagiographers of the seventh century; Leo, the famous
-mathematician of the ninth; Niketas, who composed dialogues in favour of
-the union of the churches; Eustathios, the Homeric commentator, historian
-of the Norman siege and panegyrist of St Demetrios; Nikephoros Kallistos
-Xanthopoulos, the ecclesiastical historian; Gregorios Palamas, Neilos,
-and Nicholas Kabasilas, the polemical theologians of the fourteenth
-century; and Symeon, the liturgical writer, who died just before the
-final Turkish capture of the city, were among those who occupied this
-important metropolitan see; while the rhetoricians, Nikephoros Choumnos
-and the grammarian Thomas Magistros, addressed to the Thessalonians
-missives on the blessings of justice and unity in the fourteenth century.
-And precedents for the exile of Abdul Hamid II at Salonika may be found
-in the banishment thither of Licinius, the rival of Constantine, of
-Anastasios II in 716, and of Theodore Studita during the Iconoclast
-controversy.
-
-Salonika has no very ancient history. It did not exist till after
-the death of Alexander the Great, when Kassander, who became king of
-Macedon, founded it in 315 B.C., and gave to it the name of his wife,
-Thessalonike, who was half-sister of the famous Macedonian conqueror,
-just as he bestowed his own upon another town, from which the westernmost
-of the three prongs of the peninsula of Chalkidike still retains the
-name of Kassandra. When the Romans conquered and organized Macedonia,
-Thessalonika became the capital of that province, remaining, however,
-a free city with its own magistrates, the πολιτάρχαι, to whom St Paul
-and Silas were denounced on their memorable visit. It is a proof of
-the technical accuracy of the author of the Acts of the Apostles,
-that this precise word occurs as the name of the local magistracy in
-the inscription formerly on the Vardar gate, but now in the British
-Museum. The description in the Acts further shows that the present large
-Jewish colony of Salonika, which is mostly composed of Spanish Jews,
-descendants of the fugitives from the persecutions of the end of the
-fifteenth century, had already a counterpart in the first. We may infer
-that Salonika was a prosperous town, and its importance in the Roman
-period is shown by the fact that Cicero, who was not fond of discomfort,
-selected it in 58 B.C. as his place of exile, and that Piso found it
-worth plundering during his governorship. But the sojourn of the Roman
-orator left a less durable mark upon the history of Salonika than that
-of the Apostle. It was not merely that two of his comrades, Aristarchos
-and Secundus, were Thessalonian converts, but mediæval Greek writers lay
-special stress upon the piety of what was called _par excellence_ “the
-Orthodox City”—probably for its conservative attitude in the Iconoclast
-controversy. Salonika furnished many names to the list of martyrs, and
-one of them, St Demetrios, a Thessalonian doctor put to death in 306 by
-order of Galerius[426] became the patron of his native city, which he is
-believed to have saved again and again from its foes. The most binding
-Thessalonian oath was by his name[427]; his tomb, from which a holy
-oil perpetually exuded, the source of many miraculous cures, is in the
-beautiful building, now once more a church, which is called after him;
-it was on his day, October 26 (O.S.), that in 1912 Salonika capitulated
-to the Greek troops, and there were peasant soldiers at the battle
-of Sarantaporon who firmly believed that they had seen him fighting
-against the Turks for the restoration of his church and city to his own
-people[428], just as their ancestors had beheld him, sword in hand,
-defending its walls against the Slavs. The story of his miracles forms a
-voluminous literature, and on the walls of his church his grateful people
-represented all the warlike episodes in which he had saved them from
-their foes. Some of these mosaics have survived the conversion of the
-church into the Kassimié mosque, and the great fire of August 18, 1917,
-and among them is a portrait of the saint between a bishop and a local
-magnate. Nor was St Demetrios the only Thessalonian saint. The city also
-cherished the tomb of St Theodora of Ægina, who had died at Salonika in
-the ninth century. Its walls contain the name of Pope Hormisdas.
-
-Like Constantinople, Salonika was devoted to the sports of the
-hippodrome; and, in 390, the imprisonment of a favourite charioteer
-on the eve of a race, in which he was to have taken part, provoked
-an insurrection, punished by a massacre. Theodosius I, then on his
-way to Milan, ordered the Gothic garrison to wreak vengeance upon the
-inhabitants; the next great race-meeting was selected, when the citizens
-had come together to witness their favourite pastime, and 15,000 persons
-were butchered in the hippodrome. St Ambrose, Archbishop of Milan,
-refused to allow the Emperor to enter the cathedral, and made him
-repent for eight months his barbarous treatment of a city where he had
-celebrated his wedding. Of Roman Salonika there still exists a memorial
-in the arch of Galerius, with its sculptures representing the Emperor’s
-Asiatic victories; a second arch, the Vardar gate, was sacrificed fifty
-years ago to build the quay; while a Corinthian colonnade, with eight
-Karyatides, known to the Jews as _Las Incantadas_, a part of the Forum,
-was removed by Napoleon III to France. The pulpit, from which St Paul was
-believed to have spoken, and which used to stand outside the church of St
-George, was removed—so I was informed when last at Salonika—by a German
-in the time of Abdul Hamid.
-
-Salonika had been chiefly important in Roman times, because the Via
-Egnatia which ran from Durazzo, “the tavern of the Adriatic” (as Catullus
-calls it), passed through its “Golden” and “Kassandreotic” gates. But
-in Byzantine days its value was increased owing to its geographical
-position. As long as the Exarchate of Ravenna existed, it lay on the
-main artery uniting Constantinople with the Byzantine province in
-Northern Italy, and it was an outpost against the Slavonic tribes,
-which had entered the Balkan peninsula, where they have ever since
-remained, but which, despite many attempts, have never taken Salonika.
-Of these invaders the most formidable, and the most persistent, were the
-Bulgarians, whose first war with their natural enemies, the Greeks, was
-waged for the possession of Salonika, because of the heavy customs dues
-which they had to pay there, and who, more than a thousand years later,
-still covet that great Macedonian port, the birthplace of the Slavonic
-apostles, the brothers Constantine (or Cyril) and Methodios.
-
-The influence of these two natives of Salonika, partly historical
-and partly legendary, has not only spread over the Slavonic parts of
-the Balkan peninsula, but forms in the church of San Clemente a link
-between the Balkans and Rome. The brothers were intended by nature to
-supplement one another: Constantine was a recluse and an accomplished
-linguist, Methodios a man of the world and an experienced administrator.
-Both brothers converted the Slavs of Moravia to Christianity, and it
-was long believed that a terrifying picture of the Last Judgement from
-the hand of Methodios had such an effect upon the mind of Boris, the
-Bulgarian prince, that he embraced the Christian creed. The real fact
-is, that Boris changed his religion (like his namesake in our own day)
-for political reasons, as a condition of obtaining peace from the
-Byzantine Emperor, Michael III, in 864, taking in baptism the name of his
-imperial sponsor. Tradition likewise attributes to Cyril the invention
-of the Cyrillic alphabet, which still bears his name and is that of
-the Russians, Serbs, and Bulgars. But Professor Bury[429], the latest
-writer on this question, considers that the alphabet invented by Cyril
-for the use of the Bulgarian and Moravian converts was not the so-called
-Cyrillic (which is practically the Greek alphabet with the addition of a
-few letters, and would, therefore, be likely to offend the Slav national
-feeling), but the much more complicated Glagolitic, which still lingers
-on in the Slavonic part of Istria, on the Croatian coast, and in Northern
-Dalmatia. In this language, accordingly, his translation of the Gospels
-and his brother’s version of the Old Testament were composed, and old
-Slavonic literature began with these two Thessalonians, whose names
-form to-day the programme of Bulgarian, just as Dante Alighieri is of
-Italian expansion. On another mission, to Cherson on the Black Sea, Cyril
-is said to have discovered the relics of St Clement, who had suffered
-martyrdom there by being tied to an anchor and flung into the waves. He
-brought them to Rome, where the frescoes in San Clemente before Monsignor
-Wilpert’s researches were believed to represent the Slavonic apostles,
-Cyril before Michael III, and the transference of his remains to that
-church from the Vatican—for he died in Rome in 869.
-
-Thus sentimental and commercial reasons impelled the Bulgarians to attack
-Salonika. Both the great Bulgarian Tsars of the tenth century, Symeon
-and Samuel, strove to obtain it, and during the forty years for which
-the famous Greek Emperor Basil, “the Bulgar-Slayer,” contended against
-Samuel for the mastery of Macedonia, Salonika was the headquarters, and
-the shrine of its patron-saint the inspiration, of the Greeks, as Ochrida
-was the capital of the Bulgars. We learn from the historian Kedrenos
-that there was at the time a party which favoured the Bulgarians in some
-of the Greek cities[430]; but in 1014 the Emperor, like the King of
-the Hellenes in 1913, and in the same defile, called by the Byzantine
-historian “Kleidion” (or “the key”)—which has been identified with the
-gorge of the Struma, not far from the notorious fort Roupel—utterly
-routed his rival, and took, like King Constantine, the title of
-“Bulgar-Slayer.” Samuel escaped, only to die of shock at the spectacle of
-the 15,000 blinded Bulgarian captives, each hundred guided by a one-eyed
-centurion, whom the victor sent back to their Tsar. Basil celebrated
-his triumph in the holy of holies of Hellenism, the majestic Parthenon,
-then the church of Our Lady of Athens, where frescoes executed at his
-orders still recall his visit and victory over the Bulgarians. Thus the
-destruction of the first Bulgarian empire was organised at Salonika
-and celebrated at Athens, just like the defeat of the same enemies 900
-years later. But even after the fall of the Bulgarian empire we find
-a Bulgarian leader besieging Salonika for six days, and only repulsed
-by the personal intervention of St Demetrios[431], whom the terrified
-Bulgarian prisoners declared that they had seen on horseback leading the
-Greeks and breathing fire against the besiegers.
-
-But Salonika was no longer a virgin fortress. An enemy even more
-formidable than the Bulgarians had captured it, the Saracens, who from
-823 to 961 were masters of Crete. Of this, the first of the three
-conquests of Salonika, we have a description by a priest who was a
-native of the city and an eye-witness of its capture, John Kameniates,
-as well as a sermon by the patriarch Nicholas[432]. The “first city of
-the Macedonians” was indeed a goodly prize for the Saracen corsairs,
-whose base was “the great Greek island.” Civic patriotism inspired the
-Thessalonian priest with a charming picture of his home at the moment
-of this piratical raid, in 904. He praises the natural outer harbour,
-formed by the projecting elbow of the Ἔμβολον (the “Black Cape,” or
-Karaburun, of the Turks)[433]; the security of the inner port, protected
-by an artificial mole; the great city climbing up the hill behind it;
-the vineyards and hospitable monasteries, whose inmates (unlike their
-modern successors) take no thought of politics; the two lakes (now St
-Basil and Beshik), with their ample supply of fish, which stretch almost
-across the neck of the Chalkidic peninsula; and to the west the great
-Macedonian plain (treeless then, as now), but watered by the Axios (the
-modern Vardar) and lesser streams. In times of peace Salonika was the
-_débouché_ of the Slavonic hinterland; the mart and stopping-place of the
-cosmopolitan crowd of merchants who travelled along the great highway
-from West to East that still intersected it; in short, both land and sea
-conspired to enrich it. Unfortunately, it was almost undefended on the
-sea side, for no one had ever contemplated any other danger than that
-from the Slavs of the country, and the population was untrained for war,
-but more versed in the learning of the schools and in the beautifully
-melodious hymns of the splendid Thessalonian ritual.
-
-On Sunday, July 29, fifty-four Saracen ships were sighted off Karaburun
-under the command of Leo, a renegade, who on that account was all the
-more anxious to display his animosity to his former co-religionists. He
-at once detected the weak point of the defences—the low sea-wall, which
-had not been put into a state of proper repair[434],—and ordered his
-men to scale them. This attempt failed, nor was a second, to burn the
-“Roma” and the “Kassandreotic” gates on the east—the latter destroyed in
-1873—more serviceable. The admiral then fastened his ships together by
-twos, and on each pair constructed wooden towers, which overtopped the
-sea-wall. He then steered them to where the water was deep right up to
-the base of the fortifications, and began to fire with his brazen tubes.
-The sea-wall was abandoned by its terrified defenders, and an Ethiopian
-climbing on to the top to see if their flight were merely a ruse, when
-once he had assured himself that it was genuine, summoned his comrades
-to follow him. A terrible massacre ensued; some of the inhabitants
-occupied the Akropolis, then known as “St David’s,” but now called “the
-Seven Towers,” whence a few Slavs escaped into the country; others fled
-to the two western gates, “the Golden” and “the Litaian”—the “New gate”
-of the Turks, destroyed in 1911—where the besiegers butchered them as
-they were jammed together in the gateways. Our author with his father,
-uncle, and two brothers took refuge in a bastion of the walls opposite
-the church of St Andrew. When the Ethiopians approached, he threw himself
-at the feet of their captain, offering to reveal to him the hidden
-treasure of the family, if the lives of himself and his relatives were
-spared. The captain agreed, but the author did not escape two wounds
-from another band of pillagers, and witnessed the massacre of some 300
-of his fellow-citizens in the church of St George. And, if his life had
-been spared, he was still a captive; 800 prisoners, besides a crew of
-200, were herded in the ship which transported him to Crete, and he has
-described in vivid language the horrors of that passage in the blazing
-days of August without air or water. Over and above those who perished
-during the voyage, which lasted a fortnight for fear of the Greek fleet,
-22,000 captives were landed to be sold as slaves. Even then his troubles
-were not over. A hurricane sprang up on the voyage from Crete to Tripoli,
-and the narrative closes as the author is anxiously awaiting at Tarsus
-the hour of his liberation. A curious illustration in a manuscript of
-Skylitzes remains, like his story, to remind us of this siege.
-
-Salonika recovered from the ravages of the Saracens, who later in
-the tenth century were driven out of Crete, and the collapse of the
-Bulgarians in the eleventh enabled her to develop her trade. Three
-churches, of St Elias, of the Virgin, and of St Panteleemon, date from
-this period, to which belong the extant seals of Constantine Diogenes,
-Basil II’s lieutenant, and of the Metropolitans Paul and Leo[435]. The
-Byzantine satire, _Timarion_[436], which was composed in the twelfth
-century, gives an interesting account of the fair of St Demetrios, to
-which came not only Greeks from all parts of the Hellenic world, but
-also Slavs from the Danubian lands, Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, and
-Celts from beyond the Alps. It is curious that this list omits the Jews,
-now such an important element at Salonika, for they are mentioned in the
-seventh century, and Benjamin of Tudela, who visited the city about the
-time that _Timarion_ was written, found 500 there[437]. As for Italians,
-we hear of Venetians and Pisans obtaining trading-rights, and having
-their own quarter and the distinctive name of Βουργιέσιοι[438].
-
-Not long after the brilliant scene described by the Byzantine satirist
-a terrible misfortune befell Salonika—its capture by the Normans of
-Sicily. The usurper, Andronikos I, then sat on the throne, and Alexios,
-a nephew of the late Emperor Manuel I, fled to the court of William
-II of Sicily, and implored his assistance. William consented, and
-despatched an army to Salonika by way of Durazzo, and a fleet round the
-Peloponnese. On August 6, 1185, the land force began the siege, of which
-the Archbishop Eustathios, the commentator on Homer, was an eye-witness
-and historian. Salonika was commanded by David Comnenos, who bore a
-great Byzantine name, but was—by the accordant testimony of another
-contemporary, Niketas, who describes him as “more craven than a deer,”
-and of the archbishop, who calls him “little better than a traitor”—a
-lazy, cowardly, and incompetent officer, who, in order to prevent his
-supersession by some one more capable, sent a series of lying bulletins
-to the capital, that all was well. The walls were in good repair, except
-(as in 904) at the harbour, but the reservoir in the castle leaked; and
-many of the most capable inhabitants had been allowed to escape. Still
-the remainder, and not least the women, who completely put to shame the
-effeminate commander on his pacific mule, showed bravery and patriotism,
-while the archbishop specially mentions the courage of some Serbians
-in the garrison[439]. There were, however, traitors in the city and
-neighbourhood—Jews and Armenians, and on August 24 the city fell. The
-conduct of the learned archbishop at this crisis was in marked contrast
-with that of the miserable commander. Eustathios acted like a true
-pastor of his flock. The invaders found him calmly awaiting them in his
-palace, whence, seizing him by his venerable beard, they dragged him to
-the hippodrome, and thence, through lines of corpses, to the arsenal.
-There he was put on board the ship of a pirate, who demanded 4000 gold
-pieces as his ransom. As the archbishop pleaded poverty, he was next day
-escorted to the presence of Alexios himself, and thence to Counts Aldoin
-and Richard of Acerra, by whom he was at last restored to his palace,
-where he took refuge in a tiny bathroom in the garden.
-
-Meanwhile, the Normans had shown no respect for the churches of the
-city. They danced upon the altars; they used the sacred ointment which
-flowed from the tomb of St Demetrios as boot-polish; they interrupted
-the singing by their obscene melodies and imitated the nasal intonation
-of the eastern priesthood by barking like dogs. But it is best to pass
-over the revolting details of the sack, for which the only excuse was
-the massacre of the Latins in Constantinople three years earlier.
-Eustathios, by his influence with Count Aldoin, was able to mitigate
-some of the tortures of his flock; he describes the miserable plight of
-these poor wretches, robbed of their houses and almost stark naked, and
-the strange appearance which they presented (like the Messina refugees
-after the earthquake of 1908) in their improvised hats and clothes. More
-than 7000 of them had perished in the assault, but the archbishop notes
-with satisfaction that the Normans lost some 3000 from their excessive
-indulgence in pork and new wine. Vengeance, too, soon befell them. A
-Greek army under Alexios Branas defeated them on the Struma, and in
-November they evacuated Salonika[440]. But their treatment of Salonika
-embittered the hatred between Latins and Greeks, and prepared the way for
-the Fourth Crusade.
-
-Barely twenty years after the Norman capture, Salonika became the
-capital of a Latin kingdom. Boniface, marquess of Montferrat, was the
-leader of the crusaders who, with the help of the Venetians, overthrew
-the Greek empire in 1204, and partitioned it into Latin states. Of these
-the most important after the Latin empire, of which Constantinople
-became the capital, was the so-called Latin kingdom of Salonika, of
-which Boniface was appointed king, and which, nominally dependent upon
-the Latin Emperor, embraced Macedonia, Thessaly, and much of continental
-Greece, including Athens. Of all the artificial creations of the Fourth
-Crusade, which should be a warning to those who believe that nations
-can be partitioned permanently at congresses of diplomatists, the Latin
-kingdom of Salonika was the first to fall. From the outset its existence
-was undermined by jealousy between its king and the Latin Emperor, whose
-suzerainty he and his proud Lombard nobles were loath to acknowledge. For
-this reason Boniface, whose wife, Margaret of Hungary, was widow of the
-Greek Emperor, Isaac II, endeavoured to cultivate his Greek subjects.
-But, in 1207, he was killed by the Bulgarians, who would have taken
-Salonika, had not a traitor (or, as the pious believed, St Demetrios)
-slain their tsar.
-
-Boniface’s son, although born in the country and named after Salonika’s
-patron-saint (whose church was, however, the property of the chapter
-of the Holy Sepulchre while a Latin archbishop occupied the see), was
-then barely two years old. His mother was regent, but the real power was
-wielded by her bailie, the ambitious count of Biandrate, whose policy
-was to separate the kingdom from the Latin empire and draw it closer to
-the Italian marquisate. His quarrels with the Emperor Henry were viewed
-with joy by the Greeks; and, after his retirement, and in the absence
-of the young king in Italy, the kingdom was easily occupied, in 1223,
-by Theodore Angelos[441], the vigorous ruler of Epeiros, where, as at
-Nice, the city of the famous council, Hellenism, temporarily exiled from
-its natural capital, had found a refuge. The Greek conqueror exchanged
-the more modest title of “Despot of Epeiros” for that of “Emperor of
-Salonika,” while the exiled monarch and his successors continued to amuse
-themselves by styling themselves titular kings of Salonika for another
-century. But the separate Greek empire of Salonika was destined to live
-but little longer than the Latin kingdom. The first Greek Emperor, by one
-of those sudden reverses of fortune so characteristic of Balkan politics
-in all ages, fell into the hands of the Bulgarians; and, after having
-been reduced to the lesser dignity of a Despotat, the empire which he had
-founded was finally annexed, in 1246, to the stronger and rival Greek
-empire of Nice, which, in 1261, likewise absorbed the Latin empire of
-Constantinople. No coins of the Latin kingdom exist; but we have a seal
-of Boniface, with a representation of the city walls upon it. Of the
-Greek empire of Salonika there are silver and bronze pieces, bearing the
-figure of the city’s patron-saint; while a tower contains an inscription
-to “Manuel the Despot,” identified by Monsignor Duchesne[442] with Manuel
-Angelos (1230-40), the Emperor Theodore’s brother and successor, but
-locally ascribed to a Manuel Palaiologos, perhaps the subsequent Emperor
-Manuel II, Despot and governor of Salonika in 1369-70.
-
-Salonika, restored to the Byzantine empire, enjoyed special privileges,
-second only to those of the capital. Together with the region around it,
-it was considered as an appanage of one of the Emperor’s sons (_e.g._
-John VII, nephew, and Andronikos, son of Manuel II). It was sometimes
-governed by the Empresses, two of them Italians, Jolanda of Montferrat,
-wife of Andronikos II, a descendant of the first king of Salonika,
-and Anne of Savoy, wife of Andronikos III, who was commemorated in an
-inscription over the gate of the castle, which she repaired in 1355.
-The court frequently resided there: we find Andronikos III coming to be
-healed by the saint, and the beauteous Jolanda, when she quarrelled with
-her husband, retired to Salonika and scandalised Thessalonian society
-with her accounts of her domestic life. As in our own day, Salonika was
-the favourite seat of opposition to the imperial authority. During the
-civil wars of the fourteenth century, such as those between the elder
-and the younger Andronikos and between John V Palaiologos and John
-Cantacuzene, it supported the candidate opposed to Constantinople, so
-that we may find precedents in its mediæval history for its selection
-as the headquarters of the Young Turkish movement. It enjoyed a full
-measure of autonomy, had its own “senate,” elected its own officials, was
-defended by its own civic guard, and administered by its own municipal
-customs. It even sent its own envoys abroad to discuss commercial
-questions. Its annual fair on the festival of St Demetrios still
-attracted traders from all the Levant to the level space between the
-walls and the Vardar. Jews, Slavs, and Armenians, as well as Greeks,
-crowded its bazaars; scholars from outside frequented its high schools,
-and Demetrios Kydones[443] compared it with Athens at its best.
-
-The fourteenth century was, indeed, the golden age of Salonika in
-art and letters. The erection of the churches of the Twelve Apostles
-and St Catherine continued the tradition of the much earlier churches
-of St George, St Sophia, and St Demetrios. The clergy followed in the
-footsteps of the learned Eustathios, and the beauty, wit, and reading
-of a Thessalonian lady, Eudokia Palaiologina, turned the head of a son
-of Andronikos II, when governor of Salonika, “that garden of the Muses
-and the Graces,” as one of the literary archbishops of the fourteenth
-century called it. The intellectual activity of the place led to intense
-theological discussion, and at this period the “Orthodox” city _par
-excellence_ was agitated by the heresy of the “Hesychasts,” or Quietists,
-who believed that complete repose would enable them to see a divine light
-flickering round their empty stomachs, while the so-called “Zealots,”
-or friends of the people, with the cross as their banner, practised in
-Salonika the doctrines of Wat Tyler and Jack Cade in mediæval England.
-The exploitation of the poor by the rich and the tax-collectors, and
-the example of the recent revolution at Genoa, caused this republican
-movement, which led to the massacre of the nobles in 1346 by hurling
-them from the castle walls into the midst of an armed mob below.
-The “Zealots,” like the Iconoclast Emperors, have suffered from the
-fact that they have been described by their enemies, and notably by
-Cantacuzene[444], to whose aristocratic party they were opposed. Yet even
-an archbishop publicly advocated so drastic a measure as the suppression
-of some of the monasteries, in order to provide funds for the better
-defence of the city; nor was there anything very alarming in their
-preference for direct taxation. Thus, Salonika was from 1342 to 1349,
-under their auspices, practically an independent republic, till they
-succumbed to the allied forces of the aristocracy and the monks.
-
-Salonika, indeed, continued to have urgent need of its walls, which
-still remain, save where the Turks completely dismantled them on the
-sea side in 1866, a fine example of Byzantine fortification. Andronikos
-II strengthened them by the erection of a tower, which still bears his
-initials, in the dividing wall between the Akropolis and the rest of the
-city. Thanks to them it escaped pillage by the Catalan Grand Company
-at a time when they sheltered two Byzantine Empresses. Even during the
-greatest expansion of the Serbian empire under Stephen Dushan, Salonika
-alone remained a Greek islet in a Serbian Macedonia. But a far more
-serious foe than either Catalan or Serb was now at hand. The Turks
-entered Europe shortly after the middle of the fourteenth century, and
-advanced rapidly in the direction of Salonika. At least twice[445] before
-the end of that century—in 1387 and from 1391 to 1403, when Suleyman
-handed it back—they occupied it, and at last the inhabitants came to the
-conclusion that, in the weak condition of the Greek empire, their sole
-chance of safety was to place themselves under the protection of a great
-maritime power. Accordingly, in 1423, pressed by famine and by continual
-Turkish attacks, the Greek notables sent a deputation to Venice offering
-their city to the republic, whether their sickly Despot Andronikos, son
-of the Emperor Manuel II, consented or no. The Venetians, we are told,
-“received the offer with gladness, and promised to protect, and nourish,
-and prosper the city and to transform it into a second Venice.” The
-Despot, whose claims were settled by a solatium of 50,000 ducats, made
-way for a Venetian duke and a captain; for seven years Salonika was a
-Venetian colony[446].
-
-The bargain proved unsatisfactory alike to the Venetians and the Greeks.
-Their brief occupation of Salonika cost the republic 700,000 ducats—for,
-in 1426, in addition to the cost of administration and repairs to the
-walls, she agreed to pay a tribute to the Sultan. Nor was it popular with
-the natives, especially the notables, many of whom the government found
-it desirable to deport to the other Venetian colonies of Negroponte and
-Crete, or even to Venice itself, on the plea that there was not food for
-them at Salonika. Others left voluntarily for Constantinople to escape
-the “unbearable horrors” and the Venetian slavery. The Turkish peril was
-ever present, and when envoys solicited peace from the Sultan Murad II,
-he replied: “The city is my inheritance, and my grandfather Bayezid took
-it from the Greeks by his own right hand. So, if the Greeks were now
-its masters, they might reasonably accuse me of injustice. But ye being
-Latins and from Italy, what have ye to do with this part of the world?
-Go, if you like; if not, I am coming quickly.” And in 1430 he came.
-
-Two misfortunes preceded the fall of Salonika—the death of the beloved
-metropolitan, and an earthquake. There was only one man to defend every
-two or three bastions, and the Venetians, distrusting the inhabitants,
-placed a band of brigands between themselves and the Greeks, so that,
-even if the latter had desired to accept the liberal offers which Murad
-made them, they dared not do so. Chalkokondyles hints at treachery,
-and a versifying chronicler[447] makes the monks of the present
-Tsaoush-Monastir near the citadel urge the Sultan to cut the conduits
-from the mountain, which supplied the city with water, and ascribes
-to their treason their subsequent privileges. But even the wives of
-the Greek notables joined in the defence, until a move of the Venetian
-garrison towards the harbour led the Greeks to believe that they would
-be left to their fate. On March 29, the fourth day of the siege, a
-soldier scaled the walls at the place near the castle known as “The
-Triangle,” and threw down the head of a Venetian as a sign that he was
-holding his ground. The defenders fled to the Samareia tower[448] on the
-beach—perhaps the famous “White Tower,” or “the Tower of Blood” as it was
-called a century ago, which still stands there and which some attribute
-to the Venetian period, or at least to Venetian workmen—only to find it
-shut against them by the Venetians, who managed to escape by sea.
-
-In accordance with his promise, Murad allowed his men to sack the city,
-and great damage was inflicted on the churches in the search for treasure
-buried beneath the altars. The tomb of St Demetrios was ravaged, because
-of its rich ornaments and to obtain the healing ointment for which it
-was famous, while the relics of St Theodora were scattered, and with
-difficulty collected again. Seeing, however, the wonderful situation of
-Salonika, the Sultan ordered the sack to cease, and began to restore the
-houses to their owners, contenting himself with converting only two of
-the churches, those of the Virgin and of St John Baptist, into mosques.
-It is pleasant to note that George Brankovich, the Despot of Serbia
-and one of the richest princes of that day, ransomed many prisoners.
-Two or three years afterwards, however, the Sultan adopted severer
-measures towards the captured city. He took all the churches except
-four (including that of St Demetrios, which, as the tomb of Spantounes
-shows, was not converted into a mosque till after 1481), built a bath
-out of the materials of some of the others, and transported the Turks of
-Yenidjé-Vardar to Salonika, which thus for 482 years became a Turkish
-city. Chalkokondyles[449] was not far wrong when he described its fall as
-“the greatest disaster that had yet befallen the Greeks.”
-
-When, on St Demetrios’ day, 1912, the victorious Greeks recovered
-Salonika, all those churches, sixteen in number, which had existed
-before the Turkish conquest were reconverted into Christian edifices;
-and when I was there in 1914, it was curious to see the two dates, 1430
-and 1912, the former in black, the latter in gold, on the eikonostasis
-of the Divine Wisdom, the church which was perhaps founded before the
-more famous St Sophia of Constantinople. Almost the last acts of the
-Young Turks before they surrendered Salonika were to destroy not only
-the “Gate of Anna Palaiologina,” but also the “New Gate,” which bore the
-inscription recording the Turkish capture.
-
-[Illustration: THE NEAR EAST IN 1350]
-
-
-
-
-IV. THE GENOESE COLONIES IN GREECE
-
-
-I. THE ZACCARIA OF PHOCÆA AND CHIOS (1275-1329)
-
-Genoa played a much less important part than Venice in the history of
-Greece. Unlike her great rival on the lagoons, she had no Byzantine
-traditions which attracted her towards the Near East, and it is not,
-therefore, surprising to find her appearing last of all the Italian
-Republics in the Levant. But, though she took no part in the Fourth
-Crusade, her sons, the Zaccaria and the Gattilusj, later on became
-petty sovereigns in the Ægean; the long administration of Chios by the
-Genoese society of the Giustiniani is one of the earliest examples of the
-government of a colonial dependency by a Chartered Company, and it was
-Genoa who gave to the principality of Achaia its last ruler in the person
-of Centurione Zaccaria.
-
-The earliest relations between Genoa and Byzantium are to be found in
-the treaty between the two in 1155; but it was not till a century later
-that the Ligurian Republic seriously entered into the field of Eastern
-politics. After the establishment of the Latin states in Greece, the
-Genoese, excluded from all share of the spoil, endeavoured to embarrass
-their more fortunate Venetian rivals by secretly urging on their
-countryman, the pirate Vetrano, against Corfù, and by instigating the
-bold Ligurian, Enrico Pescatore, against Crete—enterprises, however,
-which had no permanent effect. But the famous treaty of Nymphæum,
-concluded between the Emperor Michael VIII and the Republic of Genoa in
-1261, first gave the latter a _locus standi_ in the Levant. Never did a
-Latin Community make a better bargain with a Greek ruler, for all the
-advantages were on the side of Genoa. The Emperor gave her establishments
-and the right to keep consuls at Anæa, in Chios, and in Lesbos, both of
-which important islands had been assigned to the Latin Empire by the deed
-of partition, but had been recaptured by Michael’s predecessor Vatatzes
-in 1225[450]. He also granted her the city of Smyrna, promised free trade
-to Genoese merchants in all the ports of his dominions, and pledged
-himself to exclude the enemies of the Ligurian Commonwealth, in other
-words, the Venetians, from the Black Sea and all his harbours. All that
-he asked in return for these magnificent concessions was an undertaking
-that Genoa would arm a squadron of fifty ships at his expense, if he
-asked for it. It was expressly stipulated that this armament should
-not be employed against Prince William of Achaia. Genoa performed her
-part of the bargain by sending a small fleet to aid the Emperor in the
-recovery of Constantinople from the Latins; but it arrived too late
-to be of any use. Still, Michael VIII took the will for the deed; he
-needed Genoese aid for his war against Venice; so he sent an embassy to
-ask for more galleys. The Genoese, heedless of papal thunders against
-this “unholy alliance,” responded by raising a loan for the affairs of
-the Levant[451]; and it was their fleet, allied with the Greeks, which
-sustained the defeat off the islet of Spetsopoulo, or Sette Pozzi, as the
-Italians called it[452], at the mouth of the Gulf of Nauplia in 1263.
-But the Emperor soon found that his new allies were a source of danger
-rather than of strength; he banished the Genoese of Constantinople to
-Eregli on the Sea of Marmara, and made his peace with their Venetian
-rivals. In vain Genoa sent Benedetto Zaccaria to induce him to revoke his
-decree of expulsion; some years seem to have elapsed before he allowed
-the Genoese to return to Galata, and it was not till 1275 that the formal
-ratification of the treaty of Nymphæum marked his complete return to
-his old policy[453], and that Manuele and Benedetto Zaccaria became the
-recipients of his bounty.
-
-The Zaccaria were at this time one of the leading families of Genoa,
-whither they had emigrated from the little Ligurian town of Gavi some
-two centuries earlier. The grandfather of Manuele and Benedetto, who
-derived his territorial designation of “de Castro,” from the district
-of Sta Maria di Castello, in which he resided, had held civic office in
-1202; their father Fulcho had been one of the signatories of the treaty
-of Nymphæum[454]. Three years before that event Benedetto had been
-captured by the Venetians in a battle off Tyre. Three years after it, he
-was sent as Genoese ambassador to Michael VIII and, though his mission
-was unsuccessful, the Emperor had the opportunity of appreciating his
-business-like qualities[455]. Early in 1275, the year when Genoa had
-returned to favour at the Imperial Court, the two brothers started from
-their native city upon the voyage to Constantinople, which was destined
-to bring them fame and fortune—to Manuele, the elder, the grant of the
-alum-mines of Phocæa at the north of the Gulf of Smyrna, to Benedetto
-the hand of the Emperor’s sister[456]. Phocæa at that time consisted of
-a single town, situated to the west of the alum-mountains; but, later
-on, the encroachments of the Turks led its Latin lords to build on
-the sea-shore at the foot of the mountain a small fortress sufficient
-to shelter about fifty workmen, which, with the aid of their Greek
-neighbours, grew into the town of New Phocæa, or Foglia Nuova, as the
-Italians called it. The annual rent, which Manuele paid to the Emperor,
-was covered many times over by the profits of the mines. Alum was
-indispensable for dyeing, and Western ships homeward-bound were therefore
-accustomed to take a cargo of this useful product at Phocæa[457]. The
-only serious competition with the trade was that of the alum which came
-from the coasts of the Black Sea, and which was exported to Europe in
-Genoese bottoms. A man of business first and a patriot afterwards,
-Manuele persuaded the Emperor to ensure him a monopoly of the market by
-prohibiting this branch of the Euxine trade—a protective measure, which
-led to difficulties with Genoa. He was still actively engaged in business
-operations at Phocæa in 1287, but is described as dead in the spring of
-the following year[458], after which date the alum-mines of Phocæa passed
-to his still more adventurous brother, Benedetto.
-
-While Manuele had been accumulating riches at Phocæa, Benedetto had
-gained the reputation of being one of the most daring seamen, as well as
-one of the ablest negotiators, of his time. He was instrumental, as agent
-of Michael VIII, in stirring up the Sicilian Vespers and so frustrating
-the threatened attack of Charles I of Anjou upon the Greek Empire, and
-later in that year we find him proposing the marriage of Michael’s son
-and the King of Aragon’s daughter[459]. In the following years he was
-Genoese Admiral in the Pisan War, and led an expedition to Tunis; in 1288
-he was sent to Tripoli with full powers to transact all the business of
-the Republic beyond the seas. After negotiating with both the claimants
-to the last of the Crusaders’ Syrian states, he performed the more
-useful action of conveying the people of Tripoli to Cyprus, when, in the
-following year, that once famous city fell before the Sultan of Egypt.
-In Cyprus he concluded with King Henry II a treaty, which gave so little
-satisfaction to the home government, that it was speedily cancelled. More
-successful was the commercial convention which he made with Leo III of
-Armenia, followed by a further agreement with that monarch’s successor,
-Hethum II. But his rashness in capturing an Egyptian ship compelled the
-Republic to disown him, and in 1291 he sought employment under a new
-master, Sancho IV of Castile, as whose Admiral he defeated the Saracens
-off the coast of Morocco[460]. From Spain he betook himself to the
-court of Philip IV of France, to whom, with characteristic audacity, he
-submitted in 1296 a plan for the invasion of England[461]. During his
-absence in the West, however, war broke out between the Genoese and the
-Venetians, whose Admiral, Ruggiero Morosini, took Phocæa and seized the
-huge cauldrons which were used for the preparation of the alum[462].
-But upon his return he speedily repaired the walls of the city, and
-ere long the alum-mines yielded more than ever. Nor was this his only
-source of revenue, for under his brother and himself Phocæa had become a
-name of terror to the Latin pirates of the Levant, upon whom the famous
-_Tartarin_ of the Zaccaria ceaselessly preyed, and who lost their lives,
-or at least their eyes, if they fell into the hands of the redoubtable
-Genoese captains[463]. The sums thus gained Benedetto devoted in part
-to his favourite project for the recovery of the Holy Land, for which
-he actually equipped several vessels with the aid of the ladies of his
-native city—a pious act that won them the praise of Pope Boniface VIII,
-who described him as his “old, familiar friend[464].” This new crusade,
-indeed, came to nought, but such was the renown which he and his brother
-had acquired, that the Turks, by this time masters of the Asian coast,
-and occupants of the short-lived Genoese colony of Smyrna, were deterred
-from attacking Phocæa, not because of its natural strength but because
-of the warlike qualities of its Italian garrison. Conscious of their own
-valour and of the weakness of the Emperor Andronikos II, the Genoese
-colonists did not hesitate to ask him to entrust them with the defence
-of the neighbouring islands, if he were unable to defend that portion of
-his Empire himself. They only stipulated that they should be allowed to
-defray the cost out of the local revenues, which would thus be expended
-on the spot, instead of being transmitted to Constantinople. Benedetto
-had good reason for making this offer; for Chios and Lesbos, once the
-seats of flourishing Genoese factories under the rule of the Greek
-Emperor and his father, had both suffered severely from the feeble policy
-of the central government and the attacks of corsairs. Twice, in 1292 and
-1303, the troops first of Roger de Lluria and then of Roger de Flor had
-ravaged Mytilene and devastated the famous mastic-gardens of Chios—the
-only place in the world where that product was to be found, while a
-Turkish raid completed the destruction of that beautiful island[465].
-
-Andronikos received Benedetto’s proposal with favour, but as he delayed
-giving a definite decision, the energetic Genoese, like the man of action
-that he was, occupied Chios in 1304 on his own account. The Emperor, too
-much engaged with the Turkish peril to undertake the expulsion of this
-desperate intruder, wisely recognised accomplished facts, and agreed
-to let him have the island for ten years as a fief of the Empire, free
-of all tribute, on condition that he flew the Byzantine standard from
-the walls and promised to restore his conquest to his suzerain at the
-expiration of the lease[466]. Thus, in the fashion of Oriental diplomacy,
-both parties were satisfied: the Italian had gained the substance of
-power, while the Greek retained the shadow, and might salve his dignity
-with the reflexion that the real ruler of Chios hoisted his colours, owed
-him allegiance, and was a near kinsman of his own by marriage.
-
-This first Genoese occupation of Chios lasted only a quarter of a
-century; but even in that short time, under the firm and able rule of
-the Zaccaria, it recovered its former prosperity. Benedetto refortified
-the capital, restored the fallen buildings, heightened the walls,
-and deepened the ditch—significant proofs of his intention to stay.
-Entrusting Phocæa to the care of his nephew Tedisio, or Ticino, as his
-deputy, he devoted his attention to the revival of Chios, which at his
-death, in 1307, he bequeathed to his son, Paleologo, first-cousin of the
-reigning Emperor, while he left Phocæa to his half-brother, Nicolino,
-like himself a naval commander in the Genoese service. This division
-of the family possessions led to difficulties. Nicolino arrived at
-Phocæa and demanded a full statement of account from his late brother’s
-manager, Tedisio; the latter consented, but the uncle and the nephew
-did not agree about the figures, and Nicolino withdrew, threatening to
-return with a larger force, to turn Tedisio out of his post, convey him
-to Genoa, and appoint another governor, Andriolo Cattaneo della Volta,
-a connexion of the family by marriage, in his place. Nicolino’s son
-privately warned his cousin of his father’s intentions, and advised him
-to quit Phocæa while there was still time. At this moment the Catalan
-Grand Company was at Gallipoli, and there Tedisio presented himself,
-begging the chronicler Muntaner to enroll him in its ranks. The Catalan,
-moved by his aristocratic antecedents and personal courage, consented,
-and soon the fugitive ex-governor, by glowing accounts of the riches
-of Phocæa, induced his new comrades to aid him in capturing the place
-from his successor. The Catalans were always ready for plunder, and the
-alum-city was said to contain “the richest treasures of the world.”
-Accordingly, a flotilla was equipped, which arrived off Phocæa on the
-night of Easter 1307. Before daybreak next morning, the assailants
-had scaled the walls of the castle; then they sacked the city, whose
-population of more than 3000 Greeks was employed in the alum-manufactory.
-The booty was immense, and not the least precious portion of it was a
-piece of the true Cross, encased in gold and studded with priceless
-jewels. This relic, said to have been brought by St John the Evangelist
-to Ephesus, captured by the Turks when they took that place, and pawned
-by them at Phocæa, fell to the lot of Muntaner[467]. This famous “Cross
-of the Zaccaria” would seem to have been restored to that family, and we
-may conjecture that it was presented to the cathedral of Genoa, where it
-now is, by the bastard son of the last Prince of the Morea[468], when,
-in 1459, he begged the city of his ancestors to recommend him to the
-generosity of Pius II. Emboldened by this success, Tedisio, with the
-aid of the Catalans, conquered the island of Thasos from the Greeks and
-received his friend Muntaner and the Infant Ferdinand of Majorca in its
-castle with splendid hospitality. Six years later, however, the Byzantine
-forces recovered this island, whence the Zaccaria preyed upon Venetian
-merchantmen[469], and it was not for more than a century that a Genoese
-lord once again held his court in the fortress of Tedisio Zaccaria.
-
-Meanwhile, Paleologo, in Chios, had continued the enlightened policy of
-his father, and reaped his reward in the renewed productiveness of the
-mastic-plantations. In 1314, when the ten years’ lease of the island
-expired, the strong fortifications, which his father had erected, and
-his near relationship to the Emperor procured him a renewal for five
-more years on the same terms[470]. He did not, however, long enjoy this
-further tenure, for in the same year he died, apparently without progeny.
-As his uncle, Nicolino, the lord of Phocæa and the next heir, was by this
-time also dead, the latter’s sons, Martino and Benedetto II, succeeded
-their cousin as joint-rulers of Chios, while Phocæa passed beneath the
-direct control of Nicolino’s former governor, Andriolo Cattaneo, always,
-of course, subject to the confirmation of the Emperor.
-
-The two brothers, who had thus succeeded to Chios, possessed all the
-vigorous qualities of their race. One contemporary writer after another
-praises their services to Christendom, and describes the terror with
-which they filled the Turks. The Infidels, we are told, were afraid to
-approach within twelve miles of Chios, because of the Zaccaria, who
-always kept a thousand foot-soldiers, a hundred horsemen, and a couple
-of galleys ready for every emergency. Had it not been for the valour of
-the Genoese lords of Chios “neither man, nor woman, nor dog, nor cat, nor
-any live animal could have remained in any of the neighbouring islands.”
-Not only were the brothers “the shield of defence of the Christians,” but
-they did all they could to stop the infamous traffic in slaves, carried
-on by their fellow-countrymen, the Genoese of Alexandria, whose vessels
-passed Chios on the way from the Black Sea ports. Pope John XXII, who
-had already allowed Martino to export mastic to Alexandria in return
-for his services, was therefore urged to give the Zaccaria the maritime
-police of the Archipelago, so that this branch of the slave-trade might
-be completely cut off[471]. Sanudo[472], with his accurate knowledge of
-the Ægean, remarked that the islands could not have resisted the Turks
-so long, had it not been for the Genoese rulers of Chios, Duke Nicolò
-I of Naxos, and the Holy House of the Hospital, established since 1309
-in Rhodes, and estimated that the Zaccaria could furnish a galley for
-the recovery of the Holy Land. Martino was specially renowned for his
-exploits against the Turks. No man, it was said, had ever done braver
-deeds at sea than this defender of the Christians and implacable foe of
-the Paynim. In one year alone he captured 18 Turkish pirate ships, and at
-the end of his reign he had slain or taken more than 10,000 Turks[473].
-The increased importance of Chios at this period is evidenced by the
-coins, which the two brothers minted for their use, sometimes with the
-diplomatic legend, “servants of the Emperor[474].” Benedetto II was,
-however, eclipsed by the greater glories of Martino. By marriage the
-latter became baron of Damala and by purchase[475] lord of Chalandritza
-in the Peloponnese, and thus laid the foundations of his family’s
-fortunes in the principality of Achaia. He was thereby brought into close
-relations with the official hierarchy of the Latin Orient, from which the
-Zaccaria, as Genoese traders, had hitherto been excluded. Accordingly, in
-1325, Philip I of Taranto, who, in virtue of his marriage with Catherine
-of Valois, was titular Latin Emperor of Constantinople, bestowed upon
-him the islands of Lesbos, Samos, Kos, and Chios, which Baldwin II had
-reserved for himself and his successors in the treaty of Viterbo in
-1267,—a reservation repeated in 1294—together with those of Ikaria,
-Tenedos, Œnoussa, and Marmara, and the high-sounding title of “King and
-Despot of Asia Minor,” in return for his promise to furnish 500 horsemen
-and six galleys a year whenever the “Emperor” came into his own[476]. The
-practical benefits of this magnificent diploma were small—for Martino
-already ruled in Chios, with which Samos and Kos seem to have been united
-under the sway of the Zaccaria, while the other places mentioned belonged
-either to the Greeks or the Turks, over whom the phantom Latin Emperor
-had no power whatever. Indeed, this investiture by the titular ruler
-of Constantinople must have annoyed its actual sovereign, who had not,
-however, dared to refuse the renewal of the lease of Chios, when it again
-expired in 1319.
-
-But Martino had given hostages to fortune by his connexion with the
-Morea. His son, Bartolommeo, was captured by the Catalans of Athens
-in one of their campaigns, sent off to the custody of their patron,
-Frederick II of Sicily, and only released at the request of Pope John
-XXII in 1318. As the husband of the young Marchioness of Boudonitza, he
-was mixed up also in the politics of Eubœa and the mainland opposite,
-while he is mentioned as joining the other members of his family in their
-attacks upon the Turks.
-
-For a time Martino managed to preserve good relations with the Greek
-Empire. In 1324, the lease of Chios was again renewed, and in 1327 Venice
-instructed her officials in the Levant to negotiate a league with him,
-the Greek Emperor, and the Knights against the common peril[477]. But by
-this time the dual system of government in the island had broken down:
-Martino’s great successes had led him to desire the sole management of
-Chios, and he had accordingly ousted his brother from all share in the
-government and struck coins for the island with his own name alone,
-as he did for his barony of Damala[478]. His riches had become such
-as to arouse the suspicions of the Imperial Government that he would
-not long be content to admit himself “the servant of the Emperor”;
-the public dues of the island amounted to 120,000 gold pieces a year,
-while the Turks paid an annual tribute to its dreaded ruler, in order
-to escape his attacks. It happened that, in 1328, when the quinquennial
-lease had only another year to run and the usual negotiations for its
-renewal should have begun, that Andronikos III, a warlike and energetic
-prince, mounted the throne of Constantinople, and this conjunction of
-circumstances seemed to the national party in Chios peculiarly favourable
-to its reconquest. Accordingly, the leading Greek of the island, Leon
-Kalothetos, who was an intimate friend of the new sovereign’s Prime
-Minister, John Cantacuzene, sought an interview with the latter’s mother,
-whom he interested in his plans. She procured him an audience of the
-Emperor and of her son, and they both encouraged him with presents and
-promises to support the expedition which they were ready to undertake. An
-excuse for hostilities was easily found in the new fortress which Martino
-was then engaged in constructing without the consent of his suzerain.
-An ultimatum was therefore sent to him ordering him to desist from his
-building operations, and to come in person to Constantinople, if he
-wished to renew his lease. Martino, as might have been expected from his
-character, treated the ultimatum with contempt, and only hastened on his
-building. Benedetto, however, took the opportunity to lodge a complaint
-against his brother before the Emperor, claiming 60,000 gold pieces,
-the present annual amount of his half-share in the island, which he had
-inherited but of which the grasping Martino had deprived him.
-
-In the early autumn of 1329, Andronikos assembled a magnificent fleet of
-105 vessels, including four galleys furnished by Duke Nicolò I of Naxos,
-with the ostensible object of attacking the Turks but with the real
-intention of subduing the Genoese lord of Chios. Even at this eleventh
-hour the Emperor would have been willing to leave him in possession of
-the rest of the island, merely placing an Imperial garrison in the new
-castle and insisting upon the regular payment of Benedetto’s annuity.
-Martino, however, was in no mood for negotiations. He sank the three
-galleys which he had in the harbour, forbade his Greek subjects to wear
-arms under pain of death, and shut himself up with 800 men behind the
-walls, from which there floated defiantly the flag of the Zaccaria,
-instead of the customary Imperial standard. But, when he saw that his
-brother had handed over a neighbouring fort to the Emperor, and that no
-reliance could be placed upon his Greek subjects, he sent messengers
-begging for peace. Andronikos repulsed them, saying that the time for
-compromise was over, whereupon Martino surrendered. The Chians clamoured
-for his execution; but Cantacuzene saved his life, and he was conveyed
-a prisoner to Constantinople, while his wife Jacqueline de la Roche, a
-connexion of the former ducal house of Athens, was allowed to go free
-with her family and all that they could carry. Martino’s adherents
-were given their choice of leaving the island with their property, or
-of entering the Imperial service, and the majority chose the latter
-alternative. The nationalist leaders were rewarded for their devotion by
-gifts and honours; the people were relieved from their oppressive public
-burdens. To Benedetto the Emperor offered the governorship of Chios
-with half the net revenues of the island as his salary—a generous offer
-which the Genoese rejected with scorn, asserting that nothing short of
-absolute sovereignty over it would satisfy him. If that were refused, he
-only asked for three galleys to carry him and his property to Galata.
-Andronikos treated him with remarkable forbearance, in order that public
-opinion might not accuse an Emperor of having been guilty of meanness,
-and, on the proposal of Cantacuzene, convened an assembly of Greeks and
-of the Latins who were then in the island—Genoese and Venetian traders,
-the Duke of Naxos, the recently appointed Roman Catholic bishop of Chios
-and some other Frères Prêcheurs who had arrived—in order that there might
-be impartial witnesses of his generosity. Even those of Benedetto’s own
-race and creed regarded his obstinate refusal of the Imperial offer with
-disapprobation; nor would he even accept a palace and the rank of Senator
-at Constantinople with 20,000 gold pieces a year out of the revenues of
-Chios; nothing but his three galleys could he be persuaded to take. His
-object was soon apparent. Upon his arrival at Galata, he chartered eight
-Genoese galleys, which he found lying there, and set out to reconquer
-Chios—a task which he considered likely to be easy, as the Imperial
-fleet had by that time dispersed. The Chians, however, repulsed his men
-with considerable loss, the survivors weighed anchor on the morrow, and
-Benedetto II succumbed barely a week later to an attack of apoplexy,
-brought on by his rage and disappointment[479].
-
-Martino, after eight years in captivity, was released by the intervention
-of Pope Benedict XII and Philip VI of France in 1337, and treated with
-favour by the Emperor, who “gave him a command in the army and other
-castles,” as some compensation for his losses[480]. In 1343, Clement VI
-appointed him captain of the four papal galleys which formed part of
-the crusade for the capture of the former Genoese colony of Smyrna from
-Omar Beg of Aïdin, the self-styled “Prince of the Morea[481]”—a post
-for which his special experience and local knowledge were a particular
-recommendation in the eyes of the Pope. Martino desired, however, to
-avail himself of this opportunity to reconquer Chios from the Greeks,
-and invited the Knights and the Cypriote detachment to join him in this
-venture, to which his friend, the Archbishop of Thebes, endeavoured to
-force the latter by threats of excommunication. The Pope saw, however,
-that this repetition on a smaller scale of the selfish policy of the
-Fourth Crusade would have the effect of alienating his Greek allies, and
-ordered the Latin Patriarch of Constantinople to forbid the attack[482].
-Martino lived to see Smyrna taken in December, 1344, but on January 17,
-1345, the rashness of the Patriarch, who insisted on holding mass in the
-old Metropolitan Church against the advice of the naval authorities,
-cost him his life. Omar assaulted the cathedral while service was still
-going on, Martino was slain, and his head presented to that redoubtable
-chieftain[483]. When, in the following year, the Genoese retook Chios,
-and founded their second long domination over it, his descendants did
-not profit by the conquest. But his second son, Centurione, retained his
-baronies in the Morea, of which the latter’s grandson and namesake was
-the last reigning Prince.
-
-After the restoration of Greek rule in Chios and the appointment of
-Kalothetos as Imperial viceroy, Andronikos III had proceeded to Phocæa.
-By this time the Genoese had abandoned the old city and had strongly
-fortified themselves in the new town, purchasing further security for
-their commercial operations by the payment of an annual tribute of 15,000
-pieces of silver and a personal present of 10,000 more to Saru-Khan,
-the Turkish ruler of the district. The Emperor, having placated this
-personage with the usual Oriental arguments, set out for Foglia Nuova.
-Andriolo Cattaneo chanced to be absent at Genoa on business, and
-the Genoese garrison of 52 knights and 400 foot-soldiers was under
-the command of his uncle, Arrigo Tartaro. The latter wisely averted
-annexation by doing homage to the Emperor, and handed the keys of the
-newly constructed castle to his Varangian guard. After spending two
-nights in the fortress, in order to show that it was his, Andronikos
-magnanimously renewed the grant of the place to Andriolo during good
-pleasure. But Domenico Cattaneo, who succeeded his father not long
-afterwards with the assent of the Emperor, lost, in his attempt to obtain
-more, what he already had.
-
-Cattaneo, not content with the riches of Foglia Nuova, coveted the island
-of Lesbos, which had belonged for just over a century to the Greeks,
-and it seemed in 1333 as if an opportunity of seizing it had arisen.
-The increasing power of the Turks, who had by that time taken Nicæa and
-Brusa and greatly hindered Greek and Latin trade alike in the Ægean, led
-to a coalition against them; but, before attacking the common enemy,
-the Knights, Nicolò I of Naxos, and Cattaneo made a treacherous descent
-upon Lesbos, and seized the capital of the island. The crafty Genoese,
-supported by a number of galleys from his native city, managed, however,
-to outwit his weaker allies, and ousted them from all share in the
-conquered town, whither he transferred his residence from Foglia Nuova.
-Andronikos, after punishing the Genoese of Pera for this act of treachery
-on the part of their countrymen, set out to recover Lesbos. The slowness
-of the Emperor’s movements, however, enabled Cattaneo to strengthen the
-garrison, and Andronikos, leaving one of his officers to besiege Lesbos,
-proceeded to invest Foglia with the aid of Saru-Khan, whose son with
-other young Turks had been captured and kept as a hostage by the Genoese
-garrison. The place, however, continued for long to resist the attacks
-of the allies, till at last Cattaneo’s lieutenant prevailed upon them to
-raise the siege by restoring the prisoners to their parents and pledging
-himself to obtain the surrender of the city of Mytilene, which still
-held out, and which the Emperor, fearing troubles at home, had no time
-to take. Cattaneo, indeed, repudiated this part of the arrangement, and
-bribery was needed to seduce the Latin mercenaries and thus leave him
-unsupported. From Lesbos he retired to Foglia, which the Emperor had
-consented to allow him to keep on the old terms; but four years later,
-while he was absent on a hunting party, the Greek inhabitants overpowered
-the small Italian garrison and proclaimed Andronikos III[484]. Thus
-ended the first Genoese occupation of Phocæa and Lesbos—the harbinger
-of the much longer and more durable colonisation a few years later. Two
-gold coins, modelled on the Venetian ducats, of which the first of them
-is the earliest known counterfeit, have survived to preserve the memory
-of Andriolo and Domenico Cattaneo, and to testify to the riches of the
-Foglie under their rule[485].
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-
-DIGEST OF GENOESE DOCUMENTS
-
-22-24 Aug. 1285.   Fourteen documents of these dates refer to the
-                     mercantile transactions of Benedetto and Manuele
-                     Zaccaria, such as their appointment of agents to
-                     receive their wares from “Fogia” and to send them
-                     to Genoa, Majorca, Syria, the Black Sea, and other
-                     places.
-
-                   (Pandette Richeriane, fogliazzo ii. fasc. 10.)
-
-17 April, 1287.    “Benedetto Zaccaria in his own name and in that of
-                     his brother Manuele” gives a receipt at Genoa to
-                   “  Percivalis Spinula.”
-
-                                   (_Ibid._ fasc. 20.)
-
-24 Jan. 1287.      “Nicolino” is mentioned as brother of Benedetto and
-                     Manuele Zaccaria.
-
-                             (_Ibid._ fogliazzo i. fasc. 178.)
-
-9 May, 1291.       “Clarisia, wife of the late Manuele Zaccaria, in her
-                     own name and on behalf of her sons Tedisio, Leonardo,
-                     Odoardo and Manfred,” appoints an agent for the sale
-                     of a female slave.
-
-                             (_Ibid._ fogliazzo ii. fasc. 27.)
-
-14 April, 1304.    “Paleologo Zaccaria” is cited as witness to a monetary
-                     transaction.
-
-                              (_Ibid._ fogliazzo A. fasc. 7.)
-
-31 May, 1311.      Two documents executed at Genoa. In one Domenico Doria
-                     acknowledges receipt of monies from Andriolo Cattaneo,
-                     son of Andriolo; in the other Andriolo appoints
-                     Lanfranchino Doria and Luchino Cattaneo his agents.
-
-                                    (_Ibid._ fasc. 7.)
-
-13 Aug. 1313.      “Manuel Bonaneus” acknowledges receipt of monies from
-                     Andriolo Cattaneo.
-
-                                    (_Ibid._ fasc. 13.)
-
-21, 24 Sept. 1316. Mention of “the galley of Paleologo Zaccaria, which
-                     was at Pera in 1307.”
-
-                                    (_Ibid._ fasc. 13.)
-
-
-GENOESE COLONIES IN GREEK LANDS
-
-I. LORDS OF PHOCÆA (Foglia).
-
-    Manuele Zaccaria.            1275.
-    Benedetto I  ”               1288.
-      [Tedisio   ”    governor.  1302-7.]
-    Nicolino     ”               1307.
-    Andriolo Cattaneo della Volta, governor, 1307; lord, 1314.
-    Domenico     ”      ”     ”  1331-40.
-      [Byzantine. 1340-6.]
-    Genoese (with Chios).        1346-8.
-                                   |
-                 +-----------------+-------------------------+
-                 |                                           |
-    (_a_) Foglia Vecchia:—                      (_b_) Foglia Nuova:—
-          [Byzantine: 1348-58.]                       [Byzantine: 1348-51.]
-          Genoese (with Chios): 1358-(_c._) 1402.     Genoese (with Chios):
-          Gattilusj, (_c._) 1402-55 (December 24).    1351-1455 (Oct. 31).
-                 |                                            |
-                 +---------------------+----------------------+
-                                       |
-             Both Turkish: 1455-1919; Greek (with Smyrna): 1919-
-
-II. LORDS OF CHIOS, SAMOS AND IKARIA.
-
-      [Latin Emperors: 1204-25; Greek Emperors: 1225-1304.]
-    Benedetto I Zaccaria. 1304.
-    Paleologo      ”      1307.
-    Benedetto II   ” }
-    Martino        ” }    1314-29.
-      [Byzantine. 1329-46.]
-                       |
-          +------------+----------+-------------------------+
-          |                       |                         |
-        (_a_)                   (_b_)                     (_c_)
-        Chios:—                 Samos:—                   Ikaria:—
-     Genoese: 1346-1566.    Genoese: 1346-1475.      Genoese: 1346-62.
-    [Turkish: 1566-1694.]  [Turkish: 1475-1832.  ]   Arangio: 1362-1481.
-    [Venetian: 1694-5.  ]  [Autonomous: 1832-1912]  [Knights of St John:]
-    [Turkish: 1695-1912.]         |                 [ 1481-1521.        ]
-          |                       |                 [Turkish: 1521-1694.]
-          |                       |                 [Venetian: 1694-5.  ]
-          |                       |                 [Turkish: 1695-1912.]
-          |                       |                         |
-          +-----------------------+-------------------------+
-                                  |
-                           All Greek: 1912-
-
-III. LORDS OF LESBOS.
-
-      [Latin Emperors: 1204-25; Greek Emperors: 1225-1333.]
-    Domenico Cattaneo. 1333-6.
-      [Byzantine. 1336-55.]
-    Francesco I Gattilusio. 1355.
-    Francesco II    ”       1384.
-      [Nicolò I of Ænos, regent. 1384-7.]
-    Jacopo Gattilusio. 1404.
-      [Nicolò I of Ænos again regent. 1404-9.]
-    Dorino I Gattilusio: succeeded between March 13, 1426, and
-                           October 14, 1428.
-      [Domenico  ”  regent 1449-55.]
-    Domenico     ”  1455.
-    Nicolò II    ”  1458-62.
-      [Turkish: 1462-1912; Greek: 1912- .]
-
-IV. LORDS OF THASOS.
-
-    Tedisio Zaccaria. 1307-13.
-      [Greek Emperors. 1313-_c._ 1434.]
-    Dorino I Gattilusio. _c._ 1434 or ? _c._ 1419.
-    ? Jacopo Gattilusio. _c._ 1419.
-      [Oberto de’ Grimaldi, governor. 1434.]
-    Francesco III Gattilusio. 1444-_c._ 1449.
-    Dorino I          ”     again. _c._ 1449.
-      [Domenico, regent. 1449-55.]
-    Domenico. 1455. (June 30-October.)
-      [Turkish: 1455-6; Papal: 1456-9; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios
-        Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Turkish: 1479-1912;
-        Greek: 1912- .]
-
-V. LORDS OF LEMNOS.
-
-      [Navigajosi, Gradenighi, Foscari: 1207-69; Greek Emperors:
-        1269-1453.]
-    Dorino I Gattilusio. 1453. (Castle of Kokkinos from 1440.)
-      [Domenico, regent. 1453-5.]
-    Domenico. 1455-6.
-      [Nicolò II, governor. 1455-6.]
-      [Turkish: 1456; Papal: 1456-8; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios
-        Palaiologos: 1460-4; Comnenos: 1464; Venetian: 1464-79;
-        Turkish: 1479-1656; Venetian: 1656-7; Turkish (except for
-        Russian occupation of 1770): 1657-1912; Greek: 1912- .]
-
-VI. LORDS OF SAMOTHRACE.
-
-      [Latin Emperors: 1204-61; Greek Emperors: 1261-_c._ 1431.]
-    Palamede Gattilusio. _c._ 1431.
-      [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, governor: 1444-55.]
-    Dorino II Gattilusio. 1455-6.
-      [Turkish: 1456; Papal: 1456-9; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios
-        Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Turkish: 1479-1912;
-        Greek: 1912- .]
-
-VII. LORDS OF IMBROS.
-
-      [Latin Emperors: 1204-61; Greek Emperors: 1261-1453.]
-    Palamede Gattilusio. 1453.
-      [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, governor.]
-    Dorino II Gattilusio. 1455-6.
-      [Turkish: 1456-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian:
-        1466-70; Turkish: 1470-1912; Greek: 1912-14; Turkish:
-        1914-20; Greek: 1920- .]
-
-VIII. LORDS OF ÆNOS.
-
-    Nicolò I Gattilusio. _c._ 1384.
-    Palamede     ”         1409.
-    Dorino II    ”         1455-6.
-      [Turkish: 1456-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-8; Turkish:
-        1468-1912; Bulgarian: 1912-3; Turkish: 1913-20; Greek:
-        1920- .]
-
-IX. SMYRNA.
-
-    Genoese. 1261-_c._ 1300.
-      [Turkish, _c._ 1300-44.]
-    Genoese. 1344-1402.
-      [Mongol: 1402; Turkish, interrupted by risings of Kara-Djouneïd:
-        1402-24; continuously Turkish: 1424-1919; Greek (“under
-        Turkish sovereignty”): 1919- .]
-
-X. FAMAGOSTA.
-
-    Genoese: 1374-1464.
-      [Banca di San Giorgio: 1447-64; Lusignans: 1464-89; Venetian:
-        1489-1571; Turkish: 1571-1878; British (under Turkish
-        suzerainty): 1878-1914; British: 1914- .]
-
-
-2. THE GENOESE IN CHIOS (1346-1566)
-
-Of the Latin states which existed in Greek lands between the Latin
-conquest of Constantinople in 1204 and the fall of the Venetian Republic
-in 1797, there were four principal forms. Those states were either
-independent kingdoms, such as Cyprus; feudal principalities, of which
-that of Achaia is the best example; military outposts, like Rhodes; or
-colonies directly governed by the mother-country, of which Crete was
-the most conspicuous. But the Genoese administration of Chios differed
-from all the other Latin creations in the Levant. It was what we should
-call in modern parlance a Chartered Company, which on a smaller scale
-anticipated the career of the East India and the British South Africa
-Companies in our own history.
-
-The origins of the Latin colonization of Greece are usually to be found
-in places and circumstances where we should least expect to find them.
-The incident which led to this Genoese occupation of the most fertile
-island of the Ægean is to be sought in the history of the smallest of
-European principalities—that of Monaco, which in the first half of the
-fourteenth century already belonged to the noble Genoese family of
-Grimaldi, which still reigns over it. At that time the rock of Monaco and
-the picturesque village of Roquebrune (between Monte Carlo and Mentone)
-sheltered a number of Genoese nobles, fugitives from their native city,
-where one of those revolutions common in the mediæval republics of
-Italy had placed the popular party in power. The proximity and the
-preparations of these exiles were a menace to Genoa, but the resources of
-the republican treasury were too much exhausted to equip a fleet against
-them at the cost of the state. Accordingly, an appeal was made to the
-patriotism of private citizens, whose expenses were to be ultimately
-refunded, and in the meanwhile guaranteed by the possession of any
-conquered territory. In response to this appeal, twenty-six of the people
-and three nobles of the popular party equipped that number of galleys,
-which were placed under the command of Simone Vignoso, himself one of
-the twenty-nine privateers. On April 24, 1346, the fleet set sail; and,
-at its approach, the outlawed nobles fled to Marseilles, whence many of
-them entered the French army and died four months later fighting at Crécy
-against our King Edward III.
-
-The immediate object for which the fleet had been fitted out had been
-thus accomplished. But it seemed to Vignoso a pity that it should not be
-employed, and the Near East offered a tempting field for its activities.
-The condition of south-eastern Europe in 1346 might perhaps be paralleled
-with its situation in later times. An ancient empire, which Gladstone
-described as “more wonderful than anything done by the Romans,” enthroned
-on the Bosporos with one brief interval for ten centuries, was obviously
-crumbling away, and its ultimate dissolution was only a question of
-time. A lad of fourteen, John V Palaiologos, sat on the throne of the
-Cæsars, while a woman and a foreigner, the Empress-mother Anne of Savoy,
-governed in his name. Against her and her son the too-powerful Grand
-Domestic (or, as we should say, prime minister), John Cantacuzene, whom
-posterity remembers rather as an historian than as an Emperor, had raised
-the standard of revolt. In Asia Minor Byzantium retained nothing but the
-suburb of Scutari, Philadelphia, and the two towns of Phocæa. Independent
-emirs ruled the south and centre, the Ottomans the north, whence in
-seven years they were to cross into Europe, in eight more to transfer
-their capital to Adrianople. Already the European provinces of Byzantium
-were cut short by the frontier of the Bulgarian Empire and still more
-by the rapid advance of Serbia, then the most powerful state in the
-Balkan peninsula. Seventeen days before Vignoso sailed for the East, the
-great Serbian conqueror and lawgiver, Stephen Dushan, one of the most
-remarkable figures in mediæval history, was crowned at Skoplje “Emperor
-of the Serbs and Greeks” and had proposed to Genoa’s rival, Venice, an
-alliance for the conquest of the Byzantine Empire. Greece proper, with
-the exception of the Byzantine province in the Morea, was parcelled
-out between Latin rulers, while Byzantium had no fleet to protect her
-outlying territories. Under these circumstances a commercial Italian
-republic might not unnaturally seek to peg out claims in the midst of
-the general confusion in the East, where only two years before Smyrna,
-formerly a Genoese colony, had been recaptured from the Turks.
-
-Vignoso’s first intention was to protect the Genoese settlements on the
-Black Sea against the attacks of the Tartars; but information received
-at Negroponte, where he touched on the way, led him to change his plans.
-There he found a fleet of Venetian and Rhodian galleys, under the Dauphin
-of Vienne, preparing to occupy Chios as a naval base for operations
-against the Turks in Asia Minor. Vignoso and his associates were offered
-large sums for their co-operation, but their patriotism rejected the idea
-of handing over to the rival republic an island which had belonged to
-the Genoese family of Zaccaria from 1304 to 1329, and which as recently
-as seventeen years earlier had been recovered by the Greeks. They made
-all sail for Chios, and offered to assist the islanders against a
-Venetian attack, if they would hoist the Genoese flag and admit a small
-Genoese garrison. The scornful refusal of the garrison was followed
-by the landing of the Genoese; four days sufficed to take the rest of
-the island; but the citadel made such a spirited resistance that three
-months passed before food gave out and on September 12 the capitulation
-was signed. The governor, Kalojanni Cybo, himself of Genoese extraction,
-and a member of the well-known Ligurian family which afterwards produced
-Pope Innocent VIII, made excellent terms for himself and his relatives,
-while the Greeks were to enjoy their former religious liberties and
-endowments, their property, and their privileges. A Genoese governor was
-to be appointed to administer the island according to the laws of the
-Republic, and 200 houses in the citadel were assigned at once for the
-use of the Genoese garrison. Vignoso proved by his example that he meant
-to keep these promises. He ordered his own son to be flogged publicly
-for stealing grapes from a vineyard belonging to one of the natives, and
-bequeathed a sum of money for providing poor Chiote girls with dowries
-as compensation for any damage that he might have inflicted upon the
-islanders.
-
-Vignoso completed the conquest of Chios by the annexation of Old and
-New Phocæa, or Foglia Vecchia and Nuova, as the Italians called them,
-almost the last Byzantine possessions on the coast of Asia Minor, and
-celebrated for their valuable alum-mines, whence English ships used to
-obtain materials for dyeing, and of the neighbouring islands of Psara,
-or Santa Panagia, Samos, Ikaria, and the Œnoussai[486]. All these
-places had belonged to the former Genoese lords of Chios, with whose
-fortunes they were now reunited. The two Foglie, with the exception of
-a brief Byzantine restoration, remained in Genoese hands till they were
-conquered by the Turks in 1455; Foglia Vecchia, after about 1402, being
-administered by the Gattilusj of Lesbos, Foglia Nuova being leased to a
-member of the _maona_ for life or a term of years. Samos and Psara were
-abandoned in 1475 from fear of corsairs, and their inhabitants removed
-to Chios, whilst the harbourless Ikaria, where pirates could not land,
-was in 1362 granted to the Genoese family of Arangio, which held it with
-the title of Count until 1481. In that year it was ceded for greater
-security to the knights of Rhodes, and remained united with that island
-till it too was conquered by the Turks in 1522. Vignoso desired to add
-the rich island of Lesbos and the strategic island of Tenedos, which, as
-we have been lately reminded, commands the mouth of the Dardanelles, to
-his acquisitions. But his crews had had enough of fighting, and were so
-mutinous that he returned to Genoa[487].
-
-The Genoese exchequer was unable to repay to Vignoso and his partners
-their expenses, amounting to 203,000 Genoese pounds (£79,170 of our
-money) or 7000 for each of the twenty-nine galleys, the Genoese
-pound being then, according to Desimoni, worth 9 lire 75 centesimi.
-Accordingly, by an arrangement made on February 26, 1347, it was agreed
-that the Republic should liquidate this liability within twenty years and
-thereupon become the direct owner of the conquered places, which in the
-meanwhile were to be governed—and the civil and criminal administration
-conducted—in her name. The collection of taxes, however, and the monopoly
-of the mastic, which was the chief product of the island, were granted to
-the twenty-nine associates in the company, or _mahona_, as it was called.
-The origin of this word is uncertain. In modern Italian _maona_ means
-a “lighter”; but those vessels of Turkish invention are not mentioned
-before 1500. On the other hand, we read of a _maona_, or _madona_ (as it
-is there written), in connexion with a Genoese expedition to Ceuta in
-a document of 1236, and it has, therefore, been suggested that _maona_
-is a Ligurian contraction of _Madonna_, and that such trading companies
-were under the protection of Our Lady, whose image was to be seen on the
-palace of the Giustiniani at Genoa. At any rate, the name was applied to
-other Genoese companies, to the Old and New _maona_ of Cyprus, founded
-in 1374 and 1403, and to the _maona_ of Corsica, founded in 1378. Other
-derivations are from the Greek word μονάς (“unit”), the Genoese _mobba_
-(“union”), and the Arabic _me-unet_ (“subsidy”)[488].
-
-This convention with the _maonesi_[489] was to be valid only as long as
-the popular party remained in power at Genoa. The Republic was to be
-represented in Chios by a _podestà_, selected annually out of a list
-of twenty Genoese democrats submitted in February by the Doge and his
-council to the _maonesi_; from these twenty the _maonesi_ were to choose
-four, and one of these four was then appointed _podestà_ by the Doge and
-council. Should the first list of twenty be rejected by the _maonesi_,
-a second list was to be prepared by the home government. The _podestà_
-was to swear to govern according to the regulations of Genoa and the
-convention concluded by Vignoso with the Greeks. Twice a year he went on
-circuit through the island to hear the complaints of the natives, and
-no _maonese_ was allowed to accompany him on those journeys. Another
-officer of the Republic was the _castellano_, or commander of the castle
-of Chios, likewise chosen annually, from a list of six names, submitted
-to the Duke and his council by the _maonesi_. This officer was bound
-to find security to the amount of 3000 Genoese pounds (£1170) for his
-important charge. A _podestà_ and _castellano_ for Foglia Nuova and the
-_castellano_ of Foglia Vecchia, who had the powers of a _podestà_, were
-appointed in the same way. These officials were responsible for their
-misdeeds to a board of examiners, and the _podestà_ was assisted by six,
-afterwards twelve, councillors called _gubernatores_, elected by the
-_maonesi_ or other nominees, in everything except his judicial work,
-where their co-operation was at his discretion. Salaries were not high;
-those of the _podestà_ of Chios and Foglia Nuova were only 1250 (or £560)
-and 600 _hypérpera_ (or £268 16_s._) respectively; those of the three
-_castellani_ ranged from 400 to 500 (or £179 4_s._ to £224). Out of these
-sums they had to keep and clothe a considerable retinue. Local officials
-called generically _rettori_, but familiarly known as _codespótæ_ (“joint
-lords”) or _protogérontes_ (“chief elders”) in the eight northern, and as
-_logariastaí_ (or “calculators”) in the four southern or mastic districts
-of Chios, were appointed by the _podestà_.
-
-The _podestà_ had the right of coining money, provided that his coins
-bore the effigy of the Doge of Genoa and the inscription “Dux Ianuensium
-Conradus Rex” in memory of Conrad III, King of the Romans, who in 1138
-had conceded to the Republic the privilege of a mint on condition that
-her coins always bore his name[490]. This condition was not, however,
-always observed in the Chiote mint. The _maonesi_ between 1382 and 1415
-coined base imitations of the Venetian _zecchini_, a practice likewise
-adopted by Francesco I Gattilusio of Lesbos, and by Stephen Urosh II of
-Servia, and which procured for the latter a place among the evil kings
-in the _Paradiso_[491] of Dante. From 1415 the name and figure of St
-Laurence, the patron saint of the cathedral at Genoa, and the initial
-or name of the Doge began to appear on the Chiote coins; during the
-Milanese domination of Genoa two Dukes of Milan, Filippo Maria Visconti
-and Galeazzo Maria Sforza, figured on the currency of the island, and two
-issued during the French protectorate of Genoa (1458-61) actually bear
-the kneeling figure of Charles VII[492]. Finally, from 1483 small pieces
-bear the initials of the _podestà_. The financial affairs of the company
-were entrusted to two officials known as _massarj_, who were obliged to
-send in annual accounts to the Genoese Audit Office. Lastly, Chios was
-to be a free port for Genoese ships, which were to stop a day there on
-the voyage to Greece or between Greece and Syria, but no Genoese outlaws
-were to be harboured there. Thus, while the nominal suzerainty was vested
-in the home government, the real usufruct belonged to the company,
-especially as the former was never able to clear off its liabilities to
-the latter.
-
-The members of the _maona_ soon began to tire of their bargain and to
-sell their shares. Vignoso died, most of his partners resided at Genoa,
-and only eleven years after the constitution of the original company the
-island was in the possession of eight associates, of whom one alone,
-Lanfranco Drizzacorne, had been a member of the old _maona_. These
-persons, being mainly absentees, had farmed out the revenues to another
-company, formed in 1349 for the extraction of mastic, and consisting
-of twelve individuals under the direction of Pasquale Forneto and
-Giovanni Oliverio. Difficulties arose between the eight partners and
-their lessees; the Republic intervened, and, by the good offices of the
-Doge of Genoa, Simone Boccanegra, a fresh arrangement[493] was made on
-March 8, 1362. The island was farmed out for twelve years to the twelve
-persons above mentioned or their heirs, who collectively formed an “inn”
-(or _albergo_), and, abandoning their family names, called themselves
-both collectively and individually the Giustiniani—a name assumed three
-years earlier by the members of the old _maona_, and perhaps derived from
-the palace where their office was. One of the twelve partners, Gabriele
-Adorno, alone declined to merge that illustrious name in a common
-designation. The members of this new _maona_ were to enjoy the revenues
-of the island in equal shares; but the Republic reserved to herself the
-right of purchasing Chios before February 26, 1367, the date fixed by the
-previous arrangement for the liquidation of her original debt of 203,000
-Genoese pounds; if that date were allowed to pass without such payment,
-the Republic could not exercise the right of purchase for three years
-more; if no payment were made by February 26, 1374, that right would
-be forfeited altogether. No member of the new company could sell his
-twelfth or any fraction of it (for each twelfth was divided into three
-parts called _caratti grossi_ and each of these three was subsequently
-subdivided into eight shares, making 288 _caratti piccoli_ in all) to any
-of his partners, but, with the consent of the Doge, he might substitute
-a fresh partner in his place, provided always that the number of the
-partners remained twelve and that they belonged to the popular party at
-Genoa. The number was not, however, strictly maintained. Thus, while
-at first the partners were twelve, viz. Nicolò de Caneto, Giovanni
-Campi, Francesco Arangio, Nicolò di S. Teodoro, Gabriele Adorno, Paolo
-Banca, Tommaso Longo, Andriolo Campi, Raffaelle di Forneto, Lucchino
-Negro, Pietro Oliverio, and Francesco Garibaldi, there was soon added a
-thirteenth in the person of Pietro di S. Teodoro, whose share, however,
-only consisted of two _caratti grossi_, or sixteen _caratti piccoli_,
-that is to say, two-thirds of the share of each of the other members. In
-the very next year some of the partners retired to Genoa, selling their
-shares, and thus two entire twelfths came into the possession of the same
-individual, Pietro Recanelli, who had succeeded Vignoso as the leading
-spirit of the company. Later on, the shares became subdivided to such an
-extent that at the date of the Turkish conquest more than 600 persons
-held fractions of them. The shareholders were entitled not only to their
-dividends but also to a proportionate share of the local offices, of
-which two or three were attached to each share, but no shareholder could
-hold the more important for two consecutive years.
-
-When the term for the purchase of the island by the Genoese Republic drew
-near, her treasury, exhausted by the war arising out of her quarrels with
-the Venetians in Cyprus, was unable to liquidate its debt to the company
-of 203,000 Genoese pounds, at that time (owing to the change in the value
-of the pound) equivalent to 152,250. Anxious not to forfeit her right of
-purchase, the Republic paid to the company collectively this sum, which
-she had first borrowed from the chief members of it in their individual
-capacity as bankers. By this financial juggle she became possessed of
-Chios; but, in order to pay the interest on her new loan, she let the
-island for twenty years more to the _maonesi_, who were to deduct from
-its revenues the amount of the interest and remit the balance, calculated
-at 2000 gold florins, to the Genoese exchequer. Seven years’ balance was
-to be paid in advance. But such was the financial distress of Genoa that
-the government in 1380 was obliged to mortgage this annual balance to
-the bank of St George for 100,000 Genoese pounds. The company then came
-to the aid of the mother-country, and voluntarily offered to furnish a
-loan of 25,000 Genoese pounds. In return, the Republic, by a convention
-of June 28, 1385, renewed the lease of Chios, which would otherwise have
-expired in 1394, till 1418. Five years before the latter date it was
-again renewed, in return for a fresh loan of 18,000 Genoese pounds, till
-1447; again, in 1436, in consideration of a further loan of 25,000, it
-was prolonged till 1476, when it was extended to 1507 and then till 1509.
-Then, at last, the Republic not only resolved to pay off the _maonesi_,
-but even raised the money for the purpose; but the shareholders protested
-that 152,250 Genoese pounds were no longer sufficient in view of the
-altered value of the pound (then worth only 3 lire 73 c.) and the
-large sums which they had advanced. Payment was accordingly postponed
-till 1513, when it was decided to leave the island in the hands of the
-Giustiniani till 1542, with some modifications of their charter. In 1528,
-however, it was finally agreed to lease Chios to them in perpetuity, in
-return for an annual rent of 2500 Genoese pounds. At that time most of
-the shareholders were enrolled in the Golden Book of Genoa.
-
-Such were the arrangements between the company and the mother-country,
-arrangements which worked so well that in 220 years there was only
-one revolt against her, when Marshal Boucicault occupied Genoa for
-the King of France. Considering their contract thereby annulled, the
-Giustiniani deposed the _podestà_ and on December 21, 1408, proclaimed
-their independence. Venice allowed them to buy provisions and arms;
-but in June, 1409, a Genoese force under Corrado Doria forced them to
-yield[494]. Let us now look at their relations with foreign powers. Of
-these, three were at one time or another a menace to their existence—the
-Greek Empire, Venice, and the Turks. Both Anne of Savoy[495] and
-Cantacuzene demanded the restoration of Chios from the Republic, which
-replied that no official orders had been given for its capture and the
-government could assume no responsibility for the acts of a private
-company, nor could it dislodge the latter without great expense; at some
-future date, however, when circumstances were more favourable, it would
-undoubtedly be possible to restore it to the Emperor. The latter was not
-satisfied with this reply, but bade the Genoese envoys, who were sent to
-pacify him, fix a definite date for the evacuation of Chios. It was then
-agreed between him and the Republic that the _maonesi_ should retain the
-city of Chios, and enjoy its revenues, for ten years, on condition that
-they paid an annual tribute of 12,000 gold pieces to the Emperor, hoisted
-his flag, mentioned his name in their public prayers, and received
-their metropolitan from the church of Constantinople. The rest of the
-island, including the other forts, was to belong to the Emperor, and
-to be governed by an Imperial official, who was to decide all disputes
-between the Greeks, while those between a Greek and a Latin were to be
-referred to the two Byzantine and Genoese authorities sitting together.
-At the end of the ten years, calculated from Cantacuzene’s occupation of
-Constantinople, the Genoese were to evacuate Chios altogether. Vignoso
-and his co-partners, however, declined to be bound by an arrangement
-made between the Emperor and the Republic, whereupon Cybo attempted to
-restore Greek rule, and perished in the attempt. The two Foglie were,
-however, temporarily reoccupied[496], but the Greek peril ceased when
-the Emperor John V Palaiologos in 1363 granted Chios to Pietro Recanelli
-and his colleagues in return for an annual payment of 500 _hypérpera_
-(or £224)[497]. Eight years earlier the position of the _maona_ had been
-strengthened by the same Emperor’s gift of Lesbos as his sister’s dowry
-to another Genoese, Francesco Gattilusio, whose family, as time went on,
-ruled also over Thasos, Lemnos, Samothrace, Imbros, and the town of Ænos
-on the mainland, in 1913 the Turkish frontier in Europe. In 1440 John VI
-renewed the charter of 1363.
-
-Venice was a more obstinate rival. The war which broke out between the
-two Republics in 1350 involved Chios, for a defeated Genoese squadron
-took refuge there. But Vignoso, with his usual energy, fitted out a
-flotilla, sailed to Negroponte, captured the castle of Karystos, ravaged
-Keos, and hung the keys of Chalkis as a trophy over the castle-gate of
-Chios—a humiliation avenged by the despatch of a Venetian squadron which
-carried off many of the islanders[498]. During the struggle of the two
-Italian commonwealths for the possession of Tenedos (granted to Genoa
-by Andronikos IV in 1376), Foglia Vecchia was attacked and the suburbs
-of Chios laid in ashes. For a time the common danger from the Turks
-united the Venetians and the Genoese company; but in 1431-2 a Venetian
-fleet bombarded the town. The captain of the Venetian foot-soldiers,
-who bore the appropriate name of Scaramuccia, was killed while laying
-a mine, and the admiral, Mocenigo, contented himself with ravaging the
-mastic-gardens. On his return home he was condemned to ten months’
-imprisonment in the _Pozzi_, while his Genoese rival, Spinola, carried
-off the keys of Karystos to adorn the castle of Chios, where they were
-still visible in the sixteenth century[499].
-
-There remained the most serious of all enemies—the Turks. Murad I, who
-died in 1389, had already levied tribute from Chios[500]; Mohammed I
-in 1415 fixed this sum at 4000 gold ducats, while the lessee of Foglia
-Nuova paid 20,000 out of the profits of the alum mines. By this system of
-Danegeld the _maonesi_ kept on fairly good terms with the Turks till the
-capture of Constantinople. The active part taken in its defence by one
-of the Giustiniani, whose name will ever be connected with that of the
-heroic Constantine XI, exasperated Mohammed II against Chios, whither the
-chalices and furniture from the Genoese churches of Pera were removed,
-and many of the survivors fled for safety. An increase of the tribute to
-6000 ducats was accepted[501]. But in 1455 the Turks sent two fleets to
-Chios under the pretext of collecting a debt for alum, alleged to have
-been supplied to the _maona_ by Francesco Drapperio, former lessee of
-Foglia Nuova, and then established at Pera[502]. These expeditions cost
-the company Foglia Nuova, but it gained a further respite by the payment
-of a lump sum of 30,000 gold pieces and the increase of the annual
-tribute to 10,000 ducats. In vain it appealed to Genoa and to the Pope;
-in vain on April 7, 1456, the Republic wrote to our King Henry VI[503],
-then struggling against the Yorkists, for assistance, reminding him that
-there had been few wars against the infidels in which the most Christian
-Kings of England had not borne a great part of the toils and dangers.
-The extinction of the Lesbian principality of the Gattilusj in 1462, the
-taking of Caffa in 1475, the capture of the Venetian colony of Negroponte
-by the Turks in 1479, were signs of what was in store for Chios, now
-completely isolated. The _maonesi_ in vain wrote to Genoa, threatening to
-abandon the island, if help were not forthcoming, and offered to cede
-it to her altogether. “We cannot put our hands,” so ran their letter,
-“on 100 ducats; we owe 10,000. The Genoese mercenaries sent us were very
-bad. Send us none from the district between Rapallo and Voltri, for
-they quarrel daily, steal by day and night, and pay too much attention
-to the Greek ladies,” whose charms were the theme of every visitor to
-the island[504]. The only means of maintaining independence was to pay
-tribute punctually and to propitiate any persons who might be influential
-at the Porte, notably the French ambassadors, two of whom visited Chios
-in 1537 and 1550. Finally, in 1558 Genoa disavowed all connexion with the
-island, and instructed her representative at Constantinople to repudiate
-her sovereignty over it[505].
-
-Then came the final catastrophe. The company was no longer able to
-provide the annual tribute, which had risen to 14,000 gold pieces, and
-to give the usual presents, valued at 2000 ducats, of scarlet cloth to
-the Turkish viziers, “a race of men full of rapacity and avarice,” as De
-Thou called them. It was accused of having betrayed the Turkish plans
-against Malta to the knights and thus helping to stultify the siege of
-that island in 1565; while the fugitive slaves who found refuge in Chios
-were a constant source of difficulties. One of them was the property of
-the grand vizier; the _podestà_, Vincenzo Giustiniani, called upon either
-to give him up or pay compensation, confided the latter to an emissary,
-who absconded with the money. Thereupon Pialì Pasha, a Hungarian renegade
-in the Turkish service, appeared off Chios with a fleet of from 80 to 300
-sail on Easter Monday, April 15, 1566. The pasha told the Chiotes that
-he would not land, as he did not wish to disturb the Easter ceremonies.
-Next day he entered the harbour and demanded the tribute. After having
-landed and studied the strategic position, he invited the _podestà_ and
-the twelve “governors” on board to confer with him, and clapped them into
-irons. On April 17, as an inscription[506] in the chief mosque, then a
-church, still tells us, he took the town, and the flag of St George with
-the red cross gave way to the crescent almost without resistance.
-
-The fall of Genoese rule was ennobled by the heroism of the bishop,
-Timoteo Giustiniani, who bade a renegade kill him rather than profane the
-mass, and by the martyrdom of eighteen boys, who died rather than embrace
-Islâm—a scene depicted by Carlone in the chapel of the Ducal Palace
-at Genoa[507]. The other boys between the ages of twelve and sixteen
-were enrolled in the corps of janissaries, while the leading _maonesi_
-were exiled to Caffa, whence some of them, thanks to the intervention
-of the French ambassador, returned to Chios or Genoa[508]. In vain they
-demanded from the home government compensation for the loss of their
-island. As late as 1805 their descendants were still trying to recover a
-sum of money, deposited with the bank of St George, and in 1815 the bank
-ceased to exist and with it the last faint hope of repayment. There were,
-however, some lucky exceptions to these misfortunes. Thus Vincenzo Negri
-Giustiniani, who was a child of two at the date of the Turkish conquest,
-came to Rome, was created by Pope Paul V in 1605 first marquess of
-Bassano, and in 1610 built the Palazzo Giustiniani, now the seat of the
-Italian Freemasons and of the Prussian Historical Institute. Professor
-Kehr, the director of that body, informs me, however, that there is no
-trace there of the Chiote inscription of 1522, which is said to have been
-removed thither[509]. On the other hand, although the Turks destroyed
-many churches, Chios still abounds with Latin monuments[510], in which
-the arms of the Giustiniani—a castle of three towers, surmounted after
-1413 by the imperial eagle granted by the Emperor Sigismund[511]—are
-conspicuous. It may be of interest to mention that when in 1912, an
-Italian attack upon Chios was contemplated, orders were issued to spare
-the historical monuments of Chios. That island, however, with the
-exception of a brief Venetian occupation in 1694-5, remained Turkish till
-November 24, 1912, when a Greek force landed and on the following day
-easily captured the capital, which thus, for the first time since 1346,
-passed from under foreign domination.
-
-We may now ask ourselves whether the rule of the company was successful.
-Financially, it certainly was. Even in its latter days, when heavy
-loans had been contracted with the bank of St George and the Turkish
-tribute was 14,000 gold ducats, a dividend of 2000 ducats was paid
-on each of the thirteen original shares; while in its best times the
-small _caratto_, originally worth some 30 Genoese pounds, was quoted
-at 4930. Chios during the middle ages was one of the most frequented
-marts of the Levant, while the alum of Foglia Nuova (which, as long as
-that factory remained Genoese, covered the annual rent to Genoa) and
-the mastic of the island (in which a part of the Turkish tribute was
-paid) were two valuable sources of revenue. The production of mastic was
-carefully organised. The company leased to each hamlet a certain area of
-plantation, and the lessees once a year handed in a certain weight of
-mastic in proportion to the number of the trees. If it were a good year
-and the yield were greater, they received a fixed price per pound for the
-excess quantity delivered; but if they failed to deliver the stipulated
-amount, they had to pay twice that sum[512]. In order to keep up prices
-in years of over-production, all the mastic over a certain amount was
-either warehoused or burned. Special officials divided the net profit
-accruing from its sale among the shareholders; no private person might
-sell it to foreigners; and thefts or smuggling of the precious gum, if
-committed on a small scale, cost the delinquent an ear, his nose, or
-both; if on a large scale, brought him to the gallows. Another curious
-source of revenue was the tax on widows[513]. The latter must have had
-ample opportunities of avoiding the penalty, for the courtesy and beauty
-of the Chiote ladies was the theme of every traveller. Indeed, one
-impressionable Frenchman[514] proclaimed Chios to be “the most agreeable
-residence” with which he was acquainted, while another visitor[515]
-declared their natural charm, the elegance of their attire, and the
-attraction of their gestures and conversation to be such “that they
-might rather be judged to be nymphs or goddesses than mortal women or
-maids.” He then, greatly daring, attempts a detailed description of their
-costume, upon which I shall not venture. Nor were amusements lacking. The
-inhabitants were musical; they were wont to dance by the Skaramangkou
-torrent; the chief religious feasts were kept in state; and Cyriacus
-of Ancona[516] was a witness of the festivities which accompanied the
-carnival in what Bartolomeo dalli Sonetti[517], another traveller of the
-fifteenth century, called the first island of the Archipelago.
-
-There was more intellectual life at Chios than in some of the Latin
-settlements in the Levant; indeed, the two Genoese colonies of Chios and
-Lesbos stood higher in that respect than most of the Venetian factories.
-The list of authors during the period of the _maona_ is considerable.
-Among them we may specially notice Leonardo Giustiniani, archbishop
-of Lesbos, but a native of Chios, and author of a curious treatise,
-_De vera nobilitate_, intended as a reply to the book _De nobilitate_
-of the celebrated scholar, Poggio Bracciolini. But the chief value of
-the literary divine for us at the present day is the graphic account
-which he has left us in two letters, addressed respectively to Popes
-Nicholas V and Pius II, of the Turkish conquest of Constantinople
-in 1453 and of Lesbos in 1462—accounts of the greatest historical
-interest, because their author was an eyewitness of what he described.
-In Gerolamo Garibaldi Giustiniani, born in Chios in 1544, the island
-found an historian, who wrote in French a work entitled _La Description
-et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios, ou Chios_; Vincenzo Banca Giustiniani,
-another Latin Chiote, edited the works of St Thomas Aquinas; while
-Alessandro Rocca Giustiniani translated portions of Aristotle and
-Hippocrates. But the most curious local literary figure of the period was
-Andriolo Banca Giustiniani (1385-1456), who sang in Italian verse the
-Venetian siege of Chios[518] of 1431. The poet was a man of taste and had
-the means to satisfy it; he constructed near the so-called “School of
-Homer” (who, according to Thucydides, was a native of Chios) an “Homeric
-villa” in a forest of pines near a crystal well, where he was visited by
-the well-known antiquary and traveller, Cyriacus of Ancona, his frequent
-correspondent[519]. This elegant Chiote accumulated a library of 2000
-manuscripts, and for him Ambrogio Traversari of Florence translated into
-Latin the treatise on the Immortality of the Soul by the fifth-century
-philosopher, Æneas of Gaza. His son, in 1474, entertained at his villa
-a greater even than the archæologist of Ancona, then, however, only a
-modest ship’s captain, the future discoverer of America, Christopher
-Columbus. The culture, however, of the Giustiniani seems to have been
-mainly Latin—a fact explained by their practice of sending their sons to
-be educated at Genoa, Pavia, Padua, or Bologna; and it was from Italy
-that they summoned the architects to build their palaces “of divers kinds
-of marbles, with great porticoes and magnificent galleries,” and their
-villas, of which there were more than 100 in the last century of their
-rule. It was only just before the Turkish conquest that they thought of
-founding a university[520].
-
-But we must also look at the picture from another point of view—that
-of the governed. The judgment of Finlay that the rule of the company
-was “the least oppressive government in the Levant” seems by the light
-of later research to need qualification. If we are to take as our
-standard the happiness of the people as a whole, then of all the Latin
-establishments in the Levant Lesbos comes first. But for that there were
-special reasons. The first Gattilusio came to Lesbos not as a foreign
-conqueror, but as brother-in-law of the Greek Emperor; he soon spoke the
-language of his subjects; his successors wrote in Greek, and as time went
-on the family became hellenized. But a company is apt to be deficient
-on the human side; and this would seem to have been the weak point of
-the _maona_. Quite early in its career a conspiracy of the Greeks was
-discovered, which led to the permanent expulsion of the metropolitan and
-the substitution in his place of a vicar, called Δίκαιος (or “the Just”),
-elected by the company and confirmed by the patriarch. Moreover, the
-dominant church, whose bishops were usually Pallavicini or Giustiniani,
-was partly supported by tithes, which the members of the other creed had
-also to pay, and which they paid so reluctantly that in 1480 the bishop
-was glad to abandon all claims to tithe and all the church property to
-the company[521] in return for a fixed stipend. Moreover, we are told
-that certain Latins seized property belonging to Νέα Μονή, “one of the
-most beautiful churches of the Archipelago,” as it was called[522]. To
-these ecclesiastical disadvantages was added social inferiority. The
-native nobles, or _archontes_, sixty in number, although their privileges
-had been guaranteed at the conquest and although instructions were
-subsequently given to see that that pledge was respected, ranked not
-only below the Giustiniani, who formed the apex of the social scale, but
-below the Genoese _bourgeoisie_ also, from which they suffered most. They
-lived apart in the old town (much as the Catholics still do at Syra); and
-if they sold their property and left the island, they forfeited to the
-company one-quarter of the proceeds of such sale.
-
-Worse still was the position of the Greek peasantry, who were practically
-serfs, forbidden to emigrate without permission and passports. Liable to
-perform military service even out of the island, they had to undertake in
-time of peace various forced labours, of which the lightest was to act
-as beaters once a year for their masters during the partridge season.
-So many of them sought to escape from Chios that a local shibboleth was
-invented for their identification, and they were obliged to pronounce the
-word _fragela_ (a sort of white bread), which became _frangela_ in the
-mouth of a native. Still, the Greeks were consulted at least formally
-before a new tax was imposed; a Greek noble sat in the commercial court
-and on the commission of public works, and during the administration
-of Marshal Boucicault in 1409 and down to 1417 four out of the six
-councillors who assisted the _podestà_ were Greeks. In later times when
-there was a Turkish element in the population—for after 1484 the Turks
-paid no dues—the company provided the salary of the Turkish _kâdi_.
-Cases were tried in a palace known as the Δικαιότατο (“Most Just”), and
-a “column of justice” hard by served for the punishment of the guilty. A
-great hardship was the cost of appeals to the ducal council in Genoa—the
-counterpart of our judicial committee of the privy council. Worst treated
-of all classes were the Jews, forced to wear a yellow bonnet, to live in
-their ghetto, which was hermetically closed at Easter, to present a white
-banner with the red cross of St George to the _podestà_ once a year, and
-to make sport for the Genoese at religious festivals[523]. Such, briefly,
-was the Genoese administration of Chios—an episode which may serve to
-remind us how very modern in some ways were the methods of Italian
-mediæval commonwealths.
-
-
-3. THE GATTILUSJ OF LESBOS (1355-1462)
-
-    Me clara Cæsar donat Lesbo ac Mytilene,
-    Cæsar, qui Graio præsidet imperio.
-
-                      Corsi _apud_ Folieta.
-
-The Genoese occupation of Chios, Lesbos, and Phocæa by the families of
-Zaccaria and Cattaneo was not forgotten in the counting-houses of the
-Ligurian Republic. In 1346, two years after the capture of Smyrna, Chios
-once more passed under Genoese control, the two Foglie followed suit, and
-in 1355 the strife between John Cantacuzene and John V Palaiologos for
-the throne of Byzantium enabled a daring Genoese, Francesco Gattilusio,
-to found a dynasty in Lesbos, which gradually extended its branches to
-the islands of the Thracian sea and to the city of Ænos on the opposite
-mainland, and which lasted in the original seat for more than a century.
-
-Disappointed in a previous attempt to recover his rights, the young
-Emperor John V was at this time living in retirement on the island of
-Tenedos, then a portion of the Greek Empire and from its position at the
-mouth of the Dardanelles both an excellent post of observation and a
-good base for a descent upon Constantinople. During his sojourn there,
-a couple of Genoese galleys arrived, commanded by Francesco Gattilusio,
-a wealthy freebooter, who had sailed from his native city to carve out
-for himself, amidst the confusion of the Orient, a petty principality
-in the Thracian Chersonese, as others of his compatriots had twice done
-in Chios, as the Venetian nobles had done in the Archipelago 150 years
-earlier. The Emperor found in this chance visitor an instrument to effect
-his own restoration; the two men came to terms, and John V promised, that
-if Gattilusio would help him to recover his throne, he would bestow upon
-him the hand of his sister Maria—an honour similar to that conferred by
-Michael VIII upon Benedetto Zaccaria.
-
-The family of Gattilusio, which thus entered the charmed circle of
-Byzantine royalty, had already for two centuries occupied a prominent
-position at Genoa. One of the name is mentioned as a member of the Great
-Council in 1157; a second is found holding civic office in 1212 and 1214;
-and two others were signatories of the treaty of Nymphæum. Luchetto,
-grandfather of the first lord of Lesbos, was both a troubadour and a man
-of affairs, who went as envoy to Pope Boniface VIII to negotiate peace
-between his native city and Venice, served as _podestà_ of Bologna,
-Milan, Savona, and Cremona; and founded in 1295 the family church of San
-Giacomo at Sestri Ponente in memory of his father—a foundation which
-remained in the possession of the Gattilusj till 1483, and of which the
-Lesbian branch continued to be patron. Towards the end of the thirteenth
-century, the family seems to have turned its attention to the Levant
-trade, for a Gattilusio was among the Genoese who had sustained damage
-from the subjects of the Greek Emperor at that period, and by 1341
-another member of the clan was a resident at Pera. In that year Oberto
-Gattilusio was one of the Genoese ambassadors, who concluded the treaty
-between the Republic and the Regent Anne of Savoy at Constantinople, and
-ten years later the same personage was sent on an important mission to
-all the Genoese commercial settlements in the East. The future ruler of
-Lesbos was this man’s nephew[524].
-
-The Genoese of Galata had good reasons to be dissatisfied with the
-commercial and naval policy of Cantacuzene, and it was no less their
-interest than that of their ambitious fellow-countryman to see John V
-replaced on the throne of his ancestors. They accordingly entered into
-negotiations with him at Tenedos, and thus Gattilusio could rely upon
-the co-operation of his compatriots at the capital. On a dark and windy
-night in the late autumn of 1354 he arrived with the young Emperor off
-the “postern of the Pathfinding Virgin,” where his Ligurian mother-wit
-at once suggested a device for obtaining admittance. He had on board a
-number of oil-jars, which he had brought full from Italy—for he combined
-business with politics—but which were by this time empty. These he
-ordered the sailors to hurl against the walls one at a time, until the
-noise awoke the sleeping sentinels. To the summons of the latter voices
-shouted from the galleys, that they were merchantmen with a cargo of oil,
-that one of their ships had been wrecked, and that they were willing
-to share the remains of the cargo with anyone who would help them in
-their present distress. At this appeal to their love of gain the guards
-opened the gate, whereupon some 500 of the conspirators entered, slew
-the sentries on the adjoining tower, and were speedily reinforced by the
-rest of the ships’ crews and marines. Francesco, who was throughout the
-soul of the undertaking, mounted a tower in which he placed the young
-Emperor with a strong guard of Italians and Greeks, and then ran along
-the wall with a body of soldiers, shouting aloud: “long live the Emperor
-John Palaiologos!” When dawn broke and the populace realised that their
-young sovereign was within the walls, their demonstrations convinced
-Cantacuzene that resistance would be sanguinary, even if successful. He
-therefore relinquished the diadem which he could not retain, and retired
-into a monastery, while John V, accompanied by Francesco and the rest of
-the Italians, marched in triumph into the palace. The restored Emperor
-was as good as his word; he bestowed the hand of his sister upon his
-benefactor, and gave to Francesco as her dowry the island of Lesbos. On
-July 17, 1355, Francesco I began his reign[525].
-
-Connected by marriage with the Greek Imperial house, the Genoese lord
-of Lesbos seems to have met with no resistance from his Greek subjects,
-who would naturally regard him not so much in the light of an alien
-conqueror as in that of a lawful ruler by the grace of the Emperor. He
-soon learnt to speak their language[526], and continued to assist his
-Greek brother-in-law with advice and personal service. At the moment
-of his accession, the Greek Empire was menaced by the Turks, who had
-lately crossed over into Europe, and occupied Gallipoli, and by Matthew
-Cantacuzene, the eldest son of the deposed Emperor. In the very next year
-the capture of the Sultan Orkhan’s son, Halil, by Greek pirates from
-Foglia Vecchia, at that time a Byzantine fief, enabled John V to divide
-these two enemies by promising to obtain the release of the Sultan’s
-son. The promise proved, indeed, to be hard of fulfilment, for John
-Kalothetos, the Greek governor of Foglia Vecchia, resisted the joint
-attacks of the Emperor and a Turkish chief, whom John V had summoned to
-aid him, until he received a large ransom and a high-sounding title. It
-was during these operations, in the spring of 1357, that the Emperor, on
-the advice of Francesco Gattilusio, treacherously invited his Turkish
-ally to visit him on an islet off Foglia and then arrested him[527]. Such
-reliance, indeed, did John place in his brother-in-law, whose interests
-coincided with his own, that, when Matthew Cantacuzene was captured by
-the Serbs and handed over to the Emperor, the latter sent the children of
-his rival to Lesbos, and even meditated sending thither Matthew himself,
-because he knew that they would be in safe keeping[528]. In 1366, when
-the Bulgarian Tsar, John Shishman, had treacherously arrested John V, and
-the Greeks of Byzantium, hard pressed by the Turks, sought the help of
-the chivalrous _Conte verde_, Amedeo VI of Savoy, Francesco Gattilusio
-was present with one of his nephews at the siege and capture of Gallipoli
-from the Ottomans and assisted at the taking of Mesembria from the
-Bulgarians[529]. But fear of Murad I made him refuse to see or speak to
-his wife’s nephew, Manuel, when the latter, after plotting against the
-Sultan, sought refuge in Lesbos[530].
-
-Meanwhile, as a Genoese, he naturally had difficulties with the
-Venetians. Thus, we find him capturing[531] in the Ægean a Venetian
-colonist from Negroponte, and quite early in his reign he imitated the
-bad example of his predecessor, Domenico Cattaneo, and coined gold
-pieces in exact counterfeit of the Venetian ducat, although of different
-weight. This was so serious an offence, that the Venetian Government made
-a formal complaint at Genoa, and in 1357 the Doge of his native city
-wrote to Francesco[532] bidding him discontinue this dishonest practice,
-which augured badly for the future of his administration, and would
-entail severe penalties upon him, if he insisted in its continuance.
-Francesco felt himself strong enough to go on his way, heedless of the
-ducal thunders alike of Genoa and of Venice, and coins of himself and of
-at least four out of his five successors have been preserved. The great
-war, which broke out between the two Republics in 1377 on account of the
-cession of Tenedos by the usurper Andronikos to Genoa and its seizure
-by Venice, must have placed Francesco in a difficult position. He was,
-it is true, a Genoese but he was also brother-in-law of John V, whom
-Andronikos had deposed and who had promised the disputed island, which he
-and Francesco knew so well, to Venice. Accordingly, when the treaty of
-Turin imposed upon Venice the surrender of Tenedos to Amedeo VI of Savoy,
-who was to raze the castle to the ground at the cost of Genoa, yet the
-islanders none the less swore that they would retain their independence.
-Muazzo, the Venetian governor, excused his action in refusing to give up
-the island by pleading Francesco’s intrigues. An agent of the Lesbian
-lord, he wrote, one Raffaele of Quarto, had stirred up the inhabitants,
-some 4000 in number, to resist the cession, by spreading a rumour that,
-if Tenedos fell into Genoese hands, the Venetian colonists would all be
-forced to turn Jews or emigrate[533]. When, however, Venice found herself
-reluctantly compelled to force her recalcitrant officer to carry out the
-provisions of the treaty, Francesco helped to victual the Venetian fleet,
-and Tenedos was reduced to be the desert that it long remained.
-
-While such were his relations with the Byzantine Empire and the rival
-Republics of the West, the Papacy regarded Francesco as one of the
-factors in the Union of the Churches and thereby as a champion of
-Christendom against the Turks. When Innocent VI in 1356, despatched St
-Peter Thomas and another bishop to compass the Union of the Old and the
-New Rome, he recommended his two envoys to the lord of Lesbos. Thirteen
-years later, Francesco accompanied his brother-in-law, the Emperor John
-V, to Rome, and signed as one of the witnesses of that formal confession
-of the Catholic faith, which the sorely-pressed sovereign made on
-October 18, 1369, in the palace of the Holy Ghost before Urban V[534].
-He was one of the potentates summoned by Gregory XI in 1372 to attend
-the Congress[535] of Thebes on October 1, 1373, to consider the Turkish
-peril—a peril which at that time specially menaced his island—and in the
-following year the Pope recommended Smyrna to his care, and sent two
-theologians to convince him, a strenuous fighter against the Turks, and
-defender of Christendom beyond the seas, that the Union of the Churches
-would be a better defence against them than armed force[536]. The
-Popes might well have thought that no one could be a better instrument
-of their favourite plan than this Catholic brother-in-law of the Greek
-Emperor. But the astute Genoese was too wise to compel his Greek subjects
-to accept his creed. Throughout his reign, besides a Roman Catholic
-Archbishop, there was a Greek Metropolitan of Mytilene, and under his
-successor the Metropolitan throne of Methymna was also occupied[537]. The
-Armenian colony, settled in Lesbos, preferred, however, to seek shelter
-in Kos under the Knights of St John rather than remain as his subjects,
-without proper protection from a hostile raid[538].
-
-The success of their kinsman encouraged other members of the Gattilusio
-clan to seek a comfortable _seigneurie_ in the Levant. The barony of
-Ænos, at the mouth of the Maritza, had been assigned in the partition
-of the Byzantine Empire to the Crusaders, and, although reconquered by
-the Greeks, the exiled Latin Emperor Baldwin II had been pleased to
-consider it as still his to bestow, together with the titular kingdom of
-Salonika, upon Hugues, Duke of Burgundy, in 1266. Besieged by Bulgarians
-and Tartars in 1265, and invaded by the Catalans in 1308, it had been
-governed in the middle of the fourteenth century by Nikephoros II
-Angelos, the dethroned Despot of Epeiros, the son-in-law and nominee of
-John Cantacuzene. When, however, Cantacuzene fell, the Despot thought it
-more prudent to surrender the city to John V, who thus, in 1356, became
-its master. We do not know the precise time or manner of its transference
-to the Gattilusio family. A later Byzantine historian[539], however,
-states that the inhabitants, dissatisfied with the Imperial governor,
-called in a member of the reigning family of Lesbos, who was able to
-maintain his position owing to the domestic quarrels in the Imperial
-family, and by payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan, when the
-Turks became masters of Thrace and Macedonia. Whether the ancient barony
-became a Genoese possession by the will of the natives or by grant of
-the Emperor, one fact is certain, that in June, 1384, it was in the
-possession of Francesco’s brother, Nicolò[540]. Some six weeks later,
-a great upheaval of nature, prophesied, it was afterwards said, by a
-Lesbian monk, made the new lord of Ænos regent of his brother’s island
-also.
-
-The violent end of the first Gattilusio who reigned in Lesbos was long
-remembered in the island. On August 6, 1384, a terrible earthquake
-buried him beneath the ruins of the castle which he had built, as an
-inscription proudly informs us[541], some eleven years before. After a
-long and painful search, his mutilated body was found and laid to rest
-in a coffin, which he had already prepared, in the church of St John
-Baptist, which he had founded. By his side were laid the mangled bodies
-of two of his sons, Andronico and Domenico, who, with his wife, had also
-perished in the disaster. A third son, named Jacopo, escaped, however, by
-a miracle. At the time of the shock, he was sleeping by the side of his
-brothers in a tower of the castle; next day, however, he was discovered
-by a good woman in a vineyard near the Windmills at the foot of the
-fortress. The woman hastened to tell the good news to the chief men of
-the town, who came and fetched the young survivor. The boy took the oath
-on the Gospels as lord of Lesbos before the people and the nobles, and,
-as he was still a minor, his uncle, Nicolò Gattilusio, lord of Ænos, who
-hastened over to Lesbos on the news of the catastrophe, shared authority
-with him. In order to perpetuate the name of the popular founder of the
-dynasty, Jacopo on his accession took the name of Francesco II[542].
-
-The joint government of uncle and nephew lasted for three years, when a
-dispute arose between them, and Nicolò returned to the direction of his
-Thracian barony. In November, 1388, Francesco II joined the league of the
-Knights of Rhodes, Jacques I of Cyprus, the Genoese Chartered Company
-of Chios, and the Commune of Pera against the designs of the Sultan
-Murad I. His popularity with his Perote compatriots was such, that,
-on the occasion of a visit to Constantinople in 1392, they gave him a
-banquet; but four years later they complained that he had not performed
-his treaty obligations, made in 1388, against the Turks. In the summer
-of 1396, Pera was besieged by the forces of Bayezid I, and although
-Francesco was actually in the port of Constantinople at the time, and
-his galley was stationed in the Golden Horn near “the Huntsman’s Gate”
-in the modern district of Aivan Serai the Commune thought it necessary
-to draw up a formal protest against his inaction and execute it on the
-stem of his ship. He replied by offering to aid his fellow-Genoese,
-if they would make a sortie, and his galley subsequently assisted the
-Venetians in relieving the capital[543]. After the disastrous defeat of
-the Christians at the battle of Nikopolis later in the same year, both
-he and Nicolò of Ænos rendered signal services to the Sultan’s noble
-French prisoners, and Lesbos emerged into prominence throughout the
-French-speaking world. Thither came the Duke of Burgundy’s chamberlain,
-Guillaume de l’Aigle, on his preliminary mission to mollify the heart
-of Bayezid, with whom Francesco had such influence that he was able to
-obtain leave for his sick cousin, Enguerrand VII de Coucy, to remain
-behind at Brusa, when the rest of the captives were dragged farther up
-country by the Sultan[544]. The humane feelings of the lord of Lesbos
-were doubtless further moved by the fact that de Coucy was, through his
-mother, an Austrian princess, connected with the reigning family of
-Constantinople, from which he was himself descended, and by the recent
-establishment of a French protectorate over Genoa.
-
-Accordingly, he offered bail for his suffering relative, and when
-Marshal Boucicault, another of the prisoners, was set free to raise the
-amount necessary for their ransom, Francesco and other rich merchants
-of Lesbos advanced him the preliminary sum of 30,000 francs. Nicolò of
-Ænos willingly lent 2000 ducats more, and sent the prisoners a present
-of fish, bread and sugar, while his wife added a goodly supply of linen,
-for which they expressed their deep gratitude[545]. Of the total ransom,
-fixed at 200,000 ducats, Francesco and Nicolò, anxious to please the King
-of France and the Duke of Burgundy, respectively made themselves liable
-for 110,000 and 40,000, which the prisoners promised to repay as soon
-as possible. Half of these two sums was actually paid, and the lord of
-Ænos further furnished on account of the Comte de Nevers 10,000 ducats
-to a son of Bayezid and another Turk, who had guarded that nobleman on
-the day of his capture. Some years later the two Gattilusj of Lesbos
-and Ænos sent in a claim for what they had advanced and for sundry
-expenses amounting in all to 108,500 ducats. Another member of the family
-lent 5075 ducats, and during his stay in Lesbos the Comte de Nevers
-negotiated another loan from his host for 2500 more[546]. These sums show
-the wealth and credit of these merchant princes.
-
-When the ransom had been settled, the three French and Burgundian envoys
-who had been treating with Bayezid, embarked for Lesbos, escorted by
-Francesco and Nicolò and accompanied by one of the ransomed prisoners,
-who took with him to Burgundy a natural son of Francesco, destined to
-become the grandfather of Giuliano Gattilusio, the terrible corsair
-of the next century[547]. The rest of the prisoners followed early in
-July, and remained for six weeks the guests of Francesco and his lady,
-a noble dame of gentle breeding and European accomplishments, acquired
-at the court of Marie de Bourbon, titular Empress of Constantinople and
-Princess of Achaia, in whose society she had been educated. Feeling
-herself highly honoured at the presence of the Comte de Nevers and his
-companions in the castle of Lesbos, she clothed them with fine linen and
-cloth of Damascus, according to the fashion of the Levant, not forgetting
-to replenish the wardrobe of their retainers, while her husband and his
-uncle rendered them every honour and assisted them in their necessity.
-The visit terminated in the middle of August, when two galleys, equipped
-by the Knights of Rhodes, transported them to that island, their next
-stage on the homeward voyage. Their generous host stood on the shore
-till the Rhodian galleys had sunk beneath the horizon[548]. A few hours
-earlier he had obtained the signature of a treaty which might confer a
-solid advantage upon his own family and give an illusory hope of future
-glory to his departing guests. His daughter Eugenia had just married John
-Palaiologos, Despot of Selymbria, the Emperor Manuel II’s nephew and
-rival. Through the agency of Francesco this potentate ceded his claims to
-the Empire to King Charles VI of France in return for a French castle and
-a perpetual annuity of 25,000 gold ducats[549]. Thus in Lesbos, on the
-morrow of Nikopolis, the French could dream of re-establishing the long
-extinct Latin Empire of Romania!
-
-Francesco had not seen the last of the French prisoners. In the summer
-of 1399, Boucicault, sent by Charles VI to assist Manuel II in defending
-Constantinople from the Turks, arrived at Lesbos, which he had last
-visited two years before. Francesco received him with outward signs of
-joy, but told him that he had already informed the Turks of this new
-expedition, as he was bound to do by the treaties which he had with them.
-The position of the Lesbian lord was, indeed, of no small difficulty. It
-was his interest to stand well with Bayezid, while his son-in-law, John
-Palaiologos, who spent much of his time in the island, had received, as
-the son of Manuel’s elder brother, Turkish assistance in his blockade
-of the Imperial city. The diplomatic Levantine did not, however, wish
-to offend his powerful guest; he therefore offered to accompany him,
-and ordered a galley to be made ready to join the expedition. But the
-information which he had supplied to Bayezid had put the Turks upon their
-guard. A raid in Asia Minor was Boucicault’s sole military success;
-but he achieved, probably thanks to the influence of Francesco, the
-reconciliation of Manuel with his nephew, whom the French Marshal fetched
-from Selymbria to Constantinople. Manuel then departed with Boucicault
-to seek aid at the courts of Europe, while John acted as his viceroy on
-the Bosporos and received, in the presence of the Marshal, the promise
-of Salonika as his future residence[550]. Thus, during the absence of
-Manuel, Francesco’s daughter Eugenia sat upon the Byzantine throne as the
-consort of the Emperor’s representative, while her sister Helene married
-Stephen Lazarevich, Despot of Serbia, who had made her acquaintance
-during a visit to Lesbos on his return from the stricken field of
-Angora[551]. Francesco was at that time holding Foglia Vecchia on a lease
-from the _maona_ of Chios, and his tact and presents saved the place in
-that crisis from the covetous hands of the victorious Timour and his
-grandson[552].
-
-When Manuel returned to Constantinople in 1403, he refused to carry out
-his promised gift of Salonika. Before the battle of Angora had decided
-the fate of Bayezid, and the issue between the Turks and the Mongols was
-still uncertain, John Palaiologos had agreed—it was said—to surrender
-Constantinople and become a tributary of the Sultan, in the event of a
-Turkish victory. This was Manuel’s, excuse for refusing to allow his
-nephew to reside at Salonika and for banishing him to Lemnos. John
-thereupon appealed to his father-in-law for assistance, and Francesco,
-early in 1403, sailed with five vessels to attack Salonika. Hearing that
-Boucicault, then French governor of Genoa, whose interest in Lesbos had
-just been evinced by the despatch of an embassy thither, was once more
-in the Levant on a punitive expedition against King Janus of Cyprus,
-who had besieged the Genoese colony of Famagosta, Francesco despatched
-a vessel to meet the Marshal, reminding him that he had been a witness
-of the Emperor’s promise and begging him to aid in taking Salonika[553].
-Boucicault did not accede to this request; on the contrary, two vessels
-from Lesbos and two from Ænos went to assist him in his operations
-against the King of Cyprus, and remained with him till shortly before
-he reached the Venetian colony of Modon on his homeward voyage. Manuel
-ended by bestowing Salonika upon John Palaiologos, but the attacks made
-by Boucicault upon Venetian trade in the Levant and the consequent
-hostilities cost Nicolò Gattilusio, owing to his Genoese origin, the loss
-of 3000 ducats in gold, seized by the Venetians at Modon[554].
-
-In October of this eventful year of Boucicault’s cruise, there arrived at
-Lesbos a mission, sent by Enrique III of Castile to Timour, the victor of
-Angora, whose court was then at Samarkand. The narrative of the Castilian
-ambassador, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, gives us an interesting account of
-the island under the second Gattilusio. He found the town “built on a
-high hill near the sea,” and “surrounded by a wall with many towers,”
-outside of which was “a large suburb.” Besides the capital, Lesbos
-contained “several villages and castles,” while the neighbourhood of the
-city was well-cultivated and abounded in gardens and vineyards. At one
-time—probably before the earthquake—“very large houses and churches” had
-stood near the town, and at one end of the city were “the ruins of great
-palaces, and in the middle of the ruins about 40 blocks of white marble.”
-The local tradition was, that “on the top of these blocks there was once
-a platform, where those of the city met in council.” During the five
-days of their stay the envoys made the acquaintance of John Palaiologos,
-who was then residing in his wife’s old home, and heard the tragic story
-of the late lord’s death, of his successor’s marvellous preservation
-and of the recent expedition against Salonika[555]. Thus, in the reign
-of Francesco II, Lesbos was frequently visited by important personages
-from the West, and was their last stopping-place in Latin lands on their
-way to Constantinople or to Asia. Descended from the famous houses of
-Byzantium and Savoy, and connected with that of Austria, the lord of
-Mytilene and lessee of Foglia Vecchia was regarded by Western visitors
-as “a great baron”; Eastern potentates sought the hands of his daughters
-in marriage, and when one of them married the heir of the powerful
-Giovanni de’ Grimaldi[556], governor of Nice and usurper of Monaco, the
-dowry of 5000 gold ducats which she brought from Lesbos was considered a
-large sum on the Riviera. Although born in the Levant, he still kept up
-the family connexion with his paternal city. Both he and his uncle had
-financial transactions with Genoa[557], and Francesco was patron of the
-family church of San Giacomo at Sestri Ponente[558]. At the same time,
-while Latin archbishops held the see of Mytilene, his relations with
-the dignitaries of the Orthodox church were excellent. The Œcumenical
-Patriarch addressed him as “well-beloved nephew of the Emperor,” and his
-uncle Nicolò as the “Emperor’s kinsman by marriage[559], the most noble,
-glorious, and prudent _archon_ of Ænos,” whose consent was sought for the
-appointment of a Metropolitan to that long vacant see[560]. With Venice
-the Gattilusj, as befitted Genoese, at times had difficulties. In 1398
-corsairs, sallying forth from their dominions, did much damage to the
-Cretans who sailed under the Venetian flag; but the Republic none the
-less allowed the wax of Lesbos to be exported at certain seasons for sale
-in her dominions[561].
-
-After an eventful reign of 20 years, Francesco II died, if we may believe
-an anonymous Greek chronologist[562], on October 26, 1404. His end was
-strangely similar to that of his father. On a journey through the island,
-while passing the night in one of the lofty towers then common in the
-Archipelago, he was stung by a scorpion. Alarmed at his cries, his
-attendants and nobles climbed up into his room in such numbers that the
-floor collapsed and he was killed on the spot leaving three sons, Jacopo,
-Palamede and Dorino, of whom the eldest Jacopo became his successor[563].
-The heir was, however, still a minor, and accordingly once again Nicolò
-came and acted as regent. His friendly policy as regent and his support
-of her subjects in the Levant on more than one occasion called forth the
-warm praise of Venice; but his fortification of Tenedos provoked an
-indignant protest[564]. Moreover the Greeks of Lesbos can scarcely have
-been edified by the appointment of rival Latin bishops—the result of the
-schism in the Western Church—which occurred during his regency[565].
-In the spring of 1409 he died[566], and Jacopo, then of age, assumed
-the government of Lesbos, while Francesco’s younger son, Palamede[567],
-succeeded his uncle and guardian at Ænos. Nicolò’s fame long lingered in
-the Levant. Kritoboulos[568] half a century later ascribed to him the
-achievements of Francesco I, the founder of the dynasty, whose wisdom,
-and education, whose courage and physical gifts he extols, whom all Syria
-and Egypt feared and propitiated with annual blackmail, for his numerous
-navy ravaged their coasts and even the Libyan littoral.
-
-Jacopo’s policy was to favour Genoese interests where they conflicted
-with Venetian, but to co-operate with the two rival Republics when they
-showed signs of uniting against his dreaded neighbours, the Turks. Thus,
-he aided Centurione Zaccaria, the Genoese Prince of Achaia, in his
-campaign against the Tocchi of Cephalonia and Zante, who were thereby
-compelled to invoke the protection of Venice; while the Venetians
-threatened to sequestrate all Lesbian merchandise in Crete, unless he
-gave satisfaction for the seizure of a Cretan merchantman[569]. Venetian
-and Genoese subjects, however, suffered alike from the reprisals provoked
-by the attack of two Lesbian galleys upon the Saracens of Damietta; and
-Jacopo had a counter grievance in the illegal levy of toll upon his
-people by the Genoese of Chios[570]. Towards the Turks he was, from his
-position, obliged to be deferential, except when he saw prospect of
-common action against them. If the Knights of Rhodes complained that he
-had sheltered the Turks, and so saved them from destruction at the hands
-of those zealous champions of Christendom[571], he was ready, in 1415, to
-join the latter, the Genoese of Chios, and the Venetian Republic in an
-anti-Turkish league; while he did homage to Mohammed I and aided first
-that Sultan and then Murad II in the suppression of Djouneïd of Aïdin,
-when fortune smiled upon them[572]. In 1426, the threatened declaration
-of war by Venice upon Genoa, then under Milanese domination, caused him
-some embarrassment; but the Genoese Government bade him[573] not to
-be afraid of Venetian threats. Not long after this, probably in 1428,
-Jacopo died[574]. An anonymous Greek informs us that he had married
-Bonne, “the fair daughter of the lord of Nice near Marseilles” but this
-statement would appear to be due to a confusion with the marriage of his
-sister with Pietro de’ Grimaldi, for Bonne, the offspring of that union
-espoused Louis Cossa, lord of Berre, unless the Bonne mentioned was
-the daughter of Amedeo VIII of Savoy, in whose dominions Nice was then
-included[575]. In 1421, however, Valentina D’Oria is described as “lady
-of Mytilene[576].” At any rate, it seems probable that he left no issue,
-for his successor, Dorino I, is described in a Genoese document and by
-a traveller of this period as “brother” of Palamede, lord of Ænos[577],
-and therefore of Jacopo. Dorino, whose name was derived from the famous
-Genoese house of D’Oria, allied by marriage with many Gattilusj, had
-already had experience of ruling for several years over Foglia Vecchia as
-his appanage—a fact still commemorated by his coins and an inscription
-there[578], which describes him as its “lord” in 1423-4. This former
-possession of the Zaccaria is first mentioned as administered by the
-Gattilusj in 1402, and remained united with the Lesbian branch of the
-family till 1455.
-
-Meanwhile, Ænos had prospered under the rule of Palamede. Six
-inscriptions, still extant there, proclaim the activity of the masons
-during the early years of his long reign—the erection of the churches
-of the Chrysopege and of St Nicholas by two private citizens and the
-completion of three other public works[579]. But Palamede not only
-embellished his domain; he also extended it. The neighbouring island of
-Samothrace, a Greek possession since the reconquest of Constantinople
-from the Latins, now owned his sway—for in 1433, when Bertrandon de la
-Brocquière[580] visited Ænos, he wrote that Samothrace also belonged to
-its lord. In that island, then known as Mandrachi and celebrated for its
-honey and its goats, Palamede erected on March 26, 1431, and extended
-in 1433, a new fortress for the protection of its numerous population,
-as two inscriptions in its walls, one in Greek, one in Latin[581] still
-remind us. The Genoese lord, we are told, was interested in the past
-history of his dominions; he “loved greatly to hear learned discussions,”
-and to him a contemporary scholar, John Kanaboutzes, applied the saying
-of Plato about philosophers and kings. To his desire to know what
-Dionysios of Halikarnassos had written about Samothrace we owe the brief
-commentary on that author, compiled at his command by that writer, a
-native of Foglia[582], whose family was connected with Ænos[583]—one of
-several instances, where Italian rulers of Greece showed a consciousness
-of that country’s great past. Like his brother Jacopo, Palamede was
-inclined to support the Genoese Prince of Achaia, and the Venetian
-admiral was ordered to remonstrate with him, should occasion require[584].
-
-Although more than seventy years had by this time elapsed since Francesco
-I had left Genoa for the Levant, the connexion between the distant
-Republic and his descendants in the East was never closer than now. In
-1428, and again in 1444, the Genoese Government, although it forbade
-the circulation of Lesbian ducats in Genoa and district, and repudiated
-responsibility for the harm done by the Gattilusj to the subjects of the
-Sultan of Egypt, specially consulted “the lords of Mytilene, Ænos and
-Foglia Vecchia” whether they desired to be included or no in the treaties
-of peace, which it had just concluded with King Alfonso V of Aragon.
-“The many services rendered to us and to the community of Genoa by you
-and your ancestors”—so runs one of these interesting despatches—“make us
-realise that in all treaties involving peace or war we ought to consider
-your honour and advancement. For your welfare, your misfortunes, are
-equally ours.” Dorino I replied that he wished to be so included, and his
-agents accordingly ratified the peace at Genoa on his behalf in 1429.
-When, two years later, Genoa was drawn into the war between her Milanese
-masters and Venice, the Archbishop of Milan, who was at that time the
-governor of Genoa, notified Dorino of the outbreak of hostilities,
-following the precedent set in the case of his father and grandfather,
-warned that “most distinguished of our citizens” to put his island in
-a state of defence and begged him to aid any Genoese colony that might
-require assistance[585]. So much importance was attached at Milan to his
-support, that Francesco Sforza, the Duke, accredited Benedetto Folco of
-Forlì to the Lesbian court, in order to urge Dorino against Venice[586].
-At the same time, the Genoese Government, “remembering that in all its
-past victories the galleys of the Gattilusj had borne their part,”
-invited the lord of Lesbos to co-operate with Ceba, the Genoese commander
-who was to be despatched for the relief of Chios from the Venetians, and
-requested him to send a galley to that island. Dorino replied in a loyal
-strain, whereupon the Genoese Government thanked him for this display of
-fidelity, traditional in his family, and again urged him to equip his
-galley for the defence of Chios. Two other despatches, following in rapid
-succession, begged him to inform the Chians of the speedy arrival of the
-Genoese fleet and to see that his own galley was in Chian waters by the
-middle of May. Dorino was as good as his word, and gave orders that a
-Lesbian galley should join the expedition; but before the latter arrived,
-the Venetians had raised the siege. As a reward for his services, the
-commander of the Genoese fleet and the governors of Pera and Chios were
-instructed to provide for the safety of his little state, and the home
-government invited him to rely upon its unshakable affection in time
-of need. Influential Genoese marriages stimulated this feeling. Dorino
-had married a D’Oria; Palamede’s daughter Caterina now married another;
-while her sisters, Ginevra and Costanza, respectively espoused Ludovico
-and Gian Galeazzo de Campo-fregoso, relatives of the then reigning Doge,
-and the former soon to be Doge himself. Thus Lesbian interests were well
-represented at Genoa. In return, Genoa frequently requested Dorino to
-see that justice was done to her subjects in his dominions, even to the
-detriment of his own family[587].
-
-Genoa found Dorino no less useful as a diplomatist than as an ally, for
-the lord of Lesbos and Foglia Vecchia had married his daughter Maria
-to Alexander, second son of Alexios IV, Emperor of Trebizond, in whose
-dominions the Genoese, owing to their Black Sea colonies, had important
-commercial interests, latterly greatly injured by the pro-Venetian
-policy of that sovereign. According to the Trapezuntine practice, Alexios
-had raised his eldest son John IV to the Imperial dignity in his own
-lifetime; but his unfilial heir conspired against him, was driven into
-exile, and replaced by his next brother Alexander. John IV was, however,
-as favourable to the Genoese as his father to the Venetians, and was
-restored with the assistance of a Genoese of Caffa. Alexios IV was
-murdered in 1429; but John IV was not allowed to reign undisturbed. His
-brother Alexander fled to Constantinople, where his sister was wife of
-the Emperor John VI, and contracted a marriage with Dorino’s daughter,
-in order that he might secure his support, and through him, that of
-Genoa, against the Emperor of Trebizond. When the Spanish traveller, Pero
-Tafur, visited Lesbos at this time he found Alexander there engaged in
-levying a fleet for his restoration. This did not, however, suit Genoese
-policy, and accordingly the Doge of Genoa requested Dorino in 1438 to
-act as peacemaker between the two brothers and to invite his son-in-law
-to reside at Constantinople or in Lesbos on an annuity chargeable on the
-revenues of Trebizond[588]. Another matrimonial alliance brought Dorino’s
-family into renewed relations with the Palaiologoi. In 1440, an old
-link between the two families had been snapped by the death of Eugenia
-Gattilusio, widow of the Emperor John VI’s cousin and namesake[589]—an
-event which was doubtless the occasion when the castle of Kokkinos on
-the coast of Lemnos, which had been her widow’s portion, passed into the
-hands of Dorino[590]. On July 27 of the following year, however, the
-Emperor’s brother, the Despot Constantine, afterwards the last Christian
-ruler of Byzantium, married Dorino’s daughter Caterina, a marriage
-arranged by the historian Phrantzes. This union did not last long; after
-a brief honeymoon in Lesbos, Constantine left his bride in her father’s
-care, and set out, accompanied by a Lesbian galley, for the Morea, nor
-did he see her again till his return in the following July. At Lesbos he
-took her on board his ship; but, when he reached Lemnos on his way to
-Constantinople, he had to take refuge behind the walls of Kokkinos from
-the attacks of a Turkish fleet. The Turks in vain besieged the castle of
-the Gattilusj for 27 days, and the strain and anxiety of the siege caused
-the death of his wife, which occurred at Palaiokastro in August. There
-the ill-fated second consort of the last hero of the Byzantine Empire was
-laid to rest[591].
-
-Meanwhile, besides the acquisition of Kokkinos, thus courageously saved
-by his heroic son-in-law, Dorino had received from the Greek Empire the
-island of Thasos, which more than a century before had belonged to the
-Genoese family of Zaccaria. Indeed, if we may accept the two allusions
-to the Gattilusj in the Greek version of Bondelmonti[592] as the work of
-that traveller, Thasos, which was Byzantine in September, 1414, had been
-given to Jacopo as a fief before 1420. At any rate, a Thasian inscription
-of April 1, 1434, now preserved in the wall of the church of St
-Athanasios at Kastro, informs us that a tower was built there by Oberto
-de’ Grimaldi[593] a member of the well-known Ligurian family who is
-mentioned elsewhere[594] as a captain in the service of Dorino. Ten years
-later, the archæologist, Cyriacus of Ancona, upon visiting Thasos, found
-that Dorino had recently bestowed the island upon his son, Francesco III,
-who was still under the control of a preceptor, Francesco Pedemontano.
-
-The indefatigable antiquary may have paid an earlier visit to Lesbos
-in 1431, but the accounts which he has left of the Gattilusj, their
-dominions, and the neighbouring islands of the Thracian Sea range from
-1444 to 1447. In Lesbos he was well received by Dorino, who promised
-to aid him in exploring the whole island. He had, indeed, arrived at a
-fortunate moment, for the rumour of a threatened Turkish invasion had
-ceased, so that the lord of Lesbos had leisure for archæology, and his
-visitor could examine “the remains of the temple of Diana,” and “the
-baths of Jove,” whose name was carved in the midst of them[595]. With
-Dorino’s captain, Oberto de’ Grimaldi, he sailed to Foglia Vecchia, where
-the Gattilusj had a factory, as at Lesbos, for the production of alum,
-and made the acquaintance of “the Master Kanaboutzes,” probably the
-author of the commentary on Dionysios, who could tell him all about the
-Foglie, of which he was a native[596]. In Thasos, the third domain of
-the elder branch of the Gattilusj, he spent Christmas day, and composed
-a long Latin inscription as well as an Italian poem in honour of young
-Francesco. The enthusiastic guest prayed that the beginning of his host’s
-rule over Thasos might be of as good omen as “the yule log thrown on the
-fire in the turreted castle”; that the yoke of the barbarian Turks might
-be removed from Thrace, that the former dependencies of the island there
-might return to his sway, and that Francesco’s patron saint, St John the
-Evangelist, might protect this “native offspring of the Palaiologoi,
-this pride of the most noble Gatalusian race.” “What Thasian nymph,” he
-asks, “could have deprived Lesbos of her Francesco?” The attraction was
-the lordship of an island, which had been described by Bondelmonti as
-well-peopled, very fertile and containing three fair towns. Francesco
-had, indeed, begun well by restoring the principal city, thus earning
-a dedicatory inscription by the Thasian citizens and colonists, and by
-erecting at the entrance of the harbour some fine marble statues, which
-an ancient inscription showed to have represented the members of the
-Thasian council. At this time the island could boast of six other towns
-beside its “marble city,” whose walls attracted the admiration of the
-traveller. Under the guidance of Carlo de’ Grimaldi and “the learned
-Giovanni of Novara,” he inspected the numerous ancient tombs outside, the
-large amphitheatre with no less than 20 rows then standing intact, and
-the akropolis of the city[597].
-
-The worthy Cyriacus was no less hospitably received by the junior branch
-of the Gattilusj. At Ænos he met Palamede with his two sons Giorgio and
-Dorino II, and was delighted to find there an old friend in the person
-of Cristoforo Dentuto, envoy extraordinary of Genoa in the Levant.
-Accompanied by “the prince of Ænos and Samothrace” as he calls Palamede,
-and by Francesco Calvi, the latter’s secretary, he was taken to see “the
-great tomb of Polydoros, son of Priam,” some five stadia beyond the
-walls, admired the sculptured figures of fauns and animals there, and
-copied an ancient Greek inscription from the marble base of a statue that
-stood before “the prince’s court.” Letters of introduction from Palamede
-and Francesco of Thasos secured for him a warm reception at the monastery
-of Hagia Laura on Mount Athos[598]. At Samothrace, Joannes Laskaris
-Rhyndakenos, Palamede’s prefect of the island, personally conducted
-the antiquary to the old city, where he saw “ancient walls and the
-remains of a marble temple of Neptune” (known to modern archæologists
-as “the Dorian marble temple”), “fragments of huge columns, epistylia
-and bases, and doorposts, adorned with the crowned heads of bulls and
-other figures”—now identified with the remains of a round building
-built by Arsinöe, daughter of Ptolemy Soter. Thence he went to “the new
-castle, founded by Palamede” some thirteen years before, and built to
-protect his new town of “Capsulum.” Close to the tower he saw to his
-delight “several ancient marbles, with dances of Nymphs sculptured and
-inscriptions in Latin and Greek”—the two reliefs of dancing Nymphs now in
-the Louvre[599]. From his accounts of the neighbouring islands, we learn
-that Imbros, where his guide was a noble and learned Imbriote, Hermodoros
-Michael Kritoboulos, the historian, in 1444 was still Byzantine, and
-“governed for the Emperor John Palaiologos” by that same noble, Manuel
-Asan, of whom inscriptions have been found there, and who had lately
-restored two-thirds of the akropolis[600]. We find, too, that in 1447
-Theodore Branas was Byzantine governor of Lemnos, where the Gattilusj as
-yet held only the castle of Kokkinos[601].
-
-The visit of the antiquary of Ancona to the Gattilusj was the calm before
-the storm, which was so soon to burst upon them. Even while Cyriacus
-was their guest, the fatal battle of Varna made Murad II master of the
-Near East. For a few years, indeed, the Gattilusj went on marrying
-and giving in marriage, as if the end of their rule were not at hand.
-In 1444, Dorino’s daughter Ginevra married Giacomo II Crispo, Duke of
-the Archipelago[602]; five years later the lord of Lesbos sent the
-Archbishop of Mytilene, at that time the celebrated Leonardo of Chios,
-to Rome to obtain from the Pope a dispensation for the marriage of his
-eldest surviving son, Domenico, and a daughter of Palamede. As the two
-young people were first-cousins, Ludovico de Campo-fregoso, Palamede’s
-son-in-law and at that time Doge of Genoa, begged the Pope not to grant
-the dispensation, and as an example of the iniquity of such an alliance
-he instanced the case of Dorino’s firstborn (presumably Francesco III
-of Thasos), who had married another daughter of Palamede and had died
-less than six months afterwards. The Pope refused his consent, and the
-marriage did not take place[603].
-
-Hitherto the Gattilusj, partly by tribute paid ever since the reign
-of Murad I[604], partly by tact, had managed to keep the Turks at a
-distance. On one occasion, when Constantinople had been threatened,
-the Pope had offered to pay the expenses of the Lesbian galley, if
-Dorino would agree to sent it thither; but the Genoese Government,
-while transmitting his Holiness’ offer and praising the services of the
-Gattilusj to Christendom, recognised their natural unwillingness to
-offend the Sultan and advised Dorino, if he did send aid, to pretend that
-he was merely protecting Genoese interests at Pera. The Greek Emperor was
-able to raise a loan, if he received no actual assistance, at Ænos[605];
-but in 1450, at last, Lesbos was attacked. Murad despatched a large fleet
-under Baltaoghli, the first in the list of Turkish admirals, against
-the island, and his men carried off more than 3000 souls, slaughtered
-many cattle, destroyed the flourishing city of Kallone, and inflicted
-damage to the amount of more than 150,000 ducats. It was probably on
-this occasion that the lady of Lesbos, Orietta d’Oria, performed the
-prodigy of valour that won her a niche in the literary Pantheon of her
-native city besides the men of her father’s house. At the time of the
-invasion, she seems to have been in the town of Molivos, the ancient
-Methymna, whose inhabitants, exhausted from lack of food, were on the
-point of surrendering, when she appeared among them in full armour, and
-led them to victory against the astonished Turks. Thereupon Dorino was
-able to secure by a timely present and the increase of his tribute to
-2000 gold pieces a renewal of the peace which he protested that he had
-never broken. He was, however, under no illusions as to the durability
-of this truce. He wrote to Genoa, asking for assistance, reminding the
-Republic that he was of Genoese origin and that he had often aided her to
-the best of his power with men, ships, and money. Unless, therefore, she
-could protect him, he would be reluctantly compelled to look elsewhere
-for help. At the same time, after the fashion of the Christian princes of
-the Levant on the eve of the Turkish conquest, he announced his intention
-of sending an expedition to obtain his rights from the Emperor John IV
-of Trebizond, who had also maltreated the Genoese of Caffa, and begged
-the Republic to receive and revictual his galleys in her Black Sea ports.
-This last request was granted[606].
-
-The Turkish conquest of Constantinople, although it sounded the
-death-knell of the Latin states in the Levant, was of momentary benefit
-to the Gattilusj. They had been close relatives and good friends of
-the Greek Imperial family, and one of them, a certain Laudisio, had
-distinguished himself in the defence of the city[607]; but, when all was
-over, they hastened to profit by its fall. The two islands of Lemnos
-and Imbros, from their position near the mouth of the Dardanelles, have
-always possessed great strategic importance. Under the Latin Empire,
-Lemnos had been the fief of the Lord High Admiral, who bore the title
-of Grand-duke; under the Palaiologoi it had been either the appanage
-of an Imperial prince, or had been entrusted to the government of some
-great noble. So greatly was it coveted, that Alfonso V of Aragon had
-made it the price of his aid for the relief of Constantinople[608],
-while during the siege Constantine had promised it to Giustiniani, if
-the Turks were repulsed[609]. When the news of the disaster reached
-these islands, the Byzantine authorities fled on board Italian ships,
-while many of the inhabitants sought refuge in Chios or in the Venetian
-colonies. There was, however, one leading personage in Imbros, who was
-resolved to remain and make terms with the victors. This was Kritoboulos,
-the future historian of Mohammed II, who bribed the Turkish Admiral,
-Hamza, not to attack the islands and through his mediation managed to
-send representatives of the Greek church and the local nobility with a
-present to the Sultan’s court at Adrianople, begging him to allow them
-to be administered as before. It chanced that at this moment envoys of
-the Gattilusj were at Adrianople, for on the fall of Constantinople
-both Dorino and Palamede had hastened to placate and congratulate the
-terrible Sultan, and to crave the grant of Lemnos and Imbros. Dorino,
-although he was still lord of Lesbos in name and continued to sign state
-documents, had been bed-ridden since 1449, and his eldest surviving son,
-Domenico, governed as regent. Domenico and one of Palamede’s councillors
-were supported by the two emissaries of Kritoboulos, and the Sultan
-was pleased to confer Lemnos upon the lord of Lesbos, Imbros upon him
-of Ænos. At the same time Mohammed ordered the former to pay an annual
-tribute of 3000 gold pieces for Lesbos and 2325 for Lemnos; that of
-Imbros was assessed at 1200 gold pieces. Thus, by the irony of fate,
-only nine years before its annihilation, the dominion of the Gattilusj
-reached its greatest extent. Indeed, there was a party in Skyros also
-which advocated annexation to Lesbos, but there the majority wisely
-preferred the nearer and more powerful lion of St Mark, which waved over
-Eubœa[610].
-
-The Gattilusj were now well aware that they only existed on sufferance,
-and they were more careful than ever not to offend their master. Domenico
-paid more than one visit of obeisance to the Turkish court; and when,
-in June, 1455, the Turkish admiral, on his way to Rhodes, anchored off
-Lesbos, the historian Doukas[611], the prince’s secretary, was sent on
-board with a handsome present of garments of silk and of woven wool
-six in number, 6000 pieces of silver, 20 oxen, 50 sheep, more than 800
-measures of wine, 2 bushels of biscuit and one of bread, more than 1000
-lbs. of cheese, and fruit without measure, as well as gifts in proportion
-to their rank for the members of the admiral’s staff. Under these
-circumstances, it was no wonder that Hamza treated the lord of Lesbos
-“like a brother,” and refrained from entering the harbour, for fear of
-alarming the islanders.
-
-Scarcely had the Turkish fleet left, when, on June 30, 1455, Dorino
-I died, leaving his dominion of Lesbos, Foglia Vecchia, Thasos, and
-Lemnos to his eldest surviving son, Domenico, for whom the younger,
-Nicolò, acted as governor in the last-named island. Before a month had
-passed, the fleet hove in sight of Mytilene on its homeward voyage,
-and was invited to anchor in the harbour, where the serviceable Doukas
-again visited the admiral, whom he kept in good humour by a sumptuous
-banquet and sped on his way with a sigh of relief on the morrow. But
-the historian had before him a more delicate mission—that of paying the
-annual tribute for Lesbos and Lemnos to Mohammed II. Starting from Lesbos
-on August 1, he found the Sultan at Adrianople, kissed hands in token of
-homage and remained seated in his presence, till His Majesty’s morning
-meal was over. When, however, he went to hand the money to the Sultan’s
-ministers next day, they ingeniously asked him after the health of his
-master. The historian replied that he was well and sent his greeting,
-whereupon the Ottomans answered, that they meant the old prince. Doukas
-explained that Dorino had been dead 40 days, and that his successor
-had already been practically prince for six years, during which time
-he had once or twice come in person to do homage and congratulate the
-Great Turk. The ministers thereupon cut short the conversation with the
-remark that no one had the right to assume the title of lord of Lesbos
-(borne till his death by Dorino), until he had come and received his
-principality from the hands of his Most Mighty suzerain. “Go therefore,”
-they said, “and return with thy master; for if he come not, he knows
-what the future has in store for him.” The terrified envoy hastened back
-to Lesbos, and set out with Domenico and several leading men of both
-races in the island to do homage to Mohammed. The Sultan had, however,
-meanwhile changed his headquarters, for the plague was then ravaging
-Thrace, and it was not till the Lesbian deputation reached the Bulgarian
-village of Zlatica that they came up with him. After the usual _bakshîsh_
-to the influential Pashas, Mahmûd and Said Achmet, they were admitted to
-the presence, and Domenico humbly kissed the hand of his suzerain. But on
-the morrow a message was conveyed to Domenico, that the Sultan wished to
-have the island of Thasos. Argument was useless, and the island, which
-had belonged for some 20, or perhaps even 35, years to the Gattilusj,
-was ceded to Mohammed. This sacrifice only whetted the appetite of the
-Sultan; on the morrow a second message announced that the tribute for
-Lesbos would be doubled. At this Domenico plucked up courage to reply,
-that, if the Sultan wished to take the whole of Lesbos, it was in his
-power to do so; but that to pay twice the previous tribute was beyond
-its present ruler’s resources. At the same time, he begged the Sultan’s
-ministers to intervene on his behalf. They represented the facts to their
-master, and the latter agreed to a compromise, by which Lesbos should
-thenceforth pay 4000 gold pieces, instead of 3000. Then, at last they
-decked Domenico with a gold-embroidered robe and his companions with
-silken garments; the Lesbians signed the oath of allegiance and set out
-on their homeward journey, “thanking God, who had delivered them out of
-the hands of the monster.”
-
-But the year was not destined to close without further losses to the
-Gattilusj. While the deputation was still at Philippopolis, a second
-Turkish fleet, under Junis, set out to attack the Genoese colony of
-Chios. Off the Troad a storm arose, in which several of the Turkish
-vessels perished, while the rest of the fleet, except the flagship, took
-refuge in the harbour of Mytilene, where Nicolò was then representing his
-absent brother. It had been one of the treaty obligations of the lords of
-Lesbos, ever since they had been vassals of the Sultan, to warn the Turks
-who inhabited the opposite mainland between the mouth of the Kaïkos and
-the town of Assos, of the approach of Catalan corsairs, and the Gattilusj
-were bound to pay compensation for any loss caused by negligence in
-performing this service. Now it chanced that the scout, employed on this
-business, sailed into the harbour while the Turks were there, followed
-by the missing Turkish flagship. The admiral, a very different man from
-his predecessor, requited Nicolò Gattilusio’s generous hospitality by
-demanding that this vessel with all on board should be given up to him
-as a prize, including the wife of a very distinguished member of the
-Chian Chartered Company, Paride Giustiniani Longo, with all her jewelry.
-The lady in question was none other than Domenico’s mother-in-law, whom
-he had invited to Lesbos to keep his wife company while he was away—for
-Domenico’s love for his wife was proverbial, and it is narrated of him
-that he could never bear to be out of her sight and even shared her bed
-when she was afflicted with leprosy. Nicolò protested that the vessel
-was his brother’s and that the wealthy Chian dame had not been on board
-but had already been long in the island. At this, the Turkish commander
-complained to the Sultan, and sailed for Foglia Nuova, of which Paride
-Longo was then governor for the Chian Company. Arrived there, he summoned
-the governor and the chief men of the place to appear before him. Such
-was their alarm, that even before his summons arrived they had started
-to meet him, only to hear the Sultan’s written orders that they should
-all be imprisoned and their city levelled with the ground, unless they
-surrendered the fort. The citizens, without attempting to argue or reply,
-at once admitted the Turks; the Genoese merchants were plundered and led
-on board; the names of all the citizens were taken down, about a hundred
-of their children carried off, and a Turkish guard placed in the fort.
-Thus on October 31, 1455, fell the Genoese colony of Foglia Nuova, the
-old possession of the Zaccaria and of the Cattaneo families, and then for
-a century a dependency of the _maona_ of Chios.
-
-When Domenico returned home and learnt from his brother what had
-occurred, he sent Doukas to plead the case at Constantinople. The Lesbian
-envoy’s arguments and appeals to justice were, however, all in vain;
-Mohammed gave Domenico the alternative of paying 10,000 gold pieces or
-of war; and, when Doukas resisted this monstrous ultimatum, secretly
-despatched one of his servants to take Foglia Vecchia, which had been
-held by the Gattilusj of Lesbos ever since 1402 at least. This, their
-sole possession on the Asian main, was seized on December 24, 1455. As
-soon as the Sultan received the news of its capture, he ordered Doukas to
-be sent away free and declared the question settled. Well might Domenico,
-after this experience, write urgently to Genoa for succour[612].
-
-It was now the turn of the younger branch of the Gattilusj. Palamede
-of Ænos had died in 1455; and, as his elder son Giorgio had predeceased
-him[613] in 1449, he had bequeathed his dominions to his second son,
-Dorino II, and to Giorgio’s widow and her children. While Giorgio was
-still alive, his father had given him all his estates, except his Lesbian
-property, which was the share of Dorino II, and even after Giorgio’s
-death, his widow and family had a preference in the old lord’s will,
-as representing the first-born. No sooner, however, was Palamede dead
-than Dorino, defying the dictates alike of justice and prudence, seized
-the whole of the estate. In vain Giorgio’s widow and his own advisers
-implored him not to drive her to appeal to the judgment-seat of the
-Sultan, his suzerain. Finding her arguments useless, she begged her uncle
-to lay her case before Mohammed, and that undiplomatic envoy, anxious to
-punish Dorino even at the price of annexation to Turkey, depicted the
-usurper as a faithless vassal, who was conspiring with the Italians,
-collecting arms, hiring soldiers, and preparing to increase the garrisons
-of Ænos and the two islands with the object of proclaiming his complete
-independence. His advocacy found a willing hearer, for Mohammed coveted
-Ænos because of its favourable situation, on the estuary of the Maritza,
-then navigable for a considerable distance, opposite the islands, of
-which it was the natural mart, and in close proximity to the lake of
-Jala Göl. Thanks to these natural advantages, to the river and lake
-fisheries, and above all to its valuable salt-beds, which supplied all
-Thrace and Macedonia, Ænos was then a very rich city, from which Palamede
-had received 300,000 pieces of silver. It was true, that two-thirds of
-the proceeds of the salt-beds and of the other revenues were already
-handed over to the Sultan; but it was suggested by the people of the
-neighbouring towns of Ipsala and Feredchik that the Gattilusj did not
-administer the salt-works honestly, while they gave refuge at Ænos to
-fugitive Turkish slaves.
-
-Mohammed resolved to act at once. Despite the terrible Balkan winter,
-which made havoc with his troops, he left Constantinople on January 24,
-1456, and marched against Ænos, while Junis with the fleet menaced it
-from the sea. Dorino was absent in Samothrace, whither he had gone to
-spend the winter in Palamede’s castle; and his subjects, thus left to
-themselves, made no attempt at resistance. They sent a deputation of
-leading citizens to the Sultan’s headquarters at Ipsala, and surrendered
-the city on condition that no harm was done to its inhabitants. Mohammed
-received them kindly, granted some of their requests, and sent Mahmûd
-Pasha back with them to take over the town. On the next day he came in
-person, carried off all the silver, gold and other valuables, which he
-found in Dorino’s palace and plundered the houses of that prince’s absent
-suite. Then, after a three days’ stay, during which he organised the
-future administration of the place and appointed a certain Murad as its
-governor, he marched away, taking 150 children, the flower of the youth
-of Ænos, with him, and entrusting Junis with the annexation of Samothrace
-and Imbros, the maritime dependencies of that city.
-
-The Turkish admiral, on his arrival at Imbros, summoned Kritoboulos
-the historian, whose personality and opinions were already well-known
-at the Turkish court, and made him governor in the room of Dorino’s
-representative, at that time apparently Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos,
-whom he carried off on board. Meanwhile, a vessel had been despatched to
-Samothrace to fetch Dorino. But the latter, mistrusting the admiral, as
-he well might, preferred to throw himself upon the mercy of the Sultan.
-He therefore manned his yacht, crossed over to Ænos, and thence proceeded
-to Adrianople. Mohammed received him, and promised to restore to him
-his islands; but the malicious admiral, indignant at what he considered
-a slight upon himself, persuaded his sovereign to give Dorino instead
-some place on the mainland, on the ground that the islanders would not
-tolerate him and that he would be less able to plot at a distance from
-the sea. The Sultan thereupon changed his mind, and granted to the
-dethroned prince the district of Zichna in Macedonia. Dorino did not,
-however, long remain there; after slaying the Turkish officials, who were
-his guard of honour, he fled to Lesbos, and thence to Naxos, where he
-married his cousin, Elisabetta Crispo, daughter of the late Duke, Giacomo
-II, and settled down at the ducal court[614].
-
-The Turkish annexation of Samothrace and Imbros and the appointment of a
-native governor had an immediate effect upon the neighbouring island of
-Lemnos. The Lemnians had had little more than two years of Gattilusian
-Government, and the experience had been unfortunate, for Domenico had
-entrusted their island to his brother Nicolò, against whose tyrannical
-conduct they made secret complaint to the Sultan, begging him to send one
-of his servants to rule over them. Mohammed gladly consented, and ordered
-Junis’ successor, Ismael, to sail for Lemnos, and install the amiable
-Hamza as governor. Before the Turks arrived, Domenico despatched a small
-force under Giovanni Fontana and Spineta Colomboto with orders to induce
-the Lemnians by promises to return to their allegiance, and failing that
-to escort his brother, then encamped behind the walls of Palaiokastro,
-back to Lesbos. His emissaries, however, disobeying his orders,
-resorted to force, with the result that the islanders routed them with
-considerable loss, and those who escaped had to content themselves with
-conveying Nicolò home. When the Turkish admiral arrived, he commended
-the Lemnians, landed the new governor and returned, in May, 1456, with
-the Lesbian prisoners on board, to the Dardanelles. The news of what had
-occurred so infuriated Mohammed against Domenico, that when in August
-Doukas came with the annual tribute and begged for their release, he
-commanded their heads to be cut off, and only repented when they had
-actually mounted the scaffold, ordering that they should be sold, instead
-of being beheaded[615].
-
-Of the seven possessions of the Gattilusj Lesbos now alone remained;
-and Genoa, which a few months earlier had been mainly concerned lest
-rebellious citizens of the friendly Republic of Ancona should find
-shelter in Domenico’s ports, now sent a ship with arms and 200 men to
-his aid, purchased cannon and powder on his behalf, and appealed to Pope
-Calixtus III and to Kings Alfonso V of Portugal and Henry VI of England
-to join in a crusade against the enemy which threatened him. Meanwhile,
-the Pope organised a fund for the redemption of the captives of the two
-Foglie[616], plans were laid for the reconquest of the places lost, and a
-certain George Dromokaïtes, a noble Greek of Lemnos, offered to deliver
-that island and Imbros to Venice[617]. In the autumn of 1456 a papal
-fleet under the command of Cardinal Scarampi, the Patriarch of Aquileia,
-appeared in the Ægean; and, after vain attempts to make Domenico refuse
-to pay his tribute and fight, annexed Lemnos without opposition, thanks
-to the influence of George Diplovatatzes[618], the Greek _archon_ of
-Kastro, occupied Samothrace, and took Thasos after an assault upon the
-harbour fort. Imbros was, however, saved by the diplomacy of Kritoboulos,
-its governor, who bribed and flattered the Cardinal’s lieutenant, a
-certain “Count,” whom we may identify with the Count of Anguillara.
-Garrisons were left in the three conquered islands, and the papal
-commander appointed governors in the name of the Holy Father—for these
-former possessions of the Gattilusj were not restored to their lawful
-owners, but retained by the Holy See. Both the Venetians and the Catalans
-in vain begged the Pope to give them the three islands; but, in 1459,
-Pius II offered to consign them to the Bank of St George, which then
-managed the Genoese colonies, on condition that it would hold them as
-his vicar. The papal offer was, however, unanimously declined, from fear
-of offending the Sultan, who might then attack the Black Sea colonies,
-and from considerations of expense. Besides, Genoa could scarcely have
-accepted Lemnos, Thasos and Samothrace without a breach of good faith
-towards her own children[619].
-
-The indignation which Mohammed felt at the capture of the Thracian
-islands, he vented upon Domenico. Although Doukas, the person most
-likely to know, expressly tells us that the lord of Lesbos had continued
-to pay his tribute, and he had certainly not profited by the losses of
-his suzerain, nevertheless the Sultan accused him of being entirely
-responsible for what had occurred and the Turcophil Kritoboulos
-insinuates that he and his brother Nicolò, now resident in Lesbos,
-refused to send the usual tribute and harboured corsairs who preyed upon
-the opposite coast and plundered Turkish merchantmen. Domenico was,
-however, himself a sufferer from these raids, and had begged the Pope
-to excommunicate the pirates who had injured his subjects. But Mohammed
-was doubtless glad of an excuse for attacking Lesbos, and in August,
-1457, sent Ismael, his admiral, with a large fleet against it. Ismael
-landed at Molivos, the scene of a former Turkish defeat; and, after
-ravaging all the countryside, besieged the castle. Such was the terror,
-inspired by the Turks, that a detachment of the papal fleet, which had
-been sent under a certain “Sergius,” perhaps Raymond de Siscar, to the
-relief of Lesbos, at once weighed anchor for Chios. But the garrison
-of Molivos resisted with such courage, that the Turkish commander was
-forced to retire on August 9 with much loss, after venting his rage on
-the defenceless portions of the island. As soon as he had gone, the papal
-lieutenant returned, only to be greeted with reproaches by the justly
-indignant Gattilusj. The Pope, indeed, described Lesbos as “Our island”
-and calmly stated that he had only allowed its lord to retain it on
-condition that he recognised the authority of the Holy See. But Domenico
-wrote to the “Office of Mytilene”—a body which then existed in Genoa for
-the promotion of trade with Lesbos—stating frankly that he could hold
-out no longer unless Genoa helped him, and threatening, that, in case of
-her refusal, he must perforce submit to some other rule. Meanwhile, he
-sent envoys to the Sultan to pay his tribute and obtain peace. The Bank
-of St George assured him that it would not desert him, and decided to
-appoint a committee of four shareholders in the Chian Chartered Company
-and two other Chians, who should raise 300 soldiers for the defence of
-Lesbos at the Bank’s expense. A new duty on merchandise exported to Chios
-was to defray the equipment of these men; their pay was to be provided by
-Domenico, if possible; or, if he could not find the ready money, he was
-to mortgage his property as security. Genoa was none too generous to her
-outpost in the Levant; she calculated her Lesbian policy by the maxims of
-the counting-house[620].
-
-Domenico did not, however, live to fall by the hands of the Turks. He
-had a more sinister enemy in his own household. So long as Nicolò had
-been able to gratify his love of power at the expense of the unhappy
-Lemnians, he was harmless to his brother; but, when his intractable
-disposition had estranged the sympathies of the governed and caused the
-loss of that island, the two brothers were both restricted to Lesbos,
-the sole fragment of the Gattilusian dominions that remained. Nicolò was
-quarrelsome and ambitious; he chafed at the inferior position which he
-occupied, and resolved to usurp Domenico’s place. Accordingly, with the
-assistance of his cousin, Luchino, and a Genoese named Baptista (possibly
-the Baptista Gattilusio, who is described as a very influential person
-at Lesbos 14 years earlier[621]), he deposed his elder brother towards
-the end of 1458, and threw him into prison, on the pretext that he was
-plotting to surrender the island to the Turks. Soon afterwards the
-usurper strangled his prisoner, having, according to one account, first
-cut off his arms so that he could no longer embrace the faithful wife who
-still clung to him[622]. Her father demanded from the murderer repayment
-of the sums which Domenico had received as her dowry and of those which
-he had subsequently borrowed; and the Doge of Genoa threatened the
-lord of Lesbos with the forcible intervention of the Republic unless
-he liquidated these debts[623]. The fate of the widow is unknown; more
-fortunate, however, in one respect than other ill-fated heroines of
-Frankish Greece, she has given her name to the only modern poem, based
-upon the mediæval history of Sappho’s island, while her bust by Mino da
-Fiesole is in the National Museum at Florence[624].
-
-The fratricide’s position was, indeed, unenviable. The papal fleet
-had returned to Italy upon the death of Calixtus III in the summer of
-1458, leaving the Grand Master of the Knights of Rhodes as vicar of the
-three Thracian islands, and the new Pope, Pius II, was too busy with
-the internal politics of that country to provide for their defence,
-which the Bank of St George did not think it prudent to undertake, but
-contented himself with founding a new Order of the Knights of St Mary
-of Bethlehem with its seat at Lemnos[625]. Thus inadequately defended
-by the Italians and terrified at the possible advent of the Turkish
-fleet, the islanders had no option but to submit to the Sultan. Lemnos
-set the example. In the winter of 1458-9, Kritoboulos, ever ready to do
-the work of the Turk, entered into secret negotiations with the Lemnian
-leaders for the surrender of their island. The Greeks were nothing loth,
-for they found the papal yoke irksome, as it must naturally have been
-to “schismatics,” and above all they feared the vengeance of Mohammed.
-The Imbriote diplomatist thereupon wrote to Demetrios Palaiologos, the
-Despot of Mistra, suggesting that this was the moment to crave Lemnos
-and Imbros from the Sultan, which the Despot had already coveted as a
-peaceful retreat, and offering to drive the Italians out of the former
-island. Demetrios at once sent Matthew Asan, his brother-in-law, whose
-family was, as we saw, connected with Imbros, to ask Mohammed for the
-two islands. The Sultan consented, on condition that Demetrios paid 3000
-gold pieces as tribute for them, and it then devolved upon Kritoboulos
-to carry out his mission. Evading the Italian guard-ships, he landed in
-Lemnos; his confederates at Kastro opened the gates of that fortress; the
-townsfolk of Kokkinos shut up the small Italian garrison in the public
-offices, till it surrendered unconditionally, whereupon Kritoboulos
-told them that they could go or stay as they pleased, and sent their
-Calabrian commander with presents to Eubœa. The fort of Palaiokastro, the
-strongest in the island, alike by its natural position and its triple
-wall of huge stones, contained provisions for a year and was commanded
-by a young and resolute soldier, named Michele. When Michele received a
-summons to surrender, his sole reply was a sword, drawn in blood, and an
-invitation to Kritoboulos to come and take the castle by force, if he
-were a man. He could not, however, trust the Greeks in the town below,
-whose vines and fields Kritoboulos was careful to respect; and, when he
-saw the superior forces drawn up against him, he begged for three months’
-grace, till he had time to communicate with the Grand Master at Rhodes,
-the papal vicar of the islands. Later on, he surrendered Palaiokastro for
-1000 gold pieces, and in 1460, after the Turkish conquest of the Morea,
-Lemnos and Imbros were bestowed by the Sultan upon the dispossessed
-Despot, Demetrios.
-
-The other two islands shared the fate of Lemnos. In the autumn of 1459,
-Zaganos, Ismael’s successor in the command of the Turkish fleet, captured
-both Thasos and Samothrace, cutting to pieces the Catalan garrison placed
-by Scarampi in the former, and removing Thasians and Samothracians alike
-to recolonise Constantinople. In the following year the Sultan bestowed
-these two islands also, together with Ænos, upon Demetrios Palaiologos,
-who thus became the heir of the Gattilusj in Thrace and the four maritime
-dependencies[626]. In vain, Pius II urged Rhyndakenos, the former prefect
-of the Gattilusj, to release Samothrace from its captivity. In vain, he
-gave Turkish Imbros to Alexander Asan[627].
-
-About the time that Lemnos fell, the learned Leonardo of Chios, who had
-held the Archiepiscopal see of Lesbos since 1444 and was on very intimate
-terms with the reigning family, was sent to ask the aid of Christendom
-for that sole remaining island. The Genoese Government early in 1459
-appealed to the Christian Powers and more especially to Charles VII of
-France, whose viceroy, the Duke of Calabria, was then administering
-Genoa, reminding them of the recent attack of the Turks upon Lesbos, of
-the exiguous resources of its lord, and of the impossibility in which
-the exhausted Genoese now found themselves of supporting him without
-external assistance, as they had done before, against another and more
-serious invasion. The fall of Lesbos, it was added, might encourage the
-Sultan to direct his arms against Italy. Unfortunately this appeal met
-with no response. Indeed, one of the Christian Powers, England, was at
-that moment greatly incensed with the Gattilusj, owing to the piracies
-of Giuliano, a celebrated corsair of that family, whose depredations on
-the merchants of Bristol had caused the arrest of all the Genoese in the
-country and the confiscation of their goods. Accordingly, the Genoese
-Government, which had been glad to make use of him as a cousin, when
-it seemed convenient, now repudiated him as a Greek and an alien. The
-proceedings of this illegitimate descendant of Francesco II formed the
-subject of letters to Henry VI, to the Chancellor and the Privy Seal, to
-the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, to John Viscount Beaumont, the
-Great Chamberlain, and Humphry Duke of Buckingham. Indeed, it was owing
-to Giuliano Gattilusio, that “the office of English affairs” was founded
-at Genoa[628].
-
-The new lord of Lesbos, as one Christian state after another fell, became
-more urgent in his requests for help, for he knew that even the payment
-of tribute would not save him. In 1460 he begged that the former practice
-might be revived of having a board of four commissioners in Chios, who
-could send 300 men to the relief of Lesbos, whenever the Sultan was
-preparing to attack it. It was decided to re-constitute this board, but
-not to impose any new duty for defraying the expense, and a certain
-number of men from Camogli on the Riviera di Levante were hired for the
-defence of Lesbos. Towards the close of 1461, he wrote imploring the
-Republic not to forget him in his distress. But, although the French had
-then been expelled from Genoa, and Lodovico de Campo-fregoso, husband
-of Nicolò’s first-cousin, Ginevra Gattilusio, was once more Doge, all
-the reply that he received was fair words, a futile assertion that in
-the season of 1462 the Turk would be occupied by land rather than at
-sea, and a promise to promote a good understanding between Lesbos and
-the Chartered Company of Chios, which was apt to forget the common
-danger in the private quarrels of its members—an allusion to the still
-outstanding dispute between Nicolò and Paride Longo. Weakened by faction
-at home, divided by rival interests abroad, the Genoese allowed Lesbos to
-succumb[629].
-
-Mohammed’s conquest of Serbia, Greece, and Trebizond and his campaign in
-Wallachia had given Nicolò a brief respite, which he had wisely employed
-in strengthening the fortifications of his island-capital by deepening
-the moats and heightening the ramparts. To this may be referred his Latin
-inscription[630] in the castle, dated 1460. But on September 1, 1462,
-the long-threatened Turkish fleet hove in sight under the command of
-Mahmûd Pasha, himself a Greek, while the Sultan at the head of the land
-forces advanced across the plain of Troy, the sight of which is said
-to have inspired him with the belief that he was the chosen avenger of
-the Trojans upon the descendants of their conquerors. Mohammed had no
-difficulty in finding plausible excuses for his invasion of Lesbos. The
-island had become a receptacle of Catalan pirates, who issued thence to
-ravage the Turkish coast and returned thither to divide their prisoners,
-assigning a goodly proportion to their patron. A reluctance to pay his
-tribute and a secret understanding with the Italians formed further
-accusations against him, and Mohammed chose to regard himself as the
-instrument of the Almighty for the punishment of the Lesbian fratricide.
-
-The great Turkish fleet, variously estimated at 67, 110, 125, 150, and
-even 200 sail, cast anchor in the old harbour of St George, whither
-Nicolò’s envoys went to enquire the justification of this attack upon
-an island, whose lords had paid, ever since the death of Dorino I seven
-years before, an annual tribute of 7000 gold ducats of Venice. Mahmûd
-replied, that his master wanted the castle and island of Mytilene—a
-demand repeated by the Sultan himself, when he crossed over from the
-mainland, with the addition that he would grant Nicolò a sufficient
-estate elsewhere. Nicolò replied, that he could not yield, except to
-force, whereupon Mohammed allowed himself to be persuaded by Mahmûd to
-return to the opposite coast, lest the Venetian fleet, then at Chios,
-to which Nicolò had appealed for help, should arrive and shut him up in
-the island. Thereupon the Greek renegade began the siege of the capital,
-whose walls contained more than 20,000 non-combatants, men, women and
-children, and were garrisoned by over 5000 soldiers, including 70 knights
-of Rhodes and 110 Catalan mercenaries from Chios.
-
-After four days’ skirmishing, which resulted in a number of the Latins
-being cut off from the city and cut up by the Turks, the besiegers landed
-six large cannon, whose shot weighed more than 700 lbs. apiece, and
-planted them in favourable positions for bombarding the city—three at
-the soap works only a stone’s throw from the walls, one at St Nicholas’,
-another at St Bonne’s[631] near the place of public execution, and the
-sixth in the suburbs opposite a barbican tower, defended by a monk and
-a knight of Rhodes. Protected by a barrier of large stones from the
-fire of the besieged, the Turkish batteries did great execution. The
-tower of the Virgin and the adjacent walls were pounded till they were
-nothing but a mass of ruins; the cannon of St Nicholas’ riddled the
-tower of the harbour, built long before by a Gallego named Pedro de
-Laranda, so that no one durst defend it, and it fell on the eighth day
-into the hands of the Turks, whose red flags floated from its riven
-battlements. The besiegers then concentrated their efforts on the lower
-castle, called Melanoudion, and commanded by Luchino Gattilusio, who
-had helped Nicolò to the throne, and whose neglect caused the loss of
-this important position. It was proposed by the wiser members of his
-staff to set fire to the lower castle, as they had already burnt to the
-water’s edge their ships in the harbour, rather than that it should be
-taken by the Turks and used as a base for attacking the upper citadel.
-But Luchino boasted that he could hold the fort, and actually held it
-for five days, although the Turks once climbed the walls and carried off
-in triumph an Aragonese flag which had been planted there by the Catalan
-corsairs. At last a force of 20,000 men carried Melanoudion by storm,
-drove the defenders “like locusts” into the upper castle, and destroyed
-all that they found. Terrified and breathless, with his naked sword in
-his hand, Luchino rushed into the midst of the Italians, who had taken
-refuge in the upper castle, and his narrative struck them with such
-terror that they resolved to surrender. According to one account, Luchino
-and the commander of the city had intentionally made further resistance
-impossible by betraying to Mahmûd the weak points of the defences, and
-by then urging Nicolò to yield and to save their heads and property. The
-panic was increased by one huge mortar, whose heavy projectiles destroyed
-houses and the women inside and drove the terrified defenders from the
-walls to take shelter from a similar fate. Heavy sums had to be offered,
-to induce men to repair the breaches; while many, in their despair, flew
-to drink, and broke into the vast stores of wine and provisions, which,
-if the garrison had been properly led, would have enabled Mytilene to
-resist a whole year’s siege. But, though well provided with food and
-engines of war, the place lacked a brave and experienced soldier, who
-would have inspired the garrison with enthusiasm. Another council was
-held, and two envoys were sent to inform Mahmûd, that the inhabitants
-were ready to become his master’s vassals, if their heads and remaining
-property were guaranteed. The Turkish commander drew up a memorandum of
-the terms in writing, and swore by his girded sword and his sovereign’s
-head that no harm should befall them. The Sultan, on hearing the news,
-re-crossed to Lesbos, and a janissary was ordered to conduct Nicolò to
-his presence. Thither the last Latin lord of Lesbos proceeded with two
-horsemen, kissed the feet of his new master and tearfully handed to
-Mohammed the keys of the city, which the Gattilusj had held for well-nigh
-eleven decades. At the same time he pleaded that he had never violated
-his oaths, never harboured Turkish slaves, but had at once restored them
-to their owners; and, if he had perforce received pirates to save his own
-land from their ravages, he had never furnished them with the means of
-injuring that of the Turks. It was, he added, the fault of his subjects
-that he had not accepted the Sultan’s generous offer at once, and “I
-now,” he concluded with tears, “surrender the city and island, begging
-that my lord may reward me for my good disposition in the past towards
-him.” Mohammed censured him for his past ingratitude, but promised that
-it should not be remembered against him. Forthwith a _subashi_ and two
-men took possession of the upper castle, whence the Frankish garrison was
-removed but no one else was allowed to issue. The conquerors celebrated
-their success by a Bacchanalian orgie and by burning the still standing
-houses of Melanoudion, while the Sultan, setting on one side the chief
-men among the Franks, bade saw asunder with exquisite cruelty some 300 of
-the others as pirates in one of the suburbs. Thus, it was said, he had
-literally carried out their conditions, that their heads should be spared.
-
-The other fortresses in the island—Molivos (or Augerinos), the castle
-of the two SS. Theodores, and Eresos—now surrendered; for the wretched
-Nicolò, by the Sultan’s commands, sent a notary with instructions under
-his own seal, ordering his officers to open their gates. The countryfolk
-were left undisturbed, but any suspects found there were removed;
-and later on, one or two of these places were destroyed, and their
-inhabitants transported, like those of the Foglie, to Constantinople. On
-the second day after the occupation of the capital, a herald summoned all
-the citizens to file past the Sultan’s pavilion one by one. On September
-17 the sorrowful procession took place; three clerks noted down the names
-of each, of the most pleasing maidens and the children several hundreds
-were picked out, and the rest of the population was divided into three
-classes—the worthless were left behind in the city, others were sold by
-public auction on the beach, and others again driven on board ship like
-so many sheep, to await slavery and fill the gaps at Constantinople.
-But of the 10,000 and more who were shipped from Lesbos a part perished
-on the overcrowded ships; and with brutal, if business-like precision,
-all disputes as to the ownership of these human cattle were obviated by
-cutting off the right ear of each corpse, before it was flung into the
-deep, and removing the victim’s name from the list. Some 200 janissaries
-and 300 infantry were left to garrison the city under Ali Bestami, a man
-of great courage and learning.
-
-The fleet, bearing Nicolò, Luchino, the Archbishop Leonardo, and the
-rest of the captives, reached Constantinople on October 16, where some
-of them received houses, or sites in one quarter of the city. The two
-Gattilusj, however, were soon afterwards imprisoned in the “tower of the
-French.” Mohammed disliked Nicolò for what he had done in the past, and
-the _chronique scandaleuse_ of the capital attributed his feelings to
-the fact that a lad attached to the Turkish court had fled to Lesbos,
-abandoned Islâm, and become the favourite of Nicolò. After the fall of
-Lesbos, this youth was sent as a present to the Sultan, and recognised by
-his comrades, who told their master and thus rekindled his indignation.
-The two prisoners, to save their lives and regain their freedom, offered
-to abjure Christianity, and were duly circumcised, gorgeously apparelled
-by the Sultan, and set free. But their liberty did not last long; they
-were again imprisoned, and executed, Nicolò being strangled with a
-bow-string, as he had strangled his own brother. His lovely sister Maria,
-widow of the Emperor Alexander of Trebizond, whom Mohammed had previously
-captured in Kolchis, entered the seraglio; her only son became one of the
-Conqueror’s favourite pages.
-
-Thus ended the rule of the Gattilusj in Lesbos. Had Nicolò been bolder,
-had Genoa given more help, had Venice not played the part of a spectator,
-the island might have been saved, or at least its capture postponed.
-At the time of the siege, Vettor Capello was at Chios, and, in answer
-to Nicolò’s appeal, actually set out with 29 galleys towards Lesbos;
-but, although he could have burnt the Turkish fleet in the absence of
-its crews, he durst not disobey his instructions, which were to avoid
-giving any offence to the Sultan. Even after the capture of Mytilene,
-when the people of the castle of the two SS. Theodores begged him to
-accept them as Venetian subjects, he refused. Later on, when war broke
-out with Turkey, Venice repented her inaction, and tried in vain to
-make reparation for it. Even Genoa took the “calamity of Mytilene” with
-philosophy[632].
-
-Christendom did not, however, abandon all hope of recovering what the
-Gattilusj had lost. The learned Archbishop of Lesbos, a second time the
-prisoner of the Turks, wrote to Pius II, as he had written to Nicholas V
-after the capture of Constantinople, a letter describing the sufferings
-of his flock and begging the Pope to make peace in Italy and war upon
-“the Cerberus” of the East. Pius responded by planning a new crusade,
-and the Genoese suggested that its first stage should be the recapture
-of Lesbos[633]. The Pope’s death ended his plans; but early in 1464 a
-Venetian fleet under Luigi Loredano occupied Lemnos with the assistance
-of a Moreote pirate, who bore the great name of Comnenos. This man had
-descended upon the island some time before with two galleys, had captured
-it from the officials who were governing it for Demetrios Palaiologos,
-and had established his authority over the citadel and the old city of
-Lemnos. But the pirate saw that he was not strong enough to hold his
-conquest single-handed, and therefore transferred it to the maritime
-Republic, which thence easily extended her sway over the rest of the
-island. Venice retained Lemnos for 15 years, and five Venetian nobles
-successively administered, with the title of “Rector,” this distant
-outpost[634]. In April of the same year Orsato Giustiniano, Loredano’s
-successor, laid siege to Mytilene, but, after six weeks spent before the
-walls and two battles, in which the Venetians sustained heavy losses,
-on the approach of the Turkish fleet withdrew to Eubœa with all the
-Christian islanders whom he could convey, only returning to SS. Theodores
-to remove a second cargo. Giustiniano died of grief at his failure, and
-the Turkish sway over Lesbos, despite three subsequent attempts, had
-never been broken till the Greek fleet took the island on November 22,
-1912[635].
-
-Two years later Vettor Capello obtained Imbros, Thasos, and Samothrace
-for Venice[636], and Bernardo Natale was sent as Rector to the last-named
-island. Imbros was, however, retaken by the Turks in 1470, owing to the
-unpopularity and incapacity of that official[637]. Lemnos resisted more
-than one Turkish attack; in view of its importance as a station for the
-fleet, Venice sent 200 _stradioti_ to settle there, restored the walls
-of Kokkinos, and strengthened the fortifications of Palaiokastro, while
-Mohammed made its cession a condition of peace. At last this island, then
-inhabited by 6000 souls, or twice the population of Imbros, after having
-won romantic fame by the exploits of its heroic defender, the virgin
-Marulla, was ceded to Turkey by the peace[638] of 1479. At the same time,
-Samothrace with its 200 islanders, and Thasos, neither of them mentioned
-since their capture in 1466, were probably surrendered, and the whole
-of the Gattilusj’s former realm was thus irrevocably Turkish till 1912,
-with the exception of the Venetian occupation of Lemnos in 1656/7, and of
-the Russian occupation of part of that island in 1770—for Ænos, although
-laid in ashes by Nicolò da Canale in 1468, had not been occupied by the
-Venetians, and Foglia Vecchia had repulsed his attack[639].
-
-Even after this apparently final Turkish conquest, one member of the
-family continued to cherish the remote hope that one day his ancestral
-dominions might be reconquered. Dorino II of Ænos was still alive
-at Genoa, and in 1488, as the sole representative of both branches
-of the Gattilusj—for Nicolò II had left no children—granted to his
-brother-in-law, Marco d’Oria, all his rights to their possessions in the
-Levant. It was agreed, that, should Lesbos be recovered—as was hoped,
-by the aid of the King of France—Dorino should nevertheless have his
-father’s former estates in that island, unless Ænos, Foglia Vecchia,
-Thasos and Samothrace were also recovered, in which case he should be
-entitled to Ænos, Thasos and Samothrace alone and have no claim to the
-Lesbian property[640]. Dorino II died childless, the last legitimate male
-of his race; but the pirate Giuliano, whose depredations continued to
-vex the Genoese Government[641], had progeny. Among his descendants were
-perhaps the Hector Gattilusio[642] whom we find receiving a small pension
-from Pope Innocent VIII, and the Stefano Gattilusio[643], who was bishop
-of Melos in 1563. Other Gattilusj occur at Naxos in the seventeenth
-century, and the name is reported to exist still not only there but at
-Smyrna and Athens[644], although the family is extinct at Genoa. Nine
-years ago a London lady claimed the Byzantine Empire as a descendant
-of the Palaiologoi through the Gattilusj. The family church at Sestri
-Ponente[645] was ceded by Dorino II to two other persons in 1483.
-
-The rule of the Gattilusj has been described by a modern Greek writer
-as more favourable to his fellow-countrymen than that of other
-Frankish rulers. Chalkokondyles[646] praises the excellence of their
-administration, and one alone of them, the fratricide Nicolò, seems
-to have been unpopular. Hellenized by intermarriage with the Imperial
-houses of Byzantium and Trebizond, and proud to quarter the arms of the
-Palaiologoi with their own, they spoke Greek in the first generation,
-and thus early came to understand the feelings of their subjects,
-who scarcely regarded them as foreigners, certainly not as foreign
-conquerors. Two extant Greek letters of Dorino I and Domenico attest
-their familiarity with the language of their people. Moreover, they were
-not so much feudal lords as prosperous merchant princes, whose wealth is
-attested not only by the sums lent by Francesco II and Nicolò I, but by
-the extensive coinage of the Lesbian line. Coins of at least five of the
-lords of Mytilene are extant, while Dorino I, whose appanage was Foglia
-Vecchia before he succeeded to Lesbos, struck money for that emporium
-also[647]. Yet these Genoese nobles took an interest alike in history,
-literature, and archæology. Kanaboutzes wrote his commentary on Dionysios
-for Palamede; in 1446, the year of Cyriacus’ visit, Leonardo of Chios,
-the most famous of Lesbian divines, who owed his appointment to the
-patronage of Maria Gattilusio and was selected to accompany the papal
-legate, Cardinal Isidore, to Constantinople[648], wrote at the bidding
-of Dorino I’s brother, Luchino, his _Treatise concerning true nobility
-against Poggio_. This quaint tract took the form of a Platonic dialogue
-with Luchino in the presence of the Duke of the Archipelago, and gives
-us a pretty picture of Lesbian society at the time. “The prince,” we
-read, “protects religion; his senate is wise, his soldiers distinguished,
-and he lives in splendid state among his lovely halls, his gardens, his
-fish-ponds, and his groves.” The drama, if we may argue from the presence
-of an actor named Theodoricus, was patronised by Dorino[649]. Life in
-Lesbos must therefore have been pleasant, if it had not been lived on the
-edge of the Turkish volcano. But even in the last years of the Gattilusj
-the numbers of the Latins cannot have been large, for Calixtus III united
-the Archiepiscopal see of Methymna with that of Mytilene, and in 1456 the
-revenues which Leonardo derived from both together did not exceed 150
-gold florins[650].
-
-The Genoese sway over Lesbos and the Thracian islands has gone the way of
-all Latin rule in the Levant, of which it was so favourable a specimen. A
-few inscriptions, a few coats of arms, here and there a ruined fortress,
-still remind the now emancipated Greeks of their last Italian rulers.
-
-
-Gattilusj.
-
-      I. Lesbos (1355-1462).
-         Francesco I 1355, July 17.
-             ”    II 1384, August 6.
-        [Nicolò I of Ænos regent 1384-7.]
-         Jacopo 1404, October 26.
-        [Nicolò of Ænos regent 1404-9.]
-         Dorino I 1426/1428.
-        [Domenico regent 1449-55.]
-         Domenico 1455, June 30.
-         Nicolò II 1458-62.
-        [Turkish: 1462-1912; Greek: 1912, November 22.]
-
-     II. Thasos (_c._ 1434 or ? _c._ 1419-55)
-         ? Jacopo _c._ 1419.
-         Dorino I _c._ 1434.
-        [Oberto de’ Grimaldi governor 1434.]
-         Francesco III 1444-_c._ 1449.
-         Dorino I _c._ 1449.
-        [Domenico regent 1449-55.]
-         Domenico 1455, June 30-October.
-        [Turkish: 1455-6; 1459-60; 1479-1912; Papal: 1456-9; Demetrios
-           Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Greek: 1912, October
-           30.]
-
-    III. Lemnos (1453-6).
-         Dorino I 1453 (castle of Kokkinos from 1440).
-        [Domenico regent 1453-5.]
-         Domenico 1455-6.
-        [Nicolò II governor 1455-6.]
-        [Turkish: 1456; 1459-60; 1479-1656; 1657-1912; Papal: (autumn)
-           1456-8; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-4; Comnenos 1464; Venetian:
-           1464-79; 1656-7; Russian (except Palaiokastro): 1770; Greek:
-           1912, October 22.]
-
-     IV. Foglia Vecchia (_c._ 1402-55).
-         With Lesbos: _c._ 1402-1455, December 24. (For several years
-           _c._ 1423-8 appanage of Dorino I.) [Turkish: 1455-1919;
-           Greek: 1919- .]
-
-      V. Ænos (_c._ 1384-1456).
-         Nicolò I _c._ 1384.
-         Palamede 1409.
-         Dorino II 1455-6.
-        [Turkish: 1456-60; 1468-1912; 1913, July 15; Demetrios Palaiologos:
-           1460-8; Bulgarian: 1912, Nov. 29-1913, July 15; Turkish:
-           1913-20; Greek: 1920- .]
-
-     VI. Samothrace (_c._ 1431-56).
-         Palamede _c._ 1431.
-        [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos governor 1444-55.]
-         Dorino II 1455-6.
-        [Turkish: 1456; 1459-60; 1479-1912; Papal: (autumn) 1456-9;
-           Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Greek:
-           1912, November 1.]
-
-    VII. Imbros (1453-6).
-         Palamede 1453.
-         Dorino II 1455-6.
-        [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos governor.]
-        [Turkish: 1456-60; 1470-1912; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6;
-           Venetian: 1466-70; Greek: 1912, October 30-1914; Turkish:
-           1914-20; Greek: 1920- .]
-
-
-Genealogical Tree:
-
-(The rulers of Lesbos are denoted by Roman, those of Ænos by Arabic
-numerals.)
-
-                                 Domenico
-                                    |
-                 +------------------+----------------+
-                 |                                   |
-       (I) Francesco I = Maria Palaiologina   (1) Nicolò I
-                       |
-             (II) Francesco II
-                       |
-          +------------+--------------------+
-          |            |                    |
-  (III) Jacopo  (2) Palamede         (IV) Dorino I
-                       |                     |
-                       |          +----------+------+--------------+
-                       |          |                 |              |
-                (3) Dorino II  Francesco III  (V) Domenico  (VI) Nicolò II
-
-
-
-
-V. TURKISH GREECE
-
-1460-1684
-
-
-From the second half of the fifteenth down to the close of the
-seventeenth century, a large portion of what now forms the kingdom of
-Greece formed an integral part of the Turkish Empire, and from the second
-part of the sixteenth century some of the Ionian Islands and a few of the
-Cyclades were alone exempt from the common lot of Hellas. Thus, for the
-first time since the Frank conquest, a dead level of uniformity, broken
-only by the privileges of certain communities, prevailed in place of the
-feudal principalities, whose fortunes occupied the annals of the previous
-two centuries and more. Greece, so often divided against herself, had
-found unity in the death of her independence; and the victorious Turks,
-like the conquering Romans, had obliterated the divisions and the
-liberties of the Greek States at the same moment. Once more the whole
-Greek world, with few exceptions, depended upon a foreign ruler, whose
-capital was at Constantinople, and whose officials, like those of the
-Byzantine Emperors, administered the affairs of his Greek subjects. There
-is, however, a considerable difference between the two periods into which
-the Turkish government of Greece was divided. During the first period,
-down to the Venetian conquest of the Morea, towards the close of the
-seventeenth century, Turkey was a flourishing and conquering Power—a
-danger to Europe, and a strong State. During the second period, from
-the Turkish re-conquest of the Morea down to the close of the War of
-Independence, Turkey was declining, slowly but surely, in all save the
-one art which she has never lost even in her political dotage, the art of
-fighting. For, like the Roman and the Briton, the Turk has ever been a
-good soldier, but, unlike those two great unintellectual peoples, many of
-whose qualities he shares, he has never been a good administrator; even
-when his arrangements have been excellent in theory, as they often are,
-they have frequently proved to be miserable in practice.
-
-The political organisation of Greece under the Turks was indeed
-comparatively simple. Before the conquest of the Ægean Islands all their
-Greek dominions were comprised within the jurisdiction of the _beglerbeg_
-(“lord of lords”) of Rumili, who resided at Sofia[651], and were divided
-into seven _sandjaks_, so called from the “flag” which was the emblem of
-each large territorial sub-division, and which recalled the essentially
-military character of all Turkish arrangements. These seven _sandjaks_,
-after the year 1470, when the capture of Eubœa rounded off the Greek
-conquests of Mohammed II, were Salonika, Negroponte, Trikkala, Lepanto,
-Karlili, Joannina, and the Morea. Negroponte included not only the
-island of Eubœa, but also Bœotia, and Attica. Its capital was Chalkis,
-and Athens, Thebes and Livadia, were among its principal cities. Karlili
-comprehended Ætolia and Akarnania, as well as Prevesa, and derived
-its name from Carlo II Tocco, whose dominions there had fallen to the
-Turks. The capital of the Morea fluctuated between Corinth, Leondari,
-and Mistra, down to 1540, when the capture of Nauplia from the Venetians
-made that place the residence of the Turkish Pasha. In 1574, when the
-conclusion of the war of Cyprus had practically extinguished Latin rule
-in the Levant, a different arrangement obtained. Salonika, Trikkala,
-Joannina, Patras and Mistra formed five _sandjaks_ under the _beglerbeg_
-of Rumili; while the capitan pasha, in his capacity of _beglerbeg_ “of
-the sea,” ruled over the seven insular _sandjaks_ of Lemnos, Lesbos,
-Rhodes, Chios, the former Duchy of Naxos (except a few islands bestowed
-on the favourite Sultana), Santa Maura (with Prevesa), and Negroponte,
-besides the three maritime _sandjaks_ of Nauplia, Lepanto and Kavalla.
-And, after the conquest of Crete, three more _sandjaks_, named from
-Candia, Rethymno, and Canea, were carved out of “the great Greek
-island[652].”
-
-Each _sandjak_ was in turn sub-divided into a number of _cazas_, or
-sub-districts, of which there were twenty-three in the Morea. It is
-now supposed that from 1470 to about 1610, Athens was the chief place
-of a _caza_ of the _sandjak_ of Negroponte. Just as each _sandjak_ was
-governed by a Pasha or _sandjak-beg_, so each _caza_ was administered by
-a lesser magnate known as a _voivode_ or _subashi_, who was assisted by a
-judge, or _cadi_.
-
-True to the Turkish feuded system, which had been organised in Thessaly
-at the end of the fourteenth century, and extended to Akarnania and
-Ætolia on the fall of the Tocchi, Mohammed II distributed Central
-Greece and the Morea in fiefs to his veteran warriors. These fiefs were
-of two sorts: the larger fief, known as a _zaimet_, entailed upon the
-holder the obligation to provide fifteen horsemen; the smaller, called
-a _timar_, involved the equipment of only two[653]. The standard of the
-_sandjak-beg_ formed the rallying point of all these feudal chiefs and
-their horsemen in case of need. About the middle of the seventeenth
-century the whole area of the present Greek kingdom on the mainland,
-including Negroponte but without Macedonia and Thrace, was portioned out
-into 267 _zaimets_ and 1625 _timars_, so that they would represent a
-force of 7255 horsemen.
-
-Crete, after its conquest, was similarly parcelled out into seventeen
-_zaimets_ and 2550 _timars_, which would produce 5355 cavalry. At first
-the timariot system was not in the nature of an hereditary aristocracy.
-The _timars_ were originally life-rents only, conferred for services
-rendered to the Sultan upon veteran warriors, who might be called upon
-to appear with their retainers at the call of their liege lord. In the
-golden age of Turkish administration—if such a phrase can be applied to
-any Turkish institution—the son of _timariot_ was entrusted with a large
-fief such as his sire had held only after he had proved his capacity
-as the holder of a small one. But, like all political systems, the
-Turkish began by making capacity the sole test of office, and ended by
-making office the reward of favourites. Gradually the _beglerbeg_ was
-allowed to bestow these fiefs, which had formerly been in the Sultan’s
-gift, and that official naturally rewarded his own creatures, just as
-a British Prime Minister, allowed by weak or preoccupied monarchs to
-dispense patronage at his will, bestows the honours of the peerage and
-the baronetage upon subservient, or perhaps recalcitrant, supporters.
-Thus, in the second half of the seventeenth century, it was the custom
-of Romania that, if a holder of a _zaimet_ or _timar_ died in the wars,
-his fief was divided into as many portions as he had sons, unless the
-rent was no more than 3000 aspers, in which case the whole went to the
-eldest son. But if the holder died in his bed, his lands fell to the
-_beglerbeg_, who could bestow them upon the dead man’s heirs, give them
-to any of his own servants, or sell them, as he pleased[654].
-
-The Turks did not interfere with the Greek municipal system, which
-had existed for centuries before the Ottoman conquest. As far back as
-the Byzantine times we find that the Hellenic communities employed
-representatives, not necessarily drawn from their own members, at the
-Imperial Court at Constantinople. Thus, in the eleventh century, Michael
-Psellos represented the Ægean Islands at the capital[655]; but, in some
-cases, instead of having a permanent representative, whose functions
-may be compared with those of the agents-general of our self-governing
-colonies, a local deputation occasionally visited Constantinople to
-lay its grievances before the central authorities. In the Venetian
-island of Tenos a similar practice prevailed; there a committee was
-selected from among the primates to watch over the administration of the
-Venetian officials. The Turks, like the Romans, were quite willing that
-their Greek subjects should continue to enjoy local self-government.
-Accordingly, they allowed the communes to promote commerce and found
-schools, while Greek naturally continued to be the official language
-of the communal authorities. There was no hard and fast rule for their
-election, and no stereotyped title by which they were known all over
-Greece. But, generally speaking, every town and even every hamlet had
-its own Greek officials, elected by the Christian inhabitants, or by
-some portion of them, in a more or less indirect fashion, and variously
-styled “elders of the parish,” “elders,” _archontes_, “primates,” or,
-in Turkish, _khodja-bashis_. Thus, at a late period of the Ottoman
-domination, in the island of Psara the whole community met annually
-for the election of forty electors, who in turn elected four “elders
-of the parish”; at the same period, in the island of Spetsai, the
-five “primates” were elected annually by the ships’ captains and the
-well-to-do citizens; while Hydra, during a large part of the eighteenth
-century, was administered by its priests, with whom two laymen were
-associated. The Morea had certain special municipal privileges. It was
-permitted to send two or three “primates” to Constantinople, who were
-able to mitigate the exactions of the Turkish Pashas by the influence
-which they acquired during their stay there. Moreover, each province of
-the peninsula used to send two prominent Greeks once or twice a year to
-the seat of the Pasha to confer with him upon the affairs of the Morea.
-Sometimes, both there and in Thessaly, municipal office descended as a
-heritage from father to son, and too often the feuds, which continued to
-distinguish the Moreote _archontes_, descended, with their dignities,
-to their descendants. Their duties were to administer the local affairs
-of their communities, to act as arbitrators in civil cases, to levy
-local rates, to manage the local treasury, and to act as protectors and
-advisers of the oppressed. Sometimes they carried out this last duty
-without flinching, sometimes, however, their conduct earned them the name
-of “a kind of Christian Turks[656].”
-
-Both the law of Islâm and the laws of human nature forbade the wholesale
-conversion of the conquered to the faith of the conquerors. But Mohammed
-II, who spoke Greek and knew the Greeks well, recognised, like the wise
-statesman that he was, the possibility of managing his Christian subjects
-through the medium of their own Church. The Turks were a foreign garrison
-in a hostile country, and in the middle of the fifteenth century it was
-quite possible that some Catholic power might undertake a new crusade
-for the deliverance of the East. The bitter hatred of the Eastern for the
-Western Church provided the astute Sultan with a powerful incentive for
-the toleration and even patronage of the Orthodox religion. He saw that,
-if he favoured the one branch of Christendom, he would prevent its union
-with the other, and he made a most politic selection of an instrument
-for the accomplishment of his plan. One of the strongest opponents of
-the union had been Georgios Scholarios, a man of great influence with
-the Orthodox and of equal unpopularity with the Catholics. As soon as
-Constantinople had fallen, the Sultan caused diligent search to be made
-for this uncompromising champion of Orthodoxy, and about the end of the
-same year gave orders for his election as Œcumenical Patriarch, according
-to the time-honoured forms which the Byzantine Empire had recognised for
-centuries. Gennadios II, as the new Patriarch was styled, was invited
-to a banquet by the Sultan, who showed him the greatest attention,
-and accompanied him as far as the courtyard of the palace, where he
-assisted him to mount his horse. A _berat_ of the Sultan determined the
-position, powers, and privileges of Gennadios and his successors. The
-Œcumenical Patriarch was declared to be “untaxable and irremovable,”
-and the document, of which only a summary has come down to us in the
-history of Phrantzes[657], is said to have prohibited the conversion of
-Christian churches into mosques. The loss of the original _berat_ is
-of less importance because subsequent rescripts modified these notable
-concessions, while in practice the privileges of the Patriarch came to
-be far less respected than in theory. To him was assigned the supreme
-administration of all churches and monasteries, the right of deposing
-archbishops and bishops, and the highest criminal jurisdiction over all
-the clergy. He decided all matrimonial questions, and other suits, in
-which the parties, being both Christians, preferred his judgment to that
-of the Turkish courts. He could levy dues for the needs of the Church on
-laity and clergy alike, and it was provided that existing ecclesiastical
-property should be respected, and that no Christian should be forced
-to embrace Islâm. But in these respects, as well as with regard to the
-fiscal exemption and irremovability of the Patriarch, the ecclesiastical
-history of the Greeks under the Turks shows us a gradual falling off from
-the original intentions of Mohammed II. A later _berat_ laid it down that
-the Patriarch could be deposed for one of three reasons—oppression of
-his flock, transgression of the ecclesiastical law, and treason towards
-his sovereign—elastic terms, capable of a wide interpretation. Mohammed
-II himself deposed the Patriarch Joseph I, for refusing to sanction the
-marriage of the widow of the last Duke of Athens with George Amoiroutses,
-the traitor who had been accused of handing over Trebizond to the Turks,
-and who had a wife still living. From the Turkish conquest to the present
-day 69 Patriarchs have been deposed, several more than once, 20 were thus
-removed in the seventeenth century, and the Sultans at times inflicted
-punishments on the Patriarchs, which recall the horrible mutilations of
-Byzantine times. From the moment of the conquest, Christian churches,
-beginning with St Sophia, were converted into mosques, and the seat
-of the Patriarchate, fixed by Mohammed II at the Church of the Holy
-Apostles, was successively moved, as church after church became a sacred
-place of Islâm, till it reached, in the beginning of the seventeenth
-century, its present home in the Phanar. All over Greece the same
-process went on, wherever the Mussulmans were numerous, and we have seen
-at Salonika, Livadia and Larissa buildings which have served first as
-churches and then as mosques. Certain dues, too, were fixed, which the
-Patriarch was expected to pay; and soon _bakshîsh_, the bane of Turkey,
-began to affect Patriarchal elections. This introduction of simony into
-the Greek Church was due to the intrigues of the Greeks themselves. After
-the fall of the empire of Trebizond in 1461 many of the Trapezuntine
-grandees sought careers at Constantinople. Among other posts they coveted
-that of the Patriarch, and as early as 1467 they conspired with that
-object against Markos II, the fourth successor of Gennadios[658]. They
-succeeded in securing his deposition and the election of one of their
-own party by promising that he would pay an annual sum of one thousand
-gold pieces and forego the allowance which his four predecessors had
-received from the government. The evil, thus soon introduced, spread
-apace. Two years later, an offer of double the sum paid by the Patriarch
-ensured his removal in favour of a wealthier candidate. Then the annual
-payment was raised to three thousand gold pieces, and large sums came
-to be spent in bribes to courtiers, eunuchs, janissaries and the female
-favourites of the Sultans, the money being ultimately raised out of the
-clergy and laity. Thus, the history of the Patriarchate resembles that
-of the mediæval Papacy in that the same means were employed to ensure an
-election. After the Reformation, Jesuits and Protestants, each anxious
-to have at the head of the Greek Church a man favourable to themselves,
-joined in the bidding, and between the years 1623 and 1700 there were
-about fifty Patriarchal elections, most of them won by bribery. The debts
-of the Patriarchate became enormous, as a consequence of this almost
-constant expenditure, and the necessity thus imposed upon the Patriarch
-of selling all the chief ecclesiastical offices in his gift was one of
-the main causes which made the Greek Church so unpopular in many parts of
-Turkey, where the population belonged to another race than the Hellenic.
-The history of Roumania abounds with examples of the exactions of Greek
-bishops, who sought to make the wretched people make up to them what they
-had spent on the purchase of their sees.
-
-Another cause tended, in course of time, to make the Turkish Government
-less careful of the Patriarch’s privileges and dignities. He had been
-regarded by Mohammed II as a bulwark against the Catholic powers;
-but, a century after the fall of Constantinople, Rome, distracted by
-the Protestant secession, had become far less dangerous, and Venice
-had lost her last possessions in the Morea, while in the seventeenth
-century Spain was no longer an enemy to be feared. Moreover, France,
-the “eldest daughter of the Church,” and the patroness of the Jesuits,
-had become the ally of Turkey, and supported her _protégés_, who first
-appeared at Constantinople in 1609, against the Œcumenical Patriarch.
-Thus, finding himself in little danger from a disunited Europe and an
-impotent Papacy, the Sultan could afford to modify his attitude towards
-the head of the Greek Church. After 1657, the Patriarch ceased to be
-installed by the Sultan in person, who was thenceforth represented by
-the Grand Vizier, and further restrictions were soon placed upon the
-honours paid to him. Still, the Œcumenical Patriarch enjoyed, throughout
-the Turkish domination, a great ecclesiastical and political position,
-such as some of his predecessors had not held under the Byzantine Empire,
-such as his successors have never held since the Church in Greece
-became autocephalous, and the Bulgarian Church became independent.
-In the Turkish days, he was the spiritual, and in many respects the
-political, head, not only of the Greek subjects of the Sultan, but of all
-the Orthodox Christians within his dominions, Bulgarians, Serbs[659],
-Albanians, and Armenians of the Orthodox rite, who, as well as Greeks,
-were all collectively described as _Romaîoi_—for in those days religion
-and not race was the mark by which Ottoman subjects were distinguished.
-Moreover, he was not only the accredited representative of the Orthodox
-with the Porte, but he was also the ecclesiastical superior of all the
-Orthodox communities in the Venetian dominions, and he was therefore
-permitted to correspond with all those foreign powers which had subjects
-of that religion. Thus, so long as Venice was a Levantine State, she
-had continual relations with the Patriarch, and the Venetian bailie at
-Constantinople conducted diplomatic business with him, no less than with
-the Turkish government. Mohammed II, in the treaty which he concluded
-with Venice in the year after the capture of Constantinople, specially
-provided for the preservation to the Patriarch of all the revenues which
-his predecessors had received from the Orthodox. We frequently find the
-Patriarchs intervening with the Venetians on behalf of the Orthodox
-inhabitants of the Venetian colonies, sometimes urging the claims of the
-Greeks of Koron, Modon and Crete, sometimes successfully deprecating
-the adoption of the Gregorian Calendar in the Venetian possessions, and
-in one case rebuking the Orthodox Cretans for their persecution of the
-Jews. Nothing more clearly proves the peculiar position of the Patriarch
-as the head of an _imperium in imperio_, than the fact that the Turkish
-government conducted its business with him through the medium of the
-_Reis-effendi_, or Minister for foreign affairs. Not without reason did
-men address so powerful a personage as “master” and even “king.” We
-might, indeed, compare his situation with that of the Pope since 1870.
-Like the Pope, he had no territory, but his ecclesiastical sway ranged
-over and beyond the dominions of the sovereign, in whose capital his seat
-was fixed. Like the Pope, he negotiated with diplomatists, corresponded
-with foreign governments, and combined, or identified, politics and
-religion. And, like the Pope, he at times intrigued against the monarch
-who had ensured him the secure exercise of his privileges within his
-dominions.
-
-Although the Koran forbade the forcible conversion of the Christians,
-there were various causes which swelled the ranks of Islâm. The Turks,
-being but a small body of men compared with the great numbers of the
-Christians, early saw that they could neither preserve nor extend their
-conquests without the aid of the latter. Accordingly, just as some
-Christian rulers of the East had enlisted young Turks to fight their
-battles, so the Sultan Orchan, more than a century before the capture of
-Constantinople, founded the terrible institution of the Janissaries, a
-corps entirely recruited from that time till the middle of the sixteenth
-century from Christian children who embraced the faith of the sovereign.
-At the outset the numbers of these children were not less than one
-thousand a year, and they were taken at the tender age of six or seven
-years at the most; but later on, perhaps in the reign of Mohammed II,
-a regular levy of children was ordered to be made throughout all the
-subject provinces of Turkey, with a few favoured exceptions. This
-tribute of Christian children, or παιδομάζωμα, as the Greeks called it,
-was subsequently erected into a complete system, and became one of
-the greatest engines of conversion. Every five years, or even oftener,
-for the tribute came at last to be levied annually, an officer of the
-Janissaries would descend with a clerk upon each district, and demand
-from the head man of the place a list of all the Christian families.
-Every Christian father was compelled to make a declaration of the number
-of his sons and to present them for inspection. At first, only one boy
-out of every five and only one out of every family were taken. Then no
-proportion was observed, but the government took as many children as
-it wanted, always selecting the strongest, and not even sparing the
-only son of a family. The age, too, was raised to ten, fifteen, and
-even more years. We can easily imagine the misery inflicted upon the
-unhappy parents by a system which recalled the fabled tribute paid by the
-Athenians to the Minotaur. We are told by an eye-witness that mothers
-sometimes prayed God to strike their sons dead in order to save them
-from enlistment. Others, in order to evade the law, would marry their
-children at nine years of age; but the authorities soon disregarded these
-infantile unions, and marriage was no excuse in the eyes of an arbitrary
-official. There were only two ways of avoiding the payment of this
-hideous blood-tax—bribery or flight into one of the Venetian colonies,
-and the latter means of escape became more difficult when Venice lost
-her last possessions on the mainland. It might have been thought that
-this tax would have been more likely to cause a rising. Yet in the long
-list of insurrections against the Turks we can recall one only, that
-of 1565, which is specially ascribed to this reason, and that was an
-Albanian and not a Greek agitation[660]. Moreover, as time went on, and
-the Janissaries became more pampered and more powerful, it was esteemed
-by many a blessing rather than a curse that their sons should serve in
-the corps. The Venetian bailie at Constantinople in the middle of the
-sixteenth century expressly says that the tribute of children had by that
-time come to be regarded as a special favour enjoyed by the Christians,
-who were thus able to provide their sons with an easy and comfortable
-profession! We even hear of Mussulman parents so anxious to share in
-this singular privilege that they lent their children to the Christians
-so that they might be enrolled as such among the Janissaries. But the
-loss to Hellenism and to Christianity through the tribute of children
-was enormous. If we remember that for two centuries the Janissaries were
-exclusively recruited from the Christians, and that the latter were
-chiefly to be found in European Turkey, and if we take into consideration
-that the tribute children were not only the strongest members of
-their respective families, but were also prohibited by the original
-constitution of the corps from marrying, for the Janissaries, like the
-Zulu army of Cetewayo, were a celibate body, we may form some idea of
-what a drain the παιδομάζωμα was upon the actual and possible resources
-of Eastern Christianity. A modern Greek historian[661] estimates at
-about a million the number of Christian children taken to serve in the
-corps during the first two centuries of its existence. At last, however,
-it fell into disuse, and in the seventeenth century ceased to exist. A
-variety of causes contributed to the decline of an institution which had
-so greatly strengthened the Turkish army at the expense of the Christian
-population. From the time when the Janissaries were allowed to marry,
-they naturally desired to have their own children taken into the corps,
-while others obtained admission to its privileges by bribery. On the
-other hand, the Sultans came to regard the Janissaries as dangerous to
-themselves, much as the Roman Emperors had found the Prætorians to be,
-and were thus less anxious to have the corps recruited. The number of
-conversions to Islâm had also narrowed the area of enlistment from among
-the Christians; and Rycaut, writing shortly after the custom had fallen
-into disuse, mentions the corruption of the officers and the carelessness
-in their discipline as the cause of its decay. Accordingly we last hear
-of the tribute being levied in 1676, though an isolated case is mentioned
-as late as 1703[662].
-
-Besides the tribute of Christian children, there was a further reason
-for the conversion of the Greeks in the honours offered to those who
-apostatised. When the Turks found themselves masters of a great European
-Empire, they had neither the financial nor the diplomatic skill requisite
-for conducting it. The Turkish method of keeping accounts was cumbrous,
-the Turkish language is extremely difficult to write, and the Turks
-resembled the British in their absolute ignorance of foreign tongues,
-while treaties and diplomatic correspondence continued to be composed in
-Greek. But empires are not won by linguists but by men of character, who
-are easily able to find subtle intellects to do their office work for
-them. The precise qualities which the Turks lacked the Greeks possessed,
-and Mohammed II saw at once how useful the versatile talents of his new
-subjects would be in the administration of his dominions. But there was
-this difficulty, that nearly all the best educated Greeks had fled abroad
-after the fall of the Byzantine Empire, and it was owing to this reason
-that, during the two first centuries of the Turkish rule, the Greeks did
-not, as a rule, rise higher in the Turkish service than a clerkship in
-the Treasury or the Foreign Office. There was, however, even at that
-period, one notable exception, the office of Grand Vizier. Of the five
-Grand Viziers of Mohammed II, two were Greeks, the former of whom, Mahmûd
-Pasha, was the first Christian to hold that great position. Under Bayezid
-II we find two more Greeks as Grand Viziers. Suleyman the Magnificent
-gave that post to two others, and later on one Grand Vizier was the son
-of a Greek priest; while the terrible Barbarossa, the scourge of the
-Christians at sea, was of Greek origin. By the middle of the sixteenth
-century the Venetian bailie at Constantinople could write that the great
-places in the Sultan’s service usually fell to the Christians, and the
-Turks complained that the children of the poor _rayah_ were put over
-their heads.
-
-But for a long time these mundane advantages could only be obtained by
-apostasy, and thus the lukewarm Christian had strong incentives to turn
-Mussulman. But in Greece there were fewer conversions than among the
-Slavs of Bosnia and the Herzegovina; and when, about the middle of the
-seventeenth century, the Turkish Government relaxed the strictness of
-its policy, and abolished religious tests for certain important offices
-of state, the Greeks were able to gratify a laudable ambition without
-abandoning the religion of their fathers. By that time education had
-revived among the Greeks of the capital, so that the lack of qualified
-Hellenes, which had been felt so acutely immediately after the conquest,
-no longer existed. It was then that, for the first time, a Greek was
-appointed Grand Dragoman of the Porte in the person of Panagiotes
-Nikouses, who conducted the negotiations for the surrender of Candia
-on behalf of the Turks. From the close of that century down to the War
-of Independence most of his successors in that post were Greeks[663].
-Similarly, the position of Dragoman of the Fleet was usually held by a
-Greek, and the island of Paros has still many monuments of the family of
-Mavrogenes, two of whose members conducted the naval negotiations of the
-Capitan Pasha. One of them, Nicholas Mavrogenes, rose from that rank to
-be Prince of Wallachia; and it is scarcely necessary to remind those who
-have studied Roumanian history, that in the eighteenth and the first part
-of the nineteenth century the two thrones of Moldavia and Wallachia were
-occupied by Greeks, and the two Danubian principalities were regarded
-as the happy hunting-ground of the Phanariotes of Constantinople. There
-was even an idea of erecting the Morea into a Christian principality
-on similar lines; and, though this was never carried out, the Morea
-was entrusted to a native governor. But the advancement of the Greeks
-in the Turkish service, though always beneficial to the individuals
-concerned and sometimes to their employers, was of doubtful value to the
-Greek national cause. When their private and racial interests clashed,
-the Greek officials almost always sacrificed the latter, and, indeed,
-it would have been an Utopian idea to expect the virtues of heroes and
-saints from the descendants of men who for centuries had been under
-foreign domination. It is easy for English historians, belonging to
-a race which has never known what an alien yoke implies, to demand
-impossible qualities from a down-trodden people, and we are fond of
-trying foreign nations by an ideal standard—which fortunately we never
-apply to our own public affairs. But, after all allowances have been
-made, it must be confessed that some of the worst blows to Hellenism,
-such as the loss of Eubœa and that of Crete, were dealt by the Greeks
-themselves, just as the Bosnian, Cretan and Albanian apostates have
-ever been the bitterest enemies of the Christians, and the warmest
-supporters of Turkish rule, so long as it permitted them to tyrannise
-over their own fellow-countrymen. In other words, religion replaced all
-racial sympathies, and a Mussulman Slav or Cretan was first a Mussulman
-and then a Slav or Cretan. Even in our own time, at the crisis of the
-Greco-Turkish war of 1897, a Greek was trying to counteract Greek
-interests in the capacity of Turkish ambassador in London; and the show
-statesmen of the Porte, whose virtues and culture are always exhibited
-for the edification of Europe, are invariably Greeks. Samos, too, with
-its Greek prince, was, till 1912, an interesting survival of the former
-practice of sending Greeks to rule beyond the Danube in the interest of
-the Sultan.
-
-On two occasions, under Selim II, in 1514, and in the early days of the
-Candian war, in 1646, it was actually proposed to exterminate all the
-Christians of Turkey. But wiser counsels happily prevailed; and towards
-the close of the seventeenth century, as we saw, the policy of the
-Turkish government was to preserve, rather than further diminish, the
-numbers of its Christian taxpayers. By that time fears were felt lest the
-Christians should continue to dwindle away, and a taxable infidel seemed
-a more valuable asset than a less remunerative believer in the true faith
-of Islâm. Accordingly, in 1691, a first serious attempt was made to
-secure the Christians against exactions by the _Nizam-djedid_[664], or
-“new system,” which commanded the provincial governors to levy no other
-impost than the _haratch_, or “capitation-tax,” from them. Originally,
-the only fiscal disadvantages of the Christians, besides the blood-tax
-of their children, had been this _haratch_, which was payable by all
-unbelievers over the age of ten years, except priests, old men, and the
-blind, the maimed, and the paralytic. A Christian had also to pay on all
-imports and exports twice the duty levied upon a Mussulman. But, as is
-still the case in Turkey, the hardships of taxation arose not so much
-from its legal amount as from its illegal collection. Thus, in 1571, we
-hear of the incredible extortions suffered by the Christian subjects
-of the Sultan, who were mostly so deeply sunk in poverty and misery
-that they scarce durst look a Turk in the face, and who only cultivated
-their lands sufficiently for their own wants and for the payment of
-_haratch_, knowing that the Turks would seize any surplus that was
-over[665]. However, the _Nizam-djedid_ represented, like the abolition
-of the tribute of children, a new and humaner policy, which resulted in
-the diminution of apostasy. From that time onward the Greeks had less
-temptation to become Mohammedans; the Venetian occupation of the Morea in
-the early part of the eighteenth century had the double effect of causing
-many re-conversions to Christianity, and of forcing the Turks to treat
-their Greek subjects better, from fear of comparisons; while, a little
-later, the Russian claims to a protectorate over the Eastern Christians
-further checked the movement towards Mohammedanism.
-
-But it was not only in the numbers, but also in the quality of their
-population, that the Greek provinces of Turkey suffered from the effects
-of the Turkish conquest. Almost all the men of learning, nearly all the
-chief families, in short the intellectual and political leaders of the
-people, went into exile immediately after the fall of the Byzantine
-Empire. Mohammed II did, indeed, address a proclamation in Greek to the
-principal _archontes_ of the Morea, in which he promised to respect their
-families and property and make them more prosperous than before[666];
-but his promises had little effect in checking the general exodus of the
-great Moreote families. So universal was their emigration, that only
-four or five of the Peloponnesian clans, which had played the prominent
-part during the mediæval period, remained behind, and there were similar
-wholesale emigrations from continental Greece and Eubœa. As the leading
-men all went with their relatives and followers, the drain upon the Greek
-population was as serious a danger to the nation as the emigration of
-the Peloponnesian peasants to America, which has lately been robbing the
-land of its cultivators and causing widespread alarm in the Greek press.
-Most of the exiles went, as was natural, to the Venetian possessions in
-Greece, which thus became what in earlier times the Despotat of Mistra
-had been to the Franks—a thorn in the side of the Turkish conqueror.
-Thus, Michael Ralles, one of the most prominent of Spartan _archontes_,
-and the protagonist of the first Turco-Venetian war after the conquest,
-and the brothers Daimonoyannai, belonging to the great family of that
-name at Monemvasia, sought homes in the colonies of the Republic in
-the Morea; thus, too, Graitzas Palaiologos, the last defender of the
-peninsula, entered the Venetian service. Other Greek leaders accompanied
-Sophia, daughter of Thomas Palaiologos, the last Despot of the Morea,
-on her marriage with the Grand Duke Ivan of Russia, and the Russian
-Court soon became another favourite resort of the Peloponnesian magnates
-who had known her father, and whose descendants were recruited three
-centuries later by a further band of Greek refugees after the abortive
-rising in the Morea[667]. Many Greeks, anxious to fight against the foes
-of their own, or even those of their adopted country, became of their
-own free will Venetian light horsemen, or _Stradioti_, just as others
-were forced to enlist in the ranks of the Turkish Janissaries. The
-researches of a learned Greek historian have thrown a flood of light upon
-the constitution and exploits of that remarkable body of soldiers[668].
-The name by which they were known is not derived from the Greek word
-στρατιῶται (“soldiers”) but from the Italian, _strada_, and signified
-that those who bore it were “always on the road”—wanderers, who had no
-fixed abodes. Composed of Greeks and Albanians, the corps was entirely
-recruited from the Morea, and mainly from Laconia, but the most valiant
-were the men of Nauplia. Among their leaders we find many historic
-Moreote names, such as those of Boua and Palaiologos, whose bearers were
-descendants or relatives of the men who had fought the good fight for
-the liberty of the Peloponnese. The sixteenth century was the golden age
-of the _Stradioti_, who demonstrated all over Europe that Greek valour
-was not extinct. One of them was even in the service of our Henry VIII,
-fighting in Scotland and acting as governor of Boulogne, at that time
-an English fortress. But they had their weaknesses, as well as their
-good qualities, and their inordinate vanity was the favourite theme of
-Venetian comedians, just as Plautus had satirised the boastfulness of
-the _Miles Gloriosus_ for the amusement of the ancient Romans. Tasso has
-blamed their rapacity in the line:
-
-    Il leggier Greco alle rapine intento,
-
-but other poets have sung of their triumphs. Indeed, there were bards in
-the ranks of the “wanderers” themselves, and a whole literature of their
-poems has been published, mostly written in a peculiar dialect resembling
-that now spoken in Calabria, where many Greek songs are still sung by the
-descendants of the numerous Epeirote families settled there after the
-Turkish conquest—the third time that Magna Græcia had received a large
-Greek population. One of their number, Marullus, of whom it was said
-that he “first united Apollo to Mars,” wrote Latin alcaics and sapphics,
-which, if not exactly Horatian, are, at any rate, as good as the ordinary
-product of the sixth-form intellect. Another, Theodore Spandounis, or
-Spandugino, more usefully employed his pen in the composition of a work
-on the Origin of the Ottoman Emperors, with the patriotic object of
-arousing the sympathy of sixteenth-century statesmen for the deliverance
-of Greece. The _Stradioti_, were, however, mightier with the javelin
-and the mace—their characteristic weapons—than with the pen. The long
-javelin, which they carried on horseback, was a particularly formidable
-weapon. Shod at both ends with a sharp iron point, it could be used
-either way with equally deadly effect; and if it failed, the agile
-horseman could seize the mace which hung at his saddle bow, and bring
-it down on the skull of an opponent. Unfortunately, the blow was rarely
-struck for Greece, and the skull was usually that of a Christian, against
-whom the _Stradioti_ had no personal or national quarrel.
-
-But Greece was deprived of her literary as well as her military men by
-the Turkish conquest. For almost the first time in her long history,
-all traces of learning vanished from the home of the Muses. Most of the
-scholarly Greeks of that age emigrated to Italy, and, just as, in the
-words of Horace, “Captive Greece led her victors captive,” after her
-subjugation by the unlettered Romans, so, sixteen centuries later, she
-once more spread the light of Hellenic studies in the darkest West.
-Thus, the Athenian, Demetrios Chalkokondyles, became the tutor of one
-of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s sons at Florence, while the Spartan, George
-Hermonymos, was the first Greek who publicly taught that language in
-Paris. Two other Moreotes, Demetrios Ralles, a soldier and scholar,
-and Isidore, who had distinguished himself alike in theology and in
-the defence of Constantinople, spent the rest of their lives in Italy,
-while the historian Phrantzes wrote his history and died in peace at
-Corfù under the Venetian protection. We owe much of our modern culture
-to this fifteenth-century dispersion of the learned Greeks; but the
-gain of Europe was the loss of Greece. It required the lapse of two
-whole centuries to make up in the least degree the deficiencies in Greek
-education, which the departure of all these men of light and leading
-caused; and if they strove to interest European courts and scholars in
-the fortunes of their abandoned country, that was of small practical
-advantage compared with the loss which they inflicted upon it. Had they
-remained in Greece, their influence would soon have made itself felt;
-they would have obtained posts in the Turkish service, which might have
-enabled them to improve the condition of their fellow-countrymen, and
-their example would have prevented the complete spread of ignorance over
-large parts of Greece during the first two centuries after the conquest.
-
-The flight of these two classes—the _archontes_ and the men of
-letters—made the provincial landowners, the peasants, and the parish
-priests, who mostly sprang from the ranks of the latter, the sole
-representatives of the Greek nation[669]. But, though Hellenism has
-never suffered such enormous losses as during the Turkish period, owing
-to conversions to Islâm and emigration to the West, there never was
-any time in the history of Greece under alien dominion when the Greek
-race remained so pure as between the Turkish conquest and the War of
-Independence. There can be no doubt that, after the long era of confusion
-and disorder which had followed the break-up of the Frankish power in
-Greece, even the Turkish, or any other strong Government—and at that
-time Turkey was strong and the Sultans could govern—must have proved a
-benefit to the great mass of the population. Moreover, from the date of
-the Turkish conquest the immigrations of the foreign elements, which
-had occurred so often during the Byzantine and Frankish period, ceased,
-and for nearly four centuries the Hellenic race was uncontaminated by
-alien blood. The Franks left behind them few survivors, except in the
-islands, and there were no Slavonic raids, while the Greeks, who remained
-true to their faith, never intermarried with the Turks, for a Greek
-woman who became the wife of a Mussulman was excommunicated. The two
-religions remained absolutely apart, and, under Turkish rule, for the
-first time for centuries, perhaps also for the last, there was no racial
-rivalry between the Christians of the Near East. Union reigned between
-Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Albanians and Roumanians; and the doctrine of
-nationalities, nowadays the keynote of Balkan politics, had no influence
-under the Turkish system of that period, which treated all Christians of
-whatever race as the inferiors of all Mussulmans, whether of Turkish,
-Slavonic, Albanian or Greek extraction.
-
-Education was scanty enough in the Venetian possessions, as we saw in
-the case of Corfù; but it was much worse in Turkish Greece. For two
-hundred years after the conquest there was practically nothing done
-for the instruction of those Greeks who remained under the Turks, and
-even archbishops could with difficulty write their own names correctly.
-Larissa in Thessaly was then one of the wealthiest of Greek sees;
-yet a Greek scholar, who examined the archiepiscopal records during
-the Turkish period, found them a mass of bad grammar and remarkable
-spelling. As for literature, though Sathas has compiled a work on the
-Greek authors of the long period between the capture of Constantinople
-and the War of Independence, only four of them, with the exception of
-a few theological writers, came from Greece proper. Two of these four
-were the brothers Laonikos and Demetrios Chalkokondyles, of Athens,
-the former of whom wrote his history of the Turks in Italy, while the
-latter composed his critical editions of Homer, Isokrates and Suidas
-at Milan, where his monument may be seen in the church of Sta Maria
-della Passione. The remaining two were born and bred in Nauplia, at
-that time Venetian. One, Zygomalas, composed a _Political History of
-Constantinople from 1391 to 1578_; the other, Malaxos, produced a
-vernacular version of the _Patriarchal History_ of the same city, where
-both resided for a great part of their lives. Another historical work,
-the _Chronicle_ of Dorotheos, Metropolitan of Monemvasia, was written
-in Moldavia. It originally contained the history of the world from the
-creation down to the year 1629, but was subsequently extended to 1685,
-and for two hundred years after its publication was “the only historical
-text-book used by the Greek people.” At last, towards the middle of
-the seventeenth century, an educational revival began in Greece, which
-derived its origin from the _Flangineion_, or Greek school founded by the
-Corfiote, Flangines, at Venice, in 1626, and still existing. The Hellenic
-community in that city, largely composed of business men, interested—as
-the Greek merchants of London, Manchester and Alexandria still are in
-the intellectual, moral and material welfare of their fatherland, sent
-out educational missionaries, who spread the gospel of learning in the
-home of their race. One of these Greeks of Venice, a native of Joannina,
-founded in 1647, two schools, one in his native town[670], another at
-Athens, where the Catholic monks also taught the young Athenians about
-the same period.
-
-It must not be supposed that the Greeks acquiesced patiently in the
-Turkish domination for more than three centuries. The long rule of
-the Franks had had the effect of making the natives far more warlike
-than they had been before the Latin conquest; but the conviction of
-the overwhelming power of the Turks rendered them reluctant to rise,
-except when they were sure of foreign aid. During the first few years
-which followed the capture of Constantinople it seemed, indeed, as if
-such assistance would be speedily forthcoming. The East expected, and
-the West meditated, a new crusade against the Infidel. A Greek poet
-appealed to “French and English, Spaniards and Germans,” to make common
-cause for the recovery of Constantinople[671]. The many learned Greeks
-who had been scattered all over western Europe by the loss of that city
-endeavoured to interest the rulers of Christendom in the fate of their
-fellow-countrymen. Prominent among these missionaries of Hellenism was
-the famous Cardinal Bessarion of Trebizond, who was twice regarded as a
-likely candidate for the Papacy, and who travelled across Europe with
-untiring zeal on behalf of the conquered Greeks. The Popes of that
-period—men, for the most part, of learning and statesmanlike views—warmly
-supported the plan, and Pius II set out to Ancona, where the crusaders
-were to assemble. But his death at that seaport caused the collapse
-of the proposed expedition, and the crusade, for which such great
-preparations had been made, ended in a fiasco.
-
-For 80 years after the Turkish conquest Venice continued to keep a
-foothold in the Morea, and consequently Greece became from time to time
-the scene of Turco-Venetian wars, for the Sultans naturally desired to
-round off their Greek territories by the acquisition of the remaining
-Venetian colonies upon Greek soil. The first of these wars, lasting,
-more or less continuously, from 1463 to 1479, led to the temporary
-capture of the lower town of Athens by Vettor Capello in 1466—the second
-occasion on which that famous city had fallen into Venetian hands. It is
-characteristic of Turkish toleration, that at that time the heretics,
-known as the _fraticelli della mala opinione_, whom in that very year
-Pope Paul II was persecuting and imprisoning in the castle of Sant’
-Angelo[672] and whose church may still be seen on Monte Sant’ Angelo
-between Poli and Casape in the Roman Campagna, were living quietly at
-Athens. For more than a century Athens disappeared from the notice of
-the western world, but a Greek chronicle in the library of Lincoln
-College, Oxford, informs us that seven severe plagues afflicted the
-city between 1480 and 1554, and that the aqueduct was begun in 1506. We
-know, too, of the existence of three Metropolitans of Athens during the
-first century of Turkish rule, and somewhat later an Athenian became
-Œcumenical Patriarch. But the honour of having momentarily re-occupied
-Athens was far outweighed in the minds of the practical Venetians by the
-definite loss of Argos and Negroponte during this war, while the Greeks
-had been the chief sufferers whichever side was victorious. The next
-Turco-Venetian war, which began in 1499 and was closed by the treaty of
-1502-3, yet further diminished the colonies of Venice, involving the loss
-of Lepanto, her last outpost on the mainland north of the Isthmus, and of
-Modon, Koron and Navarino, in the Morea, where Nauplia and Monemvasia,
-with the castles depending upon them, alone remained. The thirty years’
-peace which followed enabled Greece to recover somewhat from the ravages
-of the late struggle, while patriotic Greek exiles, like Markos Mousouros
-and Joannes Laskaris in vain tried to interest the powers in a fresh
-crusade for their deliverance. Charles V was not the man to liberate
-Greece for the sake of those ancient heroes and sages, whose names
-Laskaris invoked in an eloquent speech, and when, in 1532, war broke
-out between him and the Sultan, he showed more anxiety to damage the
-Turks than to benefit the Greeks, who paid dearly for the triumphs of
-the Genoese admiral, Andrea Doria. The re-capture of Koron (like that of
-Modon by the Knights of St John in the previous year) merely led to its
-abandonment and the compulsory emigration of its unwilling inhabitants
-to Sicily and Naples. Then, in 1537, came the Turco-Venetian war, which
-was destined to cost the Republic Ægina, Mykonos, the Northern Sporades
-and her last surviving colonies in the Morea. For nearly 150 years after
-the disastrous peace of 1540 Venice did not own an inch of soil on the
-mainland of Greece, except the Ionian dependencies of Parga and Butrinto,
-but of her insular dominions Cyprus, Crete, Tenos and six Ionian islands
-still remained.
-
-For the next thirty years after the disappearance of the Venetian flag
-from the Morea, the Greeks were undisturbed by further fighting on the
-mainland, though learned men continued to make appeals to Europe on their
-behalf. The fall of the Duchy of Naxos in 1566 and the capture of Chios
-from the _maona_, or Chartered Company, of the Giustiniani of Genoa, in
-the same year yet further diminished the influence of the Latins in the
-Levant; but it was not till Selim II attacked the (since 1489) Venetian
-island of Cyprus in 1570, that Greece once more became the theatre of a
-European war. The first operations of the Venetians were directed against
-the coast opposite Corfù and against a fort which the Turks had newly
-constructed to command the Mainate harbour of Porto delle Quaglie, where
-the Turkish galleys could wait and intercept the Venetian vessels on
-their way to Cyprus. Thanks to the aid of the Mainates, ever ready for a
-fight, the Venetian commander was able to capture this strong position.
-But he found it necessary to blow it up, as he could not retain it,
-and sailed for the island of Andros, captured by the Turks four years
-before, whose Greek inhabitants suffered more than the garrison from the
-excesses of his soldiers[673]. Meanwhile, the Republic had been working
-hard to form an alliance against the Sultan. At last, in the spring of
-1571, a league was concluded at Rome between Pope Pius V, Philip II of
-Spain, and the Venetians for the destruction of the Ottoman power. It
-was the thirteenth time that a Holy Alliance had been made with that
-object; but it seemed as if the efforts of Christendom would finally be
-crowned with success. A large fleet was collected, under the supreme
-command of Don John of Austria, bastard son of the Emperor Charles V,
-while the papal galleys were placed under the charge of Marcantonio
-Colonna. But more than a month before the Armada had left Sicily for
-Corfù Cyprus had fallen, and while the allies were discussing their
-plans the Turkish fleet had ravished the Cretan coast, and carried off
-more than 6000 souls from Cephalonia. It was not till the morning of
-October 7 that the two navies met. The Turkish commander had taken up his
-position off Lepanto; while the Christian ships were stationed off the
-Echinades islands, outside the Gulf of Corinth. Against the advice of
-wiser men, Ali, the Turkish admiral, issued from the Gulf in search of
-the enemy. Suddenly the two fleets came in sight of one another. It was
-a striking scene; the varied colours of the Ottoman ships lighted up by
-the brilliant sunshine, which played upon the shining cuirasses of the
-Christian warriors; the blue waves of a Greek sea, calm and peaceful,
-where, centuries before, Corinthians and Corcyræans had fought a naval
-battle. On either side their modern representatives were to be found,
-25,000 were serving as sailors in the Ottoman service, and 5000 more
-were on board the Venetian ships. Several Venetian galleys were actually
-commanded by Greeks; especially noteworthy were the exploits of the
-Corfiote Condocalli, who was the most famous of these Greek commanders;
-among his Greek colleagues were two Cretans, one a member of the historic
-clan of the Kallergai, whose name is writ large in the stormy history of
-the great Greek island. The contemporary Venetian historian, Paruta[674],
-specially awards the palm for courage, discipline, and skill combined
-to the Greeks, “as being most accustomed to that kind of warfare,”
-while he places both Italians and Spaniards below them. And another
-historian, Sagredo, says that “being more experienced in seafaring, they
-contributed not a little to the victory[675].” The defeat of the Turks
-was overwhelming; 224 ships taken or destroyed and 30,000 men slain
-represented their losses, while the allies lost only 15 galleys and 8000
-men. Among the dead were the Turkish admiral and many of the scions of
-the noblest Venetian houses; among the wounded was the author of _Don
-Quixote_, who lost, like Æschylos at Marathon, a hand at Lepanto for
-the cause of Greece. The first impression which the victory caused at
-Constantinople was one of consternation, and for three days Selim refused
-to take food. Nor was this dismay without foundation: the Ottoman fleet
-had been annihilated; the Greeks were in revolt; and a cool-headed French
-diplomatist considered that the allies could easily have destroyed the
-Turkish Empire and taken Constantinople. But the discord of the victors
-and the energy of the Grand Vizier, Mohammed Sokolli, saved the Ottoman
-dominions. Within eight months after the battle a new Turkish fleet of
-250 galleys, fifteen of which were contributed by the wealthy Greek
-merchant of Constantinople, Michael Cantacuzene, better known from his
-nickname of Saïtan Oglou, or “the Devil’s son,” left the Dardanelles, and
-Sokolli, contrasting the capture of Cyprus with the barren victory of
-Lepanto, could truly say that, if “the Republic had shorn his beard, he
-had cut off one of her arms.”
-
-The battle of Lepanto has made a great noise in history, and Rome and
-Venice still preserve many memorials of that victory. But its results
-were valueless, so far as the Greeks were concerned, and, indeed, it
-would have been better for them if it had never been fought. They had
-welcomed with enthusiasm the advent of the allied fleet, which they
-confidently hoped would free them from the Turkish yoke; and, in the
-first excitement of the Christian victory, they flew to arms, and begged
-the victors to support their efforts on land by the presence of the fleet
-off the coast of the Morea. But, as usual, the Christian commanders
-differed as to the best means of utilising their success. At the council
-of war, which was held on board after the battle, one party advocated
-a naval demonstration off the Peloponnese, and another the capture of
-Eubœa, while a third proposed the seizure of Santa Maura, which the
-Venetians alone actually attempted, and a fourth suggested the siege
-of the two forts on either side of the Corinthian Gulf. In the end, as
-the season was far advanced, all farther united action was postponed to
-next year, and the fleet withdrew to Corfù, whence the Spanish and Papal
-contingents sailed to Italy, leaving the insurgents to themselves[676].
-Many Moreotes had crossed over to the little town of Galaxidi, which the
-visitor to Delphi sees as he approaches the harbour of Itea, and there in
-a church they solemnly bound themselves, together with the townsfolk and
-the inhabitants of Salona, to rise against the Turk on the self-same day.
-“May he, who repents him of his oath or betrays what we have said, never
-see the face of God,” so runs the picturesque formula of the conspirators
-in the _Chronicle of Galaxidi_[677]. “And then,” says the Chronicler,
-“they all lifted up their hands to the eikons and swore a terrible oath.”
-But there was at least one traitor in the church at Galaxidi, a man
-from Aigion, on the opposite shore of the Gulf, who betrayed the dread
-secret to the Turks. While in the Morea the Ottomans wreaked vengeance on
-the conspirators and burnt the Archbishop of Patras alive as a fearful
-example, the ringleaders of the insurrection at Galaxidi, still “relying
-on the aid of the Franks,” marched with 3000 men against the noble
-Catalan fortress of Salona, then the residence of a Turkish Bey. On their
-arrival, however, they found a Turkish force drawn up in order of battle,
-and no Frankish contingent awaiting them. Disheartened and abandoned,
-they trusted to the invitation of the crafty Bey, who bade them come
-and tell him the story of their woes. The Bey received the deputation,
-eighty in all, with every honour, and listened sympathetically to their
-tale, bidding them be good subjects and mind their own affairs for the
-future. But, when the evening was come, he threw them into a dungeon
-of the castle, where all save one, a priest who escaped by his great
-personal strength, “died for their country and their faith.” Meanwhile,
-the Moreotes who had escaped from the Turks, had taken refuge in Maina,
-where the two brothers Melissenoi, from Epidauros, members of that famous
-Peloponnesian family, placed themselves at the head of 28,000 men, who
-continued the struggle for two whole years in that difficult country.
-Don John, who was still lingering idly at Messina, afraid to return
-to the East in consequence of the growing dissensions between France
-and Spain, wrote to one of the heroic brothers, bidding him keep the
-insurrection going till his arrival[678]. But it was not till August,
-1572, that the victor of Lepanto again joined the allies in Greek waters.
-Even then, he accomplished nothing. For some time the two hostile fleets
-hovered off the coast of Messenia without an engagement, and attempts
-upon Navarino and Modon were abandoned. Then, as in the previous year,
-the allied armada broke up, while the Moreote insurgents withdrew to
-the most inaccessible mountains, until, abandoning all hope of their
-emancipation, they once more bowed their necks beneath the Turkish
-yoke[679]. The two Melissenoi survived and escaped to Naples, where a
-monument, removed in 1634, was erected to them in the Greek Church of
-SS. Peter and Paul[680], with an appropriate inscription, like those
-commemorating two exiles from Koron. Early in 1573 Venice made peace with
-the Sultan, and the historian Paruta considered that such a course was
-the wisest that his country could have adopted. The Republic acquiesced
-in the loss of Cyprus, and gained nothing in return for her efforts and
-her losses of blood and treasure during the war but the barren laurels of
-Lepanto. Upon the Turks the lessons of the recent campaign had not been
-thrown away. In order to check any fresh Greek rising, they fortified
-the coasts of the Morea, and built a fort at the entrance of the famous
-haven of Navarino. Nor had the disillusioned Greeks failed to gain a sad
-experience from their abandonment. Now, for the first time, we find the
-Venetian representative in Constantinople writing that the Sultan was
-afraid of the Muscovite, because of the devotion shown by the Eastern
-Christians towards a ruler of their own faith. As early as 1576 that
-astute diplomatist remarked that the Greeks were ready to take up arms
-and place themselves under Russian protection, in order to escape from
-the Turkish yoke[681]. The shadow of the Russian bear was beginning to
-wax, while that of the Venetian lion waned.
-
-One result of the battle of Lepanto was to turn the attention of
-civilised Europe to Greece. Four years after the victory we find Athens
-“re-discovered” by the curiosity of Martin Kraus—or Crusius, as he styled
-himself—a professor at Tübingen, who wrote for information about the
-celebrated city to Theodosios Zygomalas, a Greek born at Nauplia but
-living at Constantinople. Zygomalas had often visited Athens, which the
-frequent wars in the Levant, the depredations of corsairs, and the fact
-that the usual pilgrims’ route to Palestine lay far to the south had so
-completely isolated from Europe that the densest ignorance prevailed
-about it in the West. He mentions in his reply the melody of the Athenian
-songs, which “charmed those who heard them, as though they were the music
-of sirens,” the salubrity of the air, the excellence of the water, the
-good memories and euphonious voices of the inhabitants, among whom, as
-he states elsewhere, there then were “about 160 bishops and priests.” At
-the same time he remarks of the language then spoken at Athens that “if
-you heard the Athenians talk your eyes would fill with tears.” Another
-Greek, Simeon Kabasilas of Arta, informed Kraus that of all the seventy
-odd dialects of Greece the Attic of that day was the worst. The Greek
-and “Ishmaelite,” or Turkish, populations lived, he wrote, in separate
-quarters of the town, which contained “12,000 male inhabitants[682].” We
-learn too, from a short account of Athens discovered in the National
-Library at Paris in 1862, and composed in Greek in the sixteenth
-century[683], that the Tower of the Winds was then a _tekkeh_ of
-dervishes, and the mosque in the Parthenon was called Ismaïdi.
-
-In spite of the depreciatory remarks on the culture of the
-sixteenth-century Athenians which Kraus permitted himself to make on the
-strength of his second-hand investigations, learning was even in that age
-not quite extinct in its ancient home. It was then that there flourished
-at Athens an accomplished nun, Philothee Benizelou, afterwards included,
-for her piety and charitable foundations, among those whom the Greek
-Church calls “blessed,” and buried in the beautiful little Gorgoepekoos
-church. But, though she founded the Convent of St Andrew on the site of
-what is now the chapel of the Metropolitan of Athens, within whose walls
-she established the first girls’ school of Turkish Athens, she has left a
-most uncomplimentary description of the Athenians of her day, with whom
-she had some pecuniary difficulties and upon whom she showers a string of
-abusive epithets in the best classical style[684]. Two other religious
-foundations also mark this period—that of the Church of the Archangels
-in 1577 in the Stoa of Hadrian, where an inscription still commemorates
-it, and that of the monastery of Pentele, built in the following year by
-Timotheos, Archbishop of Eubœa, whose skull, set in jewels, may still be
-seen there. The monks of Pentele had to send 3000 _okes_ of honey every
-year to the great mosques of Constantinople[685]. We may infer from
-these facts that the Turkish authority sat lightly upon a town which was
-allowed the rare privilege of erecting new places of worship. The idea
-too then current in the West that Athens had been entirely destroyed,
-and that its site was occupied by a few huts, was obviously as absurd as
-the sketches of the city in the form of a Flemish or German town which
-were made in the fifteenth century. A place of “12,000 men” was not to
-be despised; and, if we may accept the statement of Kabasilas[686], the
-male population of the Athens of 1578 was twice as large as the whole
-population of the Athens which Otho made his capital in 1834, and about
-equal to the entire population estimated by Stuart, Holland, Forbin and
-Pouqueville in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It has
-sometimes been supposed, in accordance with the local tradition, that
-the city was placed, immediately after the Turkish conquest, under the
-authority of the chief eunuch at Constantinople; but it has now been
-shown that that arrangement was introduced much later. From the Turkish
-conquest to the capture of Eubœa from the Venetians in 1470 Athens was
-the seat of a pasha, and capital of the first of the five _sandjaks_, or
-provinces, into which the conqueror divided continental Greece. In that
-year the seat of the pasha was transferred to Chalkis, which then became
-the capital of the _sandjak_ of the Euripos, of which Athens sank to be a
-district, or _caza_. In this position of dependence the once famous city
-continued till about the year 1610, being administered by a subordinate
-of the Eubœan pasha[687], who every year paid it a much-dreaded visit of
-inspection, which, like most Turkish official visits, was very expensive
-to the hosts.
-
-From the conclusion of the war of Cyprus in 1573 to the outbreak of the
-Cretan war in 1645 there was peace between Venice and the Turks, so
-that Greece ceased for over seventy years to be the battle-ground of
-those ancient foes. But spasmodic risings still occurred even during
-that comparatively quiet period. Thus, in 1585, a famous _armatolós_,
-Theodore Boua Grivas, raised the standard of revolt in the mountainous
-districts of Akarnania and Epeiros, at the instigation of the Venetians.
-His example was followed by two other _armatoloí_, Drakos and Malamos,
-who took Arta and marched on Joannina. But this insurrection was speedily
-suppressed by the superior forces of the Turks, and Grivas, badly
-wounded, was fain to escape to the Venetian island of Ithake, where he
-died of his injuries[688]. Somewhat later, in 1611, Dionysios, Archbishop
-of Trikkala, made a further attempt on Joannina; but he was betrayed
-by the Jews, then, as ever, on the Turkish side, and flayed alive. His
-skin, stuffed with straw, was sent to Constantinople. Another Thessalian
-archbishop, accused of complicity with him, was offered the choice of
-apostasy or death, and manfully chose the latter, a choice which has
-given him a place in the martyrology of modern Greece[689].
-
-The greatest disturbance to the pacific development of the country arose,
-however, from the corsairs, who descended upon its coasts almost without
-intermission from the date of the Turkish conquest to the latter part
-of the seventeenth century. The damage inflicted by these pirates, who
-belonged to the Christian no less than to the Mussulman religion, and who
-made no distinction between the creeds of their victims, led the Greeks
-to dwell at a distance from the seaboard, in places that were not easily
-accessible; and thus the coast acquired that deserted look which it has
-not wholly lost even now[690]. The worst of these wretches were the
-Uscocs of Dalmatia, whose inhuman cruelties have rarely been surpassed.
-Sometimes they would eat the hearts of their victims; sometimes they
-would chain the crew below the deck, and then leave the captured vessel
-adrift, and its inmates to die of starvation, on the blue Ionian or
-the stormy Adriatic sea. In addition to the common pirates there were
-organised freebooters of higher rank, such as the Knights of Santo
-Stefano, founded by Cosimo I de’ Medici in 1560, and the Knights of
-Malta. The former, whose church at Pisa contains on its ceiling a picture
-of the taking and plunder of “Nicopolis Actiaca” (the modern Prevesa)
-in 1605, besides many Turkish trophies, were convenient auxiliaries of
-the Florentine fleet, because their exploits could be disowned by the
-government if unsuccessful. Towards the close of the sixteenth century
-the Florentines were able to occupy Chios for a moment; but the Turks
-soon regained possession of that rich island, and visited the sins of
-the Tuscans upon the inhabitants whom they had come to deliver. Years
-afterwards a traveller saw a row of grim skulls on the battlements of
-the fort, and the descendants of the Genoese settlers, who had hitherto
-received specially favourable treatment from the Sultan, were so badly
-treated that they mostly emigrated[691]. In emulation of the Knights of
-Santo Stefano those of Malta in 1603 sacked Patras, which had been burned
-by a Spanish squadron only eight years before, and occupied Lepanto,
-which in the seventeenth century bore the ominous nickname of “Little
-Algiers,” from the pirates of Algiers and Tripoli who made it their
-headquarters. When, in 1676, the traveller Spon visited it, he found a
-number of Moors settled down there with their coal-black progeny[692].
-A few years later the Maltese, baffled in an attempt on Navarino,
-retaliated on Corinth, whence they carried off 500 captives. Finally
-in 1620 they assailed the famous Frankish castle of Glarentza, in the
-strong walls of which their bombs opened a breach; but the approach of
-a considerable Turkish force compelled them to return to their ships,
-after having attained no other result than that of having injured one
-of the most interesting mediæval monuments in Greece. Another Frankish
-stronghold, that of Passavâ, was surprised by the Spaniards when they
-ravaged Maina in 1601. The co-operation of that restive population with
-the invaders, whose predatory tastes they shared, led the Porte to adopt
-strong measures against the Mainates, who in 1614 were, in name at least,
-reduced to submission and compelled to pay tribute[693]. But though the
-capitan pasha was thus able to starve Maina into submission he could not
-protect the Greeks against the pirates, who so long preyed upon their
-commerce, burnt their villages, debauched their women, and desolated
-their land. Had Turkey been a strong maritime power, able to sweep piracy
-from the seas, Greece would have been spared much suffering and would
-have had less damage to repair.
-
-It was at this time too that the classic land of the arts began to suffer
-from another form of depredation, that of the cultured collector. To
-a British nobleman belongs the discredit of this revival of the work
-of Nero. About 1613 the earl of Arundel was seized with the idea of
-“transplanting old Greece into England.” With this object he commissioned
-political agents, merchants, and others, chief among them William Petty,
-uncle of the well-known political economist, to scour the Levant in quest
-of statues. His example speedily found imitators, such as the duke of
-Buckingham, and King Charles I, who charged the English admiral in the
-Levant, Sir Kenelm Digby, with the duty of collecting works of art for
-the royal palace. Needless to say the rude sailors who were ordered to
-remove the precious pieces of marble often mutilated what they could not
-remove intact. They sawed in two a statue of Apollo at Delos, and they
-might have anticipated the achievements of Lord Elgin at Athens had not
-its distance from the sea and the suspicions of the Turkish garrison
-on the Akropolis saved it from the fate to which the Cyclades were
-exposed[694].
-
-While the corsairs were devastating Greece a picturesque adventurer,
-who recalls the abortive scheme of Charles VIII of France, was engaged
-in planning her deliverance. Charles Gonzaga, duc de Nevers, boasted
-of his connection with the imperial house of the Palaiologoi through
-his grandmother, Margaret of Montferrat, a descendant of the Emperor
-Andronikos Palaiologos the Elder[695]. After having fought against the
-Turks in Hungary he conceived the romantic idea of claiming the throne of
-Constantinople, with which object he visited various European courts,
-and about 1612 entered into negotiations with the Greeks. His schemes
-received a willing hearing from the restless Mainates, who sent three
-high ecclesiastics to assure him of their readiness to recognise him as
-their liege lord if he would send them a body of experienced officers to
-organise a force of 10,000 Greeks. They even promised to become Roman
-Catholics, and arranged, on paper, for the division of the Turkish lands
-among themselves, and for the confiscation of all Jewish property in
-order to defray the expenses of the expedition. The pretender, on his
-part, sent three trusty agents to spy out the land and make plans of
-the Turkish positions; they came back with most hopeful accounts of the
-enthusiasm of the Mainates, who were only waiting for the favourable
-moment to raise the two-headed eagle on the walls of Mistra. Neophytos,
-the bishop of Maina, and Chrysanthos Laskaris, the Metropolitan of
-Lacedæmon, and namesake of the Manuel Laskaris whose tomb may still be
-seen in one of the churches at Mistra, addressed him as Constantine
-Palaiologos, and told him to hasten his coming among his faithful people,
-who in proof of their submission sent him some falcons.
-
-But the duc de Nevers wasted in diplomacy time which should have been
-devoted to prompt action. He appealed to Pope Paul V, the Grand Duke
-of Tuscany, the King of Spain, and the Emperor, who were all profuse
-in promises and some of whom furnished him with ships and money. An
-attempt was also made to stir up the other Christian nationalities of
-the East, and a meeting of Albanian, Bosnian, Macedonian, Bulgarian and
-Serbian leaders was held for the purpose of concerted action, while the
-two _hospodars_ of Moldavia and Wallachia promised their aid. Another
-adventurer, who styled himself Sultan Zachias and gave out that he was
-a brother of the Sultan Ahmed I, was admitted as an ally. Finally, in
-order to give a religious character to the movement, the duke founded and
-became chief of a body calling itself the “Christian army,” commissions
-in which were offered to the conspirators, among whom we find the name
-of a learned Athenian, Leonardos Philaras[696], who was patronised by
-Richelieu and to whom Milton addressed two letters. A date was fixed for
-the rising, and four memoranda were addressed to the duke, with full
-particulars of his future realm of Greece. From these we learn that in
-1619 the Peloponnese could furnish him with 15,000 fighting men, while
-it contained 8000 Turks capable of bearing arms, of whom 800 formed the
-scanty garrisons of Koron, Modon, Navarino and Nauplia. At that time,
-we are told, there were 800 Turkish military fiefs in the Morea, and
-the population of Maina was estimated at 4913 families, spread over 125
-villages and hamlets. These statistics are the most valuable result of
-the agitation.
-
-After several years of correspondence and negotiation the pretender at
-last managed to equip five vessels for the transport of his crusaders;
-but a sudden fire, perhaps the work of an incendiary, laid them in ashes,
-and the jealousy of Spain and Venice prevented any effective political
-action. The “Christian army” still went on meeting and discussing its
-plan of campaign, and two more strange adventurers—a Moor who had
-become a Christian and styled himself “Infant of Fez,” and a Greek
-who, with even greater ambition, had adopted the title of “prince of
-Macedonia”—became the principal agents of the duke. At last, however,
-every one grew weary of his absurd pretensions, and the secession of the
-Pope from his side finally destroyed his hopes[697].
-
-During the Cretan war between Venice and the Turks two risings were
-promoted by the Venetians in Greece for the purpose of diverting the
-attention of their enemies. In 1647 the Venetian admiral, Grimani,
-after chasing the Turkish fleet to Eubœa and Volo, blockaded it within
-the harbour of Nauplia. At this the Albanians of the Peloponnese, who
-were very favourable to the Republic, rose against the Turks, and
-after having done a considerable amount of damage to Turkish property,
-escaped punishment by fleeing on board the Venetian squadron. A Greek,
-more daring but less fortunate, conceived the idea of setting fire to
-the Turkish vessels as they lay in harbour, but paid for his audacity
-with his life[698]. In 1659 the Mainates, who had availed themselves
-of the war to throw off every shadow of subjection to the Sultan, but
-who plundered Venetian and Turkish ships with equal impartiality, were
-induced by the great Francesco Morosini to devote their abilities to the
-plunder of the Morea. At that time piracy was the principal profession
-of the Mainate population, who sold Christians to Turks and Turks to
-Christians. Priests and monks, we are told, joined in the business, and
-the fact that they lived in caves overlooking the sea made them valuable
-auxiliaries of the pirates, whom they informed of the approach of passing
-vessels. Some of them even embarked on board the pirate schooners,
-for the purpose of levying the tithe which was allotted by the pious
-freebooters to the Church[699]. These schooners sometimes sailed out
-among the Cyclades, and just as Lepanto was nicknamed “Little Algiers”
-so Vitylos in Maina was called “Great Algiers.” Well acquainted with
-the influence of the Church in eastern politics, Morosini worked upon
-the feelings of the Mainates by taking with him the deposed Œcumenical
-Patriarch, then living on the island of Siphnos. The pirates of Maina
-humbly kissed the hand of the eminent ecclesiastic, and 10,000 of them,
-with 3000 Greeks and Albanians, assisted the Venetian commander in an
-attack upon Kalamata, which was abandoned by its Mussulman and Christian
-inhabitants alike to its rapacious assailants. The Cretan poet Bouniales
-has left a graphic account of their proceedings in his poem on the Cretan
-war.
-
-But no strategic result accrued from the sack of Kalamata; Morosini
-sailed off to the Ægean, advising the Mainates to reserve their energies
-for a more favourable opportunity of conquering the Peloponnese. The
-auxiliaries of the Venetian commander, pending that event, continued
-to prey upon Turkish vessels, and even attacked the fleet of the Grand
-Vizier, Ahmed Köprili, which was then engaged in the siege of Candia. The
-offer of double the pay of his own soldiers could not bribe the Mainates
-to desist from their at once patriotic and profitable piracies. Baffled
-by their refusal, the Grand Vizier ordered Hasân-Babâ, a pirate of renown
-and accounted the best seaman in the Turkish fleet, to reduce Maina to
-submission. But the women of Maina sufficed to strike terror into the
-heart of the bold Hasân. “Tell my husband,” said one of them, “to mind
-the goat, and hold the child, and I will go and find his weapons and use
-them better than he.” At the head of the population the women marched
-down to the shore, and the Turkish captain thought it wiser to remain
-on board. But in the evening experienced swimmers cut the cables of his
-ships, two of which were driven upon the rocks of that iron coast and
-became the prey of the wreckers, while Hasân was glad to escape on his
-sole surviving vessel.
-
-Unable to subdue the Mainates by force, the Grand Vizier now had recourse
-to diplomacy. The hereditary blood feud had long been the curse of
-Maina, and its inhabitants were divided into the hostile factions of the
-Stephanopouloi and the Iatraioi—the Montagues and Capulets of that rugged
-land. At that time there was in Maina a certain Liberakes Gerakares, who,
-after an apprenticeship in the Venetian fleet, had turned his nautical
-experience to practical use as a pirate. In an interval of his profession
-he had become engaged to a daughter of the clan of Iatraioi, who boasted
-of their descent from one of the Florentine Medici, formerly shipwrecked
-there; but, before the wedding had taken place, a rival, belonging to the
-opposite clan, eloped with the lady. Smarting under his loss and burning
-for revenge upon the whole race of the Stephanopouloi, the disappointed
-lover was accidentally captured by the Turks at sea and carried off to
-prison. The crafty Köprili saw at once that Liberakes was the very man
-for his purpose. He not only released him, but provided him with money,
-and sent him back to Maina in the capacity of his secret agent. Liberakes
-at once distributed the pasha’s gold among his clansmen and proclaimed
-civil war against the Stephanopouloi. At the same time the Mainates were
-told of favours which the Grand Vizier had in store for them—the use of
-bells and crosses outside their churches, the abolition of the tribute of
-children, and the remission of half the capitation tax. No Turk, it was
-added, should live among them.
-
-As soon as Crete had fallen Köprili devoted his attention to the
-accomplishment of his plan. He peremptorily summoned the Mainates, under
-penalty of extermination, to submit to his authority, promising them an
-amnesty and the remission of all arrears of tribute in case of prompt
-submission. At the same time he despatched 6000 men to Maina, with orders
-to treat the people well, but to build, under the pretext of protecting
-trade, three forts in strong positions. As soon, however, as the forts
-were finished, Liberakes and his men seized some of their most prominent
-foes, while the Turks preserved an air of complete indifference. After
-a mock trial the unfortunate Stephanopouloi were sentenced to death as
-disturbers of the public peace. Those of them who escaped emigrated to
-Corsica, where their descendants may still be found at Cargèse. More than
-a century later they furnished to Bonaparte agents for the dissemination
-of his plans of conquest in Greece. Other Mainates went into exile in
-Tuscany, where their descendants soon became fused with the Italian
-population, and in Apulia, while those who remained behind were for the
-second time placed under Turkish authority. Liberakes, as soon as his
-deluded countrymen had realised the device of which they had been the
-victims, became so unpopular that he took to piracy again. A second time
-captured by the Turks, he was again imprisoned till his captors once more
-found need for his services[700].
-
-While Candia was the scene of the great struggle between Venice and “the
-Ottomite,” Athens was once more coming within the ken of Europe. At the
-beginning of the seventeenth century the French showed much activity
-in the Levant, where they established consuls about that time. In 1630
-the French ambassador at Constantinople, Louis des Hayes, had visited
-Athens[701], of which a brief mention is made in his travels, and in
-1645 a very important step towards the “re-discovery” of the famous
-city was taken. In that year a body of Jesuit missionaries were sent
-thither, and though they subsequently removed to Negroponte, because
-that place contained more Franks, they were followed at Athens in 1658
-by the Capuchins, whose name will ever be remembered in connection with
-the topography of that city. In 1669 they bought the choragic monument
-of Lysikrates, then colloquially known as “the Lantern of Demosthenes,”
-which henceforth formed part of their convent[702]. Over the entrance
-they placed the lilies of France, to which the monument still belongs,
-and by whose care it has twice been restored; but their hospitality was
-extended to strangers of all races and religions, and it is curious to
-hear that the Turkish _cadi_ would only sanction this purchase of a
-national monument on condition that the Capuchins promised not to injure
-it and to show it to all who wished to see it. The monument itself was
-converted into a study, where Lord Byron passed many an hour during his
-visit to Athens in 1811, and where he wrote his famous indictment of Lord
-Elgin’s vandalism. The chapel of the convent was, till the capture of
-the city by Morosini, the only Frankish place of worship. But the worthy
-Capuchins did not confine themselves to religious exercises. About the
-same time that they purchased the choragic monument they drew up a plan
-of Athens, which was a great advance on the imaginary representations
-of that place, which had hitherto been devised to gratify the curiosity
-of Europe, and which had depicted Athens now as a Flemish and now as a
-German town. Nor did they keep their information to themselves. They
-communicated their plan and a quantity of notes to a French literary man,
-Guillet, who published them in the form of an imaginary journey, supposed
-to have been undertaken by his brother, La Guilletière. The sources of
-Guillet’s information render his narrative far more valuable than if
-he had merely paid a flying visit to Athens; and though he never saw
-the place about which he wrote he had at his command the best available
-materials, compiled by men who had lived there. About the same time
-Babin, a Jesuit who had also lived at Athens, drew up an account of it,
-which was published by Dr Spon[703], a physician and antiquary of Lyons,
-who visited Greece in 1675 and 1676 in the company of an Englishman,
-Sir George Wheler, and subsequently issued a detailed account of his
-travels, upon which his travelling companion afterwards based an English
-version. Two other Englishmen, Randolph and Vernon, also travelled in
-Greece at different times between 1671 and 1679, and have left behind
-records of their impressions. Besides these unofficial travellers Lord
-Winchelsea, the British ambassador at Constantinople, paid a visit,
-of which, however, he published no record, to Athens in 1675, while
-the previous year had witnessed the tour of his French colleague, the
-marquis de Nointel, through the Cyclades and Attica, in the company
-of the painter Jacques Carrey, who drew for him the sculptures of the
-Parthenon, and of an Italian, Cornelio Magni, who wrote an account of the
-great man’s journey[704]. Thus we have ample opportunities for judging
-what was the condition of Athens between the years 1669 and 1676, or
-shortly before the Venetian siege, while recent researches have greatly
-elucidated the statements of the travellers.
-
-The population of Athens at that time is estimated by Guillet at between
-15,000 and 16,000, of whom only 1000 or 1200 were Mussulmans, and by
-Spon at between 8000 and 9000, of whom three-quarters were Greeks and
-the rest Turks. A modern Greek scholar[705], while accepting Spon’s
-estimate of the proportion between the Greeks and the Mussulmans, puts
-the total population at the time of the Venetian siege at 20,000, which
-would better tally with the expression of a Hessian officer, Hombergk,
-who was among the besiegers, and who wrote home that Athens was “a very
-big and populous town.” Another German officer, a Hanoverian, named Zehn,
-even went so far in his journal as to state that Athens had “14,000
-houses[706],” which must be an exaggeration. In 1822 there were only
-1238. It is clear, however, from all these estimates that Athens was in
-1687 a considerable place. Besides the Greeks and Turks there were also
-a few Franks, some gipsies, and a body of negroes. The negroes were the
-slaves of the Turks, living in winter at the foot of the Akropolis, in
-the holes of the rock, in huts, or among the ruins of old houses, and
-in summer, like the modern Athenians, spending their spare time on the
-beach at Phaleron. The gipsies were particularly odious to the Greeks
-as the tools of any Turk who wished to torture them. Among the Franks
-were the consuls, of whom there were two. At the time of Spon’s visit
-they were both Frenchmen and both deadly enemies, M. Châtaignier, the
-representative of France, and M. Giraud, a resident in Athens for the
-last eighteen years, who acted for England and was the _cicerone_
-of all travellers. A little later, in the reign of James II, we were
-represented by one of our own countrymen, Launcelot Hobson, one of whose
-servants, a native of Limehouse, together with two other Englishmen,
-was buried at that time in the Church of St Mary’s-on-the-Rock beneath
-a tombstone, now in the north wall of the English church, commemorating
-his great linguistic attainments. Besides the two consuls Spon found
-no other Franks at Athens, except one Capuchin monk, one soldier, and
-some servants; a little earlier we hear of a German adventurer as living
-there[707].
-
-Our authorities differ as to the feelings with which at that period
-the Athenians regarded the Franks. Guillet, indeed, alludes to the
-excellent relations between the Greeks and Latins, and points, as a
-proof of it, to the remarkable fact that young Athenians were sent by
-their parents to be educated by the Capuchins. The consul Giraud’s wife
-was also a Greek. Spon, however, speaks of the great aversion of the
-Greeks to the Franks[708], and this is confirmed by an incident which
-followed the visit of the marquis de Nointel to Athens in 1674. During
-his stay the pious ambassador had had mass recited in the ancient
-temple of Triptolemos, beyond the Ilissos, which, under the title of
-St Mary’s-on-the-Rock, had served as a chapel of the Frank dukes[709].
-After their time it had been converted into a Greek church, but had
-been allowed to fall into disuse. None the less it was considered
-by the Orthodox to have been profaned by the masses of the French
-ambassador[710]. A great number of satirical verses have been also
-preserved[711], which show that the Frank residents were the butt of
-every sharp-witted Athenian street boy, and their cleanly habits were
-especially suspicious to the Orthodox. Besides, as many of the pirates
-were Franks, the popular logic readily confounded the two, and visited
-upon the harmless Latin the sins of some of his co-religionists. It
-was manifest, however, at the time of the Venetian siege that the
-Athenians preferred the Franks to the Turks, and every traveller from
-the West praised the hospitality which the Greeks of Athens showed to
-the foreigner. Spon tells us that there was not a single Jew to be found
-in the city. Quite apart from the national hatred which they inspired,
-and still inspire, in the Hellenic breast, how could they outwit the
-Athenians[712]? Would they not have fared like their fellow countrymen
-who landed one day on Lesbos, but, on observing the astuteness of
-the Lesbian hucksters in the market-place, went off by the next ship,
-saying that this was no place for them? On the other hand a few Wallachs
-wandered about Athens, some Albanian Mussulmans were employed in guarding
-the entrances to the town, and in all the villages of Attica the
-inhabitants were of the Albanian race, as is still largely the case[713].
-In Athens itself all the non-Turkish and non-Hellenic population did not
-amount at that time to more than 500.
-
-A great change had taken place in the government of the city since the
-early years of the seventeenth century. We last saw Athens forming a
-district of the _sandjak_ of Euripos, and dependent on the pasha of
-Eubœa, who was represented there by a lower official. A document in the
-Bodleian Library[714], dated 1617, gives us, from the pen of a Greek
-exile in England, an account of the exactions of a rapacious Turkish
-governor of Athens somewhat earlier. In consequence of this bad treatment
-the Athenians sent several deputations to Constantinople, and about the
-year 1610 the efforts of their delegates received strong support from
-one of those Athenian beauties who have from time to time exercised sway
-over the rulers of Constantinople. A young girl, named Basilike, who had
-become the favourite wife of Sultan Ahmed I, had been requested by him
-to ask some favour for herself. The patriotic Athenian, who had heard in
-her childhood complaints of the exactions of the pasha of Euripos and
-his deputy, and perhaps primed by one of the Athenian deputations which
-may then have been at Constantinople, begged that her native city might
-be transferred to the _kislar-aga_, or chief of the black eunuchs in
-the seraglio. The request was granted, and thenceforth Athens, greatly
-to its material benefit, depended upon that powerful official[715]. A
-_firman_, renewable on the accession of a new sultan, spared the citizens
-the annual visitation of the pasha of Euripos, who could only descend
-upon them when the issue of the precious document was delayed. The
-_kislar-aga_ was represented at Athens by a _voivode_, or governor, and
-the other Turkish officials were the _disdar-aga_, or commander of the
-garrison in the Akropolis, which shortly before the Venetian war amounted
-to 300 soldiers; the _sardar_ and the _spahilar-aga_, who directed the
-Janissaries and the cavalry; the _cadi_; and the _mufti_.
-
-The Athenians enjoyed, however, under this Turkish administration an
-almost complete system of local self-government. Unlike the democratic
-Greece of to-day, where there is no aristocracy and where every man
-considers himself the equal of his fellows, Turkish Athens exhibited
-sharp class distinctions, which had at least the advantage of furnishing
-a set of rulers who had the respect of the ruled. Under the Turks
-the Greek population of the town was divided into four classes—the
-_archontes_; the householders, who lived on their property; the
-shopkeepers, organised, as now, in different guilds; and the cultivators
-of the lands or gardens in the immediate suburbs, who also included in
-their ranks those engaged in the important business of bee-keeping[716].
-The first of these four classes, into which members of the other three
-never rose, had originally consisted of twelve families, representing—so
-the tradition stated—the twelve ancient tribes of the fourth century
-before Christ. Their number subsequently varied, but about this period
-amounted to rather more than sixty. Among their names it is interesting
-to find, though no longer in the very first rank, the family (which still
-exists at Athens) of the Athenian historian Chalkokondyles, slightly
-disguised under the form Charkondyles. More important were the Benizeloi,
-said to be descended from the Acciajuoli, whose Christian names occur
-frequently in their family, and the Palaiologoi, who boasted, without
-much genealogical proof, of their connection with the famous Imperial
-family. Some of the _archontes_ went so far as to use the Byzantine
-double eagle on their tombs, of which a specimen may still be seen in the
-monastery of Kaisariane, and all wore a peculiar costume, of which a fur
-cap was in later Turkish times a distinctive mark. Their flowing locks
-and long beards gave them the majestic appearance of Greek ecclesiastics,
-and the great name of Alexander was allowed to be borne by them alone.
-This Athenian aristocracy is now all but extinct; yet the names of
-localities round Athens still preserve the memory of these once important
-families, and in Mount Skaramangka, near Salamis, and in Pikermi, on
-the road to Marathon, we may trace the property of _archontes_, who
-once owned those places, while in modern Athens the names of streets
-commemorate the three great families of Chalkokondyles, Benizelos and
-Limponas.
-
-From this class of some sixty families the Christian administrators of
-Athens were selected. Once a year, on the last Sunday in February, all
-the citizens who paid taxes assembled outside St Panteleemon, which was
-in Turkish times the metropolitan church, after a solemn service inside;
-the principal householders and tradesmen and the heads of the guilds then
-exchanged their views, and elected from the whole body of _archontes_
-the chief officials for the ensuing year, the so-called δημογέροντες,
-or “elders of the people.” There is some difference of opinion as to
-their numbers, which have been variously estimated at two, three, four,
-eight and twenty-four. A recent Greek scholar has, however, shown from
-the evidence of documents that they were three[717]. After their election
-had been ratified by the _cadi_ they entered upon the duties of their
-office, which practically constituted an _imperium in imperio_. They
-represented the Greek population before the Turkish authorities, watched
-over the privileges of the city, looked after the schools and the poor,
-cared for the widows and the orphans, and decided every Monday, under
-the presidency of the metropolitan, such differences between the Greeks
-as the litigants did not prefer to submit to the _cadi_. Their decision
-was almost always sought by their fellow Christians, and even in mixed
-cases, which came before the Turkish judge, they acted as the counsel of
-the Greek party. They had the first seats everywhere; they were allotted
-a special place in the churches, and when they passed the people rose to
-their feet. Each of them received for his trouble 1000 piastres during
-his year of office, and they were entitled to levy a tax upon salt
-for the expenses of the community. They sometimes combined the usual
-vices of slaves with those of tyrants, fawning on the Turkish officials
-and frowning on the Greek populace. But they often had the courage to
-impeach the administration of some harsh governor at Constantinople, and,
-like the rest of the class from which they sprang, they sometimes made
-sacrifices of blood and treasure for their native city. In addition to
-these “elders” there were eight other officials of less age and dignity,
-called “agents,” or ἐπίτροποι, and elected from each of the eight
-parishes into which Athens was then divided. These persons, who were
-chosen exclusively from the class of _archontes_, acted as go-betweens
-between the latter and the Turkish authorities.
-
-Thus the English traveller Randolph was justified in asserting that “the
-Greeks live much better here than in any other part of Turkey, with the
-exception of Scio, being a small commonwealth among themselves[718]”;
-or, as a modern writer has said of his countrymen, “the Athenians did
-not always feel the yoke of slavery heavy[719].” The taxes were not
-oppressive, consisting of the _haratch_, or capitation tax, which in
-Spon’s time was at the rate of five instead of four and a half piastres
-a head, and of a tithe, both of which went to the _voivode_, who in turn
-had to pay 30,000 crowns to the chief eunuch. There was also the terrible
-tribute of children, from which Athens was not exempt, as has sometimes
-been supposed, for the above-mentioned Lincoln College manuscript, which
-had belonged to Sir George Wheler and was first published by Professor
-Lampros, expressly mentions the arrival of the men to take them[720]. But
-on the whole the condition of the Athenians, owing to the influence of
-their powerful protector at Constantinople, was very tolerable. When some
-of the principal Turkish officials of Athens meditated the imposition
-of a new duty on Athenian merchandise, two local merchants were sent
-to the then chief eunuch, with the result that they obtained from him
-the punishment of their oppressors[721]. When the Œcumenical Patriarch
-ordered the deposition of their metropolitan, the Athenians persuaded the
-_kislar-aga_ to get the order quashed[722]. We do not know whether they
-felt with Gibbon that this august patronage “aggravated their shame,” but
-it certainly “alleviated their servitude.” At times, however, even the
-long arm of the chief eunuch could not protect them from the vengeance of
-the enemies whom they had denounced to him. Thus in 1678 the local Turks
-murdered Michael Limponas, the most prominent citizen of Athens, who had
-just returned from a successful mission, in which he had complained of
-their misdeeds at Constantinople. A Cretan poet celebrated his death for
-his country, and this _archon_ of the seventeenth century may truly be
-included among the martyrs of Greece[723]. It was noticed that, even in
-that age, the old Athenian love of liberty had not been extinguished by
-more than four centuries of Frankish and Turkish rule; the Attic air, it
-was said, still made those who breathed it intolerant of authority. Babin
-remarked that the Athenians had “a great opinion of themselves,” and
-that “if they had their liberty they would be just as they are described
-by St Paul in the Acts[724].” Athens, he wrote, still possessed persons
-of courage and virtue, such as the girl who received sixty blows of a
-knife rather than lose her honour, and the child who died rather than
-apostatise.
-
-The Athenians were very religious under the Turkish sway, and then, as
-now, there were frequent pilgrimages to the Holy Land[725]. Sometimes
-this religious feeling was prone to degenerate into superstition; for
-example, Greeks and Turks alike believed that various epidemics lay
-buried beneath the great marble columns of the ruined temples. In short,
-the Athenian character was much what it might have been expected to be.
-Industrious, musical, and hospitable, the Greeks of Athens were admitted
-to be, and the virtue of the Athenian ladies was no less admired than
-their good looks. But the satirical talents of Aristophanes had descended
-to the Athenians of the seventeenth century; no one could escape from the
-barbed arrows of their caustic wit, sometimes poisoned with the spirit
-of envy; they ridiculed Turks, and Franks, and Wallachs, and their own
-fellow-countrymen alike, and they delighted in inflicting nicknames
-which stuck to their unhappy object. Their love of money and astuteness
-in business may have given rise to the current saying, “From the Jews
-of Thessalonika, the Turks of Negroponte, and the Greeks of Athens,
-good Lord, deliver us.” In striking contrast to the proverbial Turks of
-Eubœa, those resident in Athens were usually amiable[726]. They generally
-agreed well with their Greek neighbours, whose language they spoke very
-well. In fact, like the Cretan Mussulmans of to-day, they knew only a few
-words of Turkish, barely sufficient for their religious devotions, while
-some of the Greeks were acquainted with the latter language. Sometimes
-the Turkish residents would aid the Greeks to get rid of an unpopular
-governor; and, when Easter and Bairam coincided, they would take a
-fraternal interest in each other’s festivals. The Athenian Moslem drank
-wine, like his Christian fellow, and his zeal for water and his respect
-for trees were distinct benefits, the latter of which modern Athens
-has now lost. There was, however, one notable exception to the general
-amiability of the Turkish residents. The Greek population of Attica, as
-distinct from the town, was much oppressed by the Turkish landlords, and
-despised by the Greek townsfolk. One part of Athens, and that the holy of
-holies, the venerable Akropolis, was exclusively reserved to the Turks,
-and no _rayah_ was allowed to enter it, not because of its artistic
-treasures, but because it was a fortress. Archæological researches there
-were regarded with grave suspicion[727].
-
-Education was not neglected by the Athenians of the seventeenth century.
-From 1614 to 1619 and again in 1645 a wayward Athenian genius, named
-Korydalleus, was teaching philosophy to a small class there. A Greek,
-resident in Venice, founded a school there in 1647, and in Spon’s time
-there were three schoolmasters—among them Demetrios Benizelos, who
-had studied in Venetia—employed in giving lectures in rhetoric and
-philosophy, while many young Greeks went to the classes of the Capuchins.
-Babin tells us, however, that Benizelos (whose father, Angelos, and
-younger brother, Joannes, were also teachers) had “only two or three
-hearers, everyone being now occupied in amassing a little money.” We
-hear of a Greek monk who was acquainted with Latin; but Spon could find
-only three people in Athens who understood ancient Greek[728]. A century
-earlier, as we saw, correspondents of Kraus had commented on the badness
-of the Attic Greek of their day. Yet, according to Guillet, it was by
-this time “the purest and least corrupt idiom in Greece,” and “Athenian
-phrases and a Nauplian accent” were commended as the perfection of
-Greek. Externally too Athens was no mere barbarous collection of huts.
-The houses were of stone, and better built than those of the Morea; and
-a picture which has been preserved[729] of an _archon’s_ house of the
-later Turkish period, constructed round a court with trees and a fountain
-in the middle, shows the influence of Mussulman taste on the Athenian
-aristocracy. The solid construction of the houses, and the name of
-“towers” (πύργοι) given to the country villas of the _archontes_, as in
-the island of Andros to the present day, were both due to the prevalence
-of piracy, then the curse of Athens. But the streets were unpaved and
-narrow—an arrangement better adapted, however, to the fierce heat of an
-Attic summer than the wide thoroughfares of the modern Greek capital.
-The town was then divided into eight parishes, or _platómata_, the name
-of one of which, Plaka, survives, and contained no fewer than fifty-two
-churches and five mosques. Among the latter were the Parthenon, or
-“Mosque of the Castle,” the minaret of which figures conspicuously in
-the contemporary plans, and the “Mosque of the Conqueror,” now used as
-the military bakery, which had been converted from a church by Mohammed
-II[730]. The most important of the former was the metropolitan church,
-the Καθολικόν, as it was then called, usually identified with the small
-building which still bears that name, but supposed by Kampouroglos to
-have been that of St Panteleemon[731]. Although the clergy had less
-influence at Athens than in some other parts of Greece, the metropolitan,
-as we have seen, was a personage of political importance; he received
-at that time 4000 crowns a year, and had under his jurisdiction the
-five bishops of Salona, Livadia, Boudonitza, Atalante and Skyros. The
-monastery of Kaisariane, or Syriane, on Hymettos, or “Deli-Dagh” (the
-“Mad Mountain”), as the Turks called it, still paid only one _sequin_ to
-the _voivode_ in consideration of the fact that its abbot had presented
-the keys of Athens to Mohammed II at the time of the conquest[732]. The
-Catholic archbishopric of Athens had, however, ceased to exist on the
-death of the last Archbishop in 1483, and the churches and monasteries
-which had belonged to it in Frankish days had been recovered by the
-Orthodox Greeks.
-
-Although the Ilissos even then, as now, contained very little water,
-there were a number of gardens along its banks above the town, with
-country houses at Ambelokepoi, and the excellent air and its freedom from
-plague at that period made Athens a healthy residence, where doctors
-could not make a living[733]. There were still some rich merchants; but
-the trade of Athens was mainly limited to the agricultural produce of the
-neighbourhood, to the export of oil, and to a little silk, imported from
-other parts and woven in private houses. Randolph mentions that, in 1671,
-an inspector from Constantinople found about 50,000 olive trees in the
-plain, and some of the olives were esteemed so delicious that they were
-reserved for the Sultan’s table. The oil was excellent, and was exported
-every year to Marseilles. Athens also supplied cotton sail-cloth to the
-Turkish navy[734]. As for the wine, though good, it was voted undrinkable
-by all the travellers of that period, owing to the resin with which it
-was impregnated[735]. Honey was still as famous a product of Hymettos as
-in classic ages, and the monks of Kaisariane were specially renowned for
-their hives. Trade being thus small, it is not surprising that few Franks
-resided at Athens. Such as it was, it was entirely in Greek hands.
-
-The monuments of Athens had not then suffered from the havoc so soon
-to be wrought by the bombs of Morosini. When Des Hayes was there the
-Parthenon was as entire and as little damaged by the injuries of time
-as if it had only just been built. The Turks, whatever their faults
-may have been, had shown great respect for the venerable relics of
-ancient Athens, which had now been in their power for two centuries.
-When a piece of the frieze of Phidias fell they carefully placed it
-inside the Parthenon, the interior of which was at that time entirely
-whitewashed[736]; the external appearance of that noble temple, as it
-then was, can be judged from the published drawings of Carrey. The
-Akropolis was fortified, and occupied by the garrison, whose houses,
-about 200 in number, covered a portion of its surface, and the Odeion
-of Herodes Atticus (then called Serpentzes) was joined by a wall with
-and formed a bulwark of it. The Propylæa served as the residence of the
-commander, the _disdar-aga_, whose harem was in the Erechtheion[737],
-and the Temple of Wingless Victory had been converted into a powder
-magazine. Unfortunately the Turks had also stored their ammunition in
-the Propylæa, and in 1656 a curious accident caused it to explode. At
-that time Isouf Aga, the commander of the Akropolis and a bitter enemy
-of the Greeks, had vowed that he would destroy the little church of St
-Demetrios, on the opposite hill. One evening, before going to bed, he
-ordered two or three pieces of artillery to be put in position to fire
-on the church in the morning. But in the night a thunderbolt ignited the
-powder magazine. The Aga and nearly all his family perished by the force
-of the explosion, and—what was a more serious loss—part of the roof was
-destroyed. The Greeks ascribed the disaster to the righteous indignation
-of the saint, whose church was thenceforth, and is still, called St
-Demetrios the Bombardier[738]. On another occasion, so it was said, when
-a Turk fired a shot at an eikon of the Virgin in the Parthenon his arm
-withered, while another Mussulman was reported to have dropped dead in
-the attempt to open two great cupboards, closed with blocks of marble and
-let into the walls[739]. For the great Temple of Olympian Zeus the Turks
-had a becoming regard, and at the solemn season of Bairam they used to
-meet near its columns to pray. The Areopagos, from the spring of “black
-water” still to be found there, they called _Kara-su_. Less scrupulous
-than the Turks, De Nointel took two workmen about with him on his tour,
-and carried off several pieces of marble, just as the Jesuits had taken
-with them to Chalkis some of the marble fragments of Athens to serve as
-monuments in their cemetery[740].
-
-The Piræus, which had played so great a part in the life of ancient
-Athens, consisted at that time of only a single house—a magazine for
-storing goods and levying the duties on them[741]. Its classical name had
-been lost, and while the Franks called it Porto Leone the Greeks styled
-it Porto Drako[742], from the huge lion, now in front of the arsenal
-at Venice, upon which Harold Hardraada had once scrawled his name, and
-which attracted the attention of all travellers. The foundations of the
-famous Long Walls were still visible almost all the way, and on the road
-to Eleusis there was another fine marble lion, which can be traced in
-the Capuchins’ plan. The monastery of Daphni had been almost entirely
-abandoned, owing to the ravages of corsairs, Christians as well as
-Turks, and the former had driven away all the inhabitants of Eleusis;
-but the monastery of Phaneromene, in Salamis, had just been restored by
-Laurentios of Megara in 1670, and a little later, in 1682, the church at
-Kaisariane was decorated with fresh paintings by a Peloponnesian artist
-at the expense of the Benizeloi who had fled thither for fear of the
-plague, and to whom the monastery and the present summer pleasaunce of
-Kephissia formerly belonged. All along the shore near Phaleron stood
-towers, where men watched day and night to give the alarm against the
-pirates. Such was the terror inspired by those marauders that not a
-single Turk resided at Megara, and there was only one house between that
-place and Corinth. The _Kakè Skála_ maintained its classic reputation as
-a haunt of robbers, and descendants of the fabulous brigand Skiron were
-in the habit of lurking there, so that the Turks were afraid to travel
-along that precipitous road where the railway now passes above the sea.
-Akrocorinth, in spite of its ruinous condition, was, however, a sure
-refuge of the Mussulmans against the corsairs, while Lepanto, on the
-other hand, was a perfect nest of pirates[743].
-
-Of the Greek provincial towns at that period Chalkis, with a population
-of about 15,000, was the most important. It was the residence of the
-capitan pasha and the scene of the Jesuits’ missionary labours. They
-had established a school there, after their departure from Athens, and
-the children of the seven or eight Frank families who still resided in
-the old Venetian town gave them more occupation than they had found at
-their former abode. The castle was entirely given over to the Turks and
-Jews, and the traveller Randolph mentions in his day the rich carving of
-some of the houses, which I have myself seen there. Patras, famous for
-its citrons, contained some 4000 or 5000 inhabitants, one-third of whom
-were Jews, and the latter had three synagogues at Lepanto, which had
-the whole trade of the gulf, though they were less numerous there than
-at Patras. Corinth was then, like the modern town, a big village with
-a population of 1500, and it was noted for the numbers of conversions
-to Islâm which had taken place there. Like Athens, it had no Jews.
-Nauplia, the residence of the pasha of the Morea, was a large town,
-but Sparta was “quite forsaken[744].” Delphi, then called Kastri, was
-the fief of a Turk, and produced cotton and tobacco. The neighbouring
-town of Salona contained seven mosques and six churches, and at the
-splendid Byzantine monastery of Hosios Loukas there were about 150
-monks. Thebes was then about the same size as at present, and had no
-more than 3000 or 4000 inhabitants, while its rival, Livadia, provided
-all Greece with wool, corn and rice. Somewhat earlier it had furnished
-sail-cloth for the Ottoman navy[745], and in the Turkish period it
-enjoyed considerable liberty, being administered by a δημογέρωον, or
-elder, who, with the assistance of the leading citizens, successfully
-resisted any intervention from outside in the affairs of his native
-city[746]. In the Morea, where there were only 30,000 Turks, and nearly
-all those Greek-speaking, each town was managed by its own Greek elders,
-who levied the taxes. Spon found there four metropolitans, whose sees
-were respectively Patras, Nauplia, Corinth and Mistra, and he remarks, as
-every modern traveller in the country districts of Greece cannot fail to
-do, on the strict fasts observed by the Orthodox. He found that the sole
-exception was in the case of those who were subjects of Venice and who
-had imbibed the laxer ideas of Roman Catholicism; as for the others, they
-would rather die than dine in Lent[747]. The value of the Peloponnesian
-trade may be judged from the fact that an English consul, Sir H. Hide,
-had lately resided at Glarentza and had built a church there[748].
-
-The former duchy of Naxos, then a Turkish _sandjak_, had been lightly
-treated by the Turks since their final conquest of the islands. In 1580
-Murad III had given the islanders many privileges, permitting them to
-build churches and monasteries and to use bells, while forbidding the
-Turks to settle among them, a provision which has done much to keep
-the Cyclades free from all traces of Mussulman rule. Once a year, and
-once only, came the capitan pasha to levy the tribute of the islands at
-Paros; but the tribute was raised by the insular municipalities, whose
-powers of self-government were not disturbed by the Turkish conquerors.
-The inhabitants of some islands were, however, bound to send a fixed
-quantity of their produce to Constantinople every year[749]. These
-privileges were confirmed by Ibrahim in 1640, and we may form some idea
-of the state of the Cyclades from the amount of the capitation tax levied
-upon them at the date of Spon’s tour. Naxos was then assessed at 6000
-_piastres_, out of which the governor had to provide one galley to the
-Turkish fleet; Andros paid 4500, with which one galley was equipped,
-while Eubœa paid 100,000 _piastres_, and the Morea was bound to furnish
-three vessels[750]. At that time the Venetian island of Tenos was the
-best cultivated, the most prosperous, and the most densely populated
-of all the Cyclades, because the banner of St Mark protected it from
-the Christian corsairs, whose chief rendezvous was at Melos, and who
-captured, among others, the English traveller Vernon. Tenos then
-contained twenty-four villages, the inhabitants of which, 20,000 in
-number, speaking Greek, but almost entirely of the Catholic religion,
-were exclusively employed in the manufacture of silk. Randolph, who
-visited this island in 1670, found it to have “ever been a great eyesore
-to the Turks,” especially during the Candian war, when a certain Giorgio
-Maria, a Corsican privateer in the Venetian service, had manned his ships
-with the islanders of Tenos, and had plagued the enemies of the Republic
-as none had done since Skanderbeg. Tenos had quite recovered from the
-raid which the Turks had made upon it in 1658; but since the war its
-inhabitants had thought it prudent to offer the capitan pasha a _douceur_
-of 500 dollars, in addition to the regular tithe which they paid to
-Venice[751]. The only thing on Delos was the colony of rabbits. Mykonos,
-which Venetian ships still frequented, had not a single Turk, and the
-chief profession of its inhabitants was piracy, which kept so many of the
-men engaged at sea that there was an enormous disproportion between the
-females and the males.
-
-Corsairs were indeed the terror of the Ægean, as was natural now that
-the Candian war was over and they had no more scope for the legitimate
-exercise of their talents. Thus in 1673 a Savoyard, the marquis de
-Fleuri, set out to take Paros, but was captured by the Venetians in
-pursuance of their pledge, given to the Turks at the late peace, not to
-tolerate piracy in the Archipelago. Another freebooter, a Provençal,
-named Hugues Creveliers, who served as the original of Lord Byron’s
-_Corsair_, and had roamed about the Levant from boyhood, succeeded in
-making Paros his headquarters, after a futile attempt upon a Turkish
-fort in Maina, and scoured the Ægean with a fleet of twenty ships for
-two whole years, levying blackmail upon Megara and defying capture,
-till at last he was blown up in his flagship by a servant whom he had
-offended. Another pirate, a Greek, named Joannes Kapsi, made himself
-master of Melos in 1677, but was taken and hanged by the Turks in 1680.
-Nevertheless the lot of the Melians was so hard that a party of them,
-together with some Samians, emigrated to London, under the guidance of
-their Archbishop Georgirenes of Melos, author of _A Description of the
-present state of Samos, Nicaria, Patmos, and Mount Athos_. It is to this
-colony that Greek Street owes its name, for the Duke of York, the future
-King James II, assigned that site to them as a residence, and in Hog
-Lane, afterwards called Crown Street, Soho, they built a Greek church—the
-first in London[752]. Even where the privateers did not come the Turks
-took care to “hinder the islanders from becoming too rich.”
-
-The Latin population of the Cyclades had not diminished, though a
-century had elapsed since the last of the Latin dukes had fallen; on the
-contrary, it had increased, in consequence of the emigration thither
-after the Turkish conquest of Crete. Naxos and Santorin were the chief
-seats of these Latin survivors, who were sedulously guarded by the Roman
-Church. Down to the seventeenth century a Latin bishopric was maintained
-in Andros, and one still exists at Santorin, another at Syra, and a
-third at Tenos. In 1626 the Jesuits, and nine years later the Capuchins,
-obtained a convent in Naxos, which was placed under the protection of
-France; and after the fall of Rhodes the Latin archbishopric was removed
-to the same island[753], where the Catholics held much property. But this
-concentration of Catholicism in Naxos had some most unfortunate results,
-which were happily lacking in the less strenuous atmosphere of Santorin.
-The Latins of the upper town of Naxos looked down contemptuously upon
-the Greek inhabitants of the lower city; they refused to intermarry with
-the Orthodox; and if a Catholic changed his religion for that of the
-despised Greeks he was sure of persecution by his former co-religionists.
-In the country, where old feudal usages still prevailed, the Latin
-nobles oppressed the Greek peasants; while, like truly oriental tyrants,
-they were as servile to the Turks as they were haughty to the Greeks.
-Worst of all, their feuds became hereditary, and thus this little
-island community was plunged in almost endless bloodshed. For example,
-towards the close of the seventeenth century the leader of the Latin
-party in Naxos was Francesco Barozzi, whose family had come thither
-from Crete about the beginning of the same century, and whose surname I
-have found still preserved in the monuments of the Catholic church in
-the upper town. Barozzi had married the daughter of the French consul,
-who was naturally a person of consequence among the Catholics of Naxos.
-But the lady was one day insulted by Constantine Cocco, a member of a
-Venetian family which had become thoroughly grecised. Barozzi, furious
-at the slight, took a terrible vengeance, and not long afterwards Cocco
-was murdered by his orders, and his body horribly mutilated. Cocco’s
-relatives thereupon murdered the French consul; the consul’s widow
-persuaded a Maltese adventurer, Raimond de Modène, who had recently
-arrived on a frigate belonging to the Knights of St John, and who was
-in love with her daughter, to bombard the Cocco family with the ship’s
-cannon in the monastery of Ipsili, where they had taken refuge. At last
-the vendetta ended as a dramatist would have wished. The daughter of the
-murdered Cocco, who was only one year old at the time of her father’s
-assassination, married the son of her father’s murderer. For many years
-the couple lived happily together, and the wife was the first woman in
-the Archipelago to wear Frankish dress. But, though the fatal feud was
-thus appeased, poetic vengeance, in the shape of the Turks, fell upon the
-assassin’s son. His riches attracted their attention; he was thrown into
-prison, and died at Naxos a beggar[754].
-
-Such was the condition of Greece when, in 1684, the outbreak of war
-between Venice and Turkey led to the temporary re-conquest of a large
-part of the country by the soldiers of the West and the reappearance of
-the lion of St Mark in the Morea.
-
-
-
-
-VI. THE VENETIAN REVIVAL IN GREECE
-
-1684-1718
-
-
-In 1684, after the lapse of 144 years, Venice once more began to be a
-power upon the Greek continent. She had long had grievances against the
-Porte, such as the non-deliverance of prisoners and the violation of her
-commercial privileges, while the Porte complained of the raids of the
-Dalmatian Morlachs. Excuses for war were not, therefore, lacking, and the
-moment was favourable. Sobieski, the year before, had defeated the Turks
-before Vienna, and the Republic knew that she would not lack allies. A
-“Holy League” was formed between the Emperor, Poland, and Venice under
-the protection of Pope Innocent XI, and the Tsar was specially invited
-to join. Accordingly, the Republic declared war upon the Sultan, and
-appointed Francesco Morosini captain-general of her forces.
-
-Morosini, although sixty-six years of age, possessed an experience of
-Turkish warfare upon Greek soil which compensated for his lack of youth.
-He had served for twenty-three years in the armies and fleets of his
-country, and had commanded at Candia till he felt himself compelled to
-come to terms with the Turks, for which skilful piece of diplomacy he
-was put upon his trial at home and, although acquitted, left for fifteen
-years in retirement. Now that his countrymen needed a commander, they
-bethought them of the man who had been so severely criticised for the
-loss of Crete.
-
-The Republic at this time still retained a considerable insular dominion
-in Greek waters—six out of the seven Ionian islands, Tenos, and the
-three Cretan fortresses of Grabusa, Suda and Spinalonga—but on the Greek
-mainland only Butrinto and Parga, the two continental dependencies of
-Corfù. She possessed, therefore, at Corfù, a base of operations, and
-thither Morosini repaired. The huge mortars on either side of the gate
-of the “old fortress” still bear the date of his visit—1684. His first
-objective was the seventh Ionian island of Santa Maura, particularly
-obnoxious to the Venetians as a nest of corsairs. Warmly supported by
-Ionian auxiliaries, among whom are mentioned the countrymen of Odysseus,
-he speedily obtained the surrender of Santa Maura, which carried with
-it the acquisition of Meganisi, the home of the Homeric Taphians, which
-was given as a fief to the Cephalonian family of Metaxas, Kalamos, and
-the other smaller islands lying off the coast of Akarnania, and the
-submission of the Akarnanian population of Baltos and Xeromeros, as his
-secretary and historiographer, Locatelli[755], informs us. Mesolonghi,
-not yet famous in history, was next taken. The surrender of Prevesa,
-which followed, gave the Venetians the command of the entrance to the
-Ambrakian Gulf, and completed the first season’s operations. During the
-winter a treaty[756] with the duke of Brunswick, father of our George I,
-for the supply of Hanoverian soldiers, was concluded; other small German
-princelings sold their soldiers at 200 francs a head, and when Morosini
-took the field in the following summer the so-called Venetian army, in
-which Swedish, German and French were as well understood as Italian,
-consisted of 3100 Venetians, Prince Maximilian William of Brunswick and
-2400 Hanoverians, 1000 Maltese, 1000 Slavs, 400 Papal and 400 Florentine
-troops. We may compare it with the composite Austro-Hungarian army
-of our own time, in which many different races received orders in a
-language, and fought for a cause, not their own. Morosini also entered
-into negotiations with two Greek communities noted for their intolerance
-of Turkish rule—the people of Cheimarra in northern Epeiros, of whom
-we have heard much of late years, and the Mainates, who presented an
-address to him. The former defeated a Turkish force that was sent
-against them, the latter were temporarily checked by the fact that the
-Turks held their children as hostages for their good behaviour[757].
-Morosini succeeded, however, in forcing the Turks to surrender the old
-Venetian colony of Koron, whence an inscription of its former Venetian
-governors dated 1463 was sent in triumph to Venice[758], and his success
-encouraged the Mainates to assist him in besieging the fortresses of
-Zarnata, Kielapha and Passavâ. All three, together with the port of
-Vitylos and the town of Kalamata, surrendered or were abandoned by their
-garrisons, but a historian of Frankish Greece cannot but deplore the
-destruction of the two famous castles of Kalamata and Passavâ. Morosini
-visited that romantic spot, and by his orders the strongest parts of
-the fortifications were destroyed. In the campaign of 1686, Morosini,
-assisted by the Swedish field-marshal, Otto William von Koenigsmark,
-as commander of the land forces, was even more successful. Old and New
-Navarino opened their gates to his soldiers, who found over the gate of
-the old town a reminiscence of the days when it had been a dependency of
-the Venetian colony of Modon in the shape of two coats-of-arms, those
-of Morosini and Malipiero[759], the latter belonging to the governor
-of 1467 or to his namesake of 1489. Modon thereupon surrendered, and,
-although Monemvasia, the Gibraltar of the Morea, held out, the season
-closed with the capture of Nauplia, at that time the Turkish capital of
-the peninsula and residence of the tax-farmer, who collected the rents
-paid to the Sultan Valideh, or queen-mother, from that province. The
-Greek inhabitants expressed joy at returning, after the lapse of 146
-years, under Venetian rule, and Father Dambira, a Capuchin, arrived on a
-mission from the Athenians, offering to pay a ransom, if they might be
-spared the horrors of a siege. Morosini asked for 40,000 reals annually
-for the duration of the war; but a second Athenian deputation, headed
-by the Metropolitan Jacob, and comprising the notables Stamati Gaspari,
-whose origin was Italian, Michael Demakes, George Dousmanes, and a
-resident alien named Damestre, succeeded in persuading him to accept
-9000. He sailed to the Piræus, collected the first annual instalment and
-returned to Nauplia. In view of the prominent part played by General
-Dousmanes during the late war, it is interesting to find a member of his
-family among the Athenian deputies. It was not, however, of Athenian
-origin. _Dushman_ in Serbian means “enemy,” and in 1404 the family is
-described as owning the Albanian district of Pulati, where a village,
-named Dushmani, still exists[760]. The Turkish government compelled
-the Œcumenical Patriarch to depose the Metropolitan Jacob for his
-participation in this mission and his philo-Venetian sentiments. But the
-Athenians refused to accept his successor, Athanasios, whereupon the
-patriarch excommunicated them and their favourite metropolitan.
-
-The next year completed the conquest of the Morea, with the exception
-of Monemvasia. The Turks abandoned Patras; the two castles at either
-side of the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth and the former Venetian
-stronghold of Lepanto on the north of it were occupied; the Moslems burnt
-the lower town of Corinth, where the Venetians found “the great statue
-of the god Janus, not, however, quite intact, and some architraves of
-fine stone[761].” No attempt was made to defend the magnificent fortress
-of Akrocorinth, and Morosini was able to examine undisturbed the old
-wall across the isthmus and to consider the possibility, realised in
-1893, of cutting a canal which should join the Corinthian and Saronic
-Gulfs[762]. The surrender of Castel Tornese, the mint of the mediæval
-Morea, and of Mistra, the former capital of the Byzantine province,
-justified his secretary[763] in saying that by August, 1687, Venice was
-“possessor of all the Morea, except Monemvasia.” His successes had been
-partly due to the fact that the best Turkish troops were engaged in the
-war in Hungary, and his losses from disease had been fearful. But such
-was the joy of his government, that a bronze bust, with the proud title
-of “Peloponnesiacus,” was erected to him in his lifetime in the Doges’
-Palace, where, like the monument to him at Corfù, it still remains to
-remind the visitor of the Republic’s last attempt to establish herself in
-the Morea.
-
-But the conquest of the Morea no longer satisfied the usually cautious
-Venetians. Leaving Monemvasia behind him, Morosini held a council of
-war at Corinth, in which it was decided that, as it was too late in the
-season to attack the old Venetian island of Negroponte, Athens should
-be the next objective, as an Athenian deputation suggested. Morosini
-himself was opposed to this plan. He pointed out the drawbacks of even
-a successful attack upon Athens; it would be necessary, he argued, to
-provision his army entirely from the sea, as the Turkish commander at
-Thebes could intercept his communications by land; it would be impossible
-from Athens to protect the entrance to the Morea, as long as the Turks
-could occupy Megara; while, if it were necessary to abandon Athens,
-not only would the Greek inhabitants suffer at the hands of the Turks,
-but the Venetian exchequer would lose the annual contribution which
-the Athenian notables had promised to pay. His proposal was to keep a
-considerable force at Corinth, where food was plentiful, and to send
-the rest of his army into winter quarters at Tripolitsa in the centre
-of the Morea, where there was plenty of forage and whence the Venetian
-domination over the peninsula—the main object of the expedition—could
-be best established upon solid foundations. Events proved Morosini’s
-forecast to have been accurate. The council, however, decided upon a
-compromise: the army was to go into three separate winter quarters—at
-Corinth, Tripolitsa, and Nauplia—but first an attempt was to be made
-upon Athens, unless that city would pay a ransom of 50,000 to 60,000
-reals[764]. No time was lost in carrying out this decision. Most of the
-fleet under Venier was sent to the channel which separates Negroponte
-from the mainland, with the object of deluding the Turks into the belief
-that that island was the aim of Morosini’s forces. Meanwhile Morosini,
-with 9880 men (including one or two Scottish volunteers) and 870 horses,
-on September 21, 1687, cast anchor in the Piræus, Porto Leone, as it was
-then called from the statue of a lion which stood at its mouth. Thither
-a deputation of Athenian notables, the brothers Peter and Demetrios
-Gaspari, Spyridon Peroules, the schoolmaster Dr Argyros Benaldes, and
-others hastened to make submission to Venice[765]. Although Sir Paul
-Rycaut, as the result of eighteen years’ diplomatic experience in Turkey,
-wrote in that very year, that “the Greeks have an inclination to the
-Muscovite beyond any other Christian prince,” there was a special reason
-for the popularity of Venice at Athens. Many young Athenians had been
-educated at the Flangineion at Venice, and the recent outrage of the
-Turks upon the Athenian notable, Limponas, made the Greeks eager to
-welcome any Christians who would free them from their Moslem rulers.
-
-The Turks were not unprepared for the Venetian invasion. They had taken
-down the beautiful temple of Nike Apteros and out of its materials
-raised the walls of the Akropolis and built a battery. Fortunately,
-although there was a powder magazine underneath it, the venerable stones
-of this temple received no damage during the siege. When, in 1836, the
-Bavarian architects reconstructed it, they found not a single block
-missing (except what Lord Elgin had carried off) nor a bullet-mark upon
-it[766]. Within the Akropolis, thus strengthened, the Turkish inhabitants
-of Athens took refuge with their effects and ammunition, hoping that
-“the castle” would hold out until relief could arrive from Thebes. The
-Venetians were, therefore, able to occupy lower Athens unmolested. Col.
-Raugraf von der Pfalz with a body of Slav and Hanoverian troops was
-stationed in the town; Koenigsmark encamped in the olive-grove near
-the Sacred Way, along which the Turkish force might be expected to
-march through the pass of Daphni from Thebes. As the garrison of the
-Akropolis refused to surrender, it was decided to bombard that sacred
-rock. Archæologists and historians cannot but be horrified at this act
-of vandalism. But in our own day we have seen the “cultured” Germans
-bombarding the cathedral of Rheims, and the “gentlemanly” Austrians
-dropping grenades close to St Mark’s at Venice, while “military
-necessities” involved the firing of projectiles over the Parthenon by
-the Allies in the crisis of December, 1916. The Venetian engineers
-accordingly placed their batteries on the Mouseion hill, upon which
-stands the monument of Philopappos, on the Pnyx, and at the foot of the
-Areopagos, and on September 23 the bombardment began[767].
-
-The officer in charge of the batteries, Mottoni, Count di San Felice, was
-a notoriously incompetent gunner, as he had already proved at Navarino
-and Modon, and on this occasion his aim was so high that the bombs flew
-over the Akropolis and fell into the town beyond it, whose inhabitants
-claimed compensation for the damage to their houses. A fresh battery of
-two mortars was accordingly placed on the east and closer to the rock,
-while the miners attempted to drive a tunnel under the north wall and
-above the grotto of Aglauros. This attempt was, however, frustrated by
-the hardness of the rock, the fire of the besieged and the fatal fall of
-the miner’s captain from a cliff. The bombardment now, however, began
-to damage the buildings on the Akropolis. On the 25th a bomb exploded a
-small powder magazine in the Propylæa, and a deserter betrayed to the
-besiegers the fatal secret that the Turks had put all the rest of their
-ammunition in the Parthenon, then a mosque. Upon the receipt of this news
-the gunners concentrated their fire upon the famous temple; and, on the
-evening of the 26th, a lieutenant from Lüneburg fired a bomb into it.
-The explosion was so violent that fragments of the building were hurled
-into the besiegers’ lines, whence cries of joy in various languages
-rose at the destruction wrought in a moment to a masterpiece that had
-survived almost intact the vicissitudes of over twenty centuries. But
-even among the besiegers there were some who mourned the havoc wrought
-by the German gunner’s too accurate aim. Morosini, in his official
-report to his government, merely alludes to it as a “fortunate shot,”
-and his secretary remarks that the “ancient, splendid and marvellous
-temple of Minerva” was “ruined in some parts”; but a Swedish lady, Anna
-Akerhjelm[768], who accompanied Countess von Koenigsmark to Greece and
-was then at Athens, has told in her interesting correspondence “how
-repugnant it was” to Koenigsmark “to destroy the beautiful temple,”
-which “can never in this world be replaced.” So much did von Ranke feel
-this act of vandalism committed by one of his countrymen, that he tried
-to discredit the diary of the Hessian lieutenant, Sobiewolsky, which
-mentions the Lüneburg gunner’s fatal shot. For the moment it failed
-to attain even the practical effect of ending the siege. The Turks,
-expecting the arrival of their deliverer from Thebes, still held out;
-but when Koenigsmark went to meet the advancing army and its commander
-retired without a blow, when the fire, caused by the explosion, had
-blazed for two days on the Akropolis, where over 300 putrifying corpses,
-including those of their commander and his son, lay beneath the ruins
-of the Parthenon, they hoisted the white flag and sent five hostages to
-ask for a cessation of hostilities. Morosini’s official dispatch informs
-us that he was inclined to insist upon their unconditional surrender,
-but that Koenigsmark pointed out the importance of having possession of
-the Akropolis and the proved difficulty of taking so strong a position
-by force. Accordingly, he unwillingly granted them five days, at the end
-of which all the Turks were to evacuate the fortress with only what they
-could carry on their backs, leaving to the victors their horses, arms,
-Christian slaves, and Moors. To prevent their joining their comrades
-at Negroponte, they were to proceed to Smyrna at their own expense on
-board an English pink, then in the Piræus, three Ragusan, and two French
-vessels. These terms were settled on the 29th, the lion-banner of St
-Mark was at once hoisted on the Propylæa, and punctually, on October 4,
-about 3000 Turks, including 500 soldiers, embarked. More than 300 others
-remained behind and were baptised Christians. Despite Morosini’s and
-Koenigsmark’s express orders the exiles were insulted by the officers and
-soldiers of the auxiliaries on their way down to the Piræus, and some of
-their women and children, as well as their bundles, were taken from them.
-Count Tomaso Pompei[769] was appointed governor of “the castle” with a
-Venetian garrison, while the rest of the Venetians and the auxiliaries
-were quartered in the town below. Morosini himself was anxious to attack
-Negroponte at once, while the Turks were still dismayed at the loss of
-Athens; but Koenigsmark argued that they had not sufficient forces to
-take that island. As the Morea was visited by a serious epidemic, it was
-decided to go back upon the plans fixed in the council at Corinth, and to
-pass the winter at Athens. To ensure communications with the sea, part
-of the famous Long Walls was sacrificed to build three redoubts on the
-way down to the Piræus, and a wall and ditch were drawn from Porto Leone
-to the bay of Phaleron, to serve as an entrenched camp in case of need.
-During these excavations ancient copper coins, vases, and lamps were
-discovered.
-
-Athens had, therefore, become for the third, the Akropolis for the second
-time, Venetian, for Venice had occupied both town and castle from 1394 to
-1402 and the town in 1466, and it is interesting to see what impression
-the famous city made upon the captors. One of Morosini’s officers wrote
-that he “fell into an extasy” on gazing upon the magnificence of the
-Parthenon even in its ruin, and his secretary, Locatelli, devotes ten
-pages to the antiquities of Athens. Both he and two other officers
-mention some of the classic buildings by the popular names current for
-centuries—for we find some of them at the time of the Turkish, some even
-at that of the Frankish conquest. These descriptions, evidently based
-on the tales of the local guides, allude to the Temple of Olympian
-Zeus, which then had seventeen columns standing, under the name of the
-“Palace of Hadrian,” the monument of Philopappos under that of the “Arch
-of Trajan,” the gate of Athena Archegetis under that of the “Temple of
-Augustus or Arch of Triumph,” the adjacent Porch of Hadrian under that
-of the “Temple of Olympian Zeus,” and the Pinakotheke under that of the
-“Arsenal of Lycurgus.” The Tower of the Winds figures as the “Gymnasium
-of Sokrates,” the choragic monument of Lysikrates as the “Lantern of
-Demosthenes.” The marble lion at the Piræus, they tell us, had been
-“transported there in honour of Leonidas,” while the statue of the
-tongueless lioness which stood towards the sea, commemorated Leaina,
-the mistress of Harmodios and Aristogeiton, who had bitten out her
-tongue rather than betray them under torture[770]. These accounts are
-a curious contribution to the _Mirabilia_ of Athens; but, despite this
-casual display of popular erudition, the army was not archæologically
-minded, the Germans less so than the more cultured Venetians. A Hessian
-ensign[771] wrote home to his mother mainly about food, regretting that
-the excellent fresh vegetables were over, wishing that he had a cask of
-German beer instead of a cask of Athenian wine, and telling her that he
-had drunk her health in “the temple of the celebrated Demosthenes” (the
-choragic monument of Lysikrates), which the Capuchins had bought eighteen
-years earlier and in which his colonel was lodged. He added that he had
-often dined at Corinth in the temple in which St Paul preached, and that
-Athens produced grapes of the size described in the Old Testament. Nor
-do we obtain much archæological information from the observant companion
-of Countess von Koenigsmark. She wrote that her mistress’s bad attack
-of measles had prevented her from making notes in her journal of the
-antiquities which she had seen. “Besides,” she added, “there are several
-descriptions of them,” and she specially alluded to the recent work
-of Spon and Wheler. As for the archæological knowledge of the Greek
-inhabitants, she wrote that “you cannot find any of them who know as much
-about their ancestors as foreigners do[772].” In justice to the Athenians
-it must be said that Romans are not always specialists upon the Forum,
-nor Londoners upon the Tower. She found, however, a local doctor to
-conduct her round the town: he told her that he belonged to the family of
-Perikles. Those of us who have travelled in Greece have been introduced
-to other descendants of the great Athenian statesman. The Swedish lady
-liked Athens. “The town,” she wrote, “is better than any of the others.
-There are some very pretty houses, Greek as well as Turkish.” She
-remarked upon the hospitality of the Greeks, who regaled her mistress
-in their homes upon orangeade, lemonade, fresh almonds, pomegranates,
-and jams, just as their descendants do still. Our Hessian officer, too,
-liked the Athenians; “they are very respectable, good people,” he wrote,
-“only one cannot understand them, because they speak Greek.” The English
-consul, however, the same Frenchman, Giraud, who had acted as _cicerone_
-to Spon, spoke German and Italian, as well as Greek and Turkish, and
-hobbled about with the distinguished Swedes[773]. Despite his trouble
-in his feet, he seems to have been still an active man, who sent two
-dispatches on the Venetian conquest to his ambassador at Constantinople
-before his French colleague had written a word about it. A Protestant
-from Lyons, but married to a daughter of the Athenian Palaiologoi, he was
-closely connected with the town.
-
-Morosini had converted into churches the mosques of every place that he
-had taken. At Athens he turned two mosques into Catholic churches, in
-addition to the already existing chapel of the Capuchins, and made his
-naval chaplain, D. Lorenzo Papaplis, priest of the church of Dionysios
-the Areopagite[774]. For the use of his Lutheran auxiliaries he founded
-out of another mosque, that “of the Column,” near the bazaar, the first
-Protestant place of worship in Greece, which was inaugurated under
-the name of Holy Trinity on October 19 with a sermon by the minister
-Beithmann. While to the Venetian commander non-Catholics thus owe the
-introduction of their liturgy into Hellas, to his conquest of Athens
-military history is indebted for two views of the Akropolis and a general
-view of Athens at the moment of the explosion in the Parthenon, all
-sketched by the Venetian engineer, Verneda, another unofficial view of
-Athens, a plan of the Akropolis also by Verneda, and a plan of the town
-designed by him under the direction of Count di San Felice[775]. This
-last work has been called “the first serious plan of the town of Athens,”
-but its object was military rather than archæological—to explain to the
-council of war and the home government the extent and cost of the works
-necessary for the defence of Athens.
-
-Whether Athens could be defended, that was the question which its
-conquerors now had to decide. At a council of war, held at the Piræus
-on December 31, it was pointed out that it was impossible for the
-small Venetian forces to fortify the town, or even to leave a garrison
-there to defend its inhabitants, for all the available troops would be
-needed for the attack upon Negroponte in the spring; while, even if it
-could be fortified, Athens, situated so far from the sea, could not be
-revictualled while the Turks were still about. The destruction of Athens
-was actually mooted, but the council decided to postpone that for the
-present, and to remove the Greek population, estimated at over 6000,
-besides the Albanians, into the Morea and grant to them lands in the new
-Venetian territory there as compensation for the loss of their old homes.
-A further council, held on January 2, 1688, decided, in view of the
-spread of the plague from the Morea to continental Greece and some of the
-islands, to accelerate the departure of the Athenians, so as to remove
-the army, and in the meanwhile to organise a sanitary administration of
-the town. The decision to remove the Athenians filled them with dismay;
-the “elders,” the _vecchiardi_, as they were styled in Italian, in vain
-offered to contribute 20,000 reals and to maintain the garrison at their
-own cost, if they were allowed to remain and men were left to defend
-“the castle[776].” The plague and Turkish raids continued to harass
-the Venetians and the auxiliaries, while those mutual recriminations,
-usual among allies of various nationalities, so greatly disturbed the
-harmony of the expeditionary force that Morosini formed five companies
-of Albanians, who might enable him to dispense with his grumbling German
-troops. Koenigsmark on January 30 made another proposition—to leave
-a garrison of 300 men on the Akropolis with provisions for sixteen
-months, but Morosini calculated that this would involve the presence of
-another hundred servants, and that for all this force a large quantity
-of biscuit and wine would be needed. But the argument which weighed
-most with the decisive council of February 12 was the water-supply. The
-sixteen cisterns of the Akropolis, it was said, held water for only
-three months, and of these the great cistern under the Parthenon had
-probably been damaged by the explosion, and the still larger one in the
-theatre of Dionysos could easily be cut off, and the water-supply of “the
-castle” thereby reduced to what would suffice for only fifty days. It
-was, therefore, unanimously decided to leave “the castle” of Athens for
-the present as it was, with its walls intact, but to remove all the guns
-and munitions, trusting to Providence for its ultimate re-capture. The
-council justified its resolve to abandon the place by stating that the
-only object of attacking Athens had been to push back the enemy from the
-neighbourhood of the isthmus of Corinth.
-
-Morosini determined, however, to carry off to Venice some memorial of
-Athens which could vie with the four bronze horses, carried thither
-after the capture of Constantinople. He ordered the removal from the
-western pediment of the Parthenon of the statue of Poseidon (whom
-Morosini thought to be Zeus) and the chariot of Victory (whom the
-Venetians mistook for Athena); but the recent explosion had disarranged
-the blocks of marble, so that the workmen no sooner touched them than
-these beautiful sculptures fell in pieces upon the ground. Morosini,
-coolly announcing this disaster in a dispatch to the senate, expressed
-satisfaction that none of the workmen had been injured, and announced
-his decision to carry off instead a marble lioness without a head; but
-the head, as he added in a sentence worthy of Mummius, “can be perfectly
-replaced by another piece.” His secretary, San Gallo, took away, however,
-the Victory’s head, which Laborde purchased in 1840 from a Venetian
-antiquary, while other fragments were picked up from the ruins by other
-Venetian, Danish and Hessian officers. Morosini did not content himself
-with the headless lioness alone; he carried off the great lion, which
-had given to the Piræus its mediæval name, and a third lion which had
-stood near the temple of Theseus, where it was seen by Babin and Spon; a
-fourth, a lioness, which bears the inscription _Anno Corcuræ liberatæ_,
-did not reach Venice till 1716, the year of Schulenburg’s deliverance of
-Corfù, and, therefore, does not figure in Fanelli’s[777] previous plate
-of the lions before the arsenal, where they may still be seen. This done,
-the Venetian forces abandoned Athens on April 4 and five days later the
-last detachment set sail for Poros. The nett result of the Venetian
-capture of Athens had been disastrous. It had done irreparable damage to
-the Parthenon without any permanent military or political gain; it had
-injured the inhabitants, who had been forced to leave their homes; it
-had spread disease and discontent among the allies. To set against these
-disadvantages Venice acquired four marble lions and Morosini the fame of
-having temporarily held the famous city. To us Verneda’s plans are the
-only satisfactory result of its siege.
-
-It remains to describe the fate of the exiled Athenians and of the
-conquerors of Athens. The unhappy natives had left on March 24, and
-some even earlier. Three boat-loads went to the Venetian island of
-Zante, others to the Venetian possessions in the Morea, especially to
-Nauplia, but most (under the leadership of the brothers Gaspari) to
-Ægina and, like their ancestors at the time of the Persian invasion,
-to Salamis (“Culuris,” as it was still called), where, as the famous
-_Fragments_ from the monastery of the Anargyroi (SS. Cosmas and Damian)
-at Athens inform us[778], they built houses and churches at Ambelaki,
-while “Attica remained deserted for about three years” except for a
-few stragglers on the Akropolis and in some towers of the town. This is
-the passage upon which Fallmerayer based his theory of the desertion of
-Athens for nearly 400 years from the time of Justinian! The poorest went
-to Corinth, while the leading families were scattered about the Morea,
-the Benizeloi at Patras, the Limponai at Koron, Peroules at Nauplia,
-and Dousmanes at Gastouni in Elis. The last-named received for his
-services to Venice several grants of land and the title of _Cavaliere
-di San Marco_; his family subsequently became counts and migrated to
-Corfù, where fifty years ago one of them published an Italian account
-of Gladstone’s famous mission. To other Athenian notables, who had been
-specially useful to them, the Venetians also gave money or titles—a
-pension to the ex-metropolitan Jacob as compensation for his punishment
-by the patriarch, the title of count to the schoolmaster, Benaldes, to
-another scholarly Athenian, Joannes Macola, the translator of Ovid’s
-_Metamorphoses_ and Justin’s _History_, to Taronites for his subsequent
-services at the siege of Nauplia, and to Venizelos Rhoïdes. Indeed, so
-well were these Athenian refugees treated, that a geographical shibboleth
-was devised to discriminate between the genuine and the pseudo-exiles
-from Athens[779]. To the 662 Athenian families which entered the Morea,
-the Venetian authorities assigned lands, vineyards, olive-trees, houses,
-shops, and gardens in proportion to the supposed requirements of the
-four classes into which Athenian society was then divided. An official
-Venetian report of 1701 praises their industry in trade, but remarks
-that “not even the common folk among them were inclined to work on the
-land,” and extols their “subtle intelligence,” adding that they desired
-to return to Athens, although the town was once more under Turkish rule,
-while at the same time retaining their Moreote property[780].
-
-Athens was the climax of Morosini’s Greek career. On board his galley at
-Poros he received the news of his election as doge, but his first ducal
-enterprise, the siege of Negroponte, not only failed, despite the rising
-of northern Greece against the Turks, but cost the lives of Koenigsmark
-by fever and of Peter Gaspari, leader of the Athenian volunteers. This
-was the last big event of the war. The German auxiliaries left Greece;
-Morosini, recalled home by fever and the duties of his new office,
-left to his successor, Cornaro, the task of completing the conquest
-of the Morea by starving out the impregnable rock of Monemvasia in
-1690; meanwhile a military revolution at Constantinople had placed
-a weak Sultan on the throne and a strong minister, the third of the
-Kiuprili dynasty, in power. The latter’s first act was to conciliate
-the Christians, and to appoint a Mainate, Liberakes Gerakares, then
-a prisoner in the arsenal, as bey of Maina and leader against the
-Venetians. The “first Christian prince of Greece” had served as a
-youth in the Venetian fleet; he had then turned pirate, and had during
-the Cretan war acted as a Turkish instrument in his native land. He
-now addressed a proclamation to the Athenian exiles in Salamis and
-Ægina, bidding them return to their homes and telling them that he was
-authorised by the Sultan to grant them an amnesty, at the same time
-threatening those who disobeyed his orders with condign punishment
-at his hands[781]. Under these circumstances they thought it best to
-come to terms with their former masters. The superstitious among them
-attributed the plague, the famine, the drought, and the Turkish raids
-upon their vineyards on the continent opposite Salamis, to the curse of
-the Œcumenical Patriarch. To him, therefore, they addressed an appeal,
-drawn up by the schoolmaster, Argyros Benaldes, describing in high-flown
-language their pitiable condition and imploring with deep humility his
-forgiveness[782]. The patriarch relented, and, probably owing to his
-mediation, the Athenian refugees were allowed, in 1690, to return.
-Several of the principal families, however, remained in voluntary exile,
-and their property was put up to auction and bought by a group of leading
-Athenians; many Athenian Greeks stayed at Nauplia till its recapture by
-the Turks in 1715; nor did all the Athenian Turks, who had gone to Asia
-Minor, return; in 1705 the town contained only 300 Turkish families.
-The population was, therefore, smaller and the material prosperity less
-than before the Venetian conquest. Great damage had been done during
-the “three years” of exile in Salamis; most of the houses had fallen,
-the raiders had burned the trees, and to their fires is attributed the
-blackening of Hadrian’s Porch. In order to facilitate the economic
-recovery of Athens, the Sultan allowed it to be free from taxes for
-three years; the fortifications of the Akropolis were repaired, as a
-pompous Turkish inscription on the old Turkish entrance, dated 1708, long
-testified, while a small mosque (which collapsed in 1842) was erected
-within the Parthenon out of the ruins caused by the besiegers’ bomb[783].
-Greek education, which had languished at Athens since Benaldes had been
-appointed schoolmaster at Nauplia and then at Patras, was revived by
-the opening of a school in 1714, while the appointment of the learned
-geographer, Meletios, as metropolitan, gave to Athens a patron of
-culture. But the reinstated exiles fell to intriguing and quarrelling
-among themselves to such a degree over their metropolitan, that the
-Patriarch of Jerusalem—for the Holy Sepulchre had many possessions in
-Attica during the Turkish period and still possesses property near the
-so-called _Anaphiótika_ at Athens—wrote to them, congratulating them on
-having so wise and noble a hierarch, and bidding them for the honour
-of their famous city cast out scandals from their midst[784]. Meletios
-was specially anxious to keep out of a quarrel between his flock and
-the representative of the _voivode_, at that time an absentee, whose
-exactions provoked an Athenian deputation to Constantinople in 1712,
-headed by Demetrios Palaiologos, a local notable skilled in Turkish—a
-rare accomplishment among the Athenian Christians, for most of their
-Turkish fellow citizens spoke Greek. The chief of the black eunuchs,
-to whom Athens still belonged, not only deposed his _voivode_, but,
-taking from his secretary’s girdle his silver ink-horn, handed it to
-Palaiologos with the words, “Take this ink-horn and from to-day I appoint
-thee _voivode_ of Athens.” This was the first and last occasion on which
-a _rayah_ was made _voivode_ of Athens. The local Turks and the local
-Christian notables alike were furious at being governed by a Christian,
-and the former assassinated him in the house of his kinsman, Palaiologos
-Benizelos[785].
-
-Monemvasia was the last durable acquisition of Venice during the war. In
-1691 the island fortress of Grabusa, off the north-western extremity of
-Crete, was betrayed by two Neapolitan officers in the Venetian service;
-next year an attempt to take Canea was frustrated by the old Venetian
-fortifications, once erected against the Turks. Liberakes raided the
-Morea, but the Moreote Greeks did not rise, as he had led his Turkish
-patrons to expect, and the fear of being cut off by the disembarkation
-of a Venetian force at the isthmus made the raiders soon retire. In
-1693 Morosini resumed the command, but his only acts were to re-fortify
-the castle of Ægina, which he had demolished during the Cretan war in
-1655, the cost of upkeep being paid, as long as the war lasted, by the
-Athenians, and to place it and Salamis under Malipiero as governor[786].
-This led the Athenians to send him a request for the renewal of Venetian
-protection and an offer of an annual tribute. His death at Nauplia in
-1694 caused the appointment of Zeno, then governor of the Morea, as his
-successor. Zeno easily accomplished the capture of the rich island of
-Chios, but in the following year the island was abandoned. The Greek
-population was more favourable to the Moslems than to the Catholic
-Venetians, especially as the presence of the Archbishop of Naxos on board
-the fleet was interpreted as an intention to interfere with the Orthodox
-Church. Those Catholic Chiotes, on the other hand, who did not emigrate
-to the Morea, were dismayed at the departure of the Italians, and paid
-dearly for their brief triumph when the Turks returned. Four were hanged,
-their religion was prohibited, and their cathedral (whose Archbishop was
-compensated by the Venetians with the titular see of Corinth) turned into
-a mosque[787]. This was the last important event of the war in Greece.
-A series of naval battles was fought in the Ægean; and, even after the
-Venetians had abandoned the idea of operations north of the Morea, the
-continental Greeks kept up a guerilla warfare on their own account with
-the aid of Slavonian troops. Unable to make head against their combined
-efforts, Liberakes went over to the Venetians, who showed their distrust
-of the “Bey of Maina” by imprisoning him at Brescia, where he ended his
-days. In 1699, thanks to English mediation, the war ended with the peace
-of Carlovitz, by which Venice retained possession of the Morea, Santa
-Maura, and Ægina, and ceased to pay tribute for Zante, but restored to
-the Sultan her continental Greek conquests, such as Lepanto. The castles
-of Prevesa and Rumeli, the classic Antirrhion, were to be demolished,
-but Venice did not recover Grabusa. Thus the end of this fifteen years’
-costly war found her with a Greek dominion consisting of the seven
-Ionian Islands, Butrinto and Parga in Epeiros, the two Cretan forts of
-Spinalonga and Suda, Tenos and Ægina, and the “kingdom” of the Morea, the
-whole of which, in the Middle Ages, had never been hers.
-
-When the Venetians set to work to re-organise the Morea, they found their
-new conquest devastated and depopulated[788]. Much of the land had gone
-out of cultivation, for there were not hands enough to till it, and the
-war and the plague had aggravated the evils engendered by the long period
-of Turkish rule. As early as 1687 they took the first step to improve
-the condition of their new colony by sending three commissioners with
-instructions to make a survey of the country, its mills, fisheries, mines
-and other resources, and in 1688 sent Cornaro as its first governor, or
-_provveditore generale_. He estimated the total population, exclusive
-of Maina and the district of Corinth, to be only 86,468, as against
-200,000, exclusive of garrisons and foreigners, before the war; Michiel,
-one of the three commissioners, puts it, without Maina, at 97,118, of
-whom 3577 were Turks converted to Christianity from interested motives,
-who required careful watching. Out of 2111 villages the war and the
-plague had laid desolate 656, and Cornaro could not find a living soul
-between Patras and Kalavryta. Under the Venetian rule the population
-gradually rose to more than it had been in the Turkish time—to 116,000
-in 1692, to 176,844 in 1701, to over 250,000 in 1708. These figures were
-probably below the mark, owing to the characteristically oriental dislike
-of the natives to be numbered—a proceeding regarded as the prelude
-to that accurate taxation which has never been popular in the Near
-East. The increase was partly due to emigration from the neighbouring
-Turkish provinces and the Ionian Islands. Besides the Athenians, mostly
-congregated at Nauplia, there were the Chiote exiles at Modon, Thebans
-and Lepantines (after the peace), Cretans from Canea and even Bulgarians.
-Cornaro alone in his two years of office was successful in inducing 6000
-emigrants to enter the Morea, where he gave them lands between Patras and
-Aigion and at Kalavryta, and promised them exemption from taxes. Ere long
-there was no one in the Morea who had not his house, his mill, and his
-bit of land—a thing very rare among the Christians of Turkey—and even the
-Athenians, the flower of the emigrants, were admittedly much better off
-than they had been at home. Only material welfare does not satisfy the
-whole nature of man, else _ubi bene, ibi patria_ would have been an easy
-solution of many Balkan questions.
-
-The population during the Venetian occupation was mixed. The majority
-was, of course, overwhelmingly Greek, but there was considerable
-difference between the Greeks of the various districts, as in classical
-times. The Moreotes did not like “foreigners,” in which designation,
-like the modern Italian peasants, they included people of their own race
-from other parts of Greece. The natives of Elis were specially hostile
-to “strangers,” whereas their neighbours in Achaia, from their commerce
-with the Ionian Islands, tolerated “foreigners.” The Venetians did not
-give the Moreotes in general a very good character, but the faults which
-they attributed to them were not due to a double dose of original sin,
-but to the effects of long years of Turkish rule. They are described
-in the Venetian reports as suspicious, lazy, and inclined to speak evil
-of each other. Suspicion is a common quality of southern nations, and
-laziness was excusable under the Turkish system, when the industrious
-man was punished by being heavily mulcted in the fruits of his industry.
-With the Turkish dress the Greeks retained the Turkish maxims, but it
-was noticed that the women of Monemvasia had preserved from the previous
-Venetian occupation the old Venetian dress. The Arkadians were “rustics
-and truly Arkadian, but full of wiles,” and there was considerable
-polish at Kalamata. The Cretans were an exception; brought up under
-Venetian rule for centuries, they were very industrious. The Ionians were
-restless, but more cultured than the Moreotes, of whom the most civilised
-were the townsfolk of Mistra, who “dressed and lived with more splendour
-than the others, boasting to be the remnant of the true Spartan blood.”
-All the people of the country round Mistra were pure Greeks, but the
-town contained over 400 Jews, whose descendants Chateaubriand[789] found
-there in 1806, and whose compatriots’ funeral inscriptions I noticed in
-the museum there. The Jewish element in the Morea was, however, small—it
-was a poor country—and the only other Hebrew colonies were at Nauplia and
-Patras. Truth was not the strong point of the Naupliotes, but they were
-loyal to Venice, as were from the first the Mainates, who abhorred the
-very name of the Turks, of whom the other Greeks stood in awe, but had
-a rooted objection to paying taxes, always went armed, and “professed
-to observe still the institutes of Lycurgus,” of which the chief was
-apparently the blood-feud. Besides the Greeks and the Jews, both chiefly
-occupied with trade, there were the Albanians, mostly agriculturists
-and specially numerous in the province of Romania, men of fine physique
-but hating war. Indeed, with the exception of the Mainates and some
-of the emigrants from Northern Greece, the population was essentially
-pacific and relied upon its foreign rulers to defend it. It was, however,
-litigious, and this natural tendency was increased by a “hungry crowd of
-small lawyers, partly from the Ionian Islands, partly from the Venetian
-bar,” who became the curse of the Morea.
-
-The Venetians divided the peninsula at first into six provinces and seven
-fiscal boards, but the number of the provinces was reduced to four,
-viz. Romania (capital Nauplia), Lakonia (capital Monemvasia), Messenia
-(capital Navarino Nuovo), and Achaia (capital Patras). Each province had
-a _provveditore_ for its administration and defence, a judicial official
-known as _rettore_, and a treasurer, or _camerlengo_. There were also
-_provveditori_ in seven places which were not provincial capitals, viz.
-Mistra, Kalavryta, Phanari, Gastouni, Koron, Modon and Zarnata. Above
-them all stood the _provveditore generale_. None of these officials, as
-we see from Hopf’s lists[790], held office for more than two or three
-years, according to the usual Venetian system; but they were not new to
-the task of governing Greeks. The government was, therefore, experienced,
-but still wholly in foreign hands, although Morosini allowed a few
-communities to manage their local affairs, and Maina enjoyed practical
-independence. This liberal concession was not, however, altogether
-successful. “Every castle, almost every village, aspired to erect itself
-into a republic,” wrote one of the governors-general, and these petty
-communes begged Venice to send them a Venetian noble, in order that they
-might pose as the equals of the provincial capitals, even offering to
-pay his salary for the advantage conferred by his presence. Moreover,
-persons suddenly promoted from the status of Turkish _rayah_ to be local
-magnates, were not always disposed to treat the Greek peasants upon
-democratic principles, but rather upon those by which they had been
-treated themselves. An emancipated slave is apt to be a slave-driver.
-
-One important privilege was granted to the communities from political
-motives—the election of the Orthodox bishops. Of all the difficulties,
-which Venice had to face, the greatest was the Œcumenical Patriarch,
-an official, who, being resident in the Turkish capital, was perforce
-a Turkish agent, and who, before this reform, had named the nineteen
-Moreote bishops and the abbots of the _stavropégia_—monasteries directly
-dependent upon him. These, in 1701, formed 26 out of the total of 158
-(with 1367 monks). The Patriarch’s patronage had, therefore, been
-considerable, and his influence, even apart from Turkish pressure, was
-unlikely to be used in favour of a Catholic government. But this was not
-his only loss. Before the Venetian conquest, one-half of the Epiphany
-and Easter offerings of the priests and people—3 reals for every priest
-in the diocese and ¼ real for every household—had gone to the bishop,
-and one-half to the Patriarch. Morosini reduced these offerings, the
-_philótimo_ as it was called, by about one-half, at the same time
-ordering that the whole of it should be given to the local bishop and
-nothing to the Patriarch. The Patriarch, thus injured in both his powers
-and his purse, threatened to excommunicate such communes as elected their
-own bishops. To this the Venetian governor-general, Grimani, retorted
-by forbidding the entry of the patriarchal exarch into the Morea; but
-his duties, mainly those of a tax-collector, were quietly undertaken
-by the Metropolitan of Patras, while the Patriarch became as anxious
-as the Turks to turn the Venetians out of the country. Unfortunately,
-these disadvantages of a well-meant reform were not accompanied by
-corresponding benefits. Simony continued to be rife, and unsuitable
-persons were often chosen as bishops by the communities. Nor was the
-Patriarch the only external influence over the Moreote church, for
-there were some twenty-four _metóchia_, or “monastic farms” belonging
-to monasteries in Turkish territory, which not only sent money out of
-the country to swell the enemy’s revenues, but were centres of political
-propaganda and smuggling. These difficulties were not peculiar to the
-Venetians: they likewise faced the Bavarian regency. The Venetian
-official reports show a consciousness of the policy of conciliation
-towards the church of the vast mass of the people. For the Catholics,
-outside the Venetian garrison, were few, except at Nauplia and among the
-Chiote exiles at Modon. Indeed, the former Archbishop of Chios was the
-first Catholic Archbishop of the Venetian Morea; and his successor, Mgr.
-Carlini, whose see was Corinth but who resided at Nauplia, was the only
-Catholic prelate in the whole kingdom; even as late as 1714 the Morea
-contained only one Catholic bishop. We find, however, the Greeks sending
-their children to the friars’ school to learn Italian and the rudiments
-of Latin, and there was a scheme for founding a college at Tripolitsa.
-Unfortunately the ministers of religion, as Cornaro epigrammatically
-wrote, seemed sometimes to be sent to the Morea “rather as a punishment
-for their own sins than to correct the sins of others.”
-
-Materially, the Venetian administration marked an advance, as the foreign
-occupation of Turkish territory always does, but trade was handicapped by
-the selfish colonial policy of Venice. Upon the Morea, “a poor country
-without industries or manufacture,” the Turks had imposed thirteen taxes,
-of which five (the _haratch_, a further local capitation-tax, called
-_spenza_, the duty on horses’ shoes, the tax on absentee landlords,
-and the burden of providing and transporting food for the army at half
-price) fell upon the Christians alone, while the others (such as the
-tithe and the taxes on animals) were common to both them and the Turks.
-Thus, out of a total of 1,699,000 reals, the Christians paid 1,350,300,
-besides what was illegally extorted from them. The Venetians raised
-their revenue from tithes of all agricultural produce, taxes on wine,
-spirits, oil and tobacco, the usual Italian system of a salt monopoly,
-customs dues, and the Crown lands. Careful management and increased
-prosperity increased the revenue, only 280,000 reals in 1689, to 500,501
-in 1711. The farming of the tithes was entrusted to the communes, but the
-Mainates refused to pay tithes, consenting, however, to pay, although
-reluctantly, a fixed tribute called _mactù_. The salt monopoly was a
-hardship, because, although the price was low, a peasant living near the
-chief salt-pans at Thermisi was not allowed to buy his salt on the spot,
-but had to make a long journey to some distant magazine. Agriculture
-improved after the peace of Carlovitz and the fortification of Nauplia,
-when it became clear that Venice intended to stay and security of
-tenure was thus assured. But the customs dues yielded little, because
-the Republic forbade the creation of industries likely to compete with
-those of Venice, and compelled the Moreotes to send every article to
-that city. English merchants, therefore, found it cheaper to trade with
-Turkey, and the governors-general in vain pointed out the folly of this
-commercial policy, which caused the decline of such industries as that
-of silk at Mistra, until it was revived by the Chiote exiles at Modon.
-As the foreign garrison could not stomach the resinous wine, and began
-to import foreign vintages, efforts were made to extend and improve the
-local vineyards. The currant, which is now successfully cultivated along
-the Moreote shore of the Corinthian Gulf, had, indeed, been known in the
-peninsula as far back as the fourteenth century, when it is mentioned by
-Pegalotti[791]; but it was not till after the Turkish reconquest that
-it was grown and exported in large quantities for the consumption of
-northern races. Even with these drawbacks, however, and the burden of
-having to contribute to the maintenance of Cerigo and Ægina, both united
-administratively with the Morea since the peace, the peninsula not only
-paid all the expenses of administration but furnished a substantial
-balance to the naval defence of the Republic, in which it was directly
-interested. Land defence was a more difficult question. Of the natives
-only the Mainates wanted to be soldiers, nor could the Greeks be trusted
-with arms, while French consuls, anxious to weaken Venice, encouraged
-French mercenaries, as at Suda and Spinalonga[792], to desert her service.
-
-The fact was that, like Great Britain in the Ionian Islands and Cyprus,
-and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia and the Herzegovina, Venice had improved
-the administration, without winning the love of her alien subjects.
-Foreign domination, even under the most favourable circumstances, never
-succeeds in satisfying the Balkan races, whose national feelings are
-keenly developed. The Venetian governors, as their reports show, were
-well-meaning men, but they were aliens in race and religion to the
-governed. Even had their administration been perfect, that fact alone
-would have rendered it unpopular after the first feeling of relief at
-the expulsion of the Turkish yoke was over. Liberated peoples, especially
-in the Near East, expect much from their western administrators,
-while, as we know in Egypt, the evils of the old corrupt rule are soon
-forgotten. It was so in the Morea. Thus, in 1710, the French traveller,
-De La Motraye[793], found the Greeks of Modon “praying for their return
-under Turkish domination, and envying the lot of those Greeks who still
-lived under it.” This was partly due to the lightness of the Turkish
-capitation-tax, and they added: “Venetian soldiers are quartered on us,
-their officers debauch our wives and daughters, their priests speak
-against our religion and constantly urge us to embrace theirs, which
-the Turks never did.” Besides, the Greeks had a feeling, justified
-by the result, that Turkey was stronger than Venice, and therefore
-desired to be on the winning side, and thus avoid reprisals. Even the
-rough-and-ready Turkish justice, which was administered with the stick,
-seemed to one Venetian governor to be more suited to the people than
-the interminable Venetian procedure, presided over by ignorant young
-nobles, assisted by venal clerks. Thus the poor suitor fared badly, for
-the governor-general could not be ubiquitous. Public safety, however,
-improved; as the local policeman was often a brigand, a local militia
-was organised by the communes, and a notoriously dangerous pass,
-like that of Makryplagi, through which the railway now descends to
-Kalamata, was guarded by the men of the neighbouring villages, who were
-authorised to levy a small toll from the travellers. Crime diminished,
-and it rarely became necessary to apply the penalty of death. With the
-Mainates, in particular, mildness and diplomacy were the only possible
-methods. Luxury, however, and moral depravation crept into Nauplia, the
-Venetian capital of the Morea, and the historian, Diedo[794], wrote that
-“in magnificence and pomp it had no cause to envy the most cultured
-capitals.” Sternly practical people, the Venetians did nothing for the
-classical antiquities of the Peloponnese; indeed, Grimani turned the
-amphitheatre of Corinth into a lazaretto; but the Venetian occupation
-spread abroad the names of the classic sites, and the various illustrated
-books upon the Morea and other parts of Greece, which were rapidly turned
-out from Coronelli’s “workshop,” were at once the result and the cause
-of the popular curiosity about this once famous land, which had emerged,
-thanks to Morosini’s victories, from Turkish darkness into the light of
-day.
-
-As early as 1711 the Venetian government had been warned that Turkey was
-eager to recover the Morea, the loss of which was severely felt; yet
-no preparations were made to meet the coming storm, but most of the
-fortresses were left in a bad condition. Nothing had been done since 1696
-to protect the isthmus, and Palamedi at Nauplia alone had been fortified
-at immense cost with those splendid works which still remain, with an
-occasional abandoned cannon of 1685 on the “Fig Fort,” a memorial of
-the Venetian occupation. Each of its bulwarks bore the name of a famous
-Venetian—Morosini, Sagredo and Grimani—and an inscription over the gate
-contains the date—1712—of its completion[795]. There were not, however,
-sufficient men to defend it; indeed, when war was declared the total army
-in the Morea consisted of only 10,735 men, while the fleet consisted of
-only eleven galleys and eight armed ships. In 1714, after having defeated
-Russia and renewed their treaty with Poland, the Turks had their hands
-free to attack the enemy, against whom their own desire for revenge and
-French commercial jealousy urged them. The moment seemed favourable,
-with Russia not yet recovered from her late Turkish war and pledged not
-to make an alliance with Venice, with the Moreote Greeks “desirous to
-return” (so the war-party argued) “to their old obedience.” Both sides
-could rely, it was true, on spiritual help; but the support of Pope
-Clement XI was less valuable than the threat of the Œcumenical Patriarch
-to excommunicate all Greeks who fought for the schismatic Republic, which
-had curtailed his revenues and privileges. An excuse for war was easily
-found: Venice, it was pretended, had supplied the Montenegrins with arms
-and money and received their bishop, Danilo I, at Cattaro. In vain the
-Republic hoped for the Emperor’s mediation, and hastily sent munitions
-and provisions to the Morea. It was decided to abandon all places except
-Nauplia, Argos, Monemvasia, Modon, Koron, Kielefa, Zarnata, and the
-castle of the Morea—the corresponding castle on the opposite side of the
-Corinthian Gulf had been re-fortified by Turkey in defiance of the treaty
-of Carlovitz—and to demolish both Navarinos. It was, however, too late.
-
-The campaign of 1715 was an unbroken series of striking successes for
-the Turkish army of over 100,000 men and the large fleet. The first blow
-was the loss of Tenos, a Venetian colony since 1390, whose cowardly
-commander, Balbi, capitulated at the first summons of the Turkish
-admiral, subsequently expiating his conduct by imprisonment for life. Its
-naturally strong fortress of San Nicolo, which Tournefort[796] fifteen
-years before had found garrisoned by “fourteen ragged soldiers, of whom
-seven were French deserters,” contained abundant food and ammunition;
-the Teniotes, so predominantly Catholics, that the place was called “the
-Pope’s island,” were loyal to Venice and formed an excellent militia,
-which had repulsed the Turkish admiral, Mezzomorto, in the late war; and
-this solitary Venetian island had been regarded as “a thorn in the centre
-of the Turkish empire.” The Turkish army, under Ali Kamurgi, aided by
-many Greek militia-men from the northern shores of the gulf, crossed the
-isthmus and besieged Corinth. Minotto, who “held in Corinth’s towers the
-Doge’s delegated powers,” resisted a five days’ bombardment, although
-the Greek non-combatants desired to save their property by surrender,
-before he capitulated on condition that the garrison was transported
-to Corfù. But an explosion in the fortress, ascribed by Byron in _The
-Siege of Corinth_ to Minotto himself, but perhaps due to accident,
-led the Janissaries to massacre the Venetians and Greeks. Minotto was
-carried off as a slave to Smyrna, where he was ransomed by the wife of
-the Dutch consul[797]; the Greek prisoners were sold “like cattle.” This
-frightened the Moreotes into submission and encouraged the Æginetans to
-invoke the aid of the Turkish admiral, to whom the commander, Bembo,
-surrendered the island without resistance. The fact that the Turkish
-general paid for provisions, while the Venetians had commandeered them,
-enlisted the interests, and therefore the sympathies, of the Moreote
-peasantry, and excited the surprise of the French interpreter, Brue,
-who has left a diary of his experiences in this campaign. Nauplia was
-the next objective of the invaders. The poet Manthos of Joannina, who
-was there when it fell, expressed the current belief of the Greeks (of
-whom, however, few could be induced even by high pay, to aid in the
-defence) that the strongly fortified capital of the Venetian Morea was
-betrayed by De La Salle (or Sala), a French officer in the Venetian
-service, who had sent the plans of Palamedi to Negroponte. Over a
-century later the traitor’s ruined house was pointed out to Emerson,
-the historian[798]. It had been pulled down and an “anathema” of stones
-raised on the site, upon which no one dared to build till 1859; it was
-called “Sala’s threshing-floor” and used for drying clothes. After a
-brief resistance Palamedi, on which so much had been spent, was stormed,
-and the storming-party thence entered the town. The captors showed
-special fury against the Catholics, whose Archbishop, Carlini, was among
-the slain. The capture of Nauplia so greatly delighted Ahmed III, that
-he came to see the place, visiting Athens on his way—the first and last
-time that a Sultan set foot there since Mohammed II—and, according to a
-legend, presenting the gardens of Phaleron to his body-guard[799]. The
-garrisons of Modon and the castle of the Morea mutinied, and refused
-to defend those fortresses; worse still was the “ignominious surrender”
-of the strong and well-provisioned rock of Monemvasia by its boastful
-governor, Badoer, without firing a shot, at the first summons of the
-Turkish admiral, who subsequently admitted that he could not have taken
-it. Meanwhile the Venetian fleet remained inactive off Sapienza, because,
-as its admiral pleaded, he did not wish to add a defeat on sea to that on
-land! The Morea was now lost; even Maina submitted. But the commanders
-of the two surviving Cretan forts of Suda and Spinalonga were resolute
-men. Under the circumstances—for Suda’s defences were judged defective,
-and the French consul at Canea aided the Turkish admiral with his advice
-and local knowledge[800]—the small garrison did well to hold out till
-September 25, when it honourably capitulated. Spinalonga then surrendered
-without a siege, and the last fragment of Venetian rule in Crete was
-gone. The Sultan was as much pleased at the taking of these two places
-as at the reconquest of the Morea. Cerigo and Cerigotto next hoisted the
-white flag, and Venice was so much alarmed for the safety of Corfù, that
-she blew up the recent fortifications of Santa Maura and temporarily
-abandoned that island. The Turks occupied Butrinto and threatened Corfù;
-but the bravery of Schulenburg defended the latter and recovered the
-former and Santa Maura in 1716, and took Prevesa and Vonitza in 1717. An
-alliance with the Emperor, alarmed at the effect of the Turkish successes
-upon his Hungarian subjects, saved Venice from further losses; Great
-Britain offered her mediation, and the peace of Passarovitz in 1718 gave
-her back Cerigo and Cerigotto, and allowed her to keep Butrinto, Santa
-Maura, Prevesa and Vonitza. The nett result of the two wars, in which
-she had kept and lost the Morea, was that, as against the loss of Tenos
-and the three Cretan forts, which she held in 1684, she had to set off
-the possession of Santa Maura and the two places on the Ambrakian gulf
-in 1718. She had “consolidated” her Levantine dominion: Cerigo was now
-her farthest possession. But in her case, as in that of Turkey in our own
-time, “consolidation” meant decline. From that date she ceased to count
-as a factor in Greek affairs, except in the Ionian Islands and their
-continental dependencies.
-
-The collapse of her power in the Morea in a hundred and one days proved
-that Venice was unable to defend the Greeks, whom she had never won
-over to her rule. But, although she had not gained their love, her
-administration had not been without some lasting benefits to them. The
-example of Venice, despite the venality of her judges, forced the Turks
-to treat their Greek subjects better, and agriculture and wine growing
-were improved. The Venetian occupation of the Morea had the same effect
-upon the Greeks as the twenty-one years’ Austrian occupation of Serbia
-from 1718 to 1739 upon the Serbs; it spread a higher degree of material
-civilisation. But even the most benevolent and most efficient government
-by foreigners—and a modern Greek historian has attributed both good
-intentions and efficiency to the Venetians—is bound to fail when national
-consciousness begins to awaken. After the Venetians went, the Greeks
-prepared to fight, not to substitute the rule of one foreign power for
-that of another but for independence, not for Venice, or Turkey, or
-Russia, but for Greece. The younger generations, which had grown up under
-Venetian auspices, were manlier and better than those which had only
-known Turkish rule. If Venice contributed thereby to preparing the way
-for the war of independence, it was her greatest service to the Greeks.
-
-
-
-
-VII. MISCELLANEA FROM THE NEAR EAST
-
-
-1. VALONA
-
-The late Italian occupation of Valona has drawn attention to what has
-been called one of the two keys of the Adriatic. It may, therefore, be of
-interest to trace the history of this important strategic position, which
-has been held by no less than twelve different masters.
-
-The name αὐλών, “a hollow between hills,” was applied to various places
-in antiquity, and from the accusative of this word comes the Italian
-form “Valona,” or, as the Venetians often wrote it, “Avalona.” In
-antiquity there were, however, few allusions to this particular αὐλών,
-the probable date of its foundation being, therefore, fairly late,
-although the pitch-mine of Selenitza, three hours to the east, was worked
-by the Romans in the time of Ovid[801], and Pliny the Elder[802] knew
-the now famous island of Saseno, to which both Lucan[803] and Silius
-Italicus[804] allude, as a pirate resort. But there is no mention of
-Valona till the second half of the second century A.D., when Ptolemy[805]
-describes it as “a city and harbour.” It subsequently occurs several
-times in the Antonine, Maritime and Jerusalem Itineraries[806], and in
-the Synekdemos of Hierokles[807]; whereas Kanina, the little town on the
-hill above it, which may have been its akropolis, was “built,” according
-to Leake[808], “upon a Hellenic site,” and identified by Pouqueville[809]
-with Œneus, the fortress taken by Perseus during the third Macedonian
-war, and probably destroyed by Æmilius Paullus, which would thus explain
-its long disappearance from history.
-
-Despite the importance of its position as a port of transit between Rome
-and Constantinople, Valona is rarely named even by Byzantine historians
-before the eleventh century. Bishops of Valona, who were at different
-times suffragans of Durazzo or Ochrida, are mentioned in 458, in 553,
-and in 519, when the legates sent by Pope Hormisdas to Constantinople
-were received by the then occupant of the See[810]. It was there that
-Peter, Justinian’s envoy, met those of Theodatus, the two Roman
-Senators, Liberius and Opilio, and learnt what had befallen Amalasuntha,
-the prisoner of Bolsena[811]. Constantine Porphyrogenitus[812] merely
-enumerates it as one of the cities comprised in the Theme of Dyrrachium.
-Possibly it was one of the Byzantine harbours between Corfù and the Drin,
-which escaped temporary absorption in the Bulgarian Empire of Symeon
-(_c._ 917). But Kanina was included in that of the other great Bulgarian
-Tsar Samuel (976-1014), until Basil II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” overthrew
-that powerful monarch[813], and it is, therefore, probable that Valona
-too was for a brief space a Bulgarian port. The Sicilian expeditions
-against Greece in the eleventh and twelfth centuries naturally brought
-Valona into prominence as a landing-place for troops. Anna Comnena[814]
-frequently mentions it. Thus, in 1081, Bohemund, son of Robert Guiscard,
-took and burnt Kanina, Valona, and Jericho, as the ancient harbour of
-Eurychos (the Porto Raguseo of the Italians) was then called; Robert
-was nearly shipwrecked in a storm off Cape Glossa, and later on spent
-two months in the haven of Jericho. When he left Albania in 1082 he
-bestowed Valona upon Bohemund, and when he made his second and fatal
-expedition in 1084 it was to Valona that he crossed from Otranto. Trade
-privileges at Valona (renewed by subsequent Emperors in 1126, 1148 and
-1187) formed part of the price which the Emperor Alexios I paid for the
-assistance of the Venetian fleet in this contest[815]. It was there
-that the Greek Admiral Kontostephanos watched for Bohemund’s return,
-and shortly afterwards we find Michael Kekaumenos, Imperial governor of
-Valona, Jericho and Kanina. In 1149, after the capture of Corfù, Manuel
-II went to Valona, and encamped there several days before sailing for
-Sicily to punish King Roger for his attack upon Greece. He landed on the
-islet of Aeironesion (identified by Pouqueville and Professor Lampros
-with Saseno); but storms prevented his “punitive expedition,” so he left
-Valona by land for Pelagonia[816].
-
-The fourth crusade, which led to the dismemberment of the Greek Empire,
-consequently affected the Adriatic coast. The partition treaty of 1204
-assigned to Venice the province of Durazzo, which included Valona, as
-well as Albania, and in the following year the Venetian _podestà_ at
-Constantinople formally transferred these possessions to the Republic,
-which sent Marino Valaresso with the title of “Duke” to govern Durazzo.
-But meanwhile Michael I Angelos had established in western Greece the
-independent Hellenic principality known as the Despotat of Epeiros,
-which included both “Old” and “New” Epeiros (in the latter of which
-was Valona), extending from Naupaktos to Durazzo, and which he agreed
-in 1210 to hold as a nominal fief of Venice, from the river Shkumbi,
-south of Durazzo, to Naupaktos, paying a yearly rent, and promising to
-grant to the Venetian merchants a special quarter in every town of his
-dominions, freedom from taxes, and assistance in case of need against the
-Albanians[817]. Thus Valona for fifty-three years formed an integral part
-of the Greek Despotat of Epeiros.
-
-The mutual rivalry of the two Greek states which had arisen out of the
-ruins of the Byzantine Empire—the Empire of Nicæa and the Despotat of
-Epeiros—suggested to the ill-fated Manfred of Sicily that he might
-recover the ephemeral conquests of the Sicilian Normans on the eastern
-shores of the Adriatic. In 1257, while Michael II of Epeiros was at war
-with the Nicene troops, he occupied Valona, Durazzo, Berat, the Spinarza
-hills (near the mouth of the Vojussa, or perhaps Svernetsi on the lagoon
-of Valona), and their appurtenances; and Michael, desirous of securing
-Manfred as an ally against his Greek rival, made a virtue of necessity
-by conferring these places together with the hand of his daughter Helen
-upon the King of Sicily on the occasion of their marriage[818] in 1259.
-Manfred wisely appointed as governor of his trans-Adriatic possessions
-a man with experience of the East, Filippo Chinardo, a Cypriote Frank,
-and his High Admiral. Indeed, when Manfred fell in battle at Benevento,
-fighting against Charles I of Anjou, in 1266, Chinardo, who married
-Michael II’s sister-in-law and received Kanina as her dowry, continued to
-hold his late master’s Epeirote dominions, but later in the same year was
-assassinated at the instigation of the crafty Despot[819]. The latter had
-doubtless hoped, now that his son-in-law was no more, to re-occupy the
-places which had been his daughter’s and his sister-in-law’s dowries. But
-a new claimant now appeared upon the scene. The fugitive Latin Emperor
-of Constantinople, Baldwin II, by the treaty of Viterbo in 1267 ceded to
-Charles I of Anjou “all the land which the Despot Michael gave, handed
-over and conceded as dowry or by whatsoever title to his daughter Helen,
-widow of the late Manfred, formerly Prince of Taranto, and which the
-said Manfred and the late Filippo Chinardo (who acted as Admiral of the
-said realm) held during their lives[820].” The Sicilian garrisons of
-Valona, Kanina and Berat held out, however, against both Michael II and
-Charles I, the latter of whom was for some years too much occupied with
-Italian affairs to intervene actively beyond the Adriatic. Accordingly, a
-devoted follower of Chinardo, Giacomo di Balsignano (near Bari), remained
-independent as castellan of Valona; but in 1269 Charles, having made this
-man’s brother a prisoner in Italy, declined to release him at the request
-of Prince William of Achaia, unless Valona were surrendered. Although
-he actually named one of his own supporters to take Balsignano’s place,
-that officer held out at Valona for four years more, when he handed over
-Valona, but was at once re-appointed castellan of both Valona and Kanina
-by Charles. Thus, in 1273, began the effective rule of the Angevins over
-Valona. In the following year, the Italian castellan received fiefs in
-Southern Italy in exchange for Valona and Kanina, and a Frenchman, Henri
-de Courcelles, was appointed in his stead[821]. Chinardo’s heirs, who had
-at first been allowed to live on at Valona, were imprisoned at Trani.
-
-The Angevins attached considerable importance to Valona, especially
-from a military point of view. Frequent mention is made of the castle
-in the Angevin documents; Greek fire was deposited there, its well
-is the subject of several inquiries, and it served as a base for
-Charles I’s designs upon the Greek Empire, which were cut short by the
-Sicilian Vespers. The chief Angevin officials were a castellan (usually
-a Frenchman, _e.g._ Dreux de Vaux), a treasurer, and more rarely a
-“captain” of the town, who was subordinate to the castellan, who was in
-his turn under the Captain and Vicar-General of Albania. The garrison
-sometimes consisted of Saracens from Lucera, and its fidelity could
-not always be trusted, for a commission was on one occasion sent over
-to inquire whether it had sold munitions to the Greek enemies of the
-Angevins. Nor was the harbour, which the Venetians frequented, free from
-pirates[822]. After the death of the vigorous Despot Michael II, it
-was not so much from his feeble successor, Nikephoros I of Epeiros, as
-from the able and energetic Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, that the
-Angevins had to fear attacks upon Valona, especially after the defeat
-of their army and the capture of its commander at Berat in 1281. There
-is no documentary evidence of the presence of any Angevin governor
-after 1284 at Valona, which, between that date and 1297, when we find
-a certain “Calemanus” described as “Duke” of the Spinarza district,
-and, therefore, almost certainly of Valona also, must have been occupied
-by the Byzantines[823]. Nevertheless, the Angevins continued to regard
-the Epeirote lands of Manfred and Chinardo as theirs on paper. They are
-mentioned in the ratification of the treaty of Viterbo by the titular
-Latin Empress Catherine in 1294, by which they were confirmed to King
-Charles II, who in the same year transferred them to his son Philip of
-Taranto[824], then about to marry Thamar, daughter and heiress of the
-Despot Nikephoros I of Epeiros.
-
-The Byzantines evidently attached considerable importance to Valona and
-its district, for the successive Byzantine governors were men of family
-and position: Andronikos Asan Palaiologos, subsequently governor of the
-Byzantine province in the Morea, who was son of the Bulgarian Tsar, John
-Asên III, connected with the reigning imperial family, and father-in-law
-of the future Emperor John Cantacuzene; Constantine Palaiologos, son of
-Andronikos II; and a Laskaris[825]. Under these exalted personages were
-minor officials, such as George Ganza, a friend of the Despot Thomas
-of Epeiros, and his son Nicholas, who successively held the office of
-Admiral of Valona for over twenty years, while the latter on one occasion
-grandiloquently styles himself _protosevastos et protovestiarius et
-primus camerlengus_ of the Emperor; the _sevastos_ Theodore Lykoudas,
-and Michael Malagaris, prefect of the castle of Kanina[826]. During this
-second Byzantine period, when Valona was _civitas Imperatoris Grecorum_
-(as a document styles it), there was a considerable trade with both
-Ragusa and Venice, and a colony of resident Venetian merchants there.
-Occasionally, however, serious quarrels arose between the Ganza family
-and the Ragusans and Venetians, who demanded satisfaction from the
-Emperor, and on one occasion Ganza’s son was killed. That there was
-likewise traffic with the opposite Italian coast is clear from King
-Robert of Naples’ repeated orders to his subjects to export nothing to
-a place which belonged to the hostile Byzantine Empire, and to which
-the Angevins still maintained their claims. For as late as 1328 Philip
-of Taranto named a certain Raimond de Termes commander of Berat and
-Valona[827], and death alone prevented him and his brother, John of
-Gravina, who in 1332 received the kingdom of Albania with the town of
-Durazzo in exchange for the principality of the Morea, from prosecuting
-the Angevin claims. The Albanians, however, rose and attacked Berat and
-Kanina in 1335, but were speedily suppressed by Andronikos III, the first
-Emperor who had visited Albania since Manuel I[828].
-
-But a more formidable enemy than Angevins or Albanians now threatened
-Valona. The great Serbian Tsar, Stephen Dushan, was now making Serbia
-the dominant power of the Balkan peninsula, and the value of the harbour
-of Valona and the castle of Kanina could scarcely escape the notice
-of that remarkable man. An entry in a Serbian psalter informs us that
-the Serbs took Valona and Kanina[829] in the last four months of 1345
-or in the early months of 1346, and Serbian they remained till the
-Turkish conquest. Dushan, like the Byzantines, showed his appreciation
-of these places by appointing as governor of Valona, Kanina and Berat
-his brother-in-law, John Comnenos Asên, brother of the Bulgarian Tsar,
-John Alexander. This Serbian governor, a Bulgar by birth, married Anna
-Palaiologina, widow of the Despot John II of Epeiros, and mother of the
-last Despot of Epeiros, Nikephoros II, and became so far Hellenised as to
-take the name of Comnenos (borne by the Greek Despots of Epeiros, whose
-successor he pretended to be, and whose title of “Despot” he adopted),
-and to sign his name in Greek in the two Slav documents which he has
-bequeathed to us[830]. Although, like his predecessors, he preyed upon
-Venetian and other shipping at Valona, for which the mighty Serbian Tsar
-paid compensation, he became a Venetian citizen[831], and was allowed
-to obtain weapons in Venice for the defence of Cheimarra and its port
-of Palermo from Sicilian pirates[832]. After the death of Dushan and
-in the confusion which ensued he embraced the cause of the latter’s
-half-brother, the Tsar Symeon, who had married his step-daughter,
-Thomais, against Dushan’s son, and he is last mentioned in 1363, when
-nearly all the Venetians at Valona died of the plague, and he perhaps
-with them[833]. Alexander, perhaps his son, followed him as “Lord of
-Kanina and Valona,” and allied himself with Ragusa[834], of which he
-became a citizen. The name of Porto Raguseo (Pasha Liman of the Turks),
-at the mouth of the Dukati valley on the bay of Valona, still preserves
-the memory of this connection, and was the harbour of the “argosies” of
-the South Slavonic Republic, whose merchants had their quarters half-way
-between Valona and Kanina.
-
-In 1371 those places came into the possession of the family of Balsha,
-of Serbian origin, which a few years earlier had founded a dynasty
-in what is now Montenegro. Balsha II, who with his two brothers had
-already taken Antivari and Scutari (“their principal domicile”), killed
-a certain George, perhaps Alexander’s son—for Alexander is thought to
-have perished by the side of Vukashin at the battle of the Maritza in
-1371—and in a Venetian document of the next year is described as “Lord
-of Valona.” In consequence of his usurpation the inhabitants of Valona
-fled for refuge to the islet of Saseno in the bay, and placed themselves
-under the protection of Venice[835]. Under Balsha II Valona formed part
-of a considerable principality, for on the death of his last surviving
-brother, in 1378, the “Lord of Valona and Budua” had become sole ruler of
-the Zeta—the modern Montenegro—and then, by the capture of Durazzo from
-Carlo Topia, “Prince of Albania,” assumed the title of “Duke” from that
-former Venetian duchy. By his marriage with Comita Musachi, he became
-connected with a powerful Albanian clan[836]; but his ambition caused his
-death, for Carlo Topia begged the Turks to restore him to Durazzo, while
-Balsha, like other Christian rulers of his time, instead of concentrating
-all his forces against the Turkish peril, wasted them in fighting against
-Tvrtko I, the great King of Bosnia, for the possession of Cattaro.
-Consequently, when the Turks marched against him, he could raise only a
-small army to oppose them; he fell in battle on the Vojussa in 1385, and
-his head was sent as a trophy to the Sultan.
-
-Upon his death his dominions were divided; Valona with Kanina, Saseno,
-Cheimarra, and “the tower of Pyrgos[837]” alone remained to his widow.
-Left with only a daughter, Regina, she felt unable to defend all these
-places from the advancing Turks; so, in 1386, she offered “the castle
-and town of Valona” to Venice on “certain conditions[838].” The cautious
-Republic replied that her offer would be accepted, if she would hand over
-freely “the castle of Kanina with its district and the town of Valona
-with its district.” This shows that the Venetians, like their recent
-Italian representatives, realised that Valona required Kanina for its
-defence, as well as a certain _Hinterland_. The reply went on to add
-that, in case she declined to accept this condition, Venice would be
-content to take over these places, paying her half their rents for her
-life, while she paid half their expenses. Under those circumstances, she
-could remain at Valona, or come to Venice, as she chose. But, if she
-would accept neither proposition, then Venice would be willing to take
-Kanina and the other places, giving her all the rents for her life, on
-condition that she paid all the expenses of their maintenance. Nothing
-came of this negotiation; but in 1389 her envoy agreed to furnish three
-rowers annually to the captain of the Venetian fleet in recognition of
-Venetian dominion over the islet of Saseno, which commanded the bay. Thus
-Venice, like the late Admiral Bettòlo, considered that the occupation
-of that islet was sufficient. In 1393 Dame Comita Balsha made Venice a
-second offer of Valona. But, in the meantime, the battle of Kossovo had
-been fought; the Serbian Empire had fallen, and it was obvious that the
-Turks had become the most powerful Balkan state. Thus, although Comita
-was ready to give Venice the men whom she had promised in recognition of
-Venetian rights over “the towers of Pyrgos and Saseno,” and disposed to
-cede Valona, her offer was declined with thanks, because “we Venetians
-prefer our friends to remain in their own dominions and govern them
-rather than we.” Two years later her envoy, the Bishop of Albania, made
-a third offer of all the four places which she held: Valona, Kanina,
-Cheimarra, and the tower of Pyrgos, provision being made for her and
-her son-in-law that they might go where they liked and live honourably
-there. This meant in cash 7000 ducats for their lives out of the 9000
-which the bishop estimated as the total revenue of the above places. The
-Venetians ordered their Admiral to inquire into the state of the places
-and the amount which they produced, before deciding, and ere that Comita
-died[839].
-
-She was succeeded by her son-in-law, “Marchisa” (or Merksha) Jarkovich,
-“King of Serbia,” a near relative of her own by blood and a cousin of the
-Byzantine Emperor Manuel II. He must, therefore, have been a relative of
-the latter’s Serbian wife, who was a daughter of Constantine Dragash,
-Despot of part of Macedonia[840]. He at once, in 1396, offered to cede
-Valona, Cheimarra, Berat, and the tower of Pyrgos to Venice, but was told
-that his offer could not be accepted till the Venetians had accurate
-information about them. He then turned to Ragusa, of which he became
-an honorary citizen with leave to deposit all his property there for
-safety. In 1398 he again applied to Venice, because he did not see how he
-could defend his lands against the Turks. Venice thought it undesirable
-that they should become Turkish, but decided first to send her Admiral to
-inquire into their revenues, cost, and condition, expressing a preference
-for leaving them in their present ruler’s hands. In 1400, as this inquiry
-had not yet been made, another envoy was sent from Valona to Venice, only
-to receive the same answer. Upon Merksha’s death, his widow sent yet
-another envoy to Venice in 1415, with a like result, and was reminded of
-her late husband’s and her subjects’ debts to the Republic. Then the end
-came; a document of July 21, 1418, informs us that Valona had fallen into
-the hands of the Turks[841]. Consequently, lest they should attack the
-Venetian colony of Corfù or passing Venetian ships, the Venetian bailie,
-who was about to proceed to Constantinople, was instructed to endeavour
-to obtain its restitution with that of Kanina and its other appurtenances
-to Regina Balsha, whose husband had been, like herself, a Venetian
-citizen. If the Sultan refused, then the bailie was authorised to offer
-up to 8000 ducats for Regina’s former possessions, and another offer was
-made in 1424[842]. The Turks, however, retained Valona continuously for
-273 years, and, with one brief interval, for 495.
-
-There is little record of its history in the Turkish period. In June,
-1436, Cyriacus of Ancona spent two days there, and copied a Greek
-inscription which he found on a marble base at the Church of Georgios
-Tropæophoros[843]. In 1466 Venice was alarmed at the repairs executed
-there by its new masters, which endangered Venetian interests owing to
-its proximity to the Republic’s colonies in that part of the world—Corfù
-and its dependencies, in the south, and Durazzo, Alessio, Dulcigno,
-Antivari, Dagno, Satti, Scutari and Drivasto, in the north—and to the
-quantity of wood for shipbuilding which it could furnish. Accordingly,
-the Republic suggested to Skanderbeg to attack it with his own forces,
-and with Venetian and colonial troops[844]. Nothing came of this
-suggestion, but in 1472 a Corfiote, John Vlastos, offered to consign
-Valona and Kanina to Venice on condition of receiving a fixed sum down
-and an annuity; and the Republic instructed the Governor of Corfù to
-enter into negotiations with him[845]. This also failed, and Valona, in
-Turkish hands, became, as had been feared, a base for attack against the
-Ionian Islands and even Italy. Thence, in 1479, the Turks moved against
-the remaining possessions of Leonardo III Tocco, Count of Cephalonia;
-thence, in the following year, they sailed to take Otranto[846]. In
-1501, during the Turco-Venetian war, Benedetto Pesaro entered the bay of
-Valona with a flotilla of light vessels, but a sudden hurricane caused
-the death by drowning of all his men except those taken prisoners by the
-Turks[847]. In 1518 the Governor of Valona, a renegade Cheimarriote,
-succeeded, with the aid of Sinan Pasha, the Turkish Admiral, in
-compelling Cheimarra to accept Turkish suzerainty by the concession
-of large privileges. Sinan was so greatly pleased with Valona that he
-became its governor. In the same year two Turkish subjects attempted from
-Valona a _coup de main_ upon Corfù, and it was there that the former of
-the two great Turkish sieges of that island, that of 1537, was decided
-upon by Suleyman I[848]. In 1570 a further descent was made from Valona,
-where the Turks had established a cannon-foundry, upon Corfù[849]. In
-1638 the attack by the Venetian fleet upon certain Tunisian and Algerian
-ships off Valona nearly provoked war with Turkey, and led to a temporary
-prohibition of trade between the inhabitants of that and of other Turkish
-possessions and Venice[850].
-
-The Turco-Venetian war towards the close of the seventeenth century
-led at last to the Venetian occupation of Valona, then a place of 150
-houses surrounded by a low wall. The motives were the fertility of
-the district and the desire to expel the Barbary corsairs. Morosini’s
-successor, Girolamo Cornaro, accompanied by many Greeks, after being
-delayed two days by a storm off Saseno, landed at Kryoneri, a little to
-the south of the town, early in September, 1690, where he was joined by
-500 Cheimarriotes and Albanians. A Turkish attempt to prevent his landing
-was repulsed; Kanina, weakly fortified by crumbling walls, was forced to
-surrender, and its fall had as a natural consequence the capitulation
-of Valona without a blow. Cornaro, leaving Giovanni Matteo Bembo and
-Teodoro Cornaro as _provveditori_ of Valona and Kanina, proceeded to
-attack Durazzo, but was forced by a storm to return to Valona, where,
-on October 1, he died[851]. Venice intended at first to keep these
-two acquisitions. Carlo Pisani was ordered to remain at “Uroglia”
-(Gervolia opposite Corfù) with four galleys for their defence, while the
-fortifications of Kanina were repaired and cisterns made. But when the
-Capitan Pasha encamped on the banks of the Vojussa to intimidate the
-Albanians, many of whom wished to join Venice, the garrisons began to
-suffer from lack of food and consequent desertions. Thereupon, Domenico
-Mocenigo, the new Venetian Captain-General, proposed and carried out
-the demolition of Kanina by mines, and wrote to the home government
-advocating the destruction of Valona on the ground that its preservation
-would cripple the campaign in the Morea. A debate upon its fate followed
-in the Senate. Francesco Foscari urged its retention on account of its
-geographical position at the mouth of the Adriatic and on a fine bay,
-well supplied with fresh water from Kryoneri (or “Acqua Fredda”). He
-alluded to the valuable oak forests in the neighbourhood, whose acorns
-furnished the substance known by the topical name of _valonea_ to dyers,
-to the ancient pitch-mines, the salt-pans, and the fisheries. To these
-material considerations he added the loss of prestige involved in the
-surrender of a place whose capture had been celebrated with joy by
-Pope Alexander VIII and announced as an important event to the King of
-Spain, because it signified the destruction of the corsairs, so long
-the terror of the Papal and Neapolitan coast of the Adriatic. Besides,
-“Valona,” he concluded, “opens for us the door into Albania.” To him
-Michele Foscarini replied, proposing to leave the decision to the naval
-council, and this proposal was adopted. Mocenigo’s first idea had always
-been to abandon the place, and his resolve was confirmed by the advance
-of the Turkish troops under Chalil Pasha; but General Charles Sparre, a
-Swedish baron, who was sent to execute his orders, found that the rapid
-approach of the enemy made such an operation too dangerous. The Venetians
-accordingly burnt the suburb, but prepared to defend the town. But at the
-outset both Bembo and Sparre were killed by the Turkish artillery fire,
-and, though the garrison made a successful sortie, the Captain-General
-repeated his order to blow up Valona. Four cannon and one mortar were
-left there to deceive the Turks, and on March 13, 1691, after a siege of
-forty days, they too were removed and Valona evacuated and destroyed.
-The Turks offered no opposition to the retreating Venetians, and the
-opinion was freely expressed that the place could have been defended.
-Thus, after six months, ended the Venetian occupation of Valona[852].
-When Pouqueville[853] visited it rather more than a century later, he saw
-the remains of the two forts blown up by the Venetians, and found that
-one street with porticoes recalled their former residence. In his time
-the population was 6000, including a certain number of Jews banished from
-Ancona by Paul IV. The place was then, as now, very unhealthy in summer,
-but he foretold a brilliant future for it, if the marshes were once
-drained.
-
-The Turks neglected Valona, as they neglected all their Albanian
-possessions. Sinan Pasha had been so good and popular a governor that,
-although a native of Konieh, he was nicknamed “the Arnaut,” and his
-descendants long held the appointment as almost a family fief; indeed,
-as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, the natives of Valona
-besieged and cut to pieces a certain Ismail Pasha, who had endeavoured to
-wrest the governorship of the town from one of Sinan’s descendants[854].
-A generation later, however, a sanguinary feud, which broke out between
-the members of this governing family, led the other notables of Valona
-to invoke the intervention of the famous Ali Pasha of Joannina, who had
-already cast covetous eyes on the place, then ruled by Ibrahim Pasha.
-But the treacherous “Lion of Joannina” carried off not only Ibrahim but
-also the notables of Valona to the dungeons of his lake-fortress, where
-they were subsequently put to death. Ibrahim, however, lingered on, and
-was forced to address a petition to the Turkish government begging it,
-in consideration of his age and infirmities, to bestow the governorship
-of Valona and Berat upon his gaoler’s eldest son, Mouchtar Pasha, who
-appointed a Naxiote Christian, Damirales, as his representative in the
-former town. In 1820 the Turkish authorities, resolved to crush the
-too-powerful satrap of Joannina, easily induced the people of Valona to
-drive out Mouchtar’s partisans. But the population repeatedly gave the
-Turks cause for alarm, and in 1828 Rechid Pasha treacherously executed
-a powerful Bey of Valona, who had come to pay his respects to him at
-Joannina. Nevertheless the local people continued to resist any obnoxious
-Turkish authority[855].
-
-During the first Balkan war, on November 28, 1912, Albanian independence
-was proclaimed at Valona, and an Albanian government formed, of which
-Ismail Kemal Bey was President[856]. But when an Albanian principality
-was created in the following year, and Prince William of Wied was chosen
-as its ruler, Valona recognised Durazzo as the capital. Meanwhile, Italy
-had intimated that she could not consent to the inclusion of Valona, to
-which she attached special importance, within the new Greek frontier; and
-insisted on the islet of Saseno, which had formed part of the Hellenic
-kingdom since 1864, being ceded to the Albanian principality. Greece
-complied with this demand, and on July 15, 1914, the Greek garrison
-abandoned Saseno at the order of the Venizelos Cabinet. When the European
-war broke out, Italy took the opportunity, on October 30, to occupy
-Saseno by troops under the command of Admiral Patris, who found it
-inhabited by twenty-one persons, and re-christened the highest point
-“Monte Bandiera” from the Italian flag which was hoisted there[857].
-She had sent a sanitary mission to Valona itself and, on December 25,
-occupied that town. Then, as in 1690 and as in the days of Manfred and
-his successors, Kanina was likewise in Italian hands, while for the first
-time in its long history Valona has been connected with Great Britain,
-for the new jetty there was the work of the British Adriatic Mission,
-sent to rescue the retreating Serbian army. But, by the Tirana agreement
-of August 3, 1920, Italy renounced Valona (assigned to her by the treaty
-of London in 1915), and now holds Saseno alone.
-
-
-RULERS OF VALONA
-
-    Byzantine Empire               -1081
-    Normans of Sicily          1081-4
-    Byzantine Empire           1084-1204
-    Despotat of Epeiros        1204-57
-    Manfred                    1257-66
-    Chinardo                   1266
-    Giacomo di Balsignano      1266-73
-    Angevins of Naples         1273-(?)97
-    Byzantine Empire       (?) 1297-1345/6
-    Serbs                      1345/6-1417
-    Turks                      1417-1690
-    Venetians                  1690-1
-    Turks                      1691-1912
-    Albanians                  1912-14
-    Italians                   Dec. 25, 1914-Aug. 3, 1920
-    Albanians                  1920-
-
-
-2. THE MEDIÆVAL SERBIAN EMPIRE
-
-The late Professor Freeman once remarked during a great crisis in the
-Balkans, that it was the business of a Minister of Foreign Affairs “to
-know something of the history of foreign countries.” The demand, however
-unreasonable it may seem, derives special importance from the fact,
-that recent events have signally justified the forecasts of the eminent
-historian and signally falsified those of the Minister whom he was
-criticising. For in the Balkans, and especially in Greece and Serbia,
-history is not, as it is apt to be in some western countries, primarily
-a subject for examinations, but is, thanks to the popular ballads, an
-integral part of the national life and a powerful factor in contemporary
-politics. The glories of the Byzantine Empire exercise a continual
-fascination upon the Greeks; the conquests of the Tsar Stephen Dushan in
-Macedonia have been invoked as one of the Serbian claims to that disputed
-land; whereas no Englishman of to-day has been known to demand a large
-part of France on the ground that it belonged to the English Crown in the
-reign of Dushan’s contemporary, Edward III.
-
-But there is a further reason for the study of Balkan history by
-practical men. Our judgments of the Balkan peoples are often harsh and
-unjust, because we do not realise the historic fact that they stepped
-straight out of the fifteenth century into the nineteenth (and in some
-cases into the twentieth), like Plato’s cave-dwellers who emerged
-suddenly from darkness into the full light of day. For the centuries
-of Turkish rule, interrupted in the case of Northern Serbia by the
-twenty-one years of Austrian rule between the treaties of Passarovitz and
-Belgrade in the eighteenth century, left them much as it found them—with
-their material resources undeveloped, their roads reduced to mule-tracks,
-their harbours undredged, their education neglected. Consequently, it was
-manifestly unfair to expect those who were practically contemporaries of
-our Wars of the Roses to enter the nineteenth century with the same ideas
-and the same culture as the gradually evolved states of Western Europe.
-The wonder rather is that so much progress has been accomplished in so
-short a time, especially when we remember that the eminent personages who
-direct the affairs of this world are apt to regard the Balkan peoples,
-with their deeply-rooted historical traditions and aspirations, and their
-extraordinarily keen sense of nationality, immensely stimulated by the
-victories of 1912-13, as pawns in a game, to be moved about the board as
-its exigencies demand. Let us Western Europeans, then, who have had no
-personal experience of Turkish rule, be less censorious of those who have
-lived under it for nearly four centuries at Semendria and for five at
-Skopje.
-
-In the following pages I propose to give a general sketch of mediæval
-Serbian history, emphasising those points which may help us to understand
-the events of the last few years, and referring those who desire further
-details to the great (if unpolished and unfinished) work of the late
-Constantin Jireček, who for the first time has placed the history of
-the Serbs in the Middle Ages upon the impregnable rock of contemporary
-documentary evidence.
-
-The Serbs, like the Bulgars, are not original inhabitants of the Balkan
-peninsula, where, at the dawn of history, we find three principal
-races—the Greeks, the Illyrians (who are perhaps the ancestors of the
-Albanians), and the Thracians. But a continuous residence of thirteen
-centuries qualifies the Serbs to be considered a Balkan people. The
-usually received account of their entry into the peninsula is that given
-by the Byzantine Emperor, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in his treatise
-“De Administrando Imperio,” written some three centuries later. He tells
-us that the Emperor Herakleios (610-41) gave them the territory which was
-later called “Serblia”—a country bounded in the time of Porphyrogenitus
-by Croatia on the north, Bulgaria on the south, the river Rashka near
-Novibazar on the east, and the present Herzegovina on the west. But a
-chain of historical facts proves that Herakleios merely gave to the Serbs
-what they had already taken. About a century before his time the Slavs,
-whose oldest home was in Poland, had begun to cross the Danube, and about
-578 had actually appeared before Salonika. Herakleios, occupied with
-the war against the Persians in the East, could not defend the Western
-Balkans. So he made a virtue of necessity, just as, in our own day,
-governments have granted autonomy to lost provinces which they could no
-longer protect. The Danubian principalities, Bulgaria, Eastern Roumelia,
-Crete, and the Lebanon are examples.
-
-This arrangement suited both parties. The Byzantine Court could keep
-up a formal suzerainty, and Constantine Porphyrogenitus could point in
-proof of it to the quite unscientific etymology of the word “Serboi”
-from the Latin _servi_, because they had become the “slaves” of the
-Byzantine Emperor. This national name, which first occurs in the ninth
-century, when we find Eginhard, the biographer of Charlemagne, describing
-in 822 the “Sorabi” as “said to occupy a large part of Dalmatia,” is
-still applied not only to the Balkan Serbs but to those of Saxony,
-whose language, however, is so different that a Serb of Bautzen cannot
-understand a Serb of Belgrade. The later Byzantine historians, full of
-classical lore, sometimes call the Serbs Τριβαλλοί after the Thracian
-tribe, which occupied in antiquity part of modern Serbia, and the king
-of which is brought on the stage and made to talk broken Greek in the
-_Birds_ of Aristophanes. Yet, despite this false etymology of their name,
-Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself admits what was doubtless the fact,
-that the Croats and Serbs were “subject to none.” “Thus,” in the words of
-Finlay[858], “the modern history of the eastern shores of the Adriatic
-commences with the establishment of the Sclavonian colonies in Dalmatia.”
-Of the two pre-existing elements in the population, the Romans, as
-Constantine Porphyrogenitus says, retired into the coast-towns, while the
-Illyrian aborigines were pushed southward into the country which since
-the eleventh century has borne the name of Albania from the district of
-Albanon near Kroja. Under the name of Ἀρβανῖται the Albanians are first
-mentioned in 1079.
-
-The history of mediæval Serbia falls naturally into three sections: (1)
-from the entry of the Serbs into the Balkan peninsula to the close of the
-twelfth century—a period during which the Byzantine Empire, after finally
-crushing the Bulgarians, dominated the Near East, and the Serbs, divided
-into two separate states, played a subordinate but restive part; (2) from
-the rise of the Nemanja dynasty towards the close of the twelfth century
-to the battle of Kossovo in 1389—a period which saw Serbia rise to be
-for a brief space by far the greatest state in the peninsula; (3) the
-decline, when Danubian Serbia existed at the pleasure of the Turks, till
-in 1459 she received her death-blow.
-
-During the first of these periods the only serious resistance to
-the Byzantine hegemony of the Balkan peninsula was offered by the
-Bulgarians—a Finnish, or, according to others, Tartar tribe, which
-entered it in 679, and became gradually absorbed in the Slavonic
-population, which it had conquered. The vanquished imposed their language
-upon the victors, but the victors, like the Angles in England, imposed
-their name upon the vanquished. Two powerful Bulgarian monarchs, Krum
-and the Tsar Symeon, in 813 and 913 threatened the very existence of
-Constantinople, as did the Tsar Ferdinand in 1913; and Krum was wont
-to pledge his nobles out of the silver-set skull of the Greek Emperor
-Nikephoros I, whom he had slain in battle. The Serbs, however, maintained
-friendly relations with these powerful neighbours till about the middle
-of the ninth century, when history registers the first of the long series
-of Serbo-Bulgarian wars, of which we have seen three in our own time.
-When the Serbs were united, they were able to defeat the Bulgars. But the
-rivalry of the hereditary princes, whom we find ruling over them at this
-period, led to the formation of pro-Bulgar and pro-Byzantine parties, so
-that the native ruler tended to become a Bulgarian or Byzantine nominee,
-while there was a pretender in exile at Prêslav or Constantinople only
-awaiting the opportunity to be restored by foreign aid. About 924,
-however, the Bulgarian Tsar Symeon, instead of placing a puppet of his
-own on the throne, carried away almost the whole Serbian people captive
-into Bulgaria. Serbia thus remained barren; and when, after Symeon’s
-death, the Serbian prince, Tchaslav, escaped from the Bulgarian court to
-Serbia, he found there only fifty men, and neither women nor children.
-By submitting to the Byzantine Emperor and with the latter’s help, he
-restored the scattered Serbs to their own country.
-
-For the rest of the tenth century Serbian history is a blank, save for
-the survival of the leaden seal with a Greek inscription belonging to
-a Prince of Diokleia, the country called after the town of Doclea,
-whose ruins still stand near Podgoritza. This was the time of the great
-Bulgarian Tsar Samuel, under whom Bulgaria stretched to the Adriatic;
-and Durazzo, the key of the Western Balkans, as Byzantine statesmen
-considered it, became a Bulgarian port. In his days there lived on the
-lake of Scutari a saintly Serbian prince, John Vladimir. Samuel carried
-off this holy man to his own capital on the lake of Prespa. But the
-Tsar’s daughter, according to the story, was so greatly moved by his
-pious speeches and his beauty while engaged in washing his feet, that
-she begged her father to release him. The saint escaped prison but
-not matrimony; he married the love-sick Bulgarian princess; but not
-long after was murdered as he was leaving church by an usurper of the
-Bulgarian throne. His remains repose in the monastery of St John near
-Elbassan; his cross is still preserved in Montenegro and carried every
-Whitsunday in procession at dawn.
-
-The complete destruction of the first Bulgarian Empire by the Byzantine
-Emperor Basil II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” in 1018, removed the danger of a
-Bulgarian hegemony in the Balkans, and made the Danube again the frontier
-of the Byzantine dominions, which surrounded on three sides the Serbian
-lands. Manuel I added Σερβικός to the Imperial style; Serbian pretenders
-were kept ready at Constantinople or Durazzo, in case the Serbian rulers
-showed signs of independence, while high-sounding court titles rewarded
-their servility. The internal condition of the Serbian people favoured
-Byzantine policy. For them, as in our own day, there were two Serb
-states, and two national dynasties, one ruling over the South Dalmatian
-coast, the present Herzegovina, and Dioklitia, modern Montenegro, with
-Scutari and Cattaro for its capitals; the other governing the more
-inland districts from a central point in the valley of the Rashka (near
-Novibazar), whence Serbia obtained the name of “Rassia,” by which she was
-largely described in the West of Europe during the Middle Ages. Of these
-two dynasties the former assumed the royal title—Hildebrand addressed a
-letter to “Michael, King of the Slavs”—but the latter became the more
-important, although its head contented himself with the more modest
-designation of “Great _jupan_,” that is, the first among the _jupani_, or
-Counts (Serbian _jupa_ = county).
-
-Whenever opportunity offered, however, the Serbs endeavoured to
-emancipate themselves from Byzantium. Kedrenos informs us that “after
-the death of the Emperor Romanos III (in 1034) Serbia threw off the
-yoke of the Greeks”; Stephen Vojislav, ruler of Dioklitia, not only
-seized a cargo of gold, which was thrown up on the Illyrian coast, but
-saw a Byzantine army perish in the difficult passes of his country.
-A second Imperial invasion, which started from Durazzo, met with the
-same fate as that which befell the Austrian “punitive expedition” in
-December 1914. The Serbs allowed the invaders to penetrate into the Zeta
-valley, occupied the heights and utterly routed them as they returned,
-laden with booty, through a narrow gorge. Michael, Vojislav’s son, made
-peace with the Emperor, and received the title of _protospathários_, or
-“sword-bearer,” at the Byzantine court, while he assumed at home the
-title of king. But, after the crushing defeat of the Byzantines by the
-Seljuks in Asia at the battle of Manzikert in 1071, the temptation to
-rise was too strong for the Balkan Slavs to resist. Accordingly, at the
-invitation of the Bulgarians, Michael sent them a leader in the person of
-his son, Constantine Bodin, who was proclaimed at Prizren “Peter, Emperor
-of the Bulgarians.” Bodin was, however, captured by the Byzantines, but
-escaped and married the daughter of a citizen of Bari—the first example
-but not the last of a Serbo-Italian union. At his request Pope Clement
-III confirmed the rights of the Archbishopric of Antivari, the ancient
-See, which is mentioned as an Archbishopric so early as 1067, and on
-the holder of which Leo XIII in 1902 conferred the title of “Primate of
-Serbia.” But Bodin, bellicose and crafty as Anna Comnena describes him,
-fell again into the power of the Byzantines. Our countryman, Ordericus
-Vitalis, describes him as “treating in a friendly fashion” the Crusaders
-who passed through his territory. Usually, however, the Crusaders had
-difficulty with the Serbs; and William of Tyre tells how at Nish, then a
-“fortified town, filled with a valiant and numerous population,” certain
-“Germans, sons of Belial,” set fire to the mills, thus provoking the
-retaliation of the natives.
-
-The excellent Archbishop, who was sent in 1168 on an embassy to Monastir,
-remarks that Serbia was a country “of difficult access”; and that the
-Serbs, whose name he also derives from their supposedly original state
-of servitude, were “an uncultured and undisciplined people, inhabiting
-the mountains and forests, and not practising agriculture, but possessed
-of much cattle great and small.... Sometimes their _jupani_ obey the
-Emperor: at other times all the inhabitants quit their mountains and
-forests ... to ravage the surrounding countries.” Yet the oldest piece of
-Serbian literature—a book of the Gospels in Cyrillic letters[859]—dates
-from this very period; and a priest of Antivari composed in Latin a
-history of the rulers of Diokleia, who were gradually ousted by the
-“Great _jupani_” of Rascia, who in their turn were forced to submit to
-the chivalrous Byzantine Emperor, Manuel I. A court poet of the period,
-Theodore Prodromos, represents the Serbian rivers Save and Tara, red with
-blood and laden with corpses, addressing the conqueror, and the Serbian
-_jupani_ trembling at the roar of the lion from the Bosporus.
-
-The death of Manuel I, in 1180, freed the Southern Slavs from Byzantine
-rule; and the following decade saw the foundation of the great Serbian
-state, which reached its zenith in the middle of the fourteenth century,
-and then fell before the all-conquering Turk. As has usually happened
-in Balkan history, this national triumph was the work of one man—Stephen
-Nemanja, the first great name in Serbian history.
-
-The founder of the Serbian monarchy was a native of what is now
-Podgoritza, whence he built up a compact Serbian state, comprising the
-Zeta (modern Montenegro), and the Land of Hum (the “Hill” country, now
-the Herzegovina), Northern Albania and the modern kingdom of Serbia,
-with a sea-frontage on the Bocche di Cattaro, whose municipality in 1186
-passed a resolution describing him as “Our Lord Nemanja, Great _jupan_
-of Rascia.” Of the Serbian lands Bosnia alone evaded his sway, forming
-a separate state, which, first under _bans_, and then under kings,
-survived the Serbian monarchy till it, too, fell before the Turks;
-while in the land of Hum he set up his brother, Miroslav, as prince.
-Thus, he substituted for the aristocratic Serbian federation a single
-state, embraced the Orthodox faith, which was that of the majority of
-his people, and strove to secure its religious as well as ecclesiastical
-union by extirpating the heresy of the Bogomiles, or _Babuni_ (whence
-the name of the Babuna pass near Monastir, so famous in the fighting of
-1915), then rife in the Balkans. At the same time he sent presents to St
-Peter’s in Rome and St Nicholas’ at Bari.
-
-When Frederick Barbarossa stopped at Nish on the third Crusade in 1189,
-Nemanja met him with handsome gifts; but we may doubt the statement of a
-German chronicler that he did homage for his lands to the Teutonic ruler.
-No German Emperor ever set foot in Nish again till the recent visit of
-the Kaiser to King Ferdinand, when a modern chronicle, the _Wolffbureau_,
-revived the memory of Barbarossa’s presence there. In 1195 Nemanja
-retired from the world, at the instigation of his youngest son, who is
-known in Serbian history as St Sava; and he died in 1200 as the monk
-Symeon in the monastery of Chilandar on Mount Athos. He, too, received
-the honours of a saint; his tomb is still revered in the monastery of
-Studenitza, which he founded; and his life was written by his eldest son
-and successor Stephen, and by Stephen’s brother St Sava—the beginning of
-Serbian historical biography.
-
-Nemanja had never assumed the title of king, continuing to style himself
-as “Great _jupan_”; but Stephen won for himself the title of “the
-first-crowned king,” by obtaining, in 1217, a royal crown from Pope
-Honorius III. There were diplomatic reasons for the assumption of this
-title. The Byzantine Empire had now fallen before the Latin Crusaders;
-Frankish principalities had arisen all over the Near East; and the Latin
-ruler of Salonika had assumed the royal style. Bulgaria had arisen again,
-and her sovereigns had revived the ancient title of Tsar; and the King
-of Hungary had presumed to call himself king of “Rascia” also. To show
-his connection with the former kings of Diokleia, Stephen added that
-country to his style; to complete the independence of his kingdom, he
-obtained through his saintly and diplomatic brother from the Œcumenical
-Patriarch at Nice the recognition of a separate Serbian Church under
-Sava himself as “Archbishop of all the Serbian lands.” Sava was buried
-in the monastery of Mileshevo in the old _sandjak_ of Novibazar, whence
-his remains were removed and burned by the Turks near Belgrade in 1595.
-Many a pious legend has grown up around the name of the founder of the
-national Church; but, through the haze of romance and beneath the halo
-of the saint, we can descry the figure of the great ecclesiastical
-statesman, whose constant aim it was to benefit his country and the
-dynasty to which he himself belonged, and to identify the latter with the
-national religion.
-
-While Stephen’s successor was a feeble character, the second Bulgarian
-Empire reached its zenith under the great Tsar John Asên II, who boasted
-in a still extant inscription in his capital of Trnovo, then the centre
-of Balkan politics, that he had “conquered all the lands from Adrianople
-to Durazzo.” The next Serbian King Vladislav was his son-in-law; St Sava
-died as his guest. But the hegemony of Bulgaria disappeared at his death
-in 1241; there, too, the national resurrection had been the work of
-one man. The Greeks regained their influence in Macedonia, and in 1261
-recaptured Constantinople from the Latins.
-
-We have an interesting description of life at the Serbian court in
-the time of the next King, Stephen Urosh I[860] (_c._ 1268), from the
-Byzantine historian Pachymeres. There was a project for a marriage
-between a daughter of the Greek Emperor, Michael VIII Palaiologos, and
-a son of Stephen Urosh. First, however, two envoys were sent to report,
-and the Empress specially charged one of them to let her know what sort
-of a family it was into which her daughter was about to marry. The
-pompous Byzantines were horrified to find “the great King,” as he was
-called, living the simple life in a way which would have disgraced a
-modest official of Constantinople, his Hungarian daughter-in-law working
-at her spindle in an inexpensive gown, and his household eating like a
-pack of hunters or sheep-stealers. The lack of security for travellers
-deepened the unfavourable impression of the envoys, and the marriage was
-broken off. Stephen Urosh II (1281-1321), surnamed Milutin (“the child of
-grace”), greatly increased the importance of Serbia. We have different
-pictures of this monarch from his Serbian and his Greek contemporaries.
-One of the former extols his qualities as a ruler, one of the latter
-portrays him as anything but an exemplary husband. But these characters
-are not incompatible, as we know from the case of Henry VIII, whom
-Stephen Urosh II resembled not only in the number of his wives, but in
-his opportunist policy. His chief object was to enlarge his dominions at
-the expense of Byzantium; he occupied Skopje, and established his capital
-there—the Serbian residence had hitherto fluctuated between Novibazar,
-Prishtina and Prizren—and so greatly impressed the Emperor Andronikos II
-with his advance towards Salonika that the latter sacrificed his only
-daughter, Simonis, to the already thrice-divorced monarch, giving as her
-dowry the territories which his son-in-law had already taken from him.
-Simonis, however, when she grew up—she was only a child at the time of
-her engagement—preferred Constantinople to the society of her husband;
-and nothing but his threat to come and take her by force induced her to
-return.
-
-Behind this marriage of convenience there lay the project of uniting the
-Greek and Serbian dominions under a Serbian sceptre—a project to which
-the national party was resolutely opposed. At the same time, he not
-only had—what all Serbian rulers have coveted—an outlet on the sea, but
-actually occupied for a few years the port of Durazzo, that much-debated
-spot, which during the Middle Ages was alternatively Angevin, Serbian,
-Albanian and Venetian, till in 1501 it became Turkish. Nor was this
-astute ruler only a diplomatist and a politician; he offered the
-Venetians to keep open and guard the great trade route which traversed
-his kingdom, and led across Bulgaria to the Black Sea. A munificent
-founder of churches, his generosity is evidenced in Italy by the silver
-altar, bearing the date 1319, which he gave to St Nicholas’ at Bari, and
-on which he described himself as ruling from the Adriatic to the Danube;
-but his name is better known by the verses of Dante, who has given him a
-place in the _Paradiso_ among the evil kings for his issue of counterfeit
-Venetian coin[861]—a common offence in the Levant during the Middle Ages:
-
-        e quel di Rascia
-    Che male ha visto il conio di Vinegia.
-
-A disputed succession soon ended in the enthronement of the late King’s
-illegitimate son, Stephen Urosh III, known in history by the epithet
-“Detchanski” from the famous monastery of Detchani which he founded. He
-had been blinded for conspiring against his father; but on his father’s
-death he recovered his sight, which perhaps he had never entirely
-lost. His reign is one of the most dramatic in Serbian history, for it
-affords an example of those sudden alternations of triumph and disaster
-characteristic of the Balkans, alike in the Middle Ages and in our own
-day. On June 28, 1330, he utterly routed the Bulgarians at Velbujd, as
-Köstendil was then called. Bulgaria became a vassal state of Serbia,
-which had thus won the hegemony of the Balkan peninsula. Next year,
-he was dethroned by his son, the famous Stephen Dushan, and strangled
-in the castle of Zvetchan near Mitrovitza. A contemporary, Guillaume
-Adam, Archbishop of Antivari, has left a description of Serbia during
-this period. The palaces of the King and his nobles were of wood, and
-surrounded by palisades; the only houses of stone were in the Latin
-coast-towns. Yet “Rassia” was naturally a very rich land, producing
-plenty of corn, wine and oil; it was well watered; its forests were full
-of game, while five gold mines and as many of silver were constantly
-worked.
-
-The reign of Stephen Urosh IV, better known as Stephen Dushan (1331-55),
-marks the zenith of Serbia. As a conqueror and as a lawgiver, he
-resembled Napoleon; and his Empire, like that of Napoleon, crumbled to
-pieces as soon as its creator had disappeared. In the former capacity,
-he aimed at realising the dream of his grandfather, Stephen Urosh II,
-of forming a great Serbian Empire on the ruins of Byzantium. The civil
-war between the young Emperor John V Palaiologos, aided by his Italian
-mother, Anne of Savoy, and the ambitious John Cantacuzene, whose history
-is one of the most interesting sources for this period, was Dushan’s
-opportunity. Both parties in the struggle made bids for his support at
-the unfortified village of Prishtina, which had been the Serbian capital.
-His price was nothing less than the whole Byzantine Empire west of
-Kavalla, or, at least, of Salonika. Anne of Savoy, less patriotic than
-her rival, offered him what he asked, if he would send her Cantacuzene,
-then his guest, either alive or dead. But the Council of twenty-four
-great officers of state, whom the Serbian Kings were wont to consult,
-acting on the Queen’s advice, repudiated the suggestion of assassinating
-a suppliant. Dushan allowed the rival Byzantine factions to exhaust
-themselves; and, while they fought, he occupied one place after another,
-till all Macedonia, except Salonika, was his.
-
-With little exaggeration he wrote from Serres to the Doge of Venice,
-which had conferred her citizenship upon him, styling himself “King of
-Serbia, Diokleia, the land of Hum, the Zeta, Albania and the Maritime
-region, partner in no small part of the Empire of Bulgaria, and lord
-of almost all the Empire of Romania.” But for the ruler of so vast a
-realm the title of King seemed insignificant, especially as his vassal,
-the ruler of Bulgaria, bore the great name of Tsar. Accordingly, on
-Easter Sunday 1346, Dushan had himself crowned at Skopje, whither he
-had transferred his capital, as “Emperor of the Serbs and Greeks.”
-Shortly before, he had raised the Archbishop of Serbia to the dignity
-of Patriarch with his seat at Petch; and the two Slav Patriarchs, the
-Bulgarian of Trnovo and the Serbian of Petch, placed the crown upon his
-head. At the same time, on the analogy of the Western Empire with its
-“King of the Romans,” he had his son, Stephen Urosh V, proclaimed King.
-Byzantine emblems and customs were introduced into the brand-new Serbian
-Empire; the Tsar assumed the tiara and the double-eagle, and wrote to the
-Doge, proposing an alliance for the conquest of Constantinople. In the
-papal correspondence with Serbia we read of a Serbian “Sebastocrator,” a
-“Great Logothete,” a “Cæsar,” and a “Despot”; the governors of important
-Serbian cities, such as Cattaro and Scutari, were styled “Counts”; those
-of minor places, like Antivari, “Captains.” Thus it is easy to see why
-the whole Serbian world was thrilled when, in the first Balkan war of
-1912, the Crown Prince Alexander entered Skopje, the coronation-city of
-Dushan—at the invitation of the Austrian Consul, “to restore order”!
-
-Dushan next extended his Empire to the south by the annexation of Epeiros
-and Thessaly; and assigned Ætolia and Akarnania to his brother, Symeon
-Urosh, and Thessaly and Joannina to the “Cæsar” Preliub. His dominions
-now stretched to the Corinthian Gulf, and he thought that it only
-remained to annex the independent Serb state of Bosnia, and to capture
-Constantinople, establishing what a poetic Montenegrin ruler of our day
-has called an “Empire of the Balkans.” This would have embraced all the
-races of the variegated peninsula, and perhaps kept the Turks—who, in
-1353, had made their first permanent settlement in Europe, by crossing
-the Dardanelles and occupying the castle of Tzympe—beyond the Bosporus,
-and the Hungarians beyond the Save. On St Michael’s day, 1355, he
-assembled his nobles, and asked whether he should lead them against
-Byzantium or Buda-Pesth. To their answer, that they would follow him,
-whithersoever he bade them, his reply was “to Constantinople.” But on the
-way he fell ill of a fever, and at Diavoli, on Dec. 20, he died, aged 48.
-No Serbian ruler had ever approached so near the Imperial city; had he
-succeeded, and had another Dushan succeeded him, the Turkish conquest 98
-years later might have been averted.
-
-Great as were his conquests, the Serbian Napoleon was no mere soldier.
-His code of law, the “Zakonik,” like the “Code Napoléon,” has survived
-the vast but fleeting Empire of its author. Dushan’s law-book is, indeed,
-largely based on previous legislation, such as the canon law of the Greek
-Church, the statutes of Budua and other Adriatic coast-towns, and, in
-the case of trial by jury, on an enactment of Stephen Urosh II. For us,
-however, its chief value is the light which it throws upon Serbia’s
-political and social condition in the golden age of the Empire.
-
-Mediæval Serbia resembled neither of the Serb states of our day. It was
-not, even under Dushan, an autocracy, like Montenegro before 1905, nor
-yet a democratic monarchy, like the modern Serbian kingdom; but the
-powers of the monarch were limited by the influence of the great nobles—a
-class stamped out at the Turkish conquest and never since revived.
-Society consisted of the Sovereign; the ecclesiastical hierarchy, ranging
-from the Patriarch to the village priest; the greater and lesser nobles;
-the peasants, some free, others serfs bound to the soil; slaves, servants
-for hire; and, at Cattaro and in a few inland places, small communities
-of burghers. But the magnates were the dominant section; on two occasions
-even Dushan had to cope with their rebellions, and they formed a privy
-council of twenty-four, which he consulted before deciding important
-questions of public policy. Their lands were hereditary; and they enjoyed
-the privilege of killing their inferiors with comparative impunity,
-for a graduated tariff (as in Saxon England) regulated the punishment
-for wilful murder—hanging for that of a priest or monk, burning for
-parricide, fratricide, or infanticide, the loss of both hands and a fine
-for that of a noble by a commoner, a simple fine for that of a commoner
-by a noble. But the law secured to the peasant the fruits of his labour;
-no village might be laid under contribution by two successive army-corps;
-but, if the peasant organised or even attended a public meeting, he lost
-his eyes and was branded on the face, while for theft or arson, the
-culprit’s village was held collectively responsible. Next to the nobles
-the Orthodox Church was the most influential class; indeed, the early
-Archbishops of Serbia were drawn from junior members of the Royal family,
-and their interests were consequently identical with those of the Crown,
-of which they were the apologists in literature, like the “official”
-journals of to-day.
-
-While the great Serbia of Dushan, like the smaller Serbia of our days,
-was pre-eminently an agricultural state, it possessed the enormous
-advantage of a coastline, which facilitated trade. Dushan allowed foreign
-merchants to circulate freely, and showed special favour to those of
-Ragusa whose argosies (or _ragusies_) were welcomed in his ports. He
-allowed a Saxon colony to work the silver-mines of Novo Brdo, and to burn
-charcoal. His bodyguard was composed of Germans, whose captain, Palmann,
-obtained great influence with him. He sent missions to foreign countries
-to obtain information; with Venice, of which he was a citizen, his
-relations were particularly close—as those of Italians and Serbs ought
-by nature to be; while foreign ambassadors were favourably impressed
-with his hospitality by receiving free meals in every village through
-which they passed. Already—so Nikephoros Gregoras tells us—the Serbs had
-begun to commemorate the great deeds of their champions in their national
-ballads, which attained their full development after the fatal battle
-of Kossovo and have inspired the Serbian soldiers in their three last
-wars. We hear, too, of architects from Cattaro, which was the Serbian
-mint in the reigns of Dushan and his son. The Queen of Italy possesses a
-collection of the coinage of the mediæval Serbian monarchy.
-
-Dushan’s Empire crumbled away at his death. Like that of Napoleon,
-it had been made too fast to weld together the four races which it
-contained—Serbs, Greeks, Albanians and Koutso-Wallachs. The creation of
-a Serbian Patriarchate alienated the Greek Church, just as the creation
-of a Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870 sowed the seeds of disunion between
-Greeks and Bulgarians in Macedonia. Thus to the four different races
-there were added four different creeds—the Serbian Patriarchists, the
-Greek Patriarchists, the Albanian Catholics, and the Bogomile heretics,
-these last always ready to invoke a foreign invader against domestic
-persecution, even though that foreigner were a Mussulman. Even this
-strongest of Serbian monarchs, whose foot every one who entered his
-presence must kiss and who was “of all men of his time the tallest, and
-withal terrible to look upon,” as the papal legate called him, was barely
-equal to the task of checking the great nobles; and it was doubtless
-distrust of them which led him to surround himself with a foreign guard.
-The eminent Serbian historian and statesman, the late M. Novakovich, sums
-up the failure of Dushan to found a permanent state in the judgment:
-“Everything about his Empire was personal; the Serbian creations were
-only personal.”
-
-The dying Tsar had made his nobles swear to maintain the rights of his
-son, Stephen Urosh V, then a boy of nineteen. But the lad’s uncle, Symeon
-Urosh, the viceroy of Akarnania and Ætolia, disputed the succession; some
-nobles supported him, while others, availing themselves of the family
-quarrel, set up as independent princes in their particular satrapies.
-Symeon made Trikkala the capital of a brief Greco-Serbian Empire; and
-his son ended as abbot of the famous monastery of Meteoron. After four
-decades Serbian sway over Thessaly and Epeiros ceased to exist. An
-inscription at Trikkala and a church at Meteoron are now almost its only
-memories. Of the independent satraps the most important were the brothers
-Balsha (by some erroneously connected with the French house of Baux),
-who established themselves in the Zeta, the present Montenegro, with a
-seaboard on the Adriatic at Budua and Antivari, and with Scutari as their
-“principal residence”—“principale eorum domicilium,” as a Latin document
-of 1369 says. This is the historical basis of the Montenegrin claim to
-Scutari, where the Balsha family remained till (in 1396) it sold that
-city to Venice. The rest of Albania was occupied by native chiefs, the
-most famous of them being Carlo Topia at Durazzo, who boasted his descent
-from the Angevins—a fact commemorated by the French lilies on his still
-extant tomb near Elbassan—and from whom Essad Pasha Toptani derived his
-origin.
-
-Still more famous was Vukashin, guardian and cup-bearer of the young
-Tsar, who drove his master from the throne in 1366, and assumed the title
-of king, with the government of the specially Serbian lands and Prizren
-as his capital. A later legend makes the usurper murder his sovereign
-during a hunting-party on the plain of Kossovo. But it has now been
-proved that Stephen Urosh V survived his supposed murderer, who fell by
-the hand of his own servant, fighting against the Turks at the battle of
-the Maritza in 1371—the first great blow that Serbia received from her
-future conqueror. His son, Marko Kraljevich, “the King’s son, Marko,”
-that great hero of South Slavonic poetry, whose exploits were portrayed
-by M. Meshtrovich in the Serbian pavilion of the Rome exhibition in
-1911, retained Prilip; and it is recorded that, when in 1912 the Serbian
-army attacked that place, their officers appealed to them in the name of
-the national hero to liberate his residence from the Turks. Two months
-after Vukashin Stephen Urosh V died also, and Lazar Grbljanovich, a
-connection of the Imperial family, ascended the throne of an Empire so
-diminished that he preferred the style of “Prince” to that of Tsar, which
-was conferred upon him in the ballads. Serbia was no longer the leading
-Slav state of the peninsula—for the great Bosnian ruler Stephen Tvrtko
-I (1353-91) had won the hegemony of the Southern Slavs, and in 1376 had
-himself crowned on the grave of St Sava at Mileshevo as “King of the
-Serbs, and of Bosnia, and of the coast.” To secure the latter, he founded
-the present fortress of Castelnuovo at the entrance of the Bocche di
-Cattaro; and in 1385 Cattaro itself was his.
-
-Meanwhile the nation destined to destroy both the Serbian and the Bosnian
-Kingdoms was rapidly advancing. The Turks took Nish in 1386, and in
-1389 Lazar set out, attended by all his paladins, from his capital of
-Krushevatz—for the Serbian royal residence had receded within the limits
-of Danubian Serbia—to do battle with Murad I on the fatal field of
-Kossovo.
-
-A Serbian ballad tells how on the eve of the battle the prophet Elijah
-in the guise of a falcon flew with a letter from the Virgin into Lazar’s
-tent, offering him the choice between the Empire of this world and the
-Heavenly kingdom, and how he chose the latter. The armies met on St
-Vitus’ day, June 15 (O.S.), 1389. Seven nationalities composed that of
-the Christians; at least one Christian vassal helped to swell the smaller
-forces of the Turks. While Murad was arraying himself for the fight, a
-noble Serb, Milosh Kobilich[862], presented himself as a deserter and
-begged to have speech of the Sultan. His request was granted, he entered
-the royal tent, and stabbed Murad to the heart, paying with his own life
-for this act, but gaining thereby immortality in Serbian poetry. None the
-less, the Turks went undismayed into battle. At first, the Bosniaks drove
-back one Turkish wing; but Bayezid I, the young Sultan, held his own on
-the other, and threw the Christians into disorder. A rumour of treachery
-increased their confusion; whether truly or no, it is still the popular
-tradition that Vuk Brankovich, Lazar’s son-in-law, betrayed the Serbian
-cause at Kossovo. Lazar was taken prisoner, and slain in the tent where
-the dying Murad lay, and with him fell the Serbian Empire.
-
-At first Christendom believed that the Turks had been defeated. A
-_Te Deum_ was sung in Paris to the God of battles; Florence wrote to
-congratulate the Bosnian king, Tvrtko, on the supposed victory. But
-Lazar’s widow, Militza, as a ballad beautifully tells the tale, soon
-learnt the truth in her “white palace” at Krushevatz from the crows that
-had hovered over the battlefield. The name of Kossovo is remembered
-throughout the Serbian lands, as if it had been fought but yesterday.
-Every year the anniversary is kept, in 1916, for the first time in
-England; and it was the fact that the late Archduke Franz Ferdinand chose
-this day of all days to make his entry into Sarajevo, which perhaps
-contributed to his assassination. Although the battle of Kumanovo in 1912
-avenged Kossovo, yet the Montenegrins still wear a black band on their
-caps in sign of mourning for it; in many a lonely village the minstrel
-sings to the sound of the _gusle_ the melancholy legend of Kossovo. On
-the field itself Murad’s heart is still preserved, while the Hungarian
-Serbs treasure in the monastery of Vrdnik the shroud of Lazar.
-
-A diminished Serbian principality lingered on for another seventy years.
-Bayezid recognised the late ruler’s eldest son, Stephen Lazarevich,
-with the title of “Prince” (exchanged in 1404 for that of “Despot,”
-thenceforth borne by the Serbian princes) on condition that he paid
-tribute and came every year with a contingent to join the Turkish
-troops, and gave him the hand of his youngest sister; while Vuk
-Brankovich received the reward of his treachery by holding the old
-capital of Prishtina as a vassal of the Sultan. For a time the Turkish
-defeat at Angora by the Tartars in 1402 enabled the Serbian Despot to
-play off one Turkish pretender against another, while he purchased
-domestic peace by making Brankovich’s son George his heir. Thus he could
-devote himself to organising his country and patronising literature in
-the person of Constantine “the Philosopher,” who repaid his hospitality
-by writing his biography. He appointed a species of Cabinet, with which
-he discussed affairs of state, founded the monastery of Manassia,
-obtained Belgrade by diplomacy from the Hungarians, fortified it and
-adorned it with churches. In his time Venice began her colonies in
-Albania and what is now Montenegro—at Durazzo in 1392, Alessio in 1393,
-Drivasto and Scutari in 1396, Antivari and Dulcigno in 1421 (the former,
-however, not definitely till 1444), while in 1420 Cattaro placed herself
-under the protection of the Lion of St Mark, then master of most of the
-Dalmatian coast, save where the Ragusan Republic formed an enclave in his
-territory.
-
-Serbia under George Brankovich, who succeeded as “Despot” in 1427, was
-thus practically a Danubian principality. The new Despot, a man of sixty
-years, was an experienced diplomatist; but there are times in the Balkans
-when force is more valuable than the subtlest diplomacy. A warlike
-Sultan, in the person of Murad II, sat on the Turkish throne; and he soon
-showed his intentions by demanding the whole of Serbia, and invading
-that country. Brankovich had to move his capital from Krushevatz to the
-bank of the Danube, where at Semendria he built the fine castle with the
-red brick cross in its walls which is still a memorial of Serbia’s past,
-while in order to secure himself an eventual refuge in Hungary, he handed
-over Belgrade to the Hungarian monarch, notwithstanding the protests and
-tears of its citizens. Brankovich in vain tried to purchase peace by
-giving his daughter with a regal outfit to the Sultan. Ere long, however,
-the Sultan, incited by a fanatic who accused him of sinning against
-Allah by allowing the Serbian unbeliever to bar the way to Hungary and
-Italy, demanded the surrender of Semendria. Brankovich fled to Hungary,
-thence to his last maritime possessions of Antivari and Budua, and thence
-to Ragusa; but the victories of John Hunyady, “the white knight of
-Wallachia,” induced Murad in 1444 to restore to the Despot the whole of
-Serbia, on payment of half its annual revenue.
-
-Brankovich by his “enlightened egoism” managed to maintain a precarious
-autonomy till after the capture of Constantinople (1453). Then, Mohammed
-II resolved to end what remained of Serbian independence, and to
-capture the famous silver mines of Novo Brdo, which, as his biographer,
-Kritoboulos, remarked, had not only largely contributed to the splendour
-of the Serbian Empire, but had also aroused the covetousness of its
-enemies. Indeed, the picture which the Imbrian writer draws of Serbia
-on the eve of the Turkish conquest is almost idyllic, with her “cities
-many and fair,” her “strong forts on the Danube,” her “productive soil,
-swine and cattle, and abundant breed of goodly steeds.” But the flower
-of the Serbian youth had been drafted into the corps of Janissaries to
-fight against their fellow-Christians, the prince was a man of ninety and
-a fugitive, while Mohammed, like the Germans of to-day, had marvellous
-artillery. Still Belgrade, then a Hungarian fortress, resisted, thanks
-to the skill of Hunyady and the fiery eloquence of the Franciscan
-Capistrano. But the nonagenarian Despot was wounded in a quarrel with the
-Hungarian governor, and on Christmas-eve, 1456, died. Of his sons the
-two elder had been blinded by the late Sultan, so that his third son,
-Lazar III, succeeded him. His speedy death resulted, at this eleventh
-hour of Serbian history, in the union of both Serbia and Bosnia by the
-marriage of one of his daughters with the Bosnian Crown Prince, Stephen
-Tomashevich—an arrangement which even Dushan, in all his glory, had never
-achieved. The Bosnian Despot of Serbia took up his abode at Semendria;
-but the inhabitants, regarding their new master with disfavour, as a
-Catholic and a Hungarian nominee, opened their gates to the Turks; before
-the summer of 1459 was over, all Serbia had become a Turkish pashalik,
-except Belgrade, which remained a Hungarian fortress till 1521. Four
-years after the fall of Serbia her last Despot, then King of Bosnia, was
-beheaded at Jajce, and his kingdom annexed by the Turks. Twenty years
-after Bosnia, the Duchy of St Sava, the modern Herzegovina, met with the
-same fate.
-
-Thus the history of mediæval Serbia was closed. But members of the
-Brankovich family continued to bear the title of Despot in their
-Hungarian exile, whither many of their adherents had followed them,
-till the extinction of their house two centuries ago; the Serbian
-Patriarchate, abolished in 1459, but revived by the Turks in 1557,
-existed till 1767; but from the time of Mohammed II to that of Black
-George in 1804, when Danubian Serbia rose from her long enslavement,
-the noblest representatives of the Serbs maintained their freedom in
-the Republics of Ragusa, “the South Slavonic Athens,” and Poljitza,
-“the South Slavonic San Marino,” and among the barren rocks of free
-Montenegro.
-
-
-AUTHORITIES
-
-1. _Geschichte der Serben._ Von Constantin Jireček, Erster Band (Bis
-1371); Zweiter Band, erste Hälfte (1371-1537). Gotha: Perthes, 1911, 1918.
-
-2. _Serbes, Croates et Bulgares._ Par Louis Leger. Paris: Maisonneuve,
-1913.
-
-3. _Les problèmes serbes._ Par Stojan Novakovich. In _Archiv für
-slavische Philologie_, Bände XXXIII.-IV. Berlin, 1912.
-
-4. _Listine._ By S. Ljubich. In _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum
-Meridionalium_. Eleven vols. Agram, 1868-93.
-
-5. _Acta et Diplomata Res Albaniæ mediæ ætatis illustrantia._ Ed. L.
-de Thallóczy, C. Jireček, E. de Sufflay. Vol. I. (344-1343); Vol. II.
-(1344-1406). Vindobonæ, 1913-18.
-
-6. _Poésies populaires serbes._ Tr. by A. Dozon. Paris, 1877.
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-THE FOUNDER OF MONTENEGRO
-
-The parentage of Stephen Crnojevich, the founder of the like-named
-Montenegrin dynasty, has hitherto rested merely on conjecture. The two
-oldest writers on South Slavonic history, Orbini[863] and Luccari[864],
-identified him with Stefano Maramonte, an adventurer from Apulia, who
-is known from Venetian sources[865] to have been a totally different
-person. Subsequent writers, such as Ducange[866], Fallmerayer[867],
-Milakovich[868], and Lenormant[869], have usually adopted without
-question this identification; while the first native historian of
-Montenegro, the _Vladika_ Vasilj Petrovich[870], made him the son of a
-certain John Crnojevich, who was descended from the Serbian royal family
-of Nemanja. According to these respective theories, he first appeared in
-Montenegrin history in 1419, 1421 or 1423. Hopf[871], and Count de Mas
-Latrie[872], who were far nearer the truth, asserted him to have been a
-son of Raditch Crnoje, who is described as “lord of the Zeta and Budua
-and of the other parts of Slavonia” in 1392, as “baron of the parts of
-the Zeta” in 1393, and as having fallen in battle in 1396, after having
-been a “very powerful man” and an honorary citizen of Venice[873].
-
-The Venetian documents, published by Ljubich, prove beyond all doubt that
-Stephen Crnojevich was the son of George Jurash, or Jurashevich—a name
-first mentioned[874] in a Ragusan document of 1403. Three years later
-George Jurashevich and his brother Alexius dominated the Upper Zeta; in
-1420 they were “barons of the Zeta” and were promised the possession of
-Budua[875]—the very same places that Raditch Crnoje had held. These facts
-might have suggested that they were his next-of-kin, not, as Hopf[876]
-and Miklosich[877] supposed, members of a distinct clan. The identity of
-the two families is proved by a document[878] of 1426, which mentions
-for the first time _Stefaniza fiol del Zorzi Juras_, while subsequent
-documents prove conclusively that this Stefaniza was none other than
-Stephen Crnojevich. He had three brothers, one “lately dead” in 1443, and
-in the next year mention is made of the three survivors as _Jurassin,
-Stefanice, et Coicini, fratrum de Zernoievich_[879].
-
-The exact relationship of Stephen’s father, George Jurashevich, to
-Raditch Crnoje can only be surmised. We know however that Raditch had
-several brothers[880]; if we assume that one was called George, or
-Jurash, this man’s son would then be called Jurashevich; thus Stephen
-would be Raditch’s grand-nephew—a degree of relationship which would
-correspond with his death[881] in 1466, two generations after that of
-his great-uncle. As the legitimate heirs of Raditch, the Jurashevich
-naturally reverted to the more distinguished surname of Crnojevich,
-a name found in that region in 1351, while Crnagora, the Serb name
-for Montenegro, occurs in a Ragusan document[882] of 1362. There is a
-tradition[883] that the family came originally from Zajablje in the
-Herzegovina.
-
-
-3. BOSNIA BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST[884]
-
-
-I. THE HISTORY OF BOSNIA DOWN TO 1180.
-
-The earliest known inhabitants of Bosnia and the Herzegovina belonged
-to that Illyrian stock which peopled the western side of the Balkan
-peninsula at the close of the fifth century B.C. At that period we find
-two Illyrian tribes, the Ardiæi and the Autariatæ, in possession of those
-lands. The former occupied West Bosnia, while the latter extended to
-the south and gave their name to the river Tara, which forms for some
-distance the present frontier between Montenegro and the Herzegovina.
-Few characteristics of these remote tribes have been preserved by the
-Greek and Roman writers, but we are told that the Ardiæi were noted even
-among the Illyrians for their drunken habits, and that they were the
-proprietors of a large body of slaves, who performed all their manual
-offices for them. Of the Autariatæ we know nothing beyond the fact of
-their power at that epoch.
-
-But the old Illyrian inhabitants had to acknowledge the superiority of
-another race. About 380 B.C. the Celts invaded the peninsula, and, by
-dint of continual pushing, ousted the natives of what is now Serbia,
-and so became neighbours of the Ardiæi. Their next step was to drive
-the latter southward into the modern Herzegovina, and to seize their
-possessions in North Bosnia. Instead of uniting against the Celtic
-invaders the Illyrian tribes fell to quarrelling among themselves over
-some salt springs, which were unfortunately situated at the spot where
-their confines met. This fratricidal struggle had the effect of so
-weakening both parties that they fell an easy prey to the common foe. The
-victorious Celts pursued their southward course, and by 335 B.C. both
-Bosnia and the Herzegovina were in their power, and the Illyrians either
-exiles or else subject to the Celtic sway. This is the first instance of
-that fatal tendency to disunion which has throughout been the curse of
-these beautiful lands. The worst foes of Bosnia and the Herzegovina have
-been those of their own household.
-
-The Celtic supremacy left few traces behind it. While in the south a
-powerful Illyrian state was formed, which offered a stubborn resistance
-to Rome herself, the Celtic and Illyrian inhabitants of Bosnia and the
-Herzegovina remained in the happy condition of having no history. But
-when the South Illyrian state fell before the Romans, in 167 B.C., and
-the legionaries encamped on the river Narenta, upon which the present
-Herzegovinian capital stands, the people who dwelt to the north felt that
-the time had come to defend themselves. One of their tribes had already
-submitted to the Romans, but the others combined in a confederation,
-which had its seat at Delminium, a fortress near the modern town of
-Sinj, in Dalmatia, from which the confederates took the common name of
-Dalmatians. The first struggle lasted for nearly a century, in spite
-of the capture and destruction of Delminium by Scipio Nasica in 155
-B.C., and it was reserved for Caius Cosconius in 78 B.C. to subdue the
-Dalmatian confederates and bring Bosnia and the Herzegovina for the first
-time beneath the Roman sway. Those lands were then merged in the Roman
-province of Illyricum, which stretched from the Adriatic to the western
-frontier of modern Serbia and from the Save into North Albania. But
-the spirit of the brave Dalmatians was still unbroken, and they never
-lost an opportunity of rising against their Roman masters. Aided by
-their winter climate, they resisted the armies of Cæsar’s most trusted
-lieutenants, and the Emperor Augustus was twice wounded in his youthful
-campaign against them. One of their revolts in the early years of the
-Christian era was, in the words of Suetonius, “the greatest danger which
-had threatened Rome since the Punic wars.” Under their chiefs Bato and
-Pines they defied the legions of Tiberius for four long years, and it
-was only when their last stronghold had fallen, and Bato had been taken
-captive, that they submitted. Their power as an independent nation was
-broken for ever, their country was laid waste, and in A.D. 9 finally
-incorporated with the Roman Empire. North Bosnia became part of the
-province of Pannonia; the Herzegovina and Bosnia south of a line drawn
-from Novi through Banjaluka and Doboj to Zvornik, were included in the
-province of Dalmatia. The Romans divided up the latter in their usual
-methodical manner into three districts, grouped round three towns, where
-was the seat of justice, and whither the native chieftains came to confer
-with the Roman authorities. Thus Salona, near Spalato, once a city half
-as large as Constantinople, but now a heap of ruins, was made the centre
-of government for South Bosnia, while the Herzegovina fell within the
-jurisdiction of Narona, a fortress which has been identified with Vid,
-near Metkovich.
-
-The Roman domination, which lasted till the close of the fifth century,
-has left a permanent mark upon the country. The interior, it is true,
-never attained to such a high degree of civilisation as the more
-accessible towns on the Dalmatian coast, and no such magnificent building
-as the palace at Spalato in which Diocletian spent the evening of his
-days adorned the inland settlements. But the conquerors developed, much
-as the Austrians have done in our own time, those natural resources
-which the natives had neglected. Three great Roman roads united Salona
-and the sea with the principal places up country. One of these highways
-skirted the beautiful lake Jezero, traversed the now flourishing town
-of Banjaluka, which derives its modern name, “the Baths of St Luke,”
-from the ruins of a Roman bath, and ended at Gradishka, on the Save.
-Another connected Salona with the plain of Sarajevo, even then regarded
-as the centre of the Bosnian trade, and the valley of the Drina, while a
-branch penetrated as far as Plevlje, in the _sandjak_ of Novibazar, then
-a considerable Roman settlement. The third, starting also from Salona,
-crossed the south of the Herzegovina, where traces of it may still be
-seen. Then, too, the mineral wealth of Bosnia was first exploited—the
-gold workings near the source of the river Vrbas and the rich deposits of
-iron ore in the north-west. The natives, hitherto occupied in fighting
-or farming, were now forced to work at the gold diggings. Roman authors
-extolled the Bosnian gold, the “Dalmatian metal” of Statius, of which as
-much as 50 lbs. were obtained in a single day, and a special functionary
-presided at Salona over the administration of the Bosnian gold mines. The
-salt springs of Dolnja Tuzla, now a busy manufacturing town, were another
-source of wealth, and the numerous coins of the Roman period discovered
-up and down the country show that a considerable amount of money was in
-circulation there. Many a Roman colonist must have been buried in Bosnian
-soil, for numbers of tombstones with Latin inscriptions have been found,
-and the national museum at Sarajevo is full of Roman cooking utensils,
-Roman vases, and Roman instruments of all kinds. Most important of all,
-it was during the Roman period that the first seeds of Christianity were
-sown in these remote Balkan lands. The exact date of this event, which
-was to exercise paramount influence for evil as well as good upon the
-future history of Bosnia, is unknown, but we may safely assume that the
-Archbishopric of Salona was the seat of the new doctrine, from which it
-rapidly spread throughout the Dalmatian province. Several bishoprics,
-which are mentioned as subordinate to the archiepiscopal See of Salona in
-the sixth century, are to be found in Bosnia, and one in particular, the
-bishopric of Bistue, lay in the very heart of that country.
-
-But the power of Rome on the further shore of the Adriatic and in the
-mountains behind it did not long survive the break-up of the Western
-Empire in 476. Bosnia and the Herzegovina experienced the fate of the
-provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia, of which they had so long formed
-a part. Twenty years earlier Marcellinus, a Roman general, had carved
-out for himself an independent principality in Dalmatia, and his nephew
-and successor, Julius Nepos, maintained his independence there for a
-short space after the fall of the Empire. But Odoacer soon made himself
-master of the old Roman province, and in 493 the Ostrogoths under
-Theodoric overran the country, and for the next forty years Bosnia and
-the Herzegovina owned their sway. This change of rulers made little
-difference in the condition of the people. The Ostrogoths did not
-interfere with the religious institutions which they found already in
-existence. Under their government two ecclesiastical councils were held
-at Salona, and two new bishoprics founded, bringing the total number up
-to six. Theodoric, like the Romans before him, paid special attention to
-the mineral wealth of Bosnia, and a letter is extant in which he appoints
-an overseer of “the Dalmatian iron ore mines.” But in 535 began the
-twenty years’ war between the Ostrogoths and the Emperor Justinian. These
-lands at once became the prey of devastating armies, the battle-field of
-Gothic and Byzantine combatants. In the midst of the general confusion
-a horde of new invaders appeared, probably at the invitation of the
-Gothic King, and in 548 we hear of the Slavs for the first time in the
-history of the country. Further Slavonic detachments followed in the
-next few years, and before the second half of the sixth century was far
-advanced there was a considerable Slav population in the western part of
-the Balkan peninsula. Even when the war had ended with the overthrow of
-the Gothic realm, and Bosnia and the Herzegovina had fallen under the
-Byzantine sway, the inroads of the Slavs did not cease. Other savage
-tribes came too, and the Avars in particular were the terror of the
-inhabitants. This formidable race, akin to the Huns, whom they rivalled
-in ferocity, soon reduced the once flourishing province of Dalmatia to
-a wilderness. During one of their marches through Bosnia they destroyed
-nearly forty fortified places on the road from the Save to Salona, and
-finally reduced that prosperous city to the heap of ruins which it has
-ever since remained, while the citizens formed out of Diocletian’s
-abandoned palace the town which bears the name of Spalato, or the Palace,
-to this day. But the Avars were not to have an unchallenged supremacy
-over the country. In the first half of the seventh century the Emperor
-Herakleios summoned to his aid two Slavonic tribes, the Croats and Serbs,
-and offered them the old Illyrian lands as his vassals if they would
-drive out the Avars. Nothing loth they at once accepted the invitation,
-and, after a fierce struggle, subdued the barbarians, whose hands had
-been as heavy upon the Slavonic as upon the Roman settlers. The Croats,
-who came somewhat earlier than the Serbs, took up their abode in what
-is still known as Croatia, and in the northern part of Dalmatia, as far
-as the river Cetina; the Serbs occupied the coast line from that river
-as far south as the present Albanian town of Durazzo, and inland the
-whole of modern Serbia (as it was before 1912), Montenegro, Bosnia, the
-Herzegovina, and the _sandjak_ of Novibazar. From that time onwards these
-regions have, under various alien dominations, never lost their Slavonic
-character, and to this day even the Bosniaks who profess the faith of
-Islâm, no less than their Orthodox brothers, are of Serbian stock.
-
-The history of Bosnia and the Herzegovina from this Slavonic settlement
-in the first half of the seventh down to the middle of the tenth century
-is very obscure. We have few facts recorded, and nothing is gained
-by repeating the names of mythical rulers, whose existence has been
-disproved by the researches of critical historians. But it is possible
-to form some general idea of the state of the country during this period
-of transition. Nominally under the suzerainty of the Byzantine Empire,
-much in the same sense as modern Bulgaria was till 1908 under that of the
-Sultan, Bosnia and its neighbouring lands were practically independent
-and formed a loose agglomeration of small districts, each of which was
-called by the Slavonic name of _jupa_ and was governed by a headman
-known as a _jupan_. The most important of these petty chiefs was awarded
-the title of great _jupan_, and the various districts composed a sort
-of primitive confederation under his auspices. Two of the districts
-received names which attained considerable importance in subsequent
-history. The Slavonic settlers in the valley of the Upper Bosna adapted
-the Latin designation of that river, Basante, to their own idiom by
-calling the stream Bosna and themselves Bosniaks, and the name of the
-river was afterwards extended to the whole country, which from that time
-onwards was known as Bosnia—a term first found in the form “Bosona,” of
-Constantine Porphyrogenitus[885]. Similarly Mount Hum, above the present
-town of Mostar, gave its name to the surrounding district, which was
-called the Land of Hum, or Zahumlje, until in the middle of the fifteenth
-century it was re-christened the “Land of the Duke,” or the Herzegovina,
-from the German _Herzog_. These derivations are much more probable than
-the alternatives recently offered, according to which Bosnia means the
-“land of salt” in Albanian, and the Herzegovina means the “land of
-stones” in Turkish[886].
-
-The Slavs, with the adaptability of many other conquerors, soon accepted
-the religion which they found already established in these countries.
-The Serbs, who settled at the mouth of the Narenta, alone adhered to
-paganism, and erected on the ruins of the old Roman town of Narona a
-shrine of their god Viddo, from whom the modern village of Vid derives
-its name. Here heathen rites were celebrated for more than two hundred
-years, and as late as the beginning of the last century the inhabitants
-of Vid cherished ancient idols, of which the original significance had
-long passed away.
-
-The political history of Bosnia was determined for many generations by
-its geographical position on the boundary line between the Croatian and
-Serbian settlements. It was here that these two branches of the Slavonic
-race met, and from the moment when two rival groups were formed under
-Croatian and Serbian auspices Bosnia became the coveted object of both.
-That country accordingly submitted to Croatian and Serbian rulers by
-turns. Early in the tenth century it seems to have acknowledged the
-sway of Tomislav, first King of the Croats, and was administered as a
-dependency by an official known as a _ban_, the Croatian name for a
-“governor,” which survived to our own day. A little later the Serbian
-Prince Tchaslav incorporated it in the confederation which he welded
-together, and defended it against the Magyars, who now make their first
-appearance in its history. Under a chieftain named Kés these dangerous
-neighbours had penetrated as far as the upper waters of the river Drina,
-where the Serbian Prince inflicted a crushing defeat upon them. But, in
-his zeal to carry the war into the enemy’s country, he perished himself,
-and with his death his dominions fell asunder, and Bosnia became for a
-brief period independent. But Kreshimir, King of the Croats, recovered it
-in 968, and for the next half-century it belonged to the Croatian crown.
-But about 1019 the Emperor Basil II restored for a time the dormant
-Byzantine sovereignty over the whole Balkan peninsula. After the bloody
-campaigns which earned him the title of “the Bulgar-slayer” and ended in
-the destruction of the first Bulgarian Empire, he turned his arms against
-the Serbs and Croats, forcing the latter to receive their crown from
-Constantinople and reducing Bosnia to more than nominal subjection to his
-throne.
-
-Meanwhile the Herzegovina, or the “Land of Hum,” as it was then called,
-had had a considerable history of its own. Early in the tenth century,
-at the time when the Croatian King Tomislav was extending his authority
-over Bosnia, we hear of a certain Michael Vishevich, who ruled over
-the sister land and held his court in the ancient fortress of Blagaj,
-above the source of the river Buna. Vishevich was evidently a prince of
-considerable importance. The Pope addressed him as “the most excellent
-Duke of the people of Hum”; the Byzantine Emperor awarded him the proud
-titles of “proconsul and Patrician.” The Republic of Ragusa paid him an
-annual tribute of thirty-six ducats for the vineyards of her citizens
-which lay within his territory. His fleet, starting from the seaport
-of Stagno, then the seat of a bishopric as well as an important haven,
-ravaged the Italian coast opposite, and made the name of “Michael, King
-of the Slavs,” as a chronicler styles him, a terror to the inhabitants
-of Apulia. The great Bulgarian Tsar Symeon was his ally, and on two
-occasions during his struggle with the Byzantine Empire he received
-aid or advice from him. We find him seconding Tomislav’s proposal for
-summoning the famous ecclesiastical council which met at Spalato in
-925 and prohibited the use of the Slavonic liturgy. In short, nothing
-of importance occurred in that region during his reign in which he
-had not his say[887]. But after his death his dominions seem to have
-been included, like Bosnia, in the Serbian confederation of Tchaslav;
-and, when that collapsed, they were annexed by the King of Dioklitia,
-whose realm derived its name from the town of Doclea in what is now
-Montenegro, and took its origin in the valley of the Zeta, which divides
-that kingdom in two. About the end of the tenth century however, the
-powerful Bulgarian Tsar Samuel established his supremacy over the
-Kingdom of Dioklitia, and the treacherous murder of its King a few
-years later completed the incorporation of Dioklitia, and consequently
-of the Herzegovina, in the Bulgarian Empire. But its connexion with
-Bulgaria was short-lived. When Basil “the Bulgar-slayer” destroyed the
-sovereignty of the Bulgarian Tsars he added the Herzegovina as well as
-Bosnia to his own domains. Thus the twin provinces fell at the same
-moment beneath the Byzantine sway, and from 1019 remained for a space
-parts of that Empire, governed sometimes by imperial governors, sometimes
-by native princes acting as imperial viceroys. Bosnia was the first to
-raise the standard of revolt, and no sooner was the Emperor Basil II
-dead than it regained its independence under _bans_ of its own, who
-raised it to an important position among the petty states of that time.
-The Herzegovina, less fortunate, only exchanged the sovereignty of the
-Emperor at Constantinople for that of the King of Dioklitia, who in 1050
-made himself master of the land. For exactly a century it remained an
-integral portion of that kingdom, and had therefore no separate history.
-Even Bosnia succumbed a generation later to the monarchs of Dioklitia,
-for about 1085 all the three neighbouring lands, Serbia, Bosnia and the
-Herzegovina, had to accept governors from King Bodin of the Zeta, and
-thus a great Serb state existed under his sceptre.
-
-But in the early years of the twelfth century a new force made itself
-felt in South Slavonic lands, a force which even in our own day has till
-lately exercised a powerful influence over the fortunes of the Balkan
-peninsula. Since their unsuccessful incursion in the time of Tchaslav
-the Hungarians had never abandoned their cherished object of gaining a
-foothold there. But it was not till the union of Croatia in 1102, and of
-Dalmatia in 1105, with the Hungarian Crown by Koloman, that this object
-was attained. The Hungarian Kings thus came into close contact with
-Bosnia, and were not long in extending their authority over that country.
-So far from meeting with opposition they were regarded by the people as
-valuable allies in the common struggle against the Byzantine Emperors
-of the family of the Comnenoi, who aimed at restoring the past glories
-and dimensions of their realm. Accordingly in 1135 we find an Hungarian
-King, Béla II, for the first time styling himself “King of Rama”—the
-name of a river in Bosnia, which Magyar chroniclers applied first to
-the surrounding district and then to the whole country. From that time
-onward, whoever the actual possessors of Rama, or Bosnia, might be, it
-was always included among the titles of the Hungarian monarchs, and,
-till our own time, the Emperor Francis Joseph in his capacity of King
-of Hungary called himself also “King of Rama.” In his case the phrase
-had certainly a more practical significance than it possessed in earlier
-centuries.
-
-The precise manner in which this close connexion between Hungary and
-Bosnia was formed is obscure. According to one theory Béla received
-the country as the dowry of his Serbian wife; according to another the
-Bosnian magnates, seeing the increasing power of Hungary and the revived
-pretensions of the Byzantine Emperors, decided to seek the protection of
-the former against the latter. At any rate a little later Béla assigned
-Bosnia as a duchy to his second son, Ladislaus, leaving, however, the
-actual government of that land in the hands of native _bans_. It is
-now that we hear the name of one of these rulers for the first time.
-Hitherto the Bosnian governors have been mere shadowy figures, flitting
-unrecognised and almost unnoticed across the stage of history. But _ban_
-Borich, who now comes into view, is a man of flesh and blood. In the wars
-between the Emperor Manuel Comnenos and the Hungarians he was the staunch
-ally of the latter, and when a disputed succession to the Hungarian
-throne took place he aspired to play the part of a king-maker and
-supported the claims of Ladislaus, the titular “duke” of Bosnia. But he
-made the mistake of choosing the losing side and, after being conquered
-by the troops of the successful candidate, disappeared mysteriously in
-1163. Short, however, as was his career, he had extended the eastern
-borders of Bosnia to the river Drina, and we learn from the contemporary
-Greek historian Cinnamus[888] that his country was “independent of Serbia
-and governed in its own fashion.” Three years after his disappearance
-from the scene Bosnia shared the fate of Croatia and Dalmatia, and fell
-into the hands of Manuel Comnenos. But upon the death of that powerful
-Emperor in 1180 the fabric which he had laboriously erected collapsed;
-the Balkan peoples had nothing more to fear from the Byzantine Empire,
-and Bosnia under her famous _ban_ Kulin attained to greater freedom and
-prosperity than she had yet enjoyed. But the same period which witnessed
-this political and material progress witnessed also the development of
-that ecclesiastical schism which was one day destined to cause the loss
-of all freedom and the suspension of all progress by facilitating the
-Turkish conquest of the land.
-
-
-II. THE GREAT BOSNIAN BANS (1180-1376).
-
-Kulin is the first great figure in Bosnian history. By nature a man of
-peace, he devoted his attention to the organisation of the country, which
-in his time was a ten days’ journey in circumference, the development
-of its commerce, and the maintenance of its independence. He allowed
-foreigners ready access to his dominions, employed two Italian painters
-and goldsmiths at his court, and gave liberal mining concessions to two
-shrewd burghers of Ragusa, which during the middle ages was the chief
-emporium of the inland trade. He concluded in 1189 a treaty of commerce
-with that city—the earliest known Bosnian document—in which he swore
-to be its “true friend now and for ever, and to keep true peace and
-genuine troth” with it all his life. Ragusan merchants were permitted to
-settle wherever they chose in his territory, and no harm was to be done
-them by his officials. Agriculture flourished under his rule, and years
-afterwards, whenever the Bosnian farmer had a particularly prosperous
-year, he would say to his fellows, “The times of Kulin are coming back
-again.” Even to-day the people regard him as a favourite of the fairies,
-and his reign as a golden age, and to “talk of _ban_ Kulin” is a popular
-expression for one who speaks of the remote past, when the Bosnian
-plum-trees always groaned with fruit and the yellow corn-fields never
-ceased to wave in the fertile plains. Kulin’s position was strengthened
-too by his powerful connections; for his sister was the wife of Miroslav,
-Prince of the Herzegovina, which, as we have seen, had formed part of the
-Kingdom of Dioklitia down to 1150, when it was conquered by the Serbian
-great _jupan_, Desa. Some twenty years later Stephen Nemanja made his
-brother Miroslav its prince, and thus was closely connected with Kulin.
-The latter, like Nemanja in Serbia, threw off all ties of allegiance to
-the Byzantine Empire on the death of Manuel Comnenos, and at the same
-time ignored the previous relations which had existed between the Kings
-of Hungary and the Bosnian _bans_.
-
-But it was Kulin’s ecclesiastical policy which rendered his reign most
-memorable in the after history of Bosnia. In the tenth century there
-had appeared in Bulgaria a priest named “Bogomil,” or the “Beloved of
-God,” who preached a mystical doctrine, peculiarly attractive to the
-intellect of a Slavonic race. From the assumption that there existed
-in the universe a bad as well as a good deity the Bogomiles, as his
-disciples were called, deduced a complete system of theology, which
-explained all phenomena to their own satisfaction. But the Bogomiles did
-not content themselves with metaphysics alone. They descended from the
-serene atmosphere of abstract reasoning to the questions of ritual and
-the customs of society. Appropriating to themselves the title of “good
-Christians,” they regarded the monks as little short of idolators, set at
-naught the authority of bishops, and defied the thunders of the popes.
-Their worship was characterised by extreme simplicity and often conducted
-in the open air, while in their lives they aimed at a plain and primitive
-ideal. A “perfect” Bogomile, one who belonged to the strictest of the
-two castes into which they were divided, looked upon marriage as impure
-and bloodshed as a deadly sin; he despised riches, and owned allegiance
-to no one save God alone, while he had the quaker’s objection to an
-oath. No wonder that popes, trembling for their authority, branded them
-as heretics and pursued them with all the horrors of fire and sword; no
-wonder that potentates found them sometimes intractable subjects, and
-sometimes useful allies in a struggle against ecclesiastical pretensions.
-
-The Bogomiles appear to have entered Bosnia about the middle of the
-twelfth century, and speedily gained a hold upon the country. Kulin
-at first remained uninfluenced by their teachings. Thus, in 1180, we
-find the papal legate writing to him in the most courteous terms, and
-addressing him as the “noble and powerful man, the great _ban_ of
-Bosnia.” The legate sends him a letter and the Holy Father’s blessing,
-and begs him to give him in return, as a token of his devotion, “two
-servants and marten skins.” But Kulin found it politic later on to secede
-from the Roman Church. For some time past the rival Archbishoprics of
-Spalato and Ragusa had striven for ecclesiastical supremacy over Bosnia.
-Béla III, King of Hungary, who had now time to devote to his ambitious
-schemes against that country, warmly supported the claims of the See
-of Spalato, to which he had appointed a creature of his own. Kulin was
-naturally on the side of Ragusa, and was encouraged by his sister, whose
-late husband, Miroslav, Prince of the Herzegovina, had had a similar
-contest with the Archbishop of Spalato, and had concluded a treaty with
-the Ragusans. The Pope took the part of Spalato, and Kulin retorted
-by defying him, as Miroslav had done before. The latter had probably
-been a Bogomile for some time before his death; the former now formally
-abandoned the Roman Church, with his wife, his sister, his whole family,
-and ten thousand of his subjects. The force of so potent an example was
-at once felt. The Bogomile or Patarene heresy, as it was called by the
-Bosniaks of other creeds, now spread apace, not only over Bosnia, but in
-the neighbouring lands. The two Italian painters, whom we have mentioned
-as residing at Kulin’s court, carried it to Spalato, where it extended
-to the other Dalmatian coast towns; and the destruction of Zara by the
-crusaders in 1202 was regarded by pious chroniclers as a judgment upon
-that city for its heretical opinions.
-
-King Béla III was not slow to make Kulin’s defection the excuse for
-posing as defender of the true faith. But his death and the quarrels
-between his heirs gave Kulin a little breathing space, and it was not
-till 1200 that he was in actual danger. By that time Béla’s sons, Emerich
-and Andrew, had established themselves respectively as King of Hungary
-and Duke of the Herzegovina, and accordingly threatened Bosnia from two
-sides. Emerich, following his father’s policy, endeavoured to induce the
-Pope to preach a crusade against the Bosnian heretics, and Innocent III,
-who then occupied the chair of St Peter, hailed the King of Hungary as
-overlord of Bosnia, and bade him summon Kulin to recant, or if the latter
-remained obdurate invade Bosnia and occupy it himself. Thus menaced
-by a combination of the spiritual and the temporal power, Kulin bowed
-before the storm. He felt that at all costs Hungarian intervention must
-be avoided, so he made the rather lame excuse that he had “regarded the
-Patarenes not as heretics, but as Catholics,” and begged the Pope to send
-him some safe adviser, who should guide his erring feet into the right
-way. Innocent, pleased at Kulin’s submission, sent two ecclesiastics
-to Bosnia to inquire into the religious condition of the country and
-to bring back its ruler to the true fold. The mission was temporarily
-successful. Early in the spring of 1203 the _ban_, his great nobles,
-and the heads of the Bogomile community met in solemn assembly in the
-“white plain,” or Bjelopolje, on the river Bosna, confessed their errors,
-and drew up a formal document embodying their recantation. “We renounce
-the schism of which we are accused”—so runs the deed—“we promise to
-have altars and crosses in all our churches, to receive the sacrament
-seven times a year, to observe the fasts ordained by the church, and
-to keep the festivals of the saints. Henceforth we will no more call
-ourselves ‘Christians,’ but ‘brothers,’ so as not to cast a slur upon
-other Christians.” The oath thus taken was renewed by representatives
-of the Bogomiles in the presence of the King of Hungary, who bade Kulin
-observe his promises for the future. The cloud had passed away, but with
-its disappearance Kulin too disappears from the scene. An inscription,
-said to be the oldest in the country and ascribed to the year 1203-04,
-which was found in 1898 at Muhashinovichi, on the river Bosna, refers
-to a church erected by him to prove the sincerity of his re-conversion,
-and prays God to grant health to him and his wife, Voyslava. We hear no
-more of him after 1204; but his memory was not soon forgotten[889]. Two
-centuries later a Bosnian King desired to have confirmed to him all the
-“customs, usages, privileges and frontiers, which existed in the time of
-Kulin,” and the rich Bosnian family of Kulenovich of our own time (whose
-ancestral castle of Jaskopolje may be seen near Jajce, almost on the spot
-where, in 1878, the great fight between the Austrians and the insurgents
-took place) is said to derive its name and lineage from him.
-
-But the recantation of Kulin did not check the growth of the Bogomile
-heresy. Under his successor, Stephen, the numbers of the sect increased,
-and the efforts of Pope Honorius III and his legate to preach a crusade
-against the heretics remained fruitless. The Holy Father might exclaim
-that “the unbelievers in Bosnia, just as witches in a cave nourish their
-offspring with their bare breasts, publicly preach their abominable
-errors, to the great harm of the Lord’s flock”; but even this mixture
-of metaphors failed to stimulate the flagging zeal of the Hungarian
-Catholics. Even when the King of Hungary had pacified his rebellious
-nobles by the golden bull, and was therefore able to turn his attention
-to Bosnian affairs, the proposed crusade fell flat. The King worked upon
-the cupidity of the Archbishop of Kalocsa by granting him spiritual
-authority over Bosnia; but the only result was to stiffen the backs of
-the recalcitrant Bosniaks. Imitating their neighbours in the Herzegovina,
-who had lately made a Bogomile their Prince, they deposed the weak-kneed
-Stephen and put Matthew Ninoslav, a Bogomile by birth and education, in
-his place. The new _ban_ proved, however, more pliant than his poorer
-subjects. Alarmed at the threatening attitude of the King of Hungary,
-he recanted, as Kulin had done before him, and placed his country under
-the protection of St Peter. But the conversion of their Prince had little
-effect upon the masses. The monks of the Dominican order might boast that
-they had converted, if not convinced, Ninoslav, but it was felt that
-stronger measures must be taken against his people. In 1234 a crusade was
-at last organised, and for the next five years the Bogomiles of Bosnia
-experienced all those horrors of fire and sword which their fellows,
-the Albigenses, had suffered in the south of France. Under different
-names and in widely different spheres the two bodies of heretics had
-adopted similar doctrines. Indeed, the Albigenses had looked to the
-Bogomile “pope,” or primate, of Bosnia for spiritual instruction and
-advice, and accepted their “vicar” at his hands. But while historians
-and poets of renown have cast lustre upon the struggles and sufferings
-of the martyrs of Provence the probably equally heroic resistance of
-the Bosnian Bogomiles has made little impression upon literature. Yet
-it is clear that they possessed all the stubborn valour of our own
-puritans. In spite of the conquest of both Bosnia and the Herzegovina
-in 1237 by the Hungarian King’s son, Koloman, who received the former
-country from the King and the Pope as the reward of his labours, in
-spite of the erection of forts and a Catholic Cathedral to keep the
-unruly passions and heretical inclinations of the people in order, the
-spirit of the Bogomiles remained unbroken. Ninoslav, furious at the
-arbitrary substitution of Koloman for himself, once more appeared as
-their champion, and the great defeat of the Hungarians by the Tartars in
-1241 not only rid him of his rival, Koloman, but freed his land from all
-fear of Hungarian intervention for some time to come. Even the incursion
-of the Tartars into Bosnia was a small disadvantage as compared with
-the benefits which that country had derived from their previous victory
-over its foes. Ninoslav now felt himself strong enough to assist Spalato
-in its struggle against the King of Hungary and to offer an alliance
-to Ragusa against the growing power of the Serbian monarchy. A second
-crusade in Bosnia in 1246 was not more successful than the first, and the
-Pope in placing the Bosnian See under the authority of the Archbishop
-of Kalocsa, expressly gave as his reason “the utter hopelessness of a
-voluntary conversion of that country to the true faith.” Even the papal
-permission to use the Slavonic tongue and the Glagolitic characters in
-the Catholic service did not win over the Bogomiles to Rome. Crusades and
-concessions had alike failed[890].
-
-Ninoslav passes out of sight in 1250, and the next two generations are,
-with the exception of the Turkish supremacy, the gloomiest period of
-Bosnian history. Religious differences and a disputed succession made
-the country an easy prey to the ambitious designs of the Hungarian
-monarchs, who, after a brief support of Ninoslav’s relative, the Catholic
-Prijesda I, in 1254 subdued not only Bosnia but the Herzegovina beneath
-their sway. While the latter about 1284 fell under Serbian influence
-the former was split up into two parts. The Upper, or hill-country,
-Bosnia properly so-called, was allowed to retain native _bans_—Prijesda
-I and his sons[891], Prijesda II and Stephen Kotroman, till 1302; Lower
-Bosnia, _i.e._ the “salt” district of Soli (the modern Tuzla) with Usora,
-for the sake of greater security, was at first entrusted to Hungarian
-magnates, and then combined with a large slice of northern Serbia, known
-as Matchva, in a compact duchy, which was conferred upon near relatives
-of the Hungarian King. During this period the history of this distracted
-land is practically a blank. Beyond the names of its successive rulers
-we have little handed down to us by the chroniclers. “A sleep as of
-death,” in the words of a Croatian writer, “had fallen upon the country.
-The whole national and religious life of Bosnia had perished beneath the
-cold blasts of the wind from beyond the Save.” Now and again we come upon
-traces of the old Bogomile spirit and the old zeal of the persecutors.
-Stephen Dragutin, who had been driven by lameness from the Serbian throne
-and had become under Hungarian auspices Duke of Matchva and Bosnia
-in 1284, was specially noted for his “conversion and baptism of many
-heretics,” and it was in answer to his request that the Franciscans, who
-have since played such an important part in Bosnian history, settled
-in the country. But still the Pope complained that “the churches were
-deserted and the priesthood uprooted.” Meanwhile two powerful families
-began to make their influence felt, the Croatian clan of Shubich and the
-race of Kotromanich, whose legendary founder (according to Orbini), a
-German knight, had entered Bosnia in the Hungarian service and was the
-ancestor of the Bosnian Kings. We now know, however, from a document of
-the great Tvrtko[892], quoted by Pope Gregory XI, that Tvrtko’s uncle,
-Stephen Kotromanich, was grandson of “the great” Prijesda I. The latest
-authority on the subject[893] accordingly believed the Kotroman family to
-have sprung from Upper Bosnia and to have been very probably related to
-Borich and Kulin. The legend of its German, or Gothic, origin arose out
-of its matrimonial connections with great families of Central Europe.
-The family of Shubich was at first in the ascendant, and became lords
-of part and then the whole of the land. In fact Paul Shubich, in 1299,
-styled himself “lord of Bosnia” and early in the fourteenth century
-his son, Mladen, ruled, under the title of “_ban_ of the Croats and
-all Bosnia,” a vast tract of territory extending from the Save to the
-Narenta and from the Drina to the Adriatic. But in 1322 he fell before a
-combination of rivals, and young Stephen Kotromanich, who had been his
-deputy in Bosnia, became independent and united both Upper and Lower
-Bosnia under his sway[894].
-
-Stephen Kotromanich proved himself to be the ablest ruler whom Bosnia
-had had since Kulin, and laid the foundations upon which his successor
-built up the Bosnian kingdom. His reign of over thirty years was marked
-by a series of successes. He began in 1325 by annexing the Herzegovina,
-which, as we have seen, had been under Serbian authority for the last two
-generations, as well as the sea-coast from the river Cetina as far south
-as the gates of Ragusa. Thus, for the first time in its history, Bosnia
-had gained an outlet on the sea, and was not entirely dependent upon
-foreigners for its imports. The Dalmatian coast with its fine harbours
-is the natural frontage of the country behind, which even under the
-Austrians touched the sea at only two small points. But in the first half
-of the fourteenth century Bosnia had gained a considerable coast-line.
-Kotromanich even coveted the islands as well, and specially Curzola, then
-under the overlordship of Venice. But here his plans failed, although the
-Ragusans were ready to lend him ships for the purpose. He rewarded them
-by confirming all their old trading rights in his country and granting
-them some territorial concessions near the mouth of the Narenta. He took
-an active, if somewhat insidious, part in the operations which King
-Charles Robert of Hungary and his successor, Louis the Great, conducted
-for the restoration of their authority in Croatia and Dalmatia. Charles
-Robert, who had bestowed upon Kotromanich a relative of his own wife
-in marriage, found him a useful ally; but in the war between Louis the
-Great and the Venetians for the possession of Zara the Bosnian ruler was
-desirous of standing well with both sides. At the famous siege of Zara in
-1345 and the following year he went, at the bidding of Louis, to rescue
-the town from its Venetian besiegers. But the crafty Venetians knew their
-man. They gave him a heavy bribe, and offered him a much heavier one if
-he would persuade Louis to abandon the relief of the beleaguered city.
-The money was well spent. At a critical moment of the siege, when it
-had been arranged that the Hungarian and Bosnian army should support
-the besieged in a sally from the gates, Kotromanich and his Bosniaks
-hung back and the Venetians won the day. The quaint chronicle of this
-famous siege expressly ascribes the defeat of the allies to the perfidy
-of “that child of Belial, Stephen, _ban_ of Bosnia,” and it was largely
-owing to his subsequent mediation that Zara ultimately surrendered to
-Venice. But Kotromanich soon found that he required the good offices
-of Venice himself. While he had been engaged in the west of the Balkan
-peninsula there had grown up in the east under the mighty auspices of
-Stephen Dushan the great Serbian Empire, which threatened at one moment
-to swallow up Constantinople itself. Dushan is the greatest name in the
-whole history of the peninsula, a name cherished to this day by every
-patriotic Serb. But just as the restoration of Dushan’s Empire, the
-daydream of Serbian enthusiasts, jeopardised the existence of Austrian
-Bosnia, so the conquests of the great Serbian Tsar alarmed the Bosnian
-ruler of that day. For the first half of his reign Dushan was too much
-occupied with his eastern conquests and his law reforms to interfere with
-his western neighbour. But he had not forgotten that the Herzegovina,
-which Kotromanich had annexed, had once belonged to the Serbian monarchy,
-and, as soon as he had leisure, he pressed his claims. Both parties
-accepted the mediation of Venice, and for a time peace was preserved. But
-in 1349 Kotromanich assumed the offensive, invaded Dushan’s dominions,
-and penetrated as far south as the beautiful town of Cattaro, at that
-time part of the Serbian Empire and now at last restored to its natural
-owners, the Southern Slavs. Dushan retaliated next year by descending
-upon Bosnia and laying siege to the strong castle of Bobovatz, the
-residence of many Bosnian rulers. As has usually happened in the history
-of the country, the persecuted Bogomiles flocked to the standard of
-the invader, and Bosnia seemed to be at his feet. But the walls of
-Bobovatz, behind which lay the lovely daughter of the _ban_, whom Dushan
-had demanded in marriage for his son, resisted his attacks, and he
-marched away southward through the Herzegovina to Cattaro. Next year the
-hostilities ceased, and as a further security Kotromanich found a husband
-for his daughter in King Louis the Great of Hungary, his old ally.
-
-The internal condition of Bosnia was less fortunate, however, in the
-hands of Kotromanich than its external relations. The power of the
-Bogomiles had greatly increased before his accession; they had a complete
-organisation—a spiritual head called _djed_, or “grandfather,” with a
-seat at Janjichi, and twelve “teachers” under him—while there was not
-a single Catholic bishop living in the country. Moreover the rival
-orders of Dominicans and Franciscans had begun to fight for the exclusive
-privilege of applying the tortures of the Inquisition to the Bosnian
-heretics—a conflict which naturally favoured the growth of that heresy.
-Under these circumstances Kotromanich began his reign by openly favouring
-the Bogomiles, who formed the bulk of his armies and were his best
-bulwark against foreign aggression so long as he was their protector.
-But in 1340, on the persuasion of the King of Hungary, he committed the
-political blunder of embracing the Catholic faith and thus making his
-Bogomile subjects look upon Stephen Dushan as their legitimate champion.
-The evil results of his ecclesiastical policy were apparent when the
-great Serbian Tsar invaded his dominions.
-
-Stephen Kotromanich, whose memory is preserved by his seal, the earliest
-Bosnian coins and seven documents issued in his name[895], died in 1353,
-and his nephew Tvrtko succeeded him. Tvrtko is the greatest name in
-Bosnian history, and his long reign of nearly forty years, first as _ban_
-and then as first King of Bosnia, marks the zenith of that country’s
-power. Beginning his career under circumstances of great difficulty, and
-even driven at one moment from his throne, he lived to make himself King
-not merely of Bosnia, but of Serbia, Croatia and Dalmatia as well, and to
-unite beneath his sceptre a vast agglomeration of territory, such as no
-other Bosnian ruler has ever governed.
-
-The first seventeen years of his reign were spent in a desperate but
-successful struggle for the mastery of his own house. He was a mere boy
-at the death of his uncle, and his mother, who acted as regent, was too
-weak to cope with the disorders of the time. The magnates, many of whom
-were zealous Bogomiles, were contemptuous of one who was both a child and
-a Catholic, while they would have welcomed the great Serbian Tsar Dushan,
-had he found time to repeat his invasion of Bosnia. But the death of
-that monarch on his way to the siege of Constantinople in 1355 broke up
-the Serbian Empire for ever and removed all fear of a Serbian occupation
-of Bosnia. But with the removal of this danger another arose. Louis the
-Great of Hungary had welcomed the growth and independence of Bosnia so
-long as the Serbian Empire existed as a menace to his own dominions;
-but, as soon as that Empire fell, he revived the ambitious designs of
-his predecessors upon the Bosnian realm. As the son-in-law of the late
-_ban_ he had some claims to the succession, and accordingly set to work
-to humiliate Tvrtko and reduce him to a position of dependence upon the
-Hungarian crown. He compelled him to surrender the Herzegovina, as far as
-the Narenta, as the dowry of the Hungarian queen, and to take a solemn
-oath that he would persecute the Bogomiles, that he would support Hungary
-in war, and that either he or his younger brother Stephen Vuk would
-always reside at the Hungarian court. In return he allowed him to remain
-Bosnian _ban_—a mere puppet without power. But the crafty Louis, in his
-desire to be absolute master of Bosnia overreached himself. Determined to
-be doubly sure of his vassal, he incited the Bosnian magnates to revolt
-against their chief. But those proud nobles, who had never regarded their
-_ban_ as anything more than the first of their order, had no intention
-of exchanging his easy sway for the iron hand of the Hungarian King.
-Louis saw his mistake, and supported Tvrtko against the barons and the
-Bogomiles. But the rebels would not recognise the authority of one
-who relied upon Hungarian swords to enforce it. Aided by his brother
-they deposed and drove out Tvrtko in 1365, and it cost him a desperate
-struggle to recover his power. Bosnia was given up to all the horrors of
-civil war, and, to crown all, a terrible conflagration, the like of which
-had never been seen before, broke out and destroyed everything that came
-in its way. “At that time,” writes a chronicler, “the highest mountains,
-with the stones, birds, and beasts upon them, were consumed with fire, so
-that the hills became plains, where new corn is sown and many a village
-stands. And in these villages dwell Bogomiles, who boast that God set
-these mountains ablaze for their sake.” At last Tvrtko prevailed, and in
-1370 he was undisputed master of the country and his brother an exile.
-
-Freed from all fear of Louis, whose eyes were turned northward to
-Poland, and master of his rebellious barons, Tvrtko began to extend his
-dominions. The decline of the Serbian Empire gave him the opportunity
-which he sought. Lazar, perhaps the most unfortunate name in Serbian
-history, governed a remnant of that realm, which was threatened by
-dissensions from within and the Turks from without. Tvrtko aided him
-against his domestic rivals and received in return large portions of
-Serbian territory, including a strip of coast as far as Cattaro and the
-famous castle and monastery of Mileshevo, in the modern _sandjak_ of
-Novibazar, where lay the remains of St Sava, the apostle of the Serbs. In
-virtue of this territory, he considered himself the legitimate successor
-of the Serbian monarchs, and while Lazar contented himself with the
-modest title of _knez_, or “prince,” Tvrtko had himself crowned in 1376
-on the grave of St Sava at Mileshevo with two diadems, that of Bosnia and
-that of Serbia. Henceforth he styled himself “Stephen Tvrtko, King of
-the Serbs and of Bosnia and of the coast.” All his successors retained
-the Serbian title which he could claim as great-grandson of Stephen
-Dragutin, and, like the Serbian monarchs, invariably adopted, as Tvrtko
-had done, the royal name of Stephen. Not a voice was raised against this
-assumption of kingly power. Ragusa, ever anxious to be on good terms with
-those in authority, was the first to recognise him as the legal successor
-of the Serbian sovereigns, and promptly paid him the annual tribute which
-she had rendered to them on the feast of St Demetrios, as well as a sum
-for trading privileges in Bosnia. Venice followed suit and addressed
-him as “King of Serbia,” and the King of Hungary was too busy to
-protest. Tvrtko proceeded to live up to his new dignities. He moved his
-residence from Srebrenik to Sutjeska and the strong castle of Bobovatz,
-the picturesque ruins of which still testify to the past glories of
-the first Bosnian King. Here Tvrtko organised a court on the Byzantine
-model, as the rulers of Serbia had done before him. Rough Bosnian barons
-held courtly offices with high-sounding Greek names, and privileges and
-honours were distributed from the throne. Hitherto Bosnian coins had
-been scarce, and Ragusan, Hungarian and Venetian pieces had fulfilled
-most purposes of trade. But now money, of which excellent specimens
-still exist, was minted bearing the proud title of “king” instead of
-that of _ban_, and displaying a visored helmet surmounted by a crown of
-fleurs-de-lis with a hop blossom above. Tvrtko took his new office very
-seriously as a King by the grace of God, animated, as he once wrote,
-“with the wish to raise up that which is fallen and to restore that which
-is destroyed[896].”
-
-
-III. THE KINGS OF BOSNIA (1376-1463).
-
-Tvrtko’s first care was to provide himself with an heir to his kingdom,
-and he chose a Bulgarian princess as his queen, by whom he had a son,
-afterwards King Stephen Tvrtko II. But, not content with the dignity and
-the territory which he now possessed, the Bosnian monarch aspired to
-found a sea power. He had, as we have seen, already gained a long strip
-of seaboard from the mouth of the Cetina up to the walls of Cattaro. But
-Ragusa, with its harbour Gravosa, the gem of the whole coast, was not,
-and never seemed likely to be, his. He accordingly resolved, as he could
-not capture Ragusa, to found at the entrance of the lovely Bocche di
-Cattaro a new station, which should become its rival and the outlet of
-all the inland trade. The picturesque little town of Castelnuovo stands
-on the spot to-day, a place over which for a brief period in the last
-century there floated the British flag. Tvrtko next obtained from Venice
-an Admiral for his future fleet, and ordered galleys to be built there.
-And, amidst the confusion which followed the death of Louis the Great
-of Hungary, he obtained from the little Queen Maria, as the price of his
-friendship, the ancient city of Cattaro, which, after having enjoyed the
-protection of the Serbian Tsars, had lately acknowledged the Hungarian
-rule. The finest fiord in Southern Europe was in his hands.
-
-But Tvrtko did not rest here. True to his policy of making profit out
-of the misfortunes of others, he availed himself of the disturbances
-which now broke out in Croatia to take the side of the Croats against
-their Queen and his friend Maria. Croatia was soon in his hands, and the
-Dalmatian towns began to surrender. Spalato and Traù, unable to obtain
-help from Hungary, agreed to submit to him by a certain day; but when
-that day arrived Tvrtko was occupied elsewhere. For on the same day on
-which Spalato was to have opened its gates, June 15, 1389, the battle
-of Kossovo was fought, that battle which decided for five centuries the
-fate of the Balkan peninsula. In that memorable conflict, the name of
-which will never be forgotten by the Southern Slavs, a Bosnian contingent
-aided the Serbian army against the Turks. It was not the first time that
-the Bosniaks had faced their future masters in battle. Two years earlier
-they had helped Prince Lazar to rout a Turkish force, and they hoped for
-the same result on the plain of Kossovo. Tvrtko himself was not present
-at the fight; but his trusty lieutenant Vlatko Hranich inflicted heavy
-losses on the left wing of the Turkish host, which was commanded by the
-Sultan’s second son. But, according to the traditional account, when the
-Serbian traitor Vuk Brankovich rode off the field the faithful Bosniaks
-gave way. All was lost, and the Turkish supremacy was assured. Tvrtko
-at first believed that his army had been successful. There is extant
-a letter in which the city of Florence congratulated him on the glad
-tidings of victory which he had sent. “Happy the kingdom of Bosnia,”
-says this document, “to which it was granted to fight so famous a fight,
-and happiest of all your majesty, for whom, as the victor, the true and
-eternal glory of the heavenly kingdom is appointed[897].”
-
-Even when he had discovered the terrible truth Tvrtko continued his
-Dalmatian campaign instead of concentrating all his energies upon the
-defence of his realm against the Turks. He used the brief respite which
-they gave his land to press on with his operations in the west. Here
-he was speedily successful. All the Dalmatian coast towns, except Zara
-and Ragusa, surrendered to him, as well as the large islands of Brazza,
-Lesina and Curzola. Overjoyed at their submission, he confirmed the
-privileges which they had previously enjoyed, and treated them with
-the utmost consideration. Master of Dalmatia and Croatia in all but the
-name, he assumed in 1390 the title of King of those countries, just as
-fourteen years earlier he had proclaimed himself King of Bosnia and
-Serbia. Tvrtko had now reached the summit of his power. He had achieved
-the difficult feat of uniting Serbs and Croats under one sceptre; he had
-made Bosnia the centre of a great kingdom, which possessed a frontage
-on the Adriatic, from the Quarnero to Cattaro, save for the enclaves of
-Zara and Ragusa, which embraced the territory inland as far as the river
-Drina and included part of the modern _sandjak_ of Novibazar, as well as
-other originally Serbian territories. The beginnings of a sea power had
-been formed under his auspices, and Dalmatia in union with Bosnia was
-no longer “a face without a head.” Even now Tvrtko’s ambition was not
-appeased. He was anxious to conclude a political alliance with Venice and
-a matrimonial alliance—for his wife had just died—with the great house of
-Habsburg. But death prevented the accomplishment of his designs. On March
-23, 1391, the great Bosnian monarch expired without even being able to
-secure the succession for his son.
-
-It has been the fortune of each of the various Balkan races to produce
-some great man, who for a brief space has made himself the foremost
-figure of the peninsula. Bulgaria can point to her mighty Tsars Symeon
-and Samuel, Serbia cherishes the memory of Stephen Dushan, the Albanians
-have found a national hero in Skanderbeg, Bosnia attained her zenith
-under Tvrtko I. But in each case with the death of the great man the
-power which he had rapidly acquired as rapidly waned. Tvrtko’s realm
-was no exception to this rule. Its founder had not lived long enough to
-weld his conquests into an harmonious whole, to combine Catholic Croats
-with Orthodox Serbs, Bosnian Slavs with the Latin population of the
-Dalmatian coast towns, Bogomile heretics with zealous partisans of Rome.
-The old Slavonic law of succession, which did not recognise the custom
-of primogeniture, added to the difficulties by multiplying candidates;
-and thus foreign princes found an excuse for intervention and the great
-barons an excuse for independence. Deprived of his authority, the King
-was unable to cope with an enemy like the Turk, whose vast hosts were
-absolutely united in their obedience to the rule of one man, and the
-Kings of Hungary, instead of assisting their brothers of Bosnia against
-the common foe, turned their forces against a country which might have
-been the bulwark of Christendom.
-
-The evil effects of Tvrtko’s death were soon felt. His younger brother,
-or cousin[898], Stephen Dabisha, who succeeded him, felt himself too
-feeble to govern so large a kingdom, and in 1393 ceded the newly won
-lands of Dalmatia and Croatia to King Sigismund of Hungary. The two
-monarchs met at Djakovo, in Slavonia, and concluded an agreement by which
-Sigismund recognised Dabisha as King of Bosnia, while Dabisha bequeathed
-the Bosnian crown after his death to Sigismund. A combination of Bosnian
-magnates and Croatian rebels, however, refused to accept these terms, and
-Dabisha himself broke the treaty which he had made. An Hungarian invasion
-of his Kingdom and the capture of the strong fortress of Dobor, on the
-lower Bosna, at once reduced him to submission, and a battle before the
-walls of Knin, in Dalmatia, finally severed the brief connection between
-that country and the Bosnian throne. To complete Dabisha’s misfortunes,
-the Turks, who had been in no undue haste to make use of their victory at
-Kossovo, invaded Bosnia for the first time in 1392, and gave that country
-a foretaste of what was to come.
-
-On Dabisha’s death in 1395 the all-powerful magnates, disregarding the
-treaty of Djakovo, made his widow, Helena Gruba, regent for his son. But
-they retained for themselves all real power, governing their domains as
-almost independent princes, maintaining their own courts and issuing
-charters, coining their own money and negotiating on their own account
-with foreign states, such as the Republics of Venice and Ragusa. One
-of their number, Hrvoje Vuktchich, towered above his fellows, and his
-career may be regarded as typical of his troublous times. For the next
-quarter of a century Bosnian history is little else than the story of his
-intrigues, and the neighbouring lands of Dalmatia and Croatia felt his
-heavy hand. Even Sigismund, King of Hungary, and his Neapolitan rival,
-Ladislaus, were bidding against one another for his support, and at the
-end of the fourteenth century he was “the most powerful man between the
-Save and the Adriatic, the pillar of two Kings and Kingdoms.” The shrewd
-Ragusans wrote to him that “whatsoever thou dost command in Bosnia is
-done”; the documents of the period style him _regulus Bosnensis_, or
-“Bosnian kinglet”; he called himself “the grand _voivode_ of the Bosnian
-Kingdom and vicar-general of the most gracious sovereigns King Ladislaus
-and King Ostoja, the excellent lord, the Duke of Spalato.” The three
-great islands of Brazza, Curzola, and Lesina, and the city of Cattaro
-owned his overlordship, and his name will always be connected with the
-lovely town of Jajce, at the confluence of the Pliva and the Vrbas, the
-most beautiful spot in all Bosnia. Here, above the magnificent waterfall
-on the hill, for which in olden times the Bosnian _bans_ and the Croatian
-Kings had striven, Hrvoje bade an Italian architect build him a castle.
-Whether the town of Jajce, “the egg,” derives its name from the shape
-of the hill or from the fact that the castle was modelled on the famous
-Castello dell’ Uovo at Naples, is doubtful. But he is now regarded as the
-founder of the catacombs, which still bear his arms and were intended
-to serve as his family vault[899]. For his capital of Spalato he even
-issued coins, which circulated in Bosnia as freely as the currency of
-the puppet kings whom he put on the throne. What Warwick the king-maker
-is in the history of England, what the mayors of the palace are in the
-history of France, that is Hrvoje in the annals of mediæval Bosnia. An
-ancient missal has preserved for us the features of this remarkable
-man, whose gruff voice and rough manners disgusted the courtly nobles
-of the Hungarian court. But the uncouth Bosniak took a terrible revenge
-on his gentle critics. When a wit made fun of his big head and deep
-voice by bellowing at him like an ox, the company laughed at Hrvoje’s
-discomfiture. But when, a little later, the fortune of war put the jester
-in his power, Hrvoje had him sewn into the skin of an ox and thrown into
-the river, with the words, “Thou hast once in human form imitated the
-bellowing of an ox, now therefore take an ox’s form as well.”
-
-The great Turkish invasion, which took place in 1398 and almost entirely
-ruined Bosnia, convinced the great nobles that a woman was unfitted
-to rule. Headed by Hrvoje, they accordingly deposed Helena Gruba, and
-elected Stephen Ostoja, probably an illegitimate son of Tvrtko, as
-their King. So long as Ostoja obeyed the dictates of his all-powerful
-vassal he kept his throne. Under Hrvoje’s guidance he repulsed the
-attack of King Sigismund of Hungary, who had claimed the overlordship
-of Bosnia in accordance with the treaty of Djakovo, and endeavoured to
-recover Dalmatia and Croatia for the Bosnian crown under the pretext
-of supporting Sigismund’s rival, Ladislaus of Naples. But the latter
-showed by his coronation at Zara as King of both those lands that he
-had no intention of allowing them to become Bosnian possessions, as
-in the days of Tvrtko. Ostoja at this changed his policy, made his
-peace with Sigismund, and recognised him as his suzerain. But he had
-forgotten his maker. Hrvoje, aided by the Ragusans, laid siege to the
-royal castle of Bobovatz, where the crown was preserved, and when
-Sigismund intervened on behalf of his puppet summoned an “assembly” or
-“congregation of the Bosnian lords” in 1404 to choose a new King. This
-great council of nobles, at which the _djed_, or primate of the Bogomile
-church, and his suffragans were present, is frequently mentioned at this
-period, and contained in a rude form the germs of those representative
-institutions which in our own country sprang from a like origin.
-Hrvoje easily persuaded the council to depose Ostoja and elect Tvrtko
-II, the legitimate son of Tvrtko I, in his place. But Sigismund was not
-so lightly convinced. After a first futile attempt he sought the aid
-of the Pope in a crusade against “the renegade Arians and Manichæans”
-and marched into Bosnia in 1408 at the head of a large army. Tvrtko II
-met him beneath the walls of Dobor, on the same spot where, fourteen
-years before, another great battle had been fought. Once again the
-Bosnian forces were defeated. Sigismund took Tvrtko as his prisoner to
-Buda-Pesth, after beheading 126 captive Bosnian nobles and throwing
-their bodies into the yellow waters of the Bosna. The victory had
-decisive results. Hrvoje humbled himself before the King of Hungary, and
-Ladislaus of Naples sold all his rights to Dalmatia to the Venetians in
-despair. But the national party in Bosnia was not so easily dismayed.
-Nothing daunted by the defeat of Tvrtko and the desertion of Hrvoje,
-they restored Ostoja to the throne. Utter confusion followed. Sigismund
-dismembered the country, placing Usora and Soli again under Hungarian
-_bans_, bestowing the valuable mining district of Srebrenitza upon the
-Despot of Serbia to be an apple of discord between the two Serb states,
-and leaving Ostoja the Herzegovina and South Bosnia alone, while even
-there every one did what was right in his own eyes, and members of the
-royal family lived by highway robbery. Well might the Ragusans complain
-that “our people travel among the Turks and other heathen, yet nowhere
-have they met with so much harm as in Bosnia.” Yet one step lower was
-Ostoja to fall. Hard pressed by the Hungarians and his released rival
-Tvrtko, he summoned in 1415 the Turks to his aid, and thus set an example
-which was ultimately fatal to his country.
-
-Since their great invasion in 1398 the Turks had not molested Bosnia.
-Their struggle with Timour the Tartar in Asia and the confusion which
-followed his great victory at Angora had temporarily checked their
-advance in Europe, and it was not till their reorganisation under
-Mohammed I that they resumed their plans. They were accordingly free to
-accept the invitation of Ostoja and Hrvoje, who was now in opposition
-to the Hungarian court, and aided them to drive out the Hungarian
-army. The decisive battle was fought near the fortress of Doboj, the
-picturesque ruins of which command the junction of the rivers Bosna
-and Spretcha. A stratagem of the Bosniaks, who cried out at a critical
-moment, “The Magyars are fleeing,” won the day. But they could not rid
-themselves of their Turkish allies so easily. In the very next year
-Mohammed appointed his general Isaac governor of the castle of Vrhbosna
-(“the source of the Bosna”), which stood in the heart of the country,
-on the site of the present capital of Sarajevo, and even great Bosnian
-nobles were not ashamed to hold their lands by grace of the Sultan and
-his governor. Under Ostoja’s son, Stephen Ostojich, who succeeded as
-King in 1418, the country obtained a brief respite from the Turkish
-garrison, which quitted Vrhbosna. But three years later the restoration
-of Tvrtko II, after further years of exile, gave the Sultan another
-opportunity for intervention. For Tvrtko’s title was disputed by Ostoja’s
-bastard son, Radivoj, who called in the Turks to his aid, and was seen
-by the traveller, De la Brocquière[900] as a suppliant of the Sultan at
-Adrianople in 1433. Tvrtko purchased a temporary peace by the surrender
-of several towns to them; but the fatal secret had been divulged that
-the Sultan was the arbiter of Bosnia, and to him two other enemies of
-the King turned, the Despot of Serbia and Sandalj Hranich, a great
-Bosnian magnate of the house of Kosatcha, who was all-powerful in the
-Herzegovina, so that Chalkokondyles calls it “Sandalj’s country[901].”
-The two partners bought the Bosnian Kingdom from the Sultan for hard
-cash, and Tvrtko was once more an exile. In 1436 the Turks again occupied
-Vrhbosna, which from that time became a place of arms, from which they
-could sally forth and ravage the land, and when Tvrtko returned in the
-same year it was as a mere tributary of the Sultan Murad II, who received
-an annual sum of 25,000 ducats from his vassal, and issued charters as
-the sovereign of the country. Soon Murad overran Serbia, and occupied
-the former Bosnian towns of Zvornik and Srebrenitza, which the Serbian
-Despot still held, so that it seemed as if the independence of Bosnia was
-over. Tvrtko knew not which way to turn. He implored the Venetians, who
-twenty years before had taken the former Bosnian haven of Cattaro under
-their protection, and were now masters of nearly all Dalmatia, to take
-over the government of his Kingdom too. But the crafty Republic declined
-the dangerous honour with many complimentary phrases. With Ladislaus IV
-of Hungary he was more fortunate. He did not, indeed, survive to see the
-fulfilment of the Hungarian King’s promise, for he was murdered by his
-subjects in 1443. But the help of John Hunyady, the great champion of
-Christendom, enabled his successor to stave off for another twenty years
-the final blow which was to annihilate the Bosnian Kingdom.
-
-With Tvrtko II the royal house of Kotromanich was extinct, and the
-magnates elected Stephen Thomas Ostojich, another bastard son of Ostoja,
-as their King. Ostojich, whose birth and humble marriage diminished
-his influence over his proud nobles, came to the conclusion that it
-would enhance his personal prestige, and at the same time strengthen
-his Kingdom against the Turks, if he embraced the Roman Catholic faith.
-His father and all his family had been Bogomiles, like most Bosnian
-magnates of that time, but Tvrtko II was a Catholic and a great patron
-of the Franciscans, who had suffered severely from the Turkish inroads.
-The conversion of Ostojich was full of momentous consequences for his
-Kingdom; for, although he was personally disinclined to persecute the
-sect to which he had belonged, and which had practically become the
-established church of the land, the pressure of his protector Hunyady,
-the Franciscans, and the Pope soon compelled him to take steps against
-it. He was convinced that by so doing he would drive the Bogomiles, who
-formed the vast majority of the people, into the arms of the Turks, and
-the event justified his fears. But he had little choice, for the erection
-of Catholic churches did not satisfy the zeal of the Franciscans.
-Accordingly in 1446 an assembly of prelates and barons met at Konjitza,
-the beautiful town on the borders of the Herzegovina, through which the
-traveller now passes on the railway from Sarajevo to Mostar. The document
-embodying the resolutions of this grand council has been preserved, and
-bears the name and seal of the King[902]. It provided that the Bogomiles
-“shall neither build new churches nor restore those that are falling
-into decay,” and that “the goods of the Catholic Church shall never be
-taken from it.” No less than 40,000 of the persecuted sect emigrated to
-the Herzegovina in consequence of this decree, and found there a refuge
-beneath the sway of the great magnate Stephen Vuktchich, of the house
-of Kosatcha, who had succeeded his uncle Sandalj in 1435, made himself
-practically independent of his liege lord of Bosnia and was at the same
-moment on good terms with the Turks and a strong Bogomile. Thus the
-old Bosnian realm was practically divided in two; Stephen Vuktchich,
-by posing as a defender of the national faith, received a considerable
-accession of subjects, and the Emperor Frederick III bestowed upon him
-in 1448 the title of _Herzog_, or Duke, of St Sava, from which his land
-gradually derived its present name of Herzegovina[903]. But both Bosnia
-and the sister land were soon to feel the hand of the Turk.
-
-The accession of Mohammed II to the Turkish throne in 1451 was the
-beginning of a new era for the Balkan peoples. Since the battle of
-Kossovo the Sultans had been content to allow the Serbs the shadow of
-independence under Despots of their own, while Bosnia had bought off
-invasion by a tribute, more or less regularly paid, according to the
-vicissitudes of the Ottoman power. But the new Sultan resolved to bring
-the whole peninsula under his immediate sway, and lost no time in putting
-his plans into execution. The capture of Constantinople startled the
-whole of Christendom, and the great victory of Hunyady before the walls
-of Belgrade was small compensation for that hero’s death. There was
-no one left to champion the cause of the Balkan Christians, who were
-still occupied with their own miserable jealousies. Bosniaks and Serbs
-were disputing the possession of the frontier towns, which the Kings of
-Hungary had long ago made an apple of discord between them, and Duke
-Stephen of the Herzegovina was invoking the aid of the Turks at the very
-moment when all religious and racial enmities should have been silenced
-in the presence of the common foe. But it has been the misfortune of the
-Balkan peoples to have, like the Bourbons, learnt nothing and forgotten
-nothing in their centuries of suffering. They have never, save during
-the Balkan war of 1912-13, learnt the lesson of their mutual jealousies,
-and have never forgotten their historic aspirations from which those
-jealousies spring.
-
-The King of Bosnia in this extremity sought aid from the west of Europe.
-As an obedient son of the Roman Church, he had a right to expect the
-help of the Pope; as a friend of the Venetians, he felt entitled to the
-support of the Doge. But he met with little response to his appeals.
-Venice, selfish as ever, was not anxious to embroil herself in Bosnian
-affairs, and the Pope contented himself with proclaiming a new crusade,
-addressing the King as the “warrior of Christ,” and promising him “a
-glorious victory,” in which no one else seemed desirous to share.
-Under these circumstances Ostojich had no alternative but to pay the
-tribute, which he had refused in the first flush of Hunyady’s victory at
-Belgrade. The one bright speck on the dark horizon was the possibility
-of the union of Bosnia and Serbia under one ruler by the marriage of
-Stephen Tomashevich, eldest son of Ostojich, with the eldest daughter
-of the Serbian Despot[904]. On the latter’s death in 1458, the King of
-Hungary acknowledged Stephen Tomashevich as Despot of all Serbia as far
-as the river Morava, and it seemed for the moment as if the ancient
-jealousies of the two neighbouring States had been finally settled and
-a new bulwark erected against the Turks. But the aggrandisement of the
-Bosnian royal family only increased its responsibilities. The important
-town of Semendria, which the Despot George Brankovich had founded on the
-Danube years before as a refuge from his enemies, and the two-and-twenty
-square towers of which still stand out defiant of all the ravages of
-Turks or Time, was strongly fortified, but its inhabitants regarded their
-new master, a zealous Catholic and a Hungarian nominee, as a worse foe
-than the Sultan himself. It is not, therefore, necessary to assume, with
-Pope Pius II and the King of Hungary, that Bosnian treachery betrayed
-them. When Mohammed II arrived at their gates they surrendered without
-a blow. The other Serbian towns followed the example of Semendria, and
-in 1459 Serbia had ceased to exist as a State and became a Pashalik of
-the Turkish Empire. It was the turn of Bosnia next. But Ostojich was
-spared the spectacle of his country’s fall. Two years later he fell in an
-obscure quarrel in Croatia by the hands of his brother Radivoj and his
-own son, Stephen Tomashevich, who succeeded to the sorry heritage of the
-Bosnian throne, of which he was to be the last occupant.
-
-Stephen, son of Thomas, lost no time in seeking the aid of the Pope
-against the impending storm. “I was baptized as a child,” he said through
-the mouths of his envoys, “and have learnt to read out of Latin books. I
-wish, therefore, that thou wouldst send me a crown and holy bishops as
-a sign that thou wilt not forsake me. I pray thee also to bid the King
-of Hungary to go with me to the wars, for so alone can Bosnia be saved.
-For the Turks have built several fortresses in my kingdom and are very
-friendly to the peasants, to whom they promise freedom; and the limited
-understanding of the peasant observes not their deceit, for he believes
-that this freedom will last for ever. And Mohammed’s ambition knows no
-bounds; after me, he will attack Hungary and the Dalmatian possessions
-of Venice, and then march by way of Carniola and Istria into Italy,
-which he means to subdue; even of Rome he ofttimes speaks, and yearns
-to have it. But I shall be his first victim. My father foretold to thy
-predecessor and the Venetians the fall of Constantinople, and now I
-prophesy that if ye help me I shall be saved; but if not, I shall fall,
-and others with me.” To this eloquent appeal, which so exactly depicted
-the position of affairs, the Pope replied by sending his legates to
-the coronation—the first and last instance of a Bosnian King receiving
-his crown from Rome. The ceremony took place in the lovely citadel of
-Jajce, Hrvoje’s ancient seat, whither the new King had transferred his
-residence from Bobovatz for greater security. The splendour of that
-day and the absolute unanimity of the great nobles in support of their
-lord cast a final ray of light over the last page of Bosnia’s history
-as a Kingdom. Tomashevich made peace with all his own and his father’s
-enemies—with the King of Hungary, with his stepmother, Queen Catherine,
-and with her father, the proud Duke Stephen Vuktchich of the Herzegovina,
-now seriously alarmed at the advance of the Turks, who had placed a
-governor at Fotcha and had carved what was called the “Bosnian province”
-out of the district round it. The King assumed all the pompous titles of
-his predecessors—the sovereignty of Serbia, Dalmatia and Croatia—at a
-time when he could not defend his own land, and made liberal grants of
-privileges to Ragusa at the moment when he was imploring the Venetians to
-grant him a castle on the coast as a place of refuge.
-
-The storm was not long in breaking. Mohammed II, learning that
-Tomashevich had promised the King of Hungary to refuse the customary
-tribute to the Turk, sent an envoy to demand payment. The Bosnian monarch
-took the envoy into his treasury and showed him the money collected for
-the tribute. “I do not intend,” he said, “to send the Sultan so much
-treasure and so rob myself of it. For should he attack me, I shall get
-rid of him the easier if I have money; and, if I must flee to another
-land, I shall live more pleasantly by means thereof[905].” So the envoy
-returned and told his master, and his master vowed vengeance upon the
-King. In the spring of 1463 he assembled a great army in Adrianople
-for the conquest of Bosnia. Alarmed at the result of his own defiant
-refusal Tomashevich sent an embassy at the eleventh hour to ask for a
-fifteen years’ truce. Konstantinovich, a Serbian renegade, who was an
-eye-witness of these events, has fortunately preserved the striking scene
-of Mohammed’s deceit. Concealed behind a money-chest in the Turkish
-treasury, he heard the Sultan’s two chief advisers decide upon the plan
-of campaign. “We will grant the truce,” said one of them, “and forthwith
-march against Bosnia, else we shall never take it, for it is mountainous,
-and besides, the King of Hungary and the Croats and other princes will
-come to its aid.” So Mohammed granted the envoys the truce which they
-desired, and they prepared to return and tell the good news to the King.
-But early next day the eavesdropper went and warned them that in the
-middle of the next week the Turkish army would follow on their heels.
-But they laughed at his tale, for they believed the word of the Sultan.
-Yet, sure enough, four days after their departure, Mohammed set out.
-One detachment of his army he sent to the Save to prevent the King of
-Hungary from effecting a junction with the Bosniaks, while the rest he
-led in person to Sjenitza, on the Bosnian frontier. His march had been
-so rapid and so secret that he encountered little or no resistance,
-until he reached the ancient castle of Bobovatz, which had stood so many
-a siege in Bosnia’s stormy history. The fate of this old royal residence
-was typical of that of the land. Its governor, Prince Radak, had been
-converted by force from the Bogomile faith to Catholicism. He could
-have defended the fortress for years even against the great Turkish
-army, if his heart had been in the cause. But he was, like so many of
-his countrymen, a Bogomile first and a Bosniak afterwards. On the third
-day of the siege he opened the gates to Mohammed, who found among the
-inmates the two envoys, whom he had so lately duped. Radak met with the
-fitting reward of his treachery. When he claimed from Mohammed the price
-for which he had stipulated, the conqueror asked him how he could keep
-faith with a Turk when he had betrayed his Christian master, and had him
-beheaded. The giant cliff of Radakovitza served as the scaffold, and
-still preserves the name, of the traitor.
-
-The fall of the virgin fortress filled the Bosniaks with dismay. At the
-news of Mohammed’s invasion, Stephen Tomashevich had withdrawn with his
-family to his capital of Jajce, hoping to raise an army and get help
-from abroad while the invader was expending his strength before the
-walls of Bobovatz. But its surrender left him no time for defence. He
-fled at once towards Croatia, closely followed by the van of Mohammed’s
-army. At the fortress of Kljuch (rightly so-called, as being a “key”
-of Bosnia) the pursuers came up with the fugitive. The secret of the
-King’s presence inside was betrayed to the Turks; and their commander,
-anxious to avoid a lengthy siege, promised Tomashevich in writing that,
-if he surrendered, his life should be spared. The King relied upon the
-pardon and gave himself up to Mohammed’s lieutenant, who brought him
-as his prisoner to the Sultan at Jajce. Meanwhile, the capital, like
-the King, had thrown itself upon the mercy of the conqueror, and thus,
-almost without a blow, the three strongest places in Bosnia had fallen.
-Tomashevich himself helped the Sultan to complete his conquest. He wrote,
-at his captor’s direction, letters to all his generals and captains,
-bidding them surrender their towns and fortresses to the Turk. In a week
-more than seventy obeyed his commands, and before the middle of June,
-1463, Bosnia was a Turkish Pashalik, and Mohammed, with the captive
-King in his train, set out for the subjection of the Herzegovina. But
-the “heroic Herzegovina” offered greater obstacles to the invader than
-“lofty Bosnia.” Against those bare limestone rocks the Turkish cavalry
-was useless, while the natives, accustomed to every cranny of the crags,
-harassed the strangers with a ceaseless guerilla warfare. Duke Stephen
-and his son, Vladislav, who in better days had wasted their energies
-in civil war, now joined hands against the common foe, and Mohammed,
-after a fruitless attempt to capture his capital of Blagaj, withdrew to
-Constantinople. But before he left he resolved to rid himself of that
-encumbrance, the King of Bosnia, who could now be no longer of use to his
-conqueror. Mohammed was bound by the solemn promise of his lieutenant
-to spare his prisoner’s life. But, as soon as his wishes were known,
-a legal excuse was invented for his inexcusable act of treachery. A
-learned Persian in his camp, Ali Bestami by name, pronounced the pardon
-to be invalid because it had been granted without the previous consent
-of the Sultan. Mohammed thereupon summoned Tomashevich to his presence
-on the “Emperor’s meadow,” near Jajce, whereupon the lithe Persian drew
-his sword, and, with a spring in the air, cut off the head of the last
-Bosnian King. According to another version, Tomashevich was first flayed
-alive. By the command of the Sultan, the _fetva_, in which Ali Bestami
-had composed the captive monarch’s sentence, was carved on the gate of
-Jajce, where as late as the middle of the last century could be read the
-words, “The true believer will not allow a snake to bite him twice from
-the same hole,” an allegory by which the pliant Persian strove to excuse
-his master’s treachery by representing his victim as the traitor. The
-body of Tomashevich was buried by order of the Sultan at a spot only just
-visible from the citadel of Jajce. In 1888 Dr Truhelka, the distinguished
-archæologist and custodian of the museum of Sarajevo, discovered on the
-right bank of the river Vrbas the skeleton of the King, the skull severed
-from the trunk just as history had said, with two small silver Hungarian
-coins, current in Bosnia in the fifteenth century, on the breast-bones.
-When the present writer visited Jajce, he found the skeleton set up in
-the Franciscan church there—a sad memorial of Bosnia’s past greatness.
-His portrait adorns the Franciscan monastery of Sutjeska. His uncle,
-Radivoj, and his cousin were executed after him; his half-brother and
-half-sister carried off as captives, and his widow, Maria, became the
-wife of a Turkish official[906].
-
-Thus, after an existence of eighty-seven years, fell the Bosnian Kingdom.
-Mainly by the faults of her people and the mistakes of her rulers,
-mediæval Bosnia lost her independence. The country is naturally strong,
-and under the resolute government of one man, uniting all creeds and all
-classes beneath his banner, might have held out, like Montenegro, against
-the Turkish armies. But the jealousies of the nobles, and the still
-fiercer rivalries of the Roman Catholics and the Bogomiles, prepared the
-way for the invader, and when he came the persecuted heretics welcomed
-him as a deliverer, preferring “the mufti’s turban to the cardinal’s
-hat.” This lesson of Bosnia’s fall is full of meaning for our own time,
-and those who meditate on her future destinies should not forget her
-past mistakes. She is perhaps the best and the saddest example of what
-boundless mischief religious persecution can accomplish.
-
-Bosnia had entered upon her four centuries of submission to the Turks.
-Her King was dead, his consort and his step-mother, Queen Catherine, in
-exile, and his people at the mercy of the conqueror. Many of them were
-enlisted in the Turkish corps of Janissaries; many more fled to Croatia,
-Istria and the Dalmatian towns; a few took to the mountains, like the
-more or less mythical hero Toma, the Robin Hood of the Bosnian ballads,
-and lived as brigands and outlaws; most of the Bogomiles embraced the
-faith of Islâm, and became in the course of generations more fanatical
-than the Turks themselves. It seemed as if they would be left in sole
-possession of the land, but the earnest appeal of a Franciscan monk
-induced Mohammed to grant the Christians the free exercise of their
-religion and thus stay the tide of emigration from the country. But,
-though Bosnia could not defend herself, the Turks were not allowed
-undisturbed possession. Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, had been
-outwitted by the rapid march of Mohammed, but in the autumn of the very
-year in which Bosnia fell he set out to her rescue. The campaign was
-successful, and, aided by Duke Stephen’s eldest son Vladislav[907], and
-a Herzegovinian contingent, the Hungarians recovered Jajce, Banjaluka,
-and about twenty-five other towns. Even the return of Mohammed in the
-next spring failed to secure the second surrender of Jajce. Such was the
-terror of the Hungarian arms that the mere report of the King’s approach
-made him throw his cannon into the Vrbas and raise the siege. Matthias
-Corvinus now organised the part of Bosnia which he had conquered from the
-Turks into two Duchies or _banats_, one of which took its name from Jajce
-and the other from Srebrenik. Over these territories, which embraced
-all Lower Bosnia, he placed Nicholas of Ilok, a Hungarian magnate, with
-the title of King. Thus, under Hungarian rule, two portions of the old
-Bosnian Kingdom remained free from the Turks for two generations more,
-serving as a “buffer State” between the Ottoman Power and the Christian
-lands of Croatia and Slavonia.
-
-The Herzegovina, which had repulsed the conqueror of Bosnia, did not
-long survive the sister state. The great Duke Stephen Vuktchich died
-in 1466 and his three sons Vladislav, Vlatko and Stephen, divided his
-possessions between them. The eldest, however, whose quarrels with his
-father had wrought such infinite harm to his country, did not long govern
-the northern part of the Herzegovina, which fell to his share. He entered
-the Venetian service, and thence emigrated to Croatia, where he died. The
-second brother, Vlatko, assuming the title of Duke of St Sava re-united
-for a time the remains of the Duchy under his sole rule, relying now on
-Venetian, now on Neapolitan aid, but only secure as long as Mohammed II
-allowed him to linger on as a tributary of Turkey. In 1481 he ventured to
-invade Bosnia, but was driven back to seek shelter in his stronghold of
-Castelnuovo. Two years later Bayezid II annexed the Herzegovina, whose
-last reigning Duke died on the island of Arbe. The title continued,
-however, to be borne by Vladislav’s son, Peter Balsha, as late as 1511.
-The youngest embraced the creed and entered the service of the conqueror.
-Under the name of Ahmed Pasha Herzegovich[908], or, “the Duke’s son,”
-he gained a great place in Turkish history, and after having governed
-Anatolia and commanded the Ottoman fleet, attained to the post of Grand
-Vizier. His name and origin are still preserved by the little Turkish
-town of Hersek, on the Gulf of Ismid, near which he was buried.
-
-All Bosnia and the Herzegovina, with the exception of the two newly
-formed _banats_ of Jajce and Srebrenik, were now in the hands of the
-Turks. On the death of Nicholas of Ilok the meaningless title of “King
-of Bosnia” was dropped, and his successors contented themselves with
-the more modest name of _ban_, which had already been so familiar in
-Bosnian history. But the Turks did not allow the Hungarian viceroys
-undisturbed possession of their lands. Jajce became the great object of
-every Turkish attack, and against its walls the armies of Islâm dashed
-themselves again and again in vain. But after the capture of the _banat_
-of Srebrenik in 1520, it was clear that the doom of Jajce could not be
-long delayed. Two great feats of arms, however, shed lustre over the
-last years of the royal city. Usref, the Turkish governor of Bosnia,
-who will always be remembered as the founder of the noble mosque which
-is the chief beauty of Sarajevo, had vowed that he would succeed where
-his predecessors had failed. So he collected a large army and invested
-Jajce. But, finding force useless, he pretended to raise the siege, so
-as to take the place unawares. But Peter Keglevich, who was at that time
-its _ban_, easily outwitted his crafty assailant. He bade the wives and
-daughters of the garrison sally forth and dance and sing—for it was the
-eve of a festival—on the “King’s meadow” outside the walls. Deceived
-by this feint, the Turks made a night attack upon the town. As they
-came near, they heard the sound of the _gusle_ and saw the feet of the
-maidens dancing in the moonlight on the green sward. The sight was more
-than they could bear. Casting their scaling ladders aside, they rushed
-upon the damsels instead of climbing the walls. At that moment Keglevich
-charged at the head of his men, while at the sound of the cannon a second
-detachment, which he had sent out into the woods, attacked the besiegers
-in the rear. Even the women bore their part in the fight, and not a Turk
-left the field alive. Once again Keglevich held his capital against the
-foe. Usref reappeared with a new army and laid siege to the city for a
-year and a half. Hunger began to make its appearance, even horse-flesh
-was unprocurable, and one mother threw her child into the Vrbas rather
-than see it die a lingering death; it seemed as if the garrison must
-surrender or starve. But Keglevich managed to despatch a trusty messenger
-to Buda-Pesth, where, in Count Frangipane he found a ready listener.
-Backed up by King Louis II of Hungary and the Pope, he raised an army
-and relieved the town, after a great battle. Frangipane received from
-the delighted King the title of “Defender and Protector of the Kingdoms
-of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Slavonia” in return for this signal service.
-But next year King Louis fell in the fatal battle of Mohács at the hands
-of the Turks, and from that moment Hungary was unable to protect her
-Bosnian outpost. Keglevich, weary of warfare and old in years, gave up
-the _banat_ of Jajce to King Ferdinand I, who put a German garrison into
-the capital. But the German soldiers had had no experience of Turkish
-warfare, and their new commanders lacked the spirit of old Keglevich.
-Usref saw that the moment had come to redeem his former failures. Hungary
-and Croatia were in the throes of civil war, and not a hand was stretched
-out to save the doomed city. A ten days’ siege by the allied forces of
-Usref and his colleague, the Vizier of Serbia, was sufficient to make
-Jajce surrender. Banjaluka held out a little longer, and its brave
-governor set fire to the town rather than give it up to the enemy. With
-its fall, in 1528, all Bosnia was in the possession of the Turks, and
-for the next 170 years the German Emperors, who were now also Kings of
-Hungary, could make no effort to substantiate the old Hungarian claims
-to the lands south of the Save. Bosnia served as the starting-point from
-which Turkish armies ravaged their adjoining territories, and until the
-Ottoman power began to wane at the end of the seventeenth century, the
-Habsburgs had quite enough to do in defending their own land.
-
-Left to themselves, the Turks organised the conquered provinces, without
-interfering with the feudal system, which had struck its roots so deep
-in Bosnian soil. A Turkish governor, called at first by the title
-of _sandjak beg_ and then by those of Pasha and _Vali_, represented
-the majesty of the Sultan, and moved his residence according to the
-requirements of Turkish policy. In the early days his seat was at
-Vrhbosna, round which the city of Sarajevo grew up; but, as the Turkish
-arms advanced further, Banjaluka was chosen as the official capital,
-while, when they receded at the close of the seventeenth century, the
-Pasha moved to Travnik, whence he issued his proclamations as “_Vali_ of
-Hungary.” But, however high-sounding his titles, the Turkish governor
-was often, as the Bosnian Kings had been, the mere figure-head, while
-all real power was in the hands of the great nobles, who gradually
-became hereditary headmen or _capetans_ of the forty-eight divisions
-of the province. So strong was their influence that they long resisted
-all attempts to transfer the Turkish headquarters from Travnik back to
-Sarajevo, and permitted the Pasha to visit the present capital only on
-sufferance and to remain there no more than forty-eight hours. It was
-not till 1850 that Omar Pasha put down all resistance and re-established
-the seat of government at Sarajevo, where it has since remained. But
-throughout the Turkish period the native aristocracy of Bosnia merely
-tolerated the Sultan’s representatives, of whom there were no less than
-214 in 415 years, or an average of one every twenty months, and at times
-even flatly refused to obey orders from Constantinople itself. In a word,
-Bosnia under the Turks was an aristocratic republic, with a titular
-foreign head.
-
-The social condition of the country changed, indeed, very little with
-the change of government. The Bogomiles, who had formed the bulk of the
-old Bosnian aristocracy, hastened to embrace the faith of Islâm upon the
-Turkish invasion. They had preferred to be conquered by the Sultan than
-converted by the Pope; and, when once they had been conquered, they did
-not hesitate to be converted also. The Mussulman creed possessed not a
-few points of resemblance with their own despised heresy. It conferred,
-too, the practical advantage upon those who embraced it of retaining
-their lands and their feudal privileges. Thus Bosnia presents us with the
-curious phenomenon of an aristocratic caste, Slav by race yet Mohammedan
-by religion. Hence the country affords a striking contrast to Serbia.
-There the Mohammedans were never anything more than a foreign colony
-of Turks; here the Mohammedans were native Slavs, men of the same race
-as the Christians, whom they despised. But, while the Bosnian nobles,
-henceforth styled _begs_ or _agas_ according as they were of greater or
-less distinction, never forgot that they were Bosniaks, they displayed
-the customary zeal of converts, and out-Ottomaned the Ottomans in
-their religious fanaticism. On the one hand, they carefully preserved
-the heirlooms of their Bogomile forefathers, the Serb speech, and the
-old Glagolitic script; on the other, they were keener in the cause of
-Islâm than the Commander of the Faithful himself. The iron of papal
-persecution had entered into their ancestors’ souls, and the legacy thus
-inherited influenced the whole future of Bosnia. The Turks were not slow
-to recognise the merits of these new allies. It soon became a maxim of
-state that “one must be the son of a Christian renegade to attain to the
-highest dignities of the Turkish Empire.” In the long list of Pashas of
-Bosnia, we notice several who were called “the Bosniak” from their race.
-As early as 1470 we find mention of a native governor, Sinan Beg, who
-built the mosque at Tchajnitza, his birth-place. Just a century later
-a Herzegovinian renegade became Grand Vizier, and his successor was a
-member of the famous Bosnian family of Sokolovich, to whom tradition
-ascribes the foundation of Sarajevo. The natural aptitude of the Bosniaks
-for managing their own countrymen led the Sultans to choose their
-representatives from among them; for, in a highly aristocratic community
-like Bosnia, the head of an old family enjoyed far more respect, even
-though he were poor, than an upstart foreigner, who had nothing to
-commend him but his ostentation and his office. Now and again we hear
-of a Turkish governor like Usref, the conqueror of Jajce, whose word is
-supreme, and whose religious endowments are “richer than those in any
-other province of the Empire.” But the general rule is that the native
-nobles are the repositories of power, while the Sultan’s representative
-is a mere fleeting figure, here to-day and gone to-morrow.
-
-While most of the Bogomiles had gone over to Islâm, there still remained
-some who adhered to the ancient doctrines of that maligned sect. The
-question has been much discussed as to the existence of these sectaries
-in Bosnia to-day. That some of them were still to be found in the
-beginning of the seventeenth century is clear from the report of a
-traveller of that period. A century and a half later the Franciscans
-asserted that the sect was extinct. This sweeping assertion does
-not, however, accord with later discoveries. There are parts of the
-Herzegovina, almost inaccessible till the construction of the railway
-from Sarajevo to Mostar, where traditions of the Bogomiles still linger.
-Thus, in the neighbourhood of Jablanitza, a region covered with Bogomile
-tombstones, the women, although Mohammedans, go unveiled—a custom all the
-more remarkable because the Mussulmans of Bosnia are, as a rule, far more
-particular about veiling than their co-religionists at Constantinople.
-It is, therefore, thought that this may be an old Bogomile observance,
-and it is stated by a recent ecclesiastical historian that only a few
-years before the Austrian occupation a family named Helej, living near
-Konjitza, abandoned the “Bogomile madness” for the Mohammedan faith.
-
-Bosnia, “the lion that guards the gates of Stambûl,” as the Turkish
-annalists called her, had to bear the full brunt of the struggle between
-Christendom and Islâm, as soon as the power of the Turks was beaten back
-from before the walls of Vienna, and driven out from within the walls
-of Buda-Pesth. The tide of Ottoman invasion began to ebb at the close
-of the seventeenth century from Hungary, Croatia and Slavonia, and the
-rivers Save and Una once more formed the boundaries between the domains
-of the Crescent and the Cross. Not without reason did the Bosniaks talk
-of “going to Europe” when they traversed the Save.
-
-And now, after more than a century and a half of forgetfulness, the House
-of Habsburg remembered the ancient claims of the Hungarian Crown to the
-old Bosnian Kingdom. Henceforth, from being the starting-point of every
-Turkish attack upon the Hungarian dominions, Bosnia became the object
-of every expedition from beyond the Save and the Una. Ten times did the
-Imperial troops enter the country without permanent results, until at
-last in our own days the Austro-Hungarian forces occupied it with the
-consent of Europe. The first expedition, led by Prince Louis of Baden
-in 1688, entered Bosnia from the east, captured Zvornik, but collapsed
-before the strong fortifications of Banjaluka. Two years later an
-Imperial general beat the Turks near Dolnja Tuzla, and took back a number
-of Catholic Bosniaks with him to Croatia. In that year, indeed, the
-condition of the country was most miserable. Famine and pestilence raged
-unchecked, and the quaint old Franciscan monk who wrote a chronicle of
-that time, tells us how “blood-red snow fell upon the mountains,” and how
-the devil went about with bow and arrows to slay the people. One memorial
-of that _année terrible_ still remains in the shape of a Turkish copper
-coin, which was minted in Sarajevo to defray the expenses of the Turkish
-army, and is almost the only example of a separate Turkish currency for
-Bosnia. A third invasion from the side of Croatia in 1693, although
-fairly successful, pales beside the daring exploit of Prince Eugène in
-1697. This twenty days’ campaign has never been forgotten, and it is all
-the more interesting, because the dashing Prince of Savoy took the same
-route which was followed by the main body of the Austro-Hungarian army in
-1878. Crossing the Save at Brod with 6000 men, the Prince went straight
-up the valley of the Bosna, along the course of the present railway to
-Sarajevo, capturing on his way Doboj, Maglaj, Jeptche and the picturesque
-Vranduk, rightly named in Turkish “the gate” of the country. Sarajevo
-itself seemed at his mercy, but the Bosnian Christians did not respond
-to his appeals, there was no rising of the _rajah_ in his favour, and
-he retired with an immense booty and 40,000 Christian refugees, whom he
-settled in Slavonia. The peace of Carlovitz two years later ratified the
-old boundaries of the Turk and Christendom.
-
-But the war between the Emperor and the Sultan, which broke out in 1716,
-and was terminated by the peace of Passarovitz, had favourable, if
-only temporary, results for Bosnia as well as for Serbia. The military
-efforts of the Imperial troops in Bosnia were unsuccessful, but at the
-peace, just as Belgrade and half Serbia were rescued from the Turk, so
-also north Bosnia was transferred to the Emperor in his capacity of King
-of Hungary and Croatia. But the disastrous peace of Belgrade in 1739
-restored all that had been gained at Passarovitz in 1718. The strategy
-of the Duke of Hildburghausen and Baron Raunach, the Imperial commanders
-in Bosnia, utterly failed before Ostrvitza and Banjaluka, and the Save
-and the Una once more became the frontiers. No Imperial army crossed
-them again for half a century, and even then it merely crossed to return
-empty-handed. The peace of Sistova in 1791 ratified that of Belgrade, and
-Bosnia remained, in spite of Austrian victories, a Turkish province, in
-fact till 1878, in name till 1908.
-
-
-4. BALKAN EXILES IN ROME
-
-Those of us who are students of _Punch_ may remember a caricature,
-which appeared in 1848, the year of almost universal revolution. Two
-distinguished foreigners were represented as arriving at Claridge’s
-Hotel and asking for accommodation. “I regret,” replied the manager,
-“that I cannot oblige you; my hotel is entirely occupied by dethroned
-monarchs, all except one single-bedded room, and that I am reserving, in
-case of necessity, for His Holiness the Pope!” What London was to the
-royal refugees of western Europe in 1848, that was Rome to the Balkan
-exiles of the second half of the fifteenth century. The Pope was then
-their generous host, and the Borgo their Claridge’s Hotel. In the words
-of Pius II’s biographer, “he summoned to Rome almost all those whom the
-Turks had ejected from their homes, and contributed money for their
-maintenance[909].”
-
-There has never been a period in the history of the Near East, when such
-a clean sweep has been made of principalities and powers. When Pope
-Nicholas V celebrated the mid-century Jubilee, the Balkan peninsula and
-the Levant were still largely occupied by a long series of Christian
-States, which had existed there for well-nigh 250 years. The romantic
-Duchy of Athens was still standing under the Acciajuoli of Florence;
-the Morea was divided between the two brothers Thomas and Demetrios
-Palaiologos; their more famous brother, the Emperor Constantine, had
-just left his Peloponnesian palace at Mistra, the Sparta of the Middle
-Ages, to ascend the throne of all the Cæsars at Constantinople. The
-Italian family of Crispo, from whom the greatest Italian statesman of
-our time traced his descent, still ruled from their castle at Naxos
-over the far-flung Duchy of the Archipelago. Another Italian clan, the
-Gattilusj of Genoa, in whose veins flowed both the Imperial blood of the
-Greek Emperors and that of the House of Savoy, were still governing the
-island of Lesbos and the city of Ænos in Thrace, with their respective
-dependencies. A Genoese syndicate, the _Maona_ of the Giustiniani, the
-forerunner of the Chartered Companies of our time, managed the rich
-mastic-plantations of the island of Chios. The picturesque Kingdom
-of Cyprus, with which were united the long-empty titles of King of
-Jerusalem and King of Armenia, was still in the hands of the French
-family of Lusignan, to which our Richard Cœur-de-Lion had sold it
-more than two-and-a-half centuries earlier; but the most important
-Cypriote harbour, that of Famagosta, where the Lusignans had been wont
-to be crowned Kings of Jerusalem, had passed into the possession of
-the Genoese Bank of St George, that famous institution, whose palace,
-lately restored, is now the seat of the Genoese Harbour Board. The
-family of Tocco, whose ancestors had migrated to Greece from Benevento,
-had just lost almost the last fragment of its possessions on the Greek
-mainland, but still retained the County Palatine of Cephalonia, which
-embraced four of the Ionian Islands and included the mythical realm
-of Odysseus. Venice was still the Queen of the Adriatic. The whole of
-the Dalmatian coast was Venetian, save where the commercial Republic
-of Ragusa maintained that independence, of which the recently erected
-statue of Orlando was the symbol and still is the memorial. From the
-southern extremity of Dalmatia, a chain of Venetian harbours—Antivari,
-Dulcigno and Durazzo—names familiar to modern diplomacy—united the
-northern territories of Venice with her colony of Corfù. Far to the
-south she held Crete; off the east coast of Greece she occupied the long
-island of Eubœa. In the north of the Balkan peninsula, Serbia was still
-a Christian Principality, and the riches of its Prince, derived from
-the Serbian mines, were almost fabulous. Montenegro, under the first of
-its “Black Princes,” had started on its career of independence; Albania
-was still largely unconquered, owing to the heroic resistance of the
-great national hero, Skanderbeg; while its capital, Scutari, was still
-a Venetian colony. The mediæval Kingdom of Bosnia with its elaborate
-feudal system, still survived; the sister-land of the Herzegovina, then
-known as Hum, was ruled by a great Slav magnate, Stephen Vuktchich, who
-had lately received the title of Duke of St Sava, from which, in its
-German form of _Herzog_, his former Duchy to-day retains the name of
-the Herzegovina. Beyond the Danube, the two Roumanian principalities of
-Moldavia and Wallachia were, the former still independent, the latter,
-if tributary, still restive. And far away on the shores of the Black
-Sea, the Greek Empire of Trebizond still lingered under the family of
-Grand-Komnenos—whose Princesses were the most beautiful women, whose
-Princes the most tragic figures of their time.
-
-Such was the map of the Near East in 1450, on the eve of the accession of
-the greatest of the Sultans, Mohammed II. With his advent ancient Empires
-and mediæval Principalities disappeared as by magic, and a political
-earthquake shook the thrones of the Levant to their foundations. In
-1453 the last Byzantine Emperor fell at his post on the walls of
-Constantinople; the oldest political institution in the world came to an
-end, and the Turkish capital was moved from Adrianople to the Bosporus.
-In 1456 Moldavia was made to pay tribute, the Gattilusj were driven from
-Ænos and the Acciajuoli from the city of Athens; in 1459 Serbia, in 1460
-the Morea and the rest of the Duchy of Athens ceased to exist. Next year
-the Empire of Trebizond was incorporated with Turkey, the year following
-the Gattilusj no longer ruled over Lesbos. In 1463 the last native King
-of Bosnia was beheaded in the presence of the great Sultan on the meadow
-opposite the lovely city of Jajce; in 1468 the death of Skanderbeg
-deprived Albania of her brave defender. Two years later Venice lamented
-the loss of Eubœa, the greatest blow that had ever befallen the Republic.
-In 1479 the Tocchi were driven from their island county; by 1483 the
-Herzegovina was wholly Turkish. The rulers and nobles of most of these
-countries sought refuge in Rome, and thus the epilogue of the long and
-tragic drama of Balkan history was played here. Italy was their nearest
-land of refuge; it had been the cradle of many of their ancestors; and
-the Pope was the head of Western Christendom, to whom some of them had
-appealed in their distress.
-
-The most notable of these distinguished exiles was the Despot Thomas
-Palaiologos, who sailed from Corfù for Ancona towards the end of 1460,
-accompanied by most of his magnates, and bearing the head of St Andrew,
-which had long been preserved at Patras. The relic was known to be a
-valuable asset in the dethroned Despot’s balance-sheet, although Amalfi
-already possessed a portion of the saint’s remains. Many Princes offered
-large sums for it, and its fortunate possessor had accordingly no
-difficulty in disposing of it to the Pope in return for an annuity. The
-precious relic was deposited for safety in the castle of Narni, while
-Thomas proceeded to Rome, where Pius II bestowed upon him the Golden
-Rose, the symbol of virtues which he had scarcely displayed in his long
-career of intrigue, a lodging in the Santo Spirito hospital, and an
-allowance of 300 gold pieces a month, to which the Cardinals added 200
-more—a sum which his too numerous followers considered barely enough
-for his maintenance and certainly not for theirs. Venice, however,
-contributed a further sum of 500 ducats to his treasury, but the cautious
-Republic begged him not to return to Corfù or any of her other colonies,
-so as not to embarrass her then rather delicate relations with the Turks.
-Meanwhile, on April 12, 1462, the day after Palm Sunday, Pius II received
-the head of St Andrew at the Ponte Milvio, on the spot where the little
-chapel of that Apostle with its commemorative inscription now stands.
-A recent visit to the chapel, which has been completely isolated, and
-is now standing alone in a network of tramlines and roads, suggests
-the melancholy reflection that ere long it too may be sacrificed to
-that _civile progresso_, which has cost this city so many interesting
-mediæval monuments. Thomas’ fellow-countryman, the famous Cardinal
-Bessarion, handed the case containing the head to the Pope, who bade the
-sacred skull welcome among its relatives, the Romans, “the nephews of St
-Peter”—a ceremony depicted on the tomb of Pius II in Sant’ Andrea della
-Valle. Shortly afterwards, upon the death of his wife, whom he had left
-behind in Corfù, Thomas summoned his two sons, Andrew and Manuel, and
-his daughter Zoe to join him in Rome. But before they arrived, he died,
-on May 12, 1465, and was buried in the crypt of St Peter’s, where all
-efforts to find his grave have proved fruitless. But every visitor to
-Rome unconsciously gazes upon his features, for on account of his tall
-and handsome appearance he served as a model for the statue of St Paul,
-which still stands at the steps of St Peter’s.
-
-Misfortunes make strange bedfellows, and a common disaster had brought
-together as exiles in Rome, condemned to live upon the papal charity,
-the former Greek Despot of the Morea and his enemy, the natural son of
-the last Frankish Prince of Achaia. After two centuries of conflict,
-the Greeks had succeeded, at the eleventh hour, in extinguishing the
-rule of the Franks in the peninsula, only to fall themselves before the
-all-conquering Turk. To consecrate the Greek conquest, Thomas Palaiologos
-had married the heiress of Centurione II Zaccaria, the last Frankish
-ruler, and the last legitimate descendant of a famous Genoese family,
-which had made a fortune out of the alum-mines of Phocæa on the coast
-of Asia Minor, become lords of the rich island of Chios in the days
-before the Chartered Company, and had at last attained to the throne of
-Achaia. But Centurione had left a natural son, Giovanni Asan, who had
-raised the standard of revolt against the Greeks. Imprisoned by Thomas
-in the splendid castle of Chlomoutsi, or Castel Tornese, the mint of
-the Morea, whose ruins still stand on a tortoise-shaped eminence which
-overlooks the fertile plain of Elis and the flourishing harbour of Zante,
-he had escaped a lingering death by hunger, rallied his old adherents,
-and actually received the congratulations of the King of Naples and the
-Venetian Republic upon his release and their recognition of his title.
-Thomas had, however, suppressed this rebellion with Turkish aid, and the
-pretender had fled first to one of the Venetian colonies, and thence to
-Naples, whence we find him writing for aid to the Bank of St George in
-his ancestral city of Genoa[910]. In 1459 a Genoese document reveals
-him begging the Genoese government to recommend him to the generosity
-of Pius II. Genoa was at that time under French rule, and the Duke of
-Calabria, who was the royal lieutenant, accordingly wrote to Pius II and
-to Cardinal Lodovico Scarampi, the Patriarch of Aquileia, who was the
-Pope’s Chamberlain, recommending to their notice “the magnificent lord
-Centurione Zaccaria, not long ago Prince of the Morea.” I think that
-there was a special reason for the activity of the Genoese government
-on the exile’s behalf. There is in the Cathedral of Genoa a splendid
-relic, known as “the cross of the Zaccaria,” and consisting of a piece
-of the true cross, encased in gold and studded with precious stones.
-This is said to have been brought by St John the Evangelist to Ephesus,
-captured by the Turks when they took that place, and pawned by them
-at Phocæa, which then belonged, as we saw, to the Zaccaria family. In
-1307, in consequence of a quarrel between two of its members over the
-accounts of the alum-mines, Tedisio Zaccaria begged the famous Catalan
-chronicler, Ramon Muntaner, who was then encamped with the Catalan Grand
-Company at the Dardanelles, to assist him in sacking the town. Muntaner
-informs us that his share of the booty was this cross, and the problem
-has hitherto been to find when and how it was brought to Genoa. Now, as
-there is no mention of the cross at Genoa before 1466, I have no doubt
-whatever that it was this last scion of the Zaccaria who brought it from
-Greece, just as his brother-in-law, Thomas Palaiologos, had brought the
-head of St Andrew, and disposed of it to the city of Genoa for a valuable
-consideration, of which one portion was a letter of introduction to the
-Pope.
-
-Until recently there was no trace of the “Prince of the Morea’s” sojourn
-in Rome. I noticed, however, in a book by a German scholar, Gottlob,
-on the subject of papal finance, an allusion to a certain “Prince of
-Sani.” There being no such place, it seemed to me that the learned German
-must have misunderstood the name of Giovanni Asani. Examination of the
-original documents in the “Archivio di Stato” proved this surmise to
-be correct. The _Liber depositarii Sancte Cruciate_ contains numerous
-entries of twenty florins a month paid to _domino Johanni Zaccarie
-olim Amoree principi_, beginning with September, 1464, and ending with
-December 31, 1468, after which there is no more mention of the pension,
-and the pensioner was therefore probably deceased. These sums, which Paul
-II, and after him Sixtus IV, gave to Oriental potentates in distress,
-were derived from the proceeds of the alum-mines, discovered at Tolfa
-in 1462 by another exile from the Near East, Giovanni de Castro, who
-had been engaged in the dyeing trade at Constantinople, had fled to
-Rome after the Turkish conquest, and had been appointed treasurer of
-the patrimony of the Church. Genoese workmen, formerly employed in the
-alum-mines of Phocæa, were summoned to Tolfa, the Pope declared that the
-discoverer deserved a statue, Court poets wrote more or less excellent
-verses in his honour, and Pius told the world that the alum of Tolfa had
-been given by Providence as the sinews of war against the Infidels, and
-bade all good Christians deal exclusively with the papal alum factory.
-Thus, by a curious coincidence, the last of the Zaccaria kept body and
-soul together by a pittance derived from the sale of that mineral, which
-had formed in happier days the foundation of his forefathers’ fortunes.
-
-In 1461 another very distinguished relative of the dethroned Imperial
-family of Constantinople arrived in Rome—Queen Charlotte of Cyprus. There
-are few more remarkable figures even in the romantic history of the Latin
-Orient than this brave and masculine woman, the offspring of France and
-Byzantium. Queen Charlotte was the only daughter and heiress of King
-Jean II de Lusignan by his marriage with Helen daughter of Theodore II
-Palaiologos, Despot of Mistra, and she was therefore grand-niece of
-Thomas Palaiologos. Succeeding to the throne of Cyprus in 1458, at the
-age of 18, she was already both an orphan and a widow—for her first
-husband, a son of the King of Portugal, was dead—and she therefore
-hastened to conclude a second marriage with her cousin, Louis, Count
-of Geneva, second son of Louis, Duke of Savoy. Her consort had already
-been engaged to a daughter of Robert III of Scotland, and those of us
-who are of Scottish descent will learn with a flush of pride that our
-business-like ancestors demanded a huge sum as damages for this breach
-of promise. Possibly the young scion of the House of Savoy would have
-done better to establish himself in Scotland rather than Cyprus; for
-his Cypriote bride in the year after her marriage was driven from the
-greater part of her realm by her late father’s illegitimate son James,
-aided by the Sultan of Egypt. The castle of Cérines, or Kyrenia, however,
-which overlooks the sea to the north of the island, and of which a full
-description has recently been published by the British authorities, held
-out; and there the royal pair took refuge. During an interval in the
-siege, the intrepid Queen and her feeble husband journeyed to Rhodes on
-board a galley of the Knights, which lay in the harbour, to ask for aid.
-The Grand Master, Jacques de Milly, received them politely; but their
-journey had no practical results, beyond the gift of some money, corn
-and cannon, and after their return the Queen accordingly resolved to
-leave her husband at Cérines, and seek assistance in the West. On this
-journey, however, between Cyprus and Rhodes, her galley was stopped and
-pillaged by the Venetians, while some Mameluke prisoners, who were on
-board, cut the rigging and nearly murdered the Queen. Even thirty years
-later the Republic had not paid the damages due for this high-handed
-act of piracy[911]. At last, under the escort of Sor de Naves, the
-Sicilian governor of Cérines, the Queen arrived at Ostia in the second
-half of October, 1461, and proceeded up the Tiber till she reached St
-Paul-outside-the-walls. There she landed, and was met by the Cardinals,
-who escorted her to the city, where she took up her temporary residence
-at San Ciriaco[912], the church mentioned by the British visitor of
-1450, Capgrave, recently introduced to our notice, and which was the
-predecessor of Sta Maria degli Angeli in the Baths of Diocletian. We have
-in the _Commentaries_[913] of Pius II an interesting description of the
-royal suppliant on the occasion of her first audience with the Pope. She
-appeared to be twenty-four years of age, she was of a mediocre height,
-and dressed like a Frenchwoman, her eyes sparkled with fire, and her
-tongue was “like a torrent.” It seems possible, however, that the Holy
-Father may have exaggerated her volubility, owing to the fact that she
-spoke in a language which was not his own. For to the end of her days,
-Queen Charlotte, although she could write French, Italian, and perhaps
-Latin, was unable to speak French and always used Greek, the language of
-her mother. Indeed, in the most important business transactions of her
-life, she resorted to an interpreter, whom we may be surprised to find
-a man of English extraction—not the last occasion, I fear, on which
-treaties relating to the Eastern question have been negotiated by persons
-imperfectly acquainted with the language in which they were negotiating.
-The Queen humbly kissed the Pope’s feet, and on the next day delivered
-a set speech to him through the medium of a translator. She began by
-firing off a well-worn tag from the _Æneid_, which doubtless tickled the
-palate of the classical Æneas Sylvius, whom she saw before her. “My first
-husband,” she said, “is dead; my second is besieged: whether he be alive
-or dead, I do not know. Cérines is our only refuge; on the way hither
-the Venetians have robbed me. I can stand no more voyages by sea; I have
-neither horses nor money for a journey by land.”
-
-The Pope, who had refused to receive officially the envoys of her rival,
-bade the Queen be of good cheer, for he would not desert her. “You are
-expiating,” he replied, “the faults of your father-in-law, who declined
-to offer Us aid against the Turks, and of your husband, who would not
-even take the trouble to meet Us when We were at Mantua. So We said,
-‘the House of Savoy despises the Church’”—a remark which might have been
-taken from a clerical newspaper of our own day. Pius II concluded by the
-promise of horses and money for the journey to her father-in-law’s Court
-in Savoy. She remained on this occasion some ten days more in Rome, until
-she had seen the chief churches and had had four or five audiences with
-the Pope, who gave her much corn and wine for revictualling Cérines and
-twelve horses and 200 ducats for her journey. On November 5 she wrote
-from San Ciriaco to the Florentine Republic, stating that her business
-with the Pope was terminated, and asking for a passport for the dominions
-of Florence. On the 20th she reached Bologna, where she was lodged gratis
-at the “Osteria del Leone[914],” and whence she proceeded by way of
-Venice and Milan to Savoy. The Duke of Milan and the Council of Geneva
-gave her a good reception; but her father-in-law told her plainly that
-the connection with Cyprus had “exhausted” his Duchy, and complaint was
-afterwards made of the expense of entertaining her for nearly four months
-at Lausanne and Thonon, where the Court then was. Her appeals to the King
-of Aragon and to Pierre-Raymond Zacosta, the new Grand Master, were in
-vain; so, after bequeathing the Crown of Cyprus to the House of Savoy
-in the event of her death without heirs, the indomitable Queen returned
-in September of 1462 to her island, and shut herself up once more in
-the royal apartments at Cérines. Having obtained so little from the
-Christian Powers, she sent the Count of Jaffa to ask the aid of Mohammed
-II, offering to pay tribute and to surrender a city of the island to the
-Turks—a fact, which is probably the origin of the erroneous statement
-of the Greek historian, Phrantzes[915], that Mohammed II rendered Cyprus
-tributary. The Sultan’s reply was to order her envoy to be sawn asunder.
-Meanwhile, her craven husband had abandoned Cérines and fled to Rhodes,
-whence he returned to Savoy in 1464. At last, when the garrison of
-Cérines was reduced to eat the cats that prowled along the battlements,
-the Queen likewise sought refuge in Rhodes, whither many of her knights
-and vassals accompanied her. Sor de Naves surrendered the castle to her
-relentless enemy, who thus, in October, 1463, was King of all Cyprus,
-save where the Banca di San Giorgio still held Famagosta.
-
-The heroic Queen did not despair of recovering her Kingdom. She wrote
-from Rhodes a year later to her husband, urging him to send assistance,
-and telling him that her poverty alone prevented her from reconquering
-it. But Louis had had enough of both his consort and his castles, as
-the Italian chronicler[916] tells us, and remained for the rest of his
-life, which ended in 1482, in his native land, without occupying himself
-with either. Queen Charlotte continued to reside for several years in
-Rhodes, whence she could watch Cypriote politics and where she received
-a monthly allowance from the Order. The Holy See continued to recognise
-her as lawful sovereign of Cyprus; and in 1471, when the usurper sent
-the Archbishop of Nicosia to Rome to ask the Pope to crown him King and
-to give him in marriage the hand of Princess Zoe, daughter of Thomas
-Palaiologos and then a young widow, living there under the care of
-Cardinal Bessarion, His Holiness refused both requests. This is the
-version of the contemporary Greek chronicler; but the Italian annalist
-cynically remarks that the Pope agreed to crown him if he would marry
-the Holy Father’s niece, but that when the King of Cyprus saw the lady’s
-portrait and heard her habits, he declined the crown on such terms.
-Instead, he married the famous Catherine Cornaro, who in 1489 brought the
-Kingdom of Cyprus to Venice.
-
-Upon the death of the bastard in 1473, we find Queen Charlotte renewing
-her attempts to recover the island. She then waited at Rhodes, and
-endeavoured to negotiate with the Sultan of Egypt, who arrested her
-envoy, and with the Venetian Admiral then in the Levant, who plainly
-told her that he marvelled at her ignorance of the fact that kingdoms
-were obtained by might not by right, and that Catherine Cornaro was
-the adopted daughter of his government. A plot to deliver Cérines to
-her failed; and, although there was a party in the island favourable
-to her, most of the Cypriotes preferred the Venetians, as being better
-able to protect them. Venice ordered her exclusion from the coveted
-kingdom, many of her followers abandoned her, when they found that all
-chance of a restoration was over, and in 1475 she settled at Rome in
-the Palazzo Spinola, or dei Convertendi, in the Piazza Scossa Cavalli,
-where from September, 1476, Sixtus IV gave her a monthly allowance of
-200 ducats. But in her Roman exile she did not abandon her schemes for
-the recovery of Cyprus. She had adopted Alonzo, son of Ferdinand I, King
-of Naples, and her plan was to proceed to Cairo on a Genoese galley, and
-thence, with the aid of the Sultan of Egypt, to recapture her throne.
-The Sultan actually invested her with the crown, and Venice was so much
-alarmed that a Venetian envoy was authorised to proceed to Rome, and
-offer her an annuity of 5000 ducats, if she would consent to reside on
-Venetian territory. Her schemes failed; she returned to Rome in 1482,
-and continued to be the honoured pensioner of the Pope. Such was the
-honour which he showed her, that in November, 1483, on the occasion of an
-audience, she was granted a seat “neither less distinguished nor lower
-than the chair of the Pontiff”—a mark of attention, so the contemporary
-diarist[917] remarks, “which was not approved by some.” On February
-25, 1485, she ceded the Kingdom of Cyprus to her nephew Charles, Duke
-of Savoy, whose descendants, the present Italian dynasty, have thus
-inherited from her the titles of Kings of Cyprus, Jerusalem and Armenia.
-This document was executed in the presence of several Cardinals, of her
-Cypriote confessor, and of her councillor, James Langlois, who acted
-as interpreter. In return for this act of cession, the Duke agreed to
-pay to his aunt, as long as she remained in Rome, an annual pension of
-4300 florins and to provide her with a residence worthy of her rank. A
-subsequent deed charged this pension upon the rates of Nice. The Queen
-did not long enjoy this annuity; on July 16, 1487, she died at her Roman
-residence of paralysis, and was buried in St Peter’s “near the chapel
-of St Andrew and St Gregory,” and not far from the spot, where, eleven
-years before, her faithful Chamberlain, Hugh Langlois, lord of Beirût,
-had been laid to rest. Eleven Cardinals were present at the mass held
-in St Peter’s for the repose of her soul; but her body was not allowed
-to rest permanently where it had been placed. In 1610, at the time of
-the destruction of the old basilica by Paul V, her tomb was opened, when
-it was found to contain the remains of a woman of moderate height, a
-few pieces of black silk, and some gilded buckles[918]. These remains
-were then re-interred in their present resting-place in the crypt of
-St Peter’s, where a slab in the pavement bears the simple inscription:
-“Karola Hierlm̅ Cipri et Armenie Regina obiit XVI Julii an D.
-MCCCCLXXXVII.” Other memorials of the exiled Queen of Cyprus still exist
-in Rome. One of the pictures (no. XXXI) in the Santo Spirito hospital
-represents her as kneeling before Sixtus IV, and the inscription below
-describes how “Charlotte, Queen of Cyprus, despoiled of her kingdom and
-her fortune, flees as a suppliant to Sixtus IV, and is received by him
-with the utmost benignity and munificence.” Torrigio adds, that on this
-occasion the voluble Queen felt unequal to the task of expressing her
-admiration for and gratitude to her benefactor. I think it is possible
-to identify the personages who are depicted behind the kneeling Queen.
-The two divines are probably John Chafforicios, her confessor, and
-Lodovico Podochatoro, a member of a well-known Cypriote family, who
-became secretary of Alexander VI and a Cardinal, and whose monument is
-still admired in Sta Maria del Popolo. The laymen are, I would suggest,
-Hugh Bousat and his wife, Charlotte Cantacuzene de Flory, daughter of
-the Count of Jaffa, who were her pensioners and who were in receipt of
-a small papal allowance as late as 1513, and Philip Langlois, who lived
-about 40 years in Rome, and was granted an annuity of 15 ducats from
-Julius II, increased to 20 in that year. The vestments, altar cloths,
-and the four lbs. of silver, which the Queen bequeathed to St Peter’s,
-have disappeared, but another proof of her piety is to be found in her
-entry, recorded in Latin by her own hand, into the Confraternity of the
-Santo Spirito on March 27, 1478. An example of the seal, which she used
-in Rome, is preserved in Turin, and reproduces the streamers of the
-Cypriote Order of the Sword, while her two rare coins are, I believe, in
-the King of Italy’s collection. Her little band of courtiers lingered on
-for many years here; Innocent VIII recommended them to the charity of the
-Duke of Savoy as distinguished by lineage and virtue; and one of them,
-Giorgio Flatro, by marrying his daughter to Pietro Aldobrandini, became
-the ancestor of Clement VIII. As late as January 1520, Leo X assigned
-70 ducats out of the alum-mines of Tolfa to two other Cypriotes of the
-lineage of Lusignan—Eugène and John, natural sons of Queen Charlotte’s
-rival, whom the cautious Venetian Republic had removed from Cyprus with
-their mother and sister in 1477, and had imprisoned in the castle of
-Padua, lest they should embarrass Catherine Cornaro[919]. This is another
-example of papal generosity, which contrasts with the selfish conduct
-of the Venetian Republic, and incidentally disproves the statement of
-Count Mas Latrie[920], that the two illegitimate sons of James II died at
-Padua, where their sister is buried.
-
-Another exiled Queen was living in Rome at the same time as Charlotte
-of Cyprus, and, like her, died and was buried here. Most visitors to
-this city have seen the tomb of the Queen Dowager Catherine of Bosnia
-in Ara Cœli; but perhaps her story is less familiar, because the very
-interesting history of Bosnia is little known. Queen Catherine was
-the daughter of Stephen Vuktchich, the Duke of St Sava, from whom the
-Herzegovina derives its name, and boasted her descent through her mother
-Helen from the mediæval Princes and Tsars of Serbia. Like her father
-and most of the Bosnian rulers and nobles of the fifteenth century, she
-belonged to the Bogomile or Patarene heresy, which corresponded with
-the Albigensian heresy of Provence, which coloured several centuries of
-Bosnian history, largely contributed to the Turkish conquest of that
-country, and survived there in the case of one family down to the memory
-of persons still living. Owing, however, to the efforts of the papal
-legate, the young Princess was converted to Catholicism probably at the
-time of her marriage in 1445, or 1446, to King Stephen Thomas of Bosnia.
-A Slav poet has commemorated her beauty and sung of her wedding; but her
-fate was hard, and many a tragedy was in store for her. To marry her,
-Stephen Thomas had put away his first wife, a woman of obscure birth,
-whom his proud barons would not accept as their Queen, and it was the
-discarded consort’s son, Stephen Tomashevich, who murdered him to obtain
-the crown on July 10, 1461, assassination or abdication being the usual
-alternative of Balkan monarchs. Thus, at the age of 37, Catherine was
-left a widow, with two children of her own, Sigismund and Catherine. In
-view, however, of the political situation, the stepmother and the stepson
-agreed to bury the past, and the Queen Dowager remained in Bosnia till
-the fall of the Kingdom in 1463. Both her children were then captured
-by the Turks and forced to embrace Islâm, while she managed to escape
-to the Republic of Ragusa, where the authorities offered her an annual
-rent for the land and houses of her late husband, and where she presented
-“marvellous choral books,” destroyed by fire in 1667, to the Franciscan
-convent. Thence she crossed the Adriatic and came to Rome, where we find
-her in receipt of a monthly pension of 100 ducats from 1466. In addition
-to this, Pope Paul II paid to one Jacopo Mentebone, a Roman citizen, a
-sum of 20 ducats a month from October, 1467, “for the rent of a house let
-with all the necessary utensils to the Queen of Bosnia.” At the time of
-her death, she was residing “near the Church of San Marco de Urbe in the
-Rione Pigna,” surrounded by a considerable court of faithful Slavs, and
-she was a personage of importance, figuring for example at the wedding of
-Zoe Palaiologina in 1472. She had, however, bitter disappointments. Her
-father, the Duke of St Sava, who died in 1466, cut her out of his will;
-the Duke of Milan, Galeazzo Maria Sforza, whom she begged to lend her
-money for ransoming her children, declined to assist her. After a twelve
-years’ residence here, she felt her end approaching, and on October 20,
-1478, made her last testament, a very curious document of great political
-interest. After directing that she should be buried in the church of Ara
-Cœli, she expressed the hope, that one day the Kingdom of Bosnia would
-once more submit to Christian rule—an aspiration accomplished in October,
-1908. Meanwhile, mindful of the munificence of the Holy See and of the
-benefits which she had received from Paul II and Sixtus IV, who had
-always treated her hospitably, helping her according to her royal dignity
-with an annual pension and provision sufficient for her necessities, she
-bequeathed her kingdom in trust to the Holy See, until such time as her
-son or her daughter should return “from the vomit of Mahomet” to the
-true faith. Should they, however, remain Mohammedans, then Bosnia was to
-be at the absolute disposition of the Pope and his successors. It was
-this clause which prompted a well-known Slavonic journalist in Rome to
-announce immediately after the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia in
-1908, that the Emperor Francis Joseph would receive the Bosnian crown,
-as the last native King of Bosnia had received it, from the hands of the
-Pope. Having thus disposed of her phantom kingdom, Catherine proceeded
-to bequeath the rest of her real and personal property to the three
-faithful ladies-in-waiting, Paola Mirkovich, Helena Sempovich and Maria
-Misglenovich, who had shared her Roman exile. To the first she also
-left a legacy of 50 ducats, a dress of black satin lined with squirrel,
-and another of black cloth lined with lynx; to the second 25 ducats and
-a long gown of black cloth with a lining of marten-skin; to the third
-30 ducats and a long, simple gown of black cloth. To her major-domo,
-Radich Klesich, she left 50 ducats, a scimitar inlaid with silver, and a
-Turkish dress of red silk woven with gold, as well as a sum of 38 ducats,
-which she had borrowed from him; to her servants, George Zubravich and
-Abraham Radich, respectively 50 and 30 ducats. To her son Sigismund she
-bequeathed his father’s sword, inlaid with silver; but, if he remained
-an infidel, the precious heirloom was to pass to her nephew Balsha, whom
-we find thirty years later as titular “Duke of St Sava.” To both her
-children she also left a silver dagger, two cups and two tankards of
-silver, with lids inlaid with emeralds. To the church of Ara Cœli she
-devised her royal mantle of cloth of gold and a silk dossal of divers
-colours for the altar, which had been used in her private chapel; to the
-hospital of San Gerolamo degli Schiavoni all the furniture and sacred
-vessels of the latter. The relics in her possession she bequeathed to
-the Franciscan church of St Catherine at Jajce—a church in which she had
-always been deeply interested. In 1458, at her request, and again in
-1462, Pius II had granted indulgences to all who visited this church,
-which was believed to contain the body of St Luke, brought thither
-from the castle of Rogus in Epeiros[921], and of which a beautiful
-Italian _campanile_ still remains. Finally, after naming her executors,
-she directed that her will, together with the royal sword, should be
-presented to the Cardinal bishop of Porto, the vice-chancellor of the
-Church, then Rodrigo Borgia, afterwards Pope Alexander VI.
-
-Five days later the testatrix died, and was buried in Ara Cœli, as she
-had directed. It is said that over her grave was placed a Slavonic
-inscription, which ran as follows: “To the Bosnian Queen Catherine,
-daughter of Stephen, Duke of St Sava, and of the race of Helen of the
-house of Tsar Stephen, and wife of the Bosnian King Thomas, who lived
-54 years and died in Rome October 25, 1478, this Monument was erected
-by her own written orders.” This Slavonic inscription has, however,
-long ago disappeared. It was fortunately copied by Palatino[922] in
-1535 as an example of Slavonic writing from the monument in Ara Cœli,
-with an accurate Latin version. Casimiro Romano[923], the historian of
-that church, states that the monument of Queen Catherine, with that of
-Cardinal Alibret, was moved from the floor of the presbytery in front
-of the high altar in 1590 to its present position on a pillar behind an
-ambon to the left as one faces the altar. The Slavonic inscription was
-probably then lost and the present Latin inscription substituted. This
-latter corresponds with neither the Slavonic text nor the truth; for it
-describes how “To Catherine, the Bosnian Queen, _sister_ of Stephen, Duke
-of St Sava, born of the race of Helen and of the house of Prince Stephen,
-wife of Thomas, King of Bosnia, who lived 54 years and fell asleep at
-Rome on October 25, 1478, this monument was erected by her own written
-orders.” This inscription was obviously composed by someone ignorant
-of her genealogy, for she was the daughter, not the “sister” of Duke
-Stephen, and the word _sorori_ is probably a misunderstanding of the Slav
-_poroda_ (“race”). On either side of her head is a coat of arms, that of
-her husband and that of her father. The latter is so greatly worn, that
-it can no longer be distinguished, but the former, which I examined from
-a ladder, still shows, on a close inspection, the two crowns and the two
-horsemen, but not the mailed arm with the sword, which was in the centre,
-as may be seen from the representation of this monument in Ciacconius’
-_Lives and Acts of the Popes and Cardinals_. The two crowns in the
-quarterings are those of Bosnia and Serbia, for from 1376 the Bosnian
-Kings always styled themselves also Kings of Serbia; the arm with the
-sword represents Primorje, or “the Coastland”—also a part of the Bosnian
-royal title; the two horsemen are the Kotromanich emblem. Considering the
-worn appearance of the actual monument, and the sharply cut lettering of
-the Latin inscription, I think that the latter can never have been placed
-on the floor of the church, but was a later addition, cut at a time when
-the Slavonic inscription was misunderstood, or perhaps even mislaid.
-It is said by Luccari[924], the old historian of Ragusa, that another
-portrait of Queen Catherine exists in Rome, and is to be found in the
-Sala di Costantino in the Vatican, where a woman in the foreground may
-perhaps be the Queen.
-
-The Pope did not forget the household of the testatrix. From the next
-month after her death her three ladies, Paola, Helena, and Maria, with a
-fourth named Praxina, received 14 ducats monthly from the papal treasury.
-Her will did not, however, prevent him from recognising another person
-as King of Bosnia. One of the paintings (No. 27) in the Santo Spirito
-hospital represents the visit of “the King of Bosnia and Wallachia” to
-the Pope, and the inscription adds how this monarch “although exhausted
-by age visits the thresholds of the Apostles and submissively venerates
-Sixtus IV by kissing his feet.” It does not seem to have occurred to
-anyone to ask who this mysterious personage was, although the last
-native King of Bosnia had been killed eight years before the accession
-of Sixtus IV, and the conjunction of the crowns of Bosnia and Wallachia
-is curious. It is not difficult, however, to identify this sovereign.
-One of the old books, which alludes to the picture, calls him “N.” which
-is the initial of Nicholas of Ilok on the Danube (the place where Prince
-Odescalchi’s Hungarian castle is situated). This great magnate, when
-the Hungarians temporarily captured Jajce from the Turks, received from
-Matthias Corvinus in 1471 the title of “King of Bosnia”—by which he is
-described in papal documents[925] of 1475-6. As he was also _voivode_ of
-Transylvania, whose inhabitants were Wallachs, he is called also “King
-of Wallachia” in the inscription. His visit to Rome may be fixed from a
-letter of Sixtus IV, dated May 2, 1475, in which he is stated as having
-been “lately present.” Doubtless, he came for the Jubilee of that year,
-and this is the explanation of Wadding’s erroneous statement, that Queen
-Catherine did not come to Rome till 1475.
-
-Another Slavonic sovereign sought refuge in Rome. This was Stephen
-Brankovich, Despot of Serbia, who had been blinded by Murad II years
-before, and who, after the fall of his country had sought a refuge with
-Skanderbeg, the heroic champion of the Albanians. There he married
-Angelina, sister-in-law of Skanderbeg and daughter of Giorgio Arianiti, a
-great Albanian chieftain. As the struggle in Albania became more and more
-desperate, Skanderbeg, at the end of 1465, came to Rome to ask the aid
-of Paul II, who received him with extraordinary honours, due to one who
-was “the first soldier of Jesus Christ.” A memorial of his stay here is
-the Vicolo Scanderbeg, where the house, No. 116, bears his portrait over
-the door with the following inscription: “Geor. Castriota A. Scanderbeg
-Princeps Epiri ad fidem iconis rest. an. Dom. MDCCCXLIII.” Thence, at
-the end of January, 1466, he returned to defend his fortress of Kroja,
-where two years later he died, and Albanian independence with him. Before
-that event the Serbian Despot had left him for Rome, for from December,
-1467, he was drawing a papal pension of 40 ducats a month, continued to
-his widow from December, 1479. Here, too, her brother Costantino Arianiti
-found a living, becoming protonotary apostolic under Sixtus IV, who gave
-him a monthly pension of 32 ducats from October, 1476, increased to 40
-from November, 1479—not, indeed, much to keep up the position of one who
-styled himself “Prince of Macedonia.”
-
-The Turkish annexation of the County Palatine of Cephalonia in 1479
-brought another band of Oriental exiles to Rome. The Tocco family,
-however, which had ruled over the dominions of Ulysses for more than
-a century, had gone from Benevento to Greece, and Leonardo III was,
-therefore, merely returning to the land of his forebears. On February 29,
-1480, he arrived in Rome with his son Carlo and his brothers Giovanni
-and Antonio. A man so well connected was sure of a good reception—for
-he had married a niece of King Ferdinand of Naples, while the Pope’s
-nephew had married his sister-in-law, and he was himself related to
-the Imperial houses of both Byzantium and Serbia. Accordingly, the
-Cardinals’ servants met him outside the Lateran Gate and escorted him
-to the house which he had hired between the Via Pellicciaria and the
-Botteghe Oscure. Sixtus IV, whose predecessor had already given him
-periodical sums of 1000 to 1200 ducats from 1466, gave him 1000 gold
-pieces and promised him 2000 a year—an event commemorated by another of
-the paintings in the Santo Spirito hospital, where we are shown how the
-Pope “nourished with his royal bounty the rulers of the Peloponnese and
-of Epeiros, Andrew Palaiologos and Leonardo Tocco.” After staying rather
-more than a month here, he returned to Naples, leaving his natural son,
-Ferdinando, behind him—a spirited youth, who once said in the hearing of
-the diarist, Volaterranus, “though we have lost our rings, we have still
-got our fingers entire.” Leonardo received valuable fiefs in the south of
-Italy, but died in Rome under the pontificate of Alexander VI owing to
-the collapse of his house. His son Carlo III lived in the Via S. Marco,
-where, after enjoying a monthly pension, he died under Leo X, and we
-find that Pope paying monthly pensions of 60 and 32 ducats respectively
-to two other members of the family, Carlo’s sister Raymunda, Contessa de
-Mirandola, and his son and heir (Giovanni) Leonardo IV, Despot of Arta,
-and a small sum to Giovanni’s widow, Lucrezia[926]. The family of Tocco
-has only lately become extinct by the deaths of the Duca della Regina in
-1908 and of his only son, the Duca di S. Angelo, in the motor accident
-near Cassino in 1907. At Naples in the Corso Vittorio Emanuele may still
-be seen a collection of the family portraits in the fine old Palazzo
-del Santo Piede (now Troise) so-called, from the foot of St Anna, which
-Leonardo III brought with him from Greece.
-
-The heirs of the Palaiologoi were less fortunate than those of Leonardo
-Tocco. Upon the death of Thomas, Cardinal Bessarion drew up a scheme of
-education for his children, to whom the Pope continued his allowance. He
-laid it down, that they must not have an expensive retinue, like their
-father, but that they must be brought up by Latin priests as Latins. They
-were allowed a Greek doctor, one Kritopoulos, but were to dress like
-Franks and to show the utmost reverence to the Cardinals. They were to
-be taught to walk with dignity, to speak in a soft voice, not to stare
-about them, not to boast of their Imperial lineage but to remember that
-they were exiles and strangers, forced to live on charity. They were
-to learn by heart a humble address to the Pope, to talk little, never
-to laugh, and to acquire the art of kneeling with elegance. In short,
-they were to be perfect prigs. The result of Bessarion’s educational
-programme was what might have been expected. Zoe, or Sophia, indeed, soon
-escaped his tutelage by marrying a Caracciolo, after being regarded as a
-suitable bride for James II of Cyprus. The historian Phrantzes, an old
-and tried friend of the family, who was then in Rome on a visit, speaks
-with enthusiasm of the generosity of the bridegroom. Soon left a widow,
-and again wooed by the Cypriote King, she married by proxy in St Peter’s
-in 1472 the Grand Duke Ivan III of Russia—a ceremony commemorated by the
-above-mentioned painting in the Santo Spirito hospital, in which, besides
-relieving Leonardo Tocco, Sixtus IV is described as presenting “Sophia,
-daughter of Thomas Palaiologos, married to the Duke of the Ruthenians,
-with a dowry of 6000 gold pieces and other gifts[927].” These latter
-included 4400 ducats for her travelling expenses to Russia, whither
-many of the family’s retainers followed her, and where, in consequence
-of her Imperial origin, her husband took the title of Tsar. But her
-brother Andrew, who remained all his life a hanger-on of the papal
-court, profited little by Bessarion’s precepts. Falling into dissolute
-habits, he married a disreputable woman named Catherine; his garments
-moved the pity or contempt of the Romans; his allowance was reduced, he
-was relegated to a back seat at papal functions; and, after ceding all
-his rights to Charles VIII of France at San Pietro in Montorio, he died
-at Rome in 1502 in such misery that his widow had to beg his funeral
-expenses from the Pope. His portrait is supposed to be represented in a
-lunette of the third room of the Borgia apartments, where is also that
-of the Turkish Prince Djem, younger son of Mohammed II, and so long the
-prisoner of the Vatican. Thus the son of the conqueror of Constantinople
-and the nephew of its gallant defender are both depicted in the same room.
-
-Besides these exiled Princes, a number of Greek authors found a permanent
-or temporary home in Rome, whither their famous fellow-countryman,
-Bessarion of Trebizond, had preceded them. Created a Cardinal in 1439
-for his services to the Union of the Churches, he had shortly afterwards
-settled in a house to the right of the church of the SS. Apostoli, which
-gave him his title, and his abode became a literary centre, where Greeks
-and Italians alike congregated. Theodore Gazes of Salonika, George of
-Trebizond, and Nicholas Saguntino of Eubœa frequented his house, and
-another Greek man of letters, Andronikos Kallistos, lived with him, till
-poverty forced him to migrate to Florence and thence to England, where
-he died. But with the exception of Bessarion, who rose to be titular
-Archbishop of Nice and Latin Patriarch of Constantinople, as well as
-bishop of Tusculum, and who narrowly missed being elected Pope on the
-death of Paul II, these learned fugitives met with the usual fate of
-scholars. Sometimes their misfortunes were their own fault. Thus George
-of Trebizond, a man who could not endure criticism, quarrelled with
-his patron over the rival merits of Plato and Aristotle, with Gazes
-over their respective translations of the _maestro di color che sanno_,
-and with Valla over the pre-eminence of Cicero over Quintilian; at
-last, this cantankerous old man, the scourge of all authors except
-Aristotle, crept about Rome in rags supported by a stick, till he
-found near his humble abode a rest in the church of Sta Maria sopra
-Minerva, where the inscription on his tomb has long been illegible. His
-adversary Gazes, for whom Bessarion had obtained a benefice in Magna
-Græcia, retired thither in disgust, because Sixtus IV paid him only
-50 gold pieces for his translation of Aristotle’s _Natural History of
-Animals_. Of Bessarion we have still several memorials: the tomb which
-he erected during his lifetime in the monastery of the SS. Apostoli,
-the cup which now belongs to the Greek monastery of Grottaferrata, of
-which he was Abbot commandatory; the beautiful little house, called the
-_casino di Bessarione_ on the Via Appia within the city near the church
-of SS. Nereus and Achillios. This “vineyard within the walls of the
-city _in loco qui dicitur S. Cæsarii in Turri sub proprietate ejusdem
-monasterii S. Cæsarii_[928],” he bequeathed in 1467 with his property
-at “_Cecchignola nova extra portam Appii_,” on the right of the Via
-Ardeatina, to the chapel of S. Eugenia in the SS. Apostoli. When the
-_Zona archeologica_ was being made in 1910, it was proposed to destroy
-this picturesque house, then an inn, but now deserted; but it was happily
-spared, after a protest. Argyropoulos, the translator of Aristotle, who
-died here in 1486, has been immortalised by Ghirlandajo in the Sistine
-Chapel, where he is the original of the bearded old man in the scene of
-the calling of the first disciples, and also in the Cancelleria[929]. The
-list of these literary wanderers may fitly close with Janus Laskaris, the
-Greek grammarian, founder of a Greek school at the foot of the Quirinal,
-whose tomb lies not far from the heart of O’Connell in S. Agata in
-Subura, where a touching epitaph expresses the mingled joys and sorrows
-of a Roman exile.
-
-
-5. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM, 1099-1291
-
-No event of the late war was so dramatic, or has made such a powerful
-appeal to the imagination, as the liberation of Jerusalem on December 9,
-1917, after a Moslem occupation of 673 years. While the name of Athens
-is full of meaning for the cultured alone, and many excellent citizens
-are not quite sure “whether the Greeks or the Romans came first,”
-that of Jerusalem is known in every peasant’s cottage of Christendom
-and represents the aspirations of an ancient race scattered all over
-the globe. But to us Anglo-Saxons the redemption of the Holy City has
-special significance, because a British general at the head of a force
-gathered from every part of the British Empire, and aided by our French
-and Italian allies, has repeated the achievement of Godfrey of Bouillon
-and the Crusaders, among them a brother of the King of England, and
-Edgar Etheling, the descendant of our Saxon line, in 1099, and has
-accomplished what even our lion-hearted monarch failed to do in 1192, and
-our soldierly Prince Edward in 1271. Thus the aspiration of the poet of
-_Gerusalemme Liberata_,
-
-    Sottrare i Cristiani al giogo indegno;
-    Fondando in Palestina un novo regno (I. 23),
-
-has been realised by Britons from lands whose very existence was unknown
-at the time of the Crusades.
-
-The present essay is not intended to be a drum-and-trumpet history of the
-Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem and its almost constant wars, but an account
-of the organisation and social life of the Crusading kingdom. First, as
-to its extent. The Kingdom of Jerusalem attained its zenith at the end
-of the reign of Baldwin II in 1131, when it stretched from the Egyptian
-frontier at El-ʿArîsh, “the river of Egypt” of the Book of Numbers, on
-the south-west, and from Aila, the modern ʿAkaba (on the gulf of the same
-name), the Eloth of the First Book of Kings, and the site of Solomon’s
-Red Sea naval station, on the south-east, to the stream now called Nahr
-Ibrahîm, which flows into the sea between Beirût and Giblet, the modern
-Jebeil—about 300 miles as the crow flies. To the east the kingdom rarely
-overstepped the Jordan except at the triangle of Banias, the ancient
-Cæsarea Philippi; indeed, in the north it was only thirteen miles broad,
-but in the Dead Sea region it attained a breadth of 100 miles. This did
-not, however, comprise the whole of the Latin territory. To the north of
-the above-mentioned stream stretched the county of Tripolis, of which
-the foundations were laid by Count Raymond of Toulouse in 1102, to the
-rivulet, now called Wâdi-Mehika, between Maraclée and Valénia (the modern
-Bâniyâs), which flowed at the foot of the castle of Margat—a further
-distance of about 100 miles. From that rivulet began the Principality
-of Antioch, whose first Prince was, in 1098, Bohemond of Taranto, and
-which at one time extended almost to Aleppo in the east and embraced a
-large slice of the Kingdom of Armenia almost as far west as Tarsus, but
-latterly extended no farther north than a little beyond Alexandretta. On
-the north-east it was bounded until 1144 by the County of Edessa, the
-modern Urfa, founded by Baldwin I in 1098, which began at the forest of
-Marris and extended eastward beyond the Euphrates; but, owing to the
-permanent state of war, in which the forty-six years of its existence
-were passed, it never had any fixed boundaries. Thus, a Syrian writer
-could truly say that, in 1129, “everything was subject to the Franks,
-from Mardîn and Schabachtana to El ʿArîsh,” far more than the “Dan to
-Beersheba” of the Israelites[930].
-
-The first diminution of the Crusading States was the loss of the County
-of Edessa in 1144. In 1170, at the other extremity, they were cut off
-from the Red Sea by the capture of Aila. Jerusalem and most of the
-kingdom, except Tyre and a few fortresses, fell before Saladin in 1187,
-after the battle of Hattin, which the Crusaders identified with the site
-of the Sermon on the Mount, and the greater part of the Principality of
-Antioch and of the County of Tripolis in the next year. By the treaty of
-1192, the Christians obtained the coast from Tyre to Jaffa; and Frederick
-II, by the so-called “bad peace” of 1229, recovered the Holy City, except
-two mosques, the two other towns—Bethlehem and Nazareth—most closely
-associated with the life of our Lord, and all the chief pilgrimage roads.
-Fifteen years later, however, the Kharezmians, a Turkish tribe, finally
-captured Jerusalem, murdered the Latin Christians, and desecrated the
-Holy Sepulchre and the tombs of the Latin Kings. Saladin, in 1187, had
-treated Jerusalem as an English gentleman would; the Kharezmians treated
-it in the German fashion.
-
-The battle of Gaza completed the disaster of 1244. From that time the
-recovery of Jerusalem was manifestly impossible. The Crusade of the
-saintly Louis IX was a failure; that of our Prince Edward was weakly
-supported, ended in a separate peace, concluded by the people of Acre
-against his will, and was only remarkable for one of the most beautiful
-stories of conjugal devotion in English history. Meanwhile Antioch
-had fallen in 1268 before Beibars, the Mameluke Sultan of Egypt; and
-Jaffa had entered upon the long captivity from which our armies at
-last redeemed it on November 17, 1917. The Kingdom of Jerusalem was
-thenceforth a mere phantom of its former self. Kings of Cyprus were
-crowned Kings of Jerusalem at Tyre, with all the pomp and splendour of
-the Middle Ages; Acre continued to be, as it had been since its recapture
-by Cœur-de-Lion, the capital of Frankish Palestine, where even on the eve
-of its fall, as a traveller[931] tells us, dwelt “the richest merchants
-under Heaven, gathered from all nations, where resided the King of
-Jerusalem and many members of his family, the Princes of Galilee and
-Antioch, the lords of Tyre, Tiberias and Sidon, the Counts of Tripolis
-and Jaffa, all walking about the squares with their golden coronets on
-their heads.”
-
-There, too, were the headquarters of the Military Orders, the Templars,
-the Knights of St John, the Brothers of the German House, and the Masters
-and Brothers of St Thomas of Canterbury. But the end of this carnival
-of Kings and Princes in exile was at hand. Since the second capture
-of Jerusalem, the kingdom had been slowly but surely dying, as its
-inhabitants knew full well. Signs and wonders foretold to the pious the
-coming catastrophe; shrewd business men hastened to sell their property
-in the doomed country. Tripolis followed the fate of Antioch in 1289;
-Acre, Tyre, Sidon and Beirût were taken by Melik-el-Aschraf, the Sultan
-of Egypt, in 1291; and, with the fall of the last two strongholds of the
-Templars, Tortosa and Château Pèlerin, ended the rule of the Franks in
-Palestine. In Gibbon’s phrase, “A mournful and solitary silence prevailed
-along the coast which had so long resounded with the world’s debate.”
-
-Let us now see how Frankish Palestine was organised. At the head of the
-Latin Kingdom stood the King. During the first three reigns the monarchy
-was elective; and it was not till 1131 that it became hereditary, as
-Baldwin II was the first sovereign who left progeny. When the Crusaders
-entered Jerusalem, the election of their first ruler was by means
-of an examination, from which few of us would emerge unscathed. The
-electors questioned the servants of the various candidates about their
-masters’ morals and characters. Godfrey’s attendants stated that their
-master’s chief defect was, that he would linger on in church, after
-the service was over, asking questions about the images and pictures,
-and thereby making his household late for meals, “which thus lost all
-their relish[932].” But this interest in ecclesiastical archæology,
-which seemed such a drawback to the hungry men-at-arms, was counted
-as a recommendation by the pious electors, and Godfrey was elected.
-He declined, however, to take the title of King, preferring that of
-“Protector of the Holy Sepulchre,” and refusing to wear a golden crown
-in the city where Our Lord had worn a crown of thorns[933]. His modesty
-was also probably due to a tactful desire to disarm the opposition of the
-clergy, who had desired that Jerusalem should not have a lay ruler. He
-died, however, next year, and Baldwin I, Count of Edessa, his brother,
-who was elected his successor, then took the title of King, but salved
-his conscience by being crowned not in Jerusalem, but at Bethlehem.
-Baldwin II’s daughter, Mélisende, and her husband, Fulk, were the first
-to be crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, where
-was also the royal mausoleum. Adelaide, Baldwin I’s Queen, is buried at
-Patti. During the Moslem occupation of Jerusalem the King was crowned at
-Tyre; and, when the whole of the Holy Land was lost, the Kings of Cyprus,
-who were titular Kings of Jerusalem, assumed the former crown at Nicosia
-and the latter at Famagosta. From Queen Charlotte of Cyprus, in 1485, the
-title passed to Duke Charles of Savoy, and thus to the present Italian
-dynasty.
-
-The Latin sovereigns of Jerusalem were mostly above the average in
-character and intelligence. Bravery and piety were essential to their
-position as chiefs of a crusading colony in the midst of a hostile
-country. Godfrey “excelled his contemporaries in the handling of arms and
-in all the exercises of chivalry”; Baldwin I was described in his epitaph
-as “a second Judas Maccabæus”—a comparison confirmed by his warlike
-achievements; of Baldwin II we are told, that “his memory was blessed
-by all, because of the excellence of his faith and the glorious deeds
-which ennobled his reign.” Baldwin III was also a lover of literature
-and a graceful speaker, of whom a Moslem rival said that “there was
-not such another king in the world.” His brother, Amaury I, prompted
-Archbishop William of Tyre to compose his valuable history, and both
-these sovereigns possessed considerable legal knowledge. The Archbishop’s
-pupil, Baldwin IV, was unfortunately a leper, and Baldwin V died in his
-boyhood. Fulk was generous and experienced in warfare, but signally
-lacked the common royal faculty of remembering faces. Queen Mélisende,
-who was the real ruler in her husband’s lifetime, was an excellent woman
-of business, of whom it was said that “she had in her bosom the heart of
-a man[934]”; indeed, so masterful was she, that on one occasion her son
-had to besiege her in the Tower of David. Unfortunately, Guy de Lusignan,
-who was King at the moment of Saladin’s fatal attack, was notoriously
-inferior to the task of saving his wife’s kingdom. Had he not been
-so good-looking and so irresistible to Princess Sibylla, the fall of
-Jerusalem might have been at least postponed.
-
-Society was constructed by the crusaders on feudal lines. According
-to the thirteenth century edition of the _Assises de la Haute Cour_,
-by Jean d’Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, one of Godfrey’s first acts was to
-appoint a commission to enquire from men of various nationalities then
-in Jerusalem the usages of their respective countries. From the report
-of this commission were drawn up the usages and assizes of the Kingdom
-of Jerusalem, including a High Court, presided over by the King, for
-the nobility; a “Court de la Borgesie,” presided over by an officer
-styled the “Vicomte,” for the middle class; and a third court, under an
-official, called “rays,” for the Syrians. As time went on, these usages
-were modified; and, at the arrival of each large batch of new crusaders,
-the King used to assemble the Patriarch and other notables at Acre, and
-enquire from the newcomers about their laws, while occasionally special
-missions of investigation were sent abroad. The written original of the
-_Assises_ was called the _Letres dou Sepulcre_, because it was deposited
-in a large chest in the Holy Sepulchre; and, whenever a moot point
-arose, this chest was opened in the presence of nine persons, including
-the King, or his deputy, and the Patriarch, or the Prior of the Holy
-Sepulchre[935]. The _Assizes of Jerusalem_, of which the _Assises de la
-Cour des Bourgeois_ have also been preserved, are the most endurable
-monument of the Franks in Palestine, and not in Palestine alone; for
-they formed the basis of the _Assizes of Cyprus_, and of the feudal
-organisation of the Principality of Achaia.
-
-William of Tyre expressly tells us[936] that the Counts of Tripolis were
-always lieges of the King of Jerusalem. But the Princes of Antioch (which
-had its own code) and the Counts of Edessa seem to have merely recognised
-him as _primum inter pares_ by virtue of his possession of the Holy
-City, and the Princes of Antioch, beginning with Bohemond himself, were
-at times reluctantly forced to confess themselves vassals of the Greek
-Emperor. Thus, the existence of four practically independent states,
-instead of one centralised government, and the consequent lack of what
-the Italians would call a _fronte unico_ against the Infidels, formed one
-cause of the collapse of Frankish rule, notably in the case of Edessa,
-sacrificed to the jealousy of the Prince of Antioch. Moreover, feudal
-regulations impeded the exercise of the royal power. Not only were the
-lieges not obliged to perform military service outside the realm; not
-only had the King to consult a great council of magnates on all important
-questions—for we hear of Parliaments held in the Patriarch’s palace at
-Jerusalem, in a church at Acre, and at Tyre, Nâbulus and Bethlehem—but
-Baldwin I was forced to revoke an ordinance for the cleaning of the
-streets of Jerusalem, because he had omitted to ask the consent of the
-citizens. Thus, Frankish Jerusalem was a limited monarchy, and its King
-really only the first of the barons—a system unsuited to a state of
-almost constant war.
-
-The kingdom proper contained four great baronies—the County of Jaffa and
-Ascalon, which comprised the fertile plain of Sharon; the _seigneurie_ of
-Krak and Montréal, which lay in the biblical land of Moab to the east and
-south-east of the Dead Sea, and dominated the caravan-route from Syria to
-Egypt; the Principality of Galilee, of which the capital was Tabarie (the
-Tiberias of St John); and the _seigneurie_ of Sidon, or Sagette. Besides
-these great baronies, upon which in turn smaller tenures depended, it
-also included twelve lesser fiefs, likewise directly dependent on the
-Crown, of which the most curious was that of St Abraham, the mediæval
-name of Hebron, and the most important that of Toron, founded by a member
-of the great crusading family of St Omer, which succeeded Tancred in
-the Principality of Galilee, but played an even more conspicuous part
-in Frankish Greece than in Frankish Palestine. The romantic title of
-Prince of Galilee survived at the Cypriote Court after the loss of the
-Holy Land; and a Lusignan bearing that scriptural name intervened in the
-tortuous politics of the Morea in the fourteenth century. Nazareth was
-naturally included in the Principality of Galilee; it was the See of an
-Archbishop, and was governed by a “Viscount.”
-
-As in Greece, the Latin barons erected castles over the country; and the
-remains of some of these, particularly Krak de Montréal and Krak des
-Chevaliers, are among the finest specimens extant of mediæval military
-architecture, while others, notably that of the famous family of d’Ibelin
-at Beirût, were decorated with paintings and mosaics by Syrian and Greek
-artists. We may infer from the description of the castle of St Omer
-at Thebes in the _Chronicle of the Morea_, that the subject of these
-paintings may sometimes have been the Frankish Conquest of the Holy Land,
-in which the baronial family had taken part.
-
-Each great feudatory presided over the high court of justice of his
-fief; and the _Assizes_ enumerate twenty of them, besides the King and
-the Archbishop of Nazareth, who possessed the right of coinage. M.
-Schlumberger has published a number of these coins, among them those of
-Jerusalem, bearing a representation of the Holy Sepulchre, the Tower
-of David, or the Cupola of the Temple. The inscriptions on the coins
-of Edessa and on some of those of Antioch are in Greek—a proof of the
-preponderance of the Greek population there. Ecclesiastically, the Latin
-states of Syria were organised under two Patriarchs—those of Jerusalem
-and Antioch; and the first Archbishop of the kingdom was he of Tyre,
-whose function it was to crown the King in the Patriarch’s absence.
-
-The Salic law did not obtain in the Holy Land; and as, by some mysterious
-law of population, common also to Frankish Greece, many noble families
-consisted of daughters only, women played an important part in the
-crusading states. On two occasions, the election of the Patriarch of
-Jerusalem (Amaury in 1159 and Heraclius in 1180) was due to female
-influence, and, on the second occasion the personal predilection of the
-Queen-Mother Agnes prevailed (to the great detriment of Church and State
-alike) over the disinterested advice of William of Tyre, who urged the
-election of a candidate from beyond the sea, and recalled an old prophecy
-that, as the Emperor Heraclius had brought the true cross to Jerusalem,
-so in the time of another Heraclius would it be lost—a prophecy verified
-at the battle of Hattin[937]. This was the Patriarch who visited London
-in 1185 to seek aid from Henry II, and consecrated the Priory of St John
-of Jerusalem at Clerkenwell, where a thanksgiving for the deliverance of
-the Holy City was recently held.
-
-The competition for the hands of noble heiresses was another result
-of the extinction of families in the male line, and frequently caused
-serious political complications and encouraged penniless adventurers,
-like Guy de Lusignan, whose success aroused the jealousy of less
-fortunate rivals. Thus, the great disaster of Hattin, which led to
-the fall of Jerusalem in 1187, was indirectly due to the revenge of
-an Englishman, Girard de Rideford, for his failure as a suitor. He
-had come to the Holy Land as a knight-errant to make his fortune; and
-Count Raymond II of Tripolis had promised him the hand of his ward,
-the wealthy heiress of Boutron. A rich Pisan, however, arrived with a
-weighing-machine, placed the lady (probably an opulent beauty) in one
-scale and his money-bags in the other, and gave the Count her weight in
-gold. The baffled Briton became a Templar and rose to be Seneschal and
-Master of the Order, but never forgot how he had been cheated[938], and
-persuaded the weak monarch to reject Raymond’s strategy on the eve of
-Hattin.
-
-An even more romantic but equally fatal example was that of Renaud
-de Châtillon, who, coming to Palestine as a younger son to seek his
-fortune in the suite of Louis VII of France at the time of the second
-crusade, married the widowed Princess-Regent of Antioch, and governed
-the Principality for his stepson. Local gossips, and especially the
-Patriarch, criticised this _mésalliance_, whereupon the audacious
-Frenchman had the Patriarch stripped, smeared with honey, and exposed, a
-feast for the flies, during a long summer day. A born soldier of fortune,
-he put his sword at the disposal of the Greek Emperor for an attack on
-an Armenian baron, and when a little difference arose as to the payment
-of the costs of the expedition, paid himself by ravaging the then Greek
-province of Cyprus. We next find him begging the Emperor’s pardon in
-his shirt-sleeves, with a rope round his neck. Then he was captured by
-the Saracens in the course of a cattle-lifting expedition, and kept for
-fifteen years a prisoner at Aleppo. Finding, on his liberation, that his
-wife was dead and his stepson reigning at Antioch, he looked out for a
-second heiress, and found one in the widowed baroness of Montréal. There,
-in the land beyond Jordan, he was in his element. His next enterprise
-was, indeed, a bold one. He constructed a flotilla at Krak—“the stone of
-the Desert,” as it was picturesquely called—conveyed it on camel-back to
-the Gulf of ʿAkaba, and sailed down into the Red Sea with the object of
-plundering Mecca and Medina, and conquering the Hedjaz and the Yemen. For
-this daring attempt, and for intercepting, in time of peace, the Moslem
-caravan, Saladin swore twice to kill him with his own hand. The second of
-these acts provoked the invasion which led to the capture of Jerusalem,
-and in Saladin’s tent, as a captive after the battle of Hattin, the
-adventurous Frenchman, who declared that, to Princes, treaties were
-“scraps of paper,” was beheaded. His seal with the gateway of Krak upon
-it still survives as a memorial of his strange career. The love affairs
-of the nobles were also sometimes fatal to the interests of the state.
-Thus the charms of a beautiful Armenian were partly responsible for the
-loss of Edessa, and an attractive Italian widow was a prominent figure in
-the last days of Jerusalem.
-
-The middle class was a far more important body than in either the
-England or the France of that day. Palestine during the Crusades was not
-visited exclusively for religious or military reasons. Besides being
-a goal of pilgrimage, it was also what California or Australia was in
-the middle of the last century—a place where shrewd men of business
-could make money rapidly. Long before the first Crusade, there had been
-an Italian colony from Amalfi at Jerusalem, in the capture of which a
-Genoese detachment had assisted; colonies from Venice, Genoa, Pisa and
-Marseilles followed; in the monastery of La Cava is a deed of Baldwin
-IV, granting the ships of the monks access to the Syrian coast; we even
-find an “English quarter” at Acre[939]. Owing to the small numbers of the
-nobility, and the constant need of recruiting its ranks after its losses
-in battle, it was easy for the wealthy members of the middle class to
-enter the aristocracy, while, from the nature of its occupations, it was
-thrown into much closer contact with the natives. Mixed marriages were
-consequently commoner among the _bourgeoisie_, although Baldwin I and II
-and Josselin I of Edessa married Armenians, and Baldwin III and Amaury I
-Greeks.
-
-The issue of these mixed marriages was known as the _Poulains_[940].
-These half-castes, who corresponded to the Γασμοῦλοι of Frankish Greece,
-are not depicted in flattering terms by contemporary writers. Jacques de
-Vitry[941], the Bishop of Acre, describes them as “nourished in delights,
-soft and effeminate, more accustomed to baths than to battles, given to
-uncleanliness and luxury, dressed in soft garments like women, slothful
-and idle, cowardly and timid, little esteemed by the Saracens,” with
-whom they were ready to make peace, and from whom they were prone to
-accept assistance against their fellow Christians in their internecine
-quarrels. They were, alike by nature and interest, opposed to the arrival
-of fresh bodies of Crusaders, because war interfered with their business
-and interrupted their commercial relations with the Moslems, whose family
-life they imitated, veiling their wives, shutting them up in Oriental
-seclusion, and allowing them to go out thrice a week to the baths, but
-only once a year to church. This undue preference of cleanliness to
-godliness had disastrous effects, for it led the ladies to intrigue all
-the more to get out.
-
-The worthy Bishop, speaking doubtless from personal experience, adds
-that the _Poulains_ swindled the ingenuous pilgrims by overcharges at
-inns, by exorbitant prices in shops, and by giving them poor exchange.
-Worse still, they despised these Christian “boxers” and exiles, calling
-them fatuous idiots for their pains—for to the _Poulains_ the Holy
-Land had no halo. They wore flowing robes, as even the first King of
-Jerusalem had done, while a coin of Tancred of Antioch represents
-him with a turban; and their whole outlook was Oriental rather than
-European. Indeed, Foucher, Baldwin I’s chaplain, remarked quite early
-how soon the Westerner became an Easterner in Palestine, and how the
-Crusader who married an Armenian or a Syrian soon forgot the land of
-his birth, adopting the comfortable maxim—“ubi bene, ibi patria.” Hence
-the marked contrast between the Frankish residents, and still more the
-_Poulains_, and the newly-arrived Crusaders. Hence, too, the often far
-too harsh judgments passed by the latter, especially after the second
-crusade in 1148. Like the Philhellenes, who went to Greece in the War
-of Independence, expecting to find the Peloponnese peopled by the
-superhuman heroes of Plutarch, instead of by men like themselves, they
-did not realise that poor human nature, even under conditions far more
-favourable, could not have possibly shone resplendent in the tremendous
-setting of the Holy Land. Consequently, they were often disillusioned,
-whereas men like William of Tyre, born and living in the country, were
-far fairer in their judgments, because they measured the Holy Land by
-the standard of other and more prosaic lands and not by the unattainable
-perfection of the greatest figure in all history, with whom it must ever
-be associated.
-
-Society in the Crusading States was, it must be remembered, even apart
-from the _Poulains_, an extraordinary mixture of races. Even an Austrian
-army did not contain so many nationalities as the Crusaders. The Franks,
-as they were generically called, included Normans (at first the dominant
-race), French (who ousted the Normans, and thenceforth maintained their
-influence, culture and language, as they did nearly two centuries
-later at the Court of Athens), English, Welsh, Irish, Scots, Flemings,
-Italians, Germans (these not very numerous), and Scandinavians. Jacques
-de Vitry considered the Italians as the most satisfactory. He describes
-them as “prudent, temperate in eating and drinking, ornate and prolix
-in speaking, but circumspect in counsel, diligent in managing their own
-public affairs, and a very necessary element in the country, not only in
-battle, but at sea and in business, especially in the import trade. Since
-they are sober in food and drink, they live longer than other Western
-nations in the East”; and “they would be very formidable to the Saracens,
-if they would cease fighting among themselves.” Unfortunately, the
-rivalries between Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans were even more serious
-than the feuds between the Normans and the French; and the possession
-of the Church of St Saba at Acra (two pillars of which are now outside
-St Mark’s Venice) led to an Italian colonial war, in which we may find
-one cause of the final loss of the Holy Land. These Italian colonies,
-indeed, formed practically an _imperium in imperio_. Their respective
-quarters in the Syrian towns were the property of their governments,
-which appointed their officials (called “Consuls” in the Genoese and
-Pisan colonies, “Bailies” in the Venetian), often from among the most
-celebrated families of the Venetian Republic. Venice had also what we
-should call a Consul-General, a “Bailie” for all Syria; and both she and
-Genoa received a large portion of the harbour dues at Tyre and Acre.
-The Italian colonies had their own tribunals, like the consular courts
-in Turkey in our own day. Thus, Italian interests in the Holy Land were
-considerable and mainly commercial. To Venice and Genoa foreign affairs
-were—the affairs of their merchants.
-
-The French and the English settlers were “less composed and more
-impetuous, less circumspect in action and more full of superfluity in
-food and drink, more lavish in expense and less cautious in talk, hasty
-in counsel, but more fervent in almsgiving, and more vehement in battle,
-and most useful for the defence of the Holy Land, and very formidable to
-the Saracens.”
-
-Besides these various elements among the Crusaders, Palestine contained
-a large variety of indigenous races. Of these the native Christians
-of Arab speech, collectively known as Syrians, were the most favoured.
-Baldwin I gave them marked privileges at Jerusalem, and they could give
-evidence on oath. But they were of little use in war, except as archers;
-and are accused by Jacques de Vitry of betraying the secrets of the
-Christians to the Saracens, whose customs they largely imitated. The
-Maronites of the Lebanon were, however, noted for their military prowess
-and for the help which they rendered to the Franks.
-
-Next to the Syrians came the Armenians, reckoned the best fighters of
-the Orientals, who, from the proximity of the Kingdom of Lesser Armenia
-to the County of Edessa, often assisted the Frank Counts, and copied
-their feudal arrangements. It is noticeable that the _Assizes of Antioch_
-have come to us through the Armenian, and that the Court of Sis, like
-that of Jerusalem, had its seneschal, its marshal, and its constable.
-The Greeks were regarded as opponents of the Latins; and, when Saladin
-took Jerusalem, he allowed them to remain. But we could scarcely expect
-them to view with sympathy the annexation of the Greek states of Edessa
-(still governed by a Greek official at the time of the Latin conquest)
-and Antioch, which only fourteen years before had been nominally a part
-of the Greek Empire. And Anna Comnena describes her father’s alarm at
-the march of large armies of foreigners across his rich and peaceful
-dominions who might (and in 1204 did) say with the Roman centurion: _Hic
-manebimus optime!_
-
-Historians of the Moslem Arabs admit that, except in war time, Christians
-and Moslems lived together in harmony. There are examples of friendship,
-and even of adopted brotherhood, between Frank barons and Moslem emirs,
-who used to grant each other mutual permits to hunt. Every reader of _The
-Talisman_ knows of the mutual courtesies between Richard I and Saladin,
-who sent medical aid to a sick opponent, but even more curious was the
-action of Guy de Lusignan, whose first act, on exchanging the Kingdom of
-Jerusalem for that of Cyprus, was to ask his former captor how to keep
-the island. Many Franks spoke Arabic; and it was even found necessary for
-commercial purposes to coin money bearing in Arabic characters the name
-of Mohammed and the date of the Moslem era! The merchants of Tyre and
-Acre, where these heretical coins were minted, protested that “business
-is business”; but the Papal Legate, who accompanied Louis IX on the sixth
-crusade, was so scandalised that he reported the matter to Pope Innocent
-IV, who excommunicated all who coined them. The wily merchants, however,
-circumvented his prohibition by minting similar coins with Christian
-inscriptions and the year of our Lord, both in Arabic, and with a cross
-in the centre of the coin. Of this hybrid currency, which began in 1251,
-there are several specimens. Like Frederick II in Sicily, the later
-Princes of Antioch and Counts of Tripolis had Saracen guards; and, under
-the name of _Turcoples_, given originally to Turks born of Greek mothers,
-Moslems entered the Christian armies as light cavalry. Of actual Turks
-there were few, for they had overrun Syria too short a time before the
-Crusades to take root in Palestine. Like the Franks, and like the Turks
-in the Balkans, they were only a garrison.
-
-Special interest attaches to the Jews, at this period only a small
-section of the population, and, as usual, exclusively urban. Benjamin of
-Tudela, who visited Palestine about 1173, found two hundred Jews in the
-ghetto at Jerusalem beneath the Tower of David, where they had a monopoly
-of the dyeing trade, and twelve, all dyers, at Bethlehem. The largest
-Jewish colonies were, as was natural, in the great commercial towns, Tyre
-and Acre; and the total in the whole of the Latin states was only 7000 to
-8000. They could not hold land, and were classed below the Moslems, but
-practised successfully as doctors and bankers, and had their own judges.
-Many had come from the south of France. A few Samaritans still survived
-at Nâbulus, the biblical Shechem, and at Cæsarea.
-
-Below all these freemen came the slaves, including Christians, partly
-prisoners of war and partly imported. The _Assizes of Jerusalem_ contain
-special regulations for the slave-trade (largely in Venetian and Genoese
-hands), but the legislators felt some scruples about allowing a Christian
-slave to be sold to a Moslem. There was one other very undesirable
-element in the population—persons who had left their country for their
-country’s good; for it was not unusual to pardon criminals on condition
-that they made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and never returned. The Bishop
-of Acre complains of this practice of making the Holy Land a convict
-station, just as some of our colonies did in the first half of the last
-century; and he quotes the Horatian tag, that people, who cross the sea,
-change the climate, but not their character. Nor does he approve of the
-tourist, who came from mere curiosity and not from devotion.
-
-Among this heterogeneous mass the smallness of the Frankish forces makes
-us marvel that the Latin Kingdom lasted for 99 years at Jerusalem and for
-nearly 200 at Acre. The _Assizes_[942] inform us that the paper strength
-of the royal army was only 577 knights and 5025 foot-soldiers, to which
-we must add the contingents of the two great Military Orders and the
-_Turcoples_. At no time, in actual warfare, did the total armed forces of
-the four Crusading States much exceed 25,000; at Hattin—the Hastings of
-the Holy Land—Guy de Lusignan had only some 21,000 men under his command;
-Baldwin I crossed the Euphrates with only 80 knights to take Edessa; and
-some of the great battles of Tancred were fought by only 200 knights.
-William of Tyre[943], writing a few years before the catastrophe of 1187,
-explains the greater success of the Franks in the earlier years of the
-kingdom by their piety and courage as contrasted with the immorality
-and diminished martial spirit of his contemporaries. Other causes were
-the lack of military skill of the Moslems of that generation, and the
-disunion of their chiefs. When, however, Saladin united Syria and Egypt
-in his strong hand, the fate of the little Frankish colony was sealed.
-Disunion of allies neutralised the splendid courage of our Richard I in
-his attempt to restore what had been lost; Frederick II was a Crusader
-_malgré lui_; and in the thirteenth century many Franks, realising that
-the end was at hand, left for the Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus, or for
-Armenia, leaving as the most important factors in the Latin population
-the Italian colonies and the Religious Orders.
-
-The Knights of St John, who originally took their name from St John the
-Merciful[944], a Cypriote who became Patriarch of Alexandria, arose at
-the time of the conquest in connection with the hospital, founded at
-Jerusalem a generation earlier by a citizen of Amalfi. Their first aim
-was to tend and nourish the sick, then to guard pilgrims up from the
-coast, and next to fight against the Infidels. They never forgot their
-original object, and pilgrims were enthusiastic in their praise. Indeed,
-Saladin is said to have gained admission to their hospital at Acre as
-a patient to see whether all that he heard about their beneficence was
-true. Gradually, as the feudal barons found it harder to defend their
-castles, they handed them to the Knights, who specially chose difficult
-frontier positions. Margat, Krak des Chevaliers, Chastel-Rouge, Gibelin
-and Belvoir were their chief fortresses; and Mount Tabor was one of their
-possessions.
-
-The Templars, founded in 1118 to protect the pilgrims on their way from
-the coast, enjoyed a less enviable reputation. William of Tyre[945]
-remarks, that “for a long time they maintained their original object, but
-subsequently forgot the duty of humility.” They were accused of greed and
-selfishness, and of being too anxious to stand well with Moslem Princes,
-with whom they sometimes made a separate peace, to the detriment of
-Christendom. Thus they warned a Moslem chief of an intended raid by our
-Prince Edward. Their treachery to the sect of the Assassins scandalised
-the Court of Jerusalem and immensely damaged Christian interests. The
-chief of that terrible community, the “Old Man,” as he was called, whose
-territory was separated from the County of Tripolis by boundary stones,
-marked on the Christian side with a cross, on that of the Assassins
-with a knife, had sent an envoy to King Amaury I, offering to embrace
-Christianity, on condition that the Templars consented to forego the
-tribute paid to them by the Assassins. All had been arranged, and the
-diplomatist was on his way home, when the Templars assassinated the
-Assassin[946].
-
-The Templars’ vow of poverty contrasted ill with their immense wealth,
-which enabled them, in 1191, to buy Cyprus from Richard I, and to lend
-a large sum to our Henry III. They acted as bankers; and through their
-hands passed the money collected in the West for future crusades.
-They were suspected, too, of heretical opinions, and were accused of
-initiating their novices with pagan rites. They possessed eighteen
-fortresses, of which Tortosa was the most important; but the Order did
-not long survive the loss of the Holy Land, being abolished by Clement V
-in 1312.
-
-Less important were the Teutonic Knights, the _Brüder vom deutschen
-Hause_ of Freytag’s well-known historical novel—an off-shoot of the
-Hospitallers—because the Germans contributed little towards the
-foundation of the Frankish states, and their distinct Order was not
-founded till after the first capture of the Latin capital. Their
-principal sphere of activity was not in Palestine but in Prussia, where
-they laboured to civilise the barbarous Prussians—a task in which they
-do not appear to have been altogether successful. A lasting memorial of
-their activity is the former Prussian fortress of Thorn—a name said to be
-derived from the castle of Toron in the Holy Land, once their possession.
-To us a more interesting Order is that of the Hospital of “the Master
-and Brothers of St Thomas of Canterbury,” at Acre, founded in 1191, in
-which Edward I showed interest, and which was transferred after the fall
-of Acre to Cyprus, where it still existed in 1350. A hospital for poor
-British pilgrims was also founded at Acre in 1254[947].
-
-Palestine was a fruitful land during the Frankish period, although we
-hear much of the plagues of locusts and field-mice. Contemporary visitors
-wrote enthusiastically about the gardens of Jericho and the fertile
-plains of Jezreel and Tripolis, with its vineyards, its olive-yards,
-and its sugar plantations, whence the cane was taken to the factory at
-Tyre. The wines of Engaddi were as noted as in the Song of Solomon; and
-the vintages of Bethlehem and Jerusalem were highly esteemed. Jericho
-produced grapes so huge that “a man could scarcely lift a bunch of
-them”—a statement which shows that the vines had not degenerated since
-the days when the spies of Moses “cut down” from the brook of Eschcol
-“one cluster of grapes, and bare it between two upon a staff.” Even the
-silent waters of the Dead Sea were then traversed by fruit barges; and in
-the so-called “Valley of Moses” to the south of it the olive-trees formed
-“a dense forest.” There was more wood than now, and consequently more
-water, but corn had to be imported, for the harvests of Moab, Hebron,
-Bethlehem (“the house of bread”), and Jericho did not suffice to feed
-the population. The Sea of Galilee was as full of fish as in the time
-of Our Lord, and boats plied upon its waters. But, owing to the general
-insecurity of the open country, few of the cultivators of the soil were
-Franks; and, where we find Latin peasants, they are usually not far from
-the shelter of fortified towns. Of manufactures the most important were
-those of silk at Tripolis, Tiberias, and Tyre, dyeing, and pottery; the
-glass of Tyre is specially praised by its Archbishop, and the goldsmiths
-had a street all to themselves at Jerusalem.
-
-Civilisation, so far as comfort was concerned, had reached a high level.
-Every castle had its baths; and minstrels and dancers appeared at the
-entertainments of the barons, while we read of theatrical performances at
-a coronation. A considerable amount of gambling went on in royal circles.
-Baldwin III was devoted to dice; the Prince of Antioch and the Count of
-Edessa were so busy with their dice-boxes during a campaign, that they
-demoralised many of their officers; the Count of Jaffa was so deeply
-engrossed in a game of dice that he was playing in the street of the
-Tanners at Jerusalem, that he allowed himself to be assassinated. Hunting
-with the falcon, and, in Arab fashion, with the cat-like animal known as
-the _carable_, were favourite amusements. It seems strange that nothing
-was done to encourage horse-breeding; and, as the Moslems were loth to
-sell horses to be used against themselves, the Franks usually imported
-their steeds from Apulia. Every spring it was the custom of the Frankish
-chivalry to take their horses to feed on the rich grass at the foot of Mt
-Carmel; and there, by the brook Kishon, where Elijah slew the prophets of
-Baal, tournaments were held, in which Saracen chiefs sometimes took part,
-and after which the combatants refreshed themselves with sherbet, made
-from the snows of Lebanon.
-
-We must not expect a military colony, always fighting for its existence,
-to be very productive of literature. But perhaps the best specimen of
-mediæval history, the great work of William of Tyre, was produced by
-a Frank born in the Holy Land. The author possessed the two greatest
-qualities for writing the history of his own times: personal acquaintance
-with the principal actors in the drama by reason of his high official
-position, and at the same time fearless love of truth. He tells us that
-he was well aware of the perils to which he thus exposed himself; and,
-if it be true that he was poisoned in Rome by order of a rival whom he
-had denounced, his forebodings were only too accurate. Having been a
-diplomatist, a prelate, a royal tutor, and chancellor of the kingdom, he
-possessed an unrivalled experience of men and affairs; and, as is usual
-with such persons, he was much more moderate in his judgments of human
-frailty than purely literary or monastic chroniclers. The abrupt close of
-his work in 1183 has been ascribed to the desire of powerful enemies to
-suppress the facts about the last years of Jerusalem—a further proof of
-his dreaded influence.
-
-A lesser luminary was Renaud, baron of Sagette, who amazed the pundits of
-Saladin by his Oriental scholarship; and the cult of French novels was
-diffused among the nobles of the Holy Land, whose legal knowledge was
-considerable. Philip of Navarre[948], the celebrated pleader, who has
-left a treatise showing how to make the worse cause appear the better in
-the feudal courts, tells us that he owed his knowledge of legal practice
-to the accident of being appointed reader of romances to the Seneschal of
-Jerusalem, who in return taught him law. The pleader, who also composed
-a historical work, and a treatise on the four ages of man, and was
-an opponent of the higher education of women, is described by Florio
-Bustron, the Cypriote historian, as a “huomo universale.”
-
-In estimating the architectural results of the Frankish rule, we must
-remember the short time available—so far as all but the coast towns were
-concerned. But a traveller, who visited the country in 1185, tells us
-that the Franks had done much for the mural decoration of their churches,
-of which, beginning with Tancred’s church on Mt Tabor in 1111, they
-erected a number down to the catastrophe of Hattin. William of Tyre
-specially mentions the munificence of Queen Mélisende in founding a
-church and convent at Bethany, of which her youngest sister was Superior,
-and her splendidly bound copy of the Gospels is in the British Museum.
-In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and in the Cathedral and Castle of
-Tortosa, still linger traces of the Crusaders. It has been remarked that
-in their architecture more than in aught else the Franks of Palestine
-remained Westerners.
-
-In conclusion we may ask how Frankish society in Palestine compares with
-Frankish society in Cyprus and in the Latin Principalities of the present
-Greek Kingdom. Very different from either Frankish Palestine or Frankish
-Greece was the condition of the Kingdom of Cyprus, created by a mere
-accident of the Crusades, which nominally continued the tradition of the
-Kingdom of Jerusalem. While the reason of the latter’s existence was war,
-Cyprus was essentially a commercial state, to which the loss of Acre was
-a blessing in disguise. So long as the Kings of Cyprus, in their capacity
-of Kings of Jerusalem, had territory on the opposite coast of Syria,
-they were necessarily involved in continental wars, and could not devote
-themselves to the development of their own island; as was the case of the
-Kings of England, so long as they held the _damnosa hereditas_ of the
-Plantagenets in France. Cyprus was, like England, defended by the sea;
-like England, she became one of the marts of the world, in an age when
-the crusading spirit had died away, and trade was the attraction that led
-men to the East. The Popes, by prohibiting trade with the Saracens after
-the loss of the Holy Land, procured for Cyprus a monopoly; and Famagosta
-surpassed Constantinople, Venice and Alexandria. Moreover, warned by the
-example of Jerusalem, the Kings of Cyprus cut down the privileges of the
-nobles, who were denied the right of coinage and jurisdiction over the
-middle class. Consequently, the Cypriote monarchy was more independent,
-and continued to prosper until it allowed—and this should be to us a
-warning—foreign competitors, under the guise of commerce, to creep into
-its cities and ultimately to dictate its policy.
-
-All the Latin states in the East, whether in Jerusalem, Cyprus, or Greece
-proper, presented examples of that difficult political experiment—the
-rule of a small alien minority over a large native majority of a
-different religion, an experiment worked most successfully in those
-states, like Lesbos under the Genoese Gattilusj, where the Latin rulers
-became assimilated with the ruled. But in Frankish Greece the feudal
-states were not commercial; and the Venetian and Genoese colonies were,
-except in Negroponte, quite distinct from them. The Frank conquerors
-of Greece did not go thither with the noble aims which led some of the
-leaders of the first Crusade to the Holy Land; on the contrary, they
-turned aside from the recovery of the Holy City to partition a Christian
-Empire. Yet the moral standard of the Franks in Greece was much higher
-than that of their predecessors in Palestine, or their contemporaries
-in Cyprus. Possibly, the reason was that they lived healthier lives,
-and had fewer temptations. Big maritime commercial towns, like Tyre and
-Acre, and Famagosta, did not exist, and country life was more developed.
-Certainly, the _Chronicle of the Morea_ is more edifying reading than the
-_Letters_ of Jacques de Vitry on the condition of Acre at the time of his
-appointment as its bishop in 1216. But in one respect Frankish Palestine
-and Frankish Greece present the same strange phenomenon—that union of
-antiquity with the Middle Ages, of the biblical and the classical with
-the romantic, which inspired the second part of _Faust_. To find the
-feudal system installed at Hebron and Athens, at Shechem and Sparta,
-at Tiberias and Thebes, to read of Princes of Galilee and of Princes
-of Achaia, causes surprise only surpassed by that which we should have
-felt in August, 1914, had we been told that before four Christmases had
-passed, Australians and New Zealanders would have shared in the taking of
-Jerusalem.
-
-
-AUTHORITIES
-
-1. _Recueil des Historiens des Croisades._ Seventeen vols. Paris:
-Imprimerie Nationale, 1841-1906.
-
-2. _Gesta Dei per Francos._ Ed. J. Bongars. Two vols. Hanover, 1611.
-
-3. _Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem, 1100-1291._ Von R. Röhricht.
-Innsbruck: Wagner, 1898.
-
-4. _Regesta Regni Hierosolimitani, 1097-1291_, and _Additamentum_. Von R.
-Röhricht. Œniponti: Lib. Acad. Wagneriana, 1893-1904.
-
-5. _Les Colonies franques de Syrie aux xiiᵐᵉ et xiiiᵐᵉ siècles._ Par E.
-Rey. Paris: Picard, 1883.
-
-6. _Numismatique de l’Orient Latin, avec Supplément._ Par G.
-Schlumberger. Paris: Leroux, 1878-82.
-
-7. _Renaud de Châtillon, prince d’Antioche._ Par G. Schlumberger. Paris:
-Plon, 1898.
-
-8. _Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge._ Von H. Prutz. Berlin: Siegfried,
-1883.
-
-9. _Revue de l’Orient Latin._ Eleven vols. Paris: Leroux, 1893-1908.
-
-
-6. A BYZANTINE BLUE STOCKING: ANNA COMNENA
-
-One of the differences between classical and modern literature is the
-rarity of female writers in the former and their frequency in the latter.
-While we have lady historians and poets in considerable numbers, while
-the fair sex has greatly distinguished itself in fiction, including that
-branch of it which is called modern journalism, ancient Greek letters
-contain the names of few celebrated women except Sappho; Myrtis and
-Corinna, the competitors of Pindar; Erinna, whose poetic fancy her mother
-strove to restrain by chaining her to her neglected spinning-wheel;
-and Elephantis, whose poetry was considered too realistic for display
-upon drawing-room tables. Novels were in those days chiefly written by
-bishops—a class of men not now usually associated with light literature.
-In Latin literature, although Juvenal has drawn a picture of the learned
-lady weighing in the critical balance the respective claims of Homer and
-Virgil, the poem attributed to Sulpicia is almost the sole surviving
-example of female composition. It has been reserved for Byzantine
-literature to present us with the rare phenomenon of a first-class lady
-historian—first-class, that is to say, according to the standards of
-that day—in the person of the Imperial Princess, Anna Comnena, a writer
-better known to the general public than are most Byzantine authors owing
-to the fact that Sir Walter Scott introduced her as one of the characters
-in _Count Robert of Paris_, and based one of the chief episodes of that
-novel upon a historical event recorded in her life of her father.
-
-Since Scott’s time, novelists and dramatists have done something
-to popularise Byzantine history. Neale, in his _Theodora Phranza_,
-daughter of the last Byzantine historian, has described the capture of
-Constantinople by the Turks; Sardou produced on the stage a far more
-famous Theodora, the consort of Justinian, whom Prokopios so virulently
-besmirched in his _Secret History_. Mr Frederic Harrison has portrayed in
-_Theophano_ the ambitious and unscrupulous wife and widow of the Emperors
-Romanos II and Nikephoros Phokas. Jean Lombard in _Byzance_ depicted,
-with immense erudition, the games and ceremonial of the Imperial city and
-court in the time of the Iconoclast Emperor, Constantine V Copronymos,
-and endeavoured to solve the Balkan question by marrying and placing
-on the throne the Slav Oupravda and the Greek Eustokkia; while Marion
-Crawford gave us in _Arethusa_ a story from a much later period, the year
-1376, based upon the struggle at the Court of John V between the Venetian
-adventurer, Carlo Zeno, and the Genoese, for the possession of the isle
-of Tenedos, the key of the Dardanelles.
-
-Anna Comnena was born in 1083 at an interesting moment in the history
-not only of the Greek Empire, but of Christendom. It was the time when
-the Mediæval West and the Mediæval East first met; when the Normans,
-after their recent conquest of England and Southern Italy, first crossed
-the Adriatic and Ionian seas to attack the Greek Empire, soon to be
-followed by the hosts of the First Crusade. Just as, with the accession
-of William the Conqueror fifteen years earlier, a new order of things
-had begun in Northern Europe, so with the accession of her father, the
-Emperor Alexios I Comnenos, in 1081, two years before her birth, a new
-era, and practically a new dynasty—though Alexios was not the first
-of the family to seize the throne—had begun at Byzantium. From 1025,
-the end of the long and glorious reign of Basil II, whom the Greeks of
-to-day still admire as the “Bulgar-slayer,” the destroyer of the first
-Bulgarian Empire on those self-same battlefields of Macedonia where
-King Constantine defeated the Bulgarians in the second Balkan war of
-1913, the Byzantine throne had been occupied by no less than twelve
-sovereigns, whose consecutive reigns filled a period scarcely longer than
-that embraced by the single reign of the great Basil. After the death
-of his brother and successor, Constantine VIII, there began a period
-of palace intrigues and female influence, for Constantine’s two mature
-daughters, Zoe and Theodora, assigned the throne to whomsoever they
-chose; and the successive marriages of the elderly Zoe furnished Psellos
-with a _chronique scandaleuse_ of the Imperial Court and boudoir, and MM.
-Schlumberger and Diehl with their brilliant modern paraphrases of the
-contemporary writer. When, with the death of Theodora, the Macedonian
-dynasty came to an end in the person of its last representative,
-revolution succeeded revolution. Every general of aristocratic birth was
-justified in believing that he carried in his baggage the red boots which
-were the peculiar mark of the Imperial dignity, and a female regency
-enabled the Empress Eudokia to bestow the Empire with her hand. At last,
-the ablest and astutest of the Byzantine commanders, Alexios Comnenos,
-deposed the feeble old voluptuary, Nikephoros Botaneiates, whose
-Slavonic ministers had discredited his authority by their “barbarous”
-pronunciation and foreign origin, and placed himself and his descendants
-upon the throne for 100 years.
-
-These internal dissensions had naturally injured the external prestige
-of the Empire and contracted its frontiers. It was then that there came
-the final separation between the Eastern and the Western Churches; it
-was then, too, that, by the loss of Bari, Brindisi, and Otranto, the
-Byzantine Empire forfeited its last Italian possessions. Meanwhile,
-the advance of the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor had pushed back the
-Greek frontier in a second continent close to the capital; and Anna
-Comnena[949] declares that, on her father’s accession, “the Bosporus was
-the eastern, and Adrianople the western, limit of the Greek sceptre.”
-Alexios, she proudly adds, “widened the circle of the Empire, and made
-the Adriatic its western, the Euphrates and the Tigris its eastern,
-border.”
-
-Yet, as she truly says, her father had to contend all the time against
-enormous difficulties, alike domestic and foreign. At the outset of his
-reign, his throne was surrounded with possible pretenders. Both his
-immediate predecessors were alive, although the one was a bishop, the
-other in a monastery, besides four sons of dethroned Emperors who had
-received the Imperial title during their fathers’ reigns, and several
-persons who had endeavoured unsuccessfully to seize and keep the crown.
-There were constant conspiracies against Alexios so long as he sat on the
-throne, while the eternal theological questions, which were the favourite
-mental distraction of Byzantium, caused him constant anxiety, for there,
-as in the Balkans to-day, theology and politics were inextricably
-mingled. From abroad there came, too, the menace of invasion on all
-sides—from the wild tribes of the Patzinaks and Cumans on the north, from
-the Normans on the west, from the Turks on the east. And, worse than all,
-the unhappy Alexios was suddenly called upon to cope with the hurricane
-of the First Crusade, and to find his Empire overrun by swarms of fierce
-warriors, whose motives he suspected and whose intentions he judged from
-their acts to be predatory.
-
-Alexios owed his crown to a successful insurrection; but he was no
-vulgar upstart. He belonged to a rich family of Paphlagonia, where the
-Comnenoi held property at Kastamon, the modern Kastamouni, the place
-known in contemporary history as the exile for nearly thirty years of
-the late Mirdite Prince, Prenk Bib Doda. The Comnenoi had first come
-into prominence about a century earlier under Basil II; and one of the
-clan, the distinguished general, Isaac Comnenos, had occupied the throne
-from 1057 to 1059. Anna’s father was this man’s nephew, and, in spite
-of his uncle’s brief reign, the real founder of the dynasty. For the
-Emperor Isaac, in a moment of discouragement and disillusionment, not
-only abdicated but failed to induce his brother John, the father of
-Alexios, to accept the heavy burden of the crown. It was not, however,
-to his timorous and unambitious father, but to his energetic mother,
-Anna Dalassene, that Alexios owed his success. She was resolved that
-her son should be Emperor, and during four intervening reigns, she was
-waiting and intriguing for the diadem which her husband had allowed to
-go out of his family. A great lady herself, the daughter of an eminent
-official and soldier, whose skill in never failing to kill his man had
-earned him the nickname of “Charon,” she belonged, like the Comnenoi, to
-a powerful Asiatic family, one of whose members had been at first thought
-by Constantine VIII as worthy to succeed him, and had subsequently
-been regarded as a possible husband for the old Empress Zoe. Like many
-eminent Byzantine personages, she had known the reverses of fortune, and
-had at one time been exiled to Prinkipo. Such was the esteem which the
-Emperor Alexios felt for the mother, who had constantly encouraged and
-facilitated his ambition, that when, at the outset of his reign, he was
-compelled to leave his capital to fight against the Normans in Albania,
-he entrusted to her the absolute authority over the Empire during his
-absence. This is only one of many instances proving the influence of
-women in the Byzantine system. Thus, the mother of Alexios made history,
-his daughter wrote it; his mother made him Emperor, his daughter
-preserved the memory of his reign. Such were the origin and parents of
-the hero of the _Alexiad_. Let us now look at its author.
-
-The literary Princess has given us in her history of her father a
-considerable amount of autobiographical information. Anna Comnena was
-not at all disposed to hide her light under a bushel, nor did she ever
-forget that she had been born in the purple chamber—the room to which
-an Empress was always removed when her confinement was imminent. Like
-most members of the reigning Imperial family, she received an excellent
-literary education. “I am not destitute of letters,” she writes in her
-preface, “but have thoroughly studied classical Greek”; and she adds
-that she had applied herself diligently to the mathematical quadrivium,
-to rhetoric, the philosophy of Aristotle, and the dialogues of Plato. In
-another passage she alludes to her knowledge of geometry. Her quotations
-show a wide range of reading. Her history contains citations from,
-or allusions to, Homer, Sappho, Sophokles, Euripides, Aristophanes,
-Herodotus, Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, Demosthenes, the _Tactics_ of
-Ælian, and the astronomer Eudoxos, while she repeats a whole sentence
-from Polybios and another from John of Epiphania, and shows, as Byzantine
-writers always do, great familiarity with the Bible. Niketas summed her
-up as “acquainted with every art.”
-
-Nor need we, who have in our own history a similarly learned lady of
-royal lineage, Lady Jane Grey, wonder at the erudition of this Byzantine
-blue stocking. There had been a recrudescence of literary culture in
-the eleventh century at Byzantium[950], as in the sixteenth century in
-London. Shortly before Anna’s birth the Imperial Court had been the scene
-of the many-sided activities of that remarkable man, Michael Psellos,
-“the Prince of Philosophers,” as he was called by his contemporaries, the
-Voltaire of mediæval Greek literature, at once philosopher, historian,
-lawyer, monk, courtier and prime minister, who demonstrated, as other
-learned statesmen have proved in our own time, that great intellectual
-attainments may coincide with a poor character and political ineptitude.
-Another writer, the historian Michael of Adalia, or Attaleiates, who
-had gained by his legal abilities the favour of successive sovereigns,
-dedicated his history of his own time to the Emperor Nikephoros
-Botaneiates, and made a sufficient fortune out of speculations in real
-estate to found an almshouse for his less fortunate fellows. But in the
-time of Psellos and Attaleiates learning had disciples on the throne, as
-well as in the lecture-hall. The Imperial family of Doukas was noted
-for its devotion to literature; the collection of genealogies of gods
-and heroes, known under the title of _Ionia_ (or _Violarium_), has been
-by some ascribed to the ambitious Empress Eudokia, wife of Constantine X
-Doukas and of his successor; while the Emperor Michael VII Doukas, who
-had been a pupil of Psellos and is known in history by the nickname of
-“Parapinakes,” or the “Peck-filcher,” from his fraudulent manipulation of
-the corn-monopoly, spent his time in composing iambics and anapæsts quite
-in the fashion of our classically-educated eighteenth century statesmen,
-who lost us the American colonies and were stronger at Greek verses than
-at political economy. Even the old _roué_ Botaneiates, was, if we believe
-his panegyrist Attaleiates, a lover of books. When Alexios succeeded him,
-he further encouraged literature; one of his physicians, Kallikles, was
-a writer of epitaphs, not always on his own patients; and the historian,
-John Skylitzes, who was a captain of the bodyguard, dedicated some legal
-treatises to this Emperor.
-
-It was not, therefore, remarkable that Alexios’ daughter was highly
-educated, nor that her husband, Nikephoros Bryennios, was, like herself,
-a historian, although, like Julius Cæsar, he modestly described his
-work as merely supplying “the materials for those who wished to write
-history.” A soldier by profession, the son of the pretender of the
-same name who had revolted against Michael VII, and had been crushed
-by Alexios, he defended Constantinople against Godfrey of Bouillon in
-1097, and fought against the Sultan of Ikonium in 1116. Taking Xenophon,
-another literary soldier, as his model, he possessed, like Attaleiates, a
-much simpler and more straightforward style than his learned consort, and
-his soldierly prose is, although a glorification of his father-in-law,
-pleasing to read.
-
-But the cultured Anna, unlike her husband, had other besides literary
-ambitions, of which her distracted account of her father’s death-bed
-shows no trace. We learn, however, from the later historian, Niketas,
-of the mundane designs which agitated the bosoms of the Empress and her
-daughter at that solemn moment, of the efforts made by Irene to induce
-her expiring husband to disinherit his son in favour of his son-in-law,
-and how, when the dying Emperor lifted up his hands to heaven with a
-forced smile on his pallid cheeks, his wife bitterly reproached him with
-the words: “Husband, all thy life thou hast been versed in every kind
-of deceit, saying one thing and thinking another; and now that thou art
-dying, thou art true to thine old ways.” Gibbon has summed up the remark
-in the caustic sarcasm: “You die as you have lived—a hypocrite.” Nor was
-the virtuous Anna inclined to acquiesce in the accession of her brother
-John II. She had been, till his birth, the heiress-presumptive, and as
-such had been betrothed as a child to the son of the dethroned Emperor,
-Michael VII, the young Constantine Doukas, who died, however, before
-their marriage. She had thus missed the throne once, and was determined
-not to miss it again.
-
-Scott, in his novel, has completely misrepresented the character of her
-husband by representing him as plotting to seize the throne, even during
-the lifetime of Alexios. Such a conception of the honest Bryennios is
-quite erroneous. For Anna’s plot was entirely frustrated by the sluggish
-indifference and greater humanity of her consort. So greatly annoyed was
-his wife at his reluctance to accept the crown by killing or blinding
-his brother-in-law, that she bitterly reproached nature in a phrase
-which must be left in the obscurity of the original language, for having
-made the mistake of creating her a woman and him a man. The conspiracy
-was discovered; but the Emperor treated his sister with more mercy than
-she deserved, contenting himself with bestowing her richly furnished
-palace upon his favourite and faithful minister. Even this punishment,
-at the instance of the minister himself, was rescinded; her palace was
-restored to the princess; her husband held office under the new Emperor
-and accompanied him in the Syrian campaign of 1137; but her pride was
-wounded by her brother’s magnanimity. She retired in Byzantine fashion to
-the convent of Our Lady of Grace, founded by her mother, the ex-Empress
-Irene, whose charter has been preserved.
-
-At the age of thirty-five her career at Court was over; her old friends,
-courtier-like, turned away from her to worship the rising sun; her
-mother, her favourite brother, her husband, whom, despite his weakness of
-character and unwillingness to reign, she loudly praises in her history
-and regarded with obvious affection[951], successively passed away.
-Their son, Alexios, who took his mother’s surname, held office under her
-nephew, the Emperor Manuel, as Lord High Admiral. She bitterly complains,
-with her customary rhetorical exaggeration, of her hard lot since her
-eighth year, when her brother John was associated with his father in
-the Imperial dignity; to enumerate her sufferings and her enemies, she
-exclaims, “requires the Siren eloquence of Isokrates, the deep voice of
-Pindar, the vehemence of Polemon, the muse of Homer, the lyre of Sappho.”
-For twenty-nine years she had not seen or spoken with any of her father’s
-friends, of whom many were dead, and many were afraid to visit her. She
-compares herself with Niobe, and introduces into her history transparent
-allusions to her treatment by “the great,” and to the folly of her
-father’s successors—both monarchs of distinction[952]. Under these
-circumstances, she endeavoured to console herself with the composition of
-her history—a work written mostly, as she tells us, under the reign of
-her nephew, Manuel I, who ascended the throne in 1143. By 1148, at the
-age of 65, she had finished her work; the date of her death is unknown.
-
-The princess had set herself the filial task of writing a biography of
-her father from 1069 to his death in 1118, thus covering the whole of his
-reign and twelve years before it. Her history thus formed a continuation
-of those composed by Attaleiates and by her husband, the former of whom
-had narrated the events of the years 1034 to 1079, the latter those
-of the years 1070 to 1079. As it had been the object of the former to
-glorify the still living Botaneiates, so it was the aim of the latter to
-whitewash Alexios, representing him as a legitimate sovereign, who had
-merely renounced the throne, once occupied by his uncle.
-
-She begins her history by describing her father’s exploits during the
-three previous reigns, the “three labours of Hercules[953],” as she
-characteristically calls his suppression of the rebellions of Oursel
-Bailleul, or Russell Balliol, a member of the family which founded
-Balliol College (whom Scott has, by a pardonable anachronism, represented
-as a fellow-prisoner of Count Robert of Paris in the dungeon), and his
-victory over the two pretenders from Durazzo, her husband’s father,
-Nikephoros Bryennios, and Basilakios. She then proceeds to trace the
-career of the famous Norman leader, Robert Guiscard, and the causes of
-his war against the Byzantine Empire, the first attack of the Latin
-West against the Greek East and the forerunner of the Fourth Crusade.
-The second book is devoted to her father’s revolt against the Emperor
-Nikephoros Botaneiates and his seizure of the throne. With the third book
-begins his reign. She describes the Norman invasion, how Guiscard crossed
-the Adriatic, besieged and took Durazzo, the historic town which has
-played so large a part in the Balkan history of the last seven years, and
-which was then the western gate of the Byzantine Empire, just as in the
-days of Catullus and Plautus it had been the “tavern of the Adriatic.”
-In the sixth book we have Guiscard’s second expedition and death at the
-Cephalonian village, which, under the name of Phiskardo, still recalls
-the end of that famous Norman leader. Here is related the legend that in
-the opposite island of Ithake there was a ruined city, called Jerusalem;
-and thus was fulfilled the prophesy that Guiscard should die when he had
-reached Jerusalem. Similar prophecies were similarly accomplished in the
-case of Pope Silvester II, who died after celebrating mass in the Church
-of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, and in that of our King Henry IV, dying,
-as Shakespeare has narrated, in the Jerusalem chamber. Next follow the
-military operations in Asia Minor and against the Cumans, or “Scythians,”
-as the classically-educated writer calls them, in Europe. Then, after
-some account of the affairs of Crete and Cyprus and of the Dalmatian
-revolt, the tenth book treats of the heresy of Neilos, and introduces us
-to the First Crusade.
-
-At this point the chief interest of this history for modern readers
-begins, for Anna Comnena is writing of a movement of world-wide
-importance, and her descriptions of the Crusading chiefs are those of an
-eyewitness. The eleventh book deals with the progress of the Crusaders in
-Asia—the capture of Nice, the foundation of the Principality of Antioch
-and of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the accession of Baldwin I, the quarrel
-of Alexios and Bohemond about Antioch and Laodicea, and Bohemond’s
-strangely contrived journey to Italy in a coffin with the odorous carcase
-of a dead cock. Books twelve and thirteen describe his second invasion
-of Albania, his siege of Durazzo, and his second pact of vassalage with
-Alexios, who gave him Antioch as a fief for life with the County of
-Edessa. The fourteenth book records his death, the siege of Tyre and the
-Turkish war, and gives an interesting account of the Bogomile heretics
-at Philippopolis. The last book is also partly occupied with their
-treatment by the Emperor, and ends with a somewhat mutilated description
-of the death of Alexios. Thus, as a later Greek epigram expressed it, the
-_Alexiad_ ended when Alexios died.
-
-As its name implies, the _Alexiad_ is a biography rather than a
-history, with the Emperor as the central figure, placed in what his
-admiring daughter regarded as the most favourable light, but what,
-according to modern ideas, is sometimes quite the reverse. The Imperial
-biographer was well aware that she would be accused of partiality, and
-is at considerable pains to repudiate in advance the charge of filial
-prejudice. She specially pleads her unbiased judgment in dealing with her
-father’s career, declares that she does not like to praise her relatives
-or to repeat scandal, adapts Aristotle’s famous saying about Plato by
-averring that, if her father is dear to her, truth is dearer, and sums
-up her aim as “love of her father and love of truth[954].” She admits
-that he had some defects, that he stammered[955] and found difficulty
-in pronouncing the letter R; and she candidly avows that he was merely
-an instrument in the hand of his mother, Anna Dalassene, an excellent
-woman of business, when he first ascended the throne[956]. But she is
-apt to forget her precept of impartiality when she comes to describe
-his achievements. With characteristic exaggeration she exclaims that,
-“not even if another Demosthenes and all the chorus of the orators, not
-even if all the Academy and all the Stoic philosophers combined together
-to extol the services of Alexios, could they attain unto them”; and in
-another passage she asks, “what echo of Demosthenes or whirling words
-of Polemon, why, not all the muses of Homer, could worthily hymn his
-successes; I should say that not Plato himself, nor all the Porch and
-Academy combined together could have philosophised in a manner such as
-befitted his soul[957].”
-
-She tells us that her father hated not only lying but the appearance of
-lying; yet, she naïvely applauds his sharp practice in sending letters
-to Bohemond’s officers, in which he thanked them for letters to himself
-which they had never written, in order to compromise them with their
-chief; she acknowledges without a blush how he deceived the Crusaders
-at the taking of Nice; and she describes with admiration how he invited
-the Bogomile heretic, Basil, to a private colloquy, telling him that
-he admired his virtue and urging him to make a full statement of his
-doctrine, while all the time a secretary, concealed behind a curtain,
-took down the statements which fell from the unsuspecting heresiarch’s
-mouth and which were used as evidence against him to send him to the
-stake. Such tactics only evoke from the complaisant daughter the
-laudatory comment, that her father’s theological skill in dealing with
-heretics like the Manichæans should earn him the title of “the thirteenth
-apostle[958].” Modern readers will agree with Finlay that “even Anna’s
-account makes the Bogomilian a noble enthusiast, and her father a mean
-traitor.”
-
-Yet Alexios was, in spite of these moral defects, a brave soldier, who,
-however, usually followed the plan of gaining a victory by craft, if
-craft were possible. His character was a combination, not uncommon in
-the Near East, of courage and intrigue; he was no coward, but he was a
-born schemer, rather than a statesman. Like many Byzantine rulers, he
-had a weakness for theology—a dangerous taste in an autocrat—and his
-daughter describes with admiration how he lectured the heretic Neilos on
-the doctrine of the Trinity, and how he ordered a monk named Zygavenos to
-compile a list and refutation of all the heresies, under the title of “A
-Dogmatic Panoply.” He had the politician’s love for an immediate success,
-rather than for a lasting benefit, although he was, as his daughter
-tells us, fond of playing chess, in which immediate success counts for
-less than a far-seeing plan. Thus, to obtain the temporary advantage
-of securing the aid of the Venetian fleet against the Normans, he gave
-the Venetians enormous commercial concessions throughout his Empire,
-which were one of the causes, 120 years later, of the Latin capture of
-Constantinople. The policy of Alexios Comnenos has had disciples in
-Southern and South-Eastern Europe in our own day; but the most successful
-Greek statesman of our time attained his wonderful triumphs by frankness
-and honesty of purpose, to which the Byzantine Emperor was a stranger.
-
-But Anna’s partiality is not limited to her father; it extends to other
-members of her family, except, of course, her brother, the Emperor John
-II, who was, in reality, an excellent sovereign. Although she despised
-her husband’s weakness in not seizing the throne, she praises in Homeric
-language his skill as an archer, and devotes a long passage to the
-learning and wisdom, the strength and physical beauty, which made “my
-Cæsar,” as she affectionately calls him, what Achilles was among the
-Homeric Greeks. Like Achilles, he was a fine soldier, but, like not a few
-soldiers of Byzantium, he was also a student and a writer, who composed
-his history at the command of that “most learned mind and intelligence”
-as he called his wife’s mother, the Empress Irene[959]. Of that lady her
-daughter writes with enthusiasm, comparing her with Athena, and praising
-her for her zealous study of the branch of science which was most
-appreciated at the Byzantine Court—dogmatic theology. The Empress, so her
-daughter tells us, did not like publicity; she preferred to stay at home
-and read religious books; and, when she was obliged to perform any Court
-function, she blushed like a girl[960].
-
-Of her _fiancé_, the young Constantine, the Princess writes with an
-enthusiasm which seems to come from the heart. She describes him as
-“a living statue,” and says that “if any one merely looked at him, he
-would speak of him as a descendant of the fabled age of gold”; and she
-confesses that after all these years the memory of this youth filled
-her eyes with tears. To the beauty of his mother, the Dowager-Empress
-Maria, by whom she was in part educated, she has dedicated a glowing
-passage, in which she likens her to a cypress in stature, with a skin
-white as snow—in short, a statue such as neither Phidias nor Apelles ever
-produced, “for such a harmony of all the members was never yet seen in
-any human body.” Thus, the Court circle of the reign of Alexios Comnenos,
-if we may believe his daughter, was a galaxy of that beauty which modern
-society journals assume to be the attribute of royal ladies.
-
-It must not, however, be imagined that Anna Comnena, because she wrote
-like a Princess and a daughter, is not a valuable historian. She
-possessed a first-hand knowledge of the events of a large part of her
-father’s reign; and, as she tells us, she drew her information about
-the events, of which she had not been an eyewitness, largely from
-her father’s fellow-comrades in war, men like George Palaiologos, the
-defender of Durazzo, as well as from her father himself. Writing in the
-reign of Manuel I, when no one was interested in flattering the long-dead
-Alexios, she could claim, like Tacitus, that the time had arrived to
-describe his distant reign “sine irâ et studio.” From her birth and
-position, she possessed what mere scribes in all ages lack, an intimate
-acquaintance with the men who are really making history. She knew courts,
-and, a princess of the blood royal herself, she made the frank admission
-that even her father, against whom there were constant plots, was no
-exception to the rule that subjects usually dislike their sovereigns[961].
-
-She had access to State papers, which to the ordinary literary man would
-have remained inaccessible for generations. Thus, she gives us the
-_ipsissima verba_ of the golden bull appointing the Empress-mother, Anna
-Dalassene, regent in the absence of her son, and the text of her father’s
-letter to the Emperor Henry IV, his “most Christian brother,” urging him
-to attack Guiscard in Southern Italy, offering him money, and suggesting
-a marriage between one of Henry’s daughters and his own nephew. These
-curious pieces are of interest as a specimen of the Byzantine Chancery’s
-epistolary style; and we note the care with which the Byzantine Emperor,
-who regarded himself as the sole heir of all the Cæsars, avoided giving
-the Imperial title to this Western “brother,” whom Anna describes by the
-Latinised form _rex_, while reserving for her father the more dignified
-title of _basileús_[962]. She gives, too, the full text of the lengthy
-agreement made between Alexios and Bohemond in 1108, which she probably
-had from her husband, who negotiated that treaty—a document of much
-value for the historical geography of the Holy Land during the Latin
-domination[963]. She has apparently used for her account of Guiscard a
-now lost Latin Chronicle, perhaps the work of the Archdeacon John of
-Bari, which was employed by William the Apulian as material for his Latin
-poem on that Norman chief, for she quotes the envoy of the Bishop of Bari
-as having described to her an incident in the campaign of Guiscard, at
-which he was present[964].
-
-She had access, also, to the simple and unvarnished memoirs of retired
-veterans, and was therefore well posted in military affairs. Her accurate
-use of technical military terms would do credit to a war-correspondent
-of the scientific school, while the glowing rhetoric of some of her
-descriptions would win the admiration of the modern descriptive writer,
-who, not being allowed to see anything of the operations, has to fall
-back upon the scenery. As examples of her military phraseology[965] may
-be cited the words ἐξώπολον for the circle outside the camp, κοπός (or
-σκοπός) used in soldiers’ slang to designate their “fatigue parties,”
-and ἀρχοντόπουλοι, a term originally applied to the corps of soldiers’
-sons first formed by her father, but extended in modern Greek to mean
-the children of any notables. She twice uses the technical term for a
-galley, and gives an elaborate description of the cross-bow, then an
-unknown weapon to the Greeks. More interesting still, she allows us to
-read, imbedded in her severely literary Greek, occasional specimens of
-the vulgar idiom used by the ordinary people in their conversation. Thus,
-she has preserved the popular lines about the successful conspiracy
-which placed her father on the throne; she cites a satiric verse about
-him during the Cuman war, and alludes to the comic song, sung in the
-vernacular, during the conveyance to execution of Michael Anemas, who
-had tried to kill him[966]. She so far forgets the dignity of historical
-narrative as to perpetrate two atrocious puns.
-
-We find in her pages, too, some of the modern geographical names which
-had already, in popular speech, replaced the classical denominations for
-various Balkan mountains, rivers and towns. Thus, like her husband, she
-uses the modern name “Vardar” for the famous Macedonian river, instead of
-the classical “Axios”; she calls the Homeric “Ossa” by its present title
-of “Kissavos”; she describes the poetic “Peneios” as the “Salamvrias,”
-and uses the contemporary term “Dyrrachion” (whence comes the modern
-Italian “Durazzo” and the modern Serbian “Dratch”), as well as the older
-form “Epidamnos.” She apologetically asks no one to blame her for using
-such a vulgar name as “Vojussa,” with which the war has made us so
-familiar, for the classic river “Aoos[967].”
-
-As a rule she adopts an exaggeratedly lofty style. Just as it was said
-of Dr Johnson, that he would have made “little fishes talk like whales,”
-so the learned Princess makes a man address a crew of boatmen in the
-language of Homer[968]. Her contemporary, the annalist Zonaras, says of
-her that “she employed an accurately Attic Greek style,” and that “she
-had applied herself to books and to learned men and did not merely hold
-incidental converse with them.” But she frequently descends to quite
-every-day words, with which students of such mediæval Greek works as
-the _Chronicle of the Morea_ and of the ordinary language of to-day are
-familiar. Thus, she describes an army, just as the Chronicler described
-it, as φοσσάτον; the French forms “liege” and “sergeants” are scarcely
-disguised under her Greek renderings λίζιος and σεργέντιοι. The classic
-word for “plains” (πεδία) becomes, in her prose, κάμπαι; the poetic
-τέμπη assume (as in Attaleiates) the guise of κλεισούραι, while κουλᾶ
-thrice displaces the classic ἀκρόπολις; φάμουσα, the vulgar word for
-“libels,” has crept into her pages; and πιγκέρνης has supplanted οἰνοχόος
-as the term for the court butler[969]. She remarks that those who led a
-nomadic life were called in “the common dialect, ‘Vlachoi’”; she quotes
-the popular Byzantine _mot_, that “the Scythians (_i.e._ Cumans) missed
-seeing May by a single day,” because they were defeated on April 29,
-and makes her father, when Bohemond at first rejected his presents,
-humorously apply to himself the current saying, “Let a bad thing return
-to its own master” (αὐθέντην)[970].
-
-One of the most interesting features of Anna Comnena’s history is
-the aspect which the First Crusade assumes in her pages. To Western
-historians the Crusades appeared as, on the whole, a great material
-benefit to Europe, quite apart from their religious and moral motives
-and results. But we learn from this Byzantine Princess, herself an
-eye-witness of the Crusaders’ arrival in her father’s capital, how this
-religious movement struck the Eastern Christians. The incursion of vast
-masses of more or less undisciplined soldiers into the Byzantine Empire
-naturally inspired alarm in the mind of its ruler, who feared—and the
-diversion of the Fourth Crusade from the redemption of the Holy Land
-to the capture of Constantinople three generations later justified his
-fears—that the pilgrims might be tempted to occupy his territories on
-the way. East and West rarely thoroughly understand one another; and the
-mutual reproaches of bad faith, which Greek historians have flung at the
-Crusaders and Latin historians at Alexios, were probably largely due,
-as is usually the case when two different nationalities quarrel, to a
-misunderstanding of one another’s mentality.
-
-Alexios could scarcely feel reassured, when he heard that one of the
-Crusading chiefs was that same Bohemond who had fought against him
-in Thessaly, and whose father had sought a shadowy pretext to invade
-his Empire and capture Durazzo, “the Metropolis of Illyricum[971].”
-Anna tells us what were the Emperor’s feelings when he first heard the
-news of the forthcoming Crusade and the approaching advent of vast
-Frankish armies. “He feared,” she wrote, “their attack, knowing their
-unrestrainable dash, their changeable and easily influenced minds,
-and all the other qualities, or concomitant attributes, of the French
-character.... For the French race is extremely hot-blooded and keen, and
-whenever it has once started on any course, impossible to check.” She
-accused the Crusaders of treating treaties like “scraps of paper” and
-of inordinate love of lucre; “for the Latin race,” she wrote, “is in
-other respects most devoted to money.” In her eyes these “barbarians,”
-as she called them in the contemptuous language of a highly cultivated
-Greek, were actuated by motives very different from the ostensible aim
-of freeing the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidels. “In appearance,” she
-remarked, “they were on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but in truth they
-wanted to oust the Emperor from his throne and seize the capital.” She
-noticed the sudden ups and downs of the French character, rapidly going
-from one extreme to the other, and pathetically described how one cause
-of her father’s rheumatism in his feet was the constant exertion to which
-they subjected that patient monarch, by worrying him with their requests
-all day and all night, so that he could not even find time to take his
-meals[972]!
-
-In these circumstances, it was perhaps hardly to be expected that he
-should be very enthusiastic about taking an active part in the Crusade,
-although he more than once ransomed captured Crusaders. Nor was his
-enthusiasm increased by such acts of spoliation as the erection into
-a Latin County and a Latin Principality respectively of Edessa, still
-governed at the time of the Latin conquest by a Greek governor, and of
-Antioch, which only fourteen years earlier had been nominally a part of
-the Greek Empire. Again, no sovereign, and not least the ceremonious
-Emperor of Byzantium, could have been expected to put up with such an
-affront as that described by Sir Walter Scott after Anna Comnena, when a
-boorish Crusading noble seated himself on the Emperor’s seat. Yet Alexios
-took this unwarranted act of rudeness with great tact and dignity,
-even though it had been accompanied by an insulting remark about “a
-yokel remaining alone seated while so many nobles were standing in his
-presence.” Indeed, he not only deigned to ask who this unmannerly churl
-might be, but gave him some excellent advice, derived from long personal
-experience, of the safest way to wage war against the Turks. The arrogant
-Frank paid with his life at the battle of Dorylæum for his neglect of the
-Emperor’s well-meant warning[973].
-
-The literary Princess was not, however, so far led away by her national
-prejudices as to see no good in the Crusaders. She said of a very good
-Greek horseman, that “one would have thought him to be not a Greek,
-but of Norman origin,” so well did he ride. Indeed, the incapacity of
-the French to fight on foot struck her so forcibly that she remarked:
-“A Frenchman on horseback is unrestrainable and would ride through the
-walls of Babylon, but once dismounted he is at the mercy of the first
-comer.” For that reason her father bade his archers kill the horses of
-the Western cavaliers, for then the riders would be helpless[974]. She
-specially eulogises the honesty of the Comte de St Gilles, Isangeles, as
-she calls him, who “differed in all things from all the Latins, as much
-as the sun differs from the stars[975].” While she expresses the horror
-felt by her fellow-countrymen at the Church militant as represented by
-the fighting Latin clergy, armed with shield and spear[976], in her
-character of Guiscard, who did so much harm to her father, she praises
-his courage and strategic ability, and her description of Bohemond’s
-personal appearance is so detailed and so flattering that it may have
-been prompted by a very feminine motive. “No such man, whether barbarian
-or Greek,” she wrote of him, “was ever seen in the land of the Greeks
-(for he was a marvel to behold and a wonder to be narrated)[977].” Of
-the warlike wife of Guiscard, Gaïta, she says with mixed admiration and
-alarm, that “she was a Pallas, but not an Athena,” skilled in battle but
-not in arts, and terrible when armed with her lance and piercing voice.
-
-Students of Balkan geography are no less indebted to Anna Comnena than
-are historians of the First Crusade. Her pages are full of the names of
-places, rendered household words to us by the events of the last seven
-years. On this subject she had access to a very high authority, her
-father, who possessed a minute knowledge of both coasts of the Adriatic
-with their harbours, a list of which he sent to his Admiral, and with
-the prevailing winds of that turbulent sea. Alexios was, in fact, an
-Adriatic specialist, as he would be described in the jargon of to-day. No
-writer on the historical geography of Durazzo could afford to neglect our
-author, who minutely describes the origin, topography, and contemporary
-condition of that famous town. She tells us that at that time most of
-the inhabitants were colonists from Amalfi and Venice; and she describes
-the walls of that now squalid little Albanian town as at that time so
-broad that more than four horsemen could safely ride abreast along them,
-while there stood a bronze equestrian statue over the eastern gate. She
-talks of the old Bulgarian capitals of “Pliskova” and “Great Pristhlava”
-(Pliska and Prêslav); she narrates the origin of Philippopolis, where she
-herself had lived for some time; and she makes one interesting allusion
-to the comparatively recent Norman Conquest of England in the passage, in
-which she says that Bohemond was aided in his second invasion of Albania
-by men from “Thule” (Britain)[978], which she also mentions as furnishing
-the Varangian guard. We know from a contemporary British historian how
-glad the English exiles were to fight in Greece against the Normans, and
-how Alexios built a town for them at Civetot, the modern Guemlek, on the
-Asiatic coast near Constantinople. We hear, too, how 300 of them defended
-Kastoria.
-
-She uses the correct word _jupan_ (or “count”) for the Serbian
-chieftains[979], but designates both King Michael (who was the first
-ruler of Dioklitia to bear the royal title and whose dominions included
-Scutari, Montenegro, the Herzegovina and the coast), and his son and
-co-regent, Bodin, as Exarchs of the Dalmatians[980]. She mentions also
-the contemporary “great” _jupan_ of the other and inland Serbian state
-of Rascia, the modern _sandjak_ of Novibazar, Vukan, describing him as
-“wielding the entire authority over the Dalmatians,” of whom she says
-that, “although they were Dalmatians, still they were Christians.” It is
-interesting to find in this passage that one of his nephews already bore
-the name of Urosh, so famous in the later Serbian dynasty of Nemanja,
-which etymologists derive from the Magyar word _úr_, meaning “lord.” The
-identification of the Serbians with “Dalmatians” would tend to prove the
-predominantly Serbian character of Southern Dalmatia in the eleventh
-and twelfth centuries. She was acquainted, too, with the pirates, who
-infested the mouth of the river Narenta, and whom she twice mentions
-under the name of “Vetones.”
-
-The name of the Albanians was known to Anna Comnena, as to her
-predecessors, Attaleiates and Skylitzes, the first Byzantine authors who
-applied it to that mysterious race. She notices the exclusive admiration
-felt by the Albanians, as by the modern British school-boy, for physical
-prowess, and remarks that in that country bodily strength and size were
-the principal requirements that made a man a suitable candidate for the
-purple and the diadem[981]. In the case, however, of that tall but inane
-guardsman, Prince William of Wied, gigantic size was not sufficient to
-ensure the loyalty of the Albanians. Anna Comnena is also the first
-writer who mentions the existence of the Wallachs[982] in Thessaly, soon
-to be called “Great Wallachia” by her successor Niketas, and “Wallachia”
-by Benjamin of Tudela, at a place called Ezeva near Mount Ossa. Notices
-of this kind are what make her history valuable to us rather than the
-classical reminiscences, which to her and her contemporaries were
-doubtless its chief merit. She complained of having to insert “barbarous
-names[983],” which “befouled” her historical style, in her polished
-narrative, just as some modern imitators of Cicero objected to employing
-words for recent inventions unknown to the Roman orator. She cited as an
-excuse the example of Homer, who disdained not to mention the Bœotians
-and certain barbarous islands for the sake of historical accuracy.
-Fortunately, the more plastic Greek language is usually quite equal to
-this difficulty, and even the uncouth names of French Crusaders and
-Serbian _jupani_ are admitted to the honours of the Greek declensions by
-this skilled writer, of whom a contemporary said that, if the ancients
-had known her, “they would have added a fourth Grace and a tenth Muse.”
-
-The time has come when it is no longer the fashion to decry Byzantine
-history and to deny the name of literature to the writings of the
-mediæval Greeks. Finlay rehabilitated the Byzantine Empire from the
-contempt which Gibbon had thrown upon it; in Greece a succession of
-modern writers, beginning with Paparregopoulos, in his great _History of
-the Hellenic Nation_, have reminded his countrymen that Greek history is
-a whole, and that contemporary Hellas owes as much, or more, to the great
-figures of the Middle Ages as to the heroes of classical antiquity; in
-France MM. Schlumberger and Diehl have combined, in truly French fashion,
-great erudition with great literary skill in dealing with the “Byzantine
-epic” of the tenth and eleventh centuries, and with the female figures
-that in various ages filled the Court of Constantinople. Of these Anna
-Comnena is perhaps the most curious. We are too much accustomed to regard
-Byzantine personages as merely so many stained-glass portraits, all
-decorations and angles, instead of men and women of like passions with
-ourselves. Anna Comnena was, in her loves and her dislikes, her vanities
-and her ambitions, very much a woman. Beneath her Attic prose, acquired
-by study and polished by art, there transpire the feminine feelings,
-which lend a peculiar turn to her history. Among the sovereigns, lawyers,
-statesmen, soldiers, and ecclesiastics who form the _corpus_ of the
-Byzantine historians, she is the only woman.
-
-
-AUTHORITIES
-
-1. _Nicephori Bryennii Commentarii._ Bonn: Weber, 1836.
-
-2. _Michaelis Attaliotæ Historia._ Bonn: Weber, 1853.
-
-3. _Annæ Comnenæ Porphyrogenitæ Alexias._ Two vols. Leipzig: Teubner,
-1884.
-
-4. _Princesses Byzantines._ Par Paul Adam. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1893.
-
-5. _Figures Byzantines._ Par Charles Diehl. Deuxième Série. Paris: Armand
-Colin, 1908.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES
-
-
-[1] XL. 5.
-
-[2] Plutarch, _Sulla_, 13.
-
-[3] Two Athenian inscriptions (Böckh, C.I.G., I. 409) allude to this
-restoration.
-
-[4] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 28.
-
-[5] _Epist._ II. 2, 45.
-
-[6] _Epistolæ ad Diversos_, IV. 5, 4.
-
-[7] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (ed. 4), II. 440,
-inclines however to the view that their enfranchisement was of earlier
-date.
-
-[8] Juvenal, I. 73, X. 170. Tacitus, _Annales_, II. 53-55, 85; III. 38,
-63, 69; IV. 13, 30, 43; V. 10.
-
-[9] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 403, 404, xi.
-
-[10] In 1888 an inscription, containing this proclamation, was found at
-the Bœotian Karditza. Karolides, note 31 to Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._
-II. 448.
-
-[11] Suetonius, _Nero_, 19, 22-24.
-
-[12] Tacitus, _Historiæ_, II. 8, 9.
-
-[13] Pausanias, X. 34.
-
-[14] _Ibid._ VII. 20.
-
-[15] Eusebius, _Hist. Eccl._ III. 4; IV. 23; _Liber Pontificalis_, I.
-125, 131, 155.
-
-[16] The passages of Zosimos (I. 29), who says Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν τοῦ τείχους
-ἐπεμελοῦντο μηδεμιᾶς, ἐξότε Σύλλας τοῦτο διέφθειρεν, ἀξιωθέντος
-φροντίδος, and of Zonaras (XII. 23) seem to support Finlay’s view that
-this was not a new wall. Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._, II. 490, agrees
-with it.
-
-[17] Hertzberg: _Die Geschichte Griechenlands unter der Herrschaft der
-Römer_, III. 79.
-
-[18] Ἄλλος μετά τινος σαφηνείας Θουκυδίδης, μάλιστά γε ἐν ταῖς Σκυθικαῖς
-ἱστορίαις.—Photios, Cod. 82.
-
-[19] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 186-89.
-
-[20] Zonaras, XII. 26.
-
-[21] Trebellius Pollio, _Gallien_, 13.
-
-[22] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 438-40.
-
-[23] A Greek inscription alluding to Jovian may still be read over the
-west door, but Mustoxidi (_Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 406-7) differs from
-Spon and Montfaucon in thinking that some other Jovian is meant.
-
-[24] _In Eutropium_, II. 212 _et seq._
-
-[25] Procopios, _De bello Vand._, I. ch. 22.
-
-[26] Hertzberg thinks it was the bronze statue of Athena Promachos which
-was carried off. But Gregorovius’ view (_Geschichte der Stadt Athen im
-Mittelalter_, I. 49), that given in the text, seems more probable.
-
-[27] Agathias, II. chs. 30, 31.
-
-[28] III. 217 (ed. Bonn).
-
-[29] Menander in _Hist. Gr. Min._ II. 98.
-
-[30] _Hist. Eccles._ VI. 10.
-
-[31] Leunclavius, _Jus Græco-Romanum_, I. 278.
-
-[32] The latest study of this Chronicle is by N. A. Bees in Βυζαντίς, I.
-57-105.
-
-[33] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, I. 36-72; Μνημεῖα, I. 41-46.
-
-[34] Schlumberger, _Sigillographie de l’Empire Byzantin_, 172.
-
-[35] III. 53.
-
-[36] Neroutsos, Χριστιανικαὶ Ἀθῆναι in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν.
-Ἑταιρίας, III. 30.
-
-[37] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 217-20.
-
-[38] _Ibid._ III. 220-24.
-
-[39] Kedrenos (ed. Bonn), II. 170.
-
-[40] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, 409.
-
-[41] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 243.
-
-[42] The two large tombs in the crypt at Hosios Loukas are according
-to tradition those of Romanos II and Theophano who is known to English
-readers as the eponymous heroine of Mr Frederic Harrison’s novel. Leo
-Diakonos (p. 49) calls her “the Laconian”; some say she was of low
-origin, others of a noble family of Constantinople. I noticed a great
-number of Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra, near Sparta.
-
-[43] Kedrenos, II. 475, 482, 516, 529; Zonaras (ed. Leipzig), IV. 123;
-_Early Travels in Palestine_, 32.
-
-[44] An absolutely historical fact, because the Princes of Achaia claimed
-to be suzerains of the two Dukes of Athens and Naxos.
-
-[45] G. de Vinsauf, _Itin. Ricc. I_, II. 24.
-
-[46] _Athenische Mitteilungen_, XXXIV. 234-36.
-
-[47] _Niketas Choniates_ (ed. Bonn), pp. 840-42.
-
-[48] Geoffroy de Villehardouin, _La Conquête de Constantinople_ (ed.
-Bouchet), I. 226-32.
-
-[49] Pitra, _Analecta sacra et classica_, VII. 90, 93.
-
-[50] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 101.
-
-[51] Μόνη ἔμβασις, Monemvasia.
-
-[52] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 102.
-
-[53] _The Chronicle of the Morea_, p. 296.
-
-[54] Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 108.
-
-[55] Βυζαντινὰ χρονικά, II. 427.
-
-[56] Μοῦλος is still Moreote Greek for “a bastard”; in the first part of
-the word we perhaps have the French _gars_.
-
-[57] _Cantacuzene_ (ed. Bonn), bk. IV. ch. 13.
-
-[58] Mazaris _apud_ Boissonade, _Anecdota Græca_, III. 164-78.
-
-[59] Finlay, IV. 267; Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 131-33; Rev. F. Vyvyan
-Jago in the _Archæologia_, XVIII. 83 _sqq._ I am indebted to the courtesy
-of the Rev. S. Gregory, the present rector of Landulph, for the following
-copy of the brass plate there:
-
-                Here lyeth the body of Theodoro Paleologus
-             of Pesaro in Italye, descended from ye Imperyall
-              lyne of ye last Christian Emperors of Greece,
-              being the Sonne of Camilio ye Sonne of Prosper
-                the Sonne of Theodoro the Sonne of John ye
-              Sonne of Thomas, second brother to Constantine
-               Paleologus the 8th of that name, and last of
-           yt lyne yt raygned in Constantinople until subdewed
-                   by the Turkes; who married with Mary
-                ye daughter of William Balls of Hadlye in
-           Souffolke gent, and had issue 5 children: Theodoro,
-             John, Ferdinando, Maria, and Dorothy & departed
-               this lyfe at Clyfton ye 21st January, 1636.
-
-[60] _Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters_, in Ersch und
-Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 212, 321, LXXXVI. 24.
-
-[61] _Voyaige d’Oultremer_, p. 89.
-
-[62] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, I. 138.
-
-[63] Finlay, I. 338, note.
-
-[64] Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 300 (4th ed.).
-
-[65] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, V. 155-61.
-
-[66] L. 8096.
-
-[67] P. 275.
-
-[68] L. 8469.
-
-[69] P. 160.
-
-[70] The form _Abarinos_ does not occur in the French, Italian, and
-Aragonese versions of the _Chronicle_, because the Franks always called
-the place _port de Junch_, or _Zonklon_, from the rushes which grew
-there—a name very frequent, in a more or less corrupt form, in the
-Venetian documents of the thirteenth century, _e.g._ in that locus
-classicus for Frankish names the list of depredations by pirates in
-Greece drawn up in 1278 (Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_,
-Abth. II. B. XIV. 237).
-
-[71] Pp. 61, 66, 68 (ed. Burckhardt).
-
-[72] _Geogr._ III. 16.
-
-[73] _Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea_, I. 188.
-
-[74] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 332.
-
-[75] Ed. Predelli, II. 231, 248.
-
-[76] Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rer. Austr._ pt. II. vol. XII. 464-88.
-
-[77] Albericus Trium Fontium, _Chronicon_, II. 439.
-
-[78] A. Dandolo, _Chronicon Venetum_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum
-Scriptores_, XII. 335; L. de Monacis, _Chronicon_, p. 143; Magno, _apud_
-Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 179.
-
-[79] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, III. 61.
-
-[80] _Innocentii III Epistolæ_, XI. 111-113, 238, 240, 252, 256.
-
-[81] Henri de Valenciennes (ed. Paulin Paris), ch. 35.
-
-[82] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 136.
-
-[83] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8071-8092.
-
-[84] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, p. 382.
-
-[85] Sathas in _Annuaire des études grecques_, vol. XIII. 122-133.
-
-[86] D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Voyage paléographique dans le département
-de l’Aube_, pp. 332-340.
-
-[87] Muntaner, ch. 240; Thomas, _Diplomatarium_, I. 111; Predelli,
-_Commemoriali_, I. 198.
-
-[88] _Hist. de’ suoi Tempi_, VIII. 50.
-
-[89] Raynaldi, _Annales ecclesiastici_, V. 22, 23.
-
-[90] Thomas, _Dipiomatarium_, I. 120-122.
-
-[91] Çurita, _Anales de la Corona de Aragon_, bk. X. ch. 30.
-
-[92] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8086-8092; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_,
-pp. 1, 274.
-
-[93] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 309, _n._ 2; a much more
-probable explanation, derived from the word _bort_ (“bastard”), than that
-of Ducange (note to Cinnamus, p. 392), who says that he was so called
-because our Black Prince had conferred on him the freedom of Bordeaux.
-
-[94] Rubió in _Anuari de l’Institut_ (1907), 253.
-
-[95] _La Grèce continentale_, 217; _Recherches historiques_, I. 409.
-
-[96] _Ibid._, I. 409-10.
-
-[97] St Genois, _Droits primitifs ... de Haynaut_, I. 337.
-
-[98] _Ibid._, I. 215.
-
-[99] _Mélanges historiques: choix de Documents_, III. 240
-
-[100] _Lettere di Collegio_ (ed. Giomo), p. 66.
-
-[101] Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 178.
-
-[102] _Idem, apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV.
-321, 360. Cf. _J. H. S._ XXVIII. 238.
-
-[103] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, II. 166.
-
-[104] Lampros, Ἔγγραφα (_Documents_), pp. 305, 324-27.
-
-[105] Lampros, Ὁ τελευταῖος κόμης τῶν Σαλώνων (_The Last Count of
-Salona_).
-
-[106] Gregorovius, _Briefe_, pp. 309, 310.
-
-[107] “Nicolai de Marthono Liber,” in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 657.
-
-[108] The earlier fourteenth-century traveller, Ludolf von Suchem, who
-mentions Athens, did not actually visit it.
-
-[109] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας (_Report of the
-Historical and Ethnological Society_), v. 827.
-
-[110] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 309.
-
-[111] Cornelio Magni, _Relazione_, pp. 14, 49.
-
-[112] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 276.
-
-[113] Michael Laskaris, the Athenian patriot of the fourteenth century,
-in K. Rhanghaves’ play, _The Duchess of Athens_, is unhappily a poetic
-anachronism.
-
-[114] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (_Memorials of Greek History_),
-III. 427.
-
-[115] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 55.
-
-[116] The anonymous traveller (?Domenico of Brescia) who describes Athens
-about 1466 speaks of the city as “ultimamente murata.” (_Mitteilungen des
-K. deutschen Arch. Instituts_, XXIV. 74.)
-
-[117] Tozzetti, _Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in ... Toscana_, V.
-439, 440. This letter, dated “Kyriaceo die, iv Kal. Ap.,” fixes the year
-of the second visit, because March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and we
-know from another letter, written before June 1444, that Cyriacus left
-Chalkis for Chios, where the letter about Athens was written, on “v Kal.
-Mart.” of that year.
-
-[118] _Jahrbuch der K. preussischen Kunstsammlungen_, IV. 81.
-
-[119] _Studi e documenti di Storia e di Diritto_, XV. 337.
-
-[120] Jorga in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, VIII. 78.
-
-[121] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα (_Memorials_), III. 141. The legend places
-the scene in a still more romantic spot than Megara—the monastery of
-Daphni, the mausoleum of the French dukes.
-
-[122] A contemporary note in MS., No. 103 of the Liturgical section of
-the National Library at Athens, fixes the date as “May 4, 1456, Friday”;
-but in that year June 4, not May 4, was on a Friday, which agrees with
-the date of June 1456 given by Phrantzes, the _Chronicon breve_, the
-_Historia Patriarchica_, and Gaddi.
-
-[123] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203.
-
-[124] De Rossi, _Inscriptiones Christianæ Urbis Romæ_, II. i. 374.
-
-[125] Spon, _Voyage_, II. 155, 172.
-
-[126] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 216-18.
-
-[127] The portraits of the six Florentine Dukes of Athens in Fanelli’s
-_Atene Attica_ are unfortunately imaginary. On the other hand, the
-figure of Joshua in one of the frescoes at Geraki in Lakonia seems to be
-intended to portray one of the Frankish barons of that Castle.
-
-[128] Ἱστορία τῆς Πόλεως Ἀθηνῶν κατὰ τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας (Ἐν Ἀθήναις, Κ.
-Μπὲκ’ 1904-6.)
-
-[129] Barcelona, _L’Avenç_, 1906. Cf. _Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis
-Catalans_ (1907-8, 1911, 1913-14). _Estudis Universitaris Catalans_,
-VIII. (1915).
-
-[130] Vols. XXVII. 3-93, 380-456, 555-634, 771-852; XXVIII. 154-212.
-
-[131] Lampros, _op. cit._, II. 729; Παρνασσός, VII. 23.
-
-[132] Cod. Palat. 226, f. 122; Lampros, _op. cit._, I. 421, note.
-
-[133] Pressutti, _Regesta Honorii III_, II. 304; _Les Registres d’Urbain
-IV_, III. 426; Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, II. 28;
-_Les Registres de Clément IV_, I. 214, 245.
-
-[134] Lampros, _op. cit._, III. 119.
-
-[135] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 42, 53.
-
-[136] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 50, 91.
-
-[137] “Geschichte Griechenlands,” in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine
-Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 18, 19; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 475;
-_Anuari_ (1911).
-
-[138] Lampros, _op. cit._, p. 344.
-
-[139] _Ibid._, pp. 234-6, 238.
-
-[140] _Ibid._, p. 344.
-
-[141] _Ibid._, pp. 279, 350.
-
-[142] _Ibid._, p. 335.
-
-[143] _Ibid._, p. 283.
-
-[144] _Ibid._, p. 315.
-
-[145] _Ibid._, pp. 240, 282, 330.
-
-[146] _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, II. 156, note 1.
-
-[147] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 476.
-
-[148] _Op. cit._, pp. 82-8.
-
-[149] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, V. 824-7.
-
-[150] _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 647-53, 656.
-
-[151] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 57, 63.
-
-[152] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 206, 208; Hopf, _Chroniques_, p.
-229; Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 257; Gregorovius, _Briefe aus
-der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli,”_ p. 308; Chalkokondyles, pp. 145, 213.
-
-[153] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVII. 430-1.
-
-[154] _Op. cit._, II. 747-52; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 43-56.
-
-[155] _Op. cit._, III. 407-9; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 216-24.
-
-[156] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203.
-
-[157] Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων, II. 153.
-
-[158] p. 385.
-
-[159] p. 520.
-
-[160] p. 124.
-
-[161] _Elogiographus_, 300-1.
-
-[162] Loysii Neroczi de Pictis nomine Neroczi eius patris pro venditione
-cuiusdam domus.
-
-[163] R. Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Aul. della Repubblica, Balie, no.
-29 c. 67.
-
-[164] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 292.
-
-[165] p. 38.
-
-[166] _Apud_ Pagnini, _Della Decima_, II. 251.
-
-[167] V. 28.
-
-[168] Sauger, _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs_, p. 65.
-
-[169] See _The Mad Duke of Naxos_.
-
-[170] See _The Last Venetian Islands in the Ægean_.
-
-[171] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine
-Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 166; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 482;
-_Veneto-Byzantinische Analekten_, p. 414.
-
-[172] _Les Ducs de l’Archipel_, p. 13, in the Venetian _Miscellanea_,
-vol. IV.
-
-[173] Sanuto, _Diarii_, VIII. 328, 337, 355, 366.
-
-[174] _Ibid._, XI. 393, 394, 705.
-
-[175] _Ibid._, II. 701.
-
-[176] _Ibid._
-
-[177] Hopf, _Gozzadini_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _op. cit._, LXXVI. 425;
-LXXXVI. 166.
-
-[178] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XII. 22, 175, 503.
-
-[179] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XI. 450, 525, 748; XII. 175; XX. 354, 356, 376.
-
-[180] _Ibid._, XVII. 35.
-
-[181] _Ibid._, XXIV. 380, 384, 387-8.
-
-[182] _Ibid._, XXIV. 467, 596, 645; XXV. 158, 185.
-
-[183] Stavrakes, Στατιστικὴ τοῦ πληθυσμοῦ τῆς Κρήτης, 183 _sqq._;
-Pashley, _Travels in Crete_, II. 326.
-
-[184] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 3. Cf. Gerland,
-_Histoire de la Noblesse crétoise au Moyen Age_.
-
-[185] Cf. Gerola, _La dominazione genovese in Creta_.
-
-[186] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, vol. 85, pp.
-221-2, 241-3, 312-4; Paparregopoulos, V. 52.
-
-[187] Cf. Gerola, _Per la Cronotassi dei vescovi cretesi all’ epoca
-veneta; Monumenti veneti nell’ isola di Creta_, II. 64, 67.
-
-[188] See Pashley, I. 11-17, on this point. He identifies the two places,
-like Gerola (_Mon. ven._ I. 17), who derives the name of Canea from
-λαχανιά (“vegetable garden”), the first syllable being mistaken for the
-feminine of the article.
-
-[189] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa_, IV. 611
-_et sqq._
-
-[190] Cornelius, _Creta Sacra_, II. 355.
-
-[191] Pashley, II. 150-156.
-
-[192] Zinkeisen, IV. 629-723.
-
-[193] Pashley, II. 285.
-
-[194] _The totall discourse_ (ed. 1906), pp. 70-83.
-
-[195] Zinkeisen, IV. 789, 808. Like the British Government in 1819, the
-Turks did not know what Parga was.
-
-[196] To this period belongs the fountain at Candia, described by Pashley
-(I. 203), and still standing. An inscription on it states that it was
-erected by Antonio Priuli in 1666, “when the war had been raging for four
-lustres.”
-
-[197] Zinkeisen, IV. 992.
-
-[198] Paparregopoulos, V. 552.
-
-[199] _Childe Harold_, IV. 14.
-
-[200] Von Hammer, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, VI. 573, VII.
-182; Tournefort, _Voyage du Levant_, I. 62.
-
-[201] Stavrakes, 138 _sqq._
-
-[202] Pashley, II. 150-156.
-
-[203] _Ibid._ I. 54.
-
-[204] Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, II., Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, 222-300;
-Κρητικὸν Θέατρον, which includes a comedy, a pastoral tragi-comedy, a
-tragedy and an imitation of Simeon’s _Zeno_.
-
-[205] Paparregopoulos, V. 636-38.
-
-[206] Stavrakes, 139-41.
-
-[207] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 399 and vi.
-
-[208] _Ibid._ p. 401.
-
-[209] Mustoxidi, p. 441. Aleman belonged to a family from Languedoc,
-which received the barony of Patras after the Frank conquest of the
-Morea, and whose name is still borne by the bridge near Thermopylæ, the
-scene of the heroic fight of 1821.
-
-[210] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 68. There is,
-however, a document of Philip II of Taranto in favour of the Greek
-clergy: Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 223.
-
-[211] Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας, Mustoxidi, pp. 443-50.
-
-[212] Mustoxidi, p. 452.
-
-[213] Mustoxidi, pp. 456-64, lx-lxxii.
-
-[214] Finlay, V. 62; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 315.
-
-[215] This mediæval name, “the black saint,” applied first to a fortress,
-then to a chapel on the site of the fortress, then (like Negroponte)
-to the whole island, is said by Saint-Sauveur (_Voyage Historique,
-Littéraire et Pittoresque_, II. 339) to have come in with the Tocchi,
-and to be derived from the black image of the Virgin in the cathedral at
-Toledo. It occurs, however, in a Neapolitan document of 1343, a Venetian
-document of 1355, and a Serbian golden bull of 1361 and is mentioned in
-the French version of the _Chronicle of the Morea_, probably written
-between 1333 and 1341. It has now been officially superseded by the
-classic Levkas.
-
-[216] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 168.
-
-[217] Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 253.
-
-[218] “Celsam Buthroti accedimus urbem,” III. 293.
-
-[219] Cicero _ad Atticum_, IV. 8 _a_; Marmora, p. 431.
-
-[220] Marmora, p. 387.
-
-[221] _Ibid._ p. 396; Saint-Sauveur, I. 345.
-
-[222] Marmora, p. 420.
-
-[223] Viscount Kirkwall, _Four Years in the Ionian Islands_, I. 28.
-
-[224] Marmora, p. 312.
-
-[225] Lounzes, Περὶ τῆς πολιτικῆς καταστάσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ Ἑνετῶν,
-pp. 188-90; Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186.
-
-[226] The words are quoted in the Ὁδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας (1902).
-
-[227] Mustoxidi, p. lxvi.
-
-[228] Marmora, pp. 394, 419, 445.
-
-[229] Lounzes, p. 101.
-
-[230] Saint-Sauveur, II. 15-21.
-
-[231] Marmora, p. 369.
-
-[232] Idromenos, p. 87.
-
-[233] Saint-Sauveur, II. 22-31.
-
-[234] Marmora, p. 430.
-
-[235] Lounzes, pp. 178-82; Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας;
-Pinkerton’s _Collection of Travels_, IX. 4; Marmora, pp. 255, 286, 370,
-430, 437. The last writer approvingly says about the Jews, _loro non
-conviene di stabile, che il sepolcro_.
-
-[236] Viaro Capodistria, _Remarks respectfully submitted to the
-Consideration of the British Parliament_, p. 64.
-
-[237] Marmora, p. 433; Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (4th
-ed.), V. 644.
-
-[238] _Ibid._ V. 530.
-
-[239] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 90, and the same
-author’s essay Περὶ τῆς ἐν ταῖς Ἰονίοις νήσοις ἐκπαιδεύσεως.
-
-[240] Paparregopoulos, V. 635; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 127;
-Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία, pp. 138, 165.
-
-[241] Quirini, _Primordia Corcyræ_, pp. 167, 168; Mustoxidi,
-_Illustrazioni Corciresi_, I. 10, 11.
-
-[242] Marmora, p. 425.
-
-[243] Finlay, V. 284-5; Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp.
-91-3; Paparregopoulos, V. 645-7.
-
-[244] Saint-Sauveur, III. 112, 140, 199, 260, 268, 277.
-
-[245] Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 125.
-
-[246] Marmora, p. 389.
-
-[247] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186. Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. p. xxxvii;
-Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, I. 157-93.
-
-[248] Quoted by Lounzes, p. 63 _n._
-
-[249] Saint-Sauveur, III. 8, 91. When, in the sixteenth century, the
-Cephalonians claimed precedence over Zante, they quoted to the Venetians,
-in support of their claim, the fact that in the Homeric catalogue the
-people of Zakynthos are only cited as the subjects of Odysseus (Sathas,
-Μνημεῖα, IV. p. iv).
-
-[250] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186; Saint-Sauveur, III. 201.
-
-[251] Andreades, Περὶ τῆς οἰκονομικῆς διοικήσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ
-Βενετοκρατίας (1914).
-
-[252] Lounzes, pp. 83-5; Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 160, 186; Grivas,
-Ἱστορία τῆς νήσου Ἰθάκης.
-
-[253] Lounzes, p. 77; Saint-Sauveur, II. 351.
-
-[254] Saint-Sauveur, II. 239-48.
-
-[255] Mrs Dawes, _Saint Spiridion_, translated from L. S. Brokines’s work
-Περὶ τῶν ἐτησίως τελουμένων ἐν Κερκύρᾳ λιτανειῶν τοῦ Ἁγίου Σπυρίδωνος.
-See also Marmora, pp. 261-7.
-
-[256] _Ibid._ p. 333.
-
-[257] Marmora, pp. 301-12; M. Mustoxidi, Ἱστορικὰ καὶ Φιλολογικὰ
-Ἀνάλεκτα, 24-44, 83-97; Paparregopoulos, V. 667; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη
-Ἑλλάς, 112-18.
-
-[258] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp. 24, 80, 94; Marmora,
-p. 414; _Anagrafi dell’ Isola di Corfù_, 1761; Daru, _Histoire de
-Venise_, V. 213; Saint-Sauveur, II. 154.
-
-[259] One plan is in Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 126,
-the other in Marmora, pp. 364-5.
-
-[260] Marmora, p. 345.
-
-[261] Finlay, V. 85-6; Marmora, pp. 348-50.
-
-[262] Marmora, p. 370.
-
-[263] Pinkerton’s _Collection of Travels_, IX. 4.
-
-[264] Marmora, pp. 389-91; Mrs Dawes, _Saint Spiridion_.
-
-[265] Paparregopoulos, V. 672. A Latin inscription of 1684 at Santa Maura
-bears Morosini’s name.
-
-[266] Viscount Kirkwall, _Four Years in the Ionian Islands_, I. 29-30.
-
-[267] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa_, V. 501-2.
-
-[268] Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 132.
-
-[269] A recent Greek writer in the Ὀδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας states,
-I know not on what authority, that, as a reward for their bravery,
-Schulenburg called Mt Abraham at Corfù after the patriarch. The name
-occurs in Marmora long before Schulenburg’s time.
-
-[270] Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_, I. 464.
-
-[271] _Leben und Denkwürdigkeiten Johann Mathias Reichsgrafen von der
-Schulenburg_, II; Zinkeisen, _op. cit._ V. 520-31; Daru, _Histoire de
-Venise_, V. 145-53; Greek chronicle of Epeiros printed by Pouqueville,
-_Voyage de la Grèce_, V. 294-9; Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία, pp. 81-6.
-
-[272] Two plans, one of the siege, one of the works executed by
-Schulenburg, are in the British Museum, and are reproduced by Jervis, pp.
-139, 145.
-
-[273] Daru, V. 159, 171.
-
-[274] Saint-Sauveur, II. 99, III. 251-3; Andreades, I. 278.
-
-[275] Saint-Sauveur, II. 148. I copied down the dates 1759 and 1778 from
-two of the ruins there.
-
-[276] Paparregopoulos, V. 686; Daru, V. 198-9; Jervis, p. 153.
-
-[277] Paparregopoulos, V. 701; Saint-Sauveur, II. 288.
-
-[278] Saint-Sauveur, II. 150-3; Hazlitt, _The Venetian Republic_, II.
-311; Romanin, _Storia documentata di Venezia_, VIII. 289-99; Legrand,
-_Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, III. 332-6.
-
-[279] Saint-Sauveur, II. 199-206.
-
-[280] Romanin, IX. 134-8.
-
-[281] Daru, V. 221; Saint-Sauveur, III. 38-49.
-
-[282] Daru, V. 30.
-
-[283] Saint-Sauveur (an eye-witness), II. 63 _et sqq._
-
-[284] Romanin, X. 240-5; Rodocanachi, _Bonaparte et les Îles Ioniennes_,
-pp. 24, 26.
-
-[285] Πολιορκία καὶ ἄλωσις τῆς Μονεμβασίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῷ 1821.
-Ἀθήνησι, 1874.
-
-[286] p. 398.
-
-[287] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, II. 287;
-Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 397.
-
-[288] Lampros, Μιχαὴλ Ἀκομινάτου, II. 137; Niketas, 97, 581-92.
-
-[289] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 2065.
-
-[290] _Ibid._ ll. 2630, 2644.
-
-[291] _Ibid._ ll. 2765-9.
-
-[292] _Ibid._ ll. 2891-6; Romanos, Γρατιανὸς Ζώρζης, 136. The French
-version of the _Chronicle_ omits the Naxian and Cephalonian contingents.
-
-[293] _Epistolæ_, vol. II. p. 622; _Les Registres d’Innocent IV_, vol.
-III. 306, 397.
-
-[294] _La Grèce Continentale_, p. 412; Sir T. Wyse, _Excursion into the
-Peloponnesus_, I. 6. Cf. Tozer in _J.H.S._ IV. 233-6.
-
-[295] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 1306; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, p. 27.
-
-[296] _Les Registres d’Urbain IV_, II. 100, 341; Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως,
-ll. 4534, 4547, 4580, 4584, 4643, 5026, 5569, 5576.
-
-[297] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 164, 192-3, 204, 215,
-220, 226, 248.
-
-[298] _Antique Memorie di Cerigo_, _apud_ Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς
-Ἱστορίας, VI. 301.
-
-[299] Sanudo, _Istoria del Regno_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques
-gréco-romanes_, 127; _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 181;
-Sansovino, _Cronologia del Mondo_, fol. 185; Hopf _apud_ Ersch und
-Gruber, LXXXV. 310.
-
-[300] Miklosich und Müller, _op. cit._ V. 155-61; Phrantzes, 399, 400;
-Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν, 400.
-
-[301] _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 363; _Libro de los Fechos_, 107;
-Muntaner, _Cronaca_, ch. 117; Bartholomæus de Neocastro and Nicolaus
-Specialis _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ XIII. 1185; X. 959.
-
-[302] Chs. 199, 201.
-
-[303] Thomas, _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, I. 127.
-
-[304] Miklosich und Müller, _l.c._
-
-[305] Phrantzes, 57; Manuel Palaiologos, _Theodori Despoti Laudatio
-Funebris_, _apud_ Migne, _Patrologia Græca_, CLVI. 228-9; Chalkokondyles,
-80.
-
-[306] Hopf, _op. cit._ LXXXVI. 79: see Appendix.
-
-[307] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 269; II. 181.
-
-[308] Montfaucon, _Palæographia Græca_, 81, 89; Ἑλληνομνήμων, 336-46.
-
-[309] Miklosich und Müller, V. 171-4; Παρνασσός, VII. 472-6.
-
-[310] _Ibid._ III. 258.
-
-[311] P. 447.
-
-[312] Chalkokondyles, 476, 485; Phrantzes, 396-7; Spandugino (ed. 1551),
-44-5.
-
-[313] Magno, _Annali Veneti_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_,
-203-4; _Pii II. Commentari_, 103-4.
-
-[314] Phrantzes, 415; Magno, 204; Sathas, VI. 95; Chalkokondyles, 556.
-Regina, fol. 52, 56 (for a copy of which I am indebted to Mr Horatio F.
-Brown: see Appendix). The actual date is uncertain; Phrantzes and Magno
-give 1464, and the Venetian document above quoted points to that year;
-but Malatesta’s secretary in his account of the war (Sathas, _l.c._) puts
-it in 1463, before the siege of Corinth.
-
-[315] Sanudo, _Diarii_, I. 703.
-
-[316] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, V. 228-30, 238-9, 241; Miklosich und
-Müller, _op. cit._ III. 293-309.
-
-[317] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, IV. 230; Sanudo, _Diarii_,
-XXIX. 482.
-
-[318] Feyerabend, _Reyssbuch des Heyligen Lands_, fol. 182; Faber,
-_Evagatorium_, III. 314. The name was so long preserved that a wine-shop
-in Venetian dialect was called “Malvasia.”
-
-[319] Sanudo, _Diarii_, VII. 714; XXIII. 536; XXIV. 669; XXV. 64; XXIX.
-402; XXXI. 227; XXXV. 363; XLIV. 475; LV. 296; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, III. 56.
-
-[320] Sanudo, _Diarii_, XI. 349; XXXIII. 366; Sathas, IV. 224, 227, 229,
-234; Lamansky, _Les Secrets de l’État de Venise_, p. 659; Feyerabend,
-_op. cit._ fol. 112.
-
-[321] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, VI. 236, 238.
-
-[322] Paruta, _Historia Venetiana_, I. 451-3.
-
-[323] Lami, _Deliciæ Eruditorum_, XV. 203; Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII.
-310-3, 320-1, 335, 344, 377-8, 441-3.
-
-[324] _Ibid._ 342, 413, 450, 454.
-
-[325] Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII. 396; Meliarakes, Οἰκογένεια Μαμωνᾶ.
-
-[326] Litta, _Le famiglie celebri italiane_, vol. v. Plate XIV.
-
-[327] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_ (ed. Baluze), II. 477.
-
-[328] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 201, 213, 218, 222;
-_Recueil des Historiens des Croisades_. _Documents Arméniens_, II. 508.
-
-[329] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 1559, 3187; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_,
-102; _Libro de los Fechos_, 25, 26; _Cronaca di Morea_, _apud_ Hopf,
-_Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 424; Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον
-Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 461; Sanudo, _Istoria del Regno di Romania_, _apud_
-Hopf, _op. cit._ 100.
-
-[330] Canciani, _Barbarorum Leges Antiquæ_, III. 507; Muntaner,
-_Cronaca_, ch. 261.
-
-[331] _Archivio storico italiano_, Ser. IV. I. 433.
-
-[332] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, 482.
-
-[333] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_, II. 265.
-
-[334] Rubió y Lluch, _op. cit._ 481.
-
-[335] Cairels _apud_ Buchon, _Histoire des Conquêtes_, 449; Henri de
-Valenciennes _apud_ Buchon, _Recherches et Matériaux_, II. 203, 205-6.
-
-[336] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_, II. 261-2, 264, 477, 835-7; _Honorii III
-Opera_, IV., 414.
-
-[337] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1747), I. 492.
-
-[338] _Regesta Honorii III_, II. 96, 167, 207, 333.
-
-[339] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 478; and _apud_ Ersch und Gruber,
-_Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 276.
-
-[340] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 3196-3201, 3295-6, 4613; _Le Livre
-de la Conqueste_, 119, 160; _Cronaca di Morea_, 438-9; _Libro de los
-Fechos_, 56, 75.
-
-[341] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 201, 213, 218, 222.
-
-[342] Litta, _l.c._
-
-[343] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 7915; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 260.
-
-[344] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV.
-321. The original document has now been rendered illegible by the damp.
-
-[345] _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 465; _Libro de los Fechos_, 114.
-
-[346] _Ibid._ 120; Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 177; Sanudo, _op.
-cit._ 125.
-
-[347] D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Voyage paléographique dans le Département
-de l’Aube_, 337.
-
-[348] Sanudo, _l.c._
-
-[349] _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 87, 89.
-
-[350] Raynaldi _op. cit._ V. 95; Thomas, _Diplomatarium
-Veneto-Levantinum_, I. 120-1.
-
-[351] _Archivio Veneto_, _l.c._; Misti, XVI. f. 97tᵒ. (See Appendix.)
-
-[352] Rubió y Lluch, _l.c._; Çurita, _Anales de la Corona de Aragon_, II.
-f. 537.
-
-[353] Misti, XVII. f. 71; XVIII. f. 10; XX. ff. 37tᵒ, 40; XXIII. ff.
-26, 30tᵒ, 46tᵒ; XXIV. 53tᵒ, 63, 102tᵒ, 103 (see Appendix); Predelli,
-_Commemoriali_, II. p. 153.
-
-[354] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium_, III. 160;
-Predelli, _Commemoriali_, II. 181; Misti, XXVII. f. 3; XXVIII. f. 28.
-
-[355] Orbini, _Regno degli Slavi_, 271.
-
-[356] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VII. 224; Jauna, _Histoire générale des
-royaumes de Chypre, etc._, II. 882.
-
-[357] Rubió y Lluch, _op. cit._ 436, 482; Çurita, _l.c._; Misti, XXXIV.
-f. 88tᵒ.
-
-[358] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 230.
-
-[359] Misti, XLI. f. 58.
-
-[360] Thomas and Predelli, _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 292;
-_Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 295, 302.
-
-[361] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, II. 210.
-
-[362] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. p. 310 (given in full by Lampros,
-Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, 399).
-
-[363] Sathas, _op. cit._ II. 145.
-
-[364] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 119; Sathas, _op. cit._ III. 431;
-_Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum_, IX. 90-91; Misti, XLVIII. ff.
-143, 148.
-
-[365] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 513; Thomas and Predelli, _op. cit._
-203.
-
-[366] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 119; Sathas, _op. cit._ 430-1.
-
-[367] Sathas, _op. cit._ II. 270-1.
-
-[368] Sanudo and Navagero, _apud_ Muratori, _S.R.I._ XXII. 890, XXIII.
-1080; Cronaca di Amadeo Valier (Cod. Cicogna, N. 297), II. f. 259; _Revue
-de l’Orient latin_, IV. 546.
-
-[369] Sanudo and Navagero, _ibid._, XXII. 911, XXIII. 1081; _Revue de
-l’Orient latin_, V. 196.
-
-[370] Sathas, _op. cit._ III. 429-30; Hopf, _Dissertazione documentata
-sulla storia di Karystos_ (tr. Sardagna, 91-5).
-
-[371] _La Grèce continentale et la Morée_, 286.
-
-[372] _Sigillographie_, 177.
-
-[373] Γεωγραφία τοῦ νομοῦ Κεφαλληνίας, pp. 153, 190.
-
-[374] Pertz, _Monumenta Germaniæ historica_, XVIII. 46.
-
-[375] _Gesta Regis Ricardi_, Rolls Series, II. 197-200, 203-5.
-
-[376] _Libro de los fechos_ (Aragonese version of “The Chronicle of the
-Morea”), pp. 53-4.
-
-[377] A. Dandolo _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ XII. 336; _Misti_,
-VI. fol. 17, quoted in _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 93.
-
-[378] Albericus Trium Fontium, II. 558.
-
-[379] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, V. 44.
-
-[380] Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. p.
-215.
-
-[381] Riccio, _Saggio di Codice Diplomatico, Supplemento_, pt I., p. 87;
-Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XI. 415.
-
-[382] Miklosich und Müller, _op. cit._ II. 139.
-
-[383] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 48.
-
-[384] _Dell’ Origine dei Principi Turchi_ (ed. 1551), pp. 12, 26, 27, 62.
-
-[385] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, I. i. 319; II. i. 351, 352; Magno
-_apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 196.
-
-[386] p. 57 (ed. Sinner).
-
-[387] Jorga, “Notes et Extraits pour servir à l’Histoire des Croisades,”
-in _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 84.
-
-[388] _Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum_, p. v.
-
-[389] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 160; Meliarakes, _op. cit._
-150.
-
-[390] Lunzi, _Della condizione politica delle Isole Ionie_, p. 190.
-
-[391] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, VI. 215-6; cf. Lunzi, _op.
-cit._ p. 197.
-
-[392] Sathas, _op. cit._ V. 157; Meliarakes, _op. cit._ 191; Sanudo,
-_Diarii_, V. 883, 1009.
-
-[393] Karavias, Ἱστορία τῆς νήσου Ἰθάκης ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαιοτάτων χρόνων μεχρὶ
-τοῦ 1849.
-
-[394] Sathas, _op. cit._ VI. 285.
-
-[395] De la Ville, _Napoli Nobilissima_ (1900), xii. 180-1.
-
-[396] _Geschichte Griechenlands_ in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine
-Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 170, 173, 177, and 179; _Geschichte der Insel
-Andros_, p. 128.
-
-[397] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, III. 26, 39, 190.
-
-[398] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 14; II. 145, 163, 168, 178;
-III. 181. Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 278, 354.
-
-[399] Library of St Mark, Venice, MS. Ital. Cl. VI. 286, vol. II. ff. 94,
-95.
-
-[400] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, VI. 236, 238.
-
-[401] Lamansky, _Secrets de l’État de Venise_, p. 58.
-
-[402] Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII. 451.
-
-[403] _Ibid._ IV. 245.
-
-[404] _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs de l’Archipel_, p. 296.
-
-[405] Lamansky, _op. cit._ pp. 641-2, 651 _et sqq._; Sathas, _op. cit._
-IV. 310-40.
-
-[406] _M. C. Scrutinio alle voci_, vols. VII. and VIII.
-
-[407] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, pp. 373-6.
-
-[408] _L’Isole le più famose del Mondo_, p. 77.
-
-[409] P. 206.
-
-[410] _Relatione della Rep. Venetiana_, pp. 18-9.
-
-[411] _Voyage de Levant_, pp. 348-9.
-
-[412] _Viaggio di Levante_ (Ital. tr.), p. 3.
-
-[413] _Relation d’un Voyage_, p. 196.
-
-[414] _L’Archipelago_, p. 42.
-
-[415] Vol. I. p. 687.
-
-[416] _Voyage_, I. 145-7.
-
-[417] _Journey into Greece_, pp. 62-5.
-
-[418] _Viaggio all’ Arcipelago_, p. 68.
-
-[419] _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_, pp. 14-20.
-
-[420] _L’Egeo Redivivo_, pp. 331-2.
-
-[421] _Naukeurige Beschryving_ (French tr.), pp. 267, 354.
-
-[422] _Voyage du Levant_, I. 108.
-
-[423] Vols. XV. to XVIII.
-
-[424] Delle _Notizie Storiche della Lega_, p. 41.
-
-[425] Greek mediæval scholars, owing to the disturbed political
-conditions, have scarcely had time since Salonika became Greek to
-continue the historical studies of Tafel, Papageorgiou, and Tafrali—for
-even the last composed his two valuable treatises on the topography
-of Salonika and its history in the fourteenth century early in 1912,
-therefore before the reconversion of the mosques into churches and while
-the city was still Turkish. But the well-known mediævalist. Professor
-Adamantiou, has already written a handbook on Byzantine Thessalonika, Ἡ
-Βυζαντινὴ Θεσσαλονίκη (Athens, 1914); M. Risal has popularised the story
-of this “Coveted City,” _La Ville convoitée_ (3rd ed., Paris, 1917); K.
-Zesiou, the epigraphist, has examined the Christian monuments; the late
-Professor Lampros published “eight letters” of its Metropolitan Isidore,
-who flourished towards the end of the fourteenth century; and K. Kugeas
-has edited the note-book of an official of the archbishopric who was at
-Salonika between 1419 and 1425, a few years before its conquest by the
-Turks. See Πρακτικὰ τῆς ... Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ 1913, pp. 119-57;
-Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, IX. 343-414; _Byz. Zeitschr._ XXIII. 144-63.
-
-[426] Migne, _Patr. Gr._, CXVI. 1116, 1169, 1173, 1185 (where “Maximian
-Herculius” of the text is corrected to Galerius, the younger Maximian).
-
-[427] Akropolites (ed. Teubner), I. 82.
-
-[428] Adamantiou, 49.
-
-[429] _A History of the Eastern Empire_, pp. 381-401, 485-8.
-
-[430] ii. 451.
-
-[431] _Ibid._, pp. 529, 531-2.
-
-[432] Migne, _Patr. Gr._, CX. 26.
-
-[433] Kameniates, pp. 491, 519; Theodore Studita, in Migne, _Patr. Gr._,
-XCIX. 917.
-
-[434] An inscription found in 1874 confirms Kameniates: _Byz. Zeitschr._
-X. 151-4.
-
-[435] Schlumberger, _Sigillographie_, pp. 102-6.
-
-[436] Ellissen, _Analekten_, IV. 46-53.
-
-[437] Tafel, _De Thessalonica_, p. 474.
-
-[438] Eustathios (ed. Bonn), p. 449.
-
-[439] Eustathios, p. 452.
-
-[440] Niketas, pp. 384-401, 471.
-
-[441] Salonika was still Lombard in May 1223: Pitra, _Analecta sacra et
-classica_, VII. 335-8, 577.
-
-[442] _Mission au Mont Athos_, p. 64; Wroth, _Catalogue of the Coins
-of the Vandals_, pp. 193-203; Schlumberger, _Mélanges d’Archéologie
-byzantine_, I. 57.
-
-[443] Migne, _Patr. Gr._ CIX. 644.
-
-[444] II. 234, 393, 568-82; Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 673-5, 740, 795;
-Kydones, in Migne, _Patr. Gr._ CIX. 649; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. pp.
-viii-xxxvi.
-
-[445] Müller, _Byz. Analekten_ in _Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie_,
-IX. 394; Chalkokondyles, pp. 47, 174; Phrantzes, p. 47; Doukas, pp. 50,
-199; _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 291; Βυζαντίς, I. 234.
-
-[446] Doukas, p. 197; Phrantzes, pp. 64, 122; Chalkokondyles, p. 205;
-Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 133-50.
-
-[447] Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, I. 257.
-
-[448] Perhaps the name is a reminiscence of the bishop of Samaria, to
-whom Mount Athos belonged from 1206 to 1210: Innocent III, Epp. IX. 192.
-
-[449] p. 235; Anagnostes; Phrantzes, pp. 90, 155; Doukas, pp. 199-201;
-_Byz. Zeitschr._ XXIII. 148, 152; Ν. Ἑλλ., V. 369-91.
-
-[450] Nikephoros Gregoras, I. 29; Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et
-Diplomata_, I. 125.
-
-[451] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, XVII. 227-9; XXVIII.
-791-809; Dandolo, _Chronicon_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XII. 370.
-
-[452] _Ibid._ 371; M. da Canal, _La Cronique des Veneciens_, in _Archivio
-Storico Italiano_, VIII. 488; _Annales Januenses_, _apud_ Pertz, _M.G.H.
-Script._ XVIII. 245.
-
-[453] _Atti_, XXVIII. 500-4.
-
-[454] Ogerii Panis, _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz, _ibid._ 119; _Atti_, XXVIII.
-805.
-
-[455] _Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Documents Arméniens_, II.
-747; Lanfranci Pignolli, etc. _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz, _ibid._ 249.
-
-[456] Pachymeres, I. 420; II. 558; Nikephoros Gregoras, I. 526; Sanudo,
-_Istoria del Regno di Romania_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_,
-146; _Atti_, XXXI. ii. 37 n²; M. Giustiniani, _La Scio Sacra del rito
-Latino_, 7.
-
-[457] Doukas, 161-2; Friar Jordanus, _Mirabilia descripta_ (tr. H. Yule),
-57.
-
-[458] Genoese document of April 25, 1288, in Pandette Richeriane,
-fogliazzo II. fasc. 25, cp. Appendix.
-
-[459] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _op. cit._ 133; _Documents Arméniens_, II.
-789; Carini, _Ricordi del Vespro_, II. 4; Ptolomæi Lucensis _Historia
-Ecclesiastica_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XI. 1186.
-
-[460] J. Aurie _Annales Januenses_, _apud_ Pertz, _op. cit._ XVIII.
-307-8, 312, 315-8, 322-4, 336-7, 340, 344; _Documents Arméniens_, I.
-745-54; II. 795-6, 801-2, 827; _Liber Jurium Reipublicæ Genuensis_, II.
-275; _Notices et extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, XI.
-41-52.
-
-[461] Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 129.
-
-[462] J. a Varagine _Chronicon Genuense_; F. Pipini _Chronicon_; and R.
-Caresini _Continuatio_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ IX. 56, 743; XII. 406.
-
-[463] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _op. cit._ 146.
-
-[464] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1749), IV. 319; _Les
-Registres de Boniface VIII_, III. 290-3.
-
-[465] Pachymeres, II. 436, 510, 558; Muntaner, _Cronaca_, ch. 117; _Le
-Livre de la Conqueste_, 362; _Libro de los Fechos_, 107; B. de Neocastro
-_Historia Sicula_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XIII. 1186.
-
-[466] Cantacuzene, I. 370; N. Gregoras, I. 438.
-
-[467] Muntaner, _op. cit._ ch. 234; J. Aurie _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz,
-_M.G.H._ XVIII. 315; _Atti_, XXXI. ii. p. xxxvii. n¹.
-
-[468] _Atti_, I. 73-5; XI. 322; _Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia,
-Storia e Belle Arti_, V. 361-2; B. Senaregae _De Rebus Genuensibus
-Commentaria_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XXIV. 559.
-
-[469] Muntaner, _l.c._; Pachymeres, II. 638; Giomo, _Lettere di
-Collegio_, p. 96.
-
-[470] Cantacuzene, I. 371.
-
-[471] G. Adae _De modo Sarracenos extirpandi_, in _Documents Arméniens_,
-II. 531-3, 537, 542, who makes them “sons of Paleologo”; _Jean XXII,
-Lettres Communes_, V. 302.
-
-[472] _Secreta Fidelium Crucis_ and _Epistolæ_, _apud_ Bongars, _Gesta
-Dei per Francos_, II. 30, 298.
-
-[473] Brocardus, _Directorium ad passagium faciendum_, in _Documents
-Arméniens_, II. 457-8, makes Martino “nephew of the late Benedetto.”
-
-[474] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 413-5;
-_Supplément_, 16; Pls. XIV, XXI; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα τῶν ἀδελφῶν
-Μαρτίνου καὶ Βενεδίκτου Β’ Ζαχαρίων, δυναστῶν τῆς Χίου, 1314-1329, pp.
-9-13; _ibid._ Μεσαιωνικὰ νομίσματα τῶν δυναστῶν τῆς Χίου, 6-11, Pl. I;
-Promis, _La Zecca di Scio_, 34-6, Pl. I.
-
-[475] _Libro de los Fechos_, 137.
-
-[476] Minieri Riccio, _Saggio di Codice diplomatico_. _Supplemento_, II.
-75-7, where the year “MCCCXV” will not tally with “Indictionis octavæ” (=
-1325). Gittio (_Lo Scettro del Despota_, 18) gives both correctly.
-
-[477] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_, V. 95; _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 87,
-89.
-
-[478] Schlumberger, _op. cit._ 326, 415-6, Pls. XII-XIII; Promis, _La
-Zecca di Scio_, 36-7, Pl. I; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα, 13-15; Μεσαιωνικὰ
-νομίσματα, 12-14, Pl. I; Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα καὶ μολυβδόβουλλα τῶν κατὰ
-τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας δυναστῶν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, 31-2.
-
-[479] Cantacuzene, I. 370-91; N. Gregoras, I. 438-9; Phrantzes, 38;
-Chalkokondyles, 521-2; Friar Jordanus, _op cit._ 57; Ludolphi _De Itinere
-Terræ Sanctæ_, 23-4; _Continuazione della Cronaca di Jacopo da Varagine_,
-in _Atti_, X. 510; Brocardus, _l.c._; _Archives de l’Orient latin_, I.
-274.
-
-[480] _Benoît XII, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales_, I. 182-3;
-Ludolphi _l.c._
-
-[481] _Clément VI, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales_, I. 150, 171,
-182, 431-3.
-
-[482] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VI. 342-3.
-
-[483] Cantacuzene, II. 582-3; Caresini _op. cit._; Cortusii Patavini
-duo; G. Villani, _Historie Fiorentine_, and Stellae _Annales Genuenses_,
-_apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XII. 417, 914; XIII. 918; XVII. 1081; Folieta,
-_Clarorum Ligurum Elogia_, 90.
-
-[484] Doukas, 162-3; Cantacuzene, I. 388-90, 476-95; N. Gregoras, I.
-525-31, 534-5, 553; Phrantzes, 38; Chalkokondyles, 521; Friar Jordanus,
-_op. cit._ 57.
-
-[485] P. Lampros, Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα, 69-70, 72.
-
-[486] Jerosme Justinian, _La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios,
-ou Chios_, part I. 19; part II. 166; Boschini, _L’Arcipelago_, pp. 72,
-74; Piacenza, _L’Egeo Redivivo_, pp. 200, 216; Coronelli, _Isola di
-Rodi_, p. 360. To this occupation of Ikaria refers the ballad in _Journal
-of Hellenic Studies_, I. 293-300.
-
-[487] G. Stellae _Annales Genuenses_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital.
-Script._, XVII. 1086-90; Uberti Folietæ _Historiæ Genuensis Libri xii_
-(Genoa, 1585), fo. 137-8ᵛ; 313ᵛ; Ag. Giustiniani, _Castigatissimi
-Annali della eccelsa & Illustrissima Republi. di Genoa_ (Genoa, 1537),
-CXXXIIⱽ-IVⱽ; P. Interiano, _Ristretto delle Historie Genovesi_ (Genoa,
-_s.a._), fo. 107ᵛ-8ᵛ; _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, _Delle Imprese e del
-Dominio dei Genovesi nella Grecia_, pp. 261-70; Cantacuzene, II. 583-4;
-Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 765-7; Chalkokondyles, p. 522.
-
-[488] Comte de Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 366-70;
-Promis, _La Zecca di Scio_, 14 n². _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia
-patria_, XXXV. 52, 210; Rhodokanakes, Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος I. 8-9, n. 15; J.
-Justinian, part II. 143; _Araldica e Diritto_ (Jan. 1915), p. 46.
-
-[489] _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, pp. 271-85; _Liber Iurium Reipublicæ
-Genuensis_, II. (_Historiæ Patriæ Monumenta_, IX.), 558-72, 1498-1512.
-
-[490] Promis, p. 39.
-
-[491] XIX. 140-1.
-
-[492] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, pp. 422 f. and
-Plate XIV, 19, 25.
-
-[493] _Liber Iurium_, II. 714-20; _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, 285-91.
-
-[494] Stella, _op. cit._ pp. 1217-20; Folieta, _op. cit._ fo. 531; Ag.
-Giustiniani. _op. cit._ CLXXIIⱽ.
-
-[495] _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 4.
-
-[496] Cantacuzene, III. 81-4; Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 842, 851.
-
-[497] Vlastos, Χιακά, 228-31.
-
-[498] G. Stella, p. 1091; Raphayni Caresini _Continuatio Chronicorum
-Andreæ Danduli_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._, XII. 420-1;
-Sanudo, _Vite de’ Duchi di Venezia_, _ibid._ XXII. 621-2; Matteo Villani,
-_Istorie_, _ibid._ XIV. 117-18.
-
-[499] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria_, XIII. 198; J.
-Justinian, part II. 165; J. Stellae, _Annales Ianuenses_, in _Rer. Ital.
-Script._, XVII. 1307-8.
-
-[500] Chalkokondyles, p. 519.
-
-[501] _Atti_, VI. 20, 353-4; XIII. 222, 231, 260-2, 996-7; Doukas, p. 314.
-
-[502] Doukas, pp. 322-8.
-
-[503] Veneroso, _Genio Ligure risvegliato, Prove_, p. 30.
-
-[504] _Atti_, VII. part II. 94-6, 480-7; _The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph
-ben Joshua_ (transl. Bialloblotzky), p. 289.
-
-[505] _Atti_, XXVIII. 761, 767.
-
-[506] _Annual of the Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. (1909-10) 154-5; Χιακὰ
-Χρονικά. (Athens, 1914), II. 127.
-
-[507] Thuani, _Historiarum sui temporis Libri cxxxviii._ (ed. 1620), II.
-368-70; Bosio, _Dell’ Istoria della Sacra Religione et illᵐᵃ Militia di
-San Giovanni Gierosolimitano_, III. 757-9; Luccari, _Copioso Ristretto
-degli Annali di Rausa_, p. 147; A. Mauroceni, _Historia Veneta_, p. 335;
-Rhodokanakes, facing I. 359.
-
-[508] Vlastos, Χιακά, 232-4.
-
-[509] _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 146.
-
-[510] F. W. Hasluck, _ibid._ pp. 137-84.
-
-[511] J. Justinian, part III. 116-18.
-
-[512] P. Belon du Mans, _Les observations de plusieurs singularitez
-et choses memorables_ (Paris, 1588), pp. 185-7; N. de Nicolay, _Les
-navigations, peregrinations et voyages, faicts en la Turquie_ (Antwerp,
-1576), pp. 66-7.
-
-[513] _Ibid._ p. 76.
-
-[514] Belon, p. 186.
-
-[515] N. de Nicolay, p. 67.
-
-[516] Targioni Tozzetti, _Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse
-parti della Toscana_ (ed. 2), V. 436; J. Justinian, part II. 71-7.
-
-[517] Pp. 43-4.
-
-[518] Published by G. Porro-Lambertenghi in _Miscellanea di Storia
-Italiana_, VI. 541-8.
-
-[519] Tozzetti, V. 454.
-
-[520] Thevet in _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 183-4.
-
-[521] J. Justinian, part I. 34-7; M. Giustiniani, _La Scio Sacra del Rito
-Latino_, pp. 15-16, 78-88; E. Alexandrides in Χιακὰ Χρονικά (Athens,
-1911), I. 10-17; Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii
-Ævi_, II. 90-2.
-
-[522] Miklosich und Müller, III. 260-4; _Atti_, XXVIII. 563-8; J.
-Justinian, part II. 82.
-
-[523] J. Justinian, part I. 31-3; part II. 170-1; Thevet in _Ann. of
-Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 183
-
-[524] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria_, I. 296; II. 1, 396;
-XI. 343; XVII. 241-51; XXVIII. 522, 543, 545-50, 805-6; XXXIV. 157, 253,
-268, 322, 326, 345; _Les Registres de Boniface VIII_, I. 222-3; _Giornale
-Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia e Belle Arti_, I. 218; IX. 3-13.
-
-[525] Doukas, 40-3, 46; Nikephoros Gregoras, III. 554; Chalkokondyles,
-520; Kritoboulos: lib. II. c. 13; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 39; M.
-Villani, _Istorie_, and G. Stellae, _Annales Genuenses_, _apud_
-Muratori, _R.I.S._, XIV. 447; XVII. 1094; Pii II _Commentarii_, 245; Ag.
-Giustiniano, _Annali della Repubblica di Genova_ (ed. 1854), II. 95; P.
-Bizari, _Senatus populique Genuensis ... historiæ_, 134; U. Folietæ,
-_Historiæ Genuensium libri XII_ (ed. 1585), 141-2; _Clarorum Ligurum
-Elogia_ (ed. 1573), 97-8.
-
-[526] Servion, _Gestez et chroniques de la Mayson de Savoye_, II. 138-9.
-
-[527] M. Villani, _Istorie_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._, XIV. 447.
-
-[528] N. Gregoras, III. 503-4, 565.
-
-[529] Servion, _op. cit._ II. 138-9, 143.
-
-[530] Phrantzes, 48.
-
-[531] Misti, XXVIII. f. 73 (Doc. of Sept. 20, 1358).
-
-[532] Predelli, _I Libri Commemoriali della Repubblica di Venezia_, II.
-266; _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 84-5.
-
-[533] Predelli, _op. cit._ III. 156 (Documents of Jan. 11, 14, 1382).
-
-[534] Raynaldi _Annales ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1752), VII. 19, 172;
-Innocentii VI Epistolæ secretæ, IV. f. 164 (Reg. Vat. 238). Νέος
-Ἑλληνομνήμων, XII. 474-5.
-
-[535] Raynaldi _op. cit._ 224. The invitation to Francesco, otherwise
-practically identical with that to John V, contains the important
-variant, that the Turkish race “tam potenter tamque fortiter _terram tuam
-... obsidet_.” Gregorii XI Secret. Anno II. ff. 85-6 (Reg. Vat. 268).
-Jauna, _Histoire générale des roiaumes de Chypre ... etc._ II. 882.
-
-[536] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VII. 249; Wadding, _Annales Ordinis Minorum_,
-VIII. 289; Gregorii XI Secret. Anno IV. f. 63 (Reg. Vat. 270).
-
-[537] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, I. 433,
-513, 531; II. 129-30, 159, 212, 250, 252-3, 255-6, 264-6.
-
-[538] Libri Bullarum, IV. (1365-6), f. 270ᵛ.
-
-[539] Chalkokondyles, 520-1; Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 13
-
-[540] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 86-7.
-
-[541] Hasluck in _B.S.A._, XV. 262; Conze, _Reise auf der Insel Lesbos_,
-5; Newton, _Travels and Discoveries in the Levant_, I. 115.
-
-[542] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 39-40, VII. 144, 344; _Narrative of the
-Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, at Samarkand_,
-A.D. 1403-6 (tr. Markham), 23; Bondelmonti, _Liber Insularum Archipelagi_
-(ed. de Sinner), 115.
-
-[543] _Atti_, XIII. 169, 953-67.
-
-[544] Bauyn, _Mémoires du voiage fait en Hongrie_, f. 351-2; Froissart,
-_Chroniques_ (ed. K. de Lettenhove), XV. 345, 347. The relationship was
-as follows:
-
-                  Amedeo V of Savoy
-                         |
-        +----------------+----------------+
-        |                                 |
-    Catherine = Leopold I               Anne = Andronikos III
-              | of Austria                   |
-              |                              |
-          Catherine = Enguerrand           Maria    = Francesco I
-         of Austria |  de Coucy        Palaiologina | Gattilusio
-                    |                               |
-        Enguerrand VII de Coucy          Francesco II Gattilusio
-
-[545] _Le Livre des faicts du bon Messire Jean le Maingre dit Boucicaut_
-(ed. Paris, 1825), part I. ch. 28; Delaville le Roulx, _La France en
-Orient au XIVᵉ siècle_, II. 33 (Doc. of April 15, 1397).
-
-[546] _Ibid._ II. 34-5, 48, 91-3; Froissart, _Chroniques_, XVI. 38, 40,
-261 (Doc. of June 24, 1397); Doukas, 52-3.
-
-[547] Bauyn, _Mémoires du voiage_, f. 35; Froissart, _Chroniques_, XVI.
-41-2.
-
-[548] _Le Livre des faicts_, part I. ch. 28; Froissart, _Chroniques_,
-XVI. 46, 48-50. Le Roulx, _op. cit._ II. 43-5 (Doc. of Aug. 10, 1397).
-
-[549] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 248-51.
-
-[550] _Le Livre des faicts_, part I. ch. 31; _Narrative_, 24.
-
-[551] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 93; Constantine the Philosopher,
-_Life of Stephen Lazarevich_ in _Glasnik_, XLII. 279; _Archiv für
-slavische Philologie_, XVIII. 429.
-
-[552] Doukas, 75-6.
-
-[553] _Narrative_, 23-4; _Mélanges historiques. Choix de documents_, III.
-174.
-
-[554] _Le Livre des faicts_, part II. chs. 14, 31; Le Roulx, _op. cit._
-I. 484 n¹; II. 189.
-
-[555] _Narrative_, 22-3.
-
-[556] Gioffredo, _Storia delle Alpi Marittime_, in _Monumenta Historiæ
-Patriæ_, IV. 1001-2, 1077.
-
-[557] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 89-90, 217.
-
-[558] _Ibid._ I. 219.
-
-[559] _Bibliotheca Carmelitana_, II. 943; Fontana, _Sacrum Theatrum
-Dominicanum_, 238; Sp. P. Lampros, _Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts on
-Mount Athos_, II. 305.
-
-[560] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta_, II. 140, 234, 338.
-
-[561] Noiret, _Documents inédits pour servir à l’histoire de la
-domination vénitienne en Crète de 1380 à 1485_, pp. 107, 127.
-
-[562] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 40; VII. 341. From _Giornale Ligustico_, I.
-219, it has been assumed that he was still alive on May 25, 1409; but the
-Greek is confirmed by Noiret, _Documents_, 161, where Nicolò is described
-as regent on April 4, 1405, and by Libri Bullarum, XXIV. (1409-16) f.
-194ᵛ, where Jacopo is addressed as “lord of Mytilene” on April 12, 1409.
-
-[563] Bondelmonti, _Liber Insularum_, 115.
-
-[564] Noiret, _Documents_, p. 161; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας,
-II. 127; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 279-80, 282.
-
-[565] Innocent VII. Ann. I. Lib. Mist. ff. 53-4. Bened. XIII. Avin. t.
-XL. ff. 157-9.
-
-[566] Probably between April 12 and May 25. _Giornale Ligustico_, I.
-217-9; Libri Bullarum, _l.c._
-
-[567] Inscription at Ænos, _B.S.A._, XV. 251, 254: Χριστιανικῆς
-Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας Δελτίον, VIII. 16.
-
-[568] Lib. IV. c. 13.
-
-[569] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 43-4; III. 24-5; Noiret, _Documents_, 230-1.
-
-[570] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, V. 176, 188, 315.
-
-[571] Libri Bullarum, XXIV. (1409-16).
-
-[572] Doukas, 106, 108; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, III. 118-20; _Revue_, IV. 574;
-V. 193.
-
-[573] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 219-20.
-
-[574] Between March 13, 1426 (probably after May 11, 1428) and October
-14, 1428. _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 219-20; II. 86-7. Hopf’s assumption
-that it was Jacopo who was killed in the fall of the tower must be wrong,
-because Bondelmonti, writing in 1422, speaks of that event as having
-occurred _meis diebus_. The allusion to the lord of Foglia Vecchia as a
-distinct person in the document of May 11, 1428, indicates that Jacopo
-was still alive.
-
-[575] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 40, 492; VII. 95; Gioffredo, _op. cit._
-1077; Anselme, _Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la Maison de
-France_, IV. 501.
-
-[576] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, V. 114.
-
-[577] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 347; Bertrandon de la Brocquière, _Le
-Voyage d’Outremer_ in _Recueil de Voyages et de Documents_ (ed. Ch.
-Schefer), XII. 173-4.
-
-[578] _B.S.A._ XV. 258.
-
-[579] _B.S.A._ XV. 254-6; Χρ. Ἀρχ. Ἑτ. Δελτίον, VIII. 13, 16-7, 19-20,
-29-30.
-
-[580] _l.c._
-
-[581] Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln des Thrakischen Meeres_, 55-6; Pl. II.
-7, 8; _Athenische Mitteilungen_, XXXIV. 26-7; _Atti_, XI. 341.
-
-[582] Tozzetti, _Relazioni d’alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse parti della
-Toscana_ (ed. 1773), V. 452.
-
-[583] _Joannis Canabutzæ magistri ad principem Æni et Samothraces in
-Dionysium Halicarnassensem commentarius_, 2, 14; _B.S.A._ XV. 256.
-
-[584] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 44.
-
-[585] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 220-1; II. 86-9; III. 314-5; _Revue de
-l’Orient latin_, V. 371-2; VI. 96.
-
-[586] _Documenti diplomatici tratti dagli Archivj Milanesi_, III. 49 n¹.
-
-[587] _Giornale Ligustico_, II. 90-3, 292-6, 313-4, 316; _Atti_, XXIII.
-265; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 112.
-
-[588] Chalkokondyles, 462; Pero Tafur, _Andanças é viajes_ in _Colleccion
-de libros españoles raros ó curiosos_, VIII. 159, 187; _Giornale
-Ligustico_, II. 292-3; Lampros, _Catalogue_, II. 305. A Genoese document
-(_Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 67), proves that Alexios IV died in 1429,
-not, as usually assumed, _c._ 1445.
-
-[589] Phrantzes, 191.
-
-[590] Stefano Magno _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 199.
-
-[591] Phrantzes, 193-5; Chalkokondyles, 306; _Revue de l’Orient latin_,
-VII. 75; _Ekthesis Chronica_, 7.
-
-[592] _Description des Îles de l’Archipel_ (ed. Legrand), 92; Phrantzes,
-96; _Ath. Mitt._ XXII. 119 n³.
-
-[593] Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 37, Pl. III, 4; Libri Bullarum,
-XXXIV. (1432-3), f. 112.
-
-[594] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, III. 24-5; Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 436.
-
-[595] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 449, 451; De Rossi, _Inscriptiones
-Christianæ Urbis Romæ_, II. part I. 372 n⁴; _Atti_, XIII. 983.
-
-[596] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 435-6, 447, 451-2; Pero Tafur, in _op.
-cit._ VIII. 134, 187.
-
-[597] Colucci, _Delle Antichità Picene_, XV. pp. cxxxiii, cxxxvii-cxli;
-Codex Vat. lat. 5250, ff. 11-13, 15-17 (mostly published in _Ath. Mitt._
-XXII. 115-7); Ciriaci Anconitani codex (in Biblioteca Capitolare of
-Treviso), I. 138, f. 152ᵛ _et seqq._
-
-[598] _Ibid._ f. 152 _et sqq._; Colucci, _Delle Antichità_, XV. p.
-cxxxii; Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 459; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 341-2; De
-Rossi, _Inscriptiones_, II. part I. 370 n¹; _Revue de l’Orient latin_,
-VII. 53, 384.
-
-[599] Conze, Hauser und Niemann, _Archaeologische Untersuchungen auf
-Samothrake_, I. 1 n¹, 2, 16, Pls. IV-VIII, LXII; vol. II. Pl. IX; Conze,
-_Reise auf den Inseln_, 62, Pl. XII; Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 14; _Annali
-dell’ Instituto_ (1842), XIV. 141 and _tav. d’agg._ p. 3, where the date
-should be, ͵ϛϡξγʹ = 1454/5; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 94; _Ath. Mitt._,
-XXXIV. 28.
-
-[600] Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 11, published by Ziebarth, _Eine
-Inschriftenhandschrift der Hamburger Stadtbibliothek_, 15; _Ath. Mitt._,
-XVIII. 361; XXXI. 405-8; Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 82, Pl. III, 5,
-9, 13.
-
-[601] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 435; Moschides, Ἡ Λῆμνος, I. 168.
-
-[602] Leonardi Chiensis, _De vera nobilitate_, 55; _Revue de l’Orient
-latin_, VII. 427.
-
-[603] _Ibid._ VIII. 54; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 347-9.
-
-[604] Chalkokondyles, 519. But Ænos was described in 1457 as _semper in
-servitute Teucrorum_ (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 366).
-
-[605] _Giornale Ligustico_, II. 295-6; _Revue_, VIII. 43.
-
-[606] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 350; _Revue_, VIII. 29, 65;
-Chalkokondyles, 519. Folietæ _Clarorum Ligurum Elogia_ (ed. 1573), 97-8;
-B. Campofulgosi _Exemplorum, hoc est, dictorum factorumque memorabilium
-... lib. IX_ (ed. Bâle), 328 (who makes her the wife of Luchino); Æneæ
-Sylvii, _Opera ... omnia_, 355-6 (who calls the heroine a virgin, and who
-heard the story told in 1455 by the bishop of Caffa, who had heard it in
-Lesbos). Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 317-8.
-
-[607] _Atti_, XIII. 247.
-
-[608] Phrantzes, 327.
-
-[609] Doukas, 266.
-
-[610] Kritoboulos, lib. I. cc. 74-5; Doukas, 314, 328; Magno _apud_ Hopf,
-_Chroniques_, 198-9.
-
-[611] Pp. 321-2.
-
-[612] Doukas, 326, 328-35; Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 5; Campofulgosi
-_Exemplorum_, 526; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, 26; Ag.
-Giustiniani, _Annali_, II. 384; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 354.
-
-[613] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 349-50.
-
-[614] Kritoboulos, lib. II. cc. 11-16; III. 24; Doukas, 335;
-Chalkokondyles, 469; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 25; _Ecthesis Chronica_, 17-18.
-Sa’d al-Dīn (tr. Bratutti), _Chronica dell’ origine e progressi di casa
-Ottomana_, II. 168; Hadji Khalfa, _Cronologia historica_ (tr. Carli),
-130; Hammer, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_ (ed. 1828), II. 20 nᵃ;
-Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 82, Pl. III, 11.
-
-[615] Doukas, 335-7; Chalkokondyles, 469.
-
-[616] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 353-5; Raynaldi _Annales_, X. 56, 59,
-61-2; Reg. Vat. 443, f. 140.
-
-[617] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 231.
-
-[618] Guglielmotti, _Storia della Marina Pontificia_, 260 n; Æneæ Sylvii
-_Opera ... omnia_ (ed. Bâle), 370.
-
-[619] Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 23; Doukas, 338; Chalkokondyles, 469;
-the two last say that Imbros was also captured in 1456—a statement
-contradicted not only by Kritoboulos, but by the omission of Imbros from
-the list of papal islands in _Atti_, VI. 937-8 and in Raynaldi _Annales_,
-X. 88, which shows that the capture of the other three took place before
-Dec. 31, 1456. Pius II’s letter (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 113) shows that
-Imbros was “still under the rule of the infidels” in 1459.
-
-[620] Doukas, 338; Kritoboulos, lib. III. c. 10; _Atti_, VI. 800;
-Raynaldi, _Annales_, X. 111; Chalkokondyles, 519; Letter of Scarampi to
-Gaetani of Sept. 15, 1457, _apud_ Guglielmotti, _Storia della Marina
-Pontificia_, II. 280; Reg. Vat. 443, f. 113.
-
-[621] _Giornale Ligustico_, III. 313-4.
-
-[622] Doukas, 346; Chalkokondyles, 520, 528; Kritoboulos, lib. IV. c.
-2; Æneæ Sylvii, _Opera ... omnia_ (ed. Bâle), 355; Ag. Giustiniani,
-_Annali_, II. 384; Magno, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques_, 201.
-
-[623] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 363-4.
-
-[624] J. Paulides, Μαρία Γατελούζη in Ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὴν Βάρβιτον. Rhodokanakes,
-Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος, I. 115 n. 101; II. 107.
-
-[625] Raynaldi _Annales_, X. 179-80.
-
-[626] Kritoboulos, lib. III. cc. 14, 15, 17, 18, 24; Chalkokondyles,
-469-70, 483, 494; Æneæ Sylvii _Opera_, 370; Magno, _apud_ Hopf,
-_Chroniques_, 200 (confused); Phrantzes, 413-4.
-
-[627] Raynaldi, _Annales_, X. 285-6; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 113-5.
-
-[628] _Giornale Ligustico_, III. 180-1 n; V. 352-3, 355-61, 363; _Atti_,
-V. 429; Rymer, _Fœdera_, XI. 418, 441.
-
-[629] _Atti_, VII. part I. 77-8, 108; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 364-6;
-Doukas, 341.
-
-[630] Βυζαντίς, II. 266; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 342-3; VIII. 94-5, 361.
-
-[631] S. Cali (Καλή, the Greek equivalent of “Bonne”).
-
-[632] Leonardi Chiensis _De Lesbo a Turcis capta_, _apud_ Hopf,
-_Chroniques_, 359-66 (an eye-witness); Magno, _ibid._ 201-2; Doukas,
-345-6, 512; Chalkokondyles, 518-21, 523-9, 553; Kritoboulos, lib. IV. cc.
-11-14; Phrantzes, 94; Malipiero, _Annali Veneti_, in _Archivio Storico
-Italiano_, VII. 11; Pii II _Commentarii_, 244; _Atti_, VII. part I.
-159-60, 190; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 366-7; Sabellici _Historiæ Rerum
-Venetarum_ (ed. 1556), 867, 873; Cambini and Spandugino _apud_ Sansovino,
-_Historia Universale dell’ Origine et Imperio de’ Turchi_ (ed. 1573),
-ff. 156, 191; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 26; Bosio, _Dell’ Historia della sacra
-religione di San Giovanni_, I. 196; _The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben
-Joshua_ (tr. Bialloblotzky), 289.
-
-[633] _Atti_, VII. part I. 227, 242, 244.
-
-[634] Sabellici _op. cit._ 883; Malipiero in _Arch. Stor. It._, VII.
-28; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, VI. 93, 97; Magno _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques_, 204;
-Chalkokondyles, 565; Phrantzes, 415.
-
-[635] Sabellici _op. cit._ 885-6; Malipiero, _l.c._; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I.
-244, VI. 98; Phrantzes, _l.c._; Sanudo and Navagiero _apud_ Muratori,
-_R.I.S._, XXII. 1170; XXIII. 1123, 1132; Kritoboulos, lib. V. c. 7; Sa’d
-al-Dīn, II. 223; Cepio, _De P. Mocenigi rebus gestis_, 30.
-
-[636] Sathas, _op. cit._ VI. 99; Malipiero, 37; Sabellicus, 890;
-Navagiero, 1125; Secreta, XXII. f. 186; Magno, 204.
-
-[637] Malipiero, 50; Sanudo and Navagiero in _R.I.S._, XXII. 1190, XXIII.
-1128; Magno, 206; Phrantzes, 448.
-
-[638] Magno, 205, 208; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, V. 48; Malipiero, 50, 59, 67,
-107, 121; Sanudo, 1190, 1210; Kritoboulos, lib. V. c. 15; Miklosich und
-Müller, Acta, III. 297; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 299-318.
-
-[639] Malipiero, 44; Sabellicus, 895; Cambini _apud_ Sansovino, f. 158;
-Phrantzes, 447; Sa’d al-Dīn, II. 244; Hammer, II. 98 nᵃ; Piacenza,
-_L’Egeo Redivivo_, 439.
-
-[640] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 370-2.
-
-[641] _Ibid._ V. 367-70.
-
-[642] Gottlob, _Aus der Camera Apostolica_, 293.
-
-[643] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, I. 537-9.
-
-[644] Anonymous, Οἱ Γατελοῦζοι ἐν Λέσβῳ, 70 n¹.
-
-[645] _Atti_, XXXIV. 322, 326, 345.
-
-[646] P. 521.
-
-[647] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 436-43;
-_Supplément_, 18-19; Pls XVI, XVII, XXI; Lampros, _Catalogue_, II. 305;
-Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 41, 491-2; VII. 87-8.
-
-[648] Fontana, _Sacrum Theatrum Dominicanum_, 81; _Scriptores Ordinis
-Prædicatorum_ (ed. Echard), I. 816-7; Rovetta, _Bibliotheca Provinciæ
-Lombardiæ Sacri Ordinis Prædicatorum_, 76; _Bullarium Ordinis Fr.
-Prædicatorum_ (ed. Bremond). III. 210-11, 236, 336.
-
-[649] _De vera nobilitate_, 53, 55, 82-3.
-
-[650] Reg. Vat. 443, ff. 111-2.
-
-[651] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, 449.
-
-[652] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_, III. 132, 319.
-
-[653] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 189.
-
-[654] Rycaut in Knolles, _Turkish History_, II. 87 (ed. 1687).
-
-[655] Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, V. 339. Paparregopoulos, V. 575.
-
-[656] Finlay, VI. 11.
-
-[657] P. 308.
-
-[658] _Historia Patriarchica_, 102-7; Cobham, _The Patriarchs of
-Constantinople_; Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._ V. 502-36; Finlay, V. 130-49.
-
-[659] The Serb Patriarchate of Ipek was practically removed to Carlovitz
-in 1738, and ceased to exist even in name in 1766. The Bulgarian
-Patriarchate of Ochrida was formally abolished in 1767.
-
-[660] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 128.
-
-[661] Paparregopoulos, V. 471.
-
-[662] Rycaut, in Knolles, _op. cit._ II. 90. Ranke, _Fürsten u. Völker
-von Süd. Europa_, p. 69, says that it ceased between 1630 and 1650.
-Paparregopoulos (V. 471) puts the date of its abolition in 1638; Finlay
-(V. 163-4) at 1676.
-
-[663] Paparregopoulos says that “all but one” were Greeks; but he
-includes the Albanian family of Ghika and the Kallimachai, who came,
-as their latest biographer, M. Jorga, has shown, from Moldavia. See my
-notice in _The English Historical Review_, XVIII. 577. Blancard, _Les
-Mavroyéni_.
-
-[664] Finlay, V. 21, 31.
-
-[665] Zinkeisen, III. 360.
-
-[666] Paparregopoulos, V. 489.
-
-[667] Paparregopoulos, V. 494.
-
-[668] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. pp. liv-lxi; and vols. VII.-IX., which contain
-documents relating to them from 1464 to 1570, some of their literary
-productions, and a picture of one of them fully armed.
-
-[669] Finlay, V. 122
-
-[670] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XIII. 273-317.
-
-[671] Θρήνος τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, l. 354 _apud_ Ellissen, _Analekten_,
-III.
-
-[672] Gregorovius, _Storia della Città di Roma nel medio evo_ [ed.
-1901], III. 826; IV. 207, 240; Pastor, _Geschichte der Päpste_, II. 382;
-Lanciani, _Wanderings in the Roman Campagna_, 217.
-
-[673] Paruta, _Storia della Guerra di Cipro_, 79-80.
-
-[674] _Op. cit._ 294.
-
-[675] _Memorie istoriche dei Monarchi Ottomani_, 401.
-
-[676] Paruta, 299-300. _Négociations de la France dans le Levant_, III.
-191.
-
-[677] pp. 212-214.
-
-[678] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 171.
-
-[679] Paruta, 391.
-
-[680] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 175, where the dates of their
-deaths, given in his Χρονικὸν Ἀνέκδοτον Γαλαξειδίου, p. 153, are
-corrected; Philadelpheus, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας, I. 40.
-
-[681] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, III. 529.
-
-[682] Crusius, _Turco-Græcia_, VII. 10, 19; Laborde, _Athènes aux xvᵉ,
-xviᵉ et xviiᵉ siècles_, I. 55-60.
-
-[683] It is headed Περὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς and has last been published and
-annotated by my friend K. Philadelpheus, in his excellent Ἱστορία τῶν
-Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας, I. 189-92. He assigns to it the date 1628.
-
-[684] Philadelpheus, I. 202-8; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (ed.
-2), pp. 447-50.
-
-[685] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων (ed. 2), I. 191,
-336.
-
-[686] Konstantinides thinks his figures much too high (_op. cit._ 442-7).
-
-[687] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, II. 77-83. Konstantinides (pp.
-421-2) relying on a statement of Sanuto that the governor of Athens, even
-before 1470, was styled only _subashi_, thinks that all the time down
-to 1610 Athens was merely a district of a _sandjak_. Philadelpheus (I.
-287-90) agrees with the latter view, but extends the duration of this
-arrangement to 1621 or even later.
-
-[688] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, pp. 178-9.
-
-[689] See the Greek history of Epeiros given in Pouqueville, _Voyage dans
-la Grèce_, V. 82-90.
-
-[690] Finlay, _History of Greece_, V. 57, 90-1, 94, 96, 101, 108.
-
-[691] Dapper, _Description des Îles de l’Archipel_, p. 224.
-
-[692] Spon, _Voyage_, II. 23 (ed. 1679).
-
-[693] Finlay, V. 108, 114.
-
-[694] Laborde, I. 67-70. An Austrian archæologist has suggested that the
-Hermes, Paris, or Perseus, of Antikythera, discovered some 20 years ago,
-and now at Athens, was part of the spoil of a vessel bound for England
-which foundered in 1640 off that island.
-
-[695] His genealogy is given in Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 197,
-n. 2.
-
-[696] Sathas, p. 209.
-
-[697] _Ibid._ pp. 197-210.
-
-[698] Nani, _Istoria della R. Veneta_, pt. II. p. 134.
-
-[699] Randolph, _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 9; Guillet, _Athènes
-ancienne et nouvelle_, pp. 28-38. It must be added, however, that the
-Capuchins of Athens, upon whose notes this book was based, may from
-theological bias have exaggerated the misdeeds of the Orthodox clergy.
-On this ground the local historian, Alexandrakos, in his Ἱστορία τῆς
-Μάνης, p. 18, indignantly rejects these accusations. But in 1894 I heard
-in Athens a similar story about a Thessalian priest, implicated in a
-celebrated case of brigandage.
-
-[700] Finlay, V. 116-7; Spon, I. 123; Sathas, pp. 308-10;
-Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 493; Leake, _Travels in
-the Morea_, III. 450.
-
-[701] Laborde, I. 63; Philadelpheus (I. 184, 187) puts his visit in 1621.
-The passage about Athens is in his _Voyage de Levant_ (ed. 1645), pp.
-473-5.
-
-[702] Laborde, I. 75, 201; Guillet, p. 223.
-
-[703] His _Relation d’État présent de la ville d’Athènes_ is reprinted in
-full in Laborde’s book.
-
-[704] Laborde, I. 176; Finlay, V. 104, n. 2; Ray’s _Collection of Curious
-Travels and Voyages_, vol. II.; Randolph, _The Present State of the
-Morea_; Magni, _Relazione della città d’Atene_.
-
-[705] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 135.
-
-[706] Laborde, II. 358, 363. The Venetian report, given in Δελτίον τῆς
-Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑτ. V. 226, says the _borgo_ in 1687 contained “4000 and
-more houses.”
-
-[707] Gregorovius, _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, II. 417 n.
-
-[708] _Ubi supra_, II. 187.
-
-[709] There is a picture, taken from Stuart, of this Παναγία στὴν πέτρα
-in Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 280. See his Μνημεῖα, I. 93. It was
-destroyed by Hadji Ali, to provide materials for the defences of Athens
-against the Albanians in 1778.
-
-[710] Laborde, I. 126 n.
-
-[711] In the third volume of Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία.
-
-[712] Spon, II. 180. Even now there is no synagogue in Athens.
-
-[713] _E.g._ the thief who pillaged the king’s study at Tatoi in 1902
-was an Albanian from Markopoulo, between Athens and Laurion. Many of the
-names of the Attic villages—_e.g._ Tatoi, Liosia and Liopesi—are Albanian.
-
-[714] Printed by Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, II. 238-43.
-
-[715] Guillet, who tells the story, upon which Spon casts doubt, places
-this under Ahmed I. Spon says the boon was granted about 1645.
-
-[716] Ἄρχοντες, νοικοκυραῖοι, παζαρῖται, ξωτάρηδες.
-
-[717] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 102.
-
-[718] _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 22.
-
-[719] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 120.
-
-[720] Ἐπῆραν τὰ παιδιὰ ἀπὸ τὴν Ἀθήνα [_sic_] are the words. This
-chronicle, which is dated 1606, has been re-published by Kampouroglos in
-his Μνημεῖα, I. 89-90, and by Lampros, _Ecthesis Chronica and Chronicon
-Athenarum_, 85-6.
-
-[721] Spon, II. 103.
-
-[722] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 33; Paparregopoulos, V. 597.
-
-[723] The θρῆνος for him is published in Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 7-27,
-and by Legrand, _Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, II. 123-47.
-
-[724] Laborde, I. 208.
-
-[725] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 174.
-
-[726] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 120.
-
-[727] Vernon, in Ray’s _Collection of Curious Travels and Voyages_, II.
-22.
-
-[728] Spon, II. 194; Paparregopoulos, V. 645. Philadelpheus has treated
-exhaustively of the Athenian schools in the Turkish period (II. ch. XIX.).
-
-[729] In Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, vol. III.
-
-[730] Kampouroglos, (Ἱστορία, II. 37) thinks that it had been the
-metropolitan church of Athens during the whole Frankish period.
-Philadelpheus (I. 178, 273, 312) agrees with him. When I visited it I
-could see not only that it had been a mosque, but that it might easily
-have been a church. There are old pillars inside it, a continuation of
-those in the Roman market outside.
-
-[731] Ἱστορία, II. 275, 304. Philadelpheus, I. 273. This identification
-is conclusively proved not only by tradition among very old Athenians,
-but by an entry in a Gospel found at Ægina with the words τοῦ Καθολικοῦ
-τῆς Ἀθήνας τοῦ Ἁγίου Παντελεήμονος. This church stood in the square where
-the public auctions are still held.
-
-[732] Spon, II. 155, 172. “Deli-Dagh” is a translation of “Monte Matto,”
-the Italian version of Hymettos. Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 50.
-
-[733] Babin in Laborde, I. 188 n.
-
-[734] Finlay, V. 100.
-
-[735] Spon, II. 192-4; Laborde, I. 163.
-
-[736] Laborde, I. 81, 198; Spon, II. 121.
-
-[737] Spon, II. 122.
-
-[738] Spon, II. 107-8; Laborde, I. 81.
-
-[739] Babin, in Laborde, I. 199.
-
-[740] Randolph, _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_, p.
-5.
-
-[741] Spon, II. 179.
-
-[742] The Greeks call any large beast a δράκος.
-
-[743] Spon, II. 211, 213, 220, 223, 230; Randolph, _Present State of the
-Morea_, p. 1.
-
-[744] Vernon, _ubi supra_, II. 22, 25.
-
-[745] Spon, II. 16, 23, 28, 41, 51, 57-62, 65, 73, 232, 246; Finlay, V.
-100; Vernon, _ubi supra_, II. 27.
-
-[746] Paparregopoulos, V. 590.
-
-[747] Spon, II. 219, 270-3.
-
-[748] Randolph, _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 4.
-
-[749] Pègues, _Histoire ... de Santorin_, 591-619.
-
-[750] Spon, I. 149.
-
-[751] Randolph, _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_,
-8-14.
-
-[752] Sanger, _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs_, 305-24; Sathas,
-Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία, 345; Dowling, _Hellenism in England_, 46-7, 80-5.
-
-[753] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 172-3.
-
-[754] Hopf, _Veneto-byzantinische Analekten_, pp. 422-6; and in Ersch und
-Gruber, LXXXVI. 177.
-
-[755] _Racconto historico della Veneta Guerra in Levante_ (Colonia,
-1691), I. 62, 65.
-
-[756] Laborde, _Athènes aux xvᵉ, xviᵉ et xviiᵉ siècles_, II. 74-8.
-
-[757] Ἡμερολόγιον Μάτεση _apud_ Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, I. 198;
-Chiotes, Ἱστορικὰ Ἀπομνημονεύματα, III. 281, 318.
-
-[758] _La Morea combattuta dall’ armi Venete_ (Venetia, 1686), pp. 180-2.
-
-[759] Locatelli, I. 151, 161, 167, 174, 213.
-
-[760] Mateses _apud_ Sathas, I. 210; Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_,
-II. i. 139; Locatelli, I. 263, 276.
-
-[761] _Ibid._ I. 338.
-
-[762] _Journal d’Anna Akerhjelm_, _apud_ Laborde, II. 307.
-
-[763] Locatelli, I. 348.
-
-[764] Morosini’s dispatches _apud_ Laborde, II. 121-31.
-
-[765] Locatelli, II. 3.
-
-[766] Laborde, I. 116-17.
-
-[767] Morosini’s dispatch _apud_ Laborde, II. 158; Chandler, _Travels in
-Asia Minor and Greece_ (ed. 1825), II. 111.
-
-[768] _Apud_ Laborde, II. 277; Locatelli, II. 3; Ranke, “Die Venezianer
-in Morea,” in _Sämmt. Werke_, XLII. 297.
-
-[769] Locatelli, II. 8; Morosini’s dispatch _apud_ Laborde, II. 162.
-
-[770] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑταιρίας, V. 222-7: Locatelli, II. 24-34.
-
-[771] Laborde, II. 358.
-
-[772] _Ibid._ II. 279.
-
-[773] _Ibid._ II. 279, 313.
-
-[774] _Ibid._ II. 179, 317.
-
-[775] _Ibid._ II. 150, 172, 176, 180, 182; Fanelli, _Atene Attica_, pp.
-113, 308, 317.
-
-[776] Laborde, II. 90; Mateses _apud_ Sathas, I. 216.
-
-[777] _Atene Attica_, p. 344.
-
-[778] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 43; Philadelpheus, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν,
-II. 315; Δελτίον, V. 545.
-
-[779] Mateses, _loc. cit._; Locatelli, II. 50; Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I.
-189, 296; Ἱστορία, I. 343; III. 256.
-
-[780] Δελτίον, V. 457; Lampros, Ἱστορικὰ Μελετήματα, p. 217.
-
-[781] Locatelli, II. 109, 164, 247; Garzoni, _Istoria della Repubblica di
-Venezia_ (ed. 1720), I. 365.
-
-[782] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 34-6.
-
-[783] _Ibid._ I. 211; Philadelpheus, II. 62.
-
-[784] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, II. 339; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν,
-p. 494, n. 1.
-
-[785] J. Benizelos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν _apud_ Philadelpheus, II. 273.
-
-[786] Garzoni, I. 432-4, 509-10; Δελτίον, V. 525.
-
-[787] Garzoni, I. 622, 629; Tournefort, _Relation d’un voyage du Levant_,
-I. 141.
-
-[788] Authorities, the reports of the Venetian governors, used by Ranke
-for his essay “Die Venezianer in Morea” (_Sämmt. Werke_, XLII. 277-361),
-and by Zinkeisen (_Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, V. 473-89),
-have since been published by the late Professor Lampros in his Ἱστορικὰ
-Μελετήματα, pp. 199-220, and in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς
-Ἑταιρίας, II. 282-317, 686-710; V. 228-51, 425-567, 605-823. For the
-campaign of 1715 Brue, _Journal de la campagne_; Diedo, _Storia della
-Repubblica di Venezia_, IV. 73-107; the Greek poem by Manthos of Joannina
-(an eye-witness), “Conquête de la Morée par les Turcs” in Legrand,
-_Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, III. 280-331; Ferrari, _Delle notizie
-storiche della lega ... contra ... Acmet III_, pp. 41-69; _Chronique
-de l’expédition des Turcs en Morée_, 1715, _attribuée à Constantin
-Dioikétès_.
-
-[789] _Itinéraire_ (ed. 1826), I. 80-2; Lampros, p. 209.
-
-[790] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, pp. 385-90.
-
-[791] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 99, 102, which disprove the
-statement that it was introduced from Naxos about 1580.
-
-[792] French Consular dispatches _apud_ Zinkeisen, V. 486, n. 2.
-
-[793] _Voyages_, I. 462.
-
-[794] IV. 83.
-
-[795] Lamprynides, Ἡ Ναυπλία, 230-40.
-
-[796] I. 138.
-
-[797] Δελτίον, V. 802; Ferrari, p. 44.
-
-[798] _History of Modern Greece_, I. 242 n.; Depellegrin, _Relation du
-voyage dans la Morée_, p. 14; Lamprynides, p. 284.
-
-[799] Philadelpheus, II. 69.
-
-[800] Zinkeisen, V. 499 n.; Gerola, _Monumenti Veneti nell’ Isola di
-Creta_, I. ii. 535.
-
-[801] _Art. Am._ II. 658; _Epist. ex Ponto_, IV. xiv. 45.
-
-[802] _H. N._ III. 26.
-
-[803] II. 627; V. 650.
-
-[804] VII. 480.
-
-[805] III. 12, § 2.
-
-[806] Ed. Wesseling, 323, 329, 332, 489, 497, 549, 608, 611-12.
-
-[807] Ed. Teubner, p. 13.
-
-[808] _Travels in Northern Greece_, I. 2.
-
-[809] _Voyage dans la Grèce_, I. 284.
-
-[810] _Acta et Diplomata res Albaniæ mediæ ætatis illustrantia_, I. 4, 5,
-7.
-
-[811] Procopius (ed. Teubner), II. p. 23.
-
-[812] III. 56.
-
-[813] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, 167, 191, 202 n.
-
-[814] Ed. Teubner, I. 49-50, 126, 132, 137, 161, 177, 187, 193-94; II.
-168-69, 189, 194, 197; _Recueil des historiens des Croisades: Historiens
-occidentaux_, III. 177.
-
-[815] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, II. xii. 118, 184.
-
-[816] Niketas, 118-19.
-
-[817] _Font. Rer. Aust._ II. xii. 472, 570.
-
-[818] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, III.
-240; M. Sanudo, _ap._ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 107; Ughelli,
-_Italia Sacra_, VI. 774.
-
-[819] Del Giudice, _Codice Diplomatico del Regno di Carlo Iᵒ e IIᵒ
-d’Angiò_, I. 308; Pachymeres, I. 508.
-
-[820] Buchon, _Recherches et Matériaux_, I. 33.
-
-[821] Del Giudice, II. i. 239; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 73, 84, 85, 93, 94.
-
-[822] _Ibid._ 106, 115, 117, 127, 139; _Archivio Storico Italiano_, ser.
-IV. ii. 355; _Font. Rer. Aust._ ii. xiv. 226, 243.
-
-[823] _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 146, 157.
-
-[824] Ducange, _Histoire de l’Empire de Constantinople_ (ed. 1729), II.
-_Recueil_, 21, 22.
-
-[825] _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 159; _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, I.
-150, 233; Miklosich und Müller, III. 109.
-
-[826] _Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 135, 161; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 214, 215, 220,
-237; _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 94.
-
-[827] _Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 125, 130, 136-38, 147-49, 154, 159-62, 191;
-_Arch. Ven._ XX. 92; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 217, 245.
-
-[828] Cantacuzene, I. 495.
-
-[829] _Starine_, IV. 29; Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_, I. 385 (thus
-disproving Hopf’s statement, for which there is no authority, that Valona
-became Serbian in 1337).
-
-[830] _Spomenik_, XI. 29, 30.
-
-[831] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium_, III. 176;
-Predelli, _I Libri Commemoriali_, III. p. 307.
-
-[832] Hopf _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV.
-458ᵇ.
-
-[833] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 58.
-
-[834] _Ibid._ XXVII. 264; Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, 178.
-
-[835] Orbini, _Il regno degli Slavi_, 289; _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV.
-100-103. For the history of Saseno cp. Lampros in Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XI.
-57-93.
-
-[836] _Ibid._ VII. 145; _Historia della casa Musachia_ _ap._ Hopf,
-_Chroniques_, 290.
-
-[837] From _turri del Prego, turris Pirgi_, Hopf has evolved Parga, which
-in 1320 formed part of the Despotat of Epeiros (_Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 170),
-and became Venetian in 1401. Pyrgos was at the mouth of the Semeni (_Act.
-et Dip. Alb._ II. 107, III).
-
-[838] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 226.
-
-[839] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 263, 266, 308, 349.
-
-[840] Miklosich und Müller, II. 230; Hopf, _Chroniques_, _l.c._;
-Chalkokondyles, 251.
-
-[841] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 384, 412, 423; V. 81, 120; XII. 198,
-199, 263; Gelcich, _La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi_, 204.
-
-[842] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 173.
-
-[843] _Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum_, p. XXI.
-
-[844] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ XXII. 372.
-
-[845] Hopf _ap._ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 159ᵃ.
-
-[846] Sathas, Μνημ. VI. 135, 137, 139, 173, 218.
-
-[847] Sathas, Μνημ. IX. 174.
-
-[848] A. Mauroceni, _Historia Veneta_ (ed. 1623), 172.
-
-[849] Sathas, Μνημ. IX. 218; Paruta, _Storia della guerra di Cipro_, 225.
-
-[850] Predelli, _Commem._ VII. pp. 190-93.
-
-[851] Garzoni, _Istoria della Repubblica di Venezia_ (ed. 1720), I.
-365-71.
-
-[852] _Ibid._ 390-407; _Epirotica_, 254.
-
-[853] _Voyage_, I. 285.
-
-[854] Aravantinos, Χρονογραφία τῆς Ἠπείρου, I. 190-92, 248-49.
-
-[855] _Ibid._ I. 261, 288, 306, 311, 319, 328-29, 383, 400-1, 409-10.
-
-[856] _Diplomatische Aktenstücke_ (Wien, 1914), p. 71.
-
-[857] _Il Messaggero_, Oct. 31, 1914.
-
-[858] I. 333.
-
-[859] Lost in 1903, but recently re-discovered at Corfù. See _Morning
-Post_, July 25, 1916.
-
-[860] _Ur_ = “Prince” in Hungarian.
-
-[861] Justly, as _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, I. 131 show.
-
-[862] Jireček (II. 120 n. 2) has shown that the form “Obilich” was
-substituted in the eighteenth century, because “Kobilich” (= “son of a
-mare”) was considered vulgar.
-
-[863] _Il Regno degli Slavi_, p. 294.
-
-[864] _Copioso Ristretto degli Annali di Rausa_, pp. 85, 132.
-
-[865] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium_, XXI. 123.
-
-[866] _Historia Byzantina_, I. 347.
-
-[867] _Abhandlungen der historischen Classe der k. bayrischen Akademie
-der Wissenschaften_, VIII. 698.
-
-[868] _Istorija Crne Gore_, p. 43.
-
-[869] _Turcs et Monténégrins_, pp. 20, 30, 33.
-
-[870] _Istorija o Černoj Gorê_, Italian translation by Ciàmpoli, pp. 23,
-25, 29-30.
-
-[871] In Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 101;
-_Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 534.
-
-[872] _Trésor de Chronologie_, p. 1773.
-
-[873] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ IV. 301, 305, 372, 377.
-
-[874] Gelcich, _La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi_, p. 226.
-
-[875] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ V. 68; XVII. 36.
-
-[876] Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 42-3.
-
-[877] _Die serbischen Dynasten Crnojević_, p. 61.
-
-[878] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ XXI. 10.
-
-[879] _Ibid._ XXI. 164-5, 167-8, 202, 205, 382, 384.
-
-[880] Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, p. 566.
-
-[881] Between May 2 and November 11: _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ XXII.
-364, 383.
-
-[882] _Ibid._ XXVII. 212.
-
-[883] _Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina_,
-II. 229.
-
-[884] I have drawn largely for this essay from the _Wissenschaftliche
-Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina_, of which twelve volumes
-were published during the Austro-Hungarian occupation, and which throw
-new light on many points of Bosnian history. I have also visited all
-the chief places of historic interest in the occupied territory and the
-_sandjak_ of Novibazar.
-
-[885] P. 159 (ed. Bonn).
-
-[886] _Wiss. Mitth._ I. 333, 434.
-
-[887] Constantine Porph. III. 156, 160.
-
-[888] Pp. 104, 131-32 (ed. Bonn).
-
-[889] _Wiss. Mitth._ VII. 215-20; Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_,
-1; Theiner, _Vetera Monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium historiam
-illustrantia_, I. 6, 12-13, 15, 19-20, 22.
-
-[890] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, 24, 28-30, 32-34; Theiner, _Vetera
-Monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia_, I. 31-32, 55-56,
-72, 113, 120, 128-30, 133, 137, 147, 162-63, 168-73, 201-06; Thomas
-Archidiaconus in _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, XXVI. 91, 103, 105, 113, 121,
-195.
-
-[891] _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 260, 262.
-
-[892] _Ibid._ XI. 278; Orbini, _Il Regno degli Slavi_, 350.
-
-[893] L. v. Thallóczy in _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 268-73 (reprinted in his
-_Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im Mittelalter_, 7-75).
-
-[894] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._ 42, 44, 60, 69; Theiner, _Mon. Hung._ I.
-230, 273-76, 303, 348, 359-60, 364, 375-78, 395, 403, 456, 458, 463;
-_Mon. Slav._ I. 135.
-
-[895] _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 184, 235, 239-44; Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._
-101-03, 105-07; Thallóczy, _op. cit._, 273.
-
-[896] _Wiss. Mitth._ IV. 324-42; Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._ 187.
-
-[897] Makuscev, _Monumenta historica Slavorum Meridionalium_, I. 528;
-Doukas (Italian version), 354 (ed. Bonn).
-
-[898] Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_, II. 126.
-
-[899] _Wiss. Mitth._ II. 94-124; IV. 390-93; VI. 284-90; Thallóczy, _op.
-cit._, 303.
-
-[900] _Recueil de Voyages et de Documents_ (Paris, 1892), XII. 195;
-Thallóczy, _op. cit._, 79-109.
-
-[901] P. 249; _Wiss. Mitth._ II. 125-51.
-
-[902] Farlati, _Illyricum Sacrum_, IV. 68.
-
-[903] Another theory is that he received the ducal title from the Pope
-in 1449, when he turned Catholic, or the King of Aragon, or that he
-took it with the agreement of the Sultan. (_Wiss. Mitth._ III. 503-09;
-X. 103 n.; Thallóczy, _Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im
-Mittelalter_, 146-59.) But he is styled _dux terre Huminis_ as early as
-Aug. 23, 1445 (_Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Mer._ XXI. 226), “Duke of St Sava”
-in 1446 (Farlati, _l.c._), and “Duke” in a dubious inscription of that
-year (_Wiss. Mitth._ III. 502).
-
-[904] Chalkokondyles, 459; Kritoboulos, III. ch. 2.
-
-[905] Chalkokondyles, 532; Kritoboulos, IV. ch. 15.
-
-[906] _Wiss. Mitth._ I. 496; III. 384; Hopf, _Chroniques_, 333; _Historia
-Politica_, 33; Chalkokondyles, 535-44; Makuscev, I. 309, 532; II. 25.
-
-[907] Kritoboulos, V. chs. 4-6.
-
-[908] _Wiss. Mitth._ IV. 395; _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, VI. 114, 126; XXV.
-386; Orbini, 388.
-
-[909] Campani _Vita Pii II, apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._, III. pt ii. 981.
-
-[910] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, VI. 648-9.
-
-[911] _Mélanges historiques_, IV. 395.
-
-[912] Her stay in Rome on this occasion may be dated approximately by two
-letters which she wrote there on October 23 and November 5 (_Mon. Pat.
-Script._ II. 115; Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’île de Chypre_, III. 114).
-Capgrave, _Ye Solace of Pilgrimes_, 138.
-
-[913] P. 179 (Ed. 1614).
-
-[914] _Cronaca di Bologna_, _apud_ Muratori _R.I.S._ XVIII. 742.
-
-[915] P. 94.
-
-[916] _Mélanges historiques_, V. 411.
-
-[917] Volaterranus _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ (ed. 1904), XXIII. 87, 127,
-148.
-
-[918] Torrigio, _Le sagre grotte Vaticane_ (ed. 1675), 285-6, 288-9, 299;
-J. Burchardi, _Diarium_ (ed. 1883), I. 272-3.
-
-[919] _Archivio storico italiano_, Ser. III. iii. 226, 234-5.
-
-[920] _Histoire de l’île de Chypre_, III. 346-7, 408, 412-3.
-
-[921] Theiner, _Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram
-illustrantia_, II. 318, 373-4.
-
-[922] _Libro nel qual s’ insegna a scriver ogni sorte lettera_ (ed. 1578)
-f. 55; (ed. 1553) f. 54.
-
-[923] _Memorie Istoriche della Chiesa e Convento di S. Maria in Araceli_,
-129, 148 (which give the Slavonic inscription, taken from Palatino).
-
-[924] _Copioso ristretto degli Annali di Ragusa_, 10; Thallóczy, _op.
-cit._, 110-20, 309-10.
-
-[925] Theiner, _Vet. Mon. Hung._ II. 442, 447, 452; Makuscev, _Monumenta
-historica Slavorum Meridionalium_, II. 95.
-
-[926] _Arch. stor. ital._ Ser. III. iii. 229; Gottlob, _Aus der Camera
-Apostolica_, 292-4.
-
-[927] Mas Latrie, _Histoire_, III. 174; Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη,
-II. 474.
-
-[928] Migne, _Patrologia Græca_, CLXI. pp. lxxxvi-vii.
-
-[929] Steinmann, _Die Sixtinische Kapelle_, I. 386; Abb. 25; Schrader,
-_Mon. Ital._ IV. 216.
-
-[930] William of Tyre, Bk XVI. 29; Jacques de Vitry (ed. Bongars),
-1068-9, Röhricht, _Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem_, 191.
-
-[931] Ludolphi, _De Itinere Terræ Sanctæ_, 40-1.
-
-[932] William of Tyre, Bk IX. 2.
-
-[933] _Recueil des Hist., Lois_, I. 22; Jacques de Vitry, 1116.
-
-[934] William of Tyre, Bk XVII. 1.
-
-[935] _Recueil des Hist., Lois_, I. 22-26.
-
-[936] Bk XI. 10.
-
-[937] _Recueil des Hist., Hist. Occid._, II. 47, 58; _Morning Post_, Jan.
-11, 1918.
-
-[938] _Ibid._ II. 36, 50; _Archives de l’Orient Latin_, I. 663-8.
-
-[939] Röhricht, _Regesta Regni Hieros._, pp. 285, 321, 325.
-
-[940] From _pullus_, a “colt,” and probably of the same origin as the
-Moreote termination -όπουλος.
-
-[941] Pp. 1088-9.
-
-[942] _Lois_, I. 426-7.
-
-[943] Bk XXI. 7.
-
-[944] Jacques de Vitry, p. 1082.
-
-[945] Bk XII. 7.
-
-[946] William of Tyre, Bk XX. 29-30; Jacques de Vitry, p. 1063.
-
-[947] Radulfus de Diceto, II. 80-1; _Annales de Dunstapliâ_, 126;
-Röhricht, _Regesta_, pp. 321, 361; _Geschichte_, 965; Mas Latrie, _Hist.
-de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 81-2, 213.
-
-[948] Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, I. 200, 256.
-
-[949] I. 214-5.
-
-[950] _Ibid._ I. 178-82; II. 54.
-
-[951] _Ibid._ I. 231.
-
-[952] _Ibid._ II. 230, 253-54, 316-17.
-
-[953] _Ibid._ I. 34.
-
-[954] _Ibid._ I. 151; II. 252, 273.
-
-[955] _Ibid._ I. 30.
-
-[956] _Ibid._ I. 113.
-
-[957] _Ibid._ II. 18, 58.
-
-[958] _Ibid._ II. 106, 186, 259, 296.
-
-[959] _Ibid._ I. 230-1; II. 89-90.
-
-[960] _Ibid._ I. 101, 181; II. 149.
-
-[961] _Ibid._ I. 204; II. 149, 253.
-
-[962] _Ibid._ I. 109-11, 120-3.
-
-[963] _Ibid._ II. 209-22.
-
-[964] _Ibid._ I. 128.
-
-[965] _Ibid._ I. 220, 227, 246; II. 82, 83, 169.
-
-[966] _Ibid._ I. 69, 240; II. 162.
-
-[967] _Ibid._ I. 28, 55, 169, 174; II. 81.
-
-[968] _Ibid._ I. 89.
-
-[969] _Ibid._ II. 13, 26, 60, 71, 104, 114, 115, 138, 176, 204, 209.
-
-[970] _Ibid._ II. 8, 15, 97.
-
-[971] _Ibid._ I. 27.
-
-[972] _Ibid._ I. 199; II. 76, 78, 86, 205, 241-2.
-
-[973] _Ibid._ II. 94, 111.
-
-[974] _Ibid._ II. 65, 199.
-
-[975] _Ibid._ II. 99.
-
-[976] _Ibid._ II. 84.
-
-[977] _Ibid._ II. 206.
-
-[978] _Ibid._ I. 84, 128-9, 154, 179, 183, 197; II. 170, 256.
-
-[979] _Ibid._ II. 53.
-
-[980] _Ibid._ I. 57.
-
-[981] _Ibid._ I. 27, 153, 202.
-
-[982] _Ibid._ I. 169.
-
-[983] _Ibid._ I. 222; II. 81, 194.
-
-
-
-
-INDEX
-
-
-  Abarinos, 108, 109
-
-  Abdul Hamid II, 269, 271
-
-  Abraham, Mount, 224, 226
-
-  Academy, the, 3, 542
-
-  Acciajuoli, family of (dukes of Athens), 100, 130, 136, 138, 142 ff.,
-        148, 154, 390, 498, 499
-    Angelo, cardinal, 138
-    Antonio I, 80, 100, 139, 142 ff., 154, 159, 255
-    Antonio II, 147, 150, 159
-    Donato, 138, 139
-    Francesca, 81, 144, 263
-    Francesco, 150
-    Franco, 146, 147, 150, 151, 153, 159 ff.
-    Nerio I, 127, 129, 130, 135 ff., 154, 156, 159, 169, 254, 263
-    Nerio II, 80, 100, 146 ff., 159, 160, 236
-    Nicholas, 96
-
-  Achaia, 7 ff., 12, 13, 18 ff., 26, 31, 70 ff., 78, 79, 81 ff., 89
-        ff., 100, 103, 107 ff., 111, 112, 114 ff., 120, 125 ff., 138,
-        143, 164, 166, 178, 202, 232, 246 ff., 262, 263, 265, 283, 290,
-        298, 321, 325, 327, 418, 419, 500, 501, 520, 533
-
-  Achaian League, 1
-
-  Acheron, 111
-
-  Achilleios, St, Thessalian archbishop, 47
-
-  Achilles, 25, 115, 543
-
-  _Achilles, Romance of_, 118
-
-  Achmet Pasha, 264
-    son of Turakhan, 102
-
-  Achsah, 113
-
-  Acre, 58, 517, 518, 520, 523 ff., 532
-
-  _Acts of the Apostles, The_, 9, 10, 270, 392
-
-  Adalia, 175
-    Michael of, 537
-
-  Adam, Guillaume, archbishop of Antivari, 125, 246, 450
-
-  Adamantiou, Prof., 269 n.
-
-  Adelaide, queen of Baldwin I of Jerusalem, 518
-
-  Admetos, 62
-
-  Adorno, Gabriele, 304
-
-  Adrianople, 25, 106, 255, 299, 334, 335, 339, 448, 484, 488, 499, 535
-
-  Adriatic Sea, 49, 175, 271, 380, 429 ff., 439, 443, 444, 449, 451,
-        454, 461, 462, 474, 480, 481, 498, 508, 534, 535, 540, 548
-
-  Ædepsos, baths of, 5, 246
-
-  Ægean Islands, 20, 37, 197, 355, 357
-
-  Ægean Sea, 37, 55, 149, 151, 162, 166, 168, 171, 175, 234, 239, 267,
-        283, 289, 294, 298, 316, 340, 384, 399, 417
-
-  Ægeopelagos, 68
-
-  Ægina, 6, 44, 45, 53, 61, 66, 117, 131, 143, 144, 172, 173, 271, 373,
-        394 n., 413, 415 ff., 422
-
-  Aeironesion, 430
-
-  Ælian, _Tactics_, 537
-
-  Æneas of Gaza, 311
-
-  _Æneid_, the, 205, 504
-
-  Ænos, 106, 298, 306, 313, 318 ff., 323 ff., 331, 333, 334, 338, 339,
-        344, 351, 353, 498, 499
-
-  Æschylus, 150, 237, 375
-    _Agamemnon_ of, 171
-
-  Ætolia, 15, 37, 356, 451, 453
-
-  Africa, 29, 168
-
-  Aga, Isouf, 396
-
-  Agallianos, 38
-
-  Agamemnon, 136
-
-  Aglauros, grotto of, 408
-
-  Agnes, queen-mother of Jerusalem, 521
-
-  Agora, 131
-
-  Agrippa, 7
-
-  Ahmed I, sultan, 382, 389
-    III, sultan, 425
-
-  Aigion, 7, 72, 101, 106, 376, 418
-
-  Aigle, Guillaume de l’, 320
-
-  Aila (ʿAkaba, Eloth), 516, 517
-
-  Aivan Serai, 319
-
-  ʿAkaba, _see_ Aila
-
-  ʿAkaba, gulf of, 523
-
-  Akamir, Slav chieftain, 39
-
-  Akarnania, 12, 37, 131, 223, 356, 379, 404, 451, 453
-
-  Akerhjelm, Anna, 408
-
-  Akominatos, Michael, 53, 54, 60, 63, 64, 66, 88, 111, 112, 135, 156,
-        232
-
-  Akova, 72
-    the lady of, 95
-
-  Akrocorinth, 52, 62, 87, 88, 96, 101, 104, 129, 136, 145, 156, 397,
-        405
-
-  Akropolis, the, 3, 6, 7, 15, 18, 30, 32, 33, 46, 47, 53, 63, 65, 76,
-        85, 111, 121, 128 ff., 135 ff., 140, 142, 144, 147, 148, 150
-        ff., 157, 160, 274, 279, 381, 387, 389, 393, 395, 396, 407 ff.,
-        411, 412, 414, 415
-
-  Aktian festival of Augustus, 23
-
-  “Aktian games,” 6
-
-  Aktion, battle of, 6
-
-  Alaric, 25, 26, 27, 29
-
-  Albania, and the Albanians, 50, 59, 103 ff., 129, 146, 149, 188, 193,
-        217, 228, 361, 368, 370, 383, 384, 388 n., 412, 419, 430 ff.,
-        434 ff., 438 ff., 442, 443, 447, 449, 450, 453, 454, 456, 461,
-        480, 498, 499, 512, 536, 541, 549
-
-  Albanon, 443
-
-  Albigenses, the, 472
-
-  Alcestis, 62
-
-  Aldobrandini, the, 175
-    Pietro, 507
-
-  Aldoin, count of Acerra, 276
-
-  Aleman, Guillaume, 72, 78, 89, 200
-
-  Aleppo, 516, 522
-
-  Alessio, 437, 456
-
-  Alexander V, pope, 198
-    VI, pope, 507, 510, 513
-    VIII, pope, 439
-    crown prince of Serbia, 451
-    of Trebizond, 328, 329, 349
-    the Great, 51, 270
-    the name of, 390
-    Severus, 17
-
-  Alexandrakos, historian, 383 n.
-
-  Alexandretta, 516
-
-  Alexandria, 43, 289, 371, 528, 532
-
-  _Alexiad_, the, 537, 541
-
-  Alexios IV, emperor of Trebizond, 177, 328, 329
-    nephew of Manuel I, 275, 276
-
-  Alfonso V, king of Aragon, 143, 149, 151, 156, 159, 327, 334
-    V, king of Portugal, 340
-
-  Alfred, king of England, 32
-
-  Algerines, the, 228
-
-  Algiers, 380, 384
-
-  Ali, pasha of Joannina, 224, 440
-    Turkish admiral, 374
-
-  Alibret, cardinal, 510
-
-  Alikianou, 186
-
-  Alkinoös, 229
-
-  Alkmaion, 153
-
-  Almiro, gulf of, 246
-
-  Alonzo of Naples, 506
-
-  Alpheios, valley of the, 72
-
-  Alps, the, 275
-
-  Al Rashid, Haroun, 40
-
-  Altavilla, family of, 202
-
-  Amalasuntha, 430
-
-  Amalfi, 499, 523, 528, 548
-
-  Amari, 45
-
-  Amaury I, 519, 521, 523, 529
-
-  Ambelaki, 413
-
-  Ambelokepoi, 395
-
-  Ambrakian gulf, the, 205, 404, 426
-
-  Ambrose, St, archbishop of Milan, 271
-
-  Amedeo of Savoy, pretender to Achaia, 137, 263
-    V of Savoy, 320 n.
-    VI of Savoy, 316, 317
-    VIII of Savoy, 326
-
-  America, and the Americans, 93, 311, 367
-
-  Ammiraglio, ponte dell’, 52
-
-  Amoiroutses, George, 154, 360
-
-  Amorgos, 8, 165, 167
-
-  Amphiktyonic Council, the, 7, 16
-
-  Amphissa, 63
-
-  Ampurias, 122
-
-  Anacletos, bishop of Rome, 16
-
-  Anæa, 283
-
-  Anand, Col. Thomas, 195
-
-  _Anaphiótika_, the, 416
-
-  Anargyroi, monastery of the, 36, 413
-
-  Anastasios II, 269
-
-  Anatolia, 492
-
-  Ancona, 340, 372, 439, 499
-
-  Andravida, 71, 73, 88, 93
-    Norman arch of, 84
-
-  Andreville, _see_ Andravida
-
-  Andrew, St, 17, 41, 106
-    St, head of, 499 ff.
-    duke of the Herzegovina, 470
-
-  Andronikos, the Syrian, 7
-
-  Andros, 43, 142, 163, 166, 168, 170, 171, 173, 174, 176, 373, 394,
-        398, 400
-
-  Androusa, 97
-
-  Androutsos, 228
-
-  Anemas, Michael, 545
-
-  Anephorites, pass of, 142
-
-  Angelos, family of (despots of Epeiros), 88, 115, 124, 182, 200, 201,
-        263
-    Helene, 80, 115, 116, 431
-    Isaac II, emperor, 54, 55, 58
-    Manuel, 278
-    Michael I, 58, 69, 199, 431
-    Michael II, 199, 200, 249, 431 ff.
-    Nikephoros I, 262, 432, 433
-    Nikephoros II, 318, 434
-    Theodore, emperor of Salonika, 277, 278
-    Thomas, 433
-
-  Angevins, the, 95, 116, 118, 124, 166, 169, 199 ff., 208, 209, 262,
-        263, 432 ff., 441, 454
-
-  Angles in England, the, 444
-
-  Angora, 99, 254, 322, 323, 456, 483
-
-  Anguillara, count of, 340
-
-  Anjou, house of, 93, 95, 252
-    Charles I of, 93, 116, 166, 200, 249
-    Charles II of, 94
-
-  Anna, St, foot of, 513
-    Lady, of Epeiros, 83, 84
-
-  Anne of Savoy, 278, 299, 305, 314, 320 n., 450
-
-  Anoe, 265
-
-  Anopaia, pass of, 33
-
-  Antelme of Clugny, 72
-
-  Antikyra (Aspra Spitia), 5
-
-  Antikythera, _see_ Cerigotto
-
-  Antioch, 50, 516 ff., 520 ff., 524, 526, 527, 530, 541, 547
-    George of, admiral, 51
-    Marie of, 76, 117
-
-  Antiparos, island of, 170
-
-  Anti-Paxo, 204, 214
-
-  Antirrhion, 417
-
-  Antivari, 435, 437, 446, 450, 451, 454, 456, 498
-
-  Antonine, Maritime and Jerusalem Itineraries, 429
-
-  Antonines, the, 14 ff.
-
-  Antonius, Caius, 4
-
-  Antony, 6
-
-  Antwerp, 174
-
-  Aoos, _see_ Vojussa
-
-  Apelles, 543
-
-  Apellikon, 2
-
-  Apollo, statue of, 381
-
-  Apollonios of Tyana, 10
-
-  Apollos, 9, 10
-
-  Apostoles, Arsenios, 241
-
-  Apulia, 43, 49, 69, 109, 262, 385, 458, 466, 530
-
-  Aquileia, patriarch of, 340, 501
-
-  Aquinas, St Thomas, 311
-
-  Arabs, the, 36, 37, 191, 202, 526
-
-  Aragon, 82, 123, 124, 128, 130, 140, 141, 143, 149, 151, 152, 158,
-        159, 200, 285, 504
-
-  Arangio, family of, 301
-    Francesco, 304
-
-  Arbe, island of, 492
-
-  Arcadia (Mesarea), 59, 72, 88
-
-  Arcadius, son of Theodosius, 25
-
-  Arch of Trajan, _see_ Philopappos
-
-  Archipelago, duchy of the, 70, 81, 85, 112, 120, 154, 161 ff., 170,
-        171, 178, 184, 194, 289, 310, 312, 314, 324, 332, 352, 399,
-        401, 498
-
-  Archivio di Stato, 502
-
-  Archon Eponymos of Athens, 12, 13, 19, 31
-
-  Ardiæi, the, 460
-
-  Areopagos, the, 9, 11, 16, 21, 31, 66, 135, 396, 407
-
-  Aretousa, 198
-
-  Arezzo, 145
-
-  Argives, the, 23
-
-  Argolis, 100
-
-  Argos, 15, 19, 26, 62, 76, 87, 88, 98, 102, 106, 111, 114, 121, 124
-        ff., 136, 159, 232, 372, 424
-
-  Argostoli, 215
-
-  Argyroi, family of the, 267
-
-  Argyropoulos, 515
-
-  Ariadne, 162
-
-  Arian controversy, the, 22, 23, 25
-    monks, 26
-
-  Arianiti, Angelina, 512
-    Costantino, 512
-    Giorgio, 512
-
-  Ariobarzanes II, king of Cappadocia, 3
-
-  Aristarchos, 270
-
-  Aristides, philosopher, 16
-
-  Aristion, 2, 3
-
-  Aristogeiton, 6, 410
-
-  Aristophanes, 35, 65, 393, 537
-    the _Birds_, 443
-    the School of, 153
-
-  Aristotle, 2, 3, 32, 84, 144, 311, 514, 515, 537, 541
-    study of, 141, 147
-    _Natural History of Animals_, 515
-
-  Arius, 23
-
-  Arkadia (Kyparissia), 14, 72, 89
-
-  Armeni, 45
-
-  Armenia, and the Armenians, 197, 276, 278, 361, 498, 506, 516, 526,
-        528
-
-  Arnauts, the, _see_ Albanians
-
-  Arsenios, metropolitan of Corfù, 46
-
-  Arta, 53, 70, 88, 163, 264, 377, 379, 513
-
-  Arundel, earl of, 381
-
-  Asan, Alexander, 344
-    Manuel, 332
-    Matthew, 238, 343
-
-  Ascalon, 520
-
-  Asên, Alexander, 434, 435
-    George, 435
-    II, John, of Bulgaria, 448
-    III, John, of Bulgaria, 433
-    John Alexander, of Bulgaria, 434
-    John Comnenos, 434
-
-  Asia, 323, 446, 483, 541
-    Minor, 58
-    Minor, king and despot of, 290
-
-  Asian Diocese, the, 20, 21
-
-  Asklepios, shrine of, 30
-
-  Aspra Spitia, _see_ Antikyra
-
-  Assassins, sect of the, 528, 529
-
-  _Assicurati_, the, 213
-
-  _Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois_, 520
-
-  _Assizes of Antioch_, 526
-    _of Cyprus_, 520
-    _of Jerusalem_, 71, 112, 520, 527
-    _of Romania_, 122
-
-  Assos, 336
-
-  Atalante, 76, 111, 395
-    channel, the, 246, 249, 255
-
-  Athanasios, metropolitan, 405
-
-  Athena, 413, 543, 548
-    goddess, 12, 25, 46
-    statue of, 30, 32
-    Archegetis, gate of (Temple of Augustus), 7, 13, 153, 410
-    Promachos, statue of, 30 n.
-
-  Athenais, _see_ Eudokia, empress
-
-  Athenion, 2
-
-  Athens, 1 ff., 5 ff., 29 ff., 36 ff., 45 ff., 53, 54, 60, 61, 63 ff.,
-        74 ff., 80 ff., 85, 97, 98, 100, 110 ff., 121 ff., 129 ff., 135
-        ff., 167, 169, 171, 198, 232, 233, 236, 242, 247 ff., 268, 273,
-        277, 278, 290, 292, 351, 356, 371, 372, 377 ff., 381, 383 n.,
-        385 ff., 406 ff., 418, 425, 498, 499, 515, 525, 533
-    archbishops of, 66, 67, 88, 130, 131
-    castle of, 157
-    cathedral of Our Lady of, 65, 138, 139, 156
-    Christian Archæological Museum, 94, 131, 235
-    church of St Mary of, 140, 141
-    convent of St Andrew, 378
-    dukes and duchy of, 59, 70, 74, 76, 78 ff., 82, 83, 85, 92, 95, 96,
-        100, 114 ff., 125 ff., 132, 133, 138, 144, 147, 149, 151, 153,
-        154, 245, 360
-    first bishop of, 17
-    National Library at, 160
-    the Olive Grove, 19
-    the _Sindici_ of, 130
-    the Sire of, 114
-    university of, 14, 15, 17, 21, 23, 31, 32
-    _also see_ Churches
-
-  Athos, Mount, 281 n., 331, 447
-
-  Attaleiates, _see_ Michael of Adalia
-
-  Attica, 4, 16, 22, 25, 47, 49, 54, 63, 64, 66, 75, 76, 97, 110 ff.,
-        118, 123, 127 ff., 137, 141, 142, 144, 146, 182, 236, 356, 387,
-        389, 393, 414, 416
-
-  Atticus (_also see_ Herodes Atticus), 5, 205
-
-  Augerinos, _see_ Molivos
-
-  Augustin, St, 230
-
-  Augustus, temple of, _see_ Athena Archegetis
-    Aktian festival of, 23
-    (Octavian), emperor, 6, 7, 461
-
-  Aurelian, 20
-
-  Aurelius, Marcus, 14, 15, 17
-
-  Australia, 523
-
-  Australians, 533
-
-  Austria, and the Austrians, 323, 407, 462, 471, 474
-
-  Austria-Hungary, 422
-
-  Autariatæ, the, 460
-
-  Avars, the, 34, 35, 37, 109, 463
-
-  Avarinos, 235
-
-  Avesnes, Jacques d’, 58
-
-  Axios, river, _see_ Vardar
-
-
-  Baal, prophets of, 530
-
-  Babin, jesuit, 386, 392, 393, 413
-
-  Babuna, pass of, 447
-
-  Babylon, 548
-
-  Baden, Prince Louis of, 496
-
-  Badoer, governor, 426
-
-  Baffo, family of, 174
-
-  Bairam, the season of, 393, 396
-
-  Balbi, commander, 424
-
-  Baldaja, Lope de, 239
-
-  Balduini, Antonelli, 147
-
-  Baldwin I, Latin emperor, 58, 63, 110
-    II, Latin emperor, 115, 200, 233, 246, 290, 318, 431
-    I of Jerusalem, 516, 518 ff., 523, 524, 526, 528, 541
-    II of Jerusalem, 516, 518, 519, 523
-    III of Jerusalem, 519, 523, 530
-    IV of Jerusalem, 519, 523
-    V of Jerusalem, 519
-
-  Balkans, the, 18, 25
-
-  Ballester, archbishop of Athens, 130, 158
-
-  Balliol, Russell (Oursel Bailleul), 540
-
-  Balsha, family of, 435, 453, 454
-    II, 435
-    Dame (Comita Musachi), 435, 436
-    Peter, 492
-    Regina, 435, 437
-    titular duke of St Sava, 509
-
-  Balsignano, Giacomo di, 432, 441
-
-  Baltaoghli, admiral, 333
-
-  Baltos, 404
-
-  Banca, Paolo, 304
-
-  Bandiera, Monte, 441
-
-  Banias, the triangle of, 516
-
-  Bâniyâs, _see_ Valénia
-
-  Banjaluka, 461, 462, 491, 493, 494, 496, 497
-
-  Baphius, _De Felicitate Urbis Florentiæ_, 161
-
-  Barbarossa, Frederick, 447
-    Khaireddîn, admiral, 172, 173, 187, 219, 266, 268, 365
-
-  Barbary, 193, 228, 438
-
-  Barberini manuscript, the, 148
-
-  Barcelona, 57, 110, 128, 157
-
-  _Barcelona_, the _Customs of_, 122
-
-  Bargello of Florence, 125
-
-  Bari, 109, 432, 446, 447, 449, 535, 544
-    St Nicholas of, 93
-
-  Barozzi, the, 167
-    Francesco, 400
-
-  Basante, river, _see_ Bosna
-
-  Basil I, emperor, 42, 43, 44
-    II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” emperor, 47, 48, 53, 65, 113, 272, 273,
-        275, 430, 445, 465, 466, 534 ff.
-
-  Basil, heretic, 542
-
-  Basilakios, 540
-
-  Basilike, 389
-
-  Basingstoke, Master John of, 66
-
-  Bassano, 309
-
-  Bato, 461
-
-  Baudrand, _Geographia_, 267, 268
-
-  Bautzen, 443
-
-  Baux, family of, 453
-    Jacques de, 97, 107, 128, 201
-
-  Bayezid I, sultan, 137, 159, 171, 237, 254, 280, 319 ff., 455
-    II, sultan, 365, 492
-
-  Beaufort, duc de, 195
-    Henry, bishop of Winchester, 171
-
-  Beaumont, John, viscount, 345
-
-  Bees, N. A., 35
-
-  Beibars, sultan of Egypt, 517
-
-  Beirût, 506, 516, 518, 521
-
-  Beithmann, minister, 411
-
-  Béla II, king of Hungary, 467
-    III, king of Hungary, 469, 470
-
-  Belgrade, 442, 443, 448, 456, 457, 486, 497
-
-  Bellarbe, Romeo de, 128
-
-  Belvoir, 528
-
-  Bembo, commander, 425
-    Giovanni Matteo, 438, 439
-
-  Benaldes, Dr Argyros, 407, 414, 415
-
-  Benedict, archbishop of Patras, 249
-    of Peterborough, 61, 262
-    XII, pope, 293
-
-  Benevento, 199, 202, 263, 431, 498, 512
-
-  Benizelos, family of, 390, 397, 414
-    Angelos, 393
-    Demetrios, 393
-    Joannes, 393
-    Palaiologos, 416
-
-  Benizelou, Philothee, 378
-
-  Benjamin of Tudela, 52, 53, 60, 275, 527, 549
-
-  Bentley, 83
-
-  Bérard, 77, 112
-
-  Berat, 431 ff., 436, 440
-
-  Bergikios, Joannes, 198
-
-  Bergotes, K., 261
-
-  Berlin, 65
-    Museum, 148
-
-  Berre, Louis Cossa of, 326
-
-  Beshik, lake, 273
-
-  Bessarion, Cardinal, of Trebizond, 372, 500, 505, 513 ff.
-
-  Bestami, Ali, 348, 490
-
-  Bethany, 531
-
-  Bethlehem, 517, 518, 520, 527, 529, 530
-
-  Béthune, Conon de, 83
-
-  Bettòlo, admiral, 436
-
-  Biandrate, 277
-
-  Bistue, 462
-
-  Bjelopolje, 470
-
-  Black Cape, _see_ Karaburun
-    Mountain, the, 229
-    Prince, 128 n.
-    Sea, the, 58, 272, 283, 285, 289, 295, 300, 328, 333, 341, 449, 499
-
-  Blagaj, 465, 490
-
-  Bobovatz, 475, 478, 482, 487, 489
-
-  Boccaccio, 79, 93, 114, 138
-    _History of the King of Scotland and the Queen of England_, 212
-
-  Boccanegra, Simone, 303
-
-  Bocche di Cattaro, 447, 454, 478
-
-  Bodin, Constantine (Peter of Bulgaria), king of the Zeta, 446, 466,
-        549
-
-  Bodleian Library, 389
-
-  Bœotia, and the Bœotians, 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 25, 49, 55, 63, 75, 76,
-        82, 97, 110 ff., 123, 124, 128, 132, 144, 151, 153, 161, 356,
-        550
-
-  Bœthius, _Consolation of Philosophy_, 32
-
-  Bogomiles (Patarenes), the, 447, 469 ff., 475 ff., 480, 485, 489 ff.,
-        494 ff., 508, 541
-
-  Bohemond of Taranto, 516, 520, 541, 542, 544, 546, 548
-
-  Bologna, 69, 84, 311, 314, 504
-
-  Bonaparte, _see_ Napoleon I
-
-  Bondelmonti, 330, 331
-
-  Boniface of Montferrat, 58, 59, 62, 63, 67, 69, 83, 87, 110, 113,
-        121, 177, 245, 246, 277, 278
-    of Verona, 117, 120, 121, 123, 133, 236
-    VIII, pope, 76, 118, 286, 314
-
-  Bonne of Savoy, 326
-
-  _Book of Guido_, 47
-
-  _Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania_, 71, 73
-
-  Bordeaux, 128
-
-  Bordo de San Superan, Pedro, 97, 100, 128
-
-  Borgia, Rodrigo, _see_ Alexander VI, pope
-
-  Borgo, the, 497
-
-  Borich, _ban_ of Bosnia, 467, 473
-
-  Boris of Bulgaria, 272
-
-  Boschini, 267
-
-  Bosna (Basante), river, 464, 470, 471, 483, 496
-
-  Bosnia, 173, 365, 422, 435, 447, 451, 454, 457, 460 ff., 498, 499
-
-  Bosporos, the, 47, 181, 299, 322, 446, 451, 499, 535
-
-  Botaneiates, Nikephoros, emperor, 535, 537, 538, 540
-
-  Boua, family of, 368
-    Peter, “the lame,” 103
-    Grivas, family of, 264
-
-  Boubounistra gate, the, 141
-
-  Bouchart, William, jouster, 82, 118
-
-  Boucicault, Marshal, 305, 313, 320 ff.
-
-  Boudonitza (Mendenitza), bishop of, 395
-    marquesses and the marquisate of, 62, 63, 81, 85, 111, 119, 124,
-        127, 134, 143, 150, 245 ff., 290
-
-  Boulgaris, family of, 218
-
-  Boulgaris, Eugenios, 213
-
-  Boulogne, 368
-
-  Bouniales, poet, 198, 384
-
-  Bourbons, the, 486
-
-  Bourbon, Marie de, 201, 321
-
-  Bousat, Hugh, 507
-
-  Boutron, 522
-
-  Boyl, bishop of Megara, 129
-
-  Bracciolini, Poggio, 311
-
-  Branas, Alexios, 276
-    Theodore, 332
-
-  Brankovich, George, 281, 456, 487
-    Lazar III, 457
-    Maria, 490
-    Stephen, 512
-    Vuk, 455, 456, 479
-
-  Brazza, island of, 479, 481
-
-  Brenthe, the Hellenic, 72
-
-  Brescia, 144, 417
-    Domenico of, 148 n.
-
-  Brienne, family of, 124, 136, 158
-    Hugh de, 116
-    Isabelle de, 125
-    Walter I de, 118 ff., 123, 250
-    Walter II de, 121, 124 ff., 138, 203, 251
-
-  Brindisi, 121, 535
-    Margaritone of, 261, 262
-
-  Bristol, 344
-
-  British, the, 186, 198, 207, 208, 211 ff., 227, 229, 234, 298, 364,
-        478, 503, 515, 516, 549
-    Adriatic Mission, 441
-    Museum, 226 n., 270, 531
-    School at Athens, 72
-
-  Brod, 496
-
-  Brokines, L. S., 219
-
-  Brown, Mr Horatio F., 63, 239 n.
-
-  Brue, interpreter, 425
-
-  Brunswick, duke of, 404
-    Prince Maximilian William of, 404
-
-  Brusa, 294, 320
-
-  Brutus, 5, 6
-
-  Bruyères, Geoffroy de, 72
-    Hugues de, 72, 89
-
-  Bryennios, Nikephoros, 538 ff.
-
-  Buchon, historian, 70, 86, 118, 132, 233, 257
-
-  Buckingham, duke of, 345, 381
-
-  Buda-Pesth, 451, 483, 493, 496
-
-  Budua, 451, 454, 456, 458, 459
-
-  Bulgaria, and the Bulgarians, 18, 29, 34, 40 ff., 46, 48, 49, 59, 65,
-        271 ff., 277, 316, 361, 370, 418, 442 ff., 450, 453, 464, 466,
-        469, 480, 535
-
-  Buna, river, 465
-
-  Buondelmonti, _Liber Insularum_, 263
-
-  Burgundy, 75, 90, 112, 113, 321
-    duke of, 320
-    Louis of, 95
-
-  Bury, Professor, 272
-
-  Bustron, Florio, 531
-
-  Butrinto, 205, 217, 219 ff., 224, 225, 373, 403, 417, 426
-
-  Byron, Lord, 66, 196, 204, 386
-    _Corsair_, 399
-    _The Siege of Corinth_, 425
-
-  _Byzantinische Zeitschrift_, 109
-
-  Byzantium, 22, 120, 123, 136, 232, 283, 299, 313, 316, 323, 329, 351,
-        445, 449 ff., 502, 512, 534, 536, 537, 543, 547
-
-
-  Cæsar, 5, 7, 50, 140, 538
-
-  Cæsarea, 527
-    Philippi, 516
-
-  Caffa, 307, 309, 329, 333
-
-  Caffaro, historian, 61
-    _Liberatio Orientis_, 261
-
-  Cairo, 506
-
-  Caius Antonius, 4
-
-  Calabria, 49, 67, 210, 369
-    duke of, 344, 501
-
-  Calbo, Antonio, 264
-
-  Calemanus, 432
-
-  Caligula, 8
-
-  Caliph, the, 37
-
-  Calixtus III, pope, 340, 343, 352
-
-  Calvi, Francesco, secretary, 331
-
-  Cambrai, bishop of, 158
-
-  Camogli, 345
-
-  Campi, Andriolo, 304
-    Giovanni, 304
-
-  Campo-fregoso, Gian Galeazzo de, 328
-    Ludovico de, 328, 332, 345
-
-  Canaia (Panaia), island, 161, 246
-
-  Canale, Nicolò da, 351
-
-  Cancelleria, the, 515
-
-  Candia, 44, 130, 163, 167, 176, 179 ff., 183 ff., 190 ff., 222, 356,
-        365, 384, 385, 403
-
-  Canea, 180, 181, 184, 186, 187, 189, 190, 192, 194, 356, 416, 418, 426
-
-  Caneto, Nicolò de, 304
-
-  Cantacuzenes, the, 130
-
-  Cantacuzene, John, emperor, 62, 96, 103, 104, 269, 278, 279, 291,
-        292, 299, 305, 306, 313 ff., 318, 433, 450
-    Manuel, 96, 97, 316
-    Matthew, 315, 316
-    Michael (Saïtan Oglou), 375
-    de Flory, Charlotte, 507
-
-  Canterbury, archbishop of, 345
-    St Thomas of, 518, 529
-
-  Caopena, family of, 131, 143
-
-  Cape Colonna (Cape Sunium), 83
-    Matapan, 29
-
-  Capello, Vettor, 349, 350, 372
-
-  Capgrave, 503
-
-  Capistrano, franciscan, 457
-
-  Capitan Pasha, the, 268, 365, 438
-
-  Capodistria, Count Viaro, 211
-
-  Capsulum, 332
-
-  Capuchins, the, 383, 386, 388, 393, 397, 400, 410, 411
-
-  Caracalla, 17, 18
-
-  Caracciolo, 106, 513
-
-  Cargèse, 385
-
-  Carlini, archbishop, 421, 425
-
-  Carlo, duke of Regina, 265
-
-  Carlone, 308
-
-  Carlovitz, and treaty of, 203, 223, 361 n., 417, 422, 424, 497
-
-  Carmel, Mt, 530
-
-  Carniola, 487
-
-  Carrey, Jacques, painter, 387, 395
-
-  _Casa dei Mercanti_, 59
-
-  Casape, 372
-
-  Cassino, 513
-
-  Cassius, 6
-
-  Castello dell’ Uovo, 96, 482
-
-  Castelnuovo, 454, 478, 492
-
-  Castel Rosso, _see_ Karystos
-    Tornese, _see_ Chlomoutsi
-
-  Castile, 158
-
-  Castro, Giovanni de, 502
-
-  Catalan Chronicle, the, 95
-    Grand Company, 95, 119, 121, 130, 236, 279, 288, 501
-
-  Catalans, the, 76, 77, 96, 97, 115, 119 ff., 129 ff., 143, 167, 169,
-        182, 236, 250 ff., 288, 290, 318, 341
-
-  Cataluña, 57, 119, 120, 130, 131
-
-  Catherine of Austria, 320 n.
-    queen of Bosnia, 488, 491, 508 ff., 512
-    daughter of Stephen Thomas of Bosnia, 508
-    of Savoy, 320 n.
-    of Valois, Latin empress, 97, 201, 252, 290, 433
-    wife of Andrew Palaiologos, 514
-
-  Cattaneo, family of, 313, 337
-    Andriolo, 288, 289, 294, 295, 296
-    Domenico, 294 ff., 316
-    Luchino, 295
-
-  Cattaro, 424, 435, 445, 451 ff., 456, 475, 477 ff., 484
-
-  Catullus, 271, 540
-
-  Caumont, de, traveller, 107
-
-  Ceba, commander, 328
-
-  Celts, the, 275, 460
-
-  Cephalonia, 4, 13, 37, 50, 55, 61, 69, 70, 81, 136, 139, 144, 153,
-        154, 202 ff., 209, 213, 215, 216, 221, 222, 232, 243, 257, 261
-        ff., 325, 374, 498, 512
-    counts of, 82, 84, 135, 139, 146
-
-  Cerigo (Kythera), 69, 183, 204, 217, 221, 223, 225, 226, 228, 233
-        ff., 242, 245, 267, 422, 426
-
-  Cerigotto (Antikythera), 225, 234, 245, 381 n., 426
-
-  Cérines (Kyrenia), 503 ff.
-
-  Cerone, Signor, _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, 156
-
-  Certosa, the, 96, 145, 154
-
-  Cetina, river, 464, 474, 478
-
-  Chafforicios, John, 507
-
-  Chaironeia, 2, 3, 12, 96
-
-  Chalandritza, 72, 290
-
-  Chalcedon, the council of, 31
-
-  Chalil Pasha, 439
-
-  Chalkidike, peninsula of, 270, 274
-
-  Chalkis, 54, 69, 148 n., 159, 160, 193, 306, 356, 379, 396, 397
-
-  Chalkokondyles, family of, 76
-    Laonikos, historian, 101, 145, 152, 159, 237 ff., 280, 281, 351,
-        371, 390, 484
-    Demetrios, 145, 369, 371
-    father of the historian, 146, 147
-
-  Chalouphes, Nikephoros, 52
-
-  Chamaretos, Joannes, 88
-
-  Champagne, 64, 75, 87, 88, 90, 111, 116
-    count of, 58
-
-  Champlitte, Guillaume de, 58, 67, 74, 87, 89, 246
-    Robert de, 74, 90
-
-  Chandak, the, 44
-
-  _Charbon_, 72
-
-  Charkondyles, _see_ Chalkokondyles
-
-  Charles IV, emperor, 184
-    V, emperor, 219, 220, 373, 374
-    I of Anjou-Naples, 93, 109, 116, 166, 200, 247, 249, 285, 431, 432
-    II of Anjou-Naples, 94, 108, 201, 262, 433
-    III of Durazzo, 201, 202
-    I of England, 61, 381
-    V of France, 127
-    VI of France, 321
-    VII of France, 303, 344
-    VIII of France, 106, 240, 381, 514
-    II of Navarre, 127
-    of Savoy, 506, 519
-    XII of Sweden, 223
-    of Taranto, 133
-    Robert of Hungary, 474
-
-  Charlotte of Cyprus, 502 ff., 519
-
-  Charvati, 59
-
-  Chases, 46
-
-  Chastel-Rouge, 528
-
-  Châtaignier, M., consul, 387
-
-  Château Pèlerin, 518
-
-  Chateaubriand, 419
-
-  Châtillon, Renaud de, 522
-
-  Chaucer, 114
-    _The Knight’s Tale_, 64
-
-  Cheimarra, 404, 434 ff., 438
-
-  Cherson, 272
-
-  Chian Chartered Company, 337, 342, 345, 373, 501
-
-  Chilandar, monastery of, 447
-
-  Chinardo, Filippo, admiral, 199, 200, 431 ff., 441
-
-  Chios, 148, 160, 168, 173, 250, 283, 287 ff., 296, 298 ff., 313, 314,
-        319, 322, 325, 328, 332, 334, 336, 337, 341, 342, 344 ff., 349,
-        356, 373, 417, 420, 498, 501
-
-  Chlomoutsi (Castel Tornese), 78 ff., 85, 91, 405, 501
-
-  Choniates, Niketas, historian, 53, 86
-
-  Chortatzai, 181
-
-  Chosroes, king of Persia, 32
-
-  Choumnos, Nikephoros, rhetorician, 269
-
-  _Chronicle of Galaxidi_, 376
-
-  _Chronicle of Monemvasia_, 35
-
-  _Chronicle of the Morea_, _see_ Morea
-
-  _Chronicon Breve_, 160
-
-  Chrysostom, 84, 149
-
-  Church of
-    Ara Cœli, Rome, 508 ff.
-    Georgios Tropæophoros, Valona, 437
-    La Martorana (Sta Maria dell’ Ammiraglio), 52
-    Landulph, 106, 107
-    Our Lady, Athens (_also see_ Parthenon), 31, 46, 61, 65, 85, 112,
-        140, 141, 145, 151
-    St Andrew, Salonika, 274
-    St Arsenios, Corfù, 210
-    St Athanasios, Kastro, Thasos, 330
-    St Catherine, Jajce, 510
-      Salonika, 279
-    St Demetrios, Salonika, 279, 281
-      the Bombardier, Athens, 396
-    St Elias, Salonika, 275
-    St George, Salonika, 271, 274, 279
-    St James, Compostella, 74
-    St John Baptist, Lesbos, 319
-    St John Baptist, Salonika, 281
-    St Mark, Venice, 143, 407
-    St Martin, Tours, 79
-    St Mary’s-on-the-rock, Athens, 145, 388
-    St Nicholas, Ænos, 326
-    St Panteleemon, Athens, 390, 394
-      Salonika, 275
-    St Peter, Rome, 74, 500, 506, 507, 513
-    St Saba, Acra, 525
-    St Sophia, Salonika, 279, 282
-      Constantinople, 22, 33, 54, 235, 282
-      Monemvasia, 235
-    St Spiridion, Corfù, 210, 222, 224, 225
-    St Theodore, Patras, 78
-    SS. Jason and Sosipater, Corfù, 218, 237
-    SS. Nereus and Achillios, Rome, 515
-    SS. Peter and Paul, Naples, 376
-    San Ciriaco, Rome, 503
-    San Clemente, Salonika, 272
-    San Giacomo, Sestri Ponente, 314, 324, 351
-    San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice, 131
-    San Pietro in Montorio, Rome, 240
-    Sant’ Andrea della Valle, Rome, 500
-    Sant’ Antonio, Naxos, 171
-    Sta Maria de Clusurio, Boudonitza, 248
-      della Pace, Rome, 198
-      della Passione, Milan, 371
-      del Popolo, Rome, 507
-      sopra Minerva, Rome, 515
-    the Archangels, Athens, 378
-    the Chrysopege, Ænos, 326
-    the Holy Apostles, Athens, 360
-    the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem, 531
-    the Panagia Gorgoepekoos, Athens, 40, 233, 378
-    the Prophet Elias, Athens, 131
-    the SS. Apostoli, Rome, 514
-    the Twelve Apostles, Salonika, 279
-    the Virgin, Corfù, 24
-      Salonika, 275, 281
-
-  Ciacconius, _Lives and Acts of the Popes and Cardinals_, 511
-
-  Cicero, 4, 5, 16, 99, 205, 270, 514, 550
-
-  Cicon, Agnes de, 117
-    Sibylle de, 248
-
-  Cilicia, 4
-
-  Cinnamus, 468
-
-  Cistercians, the, 118
-
-  Civetot, 549
-
-  Claudius, emperor, 8, 18, 20
-
-  Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de, 323
-
-  Clement III, pope, 446
-    V, pope, 529
-    VI, pope, 253, 293
-    VII, pope, 158
-    VIII, pope, 507
-    IX, pope, 195
-    XI, pope, 424
-    St, relics of, 272
-
-  Cleopatra, 6
-
-  Clerkenwell, priory of St John of Jerusalem, 522
-
-  Clermont, castle of, 78, 91
-
-  Clugny, Antelme of, 72
-
-  Cocco, Constantine, 400
-
-  Colomboto, Spineta, 340
-
-  Colonna, Marcantonio, 374
-
-  Columbus, Christopher, 311
-
-  _Commemoriali_, the, 109
-
-  Communio, abbey of, 247
-
-  Comnena, Anna, 430, 446, 526, 533 ff.
-
-  Comnenos, family of, 61, 231, 247, 297, 350, 353, 467, 536
-    Alexios I, 34, 50, 51, 430, 534 ff., 546 ff.
-      II, 539
-      III, 54
-    Andronikos I, 275
-    David, 275
-    Isaac I, 536
-    John, father of Alexios I, 536
-    John II, 539, 543
-    Manuel I, emperor, 52, 171, 275, 434, 445, 446, 467 ff., 539, 540,
-        544
-
-  Compar, Fale (Valle) de, 262
-
-  Compostella, 74
-
-  Condocalli, Cristofalo, 221, 374
-
-  _Conqueste, Le Livre de la_, 86, 108, 125, 133
-
-  Conquistadors, the, 123
-
-  Conrad III, king of the Romans, 303
-
-  Conradin, 73
-
-  Constance, daughter of Duke of Athens, 158
-
-  Constans I, emperor, 23
-    II, emperor, 36, 37, 47
-
-  Constantine I the Great, emperor, 3, 20 ff., 31, 37, 38, 269
-    V Copronymos, emperor, 39, 534
-    VII Porphyrogenitus, emperor, 32, 39, 44, 46, 430, 442, 443, 464
-    VIII, emperor, 535, 536
-    X Doukas, emperor, 538
-    XI, emperor, _see_ Palaiologos
-    king of Greece, 273, 535
-    “the Philosopher,” 456
-    (Cyril), Slavonic apostle, 272
-
-  Constantinople, 1, 20, 22, 25, 26, 29 ff., 33, 37 ff., 47 ff., 55,
-        58, 59, 65, 67, 68, 80, 86 ff., 92, 98, 100, 102, 104, 105,
-        107, 110, 113, 115, 116, 128, 151, 152, 159, 162, 164 ff., 171,
-        173, 174, 181, 186, 192, 194, 199, 202, 203, 209, 212, 218,
-        228, 233 ff., 266, 268 ff., 276 ff., 280, 282, 284, 287, 290
-        ff., 298, 306 ff., 311 ff., 319 ff., 326, 329, 333 ff., 338,
-        344, 348, 349, 352, 355, 357 ff., 369 ff., 375, 377 ff., 385,
-        387, 389, 391, 392, 395, 398, 411 ff., 416, 429 ff., 437, 444,
-        445, 448 ff., 456, 461, 465, 466, 475, 476, 486, 487, 490, 494,
-        495, 498, 499, 502, 514, 532, 534, 538, 543, 546, 549, 550
-    the patriarch of, 39, 113
-    university of, 23, 31
-
-  Constantius II, emperor, 23
-
-  Contarini, Bartolommeo, 150
-
-  Conversano, count of, 126, 128
-
-  Conybeare, Mr F. C., 66
-
-  Copaic basin, the, 120
-
-  Copronymos, Constantine V, emperor, 39, 534
-
-  Coquerel, Mahiot de, 128
-
-  Cordoba, Gonsalvo de, 203
-
-  Corfù, 1, 10, 11, 21, 24, 33, 46, 49 ff., 55, 69, 72, 74, 90, 105,
-        179, 188, 197, 199 ff., 204 ff., 237, 242, 283, 369, 370, 373
-        ff., 403, 406, 413, 414, 425, 426, 430, 437, 438, 446 n., 498
-        ff.
-    the Old Fortress, 225
-    San Rocco, 220
-
-  Corinna, 533
-
-  Corinth, 1 ff., 5, 7 ff., 13, 15, 16, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 29, 31, 33,
-        35, 37, 40, 41, 47, 50, 52, 53, 62, 82, 84, 87, 88, 100, 102,
-        104, 124, 138, 139, 141, 203, 231, 233, 236, 239, 242, 247,
-        250, 356, 380, 397, 398, 405, 406, 409, 410, 412, 414, 417,
-        418, 421, 423, 425
-    archbishop of, 62, 84
-    baron of, 127
-    gulf of, 5, 7, 26, 41, 44, 51, 63, 70, 76, 98, 100, 101, 111, 144,
-        374, 375, 405, 422, 424, 451
-
-  Corinth, isthmus of, 8, 67, 81, 85, 94, 118, 219
-
-  _Corinthians, Epistles to the_, 10
-
-  Cornaro, admiral, 268
-    Andrea, baron of Skarpanto, 250, 251
-      governor of Crete, 193
-      _Historia di Candia_, 266
-    Catherine, 505, 507
-    Girolamo, 414, 418, 421, 438
-    Vincenzo, _Erotokritos_, 198
-
-  Corogna, Januli da, 167
-
-  Coron, _see_ Koron
-
-  Coronelli, 423
-
-  Coronello, Francesco, 174
-
-  Cornaro, Teodoro, 438
-
-  Correr, Pietro, 134
-
-  Corsica, 188, 302, 385
-
-  Coruña, 167
-
-  Corvinus, Matthias, 491, 511
-
-  Cosconius, Caius, 461
-
-  Cossa, Louis, lord of Berre, 326
-
-  Costa, Alamanno, count of Syracuse, 180
-
-  Coucy, Enguerrand VI de, 320 n.
-    VII, de, 320
-
-  Courcelles, Henri de, 432
-
-  Courtenay, Emperor Peter of, 90
-
-  Crawford, Marion, _Arethusa_, 534
-
-  Crécy, 299
-
-  Cremona, 314
-
-  Crete, and the Cretans, 4, 10, 16, 19 ff., 36, 37, 43 ff., 47, 58, 68
-        ff., 75, 78, 81, 82, 98, 162, 163, 166 ff., 172, 176 ff., 204,
-        209, 217, 221, 222, 240 ff., 250, 267, 273, 275, 280, 283, 298,
-        325, 356, 357, 362, 366, 373, 385, 400, 403, 416, 426, 443,
-        498, 541
-
-  “Creticus” (Quintus Metellus), 4
-
-  Creveliers, Hugues, 399
-
-  Crimea, the, 228
-
-  Crispi, Francesco, Italian prime minister, 69
-
-  Crispo, family of (dukes of Naxos), 68, 69, 79, 498
-    Elisabetta, 339
-    Francesco I, 170
-      III, 172, 175 ff.
-    Giacomo I, “The Pacific,” 171
-      II, 332, 339
-      IV, 173, 174
-    Giovanni III, 172
-      IV, 172, 176, 177, 266
-
-  Crispus, Sallustius, 173
-
-  Crnoje, Raditch, 458, 459
-
-  Crnojevich, John, 458
-
-  Crnojevich, Stephen, 458, 459
-
-  Croatia, and the Croats, 442, 443, 463 ff., 467, 468, 474, 476, 479
-        ff., 487 ff., 491 ff., 496, 497
-
-  Crusade, the first, 532, 534, 536, 541, 546, 548
-    the fourth, 57, 61, 67, 110, 162, 177, 234, 276, 277, 283, 293,
-        430, 540, 546
-
-  Crusaders, the, 58, 59, 63, 67, 318, 516 ff., 524, 525, 531, 541,
-        542, 546, 547, 550
-
-  Crusius, Martin, _see_ Kraus
-
-  Culuris, _see_ Salamis
-
-  Cumans (Scythians), the, 536, 541, 546
-
-  Curzola, 474, 479, 481
-
-  Cybo, Kalojanni, 300, 306
-
-  Cyclades, the, 8, 21, 38, 44, 68, 78, 83, 84, 161 ff., 179, 232, 254,
-        265 ff., 355, 381, 384, 387, 398 ff.
-
-  Cyclopean stones, 63
-
-  Cydonia, 180
-
-  Cyprus, 78, 187, 198, 218, 221, 243, 285, 286, 298, 302, 304, 356,
-        373 ff., 377, 379, 422, 498, 502 ff., 517, 519, 522, 526, 528,
-        529, 531, 532, 541
-
-  Cyriacus of Ancona, 65, 147 ff., 152, 160, 171, 264, 310, 311, 330
-        ff., 352, 437
-
-  Cyril (Constantine), Slavonic apostle, 272
-
-  Cyrillic alphabet, the, 272
-
-
-  Dabisha, Stephen, 480, 481
-
-  Da Corogna, family of, 131
-
-  Dadi, 246, 247
-
-  Dagno, 437
-
-  Daimonoyannes, 233
-    family of, 234, 242, 368
-
-  Dalassene, Anna, 536, 541, 544
-
-  dalle Carceri, family of, 168
-    Maria, 250
-    Nicolò II, 169, 170
-    Ravano, 59
-    Realdo, 59
-
-  Dalmatia, 243, 272, 380, 443, 461 ff., 467, 468, 474, 476, 479 ff.,
-        488, 491, 493, 498, 549
-
-  dal Verme, Luchino, 184
-
-  Damala, baron of, 290, 291
-
-  Damaris, 9
-
-  Damascus, 321
-
-  Dambira, Father, 405
-
-  Damestre, 405
-
-  Damietta, 325
-
-  Damirales, 440
-
-  Dandolo, Andrea, historian, 168
-    Enrico, doge, 68, 162
-    Leonardo, 183
-    Marino, 166
-
-  Danegeld, 307
-
-  Danielis of Patras, 42, 43, 55
-
-  Danilo I, bishop of Montenegro, 424
-
-  Dante, 64, 73, 114, 272
-    _Paradiso_, 303, 449
-    _Purgatorio_, 111
-
-  Danube, river, 34, 47, 81, 225, 366, 443, 445, 449, 456, 487, 499, 511
-
-  Daphni, abbey of, 118, 150 n., 397
-    pass of, 407
-
-  Dardanelles, the, 21, 194, 301, 313, 334, 340, 375, 451, 501, 534
-
-  David, the tower of, 519, 521, 527
-
-  Dead Sea, the, 516, 520, 530
-
-  _Decameron_, the, 79
-
-  De Cigalla, family of, 131
-    Dr (Dekigallas), 167
-
-  Decius, emperor, 18, 20
-
-  _Decuriones_, 21
-
-  _Defensor_, 22
-
-  Deffner, Dr, 60
-
-  Dei, Benedetto, 161
-
-  de la Brocquière, Bertrandon, traveller, 326, 327, 484
-
-  de la Motraye, traveller, 423
-
-  de la Roche, family of (dukes of Athens), 82, 118, 125
-    Guillaume (William), 80, 115, 116, 249
-    Guy I, 64, 76, 79, 92, 112 ff., 232, 248, 249
-    Guy II, 76, 81, 82, 116 ff., 123, 124, 133
-    Jacqueline, 292
-    John, 83, 115, 116
-    Othon, 58, 63, 64, 67, 75, 110 ff., 156, 248
-
-  de la Salle (Sala), 425
-
-  de la Trémouille, Audebert, 72
-
-  Delenda, family of, 131
-
-  Deli-Dagh, _see_ Hymettos
-
-  della Valle, Pietro, 222
-
-  Delminium, 461
-
-  Delos (Le Sdiles), 2, 4, 15, 44, 148, 265, 381, 399
-    confederacy of, 14
-
-  Delphi (Kastri), 1, 3, 10, 13, 15, 22, 46, 51, 116, 137, 375, 397
-    oracle of, 11, 16, 24
-
-  Delyannes, M., Greek prime minister, 72, 89
-
-  Demakes, Michael, 405
-
-  Dematra, castle of, 116
-
-  Demetrias, 44, 50
-
-  Demetrios, St, 269 ff., 273, 275 ff., 281, 478
-
-  Demetrius, king of Salonika, 248
-
-  Demetsana, 72
-
-  Demosthenes, 22, 410, 537, 542
-    lantern of, _see_ Lysikrates
-
-  De Novelles, family of, 122, 157
-
-  Dentuto, Cristoforo, 331
-
-  Denys, St, of France, 141
-
-  _Derben-aga_, 38
-
-  Dervenaki, pass of, 102
-
-  Desa, _jupan_, 468
-
-  Desimoni, 301
-
-  Deslaur, Roger, 119 ff.
-
-  Deslaurs, the, 137
-
-  Detchani, monastery of, 449
-
-  Detchanski, Stephen, _see_ Urosh III of Serbia
-
-  Devon, earls of, 90
-
-  Dexippos, historian, 19
-
-  Dezia, Jacomo, 176
-
-  Diakonos, Leo, 47 n.
-
-  Diakophto, 72
-
-  Diana, temple of, 330
-
-  Diavoli, 451
-
-  Diedo, 423
-
-  Diehl, M., 535, 550
-
-  Digby, Sir Kenelm, 381
-
-  Diocletian, emperor, 20, 21, 461, 463, 503
-
-  Diogenes, Constantine, 275
-
-  Diokleia or Dioklitia, 444 ff., 448, 450, 466, 468, 549
-
-  _Diolkos_, 44
-
-  Dionysios, archbishop of Trikkala, 379
-    of Halikarnassos, 327, 330, 352
-    the Areopagite, 9, 17, 141, 411
-
-  Dionysos, 30, 162
-    theatre of, 13, 14, 18, 412
-
-  Diplovatatzes, George, 340
-
-  Djakovo, 481, 482
-
-  Djem, prince of Turkey, 514
-
-  Djouneïd of Aïdin, 325
-
-  Doboj, 461, 496
-
-  Dobor, 481, 483
-
-  Doclea, 444, 466
-
-  Dodekannesos, the, 37, 68, 163
-
-  Dodona, ruins of, 148
-    shrine of, 33
-
-  Doge’s Palace, the, 57, 79
-
-  Dolnja Tuzla, 462, 496
-
-  Domenico of Brescia, 148 n.
-
-  Dominicans, the, 467
-
-  Domitian, emperor, 12, 13
-
-  Domoko, 62, 254
-
-  _Don Quixote_, 375
-
-  D’Oria, family of, 326, 328
-    Andrea, 373
-    Corrado, 305
-    Domenico, 295
-    Lanfranchino, 295
-    Marco, 351
-    Orietta, 333
-    Valentina, 326
-
-  Dorians, the, 91
-
-  Dorotheos, the _Chronicle_ of, 371
-
-  Dorylæum, battle of, 547
-
-  Doukas, family of, 538
-    Constantine X, emperor, 538
-      son of Michael VII, 539, 543
-    Michael VII, emperor, 49, 538, 539
-    historian, 335, 337, 340, 341
-
-  Dousmanes, family of, 414
-    General, 405
-    George, 405
-
-  Doxapatres, 88
-
-  Dragash, Constantine, 436
-
-  Dragutin, Stephen, 473, 478
-
-  Drakos, 379
-
-  Drapperio, Francesco, 307
-
-  Dratch, _see_ Durazzo
-
-  Drin, Albanian river, 430
-
-  Drina, Bosnian river, 462, 465, 468, 474, 480
-
-  Drivasto, 437, 456
-
-  Drizzacorne, Lanfranco, 303
-
-  Dromokaïtes, George, 340
-
-  _Droungários_, 37
-
-  Drusus, 8
-
-  Drymalia, 165
-
-  Ducange, historian, 458
-
-  Duchesne, Monsignor, 278
-
-  Dukati, the, 434
-
-  Dulcigno, 228, 437, 456, 498
-
-  Durazzo, 50, 51, 70, 128, 271, 275, 429 ff., 434, 435, 437, 438, 440,
-        444, 445, 448, 449, 454, 456, 464, 498, 540, 541, 544 ff., 548
-    Charles III of, 201, 202
-
-  Dushan, Stephen (Urosh IV of Serbia), 253, 279, 299, 434, 441, 450
-        ff., 457, 475, 476, 480
-
-  Dushmani, 405
-
-  Dyme, 2, 4, 6
-
-
-  Echinades islands, 374
-
-  Edessa (Urfa), 516 ff., 520, 521, 523, 526, 528, 530, 541, 547
-
-  Edrisi, Arabian geographer, 52, 55
-
-  Edward I of England, 516, 517, 528, 529
-    III of England, 299, 441
-
-  Eginhard, biographer of Charlemagne, 443
-
-  Egypt, 89, 91, 177, 286, 325, 327, 423, 503, 505, 506, 516 ff., 520,
-        528
-
-  Eichstätt, bishop of, 35
-
-  El-ʿArîsh, 516, 517
-
-  Elateia, 14, 18
-
-  Elbassan, 454
-    monastery of St John, 445
-
-  Elena, St, 141
-
-  Elephantis, 533
-
-  Eleusinian mysteries, the, 7, 14, 19, 23 ff.
-
-  Eleusis, 14, 26, 66, 118, 396, 397
-
-  Elgin, Lord, 381, 386, 407
-    marbles, the, 66
-
-  “El Greco” (Theotokopoulos, Domenicos), 198
-
-  Elijah, the prophet, 455, 530
-
-  Elis, 67, 71, 73, 78, 88, 89, 414, 418, 501
-
-  Eloth, _see_ Aila
-
-  Emerich, king of Hungary, 470
-
-  Emerson, historian, 425
-
-  Emo, Angelo, 228
-
-  Engaddi, 529
-
-  Enghien, the house of, 136, 158
-    Marie d’, 136
-    Sohier d’, 158
-    Walter d’, 125
-
-  England, and the English, 50, 66 ff., 85, 125, 171, 193, 197, 212,
-        214, 220, 279, 286, 300, 307, 344, 372, 381, 387 ff., 422, 444,
-        452, 455, 482, 514, 516, 517, 523, 525, 532, 534, 548, 549
-
-  Enrique III of Castile, 323
-
-  Eparchos, Antonios, _Lament for the Fall of Greece_, 212
-
-  Epeiros, 12, 25, 26, 29, 33, 39, 47, 69, 70, 83, 88, 92, 111, 114,
-        116, 119, 124, 146, 199, 200, 202, 203, 248, 249, 262, 263,
-        277, 379, 404, 417, 431 ff., 451, 453, 510, 513
-    Old, 20, 21
-    the lady of, 83, 117
-
-  “Epeirotes,” “king of the”, _see_ Tocco, Carlo II
-
-  Ephesus, 288, 501
-    council of, 31
-
-  Ephors, the, 16
-
-  Epidamnos, _see_ Durazzo
-
-  Epidauros, 3, 376
-    the Hieron of, 14
-    Limera, 231
-
-  Epimenides, 178
-
-  Epiphania, John of, 537
-
-  _Epitome of Strabo’s Geography_, 39
-
-  Eponymos Archon, _see_ Archon Eponymos
-
-  Erastus, 9
-
-  Erechtheion, the, 65, 396
-
-  Eregli, 284
-
-  Eresos, 348
-
-  Erinna, 533
-
-  Eros, statue of, 8, 10
-
-  _Erotokritos_, 198
-
-  Eschcol, brook of, 530
-
-  Eschive, lady of Beyrout, 118
-
-  Estañol, Beranger, 122, 123
-
-  Este, Azzo VII d’, 249
-
-  Estives, 83, _see_ Thebes
-
-  Etheling, Edgar, 516
-
-  Etna, 126
-
-  Eubœa, 5, 12, 37, 53, 54, 69 ff., 76, 81, 83, 85, 111, 114, 116 ff.,
-        120, 121, 123, 125, 130, 131, 143, 150, 151, 166 ff., 184, 186,
-        232, 236, 246, 248 ff., 252, 254, 256, 290, 335, 343, 350, 356,
-        366, 367, 375, 378, 379, 383, 389, 393, 398, 498, 499, 514, _see_
-        Negroponte
-
-  Eudokia, empress, 30, 39, 40, 535, 538
-
-  Eudoxos, astronomer, 537
-
-  Eugène, prince of Savoy, 223, 496
-
-  Eumolpidæ, 26
-
-  Euphrates, river, 516, 528, 535
-
-  Euphrosyne, empress, 55
-
-  Euripides, 537
-
-  Euripos, 50, 379, 389
-
-  Eurotas, the, 90
-
-  Eurychos, harbour, 430
-
-  Eusebius, historian, 16
-
-  Eustathios, archbishop of Salonika, 53, 269, 275, 276, 279
-
-  Eustokkia, 534
-
-  Evagrios, historian, 34
-
-  Evrenos Beg, 99, 137
-
-  Exarch, the Bulgarian, 135
-
-  Exedra, the, 15
-
-  Exoe, 265
-
-  Ezerits, the, 41, 45, 46
-
-  Ezeva, 549
-
-
-  Faber, Father, 240
-
-  Fadrique, family of, 130, 137
-    Don Alfonso, 123 ff., 236, 250, 251
-
-  Fair Havens, 10
-
-  Fallmerayer, Professor, 34 ff., 39, 59, 72, 107, 109, 414, 458
-
-  Famagosta, 298, 323, 498, 505, 519, 532
-
-  Fanelli, _Atene Attica_, 154 n., 413
-
-  Ferdinand of Bulgaria, 444, 447
-    I of Hungary, 493
-    of Majorca, 95, 288
-    I of Naples, 506, 512
-    of Spain, 106
-
-  Feredchik, 338
-
-  Ferrara, 171, 249
-
-  Ferrari, historian, 268
-
-  _Fethijeh Jamisi_, 152
-
-  _Fiammengo, Antonio_, _see_ le Flamenc
-
-  Fiesole, Mino da, 343
-
-  Finlay, George, historian, 1, 29, 85, 96, 110, 161, 221, 311, 443,
-        542, 550
-
-  Flangineion, school, 212, 371, 407
-
-  Flangines, 212, 371
-
-  Flatro, Giorgio, 507
-
-  Flavian dynasty, the, 12
-
-  Flemings, the, 58, 94, 96, 525
-
-  Fleuri, Marquis de, 399
-
-  Flor, Roger de, 201, 236, 287
-
-  Florence, 96, 125, 136, 138, 144, 147, 148, 154, 159, 160, 369, 455,
-        479, 498, 504, 514
-    archbishop of, 136
-    the Certosa, 96, 145, 154
-    gonfaloniere of, 139
-    Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli, 154
-    National Museum at, 343
-
-  Florenz of Hainault, 94
-
-  Floriano, Colonel, 223
-
-  Foglia Nuova, 285, 294 ff., 300 ff., 306, 307, 309, 313, 337, _see_
-        Phocæa
-    Vecchia, 296, 300 ff., 306, 307, 313, 316, 322, 323, 326 ff., 330,
-        335, 337, 351 ff., _see_ Phocæa
-
-  Folco of Forlì, Benedetto, 328
-
-  Fontana, Giovanni, 340
-
-  Forbin, 378
-
-  Forneto, Pasquale, 303
-    Raffaelle di, 304
-
-  Fortune, temple of, 15
-
-  Forum, the (Salonika), 271
-
-  Foscari, the, 297
-    Francesco, 439
-
-  Foscarini, Giacomo, 187 ff., 267
-    Michele, 439
-
-  Fotcha, 488
-
-  Foucher, chaplain, 524
-
-  Foucherolles, family of, 124
-
-  France, and the French, 31, 57, 58, 72, 74, 75, 86, 89, 90, 96, 106,
-        111, 114, 121, 125, 130, 131, 155, 156, 174, 193, 195, 197,
-        201, 230, 231, 257, 271, 299, 321, 345, 361, 372, 376, 385 ff.,
-        400, 422, 424, 441, 472, 482, 502, 514, 516, 522, 523, 525,
-        527, 532, 546 ff., 550
-
-  France, king of, 82, 117, 184, 240, 305, 320, 351
-    St Denys of, 141
-    St Louis of, 91
-
-  Francis Joseph, emperor of Austria, 467, 509
-
-  Franciscans, the, 473, 476, 485, 495
-
-  Frangipane, count, 493
-
-  Franks, the, 59, 60, 67, 68, 70 ff., 75 ff., 83, 84, 86, 88, 92 ff.,
-        96, 99, 105, 108, 111, 115, 117, 118, 120 ff., 126, 135, 170,
-        186, 232, 233, 348, 368, 370, 371, 386 ff., 393, 396, 500, 517,
-        518, 520, 525 ff., 530 ff.
-
-  Franz Ferdinand, archduke, 455
-
-  Frederick II, emperor, 517, 527, 528
-    III, emperor, 485
-    II, king of Sicily, 122, 123, 127, 290
-    III, king of Sicily, 126, 127, 158
-    of Randazzo, 126
-
-  Free Laconians, the, 7, 16
-
-  Freeman, Prof., 441
-
-  Frères Prêcheurs, 292
-
-  Froissart, 81, 144
-
-  Fulk, son-in-law of Baldwin II, 518, 519
-
-  Furies, the, 11
-
-
-  Gaddi, 151 n., 160
-
-  Gagliano, battle of, 118
-
-  Gaidaronisi, islet of, 168
-
-  Gaius, 9
-
-  Galata, 284, 292, 314
-
-  Galates, family of, 217, 264
-
-  _Galatians, Epistles to the_, 10
-
-  Galaxidi, 63, 375, 376
-
-  _Galaxidi, Chronicle of_, 376
-
-  Galen, 84
-
-  Galerius, 270, 271
-
-  Galilee, 517, 520, 521, 530, 533
-
-  Gallienus, emperor, 19
-
-  Gallio, 9
-
-  Gallipoli, 288, 315, 316
-
-  Ganza, George, 433
-    Nicholas, 433
-
-  Gardiki, 99, 105
-
-  Garibaldi, Francesco, 304
-
-  Garzoni, Antonio, 243
-    Giulio de, 192
-
-  Gasmoûloi, the, 86, 96, 233
-
-  Gaspari, Demetrios, 407, 413
-    Peter, 407, 413, 414
-    Stamati, 405
-
-  Gastouni, 414, 420
-
-  Gattilusio, Andronico, 319
-    Baptista, 342
-    Caterina, 328, 329
-    Costanza, 328
-    Domenico, 297, 319, 332, 334 ff., 339 ff., 352, 353
-    Dorino I, 148, 297, 324, 326 ff., 332 ff., 346, 352, 353
-      II, 297, 298, 331, 338, 339, 351, 353
-    Eugenia, 321, 322, 329
-    Francesco I, 296, 303, 306, 313 ff., 320 n., 325, 327, 353
-      II (Jacopo), 296, 319 ff., 345, 352, 353
-      III, 297, 330 ff., 353
-    Ginevra, 328, 332, 345
-    Giorgio, 331, 338
-    Giuliano, 321, 344, 345, 351
-    Hector, 351
-    Helene, 322
-    Jacopo (Francesco II), _see above_
-    Jacopo, son of Francesco II, 297, 324 ff., 330, 353
-    Luchetto, 314
-    Luchino, 342, 347, 348, 352
-    Maria, 328, 349, 352, 353
-    Nicolò I, 296 ff., 318 ff., 323 ff., 352, 353
-      II, 297, 335 ff., 339 ff., 345 ff., 351, 353
-    Oberto, 314
-    Palamede, 297, 298, 324 ff., 331, 332, 334, 337, 338, 352, 353
-    Stefano, 351
-
-  Gattilusj, the, 283, 301, 307, 312 ff., 326, 327, 498, 499, 532
-
-  Gautier III, titular duke of Athens, 158
-
-  Gavi, 284
-
-  Gaza, Æneas of, 311
-    battle of, 517
-
-  Gazes, Theodore, 269, 514, 515
-
-  Geneva, the Council of, 504
-
-  Geneva, Count Louis of, 502
-    Robert of, 158
-
-  Gennadios II, 359, 360
-
-  Genoa, and the Genoese, 76, 113, 126, 137, 165, 166, 168, 169, 171,
-        178, 180 ff., 184, 199, 201, 218, 234, 279, 283 ff., 298 ff.,
-        313 ff., 498, 501, 523, 525
-
-  Genseric, king of the Vandals, 29
-
-  Gentili, general, 230
-
-  George of Antioch, admiral, 51
-    count of Corinth, 238
-    I, king of England, 223, 404
-    king of Greece, 5, 75, 112, 269
-    of Trebizond, 514
-    St, head of, 131, 159
-
-  Georgians, the, 66, 67
-
-  Georgirenes, archbishop of Melos, _A Description of the present state
-        of Samos, Nicaria, Patmos and Mount Athos_, 399
-
-  Gerace, marquess of, 149, 159
-
-  Gerakares, Liberakes, 384, 385, 415 ff.
-
-  Geraki, 72, 85, 154 n., 257
-
-  Germanicus, 8
-
-  Germanos, archbishop, 57
-
-  Germany, and the Germans, 58, 85, 171, 193, 197, 224, 372, 388, 407,
-        410, 446, 447, 452, 457, 493, 518, 525, 529
-
-  Gerola, Prof., _Venetian Monuments in the island of Crete_, 197
-
-  Gerovolia (Uroglia), 438
-
-  Ghika, family of, 365 n.
-
-  Ghirlandajo, 515
-
-  Ghisi, the, 164 ff., 246
-    Bartolommeo II, 125
-    George I, 120
-      III, 265
-
-  Gibbon, 392, 518, 538, 550
-
-  Gibelin, 528
-
-  Giblet (Jebeil), 516
-
-  Giorgio, family of, _see_ Zorzi
-
-  Giovanni of Novara, 331
-
-  Gipton, _see_ Lamia
-
-  Giraud, M., consul, 387, 388, 411
-
-  Gislenus, St, 36
-
-  Giustiniani, Alessandro Rocca, 311
-    Andriolo Banca, 311
-    Gerolamo Garibaldi, _La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios,
-        ou Chios_, 311
-    Leonardo, 310
-    Timoteo, 308
-    Vincenzo, 308
-      Negri, 309
-      Banca, 148, 311
-    the, 173, 283, 301, 304, 305, 307, 311, 312, 334
-    the _Maona_ of the, 373, 498
-    the Palazzo, 309
-
-  Giustiniano, Orsato, 350
-
-  Gladstone, Rt Hon. W. E., 215, 299, 414
-
-  Glagolitic alphabet, the, 272
-
-  Glarentza, 78, 79, 91, 93, 105, 249, 265, 380, 398
-
-  Glossa, Cape, 430
-
-  Godfrey of Bouillon, 516, 518, 519, 538
-
-  Goethe, _Faust_, 70, 86, 533
-
-  Golden Book, the, 207, 217, 305
-    Rose, the, 500
-
-  Gonzaga, Charles, duc de Nevers, 381, 382
-
-  Gonzalez de Clavijo, Ruy, 323
-
-  Gorgon’s head, story of the, 141, 147
-
-  Gortyna, 21
-
-  Gortys, the, 72
-
-  Goths, the, 18 ff., 25, 26, 29
-
-  Gottlob, German scholar, 502
-
-  Govino, 205, 219, 224, 227
-
-  Gozzadini, Giacomo I, 176
-    of Bologna, the, 69
-
-  Grabusa, 196, 403, 416, 417
-
-  Gradenigo, family of, 181, 297
-    Marco, 183, 184
-    Tito, 183, 184
-
-  Gradishka, 462
-
-  “Graikoi,” 32
-
-  Grand-Komnenos, family of, 499
-
-  Granvali, corsair, 266
-
-  Gravia, pass of, 63
-
-  Gravina, John of, 80, 95, 97, 202
-
-  Gravosa, harbour, 478
-
-  Grbljanovich, Lazar, 454, 455, 477, 479
-    Militza, 455
-
-  Great Britain, 422, 426, 441
-
-  Greco-Turkish war of 1897, 205
-
-  Greek Church, the, 77, 199, 359 ff.
-
-  Gregoras, Nikephoros, historian, 121, 125, 453
-
-  Gregorian Calendar, the, 362
-
-  Gregorovius, 30 n., 85, 157
-    _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, 155
-
-  Gregory, metropolitan of Corinth, 53
-    II, pope, 38
-    VII, pope, 49
-    XI, pope, 126, 253, 317, 473
-    of Nazianzos, 24
-    Rev. S., 107
-
-  Greveno, 105
-
-  _Grifon_, 72
-
-  Grimaldi, family of, 298
-    Bonne de’, 326
-    Carlo de’, 331
-    Giovanni de’, 324
-    Oberto de’, 297, 330, 353
-    Pietro de’, 326
-
-  Grimani, bishop, 267
-    admiral, 383
-    governor-general, 420, 423, 424
-
-  Gritzena, 72
-
-  Grivas, Theodore Boua, 379
-
-  Grottaferrata, 68, 515
-
-  Gruba, Helena, 481, 482
-
-  Guemlek, 549
-
-  Guillet, author, 386 ff., 394
-
-  Guiscard, Bohemond, 50, 51, 430
-    Gaïta, 548
-    Robert, 49, 50, 430, 540, 544, 548
-
-  Gyaros, island, 6, 8, 64, 174
-
-
-  Habsburg, family of, 480, 493, 496
-
-  Hadji Ali, 388 n.
-
-  Hadrian, 13 ff., 23, 141
-    palace of, _see_ Olympian Zeus
-    the arch, porch, stoa of, 13, 156, 378, 410, 415
-
-  Hagia Laura, monastery of, 331
-
-  Hagiostephanitai, family of, 180
-
-  Hainault, 36, 133
-    Florenz of, 94
-    Matilda of, 80, 95 ff.
-
-  Hajji Kalifeh, 266
-
-  Halil, son of the sultan Orkhan, 315, 316
-
-  Halmyros, 53
-
-  Hamilton, the duke of, 148
-
-  Hamza, admiral, 334, 335, 339
-
-  Hardrada, Harold, 48, 64, 396
-
-  Harmodios, 6, 410
-
-  Harold, king of England, 48
-
-  Haroun Al Rashid, 40
-
-  Harrison, Frederic, _Theophano_, 47 n., 534
-
-  Hasân-Babâ, pirate, 384
-
-  Hattin, battle of, 517, 522, 523, 527, 531
-
-  Hayes, Louis des, 267, 386, 395
-
-  _Hebraïká_, the, 211
-
-  Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra, 47
-
-  Hebron (St Abraham), 521, 530, 533
-
-  Hedjaz, the, 523
-
-  Helej, family of, 496
-
-  Helen of Serbia, 508, 510
-
-  Helikon, the muses of, 22
-
-  Helios, sun-god, 30
-
-  “Helladikoi,” the, 32, 38
-
-  “Hellenotamias,” 14
-
-  Helots, 186
-
-  Henry IV, emperor, 544
-    emperor of Romania, 113, 163, 164, 247, 277
-    II, king of England, 286, 522
-    III, king of England, 66, 529
-    IV, king of England, 171, 540
-    VI, king of England, 307, 340, 345
-    VIII, king of England, 197, 368, 449
-
-  Hera, temple of, 13
-
-  Heraclius, patriarch of Jerusalem, 521, 522
-
-  Herakleios, emperor, 442, 443, 463
-
-  Heredia, grand-master of the knights of St John, 84
-
-  Hermoniakos, Constantine, 83
-
-  Hermonymos, George, 369
-
-  Herod, king of the Jews, 7
-
-  Herodes Atticus, the Odeion of, 15, 54, 153, 396
-
-  Herodotus, 83, 115, 145, 149, 162, 237, 537
-
-  Hersek, 492
-
-  Hertzberg, 30 n., 107, 265
-
-  Heruli, 19
-
-  Herzegovich, Ahmed Pasha, 492
-
-  Herzegovina (duchy of St Sava, the land of Hum or Zahumlje), 365,
-        422, 443, 445, 447, 450, 457, 459 ff., 468, 470 ff., 483 ff.,
-        488, 489, 491, 492, 495, 499, 508, 549
-
-  Hesychasts (or Quietists), the, 279
-
-  Hethum II of Armenia, 286
-
-  Hexamilion, the, 98 ff., 149
-
-  Hide, Sir H., consul, 398
-
-  Hierokles, the _Synekdemos_, 108, 429
-
-  Hildburghausen, duke of, 497
-
-  Hildebrand, 445
-
-  Hippocrates, 84, 311
-
-  Hippodrome, the, 22
-
-  _Historia Patriarchica_, 160
-
-  Hobson, Launcelot, 388
-
-  Holland, 95, 378
-
-  Holy House of the Hospital, the, 289
-
-  Holy Land, the, 77, 95, 117, 133, 179, 286, 289, 392, 515 ff., 544,
-        546
-    Sepulchre, the, 57, 74, 416, 517, 518, 520, 521, 547
-
-  Hombergk, Hessian officer, 387
-
-  Homer, 192, 223, 275, 311, 371, 534, 537, 539, 542, 545, 550
-    the _Iliad_, 83
-    the _Odyssey_, 207, 231
-
-  Honorius, son of Theodosius, 25
-    III, pope, 75, 78, 85, 156, 248, 447, 471
-
-  Hopf, Dr, 85, 86, 94, 97, 107 ff., 134, 155, 157, 161, 175, 177, 235,
-        237, 248, 255, 265 ff., 420, 458, 459
-
-  Horace, 5, 369
-
-  Hormisdas, pope, 271, 429
-
-  Hosios Loukas, 47 n., 397
-
-  Hospital, knights of the, 144, 529
-
-  Hranich, Sandalj, 484, 485
-    Vlatko, 479
-
-  Hugues, duke of Burgundy, 318
-
-  Hum, the land of, _see_ Herzegovina
-    Mt, 464
-
-  Humbert II, dauphin of Vienne, 253
-
-  Humphry, duke of Buckingham, 345
-
-  Hungary, and the Hungarians, 58, 149, 381, 406, 448, 456, 467, 469
-        ff., 486 ff., 491 ff., 496, 497, 511
-
-  Huns, the, 33, 463
-
-  Hunyady, John, 456, 457, 484 ff.
-
-  Hydra, 358
-
-  Hyginos, 16
-
-  Hymettos (Deli-Dagh), 66, 114, 145, 152, 395
-
-  Hypatia, 32
-
-
-  Iatraioi, the, 384
-
-  Iatropoulos, 136
-
-  Iatros, 136
-
-  Ibelin, family of d’, 521
-    Jean d’, _Assises de la Haute Cour_, 519, 520
-
-  Ibrahim I, sultan, 193, 194, 398
-    Pasha, 440
-
-  Iconium (Ikonium), bishop of, 10
-    sultan of, 52, 538
-
-  Ikaria, 290, 296, 300, 301
-
-  Ilissos, 388, 395
-
-  Illyricum, and the Illyrians, 21, 24, 25, 26, 460, 461, 546
-
-  Imbros, 297, 306, 332, 334, 339, 340, 343, 344, 350, 353
-
-  Indictions, cycle of, 22, 25
-
-  Innocent III, pope, 78, 89, 112, 233, 247, 470
-    IV, pope, 526
-    VI, pope, 317
-    VIII, pope, 300, 351, 507
-    XI, pope, 403
-
-  _Ionia_ (_Violarium_), 538
-
-  Ionian Islands, the, 1, 6, 21, 37, 44, 51, 69, 78, 84, 198 ff., 267,
-        355, 403, 417 ff., 422, 426, 498
-    Sea, 29
-
-  Ipek, Serb patriarchate of, 361 n., _see_ Petch
-
-  Ipsala, 338
-
-  Ipsili, monastery of, 401
-
-  Ipso, 224
-
-  Irene, empress, wife of Leo IV, 36, 39, 40
-
-  Irene, empress, wife of Alexios I, 538, 539, 543
-
-  Irish, the, 189, 525
-
-  Isaac, governor of Vrhbosna, 483
-    II, Greek emperor, 58, 232, 277
-
-  Isabella, marchioness of Boudonitza, 134
-    of Spain, 106
-
-  Isidore, metropolitan of Athens, 152;
-    of Salonika, 269 n.
-
-  Ismael, admiral, 339, 341, 344
-
-  Ismaïdi, mosque, 378
-
-  Ismail Kemal Bey, 440
-    Pasha, 440
-
-  Ismid, gulf of, 492
-
-  Isokrates, 371, 539
-
-  Isthmian games, 11
-
-  Istria, 272, 487, 491
-
-  Italy, and the Italians, 11, 49 ff., 55, 58, 67, 73, 93, 125, 138,
-        139, 145, 174, 175, 184, 198, 224, 233, 238, 253, 271, 275,
-        277, 280, 298, 311, 315, 343, 344, 349, 369, 371, 374, 375,
-        432, 438, 440, 441, 449, 453, 456, 487, 499, 513, 516, 525,
-        534, 541, 544
-
-  Itea, 51, 375
-
-  Ithake, 21, 61, 69, 202 ff., 216, 217, 228, 261 ff., 379, 540
-
-  Ivan III, grand duke of Russia, 106, 368, 513
-
-  Ivry, Galeran d’, 249
-
-
-  Jablanitza, 495
-
-  Jacob, metropolitan, 405, 414
-
-  Jacobus, physician, 31
-
-  Jacques I of Cyprus, 319
-
-  Jaffa, 116, 504, 517, 519, 520
-    count of, 507, 530
-
-  Jagellon, Alexander, of Poland, 106
-
-  Jajce, 457, 471, 481, 487, 489 ff., 495, 510, 511
-
-  Jala Göl, lake, 338
-
-  James II of Aragon, 123, 235
-    II of Cyprus, 513
-    II of England, 388, 399
-    St, of Compostella, 74
-
-  Janissaries, the, 362 ff., 368, 389, 425, 457, 491
-
-  Janjichi, 475
-
-  Janus, king of Cyprus, 323
-    statue of, 405
-
-  Jarkovich (“Marchisa” or Merksha), 436, 437
-
-  Jaskopolje, castle of, 471
-
-  Jason, bishop of Tarsus, 10
-
-  Jean, count of Lecce, 158
-
-  Jebeil (Giblet), 516
-
-  Jeptche, 496
-
-  Jeremiah, 65
-
-  Jericho, 430, 529, 530
-
-  Jerome, St, 25, 33
-
-  Jerusalem, 30, 58, 116, 498, 506, 515 ff., 540, 541, 547
-
-  _Jerusalem, Assizes of_, 71, 112, 520, 527
-
-  Jerusalem, patriarch of, 416
-
-  Jesuits, the, 396, 397, 400
-
-  Jews, the, 46, 53, 60, 98, 113, 174, 186, 191, 200, 210, 211, 214,
-        216, 224, 230, 270, 271, 275, 276, 278, 313, 362, 379, 397,
-        419, 439, 527
-
-  Jezero, lake, 462
-
-  Jezreel, plain of, 529
-
-  Jireček, Constantin, 442, 455 n.
-
-  Joanna I, queen of Naples, 97, 201, 252
-
-  Joannina, 145, 213, 224, 356, 371, 379, 425, 440, 451
-
-  John V, emperor, 534
-    VI, emperor, 160, 329
-    VII, emperor, 278
-    hagiographer, 269
-    XXII, pope, 78, 124, 251, 289, 290
-    I of Aragon, 156, 157
-    of Austria, 374, 376
-    of Bari, 544
-    of Basingstoke, 66
-    count of Cephalonia, 82
-    king of England, 66
-    II, despot of Epeiros, 434
-    of Epiphania, 537
-    of Gravina, 80, 95, 97, 202, 263, 433
-    of Randazzo, 126, 158
-    IV of Trebizond, 329, 333
-    St, the Evangelist, 288, 331, 501
-    St, the Merciful, 528
-    the Reader, historian, 269
-
-  Jolanda of Montferrat, 278
-
-  Jonson, Ben, _The Fox_, 197
-
-  Jordan, river, 516, 523
-
-  Jorga, M., 365 n.
-
-  Joseph I, patriarch, 359
-
-  Joshua, 154 n.
-
-  Josselin I of Edessa, 523
-
-  Jove, baths of, 330
-
-  Jovian, emperor, 24
-
-  Julian the Apostate, emperor, 23, 24
-
-  Julius II, pope, 507
-
-  Junch, port de, 108 n., _see_ Navarino
-
-  Junis, admiral, 336, 338, 339
-
-  Jupiter Cassius, altar of, 224
-
-  Jurashevich (Jurash), George, 459
-    Alexius, 459
-
-  Justin, St, 141
-    _History_, 414
-
-  Justinian, emperor, 29, 32 ff., 36, 98, 414, 429, 463, 534
-
-  Juvenal, 4, 8, 533
-
-
-  Kabasilas, Neilos, theologian, 269
-    Nicholas, theologian, 269
-    Simeon, 377, 378
-
-  Kadmeia, the, 95, 115, 247
-
-  Kaïkos, 336
-
-  Kainepolis, 29
-
-  Kaisariane (Syriane), monastery of, 152, 390, 395, 397
-
-  Kakè Skála, the, 114, 397
-
-  Kalamata, 72, 89, 384, 404, 419, 423
-
-  Kalamos, islet, 223, 404
-
-  Kalavryta (La Grite), 57, 72, 83, 104, 105, 149, 418, 420
-
-  Kallergai, the, 182, 185, 374
-
-  Kallerges, Alexios, 181, 182, 194
-
-  Kallikles, physician, 538
-
-  Kallimachai, the, 365 n.
-
-  Kallirrhoe, 54, 66, 145
-
-  Kallistos, Andronikos, 514
-
-  Kallone, 333
-
-  Kalochairetes, priest, 218
-
-  Kalocsa, archbishop of, 471, 472
-
-  Kalopheros, 263
-
-  Kalophrenas, priest and copyist, 159
-
-  Kalothetos, John, 316
-    Leon, 291, 293
-
-  Kameniates, John, historian, 269, 273
-
-  Kampouroglos, D. G., 160, 394
-
-  Kamurgi, Ali, 425
-
-  Kamytzes, Manuel, 55
-
-  Kanaboutzes, John, 327, 330, 352
-
-  Kanina, 429 ff., 441
-
-  Kapnikarea, 30
-
-  Kapsi, Joannes, 399
-
-  Karaburun (the “Black Cape”), 273, 274
-
-  Kara-Djouneïd, 298
-
-  Kara Mustapha Pasha, 224
-
-  Karavias, 264
-
-  Karditza, inscription on church at, 11 n., 117, 132, 133, 134
-
-  Karlili, 356
-
-  Karyatides, 271
-
-  Karydi, battle of, 114, 249
-
-  Karytaina, castle of, 72, 85, 89
-
-  Karystos (Castel Rosso), 117, 150, 236, 254 ff., 306, 307
-
-  Kassander, king of Macedon, 270
-
-  Kassandra, 270
-
-  Kassimié mosque, the, 271
-
-  Kassim Pasha, 242
-
-  Kassopo, 11, 224
-
-  Kastamouni (Kastamon), 536
-
-  Kastoria, 50, 549
-
-  Kastos, islet, 223
-
-  Kastrades, 224
-
-  Kastri, _see_ Delphi
-
-  Kastritza, 105
-
-  Kastro, 330, 340, 343
-
-  Katalianos, 131
-
-  Katsones, Lampros, 228
-
-  Kavalla, 6, 356, 450
-
-  Kedrenos, historian, 273, 445
-
-  Keglevich, Peter, 492, 493
-
-  Kehr, Professor, 309
-
-  Kekaumenos, Michael, 430
-
-  Kenchreæ, 9, 101
-
-  Kendal, duchess of, 223
-
-  Keos, island of, 63, 112, 135, 165, 167, 306
-
-  Kephissia, 15, 397
-
-  Kephissos, the, 95, 120, 122, 126, 132 ff., 250
-
-  Kerpine, village, 72
-
-  Kés, Magyar chieftain, 465
-
-  Kharezmians, the, 517
-
-  Khoja, Janum, 224
-
-  Kielapha (Kielefa), 404, 424
-
-  Kimolos, 162, 174
-
-  “Kirjath-sepher,” 113
-
-  Kishon, 530
-
-  Kissavos (Ossa), 545, 549
-
-  “Kleidion,” 273
-
-  _Kleisourárches_, 38
-
-  Kleonides, palace of, 153
-
-  Klepsydra fountain, the, 7
-
-  Klesich, Radich, 509
-
-  Kljuch, 489
-
-  Knights of St John, Rhodes, and Malta, 73, 84, 89, 128, 144, 167,
-        171, 296, 318, 319, 321, 325, 343, 346, 373, 380, 401, 518, 528
-    of St Mary of Bethlehem, 343
-    of Santo Stefano, 380
-    Templars, 73, 89, 248, 518, 528, 529
-    Teutonic, 68, 73, 89, 529
-
-  Knin, 481
-
-  Knossos, 4
-
-  Kobilich, Milosh, 455
-
-  Koenigsmark, Otto William von, 404, 407
-
-  Kokkinos, castle, 297, 329, 330, 332, 343, 350, 353
-
-  Kolchis, 349
-
-  Koloman, 467, 472
-
-  Kommagene, 13
-
-  Konieh, 440
-
-  Konjitza, 485, 496
-
-  Konstantinides, K., 158
-
-  Konstantinovich, 488
-
-  Kontostephanos, admiral, 430
-
-  Köprili, Ahmed, 195, 196, 384, 385
-
-  Koraes, 213
-
-  Koran, the, 362
-
-  Koron (Korone, Coron), 41, 50, 68, 89 ff., 98, 106, 154, 227, 241,
-        362, 373, 377, 382, 404, 414, 420, 424
-
-  Koronos, castle of, 262
-
-  Korydalleus, 393
-
-  Kos, 268, 290, 318
-
-  Kosatcha, house of, 484, 485
-
-  Kosmas, 38
-
-  Kossovo, 137, 436, 444, 453 ff., 479, 481, 486
-
-  Köstendil (Velbujd), 450
-
-  Kostobokes, the, 14, 18
-
-  Kotroman, Stephen, 473
-
-  Kotromanich, family of, 473, 484, 511
-    Stephen, 473 ff.
-    Stephen Tvrtko I, 435, 454, 455, 473, 476 ff., 482, 483
-      II, 478, 483 ff.
-
-  Koundoura, 68, 88
-
-  Koutso-Wallachs, 55, 60, 100, 453
-
-  Krak, de Montréal, 520, 521, 523
-    des Chevaliers, 521, 528
-
-  Kraljevich, Marko, 454
-
-  Kraus (Crusius), Martin, 36, 267, 377, 378, 394
-
-  Kreshimir, king of the Croats, 465
-
-  Kritoboulos, Hermodoros Michael, historian, 151, 152, 325, 332, 334,
-        339 ff., 343, 344, 457
-
-  Kroja, 443, 512
-
-  Krum of Bulgaria, 444
-
-  Krumbacher, Prof., 108, 109
-    _History of Byzantine Literature_, 57
-
-  Krushevatz, 454 ff.
-
-  Kryoneri (Acqua Fredda), 438, 439
-
-  Kugeas, K., 269 n.
-
-  Kulenovich, family of, 471
-
-  Kulin, _ban_ of Bosnia, 468 ff.
-
-  Kumanovo, 455
-
-  Kydones, Demetrios, essayist, 269, 278
-
-  Kydonia, 4
-
-  Kyparissia (or Arkadia), 14, 72, 89
-
-  Kyrenia (Cérines), 503 ff.
-
-  Kythera, _see_ Cerigo
-
-  Kythnos, 8, 12
-
-
-  Laborde, 413
-
-  La Cava, monastery of, 523
-
-  Lacedæmonia (La Crémonie), and the Lacedæmonians, 7, 23, 41, 73, 83,
-        90, 91, 382
-
-  Laconia (Lakonia), and the Laconians, 6, 32, 59, 60, 72, 88, 100,
-        131, 154, 368, 419
-
-  Laconians, the Free, 7, 16
-
-  La Crémonie, _see_ Lacedæmonia
-
-  “Ladies’ Parliament,” 79
-
-  Ladislaus, duke of Bosnia, 467
-    IV, king of Hungary, 484
-    king of Naples, 138, 202, 481 ff.
-
-  La Grite, _see_ Kalavryta
-
-  La Guilletière, 386
-
-  Lake Copais Company, 132
-
-  La Martorana, church of, 52
-
-  Lamia (Gipton or Zeitounion), 59, 62, 63, 83, 113, 115, 117, 119,
-        131, 157, 246, 248, 251, 254
-
-  Lampros, Professor, 64, 155 ff., 159, 160, 269 n., 392, 430
-
-  Lampsakos, 115
-
-  Landulph, church of, 106, 107
-
-  Langlois, Hugh, 506
-    James, 506
-    Philip, 507
-
-  Languedoc, 200 n.
-
-  Laodicea, 541
-
-  La Patre, _see_ Neopatras
-
-  Laranda, Pedro de, 346
-
-  Larissa, 6, 16, 29, 33, 47, 50, 53, 62, 248, 360, 371
-
-  Larissa of Argos, the, 87
-
-  Larmena, 251, 252
-
-  Larsa, Guglielmo de, 62
-
-  Lasithi, 185
-
-  Laskaris, 433
-    Chrysanthos, 382
-    Janus, 515
-    Joannes, 263, 373
-    Manuel, 382
-    Michael, 146
-
-  La Sole, _see_ Salona
-
-  Latin Church, the, 187, 190
-
-  Laudisio, 334
-
-  Laurence, St, 303
-
-  Laurentios of Megara, 397
-
-  Laurion, 2, 389 n.
-
-  Lazar (prince) of Serbia, 454, 455, 477, 479
-    III of Serbia, 457
-
-  Lazarevich, Stephen, 322, 455
-
-  Leaina, mistress of Harmodios, 410
-
-  Leake, Col., 39, 429
-
-  Lebanon, the, 443, 526, 530
-
-  Lecce, 116, 118, 119, 121, 158
-
-  le Flamenc, Antoine, 117, 132 ff.
-    Jean, 133
-
-  Leicester, archdeacon of, 66
-
-  Lemnos, 83, 239, 297, 306, 322, 329, 332, 334, 335, 339 ff., 343,
-        344, 350, 351, 353, 356
-
-  Lenormant, historian, 458
-
-  Leo I the Great, emperor, 31
-    III the Isaurian, emperor, 37, 38
-    IV, emperor, 39
-    VI, emperor, 43, 77
-    III of Armenia, 286
-    X, pope, 209, 241, 507, 513
-    XIII, pope, 446
-    mathematician, 43, 269
-    metropolitan, 275
-
-  Leonardo of Chios, 332, 344, 348, 352
-    _Treatise concerning true nobility against Poggio_, 352
-
-  Leondari, 105, 356
-
-  Leonidas, 25, 62, 87, 245, 255, 410
-
-  Leonidi, 60, 91
-    Tzakones of, 72
-
-  Leontios, emperor, 37
-    professor, 30
-
-  Leopold I of Austria, 320 n.
-
-  Lepanto, 83, 98, 106, 109, 174, 221, 222, 256, 264, 356, 373 ff.,
-        380, 384, 397, 405, 417, _also see_ Naupaktos
-
-  Lesbos, 148, 171, 283, 287, 290, 294 ff., 301, 306, 310 ff., 356,
-        388, 498, 499, 532, _also see_ Mytilene
-    St Bonne’s, 346
-    St Nicholas’, 346
-
-  Le Sdiles, _see_ Delos
-
-  Lesina, 479, 481
-
-  Le Tenedee, 185
-
-  _Letres dou Sepulcre_, 520
-
-  Levkas, _see_ Santa Maura
-
-  Levkimo, 214
-
-  Libanios, sophist, 24
-
-  Liberius, senator, 430
-
-  Licario, admiral, 164 ff., 204, 234
-
-  Licinius, 21, 269
-
-  Ligurian Republic, the, 283, 313
-    traders, 113
-
-  Lille de Charpigny, Hugues de, 72
-
-  Limehouse, 388
-
-  Limponas, family of, 390, 407, 414
-    Michael, 392
-
-  Liopesi, 146
-
-  Liosia, 146
-
-  Lithgow, 192
-
-  Livadia, 46, 122, 123, 128, 129, 131, 139, 159, 228, 356, 360, 395,
-        398
-
-  Livadostro (Rive d’Ostre), 76, 111, 144
-
-  Ljubich, 459
-
-  Lluria, Roger de, 126, 157, 165, 201, 235, 287
-
-  Locatelli, historian, 404, 409
-
-  Loir, du, 267
-
-  Lombards, the, 58, 69
-
-  London, 106, 171, 351, 366, 371, 399, 400, 441, 497, 522, 537
-    Crown Street, Soho, 400
-    Greek Street, 399
-    Hog Lane, 400
-
-  Longinus, 18
-
-  Longo, Paride Giustiniani, 337, 345
-    Tommaso, 304
-
-  Loredano, Antonio, admiral, 176, 177, 264
-    Lucrezia, 176
-    Luigi, 350
-    Taddea, 176
-
-  Louis, prince of Baden, 496
-    of Burgundy, 95
-    VII of France, 522
-    IX (St Louis) of France, 64, 91, 114, 517, 526
-    XIV of France, 195
-    count of Geneva, 502
-    the Great, king of Hungary, 474 ff.
-    II, king of Hungary, 493
-    of Savoy, 502, 505
-
-  Louvre, the, 332
-
-  Loverdo, Gerasimos, 264
-
-  Lucan, 9, 429
-
-  Lucca, 197
-
-  Luccari, historian, 458, 511
-
-  Lucera, 432
-
-  Lucian, 16, 98
-
-  Luke, baron, 72
-    St, 10, 141, 510
-    St, the younger, 45
-
-  Lüneburg, 408
-
-  Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli, the, 154
-
-  Lusignan, family of, 498
-    Charlotte de (queen of Cyprus), 502 ff., 519
-    Eugène de, 507
-    Guy de, 519, 522, 526, 528
-    James de, 503
-    Jean II de, 502
-    John de, 507
-
-  Lyceum, the, 3
-
-  Lycurgus, 31, 71, 186, 228, 419
-    arsenal of, _see_ Pinakotheke
-
-  Lykabettos, 141
-
-  Lykoudas, Theodore, 433
-
-  Lysikrates, choragic monument of (Lantern of Demosthenes), 65, 153,
-        386, 410
-
-
-  Macedon, Philip of, 63, 96, 119
-
-  Macedonia, 1, 4, 6, 21, 37, 39, 45, 47, 92, 103, 119, 135, 153, 270,
-        273, 277, 279, 318, 338, 339, 357, 436, 441, 448, 450, 453,
-        512, 535
-
-  Machiavelli, family of, 144
-    Nicolò, 145
-
-  Macola, Joannes, 414
-
-  Macrinus, 17
-
-  Magistros, Thomas, grammarian, 269
-
-  Maglaj, 496
-
-  Magni, Cornelio, 387
-
-  Magno, Stefano, 263, 264
-
-  Magyars, the, 465
-
-  Mahmûd Pasha, 336, 338, 345 ff., 365
-
-  Maina, 72, 79, 89, 91, 92, 228, 236, 237, 373, 376, 381, 382, 384,
-        385, 399, 415, 417, 418, 420, 426
-
-  Maisy, Jean de, 120, 121
-
-  Majorca, 129, 295
-    Ferdinand of, 95, 288
-
-  Makarios, Greek metropolitan, 139
-    St, head of, 141
-
-  Makryplagi, pass of, 423
-
-  Malagaris, Michael, 433
-
-  Malamos, 379
-
-  Malatesta, 239 n.
-
-  Malaxos, _Patriarchal History_, 371
-
-  Malea, Cape, 233, 240
-
-  Malerba, family of, 202
-
-  Maliac gulf, 161, 246
-
-  Malipiero, 405, 416
-
-  Malmsey, the _Podestà_ of, 241
-    wine, 70, 88, 234, 236, 237, 240
-
-  Malta, 193, 308, 380
-    count of, 178, 180
-
-  Malvasia, _see_ Monemvasia
-
-  Mamonades, the, 234
-
-  Mamonas, 233, 242
-    Paul, 237
-
-  Manassia, monastery of, 456
-
-  Mandoukio, 224
-
-  Mandrachi, 327
-
-  Manfred of Sicily, 122, 123, 199, 200, 431, 433, 441
-
-  Manthos, poet, 425
-
-  Mantineia, 13, 104
-
-  Mantua, 504
-
-  Manuel I, Greek emperor, _see_ Comnenos
-
-  Manzikert, battle of, 446
-
-  Maraclée, 516
-
-  Maramonte, Stefano, 458
-
-  Marathon, 3, 15, 66, 112, 114, 375, 390
-
-  Marcellinus, general, 463
-
-  “Marchesopoulo,” the, 62, 247
-
-  “Marchesotto,” the, 253
-
-  Marcus Aurelius, 14, 15, 17
-
-  Mardîn, 517
-
-  Margaret of Montferrat, 248, 277, 381
-
-  Margaritone, Sicilian admiral, 55, 202, 261, 262
-
-  Margat, castle of, 516, 528
-
-  Maria, dowager-empress, 543
-    duchess of Athens, _see_ Melissene, Maria
-    queen of Hungary, 479
-    queen of Sicily, 158, 253
-    Giorgio, privateer, 399
-
-  Marie, princess of Antioch, 76
-    de Bourbon, 201
-
-  Maritza, battle of the, 435, 454
-    river, 318, 338
-
-  Markopoulo, 389 n.
-
-  Markos II, patriarch, 360
-
-  Marmara, 290
-
-  Marmora, Andrea, historian, 207, 208, 210, 212, 219, 221, 224 n.
-
-  Marmora, sea of, 100, 284
-
-  Marris, forest of, 516
-
-  Marseilles, 299, 326, 395, 523
-
-  Martin I, pope, 37
-
-  Martoni, Nicolò da, 159
-
-  Marulla of Verona, 81, 123
-    of Lemnos, 350
-
-  Marullus, 369
-
-  Mas Latrie, count de, 175, 458
-
-  Matagrifon, barony of, 71, 80
-
-  Matapan, Cape, 29, 45
-
-  Matchva, 473
-
-  Matilda of Hainault, 80, 95 ff.
-
-  Maurice, emperor, 34, 36, 231
-
-  Mavrogenes, family of, 365
-    Nicholas, 365
-
-  Maximian Herculius, 270 n.
-
-  Mazarin, cardinal, 195
-
-  Mazaris, satirist, 60, 98
-
-  Mecca, 523
-
-  Medici, family of, 136, 144, 242, 384
-    Cosimo I de’, 380
-    Lorenzo de’, 369
-
-  Medina, 523
-
-  Meerbeke, William of, 84
-
-  Megalopolis, 6, 16, 72
-
-  Meganisi, 403
-
-  Megara, 5, 12, 13, 26, 29, 80, 110, 114, 127, 129, 131, 139, 150,
-        194, 397, 399, 406
-
-  Megarid, the, 63, 76, 111
-
-  Megaskyr, the, 156
-
-  Megaspelæon, monastery of, 10
-
-  Melanoudion, 347, 348
-
-  Meletios, geographer, 416
-    monk, 49
-
-  Meliarakes, Antonios, 261
-
-  Melik-el-Aschraf, sultan of Egypt, 518
-
-  Melings, the, 41, 45, 46
-
-  Mélisende, daughter of Baldwin II, 518, 519, 531
-
-  Melissene, Maria, duchess of Athens, 80, 127, 146
-
-  Melissenos, family of, 144, 376
-
-  Melos, 162, 164, 165, 167, 170, 194, 351, 399
-
-  Mendenitza, _see_ Boudonitza
-
-  Menelaos, 114
-
-  Meniates, Elias, 213
-
-  Mentebone, Jacopo, 508
-
-  Merbaka, Argive church of, 84
-
-  Merksha (Jarkovich), 436, 437
-
-  Mesarea, _see_ Arcadia
-
-  Mesembria, 316
-
-  Meshtrovich, M., 454
-
-  Mesolonghi, 404
-
-  Messe, the Homeric, 91
-
-  Messenia, and the Messenians, 16, 67, 68, 87, 88, 97, 131, 154, 376,
-        419
-
-  Messina, 71, 276, 376
-
-  Metaxas, family of, 404
-    Nikodemos, 212
-
-  Metellus, Quintus, 4
-
-  Meteoron, monastery of, 453
-
-  Methodios, Slavonic apostle, 272
-
-  Methone, 41, 50, 67, 68, 263, _also see_ Modon
-
-  Methymna, _see_ Molivos
-
-  Metkovich, 461
-
-  Mezzomorto, admiral, 425
-
-  Miani, admiral, 202
-
-  Michael II, the Stammerer, emperor, 42
-    III, emperor, 272
-    of Adalia (Attaleiates), 537, 538, 540, 546, 549
-    king of Dioklitia, 549
-
-  Michiel, Venetian commissioner, 418
-
-  Miklosich, 459
-
-  Milakovich, historian, 458
-
-  Milan, 110, 153, 159, 160, 231, 271, 303, 314, 327, 328, 371, 504, 509
-
-  Mileshevo, monastery of, 448, 454, 477
-
-  Milly, Jacques de, 503
-
-  Miltiades, palace of, 153
-
-  Milton, 382
-
-  Milutin, Stephen, _see_ Urosh II of Serbia
-
-  Minotaur, the, 363
-
-  Minotto, 425
-
-  Miquez, João (Joseph Nasi), 174
-
-  Mirandola, Contessa de, 513
-
-  Mirkovich, Paola, 509, 511
-
-  Miroslav, prince of the Herzegovina, _see_ Nemanja family
-
-  Misglenovich, Maria, 509, 511
-
-  Misti, 258 ff.
-
-  Mistra, 79, 86, 91, 92, 96, 98 ff., 102, 103, 105, 136, 149, 237,
-        343, 356, 368, 382, 398, 405, 419, 420, 422, 498
-    Hebrew inscriptions at, 47 n.
-
-  Mithridates, king of Pontus, 2, 119
-
-  Mithridatic war, the first, 4
-
-  Mitrovitz, 20
-
-  Mitrovitza, 450
-
-  Mnesikles, 145
-
-  Moab, land of, 520, 530
-
-  Moawyah, caliph, 37
-
-  Mocenigo, admiral, 241, 307
-    Domenico, 439
-
-  Modène, Raimond de, 401
-
-  Modon, 87, 88, 90, 91, 98, 106, 184, 240, 241, 323, 362, 373, 376,
-        382, 405, 408, 418, 420 ff.
-
-  Mœsian Diocese, the, 20
-
-  Mohács, battle of, 493
-
-  Mohammed I, sultan, 256, 307, 325, 483
-    II, sultan, 22, 83, 102 ff., 150 ff., 159, 238, 239, 264, 307, 334
-        ff., 343, 345 ff., 356, 358 ff., 364, 365, 367, 394, 395, 425,
-        457, 486 ff., 499, 504, 505, 514
-    IV, sultan, 194
-
-  Moldavia, 365, 371, 382, 499
-
-  Molivos (Augerinos, Methymna), 318, 333, 341, 348, 352
-
-  Monaco, 298, 324
-    cathedral of, 139
-
-  Monastir, 446, 447
-
-  Moncada, Matteo de, 157
-
-  Monemvasia, 35, 39, 51, 54, 55, 68, 70, 79, 88, 91, 92, 94, 105, 106,
-        108, 165, 221, 231 ff., 245, 368, 371, 373, 405, 406, 414, 416,
-        419, 424, 426
-    wine-trade at, 244, _also see_ Malmsey wine
-
-  Mongols, the, 322
-
-  Monopoli, 69, 262
-
-  Monoyannes, Paul, 204, 243
-
-  Montenegro (the Zeta), 435, 445, 447, 450, 452, 453, 456 ff., 464,
-        466, 490, 498, 549
-
-  Monte Santangelo, 93
-
-  Montferrat, Jolanda of, 278
-    William of, 248
-
-  Montona, Matteo de, 140, 142
-
-  Montréal, 520, 523
-
-  Moors, 380
-
-  Morava, river, 486
-
-  Moravia, 272
-
-  Morea, the, 67, 68, 71, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 82, 85 ff., 106, 107,
-        128, 136, 143, 147, 152, 153, 164, 168, 171, 181, 186, 193,
-        195, 198, 200 n., 201, 204, 214, 218, 221, 223, 233, 234, 236
-        ff., 240 ff., 249, 250, 264, 288, 290, 293, 299, 329, 344, 355,
-        356, 358, 361, 365 ff., 372, 373, 375 ff., 382, 383, 394, 397,
-        398, 401, 405, 406, 409, 412 ff., 416 ff., 433, 434, 439, 498
-        ff., 521
-
-  _Morea, Chronicle of the_, 69, 70, 73, 80, 81, 83 ff., 89, 91 ff.,
-        96, 108, 121, 125, 126, 203 n., 246, 247, 521, 532, 545
-
-  Morlachs, the, 403
-
-  Morlay, Guillaume de, 72
-
-  Morocco, 286
-
-  _Morokampos_, 52
-
-  Morosini, Andrea, 266
-    Francesco, 36, 48, 195, 196, 203, 217, 222, 223 n., 225, 228, 383,
-        384, 386, 395, 403 ff., 408, 409, 411 ff., 416, 420, 423, 424,
-        438
-    Ruggiero, 286
-
-  “Moses,” “Valley of,” 530
-
-  “Mosque of the Conqueror,” 152
-
-  Mostar, 464, 485, 495
-
-  Mota, Bertranet, 159
-
-  Mottoni, count di San Felice, 407, 411
-
-  Mouchli, 104
-
-  Mouchtar Pasha, 440
-
-  Mouseion hill, the, 407
-
-  Mousouros, Markos, scholar, 198, 241, 373
-
-  Muazzo, Venetian governor, 317
-    Zuan Zorzo, 266
-
-  Muhashinovichi, 471
-
-  Muktar, 224
-
-  Mummius, 2, 3, 16, 413
-
-  Muntaner, Ramon, 75, 81, 82, 95, 96, 114, 116, 122, 123, 236, 288, 501
-
-  Murad, Turkish governor of Ænos, 339
-    I, sultan, 307, 316, 319, 333, 454, 455
-    II, sultan, 100, 101, 149, 280, 281, 325, 332, 456, 484, 512
-    III, sultan, 174, 398
-
-  “Murmures,” the, 238
-
-  Musa, sultan, 255, 256
-
-  Musachi, Comita, _see_ Balsha, Dame C.
-
-  Museo Correr, Venice, 79
-
-  Mustapha Pasha, Kara, 224
-
-  Mycenæ, 16, 59
-
-  Mykonos, 164, 255, 265 ff., 373, 399
-
-  Myrtis, 533
-
-  Mytilene, 40, 287, 294, 318, 323, 324, 326, 327, 332, 335, 336, 341,
-        346, 347, 349, 350, 352, _also see_ Lesbos
-
-
-  Nâbulus (Shechem), 520, 527, 533
-
-  Nahr Ibrahîm, 516
-
-  Naples, 57, 80, 84, 94, 95, 106, 108, 109, 116, 124, 138, 143, 149,
-        154, 169, 184, 200 ff., 210, 240, 252, 262, 264, 373, 376, 482,
-        501, 506, 513
-
-  Naples, Castel dell’ Uovo of, 80, 96, 482
-
-  Napoleon I (Bonaparte) of France, 230, 231, 385, 450, 453
-    III of France, 271
-
-  Narenta, river, 461, 464, 474, 476, 549
-
-  Narni, castle of, 500
-
-  Narona, 461, 465
-
-  Nasi, the, 174
-    Joseph (João Miquez), 174
-
-  Nasica, Scipio, 461
-
-  Natale, Bernardo, 350
-
-  Naupaktos, 33, 48, 53, 83, 98, 431, _also see_ Lepanto
-
-  Nauplia, 50, 55, 62, 67, 76, 87, 88, 98, 106, 111, 114, 121, 124,
-        125, 136, 150, 156, 221, 232, 241 ff., 284, 356, 368, 371, 373,
-        377, 382, 383, 397, 398, 405, 406, 413 ff., 418, 419, 421 ff.
-
-  Nausikaa, 206
-
-  Navailles, duc de, 195
-
-  Navarino (Zonklon), 35, 97, 105 ff., 194, 235, 373, 376, 377, 380,
-        382, 404, 408, 419, 424
-
-  Navarre, and the Navarrese, 57, 97, 128, 131, 136, 159, 201
-    Philip of, 531
-
-  Navarrese Company, the, 97, 107, 109, 127, 136, 169, 235, 254
-
-  Naves, Sor de, 503, 505
-
-  Navigajosi, 297
-
-  Naxos, 37, 68, 70, 75, 79, 81, 127, 161 ff., 165 ff., 180, 184, 188,
-        232, 339, 351, 356, 373, 398, 400, 401, 417, 498
-
-  Nazareth, 517, 521
-
-  Neale, J. M., _Theodora Phranza_, 534
-
-  Negro, Lucchino, 304
-
-  Negroponte, 69, 75, 81, 82, 115, 121, 123, 126, 133, 134, 140, 142,
-        143, 151, 203 n., 234, 251, 252, 254, 265, 266, 280, 300, 306,
-        307, 316, 356, 372, 386, 393, 406, 409, 412, 414, 425, 532
-
-  Neilos, heretic, 541, 542
-
-  Nemanja, family of, 443, 458, 549
-    Miroslav, 447, 468 ff.
-    St Sava, 447, 448, 454, 477
-    Stephen I, 447, 469
-      II, 447, 448
-
-  Neopatras, 115 ff., 124, 126, 143, 149, 158, 159, 251, 254
-    archbishop of, 127
-
-  Neophytos, bishop of Maina, 382
-
-  Nepos, Julius, 463
-
-  Neptune, temple of, 331
-
-  Neri, donkey-driver, 154
-
-  Nero, 10 ff., 16, 224, 381
-
-  Neroutsos, historian, 154, 161
-
-  Neuilly, Jean de, 72, 89
-
-  Nevers, comte de, 320, 321
-    duc de, 381, 382
-
-  “New France,” 75, 82, 85, 246
-
-  Nice (Nicæa), 58, 114, 163, 164, 180, 199, 277, 278, 294, 324, 326,
-        431, 448, 506, 541, 542
-    archbishop of, 514
-    council of, 22, 218
-    Greek emperor of, 79, 92, 232, 249
-
-  Nicholas V, pope, 311, 349, 497
-    archbishop of Thebes, 116
-    bishop of Methone, 53
-    canon of Athens, 156
-    of Ilok, 491, 492, 511
-    the patriarch, 34, 273
-
-  Nicomedia, 20
-
-  “Nicopolis Actiaca,” 380
-
-  Nicosia, 519
-    archbishop of, 505
-
-  Niger, Pescennius, 17
-
-  _Nika_ sedition, the, 33
-
-  Nike Apteros, temple of, 65, 145, 407
-
-  Nikephoros I, emperor, 40, 41, 444
-    II Phokas, emperor, 44, 45, 47, 178, 191, 534
-    I, despot of Epeiros, 262, 432, 433
-    II, despot of Epeiros, 318, 434
-    Chalouphes, 52
-
-  Niketas of Chonæ, historian, 59, 60, 62, 75, 86, 269, 275, 537, 538,
-        549
-
-  Nikli, 72, 79, 92, 114
-
-  Nikon, monk and saint, 45, 46, 53
-
-  Nikopolis, 6 ff., 10, 15, 20, 23, 25, 29, 33, 37, 46, 48, 55
-    battle of, 81, 144, 320, 321
-
-  Nikouses, Panagiotes, 195, 365
-
-  Ninoslav, Matthew, 471 ff.
-
-  Nio, lady of, 176
-
-  Niobe, 539
-
-  Nish, 20, 149, 446, 447, 454
-
-  Nitardus, bishop of Thermopylæ, 253
-
-  Nivelet, Guy de, 72
-
-  _Nizam-djedid_, the, 366, 367
-
-  Nointel, marquis de, 387, 388, 396
-
-  Normans, the, 34, 49 ff., 54, 67, 232, 261, 275, 276, 441, 525, 534,
-        536, 542, 549
-
-  Norwegians, 48
-
-  Noukios, secretary, 220
-
-  Novakovich, M., 453
-
-  Novara, Giovanni of, 331
-
-  Novelles, family of de, 122, 157
-    Ermengol de, 157
-
-  Novello, Jacopo di, 219
-
-  Novi, 461
-
-  Novibazar, 442, 445, 448, 449, 460 n., 462, 464, 477, 480, 549
-
-  Novo Brdo, 452, 457
-
-  Nymphæum, treaty of, 283, 284, 314
-
-
-  Obilich, 455 n.
-
-  Ochrida, 50, 273, 429
-    Bulgarian patriarchate of, 361 n.
-
-  Octavian, emperor, 6, 15
-
-  Octavian, _see_ Augustus
-
-  Oddo, bishop of Verdun, 233
-
-  Odeion of Herodes Atticus (Serpentzes), 15, 54, 153, 396
-    of Perikles, 3, 153
-
-  Odescalchi, prince, 511
-
-  Odoacer, 463
-
-  Œcumenical Patriarch, the, 147, 154, 174, 209, 241, 324, 359, 361,
-        372, 384, 392, 405, 415, 420, 424, 448
-
-  Œneus, fortress, 429
-
-  Œnoussai, the, 290, 300
-
-  Œta, Mount, 115
-
-  Oliverio, Giovanni, 303
-    Pietro, 304
-
-  Olympia, 3, 10, 11, 15, 25, 26, 30, 71
-
-  Olympiads, the, 25
-
-  Olympian Zeus, temple of (Palace of Hadrian), 7, 141, 147, 396, 410
-
-  Olympic games, 24
-
-  Olympos, 117
-
-  Omar, son of Turakhan, 102, 104, 151, 152
-    Beg of Aïdin, 293
-    Pasha, 494
-
-  Opilio, senator, 430
-
-  Opuntian Lokris, 76, 111
-
-  Orbini, historian, 458, 473
-
-  Orchan (Orkhan), sultan, 315, 362
-
-  Orchomenos, 3
-
-  Orient, prefecture of the, 21
-
-  Origen, 84, 148
-
-  Orlando, statue of, 498
-
-  Oropos, 144, 161
-
-  Orsini, family of, 84
-    John I, 262, 263
-      II, 83, 434
-    Matthew (Maio, Majo, Matteo), 69, 202, 232, 262, 263
-    Nicholas, 263
-    Richard, 262
-
-  Orthodox Church, the, 63, 77, 152, 197, 209, 231, 359 ff., 417, 452
-
-  Ossa (Kissavos), 545, 549
-
-  Ostia, 503
-
-  Ostoja, Stephen, of Bosnia, 482 ff.
-
-  Ostojich, Radivoj, of Bosnia, 484, 487, 490
-    Stephen, of Bosnia, 484
-    Stephen Thomas, of Bosnia, 484 ff., 508
-
-  Ostrogoths, the, 29, 33, 463
-
-  Ostrvitza, 497
-
-  Otranto, 219, 430, 438, 535
-
-  Oupravda, 534
-
-  Ovid, 429
-    _Metamorphoses_, 414
-
-  Oxford, Balliol College, 540
-    Lincoln College, 372, 392
-
-
-  Pachymeres, historian, 448
-
-  Pachys, St, 165
-
-  Padua, 211, 213, 311, 507
-
-  Palaiokastrizza, monastery, 199
-
-  Palaiokastro, 329, 340, 343, 344, 350, 353
-
-  Palaiologina, Anna, 434
-    gate of, 282
-    Eudokia, 279
-
-  Palaiologos, family of, 102 ff., 115, 149, 237, 240, 329, 334, 351,
-        352, 381, 390, 411
-    Andrew, 106, 240, 500, 513, 514
-    Andronikos II, 94, 108, 117 ff., 235, 278, 279, 286, 287, 381, 433,
-        449
-      III, 236, 278, 291 ff., 320 n., 434
-      IV, 280, 307, 317
-      Asan, 433
-    Constantine XI, 100 ff., 146, 149, 159, 307, 329, 334, 498
-    Constantine, son of Andronikos II, 433
-    Demetrios, 102, 104 ff., 238, 239, 297, 298, 343, 344, 350, 353,
-        416, 498
-    George, 544
-    Graitzas, 105, 368
-    Helen, 502
-    John V, emperor, 269, 278, 299, 306, 313 ff., 450
-      VI, emperor, 100, 160, 306, 329, 332
-    John, despot of Selymbria, 321 ff.
-    Manuel II, emperor, 98, 99, 237, 278, 280, 321 ff.
-    Manuel, governor of Monemvasia, 239
-      son of Thomas, 106, 500
-    Maria, 314
-    Michael VIII, 79, 92, 93, 115, 233 ff., 283 ff., 314, 432, 448
-    Mohammed, 106
-    Simonis, 449
-    Theodore I, 98, 136, 139, 236, 237
-      II, 100, 107, 238, 502
-    Thomas, 100, 102 ff., 218, 238 ff., 368, 498 ff., 505, 513, 514
-    Zoe (Sophia), 368, 500, 505, 508, 513, 514
-
-  Palaiopolis, 220
-
-  Palamas, Gregorios, theologian, 269
-
-  Palamedi, 424, 425
-
-  Palazzo del Santo Piede, Naples, 513
-
-  Paleochora, 265
-
-  Palermo, 52, 57, 110, 126, 155, 265, 434
-
-  Palestine, 67, 171, 377, 516 ff.
-
-  Pallantion, 14
-
-  Pallavicini, family of, 251, 257, 312
-    Alberto, 119, 249, 250, 257
-    Guglielma, 250 ff.
-    Guido, marquess, 59, 62, 245, 247, 248
-    Isabella, 249
-    Mabilia, 249
-    Manfredo, 252
-    Marulla, 252
-    Rubino, 247, 249
-    Tommaso, 249
-    Ubertino, 248, 249
-
-  Palmann, 452
-
-  Panaia (Canaia), 161, 246
-
-  Pannonia, 461, 462
-
-  Pantheon, 13, 333
-
-  Papadopouloi, family of the, 188, 189
-
-  Papageorgiou, 269 n.
-
-  Papamichalopoulos, K., 231
-
-  Papaplis, D. Lorenzo, 411
-
-  Paparregopoulos, K., historian, 73, 77, 88, 107, 550
-
-  Paphlagonia, 536
-
-  Parga, 194, 204, 205, 217, 219, 222, 373, 403, 417
-
-  Paris, 31, 114, 230, 369, 381 n., 455
-    Matthew, 66
-    Robert of, count, 540
-
-  Parma, 59, 245, 249
-
-  Parnassos, 53, 63, 119, 137, 246
-
-  Paros, 84, 148, 162, 170, 172 ff., 194, 365, 398, 399
-
-  Parthenon (Our Lady of Athens), 3, 4, 25, 30, 31, 46, 54, 61, 63, 65,
-        66, 112, 113, 137 ff., 148, 152, 156, 158, 273, 378, 387, 394
-        ff., 407 ff., 411 ff., 415
-
-  Parthian war, the, 12
-
-  Paruta, historian, 241, 266, 374, 377
-
-  Pashalik of Thessaly, 104
-
-  Passarovitz, peace and treaty of, 69, 196, 204, 225 ff., 268, 426,
-        442, 497
-
-  Passau, 72
-
-  Passavâ, 72, 89, 380, 404
-
-  Patarenes, _see_ Bogomiles
-
-  Pateroi, family of the, 188, 189
-
-  Pateropouloi, family of the, 186
-
-  Patesia, 142
-
-  Patras, 2, 6, 13, 15, 17, 26, 33, 34, 40 ff., 45, 53 ff., 71, 72, 89,
-        94, 100 ff., 106, 124, 156, 194, 200, 219, 227, 356, 380, 397,
-        398, 405, 414, 415, 418 ff., 499
-    archbishops of, 78, 84, 89, 249, 376
-
-  Patrikios, Petros, historian, 269
-
-  Patris, admiral, 441
-
-  Patti, 519
-
-  Patzinaks, the, 536
-
-  Pau, Don Pedro de, 130, 156, 157
-
-  Paul, metropolitan, 275
-    II, pope, 372, 502, 508, 509, 512, 514
-    III, pope, 209
-    IV, pope, 439
-    V, pope, 309, 382, 506
-    St, 9, 10, 16, 184, 270, 271, 392, 410, 500
-
-  Paula, 25
-
-  Paullus, Æmilius, 429
-
-  Pausanias, 13, 15, 16, 30, 141, 147
-
-  Pavia, 311
-
-  Paxo, 69, 202, 209, 214, 215, 220, 227
-
-  Paynim, the, 289
-
-  Pedemontano, Francesco, 330
-
-  Pedro IV of Aragon, 127 ff., 141, 152, 158, 253, 254
-    the Cruel of Castile, 158
-
-  Pegalotti, 79, 422
-
-  Peisistratos, 13, 64, 111
-
-  Pelagonia, 249, 430
-
-  Pellestello (Cape Sunium), 83
-
-  Peloponnese, the, 1, 6, 7, 13, 15, 26, 34 ff., 39 ff., 43 ff., 52,
-        53, 59, 60, 67, 68, 86, 87, 91, 97 ff., 112, 115, 116, 147,
-        204, 231, 232, 234 ff., 275, 290, 368, 375, 382 ff., 423, 513,
-        524, _see_ Morea, the
-
-  Peña y Farel, 131
-
-  Peneios (Salamvrias), 545
-
-  Pentele, monastery of, 378
-
-  Pera, 294, 296, 307, 314, 319, 328, 333
-
-  Perikles, 23, 33, 54, 66, 113, 410
-    the Odeion of, 3, 153
-
-  Peroules, family of, 414
-    Spyridon, 407
-
-  Perseus, 381 n., 429
-
-  Persia, and the Persians, 32, 33, 145, 162, 193, 413, 443
-
-  Peruzzi, the, 79
-
-  Pesaro, Antonio da, 176
-    Benedetto, 438
-
-  Pescatore, Enrico, 178, 283
-
-  Pescennius Niger, 17
-
-  Petalas, 264
-
-  Petch, 451, _see_ Ipek
-
-  Peter, envoy of Justinian, 429
-    of Aragon, 235
-    of Bulgaria, _see_ Bodin, Constantine
-    of Courtenay, emperor, 90
-    II of Sicily, 158
-    St, 10, 17
-      chair of, 78
-    Thomas, St, bishop, 317
-
-  Peterborough, Benedict of, 61, 262
-
-  Petrarch, 184
-
-  Petrovich, Vasilj, 458
-
-  Petty, William, 381
-
-  Phaidros, archon, 18
-
-  Phaleron, 387, 397, 409, 425
-
-  Phanar, the, 360
-
-  Phanari, 420
-
-  Phaneromene, monastery of, 397
-
-  Pharsala (-os), 5, 33, 62, 254
-
-  Pharygæ, 245
-
-  Pheræ, the ancient, 62
-
-  Phidias, 30, 395, 543
-
-  Philadelphia, 299
-
-  Philaras, Leonardos, 382
-
-  Philip IV of France, 286
-    VI of France, 293
-
-  Philip of Macedon, 63, 96, 119
-    of Navarre, 531
-    of Savoy, 81, 94, 95, 250
-    II of Spain, 374
-    I of Taranto, 95, 97, 201, 250, 290, 433
-    II of Taranto, 158, 200, 201
-
-  Philippi, 6
-
-  Philippicus, emperor, 37
-
-  Philippopolis, 336, 541, 548
-
-  Philopappos (Arch of Trajan), 407, 410
-    Antiochos, 13
-
-  Philopator, 3
-
-  Phiskardo, 50, 540
-
-  Phocæa, 285 ff., 294 ff., 299, 300, 313, 500 ff., _see_ Foglia
-
-  Phokas, Nikephoros, emperor, 44, 45, 47, 178, 191, 534
-
-  Phokis, 16
-
-  Pholegandros, 174
-
-  Pholoe, Mt, 26
-
-  Phrantzes, George, historian, 35, 100, 104, 105, 146, 151 n., 160,
-        218, 231, 237, 239, 329, 359, 369, 505, 513
-
-  Phthiotis, 115
-
-  Phyle, 112, 114
-
-  Piacenza, 268
-
-  Pialì Pasha, 174, 308
-
-  Piedmont, 94, 95
-
-  Pieri, Mario, historian, 212
-
-  Pikermi, 390
-
-  Pinakotheke (arsenal of Lycurgus), the, 145, 410
-
-  Pindos, 25
-
-  Pinerolo, 95
-
-  Pines, 461
-
-  Piræus (Porto Leone or Porto Drako), 3, 5, 21, 24, 36, 48, 54, 64,
-        66, 76, 111, 124, 130, 139, 144, 151, 232, 396, 405, 406, 409
-        ff., 413
-
-  Pisa, and the Pisans, 50, 51, 144, 275, 380, 523
-
-  Pisani, admiral, 225, 226
-
-  Pisani, Carlo, 438
-
-  Piso, emperor, 4, 19, 270
-
-  Pitti, family of, 144
-    Laudamia, 160, 161
-    Nerozzo, 154, 161
-
-  Pius, Antoninus, 14, 141
-    II, pope, 239, 288, 311, 341, 343, 344, 349, 372, 487, 497, 500,
-        501, 503, 504, 510
-    V, pope, 374
-
-  Plaka, 394
-
-  Platæa, battle of, 12, 22
-
-  Plato, 14, 16, 31, 32, 99, 113, 192, 327, 442, 514, 537, 541, 542
-
-  Plethon, George Gemistos, 99
-
-  Plevlje, 462
-
-  Pliny, the elder, 429
-
-  Pliska, 548
-
-  Pliskova, 548
-
-  Pliva, river, 481
-
-  Plotinos, hagiographer, 269
-
-  Plutarch, 12, 53, 198, 524
-
-  Pnyx, the, 407
-
-  Podgoritza, 444, 447
-
-  Podochatoro, Lodovico, 507
-
-  Poitiers, battle of, 125
-
-  Poland, and the Poles, 106, 149, 403, 424, 443, 477
-
-  Polemon, 539, 542
-
-  Poli, 372
-
-  Polinos, 174
-
-  Poljitza, 457
-
-  Pollux, 45
-
-  Polybios, historian, 1, 2, 12, 537
-
-  Polydoros, tomb of, 331
-
-  Polygnotos, painter, 16, 30
-
-  Pompei, Count Tomaso, 409
-
-  Pompey, 4, 5, 50
-
-  Ponte dell’ Ammiraglio, 52
-
-  Ponte Molle, the, 106
-
-  Porcacchi, 267
-
-  Poros, 413, 414
-
-  Porphyrogenitus, Constantine VII, emperor, 32, 39, 44, 46, 430, 442,
-        443, 464
-
-  Porte, the, 150, 174, 192, 194, 195, 221, 308
-
-  Porto, bishop of, 510
-    delle Quaglie, 373
-    Drako, _see_ Piræus
-    Leone, _see_ Piræus
-    Raguseo, 430, 434
-
-  Portugal, and the Portuguese, 210, 275, 502
-
-  Poseidon, statue of, 413
-    temple of, 8
-
-  Potamo, 219, 224
-
-  Pou, Pedro de (Petrus de Puteo), 126, 157
-
-  _Poulains_, the, 523, 524, 525
-
-  Pouqueville, traveller, 154, 225 n., 378, 429, 430, 439
-
-  _Pozzi_, the, 307
-
-  Prætorians, the, 364
-
-  Prato, Jacopo da, 156
-    Ludovico da, 139, 156
-
-  Praxagoras, historian, 21
-
-  Praxina, lady, 511
-
-  Predelli, Signor, 155
-
-  Preliub, 451
-
-  Premarini, family of, 266
-
-  Prenk Bib Doda, Mirdite prince, 536
-
-  Prêslav, 444, 548
-
-  Prespa, lake of, 444
-
-  Prevesa, 205, 217, 223, 225, 228, 356, 380, 404, 417, 426
-
-  Prijesda I, 473
-    II, 473
-
-  Prilip, 454
-
-  Primorje, 511
-
-  Prinkipo, island, 40, 536
-
-  Prishtina, 449, 450, 456
-
-  Pristhlava, Great, 548
-
-  Priuli, Antonio, 195 n.
-
-  Prizren, 446, 449, 454
-
-  Prodromos, Theodore, 446
-
-  Proklos, 31, 32, 84
-
-  Prokopios, _Secret History_, 534
-
-  Propylæa, the, 7, 65, 76, 141, 145, 148, 396, 408, 409
-
-  Protimo, Nicolò, of Eubœa, 151
-
-  _Protonotários_, 37
-
-  Provence, 59, 472, 508
-
-  Prussia, 529
-
-  Psara (Santa Panagia), island, 300, 301, 358
-
-  Psaromelingos, Michael, 182
-
-  Psellos, Michael, philosopher, 43, 49, 357, 535, 537, 538
-
-  Pteleon, 256
-
-  Ptolemy, 108, 429
-
-  Pulati, 405
-
-  Pulcheria, sister of Theodosius, 30
-
-  Puteo, Petrus de, _see_ Pou, Pedro de
-
-  Pylos, 97, 107 ff., 235, _see_ Navarino
-
-  Pyrgos, the tower of, 435, 436
-
-  Pyrrha, 161
-
-  Pythagoras, 153
-
-
-  Quarnero, the, 480
-
-  Quartus, 9
-
-  Quietists (Hesychasts), 279
-
-  Quintilian, 514
-
-  Quintus Metellus, 4
-
-  Quirini, the, 175
-    archbishop, 210, 211, 213
-    Nicolò, 166
-
-
-  Radak, prince, 489
-
-  Radakovitza, cliff of, 489
-
-  Radich, Abraham, 509
-
-  Radivoj Ostojich of Bosnia, 484, 487, 490
-
-  Raffaele of Quarto, 317
-
-  Ragusa, 433, 434, 436, 452, 456, 457, 466, 468 ff., 472, 474, 478
-        ff., 488, 498, 508, 511
-
-  Ralles, Demetrios, 369
-    Michael, 368
-
-  Rama, 467
-
-  Rampano, castle of, 240
-
-  Randazzo, Frederick of, 126
-    John of, 126, 158
-
-  Randolph, traveller, 196, 268, 387, 391, 395, 397, 399
-
-  Rapallo, 308
-
-  Rashka, river, 442, 445
-
-  Rassia, or Rascia (_also see_ Serbia), 445, 450, 549
-
-  Raugraf von der Pfalz, Col., 407
-
-  Raunach, baron, 497
-
-  Ravenna, exarchate of, 271
-
-  Ravenika, parliament of, 113, 247, 248
-
-  Raymond of Toulouse, count, 516
-    II of Tripolis, count, 522
-
-  Recanelli, Pietro, 304, 306
-
-  Rechid Pasha, 440
-
-  Red Sea, 516, 517, 523
-
-  Regina, duke of, 265, 513
-
-  Renaud, baron of Sagette, 531
-
-  Rendi, Demetrios, notary, 127, 128
-    Maria, 139
-
-  Renier, Sebastiano, 243
-
-  Rethymno, 184, 186 ff., 192, 194, 356
-
-  Rhanghaves, K., _The Duchess of Athens_, 116, 146 n., 257
-
-  Rheims, cathedral of, 407
-
-  Rhiza, the, 186
-
-  Rhodes, 167, 176, 184, 289, 298, 301, 335, 344, 356, 400, 503, 505
-
-  Rhoïdes, Venizelos, 414
-
-  Rhoka, 44
-
-  Rhyndakenos, Joannes Laskaris, 297, 331, 339, 344, 353
-
-  Richard I “Cœur-de-Lion” of England, 71, 498, 517, 526, 528
-
-  Richard, count of Acerra, 276
-
-  Richelieu, 382
-
-  Richeriane, Pandette, 295
-
-  Rideford, Girard de, 522
-
-  Risal, M., 269 n.
-
-  Rive d’Ostre (Livadostro), 76, 111, 144
-
-  Robert of Geneva, 158
-    king of Naples, 80, 433
-    count of Paris, 540
-    III of Scotland, 502
-    of Taranto, prince of Achaia, 109, 169, 201, 202, 263
-
-  Rocaforte, 133
-
-  Roger, king of Sicily, 51, 52, 430
-
-  Rogus, castle of, 510
-
-  Roman church, the, 91
-    civil wars, 17
-    conquest, 18
-    senate, 20
-
-  Romania, empire of, 58, 77, 82, 116, 117, 163, 180, 321, 450
-
-  _Romania, Assizes of_, 122
-    _Book of the Customs of the Empire of_, 71, 73, 112, 250
-
-  Romano, Casimiro, historian, 510
-
-  Romanos II, emperor, 47, 534
-    III, emperor, 445
-
-  Romans, empress of the, 136
-
-  _Romans, Epistle to the_, 10
-
-  Rome, 1, 2, 4, 7, 12, 18, 20, 23, 25, 31, 33, 50, 74, 94, 106, 116,
-        139, 198, 240, 270, 272, 299, 309, 317, 332, 355, 357, 361,
-        368, 369, 374, 375, 429, 443, 447, 454, 460 ff., 472, 480, 487,
-        497 ff., 531
-    the Borgo, 497, 514
-    Botteghe Oscure, 512
-    Chapel of S. Eugenia in the SS. Apostoli, 515
-    Lateran gate, 512
-    Palazzo Spinola, 506
-    Piazza Scossa Cavalli, 506
-    Ponte Milvio, 500
-    the Quirinal, 515
-    S. Agata in Subura, 515
-    Santo Spirito hospital, 500, 507, 511, 512, 514
-    Via Appia, 515
-    Via Ardeatina, 515
-    Via Pellicciaria, 512
-    Via S. Marco, 513
-    Vicolo Scanderbeg, 512
-    _also see_ Churches
-
-  Roquebrune, village, 298
-
-  Rosso, Castel, _see_ Karystos
-
-  Roumania, and the Roumanians, 20, 60, 361, 370
-
-  Roumelia, Eastern, 443
-
-  Roupel, fort, 273
-
-  Roussillon, 119, 122
-
-  Roustavéli, Chota, poet, 66
-
-  Rozières, Gautier de, 72
-
-  Rubió y Lluch, Don Antonio, 127, 155 ff.
-
-  Rumeli, castle of, 417
-
-  Rumili, _beglerbeg_ of, 355, 356
-
-  Russia, and the Russians, 106, 227, 228, 230, 272, 367, 368, 377,
-        424, 427, 514
-
-  Ruthenians, duke of the, 514
-
-  Rycaut, Sir Paul, 364, 407
-
-
-  Sacred Way, the, 141
-
-  Saewulf, Icelandic pilgrim, 47
-
-  Sagette, 521, 531
-
-  Sagredo, historian, 374, 424
-
-  Saguntino, Nicholas, 514
-
-  Said Achmet Pasha, 336
-
-  St Abraham, _see_ Hebron
-
-  St Achilleios, 47
-
-  St Andrew, 17, 41, 106
-
-  S. Angelo, duca di, 513
-
-  St Bartholomew, chapel of, 129
-
-  St Basil, lake, 273
-
-  St Dionysios, 31
-
-  St George, 31
-    bank of, 305, 309, 341 ff., 498, 501
-    banner of, 308, 313
-    church of, 117
-    harbour of, 346
-    order of, 129
-    seal of, 122
-
-  St Gilles, comte de, 548
-
-  St Jerome, 25, 33
-
-  St John the Evangelist, 288, 331, 501
-    the Merciful, 528
-    the Hunter, monastery of, 114
-    knights of, 73, 84, 89, 128, 167, 171, 296, 318, 373, 401, 518, 528
-
-  St Luke, 10, 141, 510;
-    the younger, 45
-
-  St Mark, the lion-banner of, 68, 183, 201, 202, 221, 229, 230,
-        240, 243, 266, 335, 399, 401, 409, 456
-
-  St Martin of Tours, church of, 79
-
-  St Mary of Bethlehem, knights of, 343
-
-  St Nicholas of Bari, 93
-
-  St Nikon, 45, 46, 53
-    monastery of, 45
-
-  St Omer, castle of, 84, 125
-    family of, 75, 77, 80, 112, 113, 521
-    Jacques de, 58, 63
-    Nicholas I de, 58, 63, 81, 94
-    Nicholas II de, 76, 108, 117
-    Othon de, 117
-    tower at Thebes, 94
-
-  St Paul, _see_ Paul, St
-
-  St Peter, 10, 17
-    Thomas, bishop, 317
-
-  Saint-Sauveur, M., consul, 226, 227
-
-  St Sava, duke of, 485, 492, 499, 509, 510
-    of Serbia, 447, 448, 454, 477
-
-  St Spiridion, 209, 210, 218, 225
-
-  St Theodora, 218, 271, 281
-
-  St Theodore, 52, 62
-
-  St Thomas of Canterbury, 518, 529
-
-  St Willibald, bishop of Eichstätt, 35
-
-  SS. Apostoli, monastery of the, 515
-
-  SS. Theodores, castle of the, 348 ff.
-
-  Saïtan Oglou, _see_ Cantacuzene, Michael
-
-  Sala (De La Salle), 425
-
-  Saladin, 517, 519, 523, 526, 528, 531
-
-  Salamis (Culuris), 36, 66, 117, 236, 390, 397, 413, 414, 416
-
-  Salamvrias (Peneios), 545
-
-  Salic law, the, 93, 127
-
-  Sallust, 69, 173
-
-  Salmenikon, castle of, 106
-
-  Salona (La Sole), 63, 80, 83, 85, 111, 119, 121, 123, 125, 126, 128,
-        130, 131, 137, 254, 257, 375, 376, 395, 397, 461 ff.
-    Thomas of, 117
-
-  Salonika, 18, 37, 44, 53, 54, 58, 59, 63, 110, 113, 199, 268 ff.,
-        318, 322, 323, 356, 360, 443, 447, 449, 450, 514
-    archbishop of, 31
-    king of, 67, 87, 110, 245, 248
-    “The Triangle,” 281
-    the Vardar gate, 270, 271
-    the “White Tower” or “the Tower of Blood,” 281
-
-  Samareia tower, the, 281
-
-  Samaria, bishop of, 281 n.
-
-  Samarkand, 323
-
-  Samos, 290, 296, 300, 301, 366
-
-  Samothrace (Sanctus Mandrachi), 83, 297, 306, 326, 327, 331, 338 ff.,
-        344, 350, 351, 353
-
-  Samuel, tsar of Bulgaria, 47, 50, 272, 273, 430, 444, 466, 480
-
-  San Ciriaco, 503, 504
-
-  San Felice, count di, 407, 411
-
-  San Gallo, 148, 413
-
-  San Gerolamo degli Schiavoni, hospital of, 509
-
-  San Giorgio, Banca di, 298, 505
-
-  San Michele di Murano, 176
-
-  San Nicolo, fortress of, 424
-
-  San Pietro, Montorio, 514
-
-  San Rocco, 220
-
-  San Salvatore, 224, 226
-
-  Sancho IV of Castile, 286
-
-  Sangallo, 65
-
-  Sant’ Andrea della Valle, 500
-
-  Sant’ Angelo, castle of, 199, 202, 205, 218, 219, 372
-
-  Sant’ Ippolito, family of, 202
-
-  Sta Maria degli Angeli, 503
-
-  Sta Maria del Popolo, 507
-    di Castello, district of, 284
-
-  Santa Maura (Levkas), 69, 81, 106, 202 ff., 216, 217, 222, 223, 225,
-        226, 230, 263, 356, 375, 403, 417, 426
-
-  Santa Panagia, _see_ Psara
-
-  Santameri, castle of, 105
-    mountains, 77, 94
-    tower at Thebes, 117, 163
-
-  Santo Stefano, knights of, 380
-
-  Santorin, 38, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 176, 267, 400
-
-  Sanudo, family of (dukes of Naxos), 68, 69, 164, 170
-    Angelo, 164, 232
-    Dandolo, 68, 162
-    Fiorenza, 81, 168, 169
-    Giovanni I, 167, 168, 170
-    Guglielmo, 165, 167
-    Marco I, 68, 162, 163, 166, 180
-      II, 90, 164 ff., 170
-    Maria, 170
-    Marino, historian, 75, 78, 83, 90, 92, 177, 246, 289
-    Nicolò I, 167, 169, 289, 291, 294
-      II “Spezzabanda” 169, 184
-
-  Sanuto, _Diarii_, 175, 176
-
-  Sapienza, island of, 90, 426
-
-  Sappho, 343, 533, 537, 539
-
-  Saraceno, Pietro, 130
-
-  Saracens, the, 40, 43 ff., 218, 273, 274, 286, 325, 432, 522, 524
-        ff., 530, 532
-
-  Sarajevo, 455, 462, 484, 485, 490, 492, 494 ff.
-
-  Sarantaporon, battle of, 270
-
-  Saronic gulf, 5, 9, 114, 236, 405
-
-  Sarpi, Fra Paolo, 192
-
-  Saru-Khan, 294
-
-  Saseno, island, 429, 430, 435, 436, 438, 440, 441
-
-  Sathas, historian, 98, 371
-
-  Satines (Sethines, Setines, Sithines, Sythines), 83, 109, 135, 143,
-        150, _also see_ Athens
-
-  Satti, 437
-
-  Sauger, historian, 266
-
-  Save, river, 446, 451, 461 ff., 473, 474, 481, 488, 493, 496, 497
-
-  Savona, 314
-
-  Savoy, 82, 94, 323, 498, 502 ff.
-
-  Saxony, 443
-
-  Scandinavians, 525
-
-  Scarampi, Lodovico, cardinal, 340, 344, 501
-
-  Scaramuccia, 307
-
-  Schabachtana, 517
-
-  Schlumberger, M., 257, 521, 535, 550
-
-  Schmitt, Dr, 70, 86, 93, 108
-
-  Scholarios, Georgios, 359
-
-  Schulenburg, Count John Matthias von der, 223 ff., 228, 413, 426
-
-  Scio, 391
-
-  Scotland, and the Scots, 368, 502, 503, 525
-
-  Scott, Sir Walter, 539, 540, 547
-    _Count Robert of Paris_, 534
-    _The Talisman_, 526
-
-  Scutari, 299, 435, 437, 444, 445, 451, 454, 456, 498, 549
-
-  Scythian wars, the, 19
-
-  Scythians (Cumans), 536, 541, 546
-
-  Sebastiani, 268
-
-  Secundus, 270
-
-  Selenitza, 429
-
-  Selim II, sultan, 174, 366, 373
-
-  Selino, 181, 186
-
-  Seljuks, the, 446
-
-  Selymbria, 100, 321, 322
-
-  Semendria, 442, 456, 457, 487
-
-  Sempovich, Helena, 509, 511
-
-  Seneca, 9
-
-  Sepolia, 142
-
-  Septimius Severus, 17
-
-  Serbia (Rassia), and the Serbs, 41, 59, 100, 137, 253, 272, 276, 279,
-        281, 299, 316, 345, 361, 370, 427, 434, 441 ff., 460, 461, 463
-        ff., 472 ff., 483 ff., 493, 494, 497 ff., 508, 511, 512, 549
-
-  Sergeant, family of, 214
-
-  Sergius, 341
-
-  Seriphos, 8
-
-  Serpentzes (Odeion of Herodes Atticus), 15, 54, 153, 396
-
-  Serres, 450
-
-  Sestri Ponente, 314, 324, 351
-
-  Sethines, _see_ Satines
-
-  Sette Pozzi, 284
-
-  Severus, Alexander, 17
-    Septimius, 17
-
-  Sforza, Francesco, 153, 159, 328
-    Galeazzo Maria, 303, 509
-
-  Sgouros, clan of, 55
-    Leon, 62, 63, 65, 67, 87, 88, 90, 156, 245
-
-  Shakespeare, 69, 114, 541
-    _A Midsummer Night’s Dream_, 64
-
-  Sharon, 520
-
-  Shechem, _see_ Nâbulus
-
-  Shishman, John, 316
-
-  Shubich, family of, 473, 474
-    Mladen, 474
-    Paul, 474
-
-  Sibylla, princess, 519
-
-  Sicily, 2, 4, 36, 51, 54, 68, 93, 118, 119, 122, 123, 125, 126, 130,
-        158, 200, 232, 253, 261, 262, 275, 373, 374, 430, 431, 441, 527
-
-  Side, 235
-
-  Sidon, 517, 518, 521
-
-  Siena, 145
-
-  Sigismund, emperor, 309
-    king of Hungary, 481 ff.
-    son of Stephen Thomas of Bosnia, 508, 509
-
-  Sikinos, 174
-
-  Sikyon, 4, 5, 101, 139
-
-  Silas, 9, 270
-
-  Silius Italicus, 429
-
-  Silvester II, pope, 540
-
-  Simeon, _Zeno_, 198 n.
-
-  Simokatta, Theophylact, historian, 35, 36
-
-  Simon, archbishop of Thebes, 158
-
-  Simonides, 167
-
-  Simplikios, philosopher, 32
-
-  Sinan Beg, 495
-    Pasha (the Arnaut), admiral, 438, 440
-
-  Sinj, 461
-
-  Siphnos, 167, 174, 384
-
-  Sirmium, 20
-
-  Sis, court of, 526
-
-  Siscar, Raymond de, 341
-
-  Sistova, 497
-
-  Sixtus II, pope, 17
-    IV, pope, 502, 506, 507, 509, 511, 512, 514, 515
-
-  Sjenitza, 488
-
-  Skanderbeg, 103, 104, 149, 399, 437, 480, 498, 499, 512
-
-  Skaramangka, Mount, 390
-
-  Skaramangkou torrent, the, 310
-
-  Skarpanto, 250
-
-  Skiathos, 173, 246
-
-  Skironian cliffs, the, 13, 397
-
-  Skleros, poet, 198
-
-  Skopelos, 164, 173, 246
-
-  Skopje (Skoplje), 299, 442, 449 ff.
-
-  Skordiloi, the, 188
-
-  Skorta, 72, 89, 95
-
-  Skouphos, _Rhetoric_, 198
-
-  Skylitzes, John, historian, 275, 538, 549
-
-  Skyros, 19, 335, 395
-
-  Slavesians, 46
-
-  Slavochorio, 59
-
-  Slavonia, 481, 491, 493, 496, 497
-
-  Slavs, the, 33 ff., 39 ff., 47, 59, 68, 72, 91, 224, 271, 272, 274,
-        275, 278, 365, 443, 446, 454, 463, 464, 494
-
-  Smyrna, 283, 285, 286, 293, 296, 298, 300, 313, 317, 351, 409, 425
-
-  Sobieski, 403
-
-  Sobiewolsky, Hessian lieutenant, 408
-
-  Sofia, 355
-
-  Sokolli, Mohammed, 375
-
-  Sokolovich, family of, 495
-
-  Sokrates, gymnasium of, school of, _see_ Tower of the Winds
-
-  Soli (Tuzla), 473, 483
-
-  Solomon, king, 516
-    the Song of, 529
-
-  Solon, 71, 112, 153
-
-  Sommaripa, family of, 170, 172, 174, 267
-    Crusino, 148
-    Euphrosyne, 254
-    Giovanfrancesco, 266
-
-  Sonetti, Bartolomeo dalli, 310
-
-  Sophianos, 233
-
-  Sophocles, 237, 537
-
-  Sosipater, bishop of Ikonium, 10
-
-  Soter, Arsinöe, 332
-    Ptolemy, 332
-
-  Spain, and the Spaniards, 43, 106, 130, 135, 154, 193, 210, 275, 286,
-        361, 372, 374, 376, 381 ff., 439
-
-  Spalato, 461, 463, 466, 469, 470, 472, 479, 481, 482
-
-  Spandugino (Spandounis), Theodore, 263, 369
-
-  Spantounes, tomb of, 281
-
-  Sparre, Charles, general, 439
-
-  Sparta, 1, 7, 11, 15, 16, 19, 26, 31, 45 ff., 53, 102, 114, 116, 149,
-        228, 397, 533
-
-  Spata, 146
-
-  Spercheios, river, 47
-
-  Spetsai, island, 358
-
-  Spetsopoulo (Sette Pozzi), 284
-
-  Sphakia, and the Sphakiotes, 44, 186, 188, 189, 194
-
-  Spinalonga, 178, 191, 196, 403, 417, 422, 426
-
-  Spinarza, hills and district of, 431, 433
-
-  Spinola, 307
-
-  Spinula, Percivalis, 295
-
-  Spiridion, St, 209, 210, 218, 225
-
-  Spon, Dr, traveller, 24 n., 214, 267, 380, 386 ff., 391, 393, 394,
-        398, 410, 411, 413
-
-  Sporades, 246, 373
-
-  Spretcha, river, 483
-
-  Srebrenik, 478, 491, 492
-
-  Srebrenitza, 483, 484
-
-  Stadion, the, 15, 141
-
-  Stagno, 466
-
-  Stambûl, 109, 496
-
-  Stamford Bridge, battle of, 48, 64
-
-  Stampalia, 175
-
-  Standia, 195
-
-  Statius, 9, 462
-
-  Staurakios, 39, 40
-
-  Steel, Mr D., 132
-
-  Stephanas, 9
-
-  Stephanopouloi, the, 384, 385
-
-  Stephen, _ban_ of Bosnia, 471
-    captain of the “Helladikoi,” 38
-    doctor, 36
-    Ostoja of Bosnia, 482 ff.
-    Ostojich of Bosnia, 484
-    Thomas Ostojich of Bosnia, 484 ff., 508
-    Tomashevich of Bosnia, 457, 486 ff., 508
-
-  Stilicho, general, 25, 26
-
-  Stiris, 46
-
-  Stoa Poikile, the, 16, 30
-
-  Strabo, geographer, 6, 15, 39
-
-  Stradioti, the, 368, 369
-
-  _Strategós_, 37
-
-  Stratia, 221
-
-  Stromoncourts, the, 137
-
-  Stromoncourt, Thomas de, 59, 63, 119
-
-  Struma, river, 273, 276
-
-  Stuart, 378, 388 n.
-
-  Studenitza, monastery of, 447
-
-  Studita, Theodore, 269
-
-  Stylida, 246
-
-  Stylites, 45
-
-  Stymphalos, lake, 13
-
-  Suda, 191, 192, 196, 403, 417, 422, 426
-    bay, 43, 187, 188, 191 ff.
-
-  Suetonius, 461
-
-  Suidas, 371
-
-  Suli, rock of, 204
-
-  Suleyman, son of Bayezid I, sultan, 254, 255, 280
-    the Magnificent, 106, 172, 219, 365, 438
-
-  Sulla, 3, 5, 13, 15, 18, 119
-
-  Sulpicia, 534
-
-  Sunium, Cape (Pellestello or Cape Colonna), 83
-
-  Superan, Pedro Bordo de, 97, 100, 128
-
-  Sutjeska, 478, 490
-
-  Svernetsi, 431
-
-  Sweden, Charles XII of, 223
-
-  Sykaminon, barony and castle of, 144, 146, 154, 161
-
-  Sylvius, Æneas, 504
-
-  Symeon, tsar of Bulgaria, 272, 430, 444, 466, 480
-    liturgical writer, 269
-
-  Synesios, philosopher, 27, 31
-
-  Syra, 162, 165, 166, 312, 400
-
-  Syracuse, count of, 180
-
-  Syria, and the Syrians, 68, 170, 177, 295, 303, 325, 519 ff., 525
-        ff., 532
-
-  Syriane, _see_ Kaisariane
-
-
-  Tabarie, _see_ Tiberias
-
-  Tabor, Mt, 528, 531
-
-  Tacitus, 544
-    emperor, 20
-
-  Tafel, 269 n.
-
-  Tafrali, 269 n.
-
-  Tafur, Pero, traveller, 329
-
-  Tagliacozzo, 73
-
-  Talmud, the, 53
-
-  Tancred of Antioch, 521, 524, 528, 531
-
-  Taphians, the pirate, 223, 403
-
-  Tara, river, 446, 460
-
-  Taranto, house of, 97
-    Bohemond of, 516
-    Charles of, 133
-    Manfred of, 431
-    Philip I of, 95, 97, 201, 250
-      II of, 158, 200, 201
-    Robert of, 109, 169, 201, 202, 263
-
-  Taronites, 414
-
-  Tarsus, 10, 275, 516
-
-  _Tartarin_ of the Zaccaria, the, 286
-
-  Tartaro, Arrigo, 294
-
-  Tartars, the, 300, 318, 456, 472
-
-  Tasso, 368
-
-  Tatoi, 389 n.
-
-  Taygetos, Mt, 35, 42, 59, 68
-
-  Tchajnitza, 495
-
-  Tchaslav, prince of Serbia, 444, 465 ff.
-
-  Tegea, 6, 72, 92, 114
-
-  Temenos, fortress, 44, 163, 179
-
-  Tempe, the vale of, 13, 59, 62, 119
-
-  Templars, Knights, 73, 89, 248, 518, 528, 529
-
-  Temple of Nike Apteros, 65, 145, 153, 396, 407
-
-  Tenedos, 185, 290, 301, 307, 313, 314, 317, 325, 534
-
-  Tenos, island of, 8, 69, 83, 148, 152, 164, 175, 194, 255, 265 ff.,
-        357, 373, 398 ff., 403, 417, 424, 426
-
-  Teodoro, Nicolò di S., 304
-    Pietro di S., 304
-
-  _Terciers_, the, 69
-
-  Termes, Raimond de, 433
-
-  Tertius, 9
-
-  Teutonic Knights, 68, 73, 89, 529
-
-  Thamar, daughter of Nikephoros I, 433
-
-  Thasos, island, 288, 297, 306, 330 ff., 335, 336, 340, 341, 344, 350,
-        351, 353
-
-  Theagenes, 31, 32
-
-  Thebes (Estives), and the Thebans, 4, 10, 15, 25, 33, 37, 38, 45, 48,
-        50 ff., 60, 63, 75 ff., 82 ff., 94, 95, 100 ff., 108, 112 ff.,
-        116 ff., 121, 123, 125, 127 ff., 131, 133, 134, 139, 142, 144,
-        146, 147, 149, 151, 153, 157 ff., 163, 247, 249, 253, 356, 398,
-        406 ff., 521, 533
-    archbishop of, 293
-    congress of, 317
-
-  Themes, military districts, 37, 44
-
-  Themistokles, the haven of, 111
-    the palace of, 153
-
-  Theodatus, 429
-
-  Theodora, consort of Justinian, 534
-    daughter of Constantine VIII, 535
-    St, 218, 271
-    relics of, 281
-
-  Theodore, St, the Warrior, 62
-    relics of, 52
-
-  Theodoric, 29, 463
-
-  Theodoricus, actor, 352
-
-  Theodosian Code, the, 27
-
-  Theodosios, deacon, 45
-
-  Theodosius I, emperor, 24, 25, 271
-    II, emperor, 26, 30, 31
-
-  Theophano, empress, 40, 47
-
-  Theophilos, emperor, 218
-
-  Theophrastos, 3
-
-  Theotokes, Nikephoros, 213
-
-  Theotokopoulos, Domenicos (“El Greco”), 198
-
-  Therasia, 167
-
-  Thermia, 174, 266
-
-  Thermisi, 106, 422
-
-  Thermopylæ, 15, 18, 25, 29, 33, 34, 47, 62, 87, 101, 119, 200 n., 245
-        ff., 253, 255
-
-  Theseus, 13, 31, 64, 114, 413
-
-  Thespiæ, 8
-
-  _Thessalonians, Epistles to the_, 9
-
-  Thessalonike, wife of Kassander, 270
-
-  Thessaly, 5, 6, 12, 19 ff., 25, 29, 34, 37, 39, 50, 55, 59, 61, 62,
-        100, 115 ff., 130, 133, 151, 224, 245, 246, 248, 253, 277, 356,
-        358, 371, 451, 453, 546, 549
-    the Pashalik of, 104
-
-  Thévenot, 267
-
-  Thomais, wife of Symeon Urosh, 434
-
-  Thomas, despot of Epeiros, 433
-    of Salona, 117
-    St, of Canterbury, 518, 529
-
-  Thorn, Prussian fortress of, 529
-
-  Thou, de, 308
-
-  Thourion, the, 120
-
-  Thrace, 106, 318, 331, 336, 338, 344, 357, 498
-
-  Thracian sea, the, 313
-
-  Thrasyllos, monument of, 141
-
-  Thucydides, 19, 33, 44, 64, 99, 153, 162, 311, 537, 549
-
-  Thule (Britain), 549
-
-  Tiber, river, 20, 503
-
-  Tiberias (Tabarie), 517, 520, 530, 533
-
-  Tiberius, emperor, 7, 8, 12, 461
-
-  Tiepolo, duke of Crete, 178, 180
-
-  Tigris, river, 535
-
-  _Timarion_, 275
-
-  Timotheos, archbishop of Eubœa, 378
-
-  Timotheus, 9
-
-  Timour the Tartar, 99, 322, 323, 483
-
-  Timourtash, Turkish commander, 140
-
-  Tirana, 441
-
-  Tiryns, 16
-
-  Tithe, count of the, 223
-
-  Titus, 10, 183
-
-  Tocco, family of, 84, 148, 153, 203, 263, 325, 498, 499, 512, 513
-    Antonio, 203, 512
-    Carlo I, 136, 139, 146, 263, 265
-      II, 148, 263, 264, 356
-      III, 512, 513
-    Ferdinando, 513
-    Francesco, 265
-    Giovanni, 512
-    Leonardo I, 202, 216, 263
-      II, 265
-      III, 264, 438, 512 ff.
-      IV (Giovanni), 513
-    Lucrezia, 513
-    Raymunda, 513
-
-  “Tokmak Hissari,” 104
-
-  Toledo, 203 n.
-
-  Tolfa, 502, 507
-
-  Toma, 491
-
-  Tomashevich, Stephen, of Bosnia, 457, 486 ff., 508
-
-  Tomislav, king of the Croats, 465, 466
-
-  Topia, Carlo, 435, 454
-
-  Toptani, Essad Pasha, 454
-
-  Toron, 521, 529
-
-  Torrigio, 507
-
-  Tortosa, 518, 529, 531
-
-  Totila, king of the Ostrogoths, 33
-
-  Tournai, siege of, 223
-
-  Tournay, Othon de, 72
-
-  Tournefort, 268, 424
-
-  Tours, church of St Martin at, 79
-
-  Tower of the Winds (School or Gymnasium of Sokrates), 7, 153, 410
-
-  Tozer, 107
-
-  Trachinian plain, the, 62
-
-  Trajan, emperor, 12, 13
-    arch of, _see_ Philopappos
-
-  Trani, 432
-
-  Transylvania, 511
-
-  Traù, 479
-
-  Traversari, Ambrogio, 311
-
-  Travnik, 494
-
-  Trebizond, 58, 154, 163, 328, 329, 345, 349, 351, 360, 372, 499, 514
-
-  “Triangle, the,” 281
-
-  Triboles, Jacobo, 212
-
-  Trieste, 176
-
-  Trikkala, 356, 453
-
-  Tripoli, 275, 285, 380, 516 ff., 520, 522, 527 ff.
-
-  Tripolitsa, 116, 131, 406, 421
-
-  Triptolemos, temple of, 145, 388
-
-  Triumvirs, the, 6
-
-  Trnovo, 448, 451
-
-  Troad, the, 336
-
-  Troy, 141, 196, 345
-
-  Truhelka, Dr, 490
-
-  Tsaoush-Monastir, 281
-
-  Tübingen, 377
-
-  Tudela, Benjamin of, 52, 53, 60, 275, 527, 549
-
-  Tunis, and the Tunisians, 228, 285
-
-  Turakhan, Turkish commander, 99, 101 ff., 146, 151, 152
-
-  _Turcoples_, 527
-
-  Turin, 94, 95, 507
-    treaty of, 317
-
-  Turkey, and the Turks, 50, 51, 69, 73, 77, 80, 81, 88, 93, 98 ff.,
-        135, 137 ff., 149 ff., 159, 160, 167, 170 ff., 182, 183, 186,
-        187, 192 ff., 202 ff., 207, 208, 213, 217 ff., 235, 240 ff.,
-        245, 253 ff., 264 ff., 268 ff., 273, 274, 279 ff., 285 ff.,
-        294, 300, 301, 305 ff., 313, 315 ff., 325, 329, 331, 333 ff.,
-        355 ff., 403 ff., 412, 414 ff., 435 ff., 444, 446 ff., 451, 454
-        ff., 477, 479 ff., 483 ff., 499 ff., 504, 508, 511, 525, 527,
-        535, 536, 547
-
-  Tuscany, 96, 144, 385
-    grand duke of, 382
-
-  Tusculum, bishop of, 514
-
-  Tuzla, _see_ Soli
-
-  Tvrtko I, Stephen, of Bosnia, 435, 454, 455, 473, 476 ff., 482, 483
-    II, Stephen, of Bosnia, 478, 483 ff.
-
-  Tyre, 284, 517 ff., 525 ff., 529, 530, 532, 541
-    William of, 446
-
-  Tzakones of Leonidi, the, 60, 72, 91, 98, 233
-
-  Tzakonia, 238
-
-  Tzympe, castle of, 451
-
-
-  Una, river, 496, 497
-
-  University of Athens, 14, 15, 17, 21, 23, 31, 32
-    of Bologna, 84
-    of Constantinople, 23, 31
-
-  Urban IV, pope, 181
-    V, pope, 317
-
-  Urfa, _see_ Edessa
-
-  Uroglia (Gerovolia), 438
-
-  Urosh I, Stephen, of Serbia, 448
-    II (Stephen Milutin) of Serbia, 303, 448 ff., 452
-    III (Stephen “Detchanski”) of Serbia, 449
-    IV (Stephen Dushan) of Serbia, 253, 279, 299, 434, 441, 450 ff.,
-        457, 475, 476, 480
-    V, Stephen, of Serbia, 451, 453, 454
-    Symeon, 434, 451, 453
-
-  Uscocs of Dalmatia, the, 380
-
-  Üsküb, the pasha of, 238
-    Isa of, 238
-
-  Usora, 473, 483
-
-  Usref, governor of Bosnia, 492, 493, 495
-
-  Uzes, the, 49
-
-
-  Valaincourt de Mons, Matthieu de, 72
-
-  Valaresso, Marino, 430
-
-  Val di Compare, 61, 261 ff., _see_ Ithake
-
-  Vale of Tempe, the, 13
-
-  Valencia, 129
-
-  Valénia (Bâniyâs), 516
-
-  Valens, emperor, 19, 24, 25
-
-  Valentinian I, emperor, 22, 24
-
-  Valerian, emperor, 17, 18, 98, 148
-
-  Valéry, Erard de, 73
-
-  Valideh, sultan, 405
-
-  Valla, 514
-
-  Valle, Pietro della, 222
-
-  Valois, Catherine of, 97, 201, 252, 290
-
-  Valona, 193, 219, 429 ff.
-
-  Vandals, the, 29
-
-  Vaqueiras, Rambaud de, 59, 83
-
-  Vardar (Axios), river, 274, 278, 545
-    gate, the, 270, 271
-
-  Varna, battle of, 100, 149, 332
-
-  Vatatzes, emperor, 180, 283
-
-  Vathi, harbour, 265
-
-  Vatican, the, 65, 148, 156 ff., 272, 514
-    Sala di Costantino, 511
-
-  Vatika, 233, 238, 240
-
-  Velbujd, _see_ Köstendil
-
-  Velestino, 37, 40, 62
-
-  Veligosti, 72
-
-  Venice, and the Venetians, 47 ff., 55, 57, 58, 63, 64, 68 ff., 74,
-        76, 79 ff., 84, 89 ff., 98 ff., 106, 109, 111, 121, 123 ff.,
-        131, 136, 137, 142, 143, 151, 162, 163, 165 ff., 181 ff., 212
-        ff., 225 ff., 239 ff., 251 ff., 261 ff., 275, 277, 280, 281,
-        283, 284, 286, 291, 299, 305, 306, 314, 316, 317, 324 ff., 340,
-        341, 346, 349 ff., 361 ff., 371 ff., 375, 377, 379, 383, 385,
-        393, 396, 398, 399, 401, 403 ff., 433 ff., 450, 452, 454, 456,
-        458, 474, 475, 478, 480, 481, 483, 484, 486 ff., 498 ff., 504
-        ff., 523, 525, 532, 542, 548
-
-  Venier, family of, 69, 181, 204, 234, 235, 242, 245
-    admiral, 406
-    Tito, lord of Cerigo, 183, 184
-
-  Venizelos, M., 269, 440
-
-  Venus, 69, 204, 234, 242
-
-  Verdun, bishop Oddo of, 233
-
-  Verneda, engineer, 411, 413
-
-  Vernon, traveller, 387, 399
-
-  Verona, 69, 250
-    Boniface of, 117, 120, 121, 123, 133, 236
-    Marulla of, 81
-    Ravano dalle Carceri of, 59
-
-  Verres, 4
-
-  Verus, 15
-
-  Vespasian, emperor, 11, 12
-
-  Vespers, the Sicilian, 200, 285, 432
-
-  Vetones (pirates), 549
-
-  Vetrano, pirate, 55, 199, 283
-
-  Via Egnatia, the, 271
-
-  Viaro, family of, 234, 245
-
-  Vicolo Scanderbeg, the, 512
-
-  Victory, statue of, 413
-
-  Vid, 461, 465
-
-  Viddo, god, 465
-
-  Vido, islet, 219
-
-  Vienna, 403, 496
-
-  Vienne, the dauphin of, 253, 300
-
-  Vignoso, Simone, 299 ff., 306
-
-  Villani, 121
-
-  Villehardouin arms on church at Athens, 233
-    chronicler, 199
-    family of (princes of Achaia), 95 ff., 237, 238
-    Geoffroy I de, 67, 71, 72, 74, 78, 83, 87, 89, 90, 111, 202, 232
-      II de, 75, 78, 90, 91, 164, 232, 247, 248, 262
-    Guillaume (William) de, 73, 79, 80, 83, 91 ff., 95, 98, 105, 114,
-        115, 164, 166, 232, 233, 284, 432
-    Isabelle de, 80, 94, 95
-    Marguérite de, 80
-    Matilda of Hainault, 80, 95 ff.
-
-  _Violarium_, _see_ _Ionia_
-
-  Visconti, Filippo Maria, 303
-
-  Vishevich, Michael, 465
-
-  Vitalis, Ordericus, 446
-
-  Viterbo, 93
-    treaty of, 116, 200, 263, 290, 431, 433
-
-  Vitry, Jacques de, bishop of Acre, 524 ff., 532
-
-  Vitturi, 142
-
-  Vitylos, port of, 237, 404
-
-  Vlachoi, dialect, 546
-
-  Vladimir, John, of Serbia, 444
-
-  Vladislav, king of Serbia, 448
-
-  Vlastos, John, 437
-
-  Vojislav, Michael, 445, 446
-    Stephen, 445
-
-  Vojussa (Aoos), river, 431, 435, 438, 545
-
-  Volaterranus, diarist, 513
-
-  Volo, 194, 383
-    gulf of, 246, 256
-
-  Voltaire, 77, 537
-
-  Voltri, 308
-
-  von der Pfalz, Col. Raugraf, 407
-
-  Vonitza, 205, 217, 225, 426
-
-  von Katzenellenbogen, Berthold, 58, 62
-    Koenigsmark, Countess, 408, 410
-      Otto William, 404, 407, 408, 409, 412, 414
-    Ranke, 408
-    Suchem, Ludolf, 140 n.
-
-  Vostitza (Aigion), 72
-
-  Voyslava, wife of Kulin of Bosnia, 471
-
-  Vranduk, 496
-
-  Vrbas, river, 462, 481, 490, 491, 493
-
-  Vrdnik, monastery of, 455
-
-  Vrhbosna, 483, 484, 494
-
-  Vuk, Stephen, 477
-
-  Vukan, 549
-
-  Vukashin of Serbia, 435, 454
-
-  Vuktchich, Hrvoje, 481 ff.
-    Stephen, duke of St Sava, 485, 486, 488, 489, 491, 499, 508, 510
-      (Ahmed Pasha Herzegovich), son of Duke Stephen, 491, 492
-    Vladislav, 489, 491
-    Vlatko, 491, 492
-
-
-  Wadding, 512
-
-  Wâdi-Mehika, 516
-
-  Wallachia, and the Wallachs, 55, 59, 60, 115, 133, 149, 246, 345,
-        365, 382, 389, 393, 456, 499, 511, 549
-
-  Welsh, the, 525
-
-  Wheler, Sir George, 267, 386, 392, 410
-
-  Widman, Venetian governor of Corfù, 230
-
-  William, canon of Athens, 156
-    II of Sicily, 275
-    of Meerbeke, 84
-    of Montferrat, marquess, 248
-    of Tyre, archbishop, 446, 519, 520, 522, 524, 528, 530, 531
-    of Wied, prince, 440, 549
-    son of Frederick II of Sicily, 123
-    the Apulian, 544
-    the Conqueror, 49, 534
-
-  Willibald, St, bishop of Eichstätt, 35
-
-  Wilpert, Monsignor, 272
-
-  Winchelsea, Lord, 387
-
-  Winchester, bishop of, 171
-
-  Wine-trade at Monemvasia (_also see_ Malmsey wine), 244
-
-  Wyse, Sir T., 233
-
-
-  Xanthopoulos, Nikephoros Kallistos, historian, 269
-
-  Xeromeros, 404
-
-  Xystos (Pope Sixtus II), 17
-
-
-  Yemen, the, 523
-
-  Yenidjé-Vardar, 281
-
-  York, archbishop of, 345
-    duke of, 399
-
-
-  Zabarella, biographer, 69
-
-  Zaccaria, family of, 283 ff., 300, 313, 326, 330, 337
-    Bartolommeo, 250, 251, 290
-    Benedetto I, 284 ff., 295, 296, 314
-      II, 289 ff., 296
-    Caterina, 218
-    Centurione, 100, 102, 103, 283, 293, 325
-      II, 500, 501
-    Clarisia, 295
-    cross of the, 288
-    Fulcho, 284
-    Giovanni Asan, 501, 502
-    Leonardo, 295
-    Manfred, 295
-    Manuele, 284, 285, 295, 296
-    Martino, 289 ff., 296
-    Nicolino, 287 ff., 295, 296
-    Odoardo, 295
-    Paleologo, 287, 288, 295, 296
-    Tedisio (Ticino), 287, 288, 295 ff., 501
-
-  Zachias, sultan, 382
-
-  Zacosta, Pierre-Raymond, 504
-
-  Zagan Pasha, 106, 153
-
-  Zahumlje, _see_ Herzegovina
-
-  Zajablje, 459
-
-  “Zakonik,” the, 451
-
-  Zante (Zakynthos), 29, 53, 55, 69, 131, 162, 202, 203, 214 ff., 216
-        n., 221 ff., 226, 227, 229, 230, 242, 261 ff., 325, 413, 417,
-        501
-
-  Zara, 470, 474, 475, 479, 480, 482
-
-  Zarnata, 404, 420, 424
-
-  Zealots, the, 279
-
-  Zehn, German officer, 387
-
-  Zeitounion, _see_ Lamia
-
-  Zemenos, bishopric of, 236
-
-  Zeno, doge, 181
-    governor of the Morea, 416
-    Carlo, 534
-    Pietro, 142, 170, 171
-
-  Zesiou, K., 269 n.
-
-  Zeta, _see_ Montenegro
-
-  Zeus, 11
-    statue of, 25, 413
-    Olympios, temple of, 3, 13, 30, 31
-    Panhellenios, temple of, 14
-
-  Zia, island of, 176, 266
-
-  Zichna, district of, 339
-
-  Zlatica, village, 336
-
-  Zoe, daughter of Constantine VIII, 535, 536
-
-  Zonaras, 545
-
-  Zonklon, _see_ Navarino
-
-  Zorzi (Giorgio), family of, 63, 84, 151, 203, 255 ff.
-    Chiara, 80, 150
-    Francesco, 252 ff.
-    Giacomo, 254, 255
-    Nicolò I, 251 ff.
-      II, 254, 255
-      son of Giacomo, 255
-
-  Zubravich, George, 509
-
-  Zvetchan, castle of, 450
-
-  Zvornik, 461, 484, 496
-
-  Zygavenos, monk, 542
-
-  Zygomalas, Theodosios, 36, 377
-    _Political History of Constantinople from 1391 to 1578_, 371
-
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Essays on the Latin Orient, by William Miller</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
-at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
-are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Essays on the Latin Orient</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: William Miller</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: September 21, 2022 [eBook #69026]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS ON THE LATIN ORIENT ***</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_i"></a>[i]</span></p>
-
-<h1>ESSAYS ON THE LATIN ORIENT</h1>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ii"></a>[ii]</span></p>
-
-<p class="center">CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS<br />
-<span class="smcap">C. F. CLAY, Manager</span><br />
-LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter titlepage illowp64" style="max-width: 9.375em;">
-  <img class="w100" src="images/c-u-p.jpg" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td>NEW YORK:</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>THE MACMILLAN CO.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>BOMBAY</td>
-    <td>}</td>
-    <td rowspan="3" style="vertical-align: middle;"><span class="smcap">MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>CALCUTTA</td>
-    <td>}</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>MADRAS</td>
-    <td>}</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>TORONTO:</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd.</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>TOKYO:</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>MARUZEN·KABUSHIKI·KAISHA</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p class="center">ALL RIGHTS RESERVED</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii"></a>[iii]</span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage larger">ESSAYS<br />
-<span class="smaller">ON</span><br />
-THE LATIN ORIENT</p>
-
-<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br />
-<span class="smcap">WILLIAM MILLER, M.A. (Oxon.)</span><br />
-<span class="smaller">HON. LL.D. IN THE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF GREECE: CORRESPONDING<br />
-MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF GREECE:<br />
-AUTHOR OF <i>THE LATINS IN THE LEVANT</i></span></p>
-
-<p class="titlepage">CAMBRIDGE<br />
-AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS<br />
-1921</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv"></a>[iv]</span></p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p>“You imagine that the campaigners against Troy were the only
-heroes, while you forget the other more numerous and diviner
-heroes whom your country has produced.”</p>
-
-<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Philostratus</span>, <i>Life of Apollonius of Tyana</i>, III. 19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[v]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">PREFACE</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>This volume consists of articles and monographs upon the
-Latin Orient and Balkan history, published between 1897 and
-the present year. For kind permission to reprint them in collected
-form I am indebted to the editors and proprietors of <i>The Quarterly
-Review</i>, <i>The English Historical Review</i>, <i>The Journal of Hellenic
-Studies</i>, <i>Die Byzantinische Zeitschrift</i>, <i>The Westminster Review</i>, <i>The
-Gentleman’s Magazine</i>, and <i>The Journal of the British and American
-Archæological Society of Rome</i>. All the articles have been revised
-and brought up to date by the light of recent research in a field
-of history which is no longer neglected in either the Near East
-or Western Europe.</p>
-
-<p class="right">W. M.</p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">36, Via Palestro, Rome.</span></p>
-
-<p><i>March, 1921.</i></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">CONTENTS</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<table class="contents">
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">CHAP.</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">I.</td>
-    <td colspan="2">THE ROMANS IN GREECE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I_THE_ROMANS_IN_GREECE">1</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">II.</td>
-    <td colspan="2">BYZANTINE GREECE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II_BYZANTINE_GREECE">29</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">III.</td>
-    <td colspan="2">FRANKISH AND VENETIAN GREECE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#III_FRANKISH_AND_VENETIAN_GREECE">57</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">1.</td>
-    <td>THE FRANKISH CONQUEST OF GREECE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading1">57</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">2.</td>
-    <td>FRANKISH SOCIETY IN GREECE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading2">70</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">3.</td>
-    <td>THE PRINCES OF THE PELOPONNESE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading3">85</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td>APPENDIX: THE NAME OF NAVARINO</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading4">107</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">4.</td>
-    <td>THE DUKES OF ATHENS</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading5">110</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td>APPENDIX: THE FRANKISH INSCRIPTION AT KARDITZA</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading6">132</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">5.</td>
-    <td>FLORENTINE ATHENS</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading7">135</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td>APPENDIX:</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td>NOTES ON ATHENS UNDER THE FRANKS</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading8">155</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td>THE TURKISH CAPTURE OF ATHENS</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading9">160</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">6.</td>
-    <td>THE DUCHY OF NAXOS</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading10">161</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td>APPENDIX: THE MAD DUKE OF NAXOS</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading11">175</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">7.</td>
-    <td>CRETE UNDER THE VENETIANS (1204-1669)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading12">177</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">8.</td>
-    <td>THE IONIAN ISLANDS UNDER VENETIAN RULE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading13">199</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">9.</td>
-    <td>MONEMVASIA</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading14">231</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">10.</td>
-    <td>THE MARQUISATE OF BOUDONITZA (1204-1414)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading15">245</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">11.</td>
-    <td>ITHAKE UNDER THE FRANKS</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading16">261</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">12.</td>
-    <td>THE LAST VENETIAN ISLANDS IN THE ÆGEAN</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading17">265</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">13.</td>
-    <td>SALONIKA</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading18">268</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">IV.</td>
-    <td colspan="2">THE GENOESE COLONIES IN GREECE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#IV_THE_GENOESE_COLONIES_IN_GREECE">283</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">1.</td>
-    <td>THE ZACCARIA OF PHOCÆA AND CHIOS (1275-1329)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading19">283</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">2.</td>
-    <td>THE GENOESE IN CHIOS (1346-1566)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading20">298</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">3.</td>
-    <td>THE GATTILUSJ OF LESBOS (1355-1462)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading21">313</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">V.</td>
-    <td colspan="2">TURKISH GREECE (1460-1684)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#V_TURKISH_GREECE">355</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">VI.</td>
-    <td colspan="2">THE VENETIAN REVIVAL IN GREECE (1684-1718)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VI_THE_VENETIAN_REVIVAL_IN_GREECE">403</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">VII.</td>
-    <td colspan="2">MISCELLANEA FROM THE NEAR EAST</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VII_MISCELLANEA_FROM_THE_NEAR_EAST">429</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">1.</td>
-    <td>VALONA</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading22">429</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">2.</td>
-    <td>THE MEDIÆVAL SERBIAN EMPIRE</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading23">441</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td>APPENDIX: THE FOUNDER OF MONTENEGRO</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading24">458</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">3.</td>
-    <td>BOSNIA BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading25">460</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">4.</td>
-    <td>BALKAN EXILES IN ROME</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading26">497</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">5.</td>
-    <td>THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM (1099-1291)</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading27">515</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdr">6.</td>
-    <td>A BYZANTINE BLUE STOCKING: ANNA COMNENA</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#heading28">533</a></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<table class="contents">
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr smaller">PLATE</td>
-    <td class="center smaller">FIGS.</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td class="tdpg smaller">TO FACE PAGE</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">I.</td>
-    <td class="tdc">1 &amp; 2.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">The Church of St George at Karditza</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate1">134</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">II.</td>
-    <td class="tdc">1.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Monemvasia from the Land</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate2">234</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">2.</td>
-    <td class="tdc"><span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Entrance to Kastro</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate2">234</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">III.</td>
-    <td class="tdc">1.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Monemvasia.</span> Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate3">235</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">2.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Monemvasia.</span> Ἁγία Σοφία</td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate3">235</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">IV.</td>
-    <td class="tdc"></td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Kastro</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate4">240</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">V.</td>
-    <td class="tdc">1.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Town Walls and Gate</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate5">241</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">2.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Modern Town at Base of Cliff</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate5">241</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">VI.</td>
-    <td class="tdc">1.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Castle from the West</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate6">246</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">2.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Castle from the East</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate6">246</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr">VII.</td>
-    <td class="tdc">1.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Keep and the Hellenic Gateway</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate7">247</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdr"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">2.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Hellenic Gateway</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#plate7">247</a></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<table class="contents">
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdc" colspan="3">ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdc">Fig. 1.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Inscription on the Church at Karditza</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure1">133</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdc">&#160;&#160;”&#160;&#160; 2.</td>
-    <td><span class="smcap">Arms on Well-Head in the Castle at Monemvasia</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#figure2">242</a></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<table class="contents">
-  <tr>
-    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">MAP</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td><span class="smcap">The Near East in 1350</span></td>
-    <td class="tdpg allsmcap"><a href="#map">BETWEEN PAGES 282 AND 283</a></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="I_THE_ROMANS_IN_GREECE">I. THE ROMANS IN GREECE</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>From the Roman conquest in 146 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> Greece lost her independence
-for a period of nearly two thousand years. During twenty centuries
-the country had no separate existence as a nation, but followed the
-fortunes of foreign rulers. Attached, first to Rome and then to Constantinople,
-it was divided among various Latin nobles after the fall
-of the Byzantine Empire in 1204, and succumbed to the Turks in the
-fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. From that time, with the exception
-of the brief Venetian occupation of the Peloponnese, and the long
-foreign administration of the Ionian Islands, it remained an integral
-part of the Turkish Empire till the erection of the modern Greek kingdom.
-Far too little attention has been paid to the history of Greece
-under foreign domination, for which large materials have been collected
-since Finlay wrote his great work. Yet, even in the darkest hours of
-bondage, the annals of Greece can scarcely fail to interest the admirers
-of ancient Hellas.</p>
-
-<p>The victorious Romans treated the vanquished Greeks with moderation,
-and their victory was regarded by the masses as a relief from the
-state of war which was rapidly consuming the resources of the taxpayers.
-Satisfied to forego the galling symbols, provided that they held the
-substance, of power in their own hands, the conquerors contented
-themselves with dissolving the Achaian League, with destroying,
-perhaps from motives of commercial policy, the great mart of Corinth,
-and with subordinating the Greek communities to the governor of
-the Roman province of Macedonia, who exercised supreme supervision
-over them. But these local bodies were allowed to preserve their
-formal liberties; Corfù, the first of Greek cities to submit to Rome,
-always remained autonomous, and Athens and Sparta enjoyed special
-immunities as “the allies of Rome,” while the sacred character of
-Delphi secured for it practical autonomy. A few years after the conquest
-the old Leagues were permitted to revive, at least in name; and the
-land tax, payable by most of the communities to the Roman Government,
-seemed to fulfil the expectation of the natives that their fiscal
-burdens would be diminished under foreign rule. The historian Polybios<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>,
-who successfully pleaded the cause of his countrymen at this great
-crisis in their history, has contrasted the purity of Roman financial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
-administration with the corruption of Greek public men, and has cited
-a saying current in Greece soon after the conquest: “If we had not
-perished quickly, we should not have been saved.” While this was the
-popular view, the large class of landed proprietors was also pleased
-by the recognition of its social position by its new masters, and the
-men who were entrusted with the delicate task of organising the
-conquered country at the outset of its new career wisely availed themselves
-of the disinterested services of Polybios, who enjoyed the confidence
-of both Greeks and Romans. Even Mummius himself, the
-destroyer of Corinth, if he carried off many fine statues to deck his
-triumph, left behind him the memory of his gentleness to the weak,
-as well as that of his firmness to the strong, and might have been
-taken as the embodiment of those qualities which Virgil, more than
-a century later, held up to the imitation of his countrymen.</p>
-
-<p>The <i>pax Romana</i>, which the Roman conquest seemed likely to
-confer upon the jealous Greeks, was occasionally broken in the early
-decades of the new administration. The sacred isle of Delos, which was
-then subordinate to Athens, and which had become the greatest mart
-for merchandise and slaves in the Levant since the destruction of Corinth,
-and the silver-mines of Laurion, which had of old provided the sinews
-of naval warfare against the Persian host, were the scenes of servile
-insurrections such as that which about the same time raged in Sicily,
-and a democratic rising at Dyme not far from Patras called for repression.
-But the participation of many Greeks in the quarrel between
-Rome and Mithridates, King of Pontus, entailed far more serious
-consequences upon their country. While the warlike Cretans, who had
-not bowed as yet beneath the Roman yoke, sent their redoubtable
-archers to serve in his ranks, the Athenians were seduced from their
-allegiance by the rhetoric of their fellow-citizen, Athenion, or Aristion,
-a man of dubious origin, who had found the profession of philosopher
-so paying that he was now able to indulge in that of a patriot. Appointed
-captain of the city, he established a reign of terror, and included the
-Roman party and his own philosophic rivals in the same proscription.
-He despatched the bibliophile Apellikon, who had purchased the
-library of Aristotle, with an expedition against Delos, which failed;
-but a similar attempt by the Pontic forces was successful, and the
-prosperity of the island was almost ruined by their ravages. When
-the armies of Mithridates reached the mainland, there was a great
-rising against the Romans, and for the second time the plain of
-Chaironeia witnessed a battle, which on this occasion, however, was
-indecisive. A great change now took place in the fortunes of the war.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
-Sulla arrived in Greece, routed the Athenian philosopher and his
-Pontic colleague in a single battle, cowed most of the Greeks by the
-mere terror of his name, and laid siege to Athens and the Piræus,
-which offered a vigorous resistance. The groves of the Academy and
-the Lyceum furnished the timber for his battering rams; the treasuries
-of the most famous temples, those of Delphi, Olympia and Epidauros,
-provided pay for his soldiers; the remains of the famous “long walls,”
-which had united Athens with her harbour, were converted into siegeworks.
-The knoll near the street of tombs, on which a tiny church
-now stands, is supposed to be part of Sulla’s mound, and the bones
-found there those of his victims. An attempt to relieve the besieged
-failed; and, as their provisions grew scarce, the Athenians lost heart
-and sought to obtain favourable terms from the enemy. In the true
-Athenian spirit, they prayed for consideration on the ground that their
-ancestors had fought at Marathon. But the practical Roman replied
-that he had “not come to study history, but to chastise rebels<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>,” and
-insisted on unconditional surrender. In 86 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> Athens was taken by
-assault, and many of the inhabitants were butchered; but, in spite of
-his indifference to the glories of Marathon, the conqueror consented
-to spare the fabric of the city for the sake of its ancient renown. The
-Akropolis, where Aristion had taken refuge, still held out, and the
-Odeion of Perikles, which stood at the south-east corner of it, perished
-by fire in the siege. Want of water at last forced the garrison to surrender,
-and the evacuation of the Piræus by the Pontic commander made
-Sulla master of that important position also. To the Piræus he showed
-as little mercy as Mummius had shown to Corinth. While from Athens
-he carried off nothing except a few columns of the temple of Zeus
-Olympios, a large sum of money which he found in the treasury of the
-Parthenon, and a fine manuscript of Aristotle and Theophrastos, he
-levelled the Piræus with the ground, and inflicted upon it a punishment
-from which it did not recover till the time of Constantine. Then he
-marched to Chaironeia, where another battle ended in the rout of the
-Pontic army, and the Thebans atoned for their rebellion by the loss
-of half their territory, which the victor consecrated to the temples of
-Delphi and Olympia as compensation for what he had taken from them.
-A fresh Pontic defeat at Orchomenos in Bœotia ended the war upon
-Greek soil, but the struggle long left its mark upon the country. Athens
-still retained her privileges, and the Cappadocian King Ariobarzanes II,
-Philopator and his son, restored the Odeion of Perikles<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>, but many<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
-of her citizens had died in the siege, and the rival armies had inflicted
-enormous injuries on Attica and Bœotia, the chief theatre of the war.
-Some small towns never recovered, and Thebes sank into a state of
-insignificance from which she did not emerge for centuries.</p>
-
-<p>The pirates continued the work of destruction, which the first
-Mithridatic war had begun. The geographical configuration of the
-Ægean coasts has always been favourable to that ancient scourge of
-the Levant, and the conclusion of peace between Rome and the Pontic
-king let loose upon society a number of adventurers, whose occupation
-had ceased with the war. The inhabitants of Cilicia and Crete excelled
-above all others in the practice of this lucrative profession, and many
-were their depredations upon the Greek shores and islands. One pirate
-captain destroyed the sanctuaries of Delos and carried off the whole
-population into slavery; two others defeated the Roman admiral in
-Cretan waters. This last disgrace resulted in the conquest of that fine
-island by the Roman proconsul Quintus Metellus, whose difficult task
-fully earned him the title of “Creticus.” The islanders fought with the
-desperate courage which they have evinced in all ages. Beaten in the
-open, they retired behind the walls of Kydonia and Knossos, and when
-those places fell, a guerilla warfare went on in the mountains, until
-at last Crete surrendered, and the last vestige of Greek freedom in
-Europe disappeared in the guise of a Roman province. Meanwhile,
-Pompey had swept the pirates from the seas, and established a colony
-of those marauders at Dyme, the scene of the previous rebellion<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>.
-Neither before nor since has piracy been put down with such thoroughness
-in the Levant, and Greece enjoyed, for a time at least, a welcome
-immunity from its ravages.</p>
-
-<p>But the administration of the provinces in the last century of the
-Roman Republic often pressed very heavily upon the unfortunate
-provincials. Even after making due deduction for professional exaggeration
-from the charges brought by Cicero against extortionate governors,
-there remains ample evidence of their exactions. The notorious Verres,
-the scourge of Sicily, though he only passed through Greece, levied
-blackmail upon Sikyon and plundered the treasury of the Parthenon,
-and bad governors of Macedonia, like Caius Antonius and Piso, had
-greater opportunities for making money at the expense of the Greeks.
-As Juvenal complained at a later period, even when these scoundrels
-were brought to justice on their return home, their late province gained
-nothing by their punishment, and Caius Antonius, in exile on Cephalonia,
-treated that island as if it were his private property. The Roman<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span>
-money-lenders had begun, too, to exploit the financial necessities of
-the Greeks, and even so ardent a Philhellene as Cicero’s correspondent,
-Atticus, who owed his name to his long sojourn at Athens and to his
-interest in everything Attic, lent money to the people of Sikyon on
-such ruinous terms that they had to sell their pictures to pay off the
-debt. Athens, deprived of her commercial resources since the siege
-by Sulla, resorted to the sale of her coveted citizenship, much as
-some modern States sell titles, and subsisted mainly on the reputation
-of her schools of philosophy. It became the fashion for young Romans
-of promise to study there; thus Cicero spent six months there and
-revisited the city on his way to and from his Cilician governorship,
-and Horace tells us that he tried “to seek the truth among the groves
-of Academe<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>.” Others resorted to Greece for purposes of travel or
-health, and the hellebore of Antikyra (now Aspra Spitia) on the
-Corinthian Gulf and the still popular baths of Ædepsos in Eubœa
-were fashionable cures in good Roman society. Moreover, a tincture
-of Greek letters was considered to be part of the education of a Roman
-gentleman. Cicero constantly uses Greek phrases in his correspondence,
-and Latin poets borrowed most of their plumes from Greek literature.</p>
-
-<p>The two Roman civil wars which were fought on Greek soil between
-49 and 31 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, were a great misfortune for Greece, whose inhabitants
-took sides as if the cause were their own. The struggle between Cæsar
-and Pompey was decided at Pharsalos in Thessaly, and most of the
-Greeks found that they had chosen the cause of the vanquished, whose
-exploits against the pirates and generous gift of money for the restoration
-of Athens were still remembered. But Cæsar showed his usual
-magnanimity towards the misguided Greeks, with the exception of
-the Megareans, whose stubborn resistance to his arms was severely
-punished. Most of the survivors of the siege were sold as slaves, and
-one of Cæsar’s officials, writing to Cicero a little later, says that as
-he sailed up the Saronic Gulf, the once flourishing cities of Megara,
-the Piræus and Corinth lay in ruins before his eyes<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. It was Cæsar,
-however, who in 44 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, raised the last of these towns from its ashes.
-But the new Corinth, which he founded, was a Roman colony rather
-than a Greek city, whose inhabitants were chiefly freedmen, and whose
-name was at first associated with a lucrative traffic in antiquities,
-derived from the plunder of the ancient tombs. Had he lived, Cæsar
-had intended to dig a canal through the Isthmus—a feat reserved
-for the reign of the late King George. On Cæsar’s death, his murderer,
-Brutus, was enthusiastically welcomed by the Athenians, who erected<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
-statues to him and Cassius besides those of the ancient tyrannicides,
-Harmodios and Aristogeiton. The struggle between him and the
-Triumvirs was decided at Philippi in Greek Macedonia, near the modern
-Kavalla, but had little effect upon the fortunes of Greece, though there
-were Greek contingents on either side. After the fall of Brutus, Antony
-spent a long time at Athens, where he flattered the susceptible natives
-by wearing their costume, amused them by his antics and orgies on
-the Akropolis, gratified them by the gift of Ægina and other islands,
-and scandalised them by the presence of Cleopatra, upon whom he
-expected them to bestow the highest honours. When the war broke
-out between him and Octavian for the mastery of the Roman world,
-Greece for the second time became the theatre of her masters’ fratricidal
-strife. At no previous time since the conquest had the unhappy country
-suffered such oppression as then. The inhabitants were torn from their
-homes to serve on the ships of Antony, the Peloponnese was divided
-into two hostile camps according to the sympathies of the natives,
-and in the great naval battle of Aktion the fleeing ship of Cleopatra
-was pursued by a Lacedæmonian galley. The geographer Strabo, who
-passed through Greece two years later, has left us a grim picture of
-the state of the country. Bœotia was utterly ruined; Larissa was the
-only town in Thessaly worth mentioning; many of the most famous
-cities of the Peloponnese were barren wastes; Megalopolis was a
-wilderness, Laconia had barely thirty towns; Dyme, whose citizens
-had taken to piracy again, was falling into decay. The Ionian Islands
-and Tegea formed pleasant exceptions to the general misery, but as an
-instance of the wretched condition of the Ægean, the islet of Gyaros
-was unable to pay its annual tribute of £5. The desolation of Greece
-impressed Octavian so deeply that he founded two colonies for his
-veterans on Hellenic soil, one in 30 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> on the spot where his camp
-had been pitched at the battle of Aktion, which received the name of
-Nikopolis (“City of victory”) in memory of that great triumph, the
-other at Patras, a site most convenient for the Italian trade. In both
-cases the numbers of the Roman colonists were augmented by the
-compulsory immigration of the Greeks who inhabited the neighbouring
-cities and villages. This measure had the bad effect of increasing the
-depopulation of the surrounding country, but it imparted immediate
-prosperity to both Patras and Nikopolis, and the factories of the
-former gave employment to numbers of women, while the celebration
-of the “Aktian games” at the latter colony attracted sight-seers from
-other places. Augustus, as Octavian was now called, made an important
-change in the administration of Greece, separating it from the Macedonian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
-command, with which it had hitherto been combined, and
-forming it in 27 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> into a separate senatorial province of Achaia,
-which was practically identical with the boundaries of the Greek
-kingdom before 1912, and of which Cæsar’s recently founded colony
-of Corinth was made the capital. But this restriction of the limits of
-the province did not affect the liberties of the different communities,
-though here and there Augustus altered their respective jurisdictions.
-Thus, in order to give Nikopolis a share in the Amphiktyonic Council,
-he modified the composition of that ancient body, and he enfranchised
-the Free Laconians who inhabited the central promontory of the
-Peloponnese, from Sparta; thus founding the autonomy which that
-rugged region has so often enjoyed<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>. But Athens and Sparta both
-continued to be “allies of Rome,” Augustus made a Spartan Prince
-of the Lacedæmonians, and honoured them by his own presence at
-their public meals. If he forbade the Athenians to sell the honour of
-citizenship, he allowed himself to be initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries,
-and his friend, Agrippa, presented Athens with a new theatre. As a
-proof of their loyalty and gratitude, the Athenians dedicated a temple
-on the Akropolis “to Augustus and Rome,” a large fragment of which
-may still be seen, and erected a statue of Agrippa, the pedestal of
-which is still standing in a perilous position at the approach to the
-Propylæa. It was in further honour of the master of the Roman world,
-that an aqueduct was constructed from the Klepsydra fountain to
-the Tower of the Winds, which the Syrian Andronikos had built at
-a somewhat earlier period of the Roman domination. The adjoining
-gate of Athena Archegetis was raised out of money provided by Cæsar
-and Augustus, a number of friendly princes proposed to complete the
-temple of Olympian Zeus, while an inscription still preserves the
-generosity of another ruler, Herod, King of the Jews, towards the home
-of Greek culture.</p>
-
-<p>The land now enjoyed a long period of peace, and began to recover
-from the effects of the civil wars. A further boon was the transference
-of Achaia from the jurisdiction of the Senate to that of the Emperor
-soon after the accession of Tiberius, who, whatever his private vices
-may have been, was most considerate in his treatment of the provincials.
-He sternly repressed attempts at extortion, kept his governors in office
-for long terms, and, when an earthquake injured the city of Aigion
-on the gulf of Corinth, excused the citizens from the payment of taxes
-for three years. The restriction of the much-abused right of asylum<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
-in various temples, such as that of Poseidon on the island of Tenos,
-and the delimitation of the Messenian and Lacedæmonian boundary,
-showed the interest of the Roman Government in Greek affairs; and
-the cult of the Imperial family, which was now developed in Greece,
-was perhaps due to gratitude no less than to the natural obsequience
-of a conquered race. The visit of the Emperor’s nephew, Germanicus,
-to Athens delighted the Athenians and scandalised Roman officialdom
-by the Imperial traveller’s disregard of etiquette; and it was insinuated
-by a prejudiced Roman even at that early period that these voluble
-burgesses, who talked so much about their past history, were not
-really the descendants of the ancient Greeks, but “the offscourings of
-the nations.” So deep was the impression made by the courtesy of
-Germanicus that, several years later, an impostor, who pretended to
-be his son Drusus, found a ready following in Greece, which he traversed
-from the Cyclades to Nikopolis. It became the custom, too, to banish
-distinguished Romans, who had incurred the Emperor’s displeasure,
-to an Ægean island, and Amorgos, Kythnos, Seriphos, and Gyaros
-were the equivalent of Botany Bay. The last two islets in particular
-were regarded with intense horror, and Juvenal has selected them as
-types of the worst punishment that could befall one of his countrymen<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>.
-Caligula, less moderate than Tiberius in his treatment of the Greeks,
-carried off the famous statue of Eros from Thespiæ, for which his
-unaccomplished plan of cutting the Isthmus of Corinth was no compensation.
-Claudius restored the stolen statue, and in 44 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> handed over
-the province of Achaia to the Senate—an arrangement which, with
-one brief interval, continued to be the practice of the Roman Government
-for the future. Meanwhile, alike under Senatorial and Imperial
-administration, the Greeks had acquired Roman tastes and had even
-adopted in many cases Roman names. If old-fashioned Romans
-complained that Rome had become “a Greek city,” where glib Hellenic
-freedmen had the ear of the Emperor and starving Greeklings were
-ready to practise any and every profession, the conservatives in Greece
-lamented the introduction of such peculiarly Roman sports as the
-gladiatorial shows, of which the remains of the Roman amphitheatre
-at Corinth are a memorial. The conquering and the conquered races
-had reacted on one another; the Romans had become more literary;
-the Greeks had become more material.</p>
-
-<p>It was at this period, about 54 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, that an event occurred which
-profoundly modified the future of the Greek race. In, or a little before,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
-that year St Paul arrived at Athens, and, stirred by the idolatry of
-the city, delivered his famous speech in the midst of the Areopagos.
-The unvarnished narrative of the Acts of the Apostles does not disguise
-the failure of the great teacher’s first attempt to convert the argumentative
-Greeks, to whom the new gospel seemed “foolishness.” But
-“Dionysios the Areopagite and a woman named Damaris, and others
-with them,” believed, thus forming the small beginnings of the Church
-which grew up there in later days. From Athens the Apostle proceeded
-to Corinth, where he stayed “a year and six months.” The capital
-of Achaia and mart of Greece was a fine field for his missionary labours.
-The Roman colony, which had now been in existence almost a century,
-had become the home of commerce and the luxury which usually
-accompanies it. The superb situation, commanding the two seas, had
-attracted a cosmopolitan population, including many Jews, and the
-vices of the East and the West seemed to meet on the Isthmus—the
-Port Said of the Roman Empire. We may trace in the language of the
-two Epistles, which the Apostle addressed to the Corinthians later on,
-the main characteristics of the seat of Roman rule in Greece. The
-allusions to the fights with wild beasts, to the Isthmian games, to the
-long hair of the Corinthian dandies, to the easy virtue of the Corinthian
-women, all show what was the daily life of the most flourishing city
-of Greece in the middle of the first century. Yet even at Corinth many
-were persuaded by the arguments of the tent-maker, and a Christian
-community was founded at the port of Kenchreæ on the Saronic
-Gulf. At the outset the converts were of humble origin, like “the
-house of Stephanas, the first fruits of Achaia”; but Gaius, Tertius,
-Quartus, and “Erastus, the chamberlain of the city,” were persons
-of better position. That a man like Gallio, the brother of Seneca the
-philosopher and uncle of Lucan the poet, a man whom the other great
-poet of the day, Statius, has described as “sweetness” itself, was at
-that time governor of Achaia, shows the importance attached by the
-Romans to their Greek province. St Paul had not the profound classical
-learning of the governor’s talented family, but the two Epistles to
-the Thessalonians, which he wrote during this first stay at Corinth,
-have conferred an undying literary interest on the capital of Roman
-Greece. Silas and Timotheus joined the Apostle at that place; and
-after his departure the learned Alexandrian, Apollos, carried on the
-work of Christianity among the Corinthians. But the germs of those
-theological parties, which were destined later on to divide the Greek
-Christians, had already been planted in the congenial soil of Achaia.
-The Christian community of Corinth, with the fatal tendency to faction<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
-which has ever marked the Hellenic race, was soon split up into sections,
-which followed, one St Paul, another Apollos, another the supposed
-injunctions of St Peter, another the simple faith of Christ. Even women,
-and that, too, unveiled, like the Laises of Corinth, had taken upon
-themselves to speak at Christian gatherings, and drinking and the
-other sensual crimes of that luxurious city had proved temptations
-too strong for some of the new converts. This state of things provoked
-the two Epistles to the Corinthians and the second visit of the
-Apostle to the then Greek capital, where he remained three months,
-writing on this occasion also two Epistles from Greece—that to the
-Romans and that to the Galatians. For the sake of the greater security
-which the land route afforded, he returned to Asia through Northern
-Greece, accompanied among others by St Luke, whose traditional
-connection with Greece may be traced in the wax figure of the
-Virgin, said to be his work, in the monastery of Megaspelæon,
-and in the much later Roman tomb venerated as his, at Thebes.
-With the exception of his delay at Fair Havens on the south coast
-of Crete, we are not told by the writer of the Acts that St Paul
-ever set foot on Greek territory again; but he left Titus in that
-island “to ordain elders in every city,” and contemplated spending
-a winter at Nikopolis. A tradition, unsupported, however, by good
-evidence, has been preserved to the effect that he was liberated from
-his Roman imprisonment, and it has been supposed that he employed
-part of the time that remained before his death in revisiting Corinth
-and Crete. His “kinsmen,” Jason and Sosipater, bishops of Tarsus
-and Ikonium, preached the Word at Corfù, where one of them was
-martyred, and where one of the two oldest churches of the island
-still preserves their names<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>. The Greek journey of the pagan philosopher,
-Apollonios of Tyana, who tried to restore the ancient life of Hellas and
-to check the Romanising tendencies of the age, took place only a few
-years after the first appearance of the Apostle of the Gentiles in Greece.</p>
-
-<p>Another visitor of a very different kind next arrived in the classic
-land. Nero had already displayed his taste for the fine arts by despatching
-an emissary to Greece with the object of collecting statues for the
-adornment of his palace and capital. Delphi, Olympia and Athens,
-where, in the phrase of a contemporary satirist, “it was easier to meet
-a god than a man,” furnished an ample booty, and the Thespians again
-lost, this time for ever, the statue of Eros. But Nero was not content
-with the sculpture of Greece; he yearned to display his manifold
-talents before a Greek audience, “the only one,” as he said, “worthy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
-of himself and his accomplishments.” Accordingly, in 66, he crossed
-over to Kassopo in Corfù, and began his theatrical tour by singing
-before the altar of Zeus there. Such was the zeal of the Imperial pot-hunter,
-that he commanded all the national games to be celebrated
-in the same year, so that he might have the satisfaction of winning
-prizes at them all in the same tour. In order to exhibit his musical
-gifts, he ordered the insertion of a new item in the time-honoured
-programme at Olympia, where he built himself a house, and at Corinth
-broke the Isthmian rules by contending in both tragedy and comedy.
-As a charioteer he eclipsed all previous performances by driving ten
-horses abreast, upsetting his car and still receiving the prize from the
-venal judges; as a victor, he had the effrontery to proclaim his own
-victory, and the number of his wreaths might have done credit to a
-royal funeral. In return for their compliance, the Greeks were informed
-by the voice of the Emperor himself on the day of the Isthmian games
-that they were once more free from the jurisdiction of the Senate and
-exempt from the payment of taxes<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>. The name of freedom and the
-practical advantage of fiscal immunity appealed with force to the
-patriotic and commercial sides of the Greek character, and outweighed
-the extortions of the Emperor and his suite to such a degree that
-Nero became a popular hero, in whose honour medals were struck
-and statues erected. To signalise yet further his stay in Greece, he
-bade the long projected canal to be dug across the Isthmus. This
-time the work was actually begun, and a prominent philosopher, who
-had incurred the Imperial displeasure, was seen digging away with
-a gang of other convicts. Nero himself dug the first sod with a golden
-spade, and carried away the first spadefuls of earth in a basket on his
-shoulders. But the task, of which traces may still be seen, was soon
-abandoned, and the dangers which threatened his throne recalled
-the Emperor to Italy. But first he consulted the Oracle of Delphi,
-which fully maintained its ancient reputation for obscurity and
-accuracy, but was bidden henceforth to be dumb. The two most
-celebrated seats of Greek antiquity, Athens and Sparta, he left, however,
-unvisited—Sparta, because he disapproved of its institutions; Athens,
-because he, the matricide, feared the vengeance of the Furies, whose
-fabled shrine was beneath the Areopagos<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The civil war, which raged in Italy between the death of Nero and
-the accession of Vespasian, had little influence upon Greece, except that
-it gave an adventurer, who bore a striking resemblance to the late<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
-Emperor and shared his musical tastes, the opportunity of personating
-him. But this pretender, who had made himself master of the island
-of Kythnos, was soon suppressed<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>, and Vespasian, as he visited Greece
-on his way from the East to Rome, could calmly study the condition
-of that country. The stern old soldier, who, in spite of his Greek culture,
-had fallen asleep during Nero’s recitations, had no sympathy with
-Greek antiquities, and maintained that the Hellenes did not know how
-to use their newly-restored freedom, which had involved the impoverished
-Roman exchequer in the loss of the Greek taxes. He
-accordingly restored the organisation and fiscal arrangements which
-had been in force before Nero’s proclamation, only that the province
-of Achaia under the Flavian dynasty no longer included Thessaly,
-Epeiros, and Akarnania. For a long time Greece had no political history;
-but we know that Domitian, like Tiberius, was as considerate towards
-the provincials as he was tyrannical to the Roman nobles; that he
-cherished a special cult for the goddess Athena; and that he deigned
-to allow himself to be nominated as Archon Eponymos of Athens for
-the year 93—an instance which shows the continuance of an institution
-which had been founded nearly eight centuries earlier. Trajan’s direct
-connection with Greece was limited to a stay at Athens on the way
-to the Parthian war, but he counted among his friends the most
-celebrated Greek author of that age, the famous Plutarch, who passed
-a great part of his time in the small Bœotian town of Chaironeia, where
-his so-called “chair,” obviously the end seat of one of the rows in the
-theatre, may still be seen in the little church. Like Polybios in the
-first period of the Roman conquest, Plutarch served as a link to unite
-the Greeks and their masters. At once an Hellenic patriot and an
-admirer of Rome, he combined love of the past independence of his
-country with a shrewd sense of the advantages of Roman rule in the
-existing circumstances. True, the Greece of his time was very different
-from that of the Golden Age. While the single city of Megara had sent
-3000 heavy armed men to the battle of Platæa, the whole province
-of Achaia could not raise a larger number in his days. Depopulation
-was going on apace; Eubœa was almost desolate, and the inland towns
-of the mainland were mostly losing their trade, which was gravitating
-to the coasts. The expenditure of the Greek taxes at Rome led to the
-want of funds for public objects, and the Roman system of making
-immunity from taxation a principle of Roman citizenship divided the
-Greeks into two classes, the rich and the poor. The former led luxurious
-lives, built expensive houses, added acre to acre, and fell into the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
-hands of the foreign money-lenders of Corinth or Patras. The latter
-sank lower and lower in the social scale, and it was noticed that, while
-the Greek women had become more beautiful, the classic grace of
-Hellenic manhood had declined. But Greece continued to exercise
-her perennial charm on the cultured traveller. In spite of the Thessalian
-brigands, tourists journeyed to see the Vale of Tempe, and a race of
-loquacious guides arose, whose business it was to explain the history
-of Delphi. Men of the highest rank were proud to be made Athenian
-citizens, and one of them, Antiochos Philopappos, grandson of the last
-king of Kommagene, was commemorated in the last years of Trajan
-by the monument which is to-day one of the most conspicuous in all
-Athens.</p>
-
-<p>The reign of Hadrian was a very happy period for the Greeks.
-A lover of both ancient and contemporary Hellas, which he visited
-several times, the Imperial traveller left his mark all over the country.
-We may gather from Pausanias, whose own wanderings began at this
-period, that there was scarcely a single Greek city of importance which
-had not received some benefit from this Emperor. Coins of Patras
-describe him as “the restorer of Achaia,” Megara regarded him as her
-“second founder,” Mantineia had to thank him for the restoration of
-her classical name. Alive to the want of through communication
-between the Peloponnese and Central Greece, he built a safe road
-along the Skironian cliffs, where now the tourist looks down on the
-azure sea from the train that takes him from Megara to Corinth. He
-provided the latter city with water by means of an aqueduct from
-Lake Stymphalos, and began the aqueduct at Athens which was
-completed by his successor. But this was only one of his many Athenian
-improvements. His affection for Athens, where he lived as a Greek
-among Greeks and had held the office of Archon Eponymos, like
-Domitian, led him to assign the revenues of Cephalonia to the Athenian
-treasury, to regulate the oil-trade, that important branch of Attic
-commerce, his edict about which may still be read on the gate of Athena
-Archegetis, to repair the theatre of Dionysos, and to present the city
-with a Pantheon, a library, contained within the Stoa which still bears
-his name and of which part is still standing, and a gymnasium. He
-also built there a temple of Hera, and completed that of Zeus Olympios,
-which had been begun by Peisistratos more than six centuries before
-and had provided Sulla with spoil. The still standing columns of this
-magnificent building formed the nucleus of the “new Athens,” which
-he founded outside “the old city of Theseus,” and to which the Arch
-of Hadrian, as the inscriptions upon it show, was intended as the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span>
-entrance. With another of his foundations, the temple of Zeus Panhellenios,
-was connected the institution of the Panhellenic festival,
-which represented the unity of the Greek race and, like the more ancient
-games, had a religious basis. Hadrian called into existence a synod
-of “Panhellenes,” composed of members of the Greek communities
-on both sides of the Ægean, who met at Athens and whose treasurer
-was styled “Hellenotamias,” or “steward of the Hellenes”—a title
-borrowed from the classical Confederacy of Delos. In name, indeed,
-the golden age of Athens seemed to have returned, and the enthusiastic
-Athenians heaped one honour after another upon the head of the great
-Philhellene. They adored him as a god, and the President of the
-Panhellenic synod became his priest; his statues rose all over the city,
-his name was bestowed upon one of the months, a thirteenth tribe
-was formed and called after him, and the thirteen wedges of the
-repaired theatre of Dionysos contained each a bust of Hadrian; even
-an unworthy favourite of the Emperor was dubbed a deity with the
-same ease that we convert a charitable tradesman into a peer.</p>
-
-<p>Hadrian’s two immediate successors continued his Philhellenic
-policy. Antoninus Pius erected new buildings for the use of the visitors
-to that fashionable health-resort, the Hieron of Epidauros; and in
-graceful recognition of the legend, according to which the founders
-of the first settlement on the Palatine were emigrants from Pallantion
-in Arkadia, raised that village to the rank of a city, with the privileges
-of self-government and immunity from taxes. Marcus Aurelius seemed
-to have realised the Utopian ideal of Plato, that philosophers should
-be kings or kings philosophers. The Imperial author of the <i>Meditations</i>
-wrote in Greek, had sat at the feet of Greek teachers, and greatly
-admired the products of the Greek intellect. But his reign was disturbed
-by warlike alarms, and it is noteworthy that at this period the first
-of those barbarian tribes from the North, which inflicted so much
-injury upon Greece in later centuries, penetrated into that country.
-The Greeks showed, however, that they had not in the long years of
-peace, forgotten how to defend themselves. At Elateia the Kostobokes—such
-was the name of the marauders—received a check from a local
-force and withdrew beyond the frontier<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>. In spite of his distant campaigns,
-Marcus Aurelius found time to visit Athens, restored the temple
-at Eleusis, was initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries, and founded
-in 176 the Athenian University. It was, indeed, the heyday of Academic
-life, and Athens was under the Antonines the happy hunting-ground
-of professors, who received salaries from the Imperial exchequer, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
-enjoyed the privilege of exemption from costly public duties. One
-of their number, Herodes Atticus of Marathon, has, by his splendid
-gifts to the city, perpetuated his fame to our own time. His vast
-wealth, united to his renown as a professor of rhetoric, not only made
-him the most prominent man in Athens, where he held the post of
-President of the new Panhellenic synod, but gained him the Roman
-consulship, the friendship of Hadrian, and the honour of instructing
-the early years of Marcus Aurelius. When Verus, the colleague of the
-latter in the Imperial dignity, visited Athens, it was as the guest of
-the sophist of Marathon; when the University was founded, it was
-Herodes who selected the professors. The charm of his villas at Kephisia,
-then, as now, the suburban pleasaunce of the dust-choked Athenians,
-and in his native village, has been extolled by one of his pupils, while
-the Odeion which still bears his name was erected by him to the memory
-of his second wife<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>. He also restored the Stadion, which had been built
-by Lykourgos about five centuries earlier, and within its precincts
-his body was interred. There still exist remains of his temple of Fortune,
-a goddess of whom he had varied experiences. For his vast wealth and
-the sense of their own inferiority caused the Athenians to revile their
-benefactor, and as many of them owed him money, he was naturally
-regarded as their enemy until his death. Many other Greek cities
-benefited by his liberality; he built a theatre at Corinth and restored
-the bathing establishment at Thermopylæ; and he was even accused
-of making life too easy for his fellow-countrymen because he provided
-Olympia with pure water by means of an aqueduct, of which the
-Exedra is still visible.</p>
-
-<p>It was at this period, too, that the traveller Pausanias wrote his
-famous <i>Description of Greece</i>, a work which gives a faithful account
-of that country as it struck his observant eyes. Compared with what
-it had been in Strabo’s time, the land seemed prosperous in the age
-of the Antonines, though some districts had never recovered from the
-ravages of the Roman wars. Much of Bœotia was still in the desolate
-state in which Sulla had left it; Ætolia had not been inhabited since
-Octavian carried off its population to Nikopolis; the lower town of
-Thebes was quite deserted, and the ancient name was then, as now,
-confined to the ancient Akropolis, while the sole occupants of Delos
-were the Athenians sent to guard the temple. But Delphi was in a
-flourishing condition, the Roman colonies of Patras and Corinth
-continued to prosper, and among the ancient cities of the Peloponnese,
-Argos and Sparta still held the foremost rank, while the much more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>
-modern Megalopolis, upon which such high hopes had been built,
-shared the fate of Tiryns and Mycenæ. Moreover, despite the robbery
-of statues by Romans from Mummius to Nero, Pausanias found a vast
-number of ancient masterpieces all over the country, and even the
-paintings, with which Polygnotos had adorned the Stoa Poikile at
-Athens, were still visible. As for the relics of classical lore and prehistoric
-legend, they abounded in every city that could boast of a
-hero, and the remark of Cicero was as true in the time of Pausanias,
-that in a Greek town one came upon the traces of history at every
-step. In the second century, too, good Doric was still spoken by the
-Messenians; and, if the pure Attic of Plato had been somewhat corrupted
-at Athens by the presence of many foreign students, it was
-still preserved in all its glory by the peasants of Attica. The writings
-of Lucian at this period show how even a Syrian could, by long residence
-at Athens, acquire a masterly gift of Attic prose. The illusion of a
-classical revival was further kept up by the continuance of ancient
-institutions, even though they had lost the reality of power. Pausanias
-mentions the existence, and describes the composition, of the Amphiktyonic
-Council in his time, when it was still the guardian of the Delphic
-oracle. The Court of the Areopagos preserved its ancient forms at Athens;
-the Ephors and other Spartan authorities had survived the disapproval
-of Nero; the Confederacy of the Free Laconians, though reduced in
-size, still included eighteen cities; Bœotia and Phokis enjoyed the
-privilege of local assemblies. The great games still attracted competitors
-and spectators; the great oracles still found some believers, who
-consulted them; and the old religion, if it had little moral force, was,
-at least in externals, still that of the majority, though philosophers
-regretted it and enlightened persons like Pausanias inclined to a rational
-interpretation of the myths, and told stories of bribes administered
-to the Pythian priestess. Christianity had made little progress in
-Greece during the three generations that had elapsed since the last
-visit of St Paul. Mention is, indeed, made by the Christian historian,
-Eusebius, of large communities at Larissa, Sparta, and in Crete; but
-Corinth still remained the chief seat of the new faith, and the Corinthian
-Christians still retained that factious spirit which St Paul had rebuked.
-Athens, as the home of philosophy, was little favourable to the simplicity
-of the Gospel; but the celebrated Athenian philosopher, Aristides,
-was not only converted to Christianity, but presented an Apology for
-that creed to Hadrian during his residence in the city; while another
-Athenian, Hyginos, was chosen Pope in the age of the Antonines.
-Anacletos, the second (or, in other lists, fourth) Bishop of Rome after<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
-St Peter, is said to have been a native of Athens, and a third, Xystos,
-perished, as Pope Sixtus II, in the persecution of Valerian. The tradition
-that Dionysios the Areopagite, became first Bishop of Athens<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>, and
-there gained the crown of martyrdom, and that St Andrew suffered
-death at Patras, has been cherished, and in the case of Patras has had
-a considerable historical influence.</p>
-
-<p>With the death of Marcus Aurelius the series of Philhellenic
-Emperors ended, and the Roman civil wars in the last decade of the
-second century occupied the attention of the Empire. Without taking
-an active part in the struggle, Greece submitted to the authority of
-Pescennius Niger, one of the unsuccessful candidates, and this temporary
-error of judgment may have induced the Emperor Septimius Severus
-to inflict a punishment upon Athens, the cause of which is usually
-ascribed to a slight which he suffered during his student days there.
-His successor, Caracalla, by extending the Roman citizenship to all
-free inhabitants of the Empire, gave the Greeks an opportunity, of
-which they were not slow to avail themselves. From that moment the
-doors of the Roman administration were thrown open to all the races
-of the Roman dominions, and the nimble-witted Greeks so obtained
-a predominance in that department such as they acquired much later
-under Turkish rule. From that moment, too, they considered themselves
-as “Romans,” and the name stuck to them long after the Roman
-Empire had passed away. But Caracalla, while he thus made them
-the equals of the Romans in the eyes of the law, increased the taxes
-which it had long been the privilege of Roman citizens to pay, while
-he continued to exact those which the provincials had paid previous
-to their admission to the citizenship. The reductions made by his
-successors, Macrinus and Alexander Severus, were to a large extent
-neutralised by the great depreciation of the currency, which began
-under Caracalla and continued for the next half century. The Government
-paid its creditors in depreciated money, but took good care that
-the taxes were paid in good gold pieces. The worst results followed:
-officials were tempted, like the modern Turkish Pashas, to recoup
-themselves by extortion for the diminution in their salaries; trade
-with foreign countries became uncertain, even the specially thriving
-Greek industries of marble and purple dye must have been affected,
-and possessors of good coin buried it in the ground. Amid this dismal
-scene of decay, Athens continued to preserve her reputation as a
-University town. Though no longer patronised by cultured Emperors,
-she still attracted numbers of pupils to her lecture rooms; and the name<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
-of Longinus, author of the celebrated treatise, <i>On the Sublime</i>, adorns
-the scanty Athenian annals of this period. That the drama was not
-neglected is clear from the inscription which records the restoration
-of the theatre of Dionysos by the Archon Phaidros during this period.
-But the philosophers and playgoers of Athens were soon to be roused
-by the alarm of an invasion such as their city had not experienced for
-many a generation.</p>
-
-<p>Hitherto, with the unimportant exception of the raid of the Kostobokes
-as far as Elateia, Greece had never been submitted to the terrors
-of a barbarian inroad since the Roman Conquest, The Roman Empire
-had protected Achaia from foreign attack, and even the least friendly
-of the Emperors had allowed no one to plunder the art treasures of
-the Greek cities except their own occasional emissaries. Hence the
-Greece of the middle of the third century preserved in many respects
-the same external appearance as that of the same country four hundred
-years earlier. But this blessing of peace, which Rome had conferred
-upon the Greeks, had had the bad effect of training up a nation which
-was a stranger to the arts of war. Caracalla, indeed, had raised a couple
-of Spartan regiments; but the local militia of the Greek cities had had
-no experience of fighting, and the fortifications of the country had been
-allowed to fall into ruin. Such was the state of the Greek defences
-when in 250 the Goths crossed the Balkans and entered what is now
-South Bulgaria. Measures were at once taken to defend the Greek
-provinces. Claudius, afterwards Emperor, was ordered to occupy the
-historic pass of Thermopylæ, but his forces were small and most of
-them had been newly enrolled. The death of the Emperor Decius,
-fighting against the Goths, increased the alarm, and the siege of Salonika
-thoroughly startled the Greeks. No sooner had Valerian mounted the
-Imperial throne, than they signalised his reign by repairing the walls
-of Athens, which had been neglected since the siege of Sulla<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>, and it
-was perhaps at the same time that a fort and a new gate were erected
-for the defence of the Akropolis<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>. As a second line of defence the
-fortifications across the Isthmus were restored, and occupied, just as
-by Peloponnesian troops of old on the approach of the Persian host.
-But these preparations did not long preserve the country from the
-attacks of the Goths. Distracted by the rival claims of self-styled<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
-Emperors, Valens in Achaia, and Piso in Thessaly, who had availed
-themselves of the general confusion to declare their independence,
-and visited by a terrible plague which followed in the wake of the Roman
-armies, the Greeks soon had the Gothic hosts upon them. A first raid
-was repulsed, only to be repeated in 267 on a far larger scale. This time
-the Goths and fierce Heruli arrived by sea, and, after ravaging the
-storied island of Skyros, captured Argos, Sparta, and the lower city
-of Corinth. Athens herself was surprised by the enemy, before the
-Emperor Gallienus, whose admiration for the ancient city had been
-shown by his initiation into the Eleusinian mysteries and his acceptance
-of the Athenian citizenship with the office of Archon Eponymos, could
-send troops to her assistance. But at this crisis in her history, Athens
-showed herself worthy of her glorious past. At that time one of her
-leading citizens was the historian Dexippos, whose writings on the
-Scythian wars, preserved now only in fragments, were favourably
-compared by a Byzantine critic with those of Thucydides<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>. But
-Dexippos, if a less caustic writer, was a better general, than the historian
-of the Peloponnesian war. He assembled a body of Athenians, addressed
-them in a fiery harangue, a fragment of which still exists<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>,
-and reminded them that the event of battles was usually decided
-by bravery rather than by numbers. Marshalling his troops in the
-Olive Grove, he accustomed them little by little to the noise of the
-Gothic war cries and the sight of the Gothic warriors. The arrival of
-a Roman fleet effected a timely diversion, and the barbarians, taken
-between two hostile forces, abandoned Athens and succumbed to the
-Emperor’s arms on their march towards the North. Fortunately they
-seem to have spared the monuments of the city during their occupation,
-and we are told that the Athenian libraries were saved from the flames
-by the deep policy of a shrewd Goth, who thought that the pursuit of
-literature would unfit the Greeks for the art of war<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>. Dexippos, who
-proved by his own example the compatibility of learning with strategy,
-has been commemorated in an inscription, which praises his merits as
-a writer, but is silent about his fame as a maker, of history—known
-to us from a single sentence of the Latin biographer of Gallienus<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>. Yet
-at that moment Greece needed men of action rather than men of
-letters. For another Gothic invasion took place two years later, and
-from Thessaly to Crete the vessels of the barbarians harried the coasts.
-But the interval had been used to put the defences of the cities into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span>
-repair; and such was the ill-success of the invaders, who could not
-take a single town, that they did not renew the attack. For more
-than a century the land was spared the horrors of a fresh Gothic war.
-The great victory of the Emperor Claudius II over the Goths at Nish
-and the abandonment of what is now Roumania to them by his successor
-Aurelian secured the peace of Achaia. Although the three
-invasions had resulted in the loss of a considerable amount of moveable
-property and of many slaves, who had either been carried off as captives
-or had escaped from their Greek masters to the Gothic ranks, the
-recovery of Athens and Corinth seems to have been so rapid that seven
-years after the last raid they were among the nine cities of the Empire
-to which the Roman Senate wrote announcing the election of the
-Emperor Tacitus and bidding them direct any appeals from the Proconsul
-to the Prefect of the City of Rome—a clear proof of their civic
-importance.</p>
-
-<p>But the Greeks soon looked for the fountain of justice elsewhere
-than on the banks of the Tiber. With the reign of Diocletian began
-the practice of removing the seat of Government from Rome, and that
-Emperor usually resided at Nicomedia. His establishment of four
-great administrative divisions of the Empire really separated the two
-Eastern, in which Greece was comprehended, from the two Western,
-and prepared the way for the foundation of Constantinople by Constantine
-and the ultimate division of the Eastern and Western Empires.
-Diocletian’s further increase in the number of the provinces, several
-of which were grouped under one of the Dioceses, into which the Empire
-was split up for administrative purposes, had the double effect of
-altering the size of the Greek provinces, and of scattering them over
-several Dioceses. Thus Achaia, Thessaly, “Old” Epeiros (as the region
-round Nikopolis was now called), and Crete, formed four separate
-provinces included in the Mœsian Diocese, the administrative centre
-of which was Sirmium, the modern Mitrovitz. The Ægean islands, on
-the other hand, composed one of the provinces of the Asian Diocese.
-The province of Achaia had, however, the privilege of being administered
-by a Proconsul, who was an official of more exalted rank than the great
-majority of provincial governors. Side by side with these arrangements,
-the currency reform of Diocletian and the edict by which he fixed the
-highest price of commodities cannot fail to have affected the trade
-of Greece, while his love of building benefited the Greek marble quarries.</p>
-
-<p>After the abdication of Diocletian the Christians of Greece were
-visited by another of those persecutions, of which they had had
-experience under the Emperor Decius half a century earlier. But on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
-neither occasion were the martyrdoms numerous, except in Crete, and
-it would appear that Christianity in Greece was less prosperous, or less
-progressive, than the same creed in the great cities of the East, where
-the victims were far more numerous. Constantine’s toleration made
-him as popular with the Greek Christians as his marked respect for
-the Athenian University made him with the Greek philosophers, and
-it is, therefore, no wonder that in his final struggle against his rival,
-Licinius, he was able to collect a Greek fleet, which mustered in the
-harbour of the Piræus, then once more an important station, and
-forced for him the passage of the Dardanelles. But the reign of
-Constantine, although he found a biographer in the young Athenian
-historian, Praxagoras<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>, was not conducive to the national development
-of Greece. Adopting the administrative system of Diocletian, he
-continued the practice of dividing the Empire into four great “Prefectures,”
-as they were now called, each of which was subdivided into
-Dioceses, and the latter again into provinces. The four Greek provinces
-of Thessaly, Achaia (including some of the Cyclades and some of the
-Ionian Islands), Old Epeiros (including Corfù and Ithake), and Crete
-(of which Gortyna was the capital), formed part of the Diocese of
-Macedonia in the Prefecture of Illyricum, whereas the rest of the
-Greek islands composed a distinct province of the Asian Diocese in
-the Prefecture of the Orient. Thus, the Greek race continued to be
-split into fragments, while at the same time the levelling tendency
-of Constantine’s administration gradually swept away those Greek
-municipal institutions, which had hitherto survived all changes, and
-thus the inhabitants of different parts of the country began to lose
-their peculiar characteristics. A few time-honoured vestiges of ancient
-Greek freedom existed for some time longer; thus the Areopagos
-and the Archons of Athens and the provincial assembly of Achaia
-may be traced on into the fifth century. But their place was taken
-by the new local senates, composed of so-called <i>Decuriones</i>, who
-were chosen from the richest landowners, and who had to collect,
-and were held personally responsible for, the amount of the land-tax.
-This onerous office was made hereditary, and there was no means of
-escaping it except by death or flight to a monastic cell; even a journey
-outside the country required a special permit from the governor, and
-the rich <i>Decurio</i>, like the mediæval serf, was tied down to the land
-which he was so unfortunate as to own. Even an Irish landlord’s lot
-seems happy compared with that of a Greek <i>Decurio</i>, nor was the
-provincial who escaped the unpleasant privilege of serving the State<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
-in that capacity greatly to be envied. The exaction of taxes became
-at once more stringent and more regular—a combination peculiarly
-objectionable to the Oriental mind—and the re-assessment of their
-burdens every fifteen years led the people to calculate time by the
-“Indictions,” or edicts in which, with all the solemnity of purple
-ink, the Emperor fixed the amount of the imposts for this new cycle
-of taxation. That the ruler himself became conscious of the inequalities
-of his subjects’ contributions was evident half a century later when
-Valentinian I allowed the citizens of each municipality to elect an
-official, styled <i>Defensor</i>, whose duty it was to defend his fellow-citizens
-before the Emperor against the fiscal exactions of the authorities.</p>
-
-<p>The transference of the capital to Constantinople, enormous as its
-ultimate results have proved to be, was at first a disadvantage to the
-inhabitants of Greece. We are accustomed to look on the centre of
-the Byzantine Empire as a largely Greek city, but it must be remembered
-that, at the outset, it was Roman in conception and that its language
-was Latin. Almost immediately, however, it began to drain Greece
-of its population, attracted by the prospects of work and the certainty
-of “bread and games” in the New Rome. In the days of Demosthenes
-Byzantium had been the granary of Athens; now Attica, always
-unproductive of wheat, began to find that Constantine’s growing
-capital had to import bread-stuffs for its own use, and the Athenians
-were thankful for an annual grant of corn from the Emperor. The
-founder wanted, too, Greek works of art to adorn his city, and 427
-statues were placed in Sta Sophia alone; the Muses of Helikon were
-carried off to the palace of the Emperor; the serpent column, which
-the grateful Greeks had dedicated at Delphi after the battle of Platæa,
-was set up in the Hippodrome, where one of its three heads was struck
-off by the battle-axe of Mohammed II.</p>
-
-<p>The conversion of Constantine to Christianity had the natural
-effect of bringing within the Christian ranks those lukewarm pagans
-who took their religious views from the Emperor. But the comparative
-immunity from persecution which the Christians of Greece
-had enjoyed under the pagan ascendancy led them to treat their
-opponents with the same mildness. There was no reaction, because
-there had been no revolution, and the devotees of the old and the
-new religion went on living peaceably side by side. The even greater
-temptation to the subtle Greek intellect to indulge in the wearisome
-Arian controversy, which so long convulsed a large part of the Church
-in the East, was rejected owing to the fortunate unanimity of the
-bishops who were sent from Greece to attend the Council of Nice.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span>
-Their strong and united opposition to the heresy of Arius was re-echoed
-by their flocks at home, and the Church, undivided on this crucial
-question, became more and more identified with the people. After
-Constantine’s death the harmony between the pagans and the Christians
-was temporarily disturbed. Under Constantius II the public offerings
-ceased, the temples were closed, the oracles fell into disuse; under
-Julian the Apostate a final attempt was made to rehabilitate the
-ancient religion. Julian seemed, indeed, to the conservative party in
-Greece to have restored for two brief years the silver age of Hadrian,
-if not the golden age of Perikles. The jealousy of Constantius, by
-sending him in honourable exile to Athens, had made him an enthusiastic
-admirer of not only the literature but the creed of the old Hellenes.
-It was at that time that he abjured Christianity and was initiated into
-the Eleusinian mysteries, and when he took up arms against Constantius
-it was to the Corinthians, Lacedæmonians, and Athenians that he
-addressed Apologies for his conduct. These manifestoes, of which that
-to the Athenians is still extant among the writings of Julian, had such
-an effect upon the Greeks, flattered no doubt by such an attention,
-that they declared in his favour, and on his rival’s death they had
-their reward. The temples were re-opened, the altars once more smoked
-with the offerings of the devout, the great games were revived, including
-the Aktian festival of Augustus, which had fallen into decline with
-the falling fortunes of Nikopolis. Julian restored that city and others
-like it, and the Argives did not appeal in vain for a rehearing of a
-wearisome law-suit with Corinth to an Emperor who was steeped to
-the lips in classic lore. At Athens he purged the University by excluding
-Christians from professorial chairs, Christian students were often converted,
-like the Emperor, by the genius of the place, and the University
-became the last refuge of Hellenism in Greece, when Julian’s attempted
-restoration of the old order of things collapsed at his death. Throughout
-this period, indeed, the University of Athens was not only the chief
-intellectual centre of the Empire—for Rome had ceased, and the newly
-founded University of Constantinople had not yet begun, to attract
-the best intellects—but it was the all-absorbing institution of the city.
-Athenian trade had gone on decaying, and under Constans, the son
-of Constantine, the people of Athens were obliged to ask the Emperor
-for the grant of certain insular revenues, which he allowed them to
-devote to the purchase of provisions. So Athens was now solely a
-University town, and the ineradicable yearning of the Greeks for
-politics found vent, in default of a larger opening, in such academic
-struggles as the election of a professor or the merits of the rival corps<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
-of students. These corps, each composed as a rule of students from the
-same district, kept Athens alive with their disputes, which sometimes
-degenerated into pitched battles calling for the intervention of the
-Roman governor from Corinth. So keen was the competition between
-them, that their agents were posted at the Piræus to accost the sea-sick
-freshman as soon as he landed and enlist him in this or that corps.
-Each corps had its favourite professor, for whose class it obtained pupils,
-by force or argument, and whose lectures it applauded whenever the
-master brought out some fresh conceit or distorted the flexible Greek
-language into some new combination of words. The celebrated sophist
-Libanios, and the poetic divine, Gregory of Nazianzos, respectively the
-apologist and the censor of Julian, have left us a graphic sketch of
-the student life in their time at Athens, when the scarlet and gold
-garments of the lecturers and the gowns of their pupils mingled in the
-streets of the ancient city, which still deserved in this fourth century
-the proud title of “the eye of Greece.”</p>
-
-<p>The triumph of paganism ceased with the death of Julian; but his
-successor Jovian, though he ordered the Church of the Virgin to be
-erected at Corfù out of the fragments of a heathen temple opposite
-the royal villa<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>, proclaimed universal toleration. His wise example
-was followed by Valentinian I, who repealed Julian’s edict which had
-made the profession of paganism a test of professorial office at Athens,
-and allowed his subjects to approach heaven in what manner they
-pleased. The Greeks were specially exempted from the law forbidding
-nocturnal sacrifices because it would “make their life unendurable.”
-The Eleusinian mysteries were permitted to be celebrated, and Athens
-continued to derive much profit from those festivals. It was fortunate
-for the Greeks that, at the partition of the Empire between him and
-Valens in 364, the Prefecture of Illyricum, which included the bulk
-of the Greek provinces, was joined to the Western half, and thus fell
-to his share. His reign marked the last stage of that peaceful development
-which had gone on in Greece since the Gothic invasion of the
-previous century. A few years after his death the Emperor Theodosius I
-publicly proclaimed the Catholic faith to be the established creed of
-the Empire, and proceeded to stamp out paganism with all the zeal
-of a Spaniard. The Oracle of Delphi was closed for ever, the temples
-were shut, and in 393 the Olympic games, which had been the rallying
-point of the Hellenic race for untold centuries, ceased to exist. As a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
-token of their discontinuance the statue of Zeus, which had stood in
-the temple of the god at Olympia, was removed to Constantinople,
-and the time-honoured custom of reckoning time by the Olympiads
-was definitely replaced by the prosaic cycle of Indictions. Yet Athens
-still remained a bulwark of the old religion, and the preservation of
-that city from the great earthquake which devastated large parts of
-Greece in 375 was attributed to the miraculous protection of the hero
-Achilles, whose statue had been placed in the Parthenon by the
-venerable hierophant of the Eleusinian mysteries.</p>
-
-<p>But a worse evil than earthquakes was about to befall the Greeks.
-After more than a century’s peace, the Goths crossed the Balkans
-and defeated the Emperor Valens in the battle of Adrianople. The
-Greek provinces, entrusted for their better defence to the strong arm
-of Theodosius, escaped for the moment with no further loss than that
-caused by a Gothic raid in the North and by the brigandage which
-is the natural result of every war in the Balkan Peninsula. But, on
-the death of that Emperor and the final division of the Roman Empire
-between his sons, Honorius and Arcadius, in 395, the Goths, under
-their great leader, Alaric, attacked the now divided Prefecture of
-Illyricum. The evil results of the complete separation of the Eastern
-from the Western Empire were at once felt. The Greek provinces,
-which had just been attached to the Eastern system, might have been
-saved from this incursion if the Western general, Stilicho, had been
-permitted by Byzantine jealousy to rout the Goths in Thessaly. As
-the arm of that great commander was thus arrested in the act of
-striking, Alaric not only was able to penetrate into Epeiros as far as
-Nikopolis, which at that time almost entirely belonged to St Jerome’s
-friend, the devout Paula, but he marched over Pindos into Thessaly,
-defeated the local militia, and turned to the South upon Bœotia and
-Attica. The last earthquake had laid many of the fortifications in ruins,
-the Roman army of occupation was small, and its commander unwilling
-to imitate the conduct of Leonidas at Thermopylæ. The monks facilitated
-the inroad of a Christian army. The famous fortifications of Thebes had
-been restored, but they did not check the course of the impetuous Goth,
-who, leaving them unassailed, went straight to Athens. A later pagan
-historian has invented the pleasing legend that Pallas Athena and the
-hero Achilles appeared to protect the city from the invaders. But the
-Goths, who were not only Christians but Arian heretics, would have
-been little influenced by such an apparition. Athens capitulated, and
-Alaric, who bade spare the holy sanctuaries of the Apostles when,
-fifteen years later, he entered Rome, abstained from destroying the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
-artistic treasures of which Athens was full. But the great temple of
-the mysteries at the town of Eleusis, and that town itself, so intimately
-associated with that ancient cult, were sacrificed either to the fanaticism
-of the Arian monks who followed the Gothic army, to the cupidity
-of the troops, or to both. The last hierophant seems to have perished
-with the shrine, of which he was the guardian, and a pagan apologist
-saw in his fall the manifest wrath of the gods, angry at the usurpation
-of that high office by one who did not belong to the sacred family of
-the Eumolpidæ. Henceforth the Eleusinian mysteries ceased to exist,
-and the home of those great festivals is now a sorry Albanian village,
-where ruins still mark the work of the destroyer. Megara shared the
-fate of Eleusis, the Isthmus was left without defenders, and Corinth,
-Argos, and Sparta were sacked. Those who resisted were cut down,
-their wives carried off into slavery, their children made to serve a
-Gothic master. Even a philosopher died of a broken heart at the
-spectacle of this terrible calamity. Fortunately, Alaric’s sojourn in the
-Peloponnese was shortened by the arrival of Stilicho with an army in
-the Gulf of Corinth. The Goths withdrew to the fastnesses of Mount
-Pholoe, between Olympia and Patras, and it seemed as if Stilicho had
-only to draw his lines around them and then wait for hunger to do its
-work. But from some unexplained cause—perhaps a court intrigue at
-Constantinople, perhaps the negligence of the general—Alaric was
-allowed to escape over the Gulf of Corinth into Epeiros. After devastating
-that region he was rewarded by the Government of Constantinople
-with the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial forces in the
-Eastern half of Illyricum, which comprised the scenes of his recent
-ravages. The principle of converting a brigand into a policeman has
-often proved successful, but there were probably many who shared the
-indignant feelings of the poet Claudian<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> at this sudden transformation
-of “the devastator of Achaia” into her protector. But Alaric could
-not rebuild the cities, which he had destroyed; he could not restore
-prosperity to the lands, which he had ravaged. We have ample evidence
-of the injury which this invasion had inflicted upon Greece in the
-legislation of Theodosius II in the first half of the next century. Two
-Imperial edicts remitted sixty years’ arrears of taxation; another
-granted the petition of the people of Achaia that their taxes might be
-reduced to one-third of the existing amount on the ground that they
-could pay no more; while yet another relieved the Greeks from the
-burden of contributing towards the expenses of the public games at
-Constantinople. There is proof, too, in the pages of a contemporary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
-historian, as well as in the dry paragraphs of the Theodosian Code,
-that much of the land had been allowed to go out of cultivation and
-had been abandoned by its owners. Athens, however, had survived
-the tempest which had laid waste so large a part of the country. True,
-we find the philosopher Synesios, who visited that seat of learning
-soon after Alaric’s invasion, writing sarcastically to a correspondent,
-that Athens “resembled the bleeding and empty skin of a slaughtered
-victim,” and was now famous for its honey alone. But the disillusioned
-visitor makes no mention of the destruction of the buildings, for which
-the city was renowned. Throughout the vicissitudes of the five and a
-half centuries, which we have traversed since the Roman Conquest,
-one conqueror after another had spared the glories of Athens, and even
-after the terrible calamity of this Gothic invasion she remained the
-one bright spot amid the darkness which had settled down upon the land
-of the Hellenes.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="II_BYZANTINE_GREECE">II. BYZANTINE GREECE</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The period of more than a century which separated Alaric’s invasion
-from the accession of Justinian was not prolific of events on the
-soil of Greece. But those which occurred there tended yet further to
-accelerate the decay of the old classic life. Scarcely had the country
-begun to recover from the long-felt ravages of the Goths, than the
-Vandals, who had now established themselves in Africa, plundered the
-west and south-west coasts of Greece from Epeiros to Cape Matapan.
-But at this crisis the Free Laconian town of Kainepolis showed such
-a Spartan spirit that the Vandal King Genseric was obliged to retire
-with considerable loss. He revenged himself by ravaging the beautiful
-island of Zante, and by throwing into the Ionian Sea the mangled
-bodies of 500 of its inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>. Nikopolis was held as a hostage by
-the Vandals till peace was concluded between them and the Eastern
-Empire, when their raids ceased. Seven years afterwards, in 482, the
-Ostrogoths under Theodoric devastated Larissa and the rich plain of
-Thessaly. In 517 a more serious, because permanent enemy, appeared
-for the first time in the annals of Greece. The Bulgarians had already
-caused such alarm to the statesmen of Constantinople that they had
-strengthened the defences of that city, and it was probably at this
-time that the fortifications of Megara were restored. On their first
-inroad, however, the Bulgarians penetrated no further into Greece
-than Thermopylæ and the south of Epeiros. But they carried off
-many captives, and, to complete the woes of the Greeks, one of
-those severe earthquakes to which that country is liable laid Corinth
-in ruins.</p>
-
-<p>The final separation of the Eastern and Western Empires tended
-to identify the interests of the Greeks with those of the Eastern
-Emperors, to make Greek the language of the Court, and to encourage
-the Greek nationality. But from that period down to the Latin conquest
-of Constantinople, the Imperial city grew more and more in importance
-at the expense of the old home of the Hellenes, and Greece became
-more and more provincial. But it seems an exaggeration to say with
-Finlay that during those eight centuries “no Athenian citizen gained a
-place of honour in the annals of the Empire.” To Athens, at least,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
-belongs the honour of having produced the Empress Eudokia, wife of
-Theodosius II, whose acts of financial justice to her native land she
-may have prompted, such as that which, in 435, reduced the tribute
-of the dwellers in Greece by two-thirds, while she is said to have founded
-twelve churches in her native city, among them the quaint little
-Kapnikarea, so conspicuous a feature of modern Athens, if we may
-trust the belief embodied in the inscription inside. The daughter of
-an Athenian professor, Leontios, celebrated alike for her beauty and
-accomplishments, she went to Constantinople to appeal against an
-unjust decision which had enriched her brothers but had left her almost
-penniless. She lost her case, but she won the favour of Pulcheria,
-the masterful sister of Theodosius, and was appointed one of her maids
-of honour. She used this favourable position to the best advantage,
-gained the heart of the young Emperor, who was seven years her junior
-in age and many more in knowledge of the world, and had no scruples
-about exchanging paganism and the name of Athenais for Christianity
-and the baptismal title of Eudokia. She showed her Christian charity
-by forgiving and promoting her brothers; she kept up her literary
-accomplishments by turning part of the Old Testament into Greek
-verse; but she was accused of ambition and infidelity, the latter charge
-being substantiated by a superb apple, which the Emperor had presented
-to his wife, which she in turn had sent to her lover, and he, like
-an idiot, had placed on the Emperor’s table! She died in exile at
-Jerusalem, a striking example of the vicissitudes of human fortunes.
-Yet even in the time of her power, she could not, perhaps would not,
-prevent her husband’s persecution of the religion which she had abjured.
-His orders to the provincial authorities to destroy the temples or to
-consecrate them to Christian worship were not always carried out, it
-is true. But the pictures of Polygnotus, which Pausanias had seen in
-the Stoa Poikile at Athens, excited the covetousness of an Imperial
-governor, and the gold and ivory statue of Athena by Phidias vanished
-from the Parthenon for ever<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>; the temple of Zeus at Olympia was
-destroyed by an earthquake or by Christian bigotry, the shrine of
-Asklepios on the slope of the Akropolis was pulled down, while the
-heathen divinities became gradually assimilated with the Christian
-saints, in whom they finally merged. Thus Helios, the sun-god, was
-converted into Elias, whose name is so prominent all over the map of
-modern Greece; the wine-god Dionysos became a reformed character<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
-in the person of St Dionysios, and the temples of Theseus and Zeus
-Olympios at Athens were dedicated to St George and St John. By a
-still more striking transformation the Parthenon was consecrated as
-a church of the Virgin during the sixth century, and was thenceforth
-regarded as the Cathedral of Athens. The growth of Christianity is
-observable, too, from the lists of Greek sees represented at the Councils
-of Ephesus and Chalcedon, while the importance of Corinth as the seat
-of the Metropolitan of Achaia is shown by the synod which was held
-there to settle a point of Church discipline in 419. In spite, however,
-of its political separation from Rome, we find Greece making appeals
-to the Pope when grave theological questions arose. At this period
-the Archbishop of Salonika was regarded as the official head of all the
-Greek provinces in Europe, yet when he seemed to the orthodox
-Epeirotes to be affected with heresy, they sent in their adhesion to
-Rome.</p>
-
-<p>Theodosius II was not content with the destruction of temples;
-he desired the final disappearance of such vestiges of municipal freedom
-as Constantine had spared. In the same spirit of uniformity in which
-he codified the law, he swept away the remains of Lycurgus’ system
-at Sparta and the Court of Areopagos. Yet, as institutions usually
-survive their practical utility in a conservative country, we are not
-surprised to find the name of an Eponymos Archon as late as 485. And
-the University of Athens still lived on, fighting the now hopeless battle
-of the old religion with all the zeal of the latest Neo-Platonic school
-of philosophy. The endowments of that school and the patriotism
-of rich Athenians, like Theagenes, one of the two last Archons,
-and known as the wealthiest Greek of his day, made up for the withdrawal
-of Imperial subsidies, and the bitter tongue of Synesios could
-still complain of the airs which those who had studied at Athens gave
-themselves ever afterwards. “They regard themselves,” wrote the
-philosopher, “as demi-gods and the rest of mankind as donkeys.”
-But the university received a severe blow when, in 425, Theodosius
-enlarged and enriched the University of Constantinople with a number
-of new professorial chairs. If his institution of fifteen professors of
-the Greek language and literature gave that tongue an official position
-in what had hitherto been mainly a Latin city, it also attracted the
-best talent—men like Jacobus, the famous physician of the Emperor
-Leo the Great—from Greece to Constantinople, which thus acted as
-a magnet to the aspiring provincials, just as Paris acts to the rest of
-France. The last great figure of the Athenian University, Proklos,
-whose commentaries on Plato are still extant, was engaged in demonstrating<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
-by the purity of his life and his doctrines
-that a pagan could be no less moral and more intellectual than a
-Christian. The old gods, deposed from their thrones, seemed to favour
-their last champion; so, when the statue of Athena was removed from
-the Akropolis, the goddess appeared to the philosopher in a dream and
-told him that henceforth his house would be her home. The famous
-Bœthius, whose <i>Consolation of Philosophy</i> was translated by our King
-Alfred, is thought to have studied at Athens in the last years of Proklos,
-and earlier in the fifth century the charming Hypatia, whom Kingsley
-has immortalised for English readers, may be numbered among the
-ladies who at that time sought higher education at Athens and softened
-by their presence the rough manners of the masculine students. But,
-with the death of Proklos, the cause of polytheism and the prosperity
-of the university declined yet more. The shrewd young Greeks saw
-that there was no longer a career for pagans; even the rich benefactor
-of Athens, Theagenes, was converted to Christianity. Justinian dealt
-the university its death-blow in 529 by decreeing that no one should
-teach philosophy at Athens, and by confiscating the endowments of
-the Platonic school. Seven philosophers, of whom the most celebrated
-was Simplikios, the Aristotelian commentator, resolved to seek under
-the benevolent despotism of Chosroes, King of Persia, that freedom of
-speech which was denied to them by Justinian. They believed at a
-distance that the barbarian monarch had realised the ideal of Plato—a
-philosopher on the throne; they went to his court and were speedily
-disillusioned. Home-sick and heart-broken, they begged their new
-patron to let them return to die in Greece. Chosroes, who was at the
-time engaged in negotiating a treaty of peace with Justinian, inserted
-a clause allowing the unhappy seven “to pass the rest of their days
-without persecution in their native land,” and Simplikios was thus
-enabled, in the obscurity of private life, to compose those commentaries
-which are still studied by disciples of Aristotle<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>. Thus perished the
-University of Athens, and with it paganism vanished from Greece,
-save where, in the mountains of Laconia, it lingered on till beyond
-the middle of the ninth century. The ancient name of “Hellenes”
-was now exclusively applied to the remnant which still adhered to
-the old religion, so much so that Constantine Porphyrogenitus<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> in the
-tenth century called the Peloponnesian Greeks “Graikoi,” because
-“Hellenes” would have still meant idolaters. All the subjects of
-Justinian were collectively described as “Romans,” while those who
-inhabited Greece came gradually to be specified as “Helladikoi.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span></p>
-
-<p>The reign of Justinian marked the annihilation of the ancient life
-in other ways than these. He disbanded the provincial militia, to which
-we have several times alluded, and which down to his time furnished
-a guard for the Pass of Thermopylæ. This garrison proved, however,
-unable to keep out the Huns and Slavs who invaded Greece in 539,
-and, like the Persians of old, marched through the Pass of Anopaia
-into the rear of the defenders. The ravages of these barbarians, who
-devasted Central Greece and penetrated as far as the Isthmus, led
-Justinian to repair the fortifications of Thermopylæ, where he placed
-a regular force of 2000 men, maintained out of the revenues of Greece.
-He also re-fortified the Isthmus, and put such important positions as
-Larissa, Pharsalos, Corinth, Thebes, and Athens, with the Akropolis,
-in a state of proper defence. But these military measures involved a
-large expenditure, which Justinian met by appropriating the municipal
-funds. The effect of this measure was to deprive the municipal doctors
-and teachers of their means of livelihood, to stop the municipal grants
-to theatres and other entertainments, to make the repair of public
-buildings and the maintenance of roads—the greatest of all needs in
-a country with the geographical configuration of Greece—most difficult.
-The old Greek life had centred in the municipality, so that from this
-blow it never recovered; fortunately, the Church was now sufficiently
-well organised to take its place, and henceforth that institution became
-the depository of the national traditions, the mainstay in each successive
-century of the national existence. Yet another loss to Greece was that
-of the monuments, which were taken to Constantinople to make good
-the ravages of the great conflagration, caused by the <i>Nika</i> sedition.
-The present church of Sta Sophia, which Justinian raised out of the
-ashes of the second, was adorned with pillars from Athens as well as
-marble from the Greek quarries, and thus once again, as St Jerome had
-said, other cities were “stripped naked” to clothe Constantinople.
-Earthquakes, which shook Patras, Corinth, and Naupaktos to their
-foundations, completed the destruction of much that was valuable,
-and the bubonic plague swept over the country, recalling those terrors
-of which Thucydides and Lucretius had left such a striking description
-in their accounts of the pestilence at Athens in the days of Perikles.
-The King of the Ostrogoths, Totila, after twice taking Rome, sent a
-fleet to harry Corfù and the opposite coast of Epeiros, plundered
-Nikopolis and the ancient shrine of Dodona. It was in consequence
-of this and similar raids that the Corfiotes finally abandoned their old
-city and took refuge in the present citadel, called later on in the tenth
-century from its twin peaks (Κορυφοί) Corfù, instead of Corcyra. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
-Bulgarians, a few years later, made a fresh raid as far as Thermopylæ,
-where they were stopped by the new fortifications. In short, the
-ambitious foreign policy of Justinian, the powers of nature, and the
-increasing boldness of the barbarians, contrived to make this period
-fatal to Greece. Yet the Emperor bestowed one signal benefit upon
-that country. By the importation of silkworms he gave the Greeks
-the monopoly, so far as Christendom was concerned, of a valuable
-manufacture, which was not infringed till the Norman invasion six
-centuries later.</p>
-
-<p>The history of Greece becomes very obscure after the death of
-Justinian, and the historian must be content to piece together from
-the Byzantine writers such stray allusions as those chroniclers of court
-scandals make to the neglected fatherland of the Greeks. The salient
-fact of this period is the recurrence of the Slav invasions of Justinian’s
-time. We learn that in 578 or 581 an army of 100,000 Slavonians
-“ravaged Hellas” and Thessaly<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>; in 589, under the Emperor Maurice,
-the Avars, according to the contemporary historian, Evagrios, “conquered
-all Greece, destroying and burning everything<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>.” This passage
-has given rise to a famous controversy, which at one time convulsed
-not only the learned, but the diplomatic world. In 1830 a German
-scholar, Professor Fallmerayer, published the first volume of a <i>History
-of the Peninsula Morea during the Middle Ages</i>, in which he advanced
-the astounding theory that the inhabitants of modern Greece have
-“not a single drop of genuine Greek blood in their veins.” “The Greek
-race in Europe,” he wrote, “has been rooted out. A double layer of
-the dust and ashes of two new and distinct human species covers the
-graves of that ancient people. A tempest, such as has seldom arisen
-in human history, has scattered a new race, allied to the great Slav
-family, over the whole surface of the Balkan peninsula from the Danube
-to the inmost recesses of the Peloponnese. And a second, perhaps no
-less important revolution, the Albanian immigration into Greece, has
-completed the work of destruction.” The former of these two foreign
-settlements in the Peloponnese, that of the Slavs and Avars, was
-supposed by Fallmerayer to have taken place as the result of the
-above-mentioned invasion of 589, and his supposition received plausible
-confirmation from a mediæval document. The Patriarch Nicholas,
-writing towards the end of the eleventh century to the Emperor
-Alexios I Comnenos, alludes to the repulse of the Avars from before
-the walls of Patras in 807, and adds that they “had held possession of
-the Peloponnese for 218 years (<i>i.e.</i> from 589), and had so completely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
-separated it from the Byzantine Empire that no Byzantine official
-dared to set his foot in it<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>.” A similar statement from the <i>Chronicle of
-Monemvasia</i><a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>—a late and almost worthless compilation—was also
-unearthed by the zealous Fallmerayer, who accordingly believed that
-he had proved the existence of a permanent settlement of the Peloponnese
-by the Slavs and Avars between 589 and 807, “in complete
-independence of the Byzantine governors of the coast.” It was in the
-coast-towns alone and in a few other strongholds, such as Mt Taygetos,
-that he would allow of any survival of the old Greek race, and he
-triumphantly pointed to the famous name of “Navarino” as containing
-a fresh proof of an Avar settlement, while in many places he found
-Slavonic names, corresponding to those of Russian villages. Another
-evidence of this early Slavonic settlement seemed to be provided by
-the remark of the very late Byzantine writer, Phrantzes, that his
-native city of Monemvasia on the south-east coast, which used to supply
-our ancestors’ cellars with malmsey, was separated from the diocese
-of Corinth and raised to the rank of a metropolitan see about this
-identical time, presumably because many Greeks had taken refuge there
-from the Slavs, and were cut off from Corinth. Finally, a nun, who
-composed an account of the pilgrimage of St Willibald, the Anglo-Saxon
-Bishop of Eichstätt, in 723, stated that he “crossed to Monemvasia
-in the Slavonian land,” an expression which Fallmerayer hailed
-as a proof that at that period the Peloponnese was known by that
-name. It need not be said that Fallmerayer’s theory was as flattering
-to Panslavism as it was unpleasant to Philhellenes. But it is no longer
-accepted in its full extent. No one who has been in Greece can fail to
-have been struck by the similarity between the character of the modern
-and the ancient Greeks. Many an island has its “Odysseus of many
-wiles”; every morning and evening the Athenians are anxious to hear
-“some new thing”; and the comedies of Aristophanes contain many
-personal traits which fit the subjects of the present king. Nor does
-even the vulgar language contain any considerable Slavonic element,
-although there are a certain number of Slavonic place-names to be
-found on the map, including perhaps Navarino. Moreover, the contemporary
-historian, Theophylact Simokatta, makes no mention of
-the invasion of 589, though he minutely describes the wars of that
-period. Yet, as we shall see later, there is no doubt that at one time
-there was a great Slavonic immigration into Greece, but it took place
-about 746, instead of in 589, and the incoming Slavs, so far from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
-annihilating the Greeks, were gradually assimilated by that persistent
-race, as has happened to conquering peoples elsewhere.</p>
-
-<p>But Fallmerayer was not content with wiping out the Greeks
-from the Peloponnese. He next propounded the amazing statement
-that the history of Athens was a blank for four centuries after the time
-of Justinian, and explained this strange phenomenon by a Slavonic
-inundation in that Emperor’s reign. In consequence of this invasion,
-the Athenians were said to have fled to Salamis, where they remained
-for 400 years, while their city was abandoned to olive groves and utterly
-neglected. These “facts,” which the learned German had culled from
-the chronicle of the Anargyroi Monastery<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>, which, however, distinctly
-says “three years,” and not 400, and refers to Albanians, not Slavs,
-have since been disproved, not only by the obviously modern date
-of that compilation, which is now assigned to the nineteenth century,
-and which refers to the temporary abandonment of Athens after its
-capture by Morosini in 1687, but by the allusions which may be found
-to events at Athens during this period of supposed desertion. Thus,
-we hear of an heretical bishop being sent there towards the end of the
-sixth century, and we have the seal of the orthodox divine who was
-Bishop of Athens a hundred years later<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>. An eloquent appeal was
-made by the Byzantine historian, Theophylact Simokatta, to the city to
-put on mourning for the Emperor Maurice, who died in 602, and sixty
-years later another Emperor, Constans II, landed at the Piræus on his
-way to Sicily, spent the winter at Athens, and collected there a considerable
-force of soldiers. Even some few traces of culture may be
-found there in the century which followed Justinian’s closing of the
-university. St Gislenus, who went as a missionary to Hainault, and a
-learned doctor, named Stephen, were both born at Athens, and the
-former is stated to have studied there. Finally, in the middle of the
-eighth century, the famous Empress Irene first saw the light in the city,
-which had already given one consort to an Emperor of the East. Thus,
-if comparatively obscure, Athens was not a mere collection of ruins
-in an olive grove, but a city of living men and women which had never
-(as Zygomalas wrote to Crusius in the sixteenth century) “remained
-desolate for about 300 years.”</p>
-
-<p>The attacks of the Slavs and of the newly-founded Arabian power
-marked the course of the seventh century. In 623 the Slavs made
-an incursion into Crete, and that island, of which we have heard little
-under the Imperial rule, was also visited by the Arabs in 651 and 674.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span>
-But though the Cretans were forced to pay tribute to the Caliph,
-Moawyah, they were treated with kindness by the politic conqueror.
-About the same time as this second Arab invasion, and while the main
-Arab force was besieging Constantinople, a body of Slavs seized the
-opportunity to settle in the rich plain of Thessaly, and it is from one
-of their tribes that the present town of Velestino, so often mentioned
-in the war of 1897, received its name. Yet this tribe soon became so
-friendly that it assisted the Greeks in the defence of Salonika against
-a Slavonic army—a further proof of the readiness with which the Slavs
-adopted the Greek point of view. It is clear also that the command
-of the Imperial troops in Greece was regarded as an important post,
-for we find it entrusted to Leontios, who made himself Emperor. The
-Greek islands were still used as places of detention for prisoners of
-position. Thus Naxos was chosen as the temporary exile of Pope
-Martin I by the Emperor Constans II, and the future Emperor Philippicus
-was banished to Cephalonia.</p>
-
-<p>A new era opened for the Empire with the accession of Leo the
-Isaurian in 716. In the first place, that sovereign completed the reform
-of the system of provincial administration, which had lasted more or
-less continuously since the time of Constantine. In place of the old
-provincial divisions, the Empire was now parcelled out into military
-districts, called Themes—a name originally applied to a regiment and
-then to the place at which the regiment was quartered. The choice
-of such a title indicates the essentially military character of the new
-arrangement, which implied the maintenance of a small division of
-troops in each district as a necessary defence against the Avars, Slavs,
-and Arabs, whose depredations had menaced provinces seldom exposed
-to attack in the old times. Six out of the twenty-eight Themes comprised
-Greece, as she was before the late Balkan wars. The Peloponnese,
-with its capital of Corinth, formed one; Central Greece, including
-Eubœa, formed another, under the name of Hellas, but its capital was
-Thebes, not Athens; Nikopolis, which comprised Ætolia and Akarnania,
-and Cephalonia (the latter created a separate Theme later on, and
-including all the Ionian Islands) were two more; the Ægean Sea,
-popularly known as the Dodekannesos, or “twelve islands,” composed
-one of the Asian Themes, and Thessaly was a part of the Theme of
-Macedonia. Both the military and civil authority in each Theme was
-vested in the hands of a Commander, known as <i>strategós</i>, except in
-the case of the Ægean Islands, where the post was filled by an Admiral,
-called <i>droungários</i>. Under the <i>strategós</i> were the <i>protonotários</i> or “judge,”
-who was a judicial and administrative authority, and two military<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span>
-personages, one of whom, the <i>kleisourárches</i>, was so-called because he
-watched the mountain passes, like the later Turkish <i>derben-aga</i>. So
-far as Greece is concerned, the eclipse of Athens by Thebes, perhaps
-owing to the silk industry for which the latter city was famous in
-the Middle Ages, is a very noticeable feature of the new administration.</p>
-
-<p>Another reform of Leo the Isaurian aroused the intense indignation
-of the inhabitants of Greece. We have seen that the spread of Christianity
-in that country had been facilitated by the assimilation of
-pagan forms of worship in the new ritual. It was natural that a race,
-which had been accustomed for centuries to connect art with religion
-and to seek the noblest statuary in the temples of the gods, should have
-regarded with peculiar favour the practice of hanging pictures in
-churches. When therefore Leo, whose Armenian origin perhaps made
-him personally unsympathetic to the Greeks, issued an edict against
-image-worship, his orders met with the most bigoted resistance in
-Greece. It may be that a more searching census for the purposes of
-the revenue had already rendered him unpopular; but to those who
-know how strong is the influence of the Church in the East, and what
-fierce disputes an ecclesiastical question kindles there, the edict of
-the Emperor will seem ample ground for the Greek rising of 727. An
-eruption at the volcanic island of Santorin was interpreted as a sign
-of divine displeasure at the doings of the iconoclast sovereign; while
-Pope Gregory II addressed two violent missives to the Emperor, and
-probably encouraged the agitation in Greece, which still acknowledged
-him as spiritual head of the Church. The “Helladikoi,” as they were
-now called, and the seamen of the Cyclades fitted out a fleet under the
-leadership of a certain Stephen; and, with the co-operation of Agallianos,
-one of the Imperial military officials, set up an orthodox Emperor,
-named Kosmas, and boldly set sail for Constantinople—a proof of
-the resources of Greece at this period. But the result of this naval
-undertaking was very different from that which Greece had equipped
-on behalf of Constantine. A battle was fought under the walls of the
-capital between the two fleets. The Emperor Leo, availing himself
-of the terrible invention of the Greek fire, which had been used with
-such deadly effect in the recent Saracen siege of Constantinople,
-annihilated his opponents’ vessels. Agallianos, seeing that all was lost,
-leaped into the sea; Stephen and Kosmas fell by the axe of the executioner.
-We are not told what punishment was meted out to the Greeks,
-but, in consequence of the strong attitude of opposition which the
-Papacy had taken up to the Emperor, Leo in 732 deprived the Pope<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span>
-of all jurisdiction over Greece, and placed that country under the
-ecclesiastical authority of the Patriarch of Constantinople.</p>
-
-<p>The next important event in the history of Greece was the great
-plague, which broke out at Monemvasia in 746 and spread all over
-the Empire. The political consequences of this visitation were far-reaching.
-For not only was the population of Greece diminished by
-the increased mortality there, but it was further lessened by emigration
-to Constantinople, where there were openings for plasterers and other
-skilled workmen, and where great numbers had died of the epidemic.
-The place of these emigrants in the Peloponnese was taken by Slav
-colonists, and this is the true explanation of the Slavonic colonisation,
-which Fallmerayer placed so much earlier. In the celebrated words of
-the Imperial author, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, “All the open
-country was Slavonised and became barbarous, when the plague was
-devouring the whole world<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>.” It seems from the phrase “open country,”
-that such Greeks as remained behind crowded into the towns, and that
-the rural districts were thus left free for the Slavs to occupy. And
-this is confirmed by the <i>Epitome of Strabo’s Geography</i>, compiled
-apparently about the end of the tenth century, which states that at
-that time “All Epeiros and a large part of Hellas and the Peloponnese
-and Macedonia were inhabited by Scythian Slavs.” The memory of
-this Slavonic occupation has been preserved by the Slavonic names of
-places, which Colonel Leake was the first to notice. That the Slavs
-excited the alarm of the Byzantine government is clear from the fact
-that in 783 Staurakios was despatched by the Empress Irene to crush
-their efforts at independence. The Empress was actuated by love of
-Greece as well as by motives of policy, for she was a native of Athens,
-like her predecessor, Eudokia. At the age of seventeen she had been
-selected by the Emperor Constantine Copronymos as the wife of his
-son, Leo IV, and the premature death of her husband left her the real
-mistress of the Empire, which she governed, first as Regent for her son
-and then as sole ruler, for over twenty years. One of the earliest acts
-of her Regency was to send the expedition against the Slavs. Those in
-Thessaly and Central Greece were forced to pay tribute; those in the
-Peloponnese yielded a rich booty to the Byzantine commander. But
-the Slavs were not permanently subdued, as was soon evident. Irene,
-for the greater security of her throne, had banished her five brothers-in-law
-to Athens, which was, of course, devoted to her, and was at
-that time governed by one of her kinsmen. But the five prisoners
-managed to communicate with Akamir, a Slav chieftain who lived<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span>
-at Velestino, and a plot was formed for the elevation of them to the
-throne. The plans of the conspirators fell into the hands of Irene’s
-friends, and the prisoners were removed to a safer place. Irene, however,
-was dethroned a little later by Nikephoros I, and banished to Mitylene,
-where she died. In spite of her appalling treatment of her son, whom
-she had dethroned and blinded in order to gratify her greed of power,
-tradition states that she showed her piety and patriotism by the
-foundation of several churches at Athens. Some of her foundations
-disappeared in the storm and stress of the War of Independence;
-others were removed to make way for the streets of the modern town; but
-the Church of the Panagia Gorgoepekoos, or so-called old Metropolis<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>,
-which still stands, is ascribed to her, and the ruins of the monastery
-which she built and where she at one time lived strew the beautiful
-island of Prinkipo. Even with her death her native city did not lose
-its connection with the Byzantine Court. Among her surviving relatives
-at Athens was a beautiful niece, Theophano, who was married to a
-man of position there. Nikephoros, anxious, no doubt, like all usurpers,
-to connect his family with that of the Sovereign whom he had deposed,
-resolved that the fair Athenian should become the consort of his son,
-Staurakios. He accordingly snatched her from the arms of her husband
-and brought her to Constantinople, where her second marriage took
-place. But this third Athenian Empress did not long enjoy the reward
-of her infidelity to her first husband. Staurakios survived his father’s
-death at the hands of the Bulgarians a very few months, and his consort,
-like Eudokia and Irene, ended her life in a monastery.</p>
-
-<p>The Slavs of the Peloponnese believed that their chance of
-obtaining independence had come during the troubled reign of Nikephoros,
-when the Saracens under Haroun Al Rashid and the growing
-power of the Bulgarians menaced the Byzantine Empire. They
-accordingly rose, and, after plundering the houses of their Greek
-neighbours, laid siege in 807 to the fortress of Patras, which was the
-principal stronghold of the old inhabitants in the north-west of the
-country. The Slavs blockaded the city from the land side, while a
-Saracen fleet prevented the introduction of supplies by sea. The besieged,
-knowing that the fate of Hellenism in the Peloponnese depended on
-their efforts, held out against these odds in the hope that they would
-thus give the Imperial commander at Corinth time to relieve them.
-At last, when all hope of deliverance seemed to have disappeared, they
-sent out a horseman to one of the hills in the direction of Corinth
-to see if the longed for army of relief was in sight. His orders were to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span>
-gallop back as soon as he caught a glimpse of the approaching
-Imperialists and to lower the flag which he carried, so that his comrades
-in Patras might have the glad news at once. But his eyes in vain
-searched the road along the Gulf of Corinth for the gleam of weapons
-or the dust that would announce the march of soldiers. Sadly he
-turned his horse towards Patras, when, at a spot where he was in full
-view of the walls, his steed stumbled and the flag fell. The besieged,
-believing that help was at hand, were inspired with fresh courage,
-and, sallying from the gates, inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Slavs,
-which was followed up after the arrival of the relieving force three
-days later by the restoration of the Imperial authority along the west
-coast. At that age so great a victory was naturally ascribed to superhuman
-aid. St Andrew, the patron-saint of Patras, who, as we have
-seen, was believed to have suffered martyrdom there, and whose
-relics were then preserved there, had caused the scout’s horse to
-stumble and had been seen on a milk-white steed leading the citizens
-in their successful onslaught on the Slavs<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>. The gratitude, or policy, of
-the government showed itself in the dedication of the spoil and captives
-to the service of the church of St Andrew, and the Slavonic peasants
-of the neighbourhood became its tenants and paid it a yearly rent.
-The Archbishop of Patras, who had hitherto been dependent upon
-Corinth, was raised by Nikephoros to the rank of a Metropolitan, and
-Methone, Korone and Lacedæmon, were placed under his immediate
-jurisdiction. The political object and result of this step, which was
-ratified by later Emperors, was to hellenise the vanquished Slavs by
-means of the Greek clergy. Moreover, the policy of Nikephoros in
-organising Greek military colonies round the Slav settlements in Greece,
-tended to check Slavonic raids. Public lands were bestowed on these
-colonists whose establishment contributed much to the ultimate fusion
-of the two races. Thus, the defeat of the Slavs before Patras and the
-wise measures of Nikephoros prevented the Peloponnese from becoming
-a Slavonic State, like Servia or Bulgaria, and from that date the tide,
-which had at one time threatened to submerge the Greek nationality
-there, began to ebb. Of this phenomenon we shall be able to watch
-the progress.</p>
-
-<p>A generation elapsed without a renewal of the Slav agitation in
-the Peloponnese; but about 849 a fresh rising took place. On this
-occasion the appearance of a Byzantine commander in the field soon
-caused the collapse of the rebels. Two Slavonic tribes, however, the
-Melings and Ezerits, which inhabited the slopes to the west, and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span>
-plain to the east of Mount Taygetos, were enabled by the strength
-of their geographical position to make terms with the Byzantine
-government, and agreed to pay a small tribute which was assessed
-according to their respective means<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>. The Church continued the work
-of the soldiers by building monasteries in the Slavonic districts, and
-from the middle of the ninth century the Greek element began to
-recover lost ground. Nearly all the Slavs and the last of the Hellenic
-pagans in the south of Taygetos were then converted, and the adoption
-of Christianity by the Bulgarians cannot have failed to affect the
-Slavonic settlers in the Byzantine Empire. Of the revived prosperity
-of Greece we have two remarkable proofs. In 823 that country raised
-a fleet of 350 sail for the purpose of intervening in the civil war then
-raging between the Emperor Michael the Stammerer and a Slavonic
-usurper, and this implies the possession of considerable resources. Still
-more striking is the story of the rich widow, Danielis of Patras. About
-the time of the Byzantine expedition against the Slavs of Taygetos,
-the future Emperor, Basil I, then chief groom in the service of a
-prominent courtier, was at Patras in attendance on his master, who had
-been sent there on political business. One day, as the comely groom
-was entering the church of St Andrew, a monk stopped him and told
-him that he should become Emperor. Shortly afterwards he fell ill
-of a fever, which, by detaining him at Patras after his master’s departure,
-proved to be a blessing in disguise. Moved by philanthropy or the
-prophecy of the monk, Danielis took the sick groom into her house,
-bade him be a brother to her son, and, when he had recovered from
-his illness, provided him with a train of thirty slaves to accompany
-him to Constantinople, and loaded him with costly presents. When,
-in 867, the monk’s forecast was fulfilled, and Basil mounted the
-Imperial throne, he did not forget his benefactress. He not only
-promoted her son to a high position in his court, but invited the aged
-lady to Constantinople. In spite of her age and infirmities, Danielis
-travelled in a litter, accompanied by 300 slaves, who took in turns
-the duty of carrying their mistress. As a gift to the Emperor, she
-brought 500 more, as well as 100 maidens, chosen for their skill in
-embroidery, 100 purple garments, 300 linen robes, and 100 more of
-such fine material that each piece could easily be packed away in a
-hollow cane. Every kind of gold and silver vessel completed the list
-of presents, which would not have disgraced a brother sovereign.
-When she arrived, she was lodged like a queen and addressed as
-“mother” by her grateful <i>protégé</i>. Basil’s gratitude was rewarded by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span>
-fresh favours. Danielis called for a notary and made over to the
-Emperor and her own son a part of her landed estates in the Peloponnese.
-Finding that Basil had tried to atone for the murder of his
-predecessor, which had given him the throne, by the erection of a
-church, she had a huge carpet manufactured by her own workmen
-to cover the splendid mosaic floor. Once again, on the death of her
-favourite, she journeyed to Constantinople to greet his son and successor.
-Her own son was by that time dead, so she devised the whole
-of her property to the young Emperor Leo VI. At her request, a high
-official was sent to the Peloponnese to prepare an inventory of her
-effects. Even in these days a sovereign would rejoice at such a windfall.
-Her loose cash, her gold and silver plate, her bronze ornaments, her
-wardrobe, and her flocks and herds represented a princely fortune.
-As for her slaves, they were so numerous that the Emperor, in the
-embarrassment of his riches, emancipated 3000 of them and sent them
-as colonists to Apulia, then part of the Byzantine Empire. Eighty
-farms formed the real property of this ninth century millionairess,
-whose story throws light on the position of the Peloponnesian landed
-class, or <i>archontes</i>, at that period. Danielis was, doubtless, exceptionally
-rich, and Patras was then, as now, the chief commercial town in the
-Peloponnese. But the existence of such an enormous fortune as hers
-presupposes a high degree of civilisation, in which many others must
-have participated. Even learning was still cultivated in Greece, for
-the distinguished mathematician Leo, who was one of the ornaments
-of the Byzantine Court, is expressly stated to have studied rhetoric,
-philosophy and science under a famous teacher, Michael Psellos, who
-lectured at a college in the island of Andros, where his pupil’s name
-is not yet forgotten<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>But while the Greeks had thus triumphed in the Peloponnese,
-they had lost ground elsewhere. Availing themselves of the disorders
-in the Byzantine Empire, when the Greek ships were all engaged in
-the civil war of 823, a body of Saracens, who had emigrated from the
-south of Spain to Alexandria, descended on Crete, at that time recovering
-from the effects of an earthquake, but still possessing thirty cities.
-Landing at Suda Bay, they found the islanders mostly favourable,
-or at any rate indifferent, to a change of masters. Reinforced by a
-further batch of their countrymen, the Saracens resolved to settle
-there. A Cretan monk is said to have shown them a strong position
-where they could pitch their camp; so they burnt their ships and
-established themselves at the spot indicated, the site of the present<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span>
-town of Candia, which derives its Venetian name from the Chandak
-or “ditch” surrounding it. The conquest of the island was soon accomplished—a
-clear proof of the islanders’ apathy when we remember the
-heroic defence of the Cretans in more recent times. Religious toleration
-reconciled many to the sway of the Saracens; in the course of years
-a number of the Christians embraced the creed of their conquerors,
-helping to man their fleets and sharing the profits of that nefarious
-traffic in slaves of which Crete, as in former days Delos, became the
-centre. One district, which we may identify with Sphakia, was permitted
-to enjoy autonomy. For Greece the rule of the Saracens in
-Crete was a serious misfortune. Cretan corsairs ably led by Christian
-renegades, in quest of booty and slaves, ravaged the Cyclades and the
-Ionian Islands, and menaced the coast towns of the mainland, whither
-the terrified inhabitants of Ægina and similarly exposed spots migrated
-in the hope of safety. The efforts of the Byzantine government to
-recover “the great Greek island,” which was now a terror to the whole
-Levant, were for more than a century unsuccessful, and during 138
-years Crete remained in the possession of the Saracens. Occasionally
-their fleet was annihilated, as in the reign of Basil I, when the Byzantine
-admiral, hearing that they meditated a descent upon the west coast
-of Greece, conveyed his ships across the Isthmus in the night by means
-of the old tram-road, or <i>diolkos</i>, which had been used by the contemporaries
-of Thucydides, and has even now not entirely disappeared.
-By this brilliant device he took the enemy by surprise in the Gulf of
-Corinth, and destroyed their vessels. But new fleets arose as if by magic,
-and Basil was obliged to strengthen the garrisons of the Peloponnese.
-His successor, aroused to action by their daring attacks upon Demetrias
-and Salonika, both flourishing cities which they devastated and
-plundered, equipped a naval expedition, to which the Greek Themes
-contributed ships and men, with the object of recapturing Crete. But
-neither that nor the subsequent armada despatched by the Imperial
-author, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, was destined to succeed. At
-last, in 961, the redoubtable commander, Nikephoros Phokas, restored
-Crete to the Byzantine Empire. But even at that early period, Candia
-began to establish the reputation which it so nobly increased during
-the Turkish siege seven centuries later. Its strong fortifications for
-seven long months resisted the Byzantine general; but he patiently
-waited for a favourable moment, and at last took the place by storm.
-The most drastic measures were adopted for the complete reduction
-of the island. The broad brick walls of Candia were pulled down; a
-new fortress called Temenos was erected on the height of Rhoka some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span>
-miles inland, to overawe the inhabitants. Some of the Saracens
-emigrated, others sank into a state of serfdom. As usual the missionary
-followed the Byzantine arms, and the island attracted many Greek
-and Armenian Christians; the name of the latter still lingers in the
-Cretan village of Armeni; among the former were some distinguished
-Byzantine families, whose descendants furnished leaders to the insurrections
-later on. In the conversion of the Cretan apostates back to
-Christianity, an Armenian monk called Nikon, and nicknamed “Repent
-Ye” from the frequency of that phrase in his sermons, found a fine
-field for his labours. The Christian churches, for which Crete had once
-been famous, rose again, and the reconquest of the island gave to
-Nikephoros Phokas the Imperial diadem, to the deacon Theodosios the
-subject for a long iambic poem, and to Nikon the more lasting dignity
-of a saint. But, in spite of his efforts, not a few Arabs retained their
-religion, and the Cretan Mussulmans of Amari are still reckoned as
-their descendants.</p>
-
-<p>The tenth century witnessed not only the recovery of Crete for the
-Byzantine Empire and for the Christian faith, but also the spread of
-monasteries over Greece. When Nikon had concluded his Cretan
-mission he visited Athens, where he is said by his biographer to have
-enchanted the people with his sermons, penetrated as far as Thebes,
-and then returned to Sparta, where he founded a convent and established
-his headquarters. Thence he set out on missionary journeys among the
-Slavonic tribes of the Melings and Ezerits, who had again risen against
-the Imperial authority and had again been reduced to the payment
-of a tribute. Those wild clans continued, however, to harry the surrounding
-country, and the monastery of St Nikon was only protected
-from their attacks by the awe which the holy man’s memory inspired.
-Long after his death he was adored as the guardian of Sparta, where
-his memory is still green, and the Peloponnesian mariner, caught in
-a storm off Cape Matapan, would pray to him, as his ancestors had
-prayed to Castor and Pollux. For Central Greece the career of the
-blessed Luke the younger was as important as that of St Nikon for
-the South. The parents of this remarkable man had fled from Ægina,
-when the Cretan corsairs plundered that island, and had taken refuge
-in Macedonia, where Luke was born. Filled with the idea that he had
-a call to a holy life, the young Luke settled as a hermit on a lonely
-Greek mountain by the sea-shore, where for seven long years he devoted
-himself to prayer. A Bulgarian raid drove him to the Peloponnese,
-where for ten years more he served as the attendant of another hermit,
-who, like the famous Stylites of old, lived on a pillar near Patras. After<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span>
-further adventures, he migrated to Stiris, between Delphi and Livadia,
-where the monastery which bears his name now stands.</p>
-
-<p>The absorption of the Christianised Slavs by the Greeks was
-occasionally interrupted by the Bulgarian inroads, which now became
-frequent. Since the foundation of the first Bulgarian Empire towards
-the end of the ninth century, the power of that race had greatly
-increased, and the Byzantine sovereigns found formidable rivals in
-the Bulgarian tsars. About 929 the Bulgarians captured Nikopolis, and
-converted it into a Slavonic colony, which was only reconquered by
-considerable efforts. Arsenios, Metropolitan of Corfù, who was canonised
-later on, and was for centuries the patron saint of the island, where his
-festival is still celebrated and his remains repose, fell into the hands
-of these invaders, but was rescued by the valour of the islanders<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>,
-and a new tribe, called Slavesians, probably an offshoot of the Bulgarians,
-made its way into the Peloponnese. The troublesome clans of Melings
-and Ezerits seized this opportunity to demand the reduction of their
-tribute, which had been raised after their last rising. The Government
-wisely granted their demand, and so prevented a formidable insurrection.
-Athens was also disturbed by a domestic riot. A certain Chases,
-a high Byzantine official, had aroused the resentment of the people
-by his tyranny and the scandals of his life. Alarmed at the threatening
-attitude of the inhabitants, who had been joined by others from the
-country, he took refuge at the altar in the Church of the Virgin on
-the Akropolis, the ancient Parthenon. But the sanctuary did not
-protect him from the vengeance of his enemies, who stoned him to
-death at the altar, thus showing less reverence for the Virgin than the
-ancient Athenians had once shown under somewhat similar circumstances
-for the goddess Athena.</p>
-
-<p>The Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who wrote about the
-middle of the tenth century, has left us a favourable sketch of the
-Peloponnese as it was in his day. Forty cities were to be found in
-that Theme, and some idea of its resources may be formed from the
-statement that the Peloponnesians excused themselves from personal
-service in an Italian campaign by the payment of 7200 pieces of gold
-and the presentation of 1000 horses all equipped<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>. The purple, parchment,
-and silk industries, as well as the shipping trade, must have
-yielded considerable profits to those who carried them on, and the
-presence of many Jews at Sparta in the time of St Nikon, who tried
-to expel them, shows that there was money to be made there. His<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span>
-biography represents that city—of which the contemporary Empress,
-Theophano, wife of Romanos II and Nikephoros Phokas, was perhaps
-a native<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>—as possessing a powerful aristocracy, and as having commercial
-relations with Venice. The reconquest of Crete, by freeing the
-coast-towns from the depredations of pirates, naturally increased the
-prosperity of Greece. Schools rose again at Athens and Corinth, and
-from that time down to the beginning of the thirteenth century the
-country improved, in spite of occasional invasions. Thus, the Bulgarian
-Tsar Samuel captured Larissa and carried off many of its inhabitants,
-as well as the remains of the Thessalian Archbishop, St Achilleios,
-which had long been the chief relic of the place. His standards were
-twice seen south of the Isthmus, and Attica was ravaged by his forces.
-To this period we may refer the statement above quoted that “all
-Epeiros and a large part of Hellas and the Peloponnese and Macedonia
-were occupied by Scythian Slavs.” But when they arrived at the river
-Spercheios on their return march, they were surprised by a Byzantine
-army and utterly defeated. The Emperor Basil II, surnamed “the
-Bulgar-slayer,” completed the destruction of the first Bulgarian
-Empire, and on his triumphal progress through Northern and Central
-Greece in 1019 found the bones of the slain still bleaching on the banks
-of the Spercheios. After inspecting the fortifications of Thermopylæ,
-he proceeded to Athens, which no Byzantine Emperor had visited
-since the days of Constans II. The visit was an appropriate sequel to
-the campaign. For the first time for centuries the Byzantine dominions
-extended from the Bosporos to the Danube, and the Balkan peninsula
-once again was under Greek domination. In the Church of the Virgin
-on the Akropolis, the very centre and shrine of the old Hellenic life
-in bygone days, the victorious Emperor offered up thanks to Almighty
-God for his successes, and showed his gratitude by rich offerings to
-the church out of the spoil which he had taken. The beauty of the
-building, which he seems to have enhanced by a series of frescoes,
-traces of which are still visible, was justly celebrated in the next
-generation, and one curiosity of that holy spot, the ever-burning golden
-lamp, is specially mentioned by the author of the so-called <i>Book of
-Guido</i>, and by the Icelandic pilgrim, Saewulf. Other persons imitated
-the example of Basil, and the restoration or foundation of Athenian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span>
-churches was one of the features of the first half of the eleventh century.
-Freed for the time from corsairs and hostile armies, Greece was once
-more able to pursue the arts of peace unhindered. During the great
-famine which prevailed at Constantinople in 1037, the Themes of Hellas
-and the Peloponnese were able to export 100,000 bushels of wheat
-for the relief of the capital. The chief grievance of the Greeks was the
-extortion of the Imperial Government, which aroused two insurrections
-after the death of Basil. The first of these movements took place at
-Naupaktos, where the people rose against “Mad George,” the hated
-representative of the Emperor, murdered him, and plundered his
-residence. This revolt was suppressed with great severity, the archbishop,
-who had been on the side of the people, being blinded, according
-to the prevalent fashion of Byzantine criminal law. Some years later,
-the inhabitants of the Theme of Nikopolis murdered the Imperial
-tax-collector, and called in the Bulgarians, who had risen against fiscal
-extortion like themselves. While Naupaktos held out in the West, the
-Thebans, then a rich and flourishing community, abandoned their silk
-manufactories, and took the field against the Bulgarians<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>. But they
-were defeated with great loss, and it has even been asserted that the
-victors occupied the Piræus with the connivance of the discontented
-Athenians.</p>
-
-<p>This surmise, which has, however, been rejected by the German
-historian of mediæval Athens, rests upon one of the most curious
-discoveries that have been made in connection with the place. Every
-visitor to Venice has seen the famous lions which adorn the front of
-the arsenal. One of these statues, brought home as a trophy by Morosini
-from the Piræus in 1688, has upon it a runic inscription, which has
-been deciphered by an expert. According to his version, the inscription
-commemorates the capture of the Piræus at this period by the celebrated
-Harold Hardrada, whom our King Harold defeated at Stamford Bridge,
-and who, in 1040, was commander of the Imperial Guard at Constantinople.
-In consequence, it appears, of an Athenian rising, Harold had
-been sent with a detachment of that force, composed largely of
-Norwegians, to put down the rebellion. After accomplishing their
-object, the Northmen, in the fashion of the modern tourist, scrawled
-their names and achievements on the patient lion, which then stood,
-like the lion of Lindau, at the entrance of the Piræus and gave to
-that harbour its later name of Porto Leone. It would be difficult
-to find a more curious piece of historical evidence than that a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span>
-monument in Venice should tell us of a Norwegian descent upon
-Athens.</p>
-
-<p>Dissension among the Bulgarians led to their collapse, and Greece
-enjoyed a complete freedom from barbarian inroads for the next forty
-years, with the exception of a passing invasion by the Uzes, a Turkish
-tribe, who left no mark upon the country. Athens at this period was
-regarded by the Byzantine officials who were sent there as the uttermost
-ends of the earth, though at Constantinople Philhellenism had a worthy
-representative in the historian and philosopher Psellos, who constantly
-manifested a deep interest in “the muse of Athens.” A more curious
-figure, typical of that monastic age, was the Cappadocian monk
-Meletios, who established himself on the confines of Attica and Bœotia,
-and by means of his miracles gained great influence there. We find him
-descending from his solitary mountain to Athens to rescue a band of
-Roman pilgrims, who had taken refuge there and had been threatened
-with death by the bigoted Athenians. We hear of the convents which
-he founded in various parts of Greece, and it was to him that the land
-was largely indebted for the plague of monks, many of them merely
-robbers in disguise, which checked civic progress and injured all national
-life in the next century. Worse than this, the final separation of the
-Greek and Latin Churches in 1053, by kindling a fanatical hatred
-between West and East, brought countless woes upon the Levant,
-and was one of the causes of the Latin invasions which culminated
-in the overthrow of the Byzantine Empire in 1204.</p>
-
-<p>There now appeared, for the first time in the history of Greece,
-that vigorous race which in the same century conquered our own
-island. The Normans of Italy, under their redoubtable leader, Robert
-Guiscard, resolved to emulate the doings of William the Conqueror
-by subduing the Byzantine Empire, which seemed to those daring
-spirits an easy prey. They began by the annexation of the Byzantine
-provinces of Apulia and Calabria, and then turned their eyes across
-the Adriatic to the opposite coast. An excuse was easily found for this
-invasion. One of Guiscard’s daughters had been engaged to the son
-of the Emperor Michael VII. But the revolution, which overthrew
-Michael, sent his son into a monastery, and thus provided Guiscard
-with an opportunity of posing as the champion of the fallen dynasty.
-An impostor, who masqueraded as the deposed Emperor, implored
-his aid in the cause of legitimacy, and the great Pope, who then
-occupied the throne under the name of Gregory VII, bade the godly
-help in the contest against the schismatic Greeks. After long preparations
-Guiscard appeared in 1081 off Corfù, which surrendered to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span>
-Norman invader, and then directed his forces against the walls of
-Durazzo, now a crumbling Albanian fortress, then “the Western key
-of the empire.” Menaced at the same moment by the Turks in Asia
-and the Normans in Europe, the Emperor Alexios I made peace with
-the former and then set out to the relief of Durazzo. But he did not
-trust to a land force alone, and as the Byzantine navy, like the Turkish
-fleet in our own days, had been neglected and the money intended
-for its maintenance had been misappropriated, he applied for aid to
-the mercantile Republic of Venice. The Venetians saw a chance of
-consolidating their trade in the Levant, and, as the price of their
-assistance, obtained from the embarrassed Emperor the right of free
-trade throughout the empire, where the Greek cities of Thebes, Athens,
-Corinth, Nauplia, Methone, Korone, Corfù, Euripos, and Demetrias
-are specially mentioned as their haunts. But the aid of a Venetian
-fleet did not prevent the victory of the Normans over Alexios on the
-plain near Durazzo, where Cæsar and Pompey had once contended.
-The Emperor retreated to Ochrida, where, two generations earlier, the
-Bulgarian Tsar Samuel had fixed his residence, while his conqueror,
-after taking Durazzo, marched across Albania and captured the city
-of Kastoria, which was defended by three hundred English, members
-of the Imperial Guard. Recalled to Italy by troubles in his own
-dominions and by the distress of his ally the Pope, Guiscard left the
-prosecution of the campaign to his son Bohemond, who penetrated
-into Thessaly, that historic battle-ground of the Near East. But the
-walls of Larissa and the gold of Alexios proved too much for the
-strength of the Normans, and Bohemond was forced to retire to Italy.
-He found his father fresh from his triumph at Rome, which he had
-delivered to the Pope, and ready for a second campaign against the
-Byzantine Empire. In 1084 Guiscard set sail again; after three naval
-battles with the Greeks and their Venetian allies, Corfù once more
-surrendered to the Normans, and their leader used it as a stepping-stone
-to the island of Cephalonia. But he contracted a fever there, which put
-an end to his life and to the expedition, of which he had been the heart and
-soul. The village of Phiskardo has perpetuated his name, thus marking
-this second attempt of the West to impose its sway upon the East.</p>
-
-<p>Bohemond renewed, twenty-two years later, his father’s attacks
-upon the Byzantine Empire. In the meanwhile, as the result of his
-share in the first crusade, he had become Prince of Antioch—one of
-those feudal States which now adjoined the immediate dominions of
-the Eastern Emperor and exercised considerable social influence on
-the customs of his subjects. Aided by the Pisans, whose fleet ravaged<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span>
-the Ionian Islands, Bohemond seemed likely to repeat the early successes
-of his father; but Alexios had learnt how to deal with the Latins, and
-the Normans’ second assault on Durazzo ended in a treaty of peace,
-by which Bohemond swore fealty to the Emperor. For the next forty
-years Greece had nothing to fear from the Normans, but the evil results
-of the alliance with Venice now became manifest. The Republic of
-St Mark had jealous commercial rivals in Italy, who envied her the
-monopoly of the Levantine trade. When, therefore, concessions were
-made to the Pisans and the previous charter of the Venetians was not
-renewed, the Empire found itself involved in a naval war with the
-latter, from which the defenceless Greek islands suffered, and which
-was only ended by the renewal of the old Venetian privileges. The
-mercantile powers of Italy had come to treat the Byzantine possessions
-much as modern European States regard Turkey, as a Government
-from which trading concessions can be obtained. But every fresh grant
-offended some one and gave the favoured party more and more influence
-in the affairs of the Empire. Fresh Venetian factories were founded in
-Greece, and the increasing prosperity of that country had the disadvantage
-of attracting the covetous foreigner.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the state of affairs when, in 1146, Guiscard’s nephew,
-King Roger of Sicily, availing himself of an insult to his honour,
-invaded Greece with far greater success than had attended his uncle.
-The Sicilian Admiral, George of Antioch, occupied Corfù, with the
-connivance of the poorer inhabitants, who complained of the heavy
-taxation of the Imperial Government which in the twelfth century
-levied from that one Ionian Island about 9,000,000 <i>dr.</i> of modern
-money, or more than the present Greek Exchequer raises from all the
-seven, but was repulsed by the bold inhabitants of the impregnable
-rock of Monemvasia; then, after plundering the west coast, he landed
-his troops at the modern Itea, on the north of the Gulf of Corinth,
-and thence marched past Delphi on Thebes, at that time the seat of
-the silk manufacture. The city was undefended, but that did not save
-it from the rapacity of the Normans. Alexander the Great had, at
-least, spared “the house of Pindaros” when he took Thebes; but its
-new conquerors left nothing that was of any value behind them. After
-they had thoroughly ransacked the houses and churches they made
-the Thebans swear on the Holy Scriptures that they had concealed
-nothing, and then departed, dragging with them the most skilful
-weavers and dyers so as to transfer the silk industry to Sicily. This
-last was a serious blow to the monopoly of the silk trade which Greece
-had hitherto enjoyed so far as Christian States were concerned. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span>
-secret of the manufacture had been jealously guarded; and the fishers
-who obtained the famous purple dye for the manufacturers were a
-privileged class, exempted from the payment of military taxes. Roger
-was well aware of the value of his captives; he established them and
-their families at Palermo, and at the conclusion of the war they were
-not restored to their homes in Greece. But the art of making and dyeing
-silk does not seem to have died out at Thebes, which, fifteen years
-after the Norman invasion, had recovered much of its former prosperity.
-When the Jewish traveller, Benjamin of Tudela, visited it about 1161,
-he found 2000 of his co-religionists there, among them the best weavers
-and dyers in Greece, and towards the end of the century forty garments
-of Theban silk were sent as a present by the Emperor to the Sultan
-of Iconium. Although there are no silks now manufactured at Thebes
-and no mulberry-trees there, the plain near the town is still called by
-the peasants <i>Morokampos</i>, from the mulberry-trees which once grew
-upon it. From Thebes the Normans proceeded to the rich city of
-Corinth, which fell into their hands without a blow. Those who have
-ascended the grand natural fortress of Akrocorinth may easily understand
-the surprise of the warlike Normans at its surrender by the
-cowardly Byzantine commandant. “If Nikephoros Chalouphes”—such
-was his name—“had not been more timid than a woman,” exclaimed
-the Sicilian admiral, “we should never have entered these walls.” The
-town below yielded an even richer booty than Thebes—for it was then,
-as under the Romans, the great emporium of the Levantine trade in
-Greece—and laden with the spoils of Thebes and Corinth and with the
-relics of St Theodore, the Norman fleet set sail on its homeward voyage.
-Nineteen vessels fell victims to privateers, but the surviving ships
-brought such a valuable cargo into the great harbour of Palermo that
-the admiral was able to build out of his share the bridge which is still
-called after him, Ponte dell’ Ammiraglio. The Church of La Martorana
-as its older name of Sta Maria dell’ Ammiraglio testifies, was also founded
-by him. The captives, except the silk-weavers, were afterwards restored
-to their homes, and Corfù was recaptured by the chivalrous Emperor,
-Manuel Comnenos, after a siege, in the course of which he performed
-such prodigies of valour as to win the admiration of the Norman
-commander.</p>
-
-<p>The revival of material prosperity in Greece after the close of this
-conflict was most remarkable, and in the second half of the twelfth
-century that country must have been one of the most flourishing
-parts of the Empire. The Arabian geographer, Edrisi, who wrote in
-1153, tells us that the Peloponnese had thirteen cities, and alludes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span>
-to the vegetation of Corfù, the size of Athens, and the fertility of the
-great Thessalian plain, while Halmyros was then one of the most
-important marts of the Empire. Benjamin of Tudela tells us of Jewish
-communities in Larissa, Naupaktos, Arta, Corinth, Patras, Eubœa,
-Corfù (consisting of one man), Zante, and Ægina, as well as in Thebes,
-and this implies considerable wealth. Like St Nikon, he found them
-in Sparta, and we may note as a curious phenomenon the existence
-of a colony of Jewish agriculturists on the slopes of Parnassos. Salonika,
-where the Hebrew element is now so conspicuous, even then had 500
-Jews. When we remember how rare are Jews in Greece to-day, except
-there and at Corfù, their presence in such numbers in the twelfth
-century is all the more strange. Nor were they all engaged in money-making.
-The worthy rabbi met Jews at Thebes who were learned in
-the Talmud, while the Greek clergy had also some literary representatives.
-It was about this time that the biography of St Nikon was
-composed; the philosophical and theological writings of Nicholas,
-Bishop of Methone, and Gregory, the Metropolitan of Corinth, belonged
-to the same epoch. Athens, after a long eclipse, had once more become
-a place of study. Yet, in point of wealth, Athens was inferior to several
-other Greek cities, and perhaps for that reason had no Jewish colony.
-We have from the pen of Michael Akominatos, the last Greek Metropolitan
-of Athens before the Latin conquest, who was appointed about
-1175, a full if somewhat pessimistic account of the condition of his
-diocese, which then included ten bishoprics. Michael was a man of
-distinguished family, a brother of the Byzantine statesman and historian,
-Niketas Choniates, and a pupil of the great Homeric scholar, Eustathios,
-who was Archbishop of Salonika. An ardent classical scholar, he had
-been enchanted at the prospect of taking up his abode in the episcopal
-residence on the Akropolis, of which he had formed the most glorified
-idea. But the golden dream of the learned divine vanished at the touch
-of reality. It was said of the Philhellenes, who went to aid the Greeks
-in the War of Independence, that they expected to find the Peloponnese
-filled with “Plutarch’s men”; finding that the modern Greeks were
-not ancient heroes and sages, they at once put them down as scoundrels
-and cut-throats. The worthy Michael seems to have experienced the
-same disillusionment and to have committed the same error as the
-Philhellenes. Fallen walls and rickety houses fringing mean streets
-gave him a bad impression as he entered the city in triumphal procession.
-His cathedral, it is true, with its frescoes and its offerings from
-the time of Basil the Bulgar-slayer, with its eternal lamp, the wonder
-of every pilgrim, and with the noble memories of the golden age of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span>
-Perikles which clung round its venerable structure, seemed to him
-superior to Sta Sophia in all its glory, a palace worthy of a king. And
-what bishop could boast of a minster such as the Parthenon? But the
-Athenians, “the off-spring of true-born Athenians,” as he styled them
-in his pompous inaugural address, did not appreciate, could scarcely
-even understand, the academic graces of his style. The shallow soil
-of Attica had become a parched desert, where little or no water was;
-the classic fountain of Kallirrhoe had ceased to run, the olive-yards
-were withered up by the drought. The silk-weavers and dyers, traces
-of whose work have been found in the Odeion of Herodes Atticus, had
-disappeared. Emigration and the exactions of the Byzantine officials
-completed the tale of woe, which Michael was ever ready to pour into
-the ear of a sympathetic correspondent. In 1198, he addressed a
-memorial to the Emperor Alexios Comnenos III, on behalf of the
-Athenians, from which we learn that the city was free from the jurisdiction
-of the provincial governor, who resided at Thebes, and who
-was not even allowed to enter the city, which, like Patras and Monemvasia,
-was governed by its own <i>archontes</i>. But it appears that the
-governor none the less quartered himself on the inhabitants, and had
-thrice imposed higher ship-money on Athens than on Thebes and
-Chalkis. Nor did the Metropolitan hesitate to tell another Emperor,
-Isaac Angelos, that Athens was too poor to present him with the
-usual coronation offering of a golden wreath. Yet, when the Lord High
-Admiral came to Athens, he found merchantmen in the Piræus, and
-the Government raised more out of the impoverished inhabitants than
-out of Thebes and Eubœa. We must therefore not take too literally
-all the rhetorical complaints of the archbishop, which are incompatible
-with the great luxury of the Athenian Court under the French Dukes
-in the next century. As a good friend of Athens, he was anxious to make
-the city appear as poor as possible in the eyes of a grasping Government,
-for in the East it has always been a dangerous thing to appear rich.
-As a cultured man of the world, he exaggerated the “barbarism”—such
-is his own phrase, which would have staggered the ancient Athenians—of
-the spot where his lot had been cast. He derided the Attic Greek
-of his time as a rude dialect, and told his classical friends that few
-of the historic landmarks in Attica had preserved their ancient names
-pure and undefiled. Sheep grazed, he said, among the remains of the
-Painted Porch. “I live in Athens,” he wrote in a poem on the decay
-of the city, “yet it is not Athens that I see.” Yet Athens was at least
-spared the horrors of the sack of Salonika by the Normans of Sicily,
-whose great invasion in 1185 touched only the fringe of Greece.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span></p>
-
-<p>Then, as in the war which broke out between Venice and the
-Empire some years earlier, it was the islands which suffered. After the
-attack by the mob on the Latin quarter of Constantinople, those
-Latins who escaped revenged themselves by preying upon the dwellers
-in the Ægean, whose flourishing state had been noted by Edrisi before
-that terrible visitation. Cephalonia and Zante were now permanently
-severed from the Byzantine sway, many Italians settled there, and
-after succumbing to Margaritone, the Sicilian admiral, Corfù, then a
-very rich island, became for some years the home of Vetrano, a Latin
-pirate, who was soon the terror of the Greek coasts. As if this were not
-enough, Isaac Angelos robbed many of the churches of their ornaments
-and pictures for the benefit of his capital, such as the famous picture
-at Monemvasia of Our Lord being dragged to the Cross, and extortion
-once more roused an insurrection in the Theme of Nikopolis. His
-successor injured Greek trade by granting most extensive privileges
-to the Venetians, who secured the commercial supremacy in the
-Levant. The Byzantine State was becoming visibly weaker every day,
-and the re-establishment of the second Bulgarian Empire suggested
-to a bold official, Manuel Kamytzes, the idea of carving out, with
-Bulgarian aid, a kingdom for himself in Greece. His attempt failed,
-but the growth of feudalism had loosened the old ties which bound
-that country to Constantinople. The power of the landed aristocracy,
-the <i>archontes</i>, as they were called, had gone on growing since the days
-of Danielis of Patras. Their rivalries threatened the Greek towns with
-the scenes which disgraced the cities of mediæval Italy, and some of
-them, like the great clan of Sgouros at Nauplia, were hereditary nobles
-of almost princely position. Large estates, the curse of ancient Italy,
-had grown up in Greece; the Empress Euphrosyne, for example, was
-owner of a vast property in Thessaly, which included several flourishing
-towns. Moreover, that province was no longer inhabited by a mainly
-Greek population; in the twelfth century it had passed so completely
-under Wallachian influence that it was known as Great Wallachia,
-and its colonists were the ancestors of those Koutso-Wallachs, who
-still pasture their herds in the country near the Thessalian frontier,
-descending to Bœotia in the winter, and who, in the war of 1897,
-were on the Turkish side. Finally a debased currency pointed to the
-financial decline of the Byzantine Government. In short, the Empire
-was ripe for the Latin conquest. It was not long delayed.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="III_FRANKISH_AND_VENETIAN_GREECE">III. FRANKISH AND VENETIAN GREECE</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<h3 id="heading1">1. THE FRANKISH CONQUEST OF GREECE</h3>
-
-<p>Professor Krumbacher says in his <i>History of Byzantine
-Literature</i>, that, when he announced his intention of devoting
-himself to that subject, one of his classical friends solemnly remonstrated
-with him, on the ground that there could be nothing of interest
-in a period when the Greek preposition ἀπό governed the accusative,
-instead of the genitive case. I am afraid that many people are of the
-opinion of that orthodox grammarian. There has long prevailed in
-some quarters an idea that, from the time of the Roman conquest in
-146 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> to the day when Archbishop Germanos raised the standard
-of Independence at Kalavryta in 1821, the annals of Greece were
-practically a blank, and that that country thus enjoyed for nearly
-twenty centuries that form of happiness which consists in having no
-history. Fifty years ago there was, perhaps, some excuse for this
-theory; but the case is very different now. The great cemeteries of
-Mediæval Greece—I mean the Archives of Venice, Naples, Palermo
-and Barcelona—have given up their dead. We know now, year by
-year, yes, almost month by month, the vicissitudes of Hellas under
-her Frankish masters, and all that is required now is to breathe life
-into the dry bones, and bring upon the stage in flesh and blood that
-picturesque and motley crowd of Burgundian, Flemish and Lombard
-nobles, German knights, rough soldiers of fortune from Cataluña and
-Navarre, Florentine financiers, Neapolitan courtiers, shrewd Venetian
-and Genoese merchant princes, and last, but not least, the bevy of
-high-born dames, sprung from the oldest families of France, who make
-up, together with the Greek <i>archons</i> and the Greek serfs, the persons
-of the romantic drama, of which Greece was the theatre for 250 years.</p>
-
-<p>The history of Frankish Greece begins with the Fourth Crusade.
-I need not recapitulate the oft-told story of that memorable expedition,
-which influenced for centuries the annals of Eastern Europe, and which
-forms the historical basis of the Eastern question. We all know, from
-the paintings of the Doge’s Palace, how the Crusaders set out with the
-laudable object of freeing the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel, how they
-turned aside to the easier and more lucrative task of overturning the
-oldest Empire in the world, and how they placed on the throne of all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span>
-Cæsars Count Baldwin of Flanders as first Latin Emperor of Constantinople.
-The Greeks fled to Asia Minor, and there at Nice, the city of
-the famous Council, and at Trebizond on the shores of the Black Sea,
-founded two Empires, of which the latter existed for over 250 years.</p>
-
-<p>When the Crusaders and their Venetian allies sat down to partition
-the Byzantine Empire among themselves, they paid no heed to the
-rights of nationalities or to the wishes of the people whose fate hung
-upon their decisions. A fourth part of the Byzantine dominions, consisting
-of the capital, the adjacent districts of Europe and Asia, and
-several of the islands, was first set aside to form the new Latin Empire
-of Romania. The remaining three-fourths were then divided in equal
-shares between the Venetian Republic and the Crusaders, whose leader
-was Boniface of Montferrat in the North of Italy, the rival of Baldwin
-for the throne of the East. The Greek provinces in Asia, and the island
-of Crete had originally been intended as his share of the spoil; but he
-wished to obtain a compact extent of territory nearer his own home
-and his wife’s native land of Hungary, and accordingly sold Crete to
-the Venetians, and established himself as King of Salonika with
-sovereignty over a large part of Greece, as yet unconquered. The
-Venetians, with their shrewd commercial instincts and their much more
-intimate knowledge of the country, secured all the best harbours, islands
-and markets in the Levant—an incident which shows that an acquaintance
-with geography may sometimes be useful to politicians.</p>
-
-<p>In the autumn of 1204 Boniface set out to conquer his Greek
-dominions. The King of Salonika belonged to a family, which was no
-stranger to the ways of the Orient. One of his brothers had married
-the daughter of the Greek Emperor Manuel I; another brother and a
-nephew were Kings of Jerusalem—a vain dignity which has descended
-from them, together with the Marquisate of Montferrat, to the present
-Italian dynasty. Married to the affable widow of the Greek Emperor
-Isaac II, Boniface was a sympathetic figure to the Greeks, who had
-speedily flocked in numbers to his side, and several of whom accompanied
-him on his march through Greece. Among these was the bastard
-Michael Angelos, of whom we shall hear later as the founder of a new
-dynasty. With the King of Salonika there went too a motley crowd
-of Crusaders in quest of fiefs, men of many nationalities, Lombards,
-Flemings, Frenchmen and Germans. There were Guillaume de
-Champlitte, a grandson of the Count of Champagne; Othon de la Roche,
-son of a Burgundian noble; Jacques d’Avesnes, son of a Flemish
-crusader who had been at the siege of Acre, and his two nephews,
-Jacques and Nicholas de St Omer; Berthold von Katzenellenbogen, a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span>
-Rhenish warrior who had given the signal for setting fire to Constantinople;
-the Marquess Guido Pallavicini, youngest son of a nobleman
-from near Parma, who had gone to Greece because at home every
-common man could hale him before the courts; Thomas de Stromoncourt,
-and Ravano dalle Carceri of Verona, brother of the <i>podestà</i>
-Realdo, whose name still figures on the <i>Casa dei Mercanti</i> there. Just
-as the modern general takes with him a band of war-correspondents
-to chronicle his achievements, so Boniface was accompanied by Rambaud
-de Vaqueiras, a troubadour from Provence, who afterwards
-boasted in one of the letters in verse which he addressed to his patron,
-that he “had helped him to conquer the Empire of the East and the
-Kingdom of Salonika, the island of Pelops and the Duchy of Athens.”
-Such were the men at whose head the Marquess of Montferrat marched
-through the classic vale of Tempe, the route of so many armies, into
-the great fertile plain of Thessaly.</p>
-
-<p>While the Crusaders are traversing the vale of Tempe, let us ask
-ourselves for a moment, who were the races, and what was the condition,
-of the country which they were about to enter? The question is
-important, for the answer to it will enable us to understand the ease
-with which a small body of Franks conquered, almost without opposition,
-nearly the whole of Greece. The bulk of the inhabitants were,
-of course, Greeks; for no one, except a few propagandists, now believes
-the theory, so confidently advanced by Professor Fallmerayer 90 years
-ago, according to which there is not a single drop of Hellenic blood
-in the Greek nation, but the Kingdom of Greece is inhabited by Slavs
-and Albanians. At the time of the Frankish conquest, the Slavonic
-elements in the population, the survivals of the Slavonic immigrations
-of the dark centuries, were confined to the mountain fastnesses of
-Arcadia and Laconia, where Taygetos was known as “the mountain
-of the Slavs.” The marvellous power of the Hellenic race for absorbing
-and hellenising foreign nationalities—a power like that of the Americans
-in our own day—had prevented the Peloponnese from becoming a
-Slav state, a Southern Serbia or Bulgaria, though such Slavonic names
-as Charvati near Mycenæ and Slavochorio still preserve the memory
-of the Slavonic settlements. As for the Albanians, they had not yet
-entered Greece; had they done so, the conquest would probably have
-been far less easy. Besides the Greeks and the Slavs, there were
-Wallachs in Thessaly, who extended as far south as Lamia, and who
-had bestowed upon the whole of that region the name, which we find
-employed by the Byzantine historian Niketas, of “Great Wallachia.”
-That the Wallachs are of Roman descent, scarcely admits of doubt;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span>
-at the present day the Roumanians claim them as their kinsmen; and
-the “Koutso”—or “lame,” Wallachs, so-called because they cannot
-pronounce <i>chinch</i> (or <i>cinque</i>) correctly, form one of the most thorny
-questions of contemporary diplomacy. The Jewish traveller, Benjamin
-of Tudela, who visited Greece about 40 years before the Frankish
-conquest, argued from their Scriptural names and from the fact that
-they called the Jews “brethren,” that they were connected with his own
-race. They showed, however, their “brotherly” love by merely robbing
-the Israelites, while they both robbed and murdered the Greeks.</p>
-
-<p>In the south-east of the Peloponnese were to be found the mysterious
-Tzakones, a race which now exists at Leonidi and the adjacent villages
-alone, but which then occupied a wider area. Opinions differ as to the
-origin of this tribe, which still retains a dialect quite distinct from that
-spoken anywhere else in Greek lands and which was noticed as a
-“barbarian” tongue by the Byzantine satirist, Mazaris, in the fifteenth
-century. But Dr Deffner of Athens, the greatest living authority on
-their language, of which he has written a grammar, regards them as
-the descendants of the ancient Laconians, their name as a corruption
-of the words Τοὺς Λάκωνας, and their speech as “new Doric.” Scattered
-about, wherever money was to be made by trade, were colonies of Jews.</p>
-
-<p>The rule of the Franks must have seemed to many Greeks a welcome
-relief from the financial oppression of the Byzantine Government.
-Greece was, at the date of the Conquest, afflicted by three terrible
-plagues: the tax collectors, the pirates, and the native tyrants. The
-Imperial Government did nothing for the provinces, but wasted the
-money which should have been spent on the defences of Greece, in
-extravagant ostentation at the capital. Byzantine officials, sent to
-Greece, regarded that classic land, in the phrase of Niketas, as an
-“utter hole,” an uncomfortable place of exile. The two Greek provinces
-were governed by one of these authorities, styled <i>prætor</i>, <i>protoprætor</i>,
-or “general,” whose headquarters were at Thebes. We have from the
-pen of Michael Akominatos, the last Metropolitan of Athens before
-the conquest and brother of the historian Niketas, a vivid account of
-the exactions of these personages. Theoretically, the city of Athens
-was a privileged community. A golden bull of the Emperor forbade
-the <i>prætor</i> to enter it with an armed force, so that the Athenians might
-be spared the annoyance and expense of having soldiers quartered
-upon them. Its regular contribution to the Imperial Exchequer was
-limited to a land-tax, and it was expected to send a golden wreath as
-a coronation offering to a new Emperor. But, in practice, these
-privileges were apt to be ignored. The indignant Metropolitan complains<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span>
-that the <i>prætor</i>, under the pretext of worshipping in the Church of
-“Our Lady of Athens,” as the Parthenon was then called, visited the
-city with a large retinue. He laments that one of these Imperial
-Governors had treated the city “more barbarously than Xerxes,” and
-that the leaves of the trees, nay almost every hair on the heads of the
-unfortunate Athenians, had been numbered. The authority of the
-<i>prætor</i>, he says, is like Medea in the legend; just as she scattered her
-poisons over Thessaly, so it scatters injustice over Greece—a classical
-simile, which had its justification in the hard fact, that it had long been
-the custom of the Byzantine Empire to pay the Governors of the
-European provinces no salaries, but to make their office self-supporting,
-a practice still followed by the Turkish Government. The Byzantine
-Government, too, following a policy similar to that which cost our
-King Charles I his throne, levied ship-money, really for the purpose
-of its own coffers, nominally for the suppression of piracy.</p>
-
-<p>Piracy was then, as so often, the curse of the islands and the deeply
-indented coast of Greece. We learn from the English Chronicle ascribed
-to Benedict of Peterborough, which gives a graphic account of Greece
-as it was in 1191, that many of the islands were uninhabited from fear
-of pirates, and that others were their chosen lairs. Cephalonia and
-Ithake, which now appears under its mediæval name of Val di Compare—first
-used, so far as I know by the Genoese historian, Caffaro, in the
-first half of the twelfth century—had a specially evil reputation, and
-bold was the sailor who dared venture through the channel between
-them. Near Athens, the island of Ægina was a stronghold of corsairs,
-who injured the property of the Athenian Church, and dangerously
-wounded the nephew of the Metropolitan. Yet the remedy for piracy
-was almost worse than the disease. Well might the anxious Metropolitan
-tell the Lord High Admiral, that the Athenians regarded their proximity
-to the sea as the greatest of their misfortunes.</p>
-
-<p>Besides the Byzantine officials and the pirates, the Greeks had a
-third set of tormentors in the shape of a brood of native tyrants, whose
-feuds divided city against city and divided communities into rival
-parties. Even where the Emperor had been nominally sovereign, the
-real power was in the hands of local magnates, who had revived, on
-the eve of the Frankish conquest, the petty tyrannies of ancient Greece.
-Under the dynasty of the Comneni, who imitated and introduced the
-ways of Western chivalry, feudalism had already made considerable
-inroads into the East. At the time of the Fourth Crusade, local families
-were in possession of large tracts of territory which they governed
-almost like independent princes. Of all these <i>archontes</i>, as they were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span>
-called, the most powerful was Leon Sgouros, hereditary lord of Nauplia,
-who had extended his sway over Argos “of the goodly steeds,” and had
-seized the city and fortress of Corinth, proudly styling himself by a
-high-sounding Byzantine title, and placing his fortunes under the
-protection of St Theodore the Warrior. The manners of these local
-magnates were no less savage than those of the Western barons of the
-same period. Thus, Sgouros on one occasion invited the Archbishop
-of Corinth to dinner, and then put out the eyes of his guest, and hurled
-him over the rocks of the citadel. The contemporary historian Niketas
-has painted in the darkest colours the character of the Greek <i>archontes</i>,
-upon whom he lays the chief responsibility for the evils which befell
-their country. He speaks of them as “inflamed by ambition against
-their own fatherland, slavish men, spoiled by luxury, who made themselves
-tyrants, instead of fighting the Latins.” The Emperor and
-historian, John Cantacuzene, gives much the same description of their
-descendants a century and a half later.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the condition of Greece, when Boniface and his army
-emerged from the vale of Tempe and marched across the plain of
-Thessaly to Larissa. He bestowed that ancient city upon a Lombard
-noble, who henceforth styled himself Guglielmo de Larsa from the
-name of his fief. Velestino, the ancient Pheræ, the scene of the legend
-of Admetos and Alcestis, and the site of the modern battle, fell to the
-share of Berthold von Katzenellenbogen, whose name must have proved
-a stumbling-block to his Thessalian vassals. The army then took the
-usual route by way of Pharsala and Domoko—names familiar alike
-in the ancient and modern history of Greek warfare—down to Lamia
-and thence across the Trachinian plain to Thermopylæ, where Sgouros
-was awaiting it. But the memories of Leonidas failed to inspire the
-<i>archon</i> of Nauplia to follow his example. Niketas tells us that the mere
-sight of the Latin knights in their coats of mail sufficed to make him
-flee straight to his own fastness of Akrocorinth, leaving the pass undefended.
-Conscious of its strength—for Thermopylæ must have been
-far more of a defile then than now—Boniface resolved to secure it
-permanently against attack. He therefore invested the Marquess Guido
-Pallavicini, nicknamed by the Greeks “Marchesopoulo,” with the fief
-of Boudonitza, which commanded the other end of the pass. Thus
-arose the famous Marquisate of Boudonitza, which was destined to
-play an important part in the Frankish history of Greece, and which,
-after a continuous existence of over two centuries, as guardian of the
-Northern marches, has left a memory of its fallen greatness in the ruins
-of the castle and chapel of its former lords, of whose descendants, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span>
-Zorzi of Venice, there are still living—so Mr Horatio Brown informs
-me—some thirty representatives in that city. Following the present
-carriage-road from Lamia to the Corinthian Gulf, Boniface established
-another defensive post at the pass of Gravia, so famous centuries afterwards
-in the War of Independence, conferring it as a fief on the two
-brothers Jacques and Nicholas de St Omer. At the foot of Parnassos,
-on the site of the ancient Amphissa, he next founded the celebrated
-barony of Salona, which lasted almost as long as the Marquisate of
-Boudonitza. Upon the almost Cyclopean stones of the classic Akropolis
-of Amphissa, which Philip of Macedon had destroyed fifteen centuries
-before, Thomas de Stromoncourt built himself the fortress, of which
-the majestic ruins—perhaps the finest Frankish remains in Greece—still
-stand among the cornfields on the hill above the modern town.
-According to the local tradition, the name of Salona, which the place
-still bears in common parlance, despite the usual official efforts to revive
-the classical terminology, is derived from the King of Salonika, its
-second founder. The lord of Salona soon extended his sway down to
-the harbour of Galaxidi, and the barony became so important that two
-at least of the house of Stromoncourt struck coins of their own, which
-are still preserved.</p>
-
-<p>Boniface next marched into Bœotia, where the people, glad to be
-relieved from the oppression of Sgouros, at once submitted. Thebes
-joyfully opened her gates, and then the invaders pursued their way to
-Athens. The Metropolitan thought it useless to defend the city, and a
-Frankish guard was soon stationed on the Akropolis. The Crusaders
-had no respect for the great Cathedral. To these soldiers of fortune the
-classic glories of the Parthenon appealed as little as the sanctity of the
-Orthodox Church. The rich treasury of the Cathedral was plundered,
-the holy vessels were melted down, the library which the Metropolitan
-had collected was dispersed. Unable to bear the sight, Akominatos
-quitted the scene where he had laboured so long, and, after wandering
-about for a time, finally settled down in the island of Keos, whence he
-could at least see the coast of Attica.</p>
-
-<p>Thebes with Bœotia and Athens with Attica and the Megarid were
-bestowed by the King of Salonika upon his trusty comrade in arms, Othon
-de la Roche, who had rendered him a valuable service by assisting to
-settle a serious dispute between him and the Emperor Baldwin, and
-who afterwards negotiated the marriage between Boniface’s daughter
-and Baldwin’s brother and successor. Thus, in the words of a monkish
-chronicler, “Othon de la Roche, son of a certain Burgundian noble,
-became, as by a miracle, Duke of the Athenians and Thebans.” The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span>
-chronicler was only wrong in the title which he attributed to the lucky
-Frenchman, who had thus succeeded to the glories of the heroes and
-sages of Athens. Othon modestly styled himself <i>Sire d’Athènes</i>, or
-<i>Dominus Athenarum</i> in official documents, which his Greek subjects
-magnified into “the Great Lord” (Μέγας κύρ), and Dante, who had
-probably heard that such had been the title of the first Frankish ruler
-of Athens, transferred it by a poetic anachronism to Peisistratos. Half
-a century after the conquest, Othon’s nephew and successor, Guy I,
-received, at his request, the title of Duke from Louis IX of France—and
-Shakespeare in <i>A Midsummer Night’s Dream</i> and Chaucer in <i>The Knight’s
-Tale</i> have by a similar anachronism conferred the ducal title of the De
-la Roche upon Theseus, the legendary founder of Athens. Contemporary
-accounts make no mention of any resistance to the Lord of Athens on
-the part of the Greeks. Later Venetian authors, however, actuated
-perhaps by patriotic bias, propagated a story, that the Athenians sent
-an embassy to offer their city to Venice, but that their scheme was
-frustrated “not without bloodshed by the men of Champagne under
-the Lord de la Roche.”</p>
-
-<p>We naturally ask ourselves what was the appearance and condition
-of the most famous city of the ancient world at the time of Othon’s
-accession, and the voluminous writings of the eminent man who was
-Metropolitan at that moment, which have been published by Professor
-Lampros of Athens, throw a flood of light upon the Athens of the
-beginning of the thirteenth century. The only Athenian manufactures
-were soap and the weaving of monkish habits, but the ships of the
-Piræus still took part in the purple-fishing off the lonely island of
-Gyaros, the Botany Bay of the Roman Empire. There was still some
-trade at the Piræus, for the Byzantine Admiral had found vessels
-there. It was then guarded by the huge lion, now in front of the
-arsenal at Venice, which gave the harbour its mediæval name of Porto
-Leone, and on which Harold Hardrada, afterwards slain at Stamford
-Bridge, had scratched his name nearly two centuries before. We may
-infer, too, from the mention of Athens in the commercial treaties
-between Venice and the Byzantine Empire that the astute Republicans
-saw some prospect of making money there. But the “thin soil” of Attica
-was as unproductive as in the days of Thucydides, and yielded nothing
-but oil, honey, and wine, the last strongly flavoured with resin, as it
-still is, so that the Metropolitan could write to a friend that it “seems
-to be pressed from the juice of the pine rather than from that of the
-grape.” The harvest was always meagre, and famines were common.
-Even ordinary necessaries were not always obtainable. Akominatos<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span>
-could not find a decent carriage-builder in the place; and, in his despair
-at the absence of blacksmiths and workers in iron, he was constrained
-to apply to Athens the words of Jeremiah: “the bellows are burnt.”
-Emigration, still the curse of Greece, was draining off the able-bodied
-poor, so that the population had greatly diminished, and the city
-threatened to become what Aristophanes had called “a Scythian
-wilderness.”</p>
-
-<p>Externally, the visitor to the Athens of that day, must have been
-struck by the marked contrast between the splendid monuments of
-the classic age and the squalid surroundings of the mediæval town.
-The walls were lying in ruins, the houses of the emigrants had been
-pulled down, the streets, where once the sages of antiquity had walked,
-were now desolate. But the hand of the invader and the tooth of time
-had, on the whole, dealt gently with the Athenian monuments. The
-Parthenon, converted long before into the Cathedral of Our Lady of
-Athens, was almost as little damaged, as if it had only just been built.
-The metopes, the pediments, and the frieze were still intact, and
-remained so when, more than two centuries later, Cyriacus of Ancona,
-the first archæologist who had ever visited Athens during the Frankish
-period, drew his sketch of the Parthenon, which is still preserved in
-Berlin and of which a copy by Sangallo may be seen in the Vatican
-library. On the walls were the frescoes, traces of which are still visible,
-executed by order of the Emperor Basil II, “the slayer of the Bulgarians,”
-nearly two centuries earlier. Over the altar was a golden
-dove, representing the Holy Ghost, and ever flying with perpetual
-motion. In the cathedral, too, was an ever-burning lamp, fed by oil
-that never failed, which was the marvel of the pilgrims. So widespread
-was the fame of the Athenian Minster, that the great folk of
-Constantinople, in spite of their supercilious contempt for the provinces
-and their dislike of travel, came to do obeisance there. Of the other
-ancient buildings on the sacred rock, the graceful temple of Nike Apteros
-had been turned into a chapel; the Erechtheion had become a church
-of the Saviour, or a chapel of the Virgin, while the episcopal residence,
-which is known to have then been on the Akropolis, was probably in
-the Propylæa. The whole Akropolis had for centuries been made into a
-fortress, the only defence which Athens then possessed, strong enough
-to have resisted the attack of a Greek magnate like Sgouros, but
-incapable of repulsing a Latin army. Already strange legends and
-new names had begun to grow round some of the classical monuments.
-The Choragic monument of Lysikrates was already popularly known
-as “the lantern of Demosthenes,” its usual designation during the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span>
-Turkish domination, when it became the Capuchin Convent, serving
-in 1811 as a study to Lord Byron, who from within its walls launched
-his bitter poem against the filcher of the Elgin marbles. But, even at
-the beginning of the thirteenth century, many of the ancient names
-of places lingered in the mouths of the people. The classically cultured
-Metropolitan was gratified as a good Philhellene, to hear that the
-Piræus and Hymettos, Eleusis and Marathon, the Areopagos and
-Kallirrhoe, Salamis and Ægina were still called by names, which the
-contemporaries of Perikles had used, even though the Areopagos was
-nothing but a bare rock, the plain of Marathon yielded no corn, and
-the “beautifully-flowing” fountain had ceased to flow. But new,
-uncouth names were beginning to creep in; thus, the partition treaty
-of 1204 describes Salamis as “Culuris” (or, “the lizard”), a vulgar
-name, derived from the shape of the island, which I have heard used
-in Attica at the present day.</p>
-
-<p>Of the intellectual condition of Athens we should form but a low
-estimate, if we judged entirely from the lamentations of the elegant
-Byzantine scholar whom fate had made its Metropolitan. Akominatos
-had found that his tropes, and fine periods, and classical allusions were
-far over the heads of the Athenians who came to hear him, and who
-talked in his cathedral, even though that cathedral was the Parthenon.
-He wrote that his long residence in Greece had made him a barbarian.
-Yet he was able to add to his store of manuscripts in this small provincial
-town. Moreover, there is some evidence to prove that, even at this
-period, Athens was a place of study, whither Georgians from the East
-and English from the West came to obtain a liberal education. Matthew
-Paris tells us of Master John of Basingstoke, Archdeacon of Leicester
-in the reign of Henry III, who used often to say, that whatever scientific
-knowledge he possessed had been acquired from the youthful daughter
-of the Archbishop of Athens. This young lady could forecast the advent
-of pestilences, thunderstorms, eclipses, and earthquakes. From learned
-Greeks at Athens Master John professed to have heard some things of
-which the Latins had no knowledge; he found there the testaments
-of the twelve Patriarchs, and he brought back to England the Greek
-numerals and many books, including a Greek grammar which had been
-compiled for him at Athens. The same author tells us, too, of “certain
-Greek philosophers”—that is, in mediæval Greek parlance, monks—who
-came from Athens at this very time to the Court of King John,
-and disputed about nice sharp quillets of theology with English divines.
-It is stated, also, though on indifferent authority, as Mr F. C. Conybeare
-of Oxford kindly informs me, that the Georgian poet, Chota Roustavéli,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span>
-and other Georgians spent several years at Athens on the eve of the
-Frankish conquest.</p>
-
-<p>Othon de la Roche showed his gratitude to his benefactor, the King
-of Salonika, by accompanying him in his attack upon the strongholds
-of Sgouros in the Peloponnese. The Franks routed the Greek army
-at the Isthmus of Corinth, and while Othon laid siege to the noble castle
-above that town, Boniface proceeded to the attack on Nauplia. There
-he was joined by a man, who was destined to be the conqueror and
-ruler of the peninsula.</p>
-
-<p>It chanced that, a little before the capture of Constantinople,
-Geoffroy de Villehardouin, nephew of the quaint chronicler of the Fourth
-Crusade, had set out on a pilgrimage to Palestine. On his arrival in
-Syria, he heard of the great achievements of the Crusaders, and resolved
-without loss of time to join them. But his ship was driven out of its
-course by a violent storm, and Geoffroy was forced to take shelter in
-the harbour of Methone on the coast of Messenia. During the winter
-of 1204, which he spent at that spot, he received an invitation from a
-local magnate to join him in an attack on the lands of the neighbouring
-Greeks. Villehardouin, nothing loth, placed his sword at the disposal
-of the Greek traitor, and success crowned the arms of these unnatural
-allies. But the Greek <i>archon</i> died, and his son, more patriotic or more
-prudent than his father, repudiated the dangerous alliance with the
-Frankish stranger. But it was too late. Villehardouin had discovered
-the fatal secret, that the Greeks of the Peloponnese were an unwarlike
-race, whose land would fall an easy conquest to a resolute band of
-Latins. At this moment, tidings reached him that Boniface was besieging
-Nauplia. He at once set out on a six days’ journey across a
-hostile country to seek his aid. In the camp he found his old friend
-and fellow-countryman, Guillaume de Champlitte, who was willing to
-assist him. He described to Champlitte the richness of the land which
-men called “the Morea”—a term which now occurs for the first time
-in history, and which seems to have been originally applied to the
-coast of Elis and thence extended to the whole peninsula, just as the
-name Italy, originally a part of Calabria, has similarly spread over the
-whole of that country. He professed his readiness to recognise Champlitte
-as his liege lord in return for his aid, and Boniface consented, after
-some hesitation, to their undertaking. With a hundred knights and
-some men-at-arms, the two friends rode out from the camp before
-Nauplia to conquer the peninsula.</p>
-
-<p>The conquest of the Morea has been compared with that of England
-by the Normans. In both cases a single pitched battle decided the fate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span>
-of the country, but in the Morea, the conquerors did not, as in England,
-amalgamate with the conquered. The Hastings of the Peloponnese was
-fought in the olive-grove of Koundoura, in the North-East of Messenia,
-and the little Frankish force of between 500 and 700 men easily routed
-the over-confident Greeks, aided by the Slavs of Taygetos, who altogether
-numbered from 4000 to 6000. After this, one place after another fell
-into the hands of the Franks, who showed towards the conquered that
-tact which we believe to be one of the chief causes of our own success
-in dealing with subject races. Provided that their religion was respected,
-the Greeks were not unwilling to accept the Franks as their masters,
-and on this point the conquerors, who were not bigots, made no
-difficulties. By the year 1212, the whole of the peninsula was Frankish,
-except where the Greek flag still waved over the impregnable rock of
-Monemvasia, the St Michael’s Mount of Greece, and where at the two
-stations of Methone and Korone in Messenia Venice had raised the
-lion-banner of St Mark. Insignificant as they are now, those twin
-colonies were of great value to the Venetian traders, and there is a
-whole literature about them in the Venetian Archives. All the galleys
-stopped there on the way to Syria and Crete; pilgrims to the Holy
-Land found a welcome there in “the German house,” founded by the
-Teutonic Knights, and as late as 1532 there was a Christian Governor
-at Korone. The population was then removed to Sicily, and of those
-exiles the present Albanian monks of Grottaferrata are the descendants.</p>
-
-<p>I have now described the conquest of the mainland; it remains to
-speak of the islands, which had mostly been allotted to Venice by the
-treaty of partition. But the shrewd Government saw that its resources
-could not stand the strain of conquering and administering the large
-group of the Cyclades. It was, therefore, decided to leave to private
-citizens the task of occupying them. There was no lack of enterprise
-among the Venetians of that day, and on the bench of the Consular
-Court, as we should now call it, at Constantinople, sat the very man for
-such an enterprise—Marco Sanudo, nephew of “the old Doge Dandolo.”
-Sanudo descended from the bench, gathered round him a band of
-adventurous spirits, equipped eight galleys and was soon master of
-seventeen islands, some of which he distributed as fiefs to his comrades.
-Naxos alone offered any real resistance, and, in 1207, the conqueror
-founded the Duchy of “the Dodekannesos” (or “Twelve Islands,” as
-the Byzantines called it), which soon received the title of the “Duchy
-of Naxos,” or “of the Archipelago”—a corruption of the name “Ægeopelagos,”
-which occurs as early as a Venetian document of 1268. This
-delectable Duchy lasted, first under the Sanudi, and then under the Crispi,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span>
-till 1566, while the Gozzadini of Bologna held seven of the islands down to
-1617, and Tenos remained in Venetian hands till it was finally taken in
-1715 and ceded to the Turks by the peace of Passarovitz in 1718. For
-persons so important as the Dukes it was necessary to invent a truly
-Roman genealogy; accordingly, the Paduan biographer, Zabarella, makes
-the Sanudi descend from the historian Livy, while the Crispi, not to be
-beaten, claimed Sallust as their ancestor, and may, perhaps, be regarded
-as the forbears of the late Italian Prime Minister, Francesco Crispi.</p>
-
-<p>The two great islands of Crete and Eubœa had very different
-fortunes. Crete, as we saw, was sold by Boniface to the Venetians,
-and remained a Venetian colony for nearly five centuries. Eubœa,
-or Negroponte, as it was called in the Middle Ages, was divided by
-Boniface into three large baronies, which were assigned to three
-Lombard nobles from Verona, who styled themselves the <i>terciers</i>,
-or <i>terzieri</i>. We have no English equivalent for the word; perhaps,
-borrowing a hint from Shakespeare, we may call them “the three
-Gentlemen of Verona.” But Venice soon established a colony, governed
-by a bailie, at Chalkis, the capital of the island, and the subsequent
-history of Negroponte shows the gradual extension of Venetian influence
-over the Lombards.</p>
-
-<p>The seven Ionian Islands naturally fall into three divisions. Kythera
-(or Cerigo) in the far South; the centred group, consisting of Zante,
-Cephalonia, Ithake, and Levkas (or Santa Maura); and Corfù and
-Paxo in the North. Of these divisions, the first fell to the share of a
-scion of the great Venetian family of Venier—a family which traced
-its name and descent from Venus, and naturally claimed the island,
-where she had risen from the sea. Zante, Cephalonia and Ithake had
-a very curious history—a history long obscure, but now well ascertained.
-They belonged to Count Maio (or Matteo) Orsini, a member of the
-great Roman family, who came, as the Spanish Chronicle of the Morea
-informs us, from Monopoli in Apulia. This bold adventurer, half-pirate,
-half-crusader,—a not unusual combination in those days—thus succeeded
-to the realm of Odysseus, which was thenceforth known, from
-his title, as the County Palatine of Cephalonia. Corfù with its appendage
-of Paxo, was at first assigned to ten nobles of the Republic in return
-for an annual payment. But, ere long, those two islands, together
-with Levkas, which is scarcely an island at all, were included in the
-dominions of a Greek prince, the bastard Michael Angelos, who had
-slipped away from the camp of Boniface, and had established himself,
-by an opportune marriage with the widow of the late Byzantine
-governor, as independent Greek sovereign of Epeiros. His wife was a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span>
-native of the country; his father had been its governor; he thus appealed
-to the national feelings of the natives, whose mountainous country
-has in all ages defied the attacks of invading armies. A man of great
-vigour, he soon extended his sway from his capital of Arta to Durazzo
-in the North, and to the Corinthian Gulf in the South, and his dominions,
-known as the principality, or Despotat of Epeiros, served as the rallying
-point of Hellenism—the only portion of Greece, except Monemvasia,
-which still remained Greek.</p>
-
-<p>I would fain have said something of the inner life of Frankish
-Greece—of its society, of its literature, and of the great influence which
-women exercised in its affairs. But for these subjects there is no time
-left. I would only add, in conclusion, that the Frankish conquest of
-Greece affords the clue to one of the vexed problems of modern literature—the
-second part of Goethe’s <i>Faust</i>, which an American scholar,
-Dr Schmitt, has shown to have been inspired by the account given in
-the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>, a work which was first printed by Buchon
-in 1825, at the time when Goethe was engaged on that part of his
-famous tragedy. Its origin is obvious from the following lines, which
-he puts into the mouth of his hero:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-  <div class="stanza">
-    <div class="verse indent0">I hail you Dukes, as forth ye sally</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Beneath the rule of Sparta’s Queen<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>!</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Thine, German, be the hand that forges</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Defence for Corinth and her bays:</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Achaia, with its hundred gorges,</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">I give thee, Goth, to hold and raise.</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Towards Elis, Franks, direct your motion;</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Messene be the Saxon’s state:</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">The Norman claim and sweep the Ocean,</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">And Argolis again make great.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<h3 id="heading2">2. FRANKISH SOCIETY IN GREECE</h3>
-
-<p>We saw in the last essay, how at the beginning of the thirteenth
-century a small body of Franks conquered nearly the whole of Greece,
-and how, as the result of their conquests, a group of Latin states sprang
-into existence in that country—the Duchies of Athens and of the Archipelago,
-the principality of Achaia, the County Palatine of Cephalonia,
-the three baronies of Eubœa, and the Venetian colony of Crete, while
-at two points alone—in the mountains of Epeiros and on the isolated
-rock of Monemvasia, so well-known to our ancestors as the place whence
-they obtained their Malmsey wine—the Greek flag still waved. In the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span>
-present essay, I would give some account of Frankish organisation,
-political and ecclesiastical, of Frankish society, and of Frankish literature.</p>
-
-<p>The usual tendency of the desperately logical Latin intellect, when
-brought face to face with a new set of political conditions, is to frame
-a paper constitution, absolutely perfect in theory, and absolutely
-unworkable in practice. But the French noblemen whom an extraordinary
-accident had converted into Spartan and Athenian law-givers,
-resisted this temptation, nor did they seek inspiration from the laws of
-Solon and Lycurgus. They fortunately possessed a model, the <i>Assizes
-of Jerusalem</i> which had been drawn up a century before for that Kingdom,
-and which, under the name of the <i>Book of the Customs of the
-Empire of Romania</i>—a work still preserved in a Venetian version of
-1452 drawn up for the island of Eubœa—was applied to all the Frankish
-states in Greece. This feudal constitution, barbarous as it may seem
-to our modern ideas, seems to have worked well; at any rate, it was tried
-by the best test, that of experience, and lasted, with one small amendment,
-for 250 years. In Achaia, about which we have most information,
-a commission was appointed, consisting of two Latin bishops, two
-bannerets, and five leading Greeks, under the presidency of Geoffroy
-de Villehardouin, for the purpose of dividing the Morea into fiefs and
-of assigning these to the members of the conquering force according
-to their wealth and the numbers of their followers, and the book, or
-“register” as the Chronicler calls it, containing the report of this
-commission, was then laid before a Parliament, held at Andravida, or
-Andreville, in Elis, now a small village which the traveller passes in
-the train between Patras and Olympia, but then the capital of the
-principality of Achaia.</p>
-
-<p>According to this Achaian Doomsday-book, twelve baronies, whose
-number recalls the twelve peers of Charlemagne, were created, their
-holders, with the other lieges, forming a High Court, which not only
-advised the Prince in political matters but acted as a judicial tribunal
-for the decision of feudal questions. In the creation of these twelve
-baronies due regard was paid to the fact that the Franks were a military
-colony in the midst of an alien, and possibly hostile, population, spread
-over a country possessing remarkable strategic positions. Later on,
-after the distribution of the baronies, strong castles were erected in
-each upon some natural coign of vantage, from which the baron could
-overawe the surrounding country. The main object of this system
-may be seen from the name of the famous Arcadian fortress of Matagrifon,
-a name given also to our Richard I’s castle at Messina<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>, (“Kill-Greek,”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span>
-the Greeks being usually called <i>Grifon</i> by the French
-chroniclers), built near the modern Demetsana by the baron of Akova,
-Gautier de Rozières, to protect the rich valley of the Alpheios. The
-splendid remains of the castle of Karytaina, the Greek Toledo, which
-dominates the gorge of that classic river, which the Franks called
-<i>Charbon</i>, still mark the spot where Hugues de Bruyères and his son
-Geoffroy built a stronghold out of the ruins of the Hellenic Brenthe
-to terrify the Slavs of Skorta, the ancient Gortys and the home of the
-late Greek Prime Minister, Delyannes. The special importance of these
-two baronies was demonstrated by the bestowal of 24 knights’ fees
-upon the former and of 22 upon the latter. The castle-crowned hill
-of Passavâ, so-called, not, as Fallmerayer imagined, from a Slavonic
-Passau, but from the French war-cry <i>Passe Avant</i>, still reminds us
-how Jean de Neuilly, hereditary marshal of Achaia and holder of four
-fiefs, once watched the restless men of Maina; and, if earthquakes
-have left no mediæval buildings at Vostitza, the classic Aigion, where
-Hugues de Lille de Charpigny received eight knights’ fees, his family
-name still survives in the village of Kerpine, now a station on the
-funicular railway between Diakophto and Kalavryta. At Kalavryta
-itself Othon de Tournay, and at Chalandritza to the south of Patras
-Audebert de la Trémouille, scion of a family famous in the history of
-France, were established, with twelve and four fiefs respectively.
-Veligosti near Megalopolis with four fell to the share of the Belgian
-Matthieu de Valaincourt de Mons, and Nikli near Tegea with six to that
-of Guillaume de Morlay. Guy de Nivelet kept the Tzakones of Leonidi
-in check and watched the plain of Lakonia from his barony of Geraki
-with its six fiefs—a castle which has been surveyed by the British School
-at Athens—and Gritzena, entrusted to a baron named Luke with four
-fiefs depending on it guarded the ravines of the mountainous region
-round Kalamata. Patras became the barony of Guillaume Aleman, a
-member of a Provençal family still existing at Corfù, and the bold
-baron did not scruple to build his castle out of the house and church
-of the Latin Archbishop. Finally, the dozen was completed by the
-fiefs of Kalamata and Kyparissia (or Arkadia, as it was called in the
-Middle Ages, when what we call Arcadia was known as Mesarea) which
-became the barony of Geoffroy de Villehardouin. In addition to these
-twelve temporal peers there were seven ecclesiastical barons, whose
-sees were carved out on the lines of the existing Greek organisation,
-and of whom Antelme of Clugny, Latin Archbishop of Patras and
-Primate of Achaia was the chief. The Archbishop received eight
-knights’ fees, the bishops four a piece, and the same number was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span>
-assigned to each of the three great Military Orders of the Teutonic
-Knights, the Knights of St John, and the Templars. When, a century
-later, the Templars were dissolved, their possessions went to the Knights
-of St John. In Elis was the domain of the Prince, and his usual residence,
-when he was not at Andravida, was at Lacedæmonia, or La Crémonie,
-as the Franks called it.</p>
-
-<p>After the distribution of the baronies came the assignment of
-military service. All vassals were liable to render four months’ service
-in the field, and to spend four months in garrison (from which the
-prelates and the three Military Orders were alone exempted), and
-even during the remaining four months, which they could pass at
-home, they were expected to hold themselves ready to obey the summons
-of the Prince. After the age of 60, personal service was no longer
-required; but the vassal must send his son, or, if he had no son, some
-one else in his stead. Thus the Franks were on a constant war footing;
-their whole organisation was military—a fact which explains the ease
-with which they held down the unwarlike Greeks, so many times their
-superiors in numbers. This military organisation had, however, as the
-eminent modern Greek historian Paparregopoulos has pointed out, the
-effect of making the Greeks, too, imbibe in course of time something of
-the spirit of their conquerors. It is thus that we may explain the extraordinary
-contrast between the tameness with which the Greeks accepted
-the Frankish domination, and their frequent rebellions against that
-of the Turks. All over the Levant and even in Italy the Frankish
-chivalry of Achaia became famous. They fought against the luckless
-Conradin at Tagliacozzo, and the ruse, which won that battle and which
-Dante has ascribed to Erard de Valéry, is attributed by the <i>Chronicle
-of the Morea</i> to Prince William of Achaia. Round the Prince there grew
-up a hierarchy of great officials with high-sounding titles, to which
-the Greeks had no difficulty in fitting Byzantine equivalents. The
-Prince himself bore a sceptre, as the symbol of his office, when he
-presided over the sessions of the High Court.</p>
-
-<p>We learn from the <i>Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania</i>
-something about the way in which the feudal system worked in the
-principality of Achaia. Society was there composed of six main
-elements—the Prince, the holders of the twelve great baronies, the
-greater and lesser vassals (among whom were some Greeks), the freemen,
-and the serfs. The Prince and his twelve peers alone had the power of
-inflicting capital punishment; but even the Prince could not punish
-any of the barons without the consent of the greater vassals. If he
-were taken prisoner in battle, he could call upon his vassals to become<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span>
-hostages in his place, until he had raised the amount of his ransom.
-No one, except the twelve peers, was allowed to build a castle in
-Achaia without his permission, and without it any vassal, who left
-the country and stayed abroad, was liable to lose his fief. Leave of
-absence was, however, never refused if the vassal wished to claim the
-succession to a fief abroad, to contract a marriage, or to make a pilgrimage
-to the Holy Sepulchre, or to the Churches of St Peter and St Paul in
-Rome or to that of St James at Compostella. But in such cases the
-vassals must return within two years and two days. The vassals were
-of two classes, the greater (or <i>ligii</i>) and the lesser (or <i>homines plani
-homagii</i>), who took no part in the Council of the Prince. A liege could
-not sell his fief without the Prince’s consent; but if the liege were a
-widow—for the Salic Law did not obtain in Frankish Greece, and ladies
-often held important fiefs—she might marry whom she pleased, except
-only an enemy of the Prince. When a fief fell vacant, the successor must
-needs appear to advance his claim within a year and a day if he were
-in Achaia, within two years and two days if he were abroad. It was
-the tricky application of this rule which led to the succession of Geoffroy
-de Villehardouin to the throne of Achaia. Champlitte had been summoned
-away to claim a fief in France, and had requested his trusted
-comrade in arms to act as his viceroy till he had sent a relative to take
-his place. When the news reached the Morea that a young cousin of
-Champlitte was on his way, Geoffroy resolved to use artifice in order
-to prevent his arrival in time. He accordingly begged the Doge to
-assist him, and the latter, who had excellent reasons for remaining on
-good terms with him, managed to entertain his passing guest at Venice
-for more than two months. When, at last, young Robert de Champlitte
-put to sea, the ship’s captain received orders to leave him ashore at
-Corfù, and it was with difficulty that he managed to obtain a passage
-from there to the Morea. When he landed there he had, however, a
-few days still in hand; but the crafty Villehardouin managed by
-marching rapidly from one place to another to avoid meeting him till
-the full term prescribed by the feudal pact had expired. He was then
-informed that he had forfeited the principality, which thus fell to
-Villehardouin by a legal quibble. The pious did not, however, forget
-to point out later on, that the crime of the founder of the dynasty was
-visited upon his family to the third and fourth generation, as we shall
-see in the sequel.</p>
-
-<p>There was a great difference between feudal society in Achaia and
-in the Duchy of Athens. While in the principality the Prince was merely
-<i>primus inter pares</i>, at Athens the “Great Lord” had at the most one<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span>
-exalted noble, the head of the great house of St Omer, near his throne.
-It is obvious from the silence of all the authorities, that the Burgundians
-who settled with Othon de la Roche in his Greek dominions were men of
-inferior social position to himself—a fact further demonstrated by the
-comparative lack in Attica and Bœotia of those baronial castles, so
-common in the Morea. Indeed, it is probable that, in one respect, the
-Court of Athens under the De la Roche resembled the Court of the late
-King George, namely, that there was no one, except the members
-of his own family, with whom the ruler could associate on equal terms.
-But in Frankish, as in modern Athens, the family of the sovereign was
-soon numerous enough to form a coterie of its own. The news of their
-relative’s astounding fortune attracted to Attica several members of
-his clan from their home in Burgundy; they doubtless received their
-share of the good things, which had fallen to Othon; one nephew divided
-with his uncle the lordship of Thebes, another more distant kinsman
-became commander of the castle of Athens. Other Burgundians will
-doubtless have followed in their wake, for in the thirteenth century
-Greece, or “New France,” as Pope Honorius III called it, was to the
-younger sons of French noble houses what the British colonies were
-fifty years ago to impecunious but energetic Englishmen. The elder
-Sanudo, who derived his information from his relatives, the Dukes
-of Naxos, specially tells us that this was the case at the Achaian Court.
-He says of Geoffroy II of Achaia, that “he possessed a broad domain
-and great riches; he was wont to send his most confidential advisers
-from time to time to the Courts of his vassals, to see how they lived,
-and how they treated their subjects. At his own Court he constantly
-maintained 80 knights with golden spurs, to whom he gave their pay
-and all that they required; so knights came from France, from Burgundy,
-and above all from Champagne. Some came to amuse themselves, others
-to pay their debts; others because of crimes which they had committed
-at home.”</p>
-
-<p>There was another marked distinction between Attica and the
-Morea. Niketas mentions no great local magnates as settled at Athens
-or Thebes in the last days of the Byzantine domination, nor do we hear
-of such during the whole century of Burgundian rule. Thus, whereas
-Crete, Negroponte, and the Morea still retained old native families,
-which in Crete headed insurrections, in Negroponte showed a tendency
-to emigrate, and in the Morea held fiefs and even occasionally, as in
-the case of the Sgouromallaioi, intermarried with the Franks, who
-usually, as Muntaner tells us, took their wives from France and despised
-marriages with Greeks even of high degree, Athens contained no such<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span>
-native aristocracy. It is only towards the close of the fourteenth
-century that we hear of any Greeks prominent there, and then they
-are not nobles, but notaries. Only in the last two generations of Latin
-rule, is there a national party at Athens, in which the famous family
-of Chalkokondyles, which produced the last Athenian historian, was
-prominent. The Greeks of Attica were, therefore, mostly peasants,
-whose lot was much the same as it was all over the feudal world, namely
-that of serfdom. We have examples, too, of actual slavery at Athens,
-even in the last decades of the Latin domination.</p>
-
-<p>Othon’s dominions were large, if measured by the small standard of
-classical Greece. Burgundian Athens embraced Attica, Bœotia, the
-Megarid, the ancient Opuntian Lokris, and the fortresses of Nauplia
-and Argos, which the “Great Lord” had received as a fief from the
-principality of Achaia in return for his services at the time of their
-capture. Thus situated, the Athenian state had a considerable coast-line
-and at least four ports—the Piræus, Nauplia, the harbour of
-Atalante opposite Eubœa, and Livadostro, or Rive d’Ostre, as the
-Franks called it, on the Gulf of Corinth—the usual port of embarkation
-for the West. Yet the Burgundian rulers of Athens made little attempt
-to create a navy, confining themselves to a little amateur piracy.
-Venice was most jealous of any other Latin state, which showed any
-desire to rival her as a maritime power in the Levant, and in a treaty
-concluded in 1319 between the Republic and the Catalans, who then
-held the Duchy of Athens, it was expressly provided that they should
-launch no new ships in “the sea of Athens” and should dismantle
-those already afloat and place their tackle in the Akropolis.</p>
-
-<p>We are not told where the first Frankish ruler of Athens resided, but
-there can be no doubt that, like his immediate successors, he fixed his
-capital at Thebes—for it was not till the time of the Florentine Dukes
-in the fifteenth century that the Propylæa at Athens became the
-ducal palace. The old Bœotian city continued, under the Burgundian
-dynasty, to be the most important place in the Athenian Duchy. The
-silk manufacture still continued there; for it is specially mentioned in
-the commercial treaty which Guy I of Athens concluded with the
-Genoese in 1240, and we hear of a gift of 20 silken garments from Guy II
-to Pope Boniface VIII. The town contained both a Genoese and a
-Jewish colony, and it was a nest of Hebrew poets, whose verses, if we
-may believe a rival bard, were one mass of barbarisms. But the great
-feature of Thebes was the castle, built by Nicholas II de St Omer out
-of the vast fortune of his wife, Princess Marie of Antioch. This huge
-building is described as “the finest baronial mansion in all the realm<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span>
-of Romania”; it contained sufficient rooms for an Emperor and his
-court, and the walls were covered with frescoes illustrating the conquest
-of the Holy Land, in which the ancestors of the Great Theban baron
-had played a prominent part. Unhappily, the great castle of Thebes
-was destroyed by the Catalans in the fourteenth century, and one
-stumpy tower alone remains to preserve, like the Santameri mountains
-in the Morea, the name and fame of the great Frankish family of St
-Omer.</p>
-
-<p>I have spoken of the political organisation of the two chief Frankish
-states of Greece; I would next say something of their ecclesiastical
-arrangements. The policy of the Franks towards the Greek Church
-was more than anything else the determining factor of their success
-or failure in Greece, for in all ages the Greeks have regarded their
-Church as inseparably identified with their nationality, and even to-day
-the terms “Christian” and “Greek” are often used as identical terms.
-Now, as that fair-minded modern Greek historian, Paparregopoulos,
-has pointed out, the Franks were confronted at the outset with an
-ecclesiastical dilemma, from which there was no escape. Either they
-must persecute the Orthodox Church, in which case they would make
-bitter enemies of the persecuted clergy and of the Nicene and Byzantine
-Emperors; or they must tolerate it, in which case their Greek subjects
-would find natural leaders in the Orthodox bishops, who would sooner
-or later conspire against their foreign rulers. This was exactly what
-happened as soon as the Franks abandoned the policy of persecution
-for that of toleration. At first, they simply annexed the existing Greek
-ecclesiastical organisation, which had subsisted, with one or two small
-changes, ever since the days of the Emperor Leo the Philosopher,
-ousted the Orthodox hierarchy from their sees, and installed in their
-places Catholic ecclesiastics from the West.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, at Athens, a Frenchman, named Bérard, became the first
-Catholic Archbishop of Athens, and thus began that long series which
-existed without a break till the time of the Turkish conquest and was
-subsequently renewed in 1875. Later on, however, when the Florentine
-Dukes of Athens, at the end of the fourteenth century, permitted the
-Greek Metropolitan to reside in his see, he at once entered into negotiations
-with the Turks, and the same phenomenon meets us at Salona
-and other places. As Voltaire has said, the Greek clergy “preferred
-the turban of a Turkish priest to the red hat of a Roman Cardinal,”
-and this strange preference contributed in great measure to the downfall
-of Latin rule in the Levant. For, throughout the long period of the
-Frankish domination, the Catholic Church made hardly any headway<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span>
-among the Greeks. The elder Sanudo, who knew the Levant better than
-most of his contemporaries, wrote to Pope John XXII, that the Western
-Powers might destroy the Byzantine Empire but could not retain their
-conquests, for the examples of Cyprus, Crete, the principality of Achaia,
-and the Duchy of Athens showed that only the foreign conquerors and
-not the natives belonged to the Roman faith. Even to-day, the
-Catholics of Greece come mostly from those Italian families, whose
-ancestors emigrated to the Levant in the Frankish period, and are
-mostly to be found just where we should expect to find them—in the
-Ionian Islands and the Cyclades, that is to say, in the two places where
-Latin rule lasted longest. Moreover, the Catholic Church did not receive
-the consideration which it might have reasonably expected from the
-Frankish rulers themselves. The correspondence of Innocent III, who
-sat on the Chair of St Peter at the time of the conquest, is full of
-complaints against the hostile attitude of the Franks towards the
-Roman clergy. The Archbishop of Patras was not safe even in his own
-palace, for the sacrilegious baron Aleman, who, as we saw, had received
-that town as a fief, considered the Archiepiscopal plan of fortifying
-the place against pirates as amateurish, carried the Primate off to
-prison, cut off his representative’s nose, and converted the palace and
-the adjacent church of St Theodore into the present castle. Geoffroy I
-de Villehardouin neither paid tithes himself, nor compelled his subjects
-to pay them; he forced the clergy to plead before the secular tribunals,
-and exempted the Greek priests and monks from the jurisdiction of
-the Catholic Archbishop. His son and successor, Geoffroy II, went even
-farther in this secular policy. When the Latin clergy refused to perform
-military service, on the ground that they owed obedience to the Pope
-alone, he confiscated their fiefs and devoted the funds which he thus
-obtained to building the great castle of Chlomoutsi, or Clermont, near
-Glarentza in the West of Elis, the ruins of which still remain a striking
-monument of the relations between Church and State in Frankish
-Greece. This castle took three years to construct; and, as soon as it
-was finished, Geoffroy laid the whole matter before Pope Honorius III.
-He pointed out that if the Latin priests would not help him to fight
-the Greeks, they would only have themselves to blame if the principality,
-and with it their Church, fell under the sway of those Schismatics. The
-Pope saw the force of this argument; the Prince ceased to appropriate
-the revenues of the clergy; and peace reigned between the civil and
-ecclesiastical authorities. It is interesting to note, that, under the
-next Prince, the castle of Chlomoutsi became the mint of the principality,
-whence coins known as <i>tournois</i>, or <i>tornesi</i>, because they bore on them<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span>
-a representation of the Church of St Martin of Tours, were issued for
-more than a century. Many thousands of these coins have been found
-in Greece, specimens may be seen in the Doge’s Palace and in the Museo
-Correr at Venice, and from this Achaian currency the castle received
-its Italian name of Castel Tornese. The town and harbour of Glarentza
-near it rose to be the chief port of the principality. Boccaccio mentions
-Genoese merchantmen there in one of the novels of the <i>Decameron</i>,
-in which a “Prince of the Morea” is one of the characters; the famous
-Florentine banking house of the Peruzzi had a branch there, and
-Pegalotti describes to us the weights, measures, and customs duties
-of this flourishing commercial place.</p>
-
-<p>When we come to consider the social life of Frankish Greece, we are
-struck by the prominent part which women played in it, and in political
-life as well. The Salic law did not obtain in the Latin states of the
-Levant, except at Naxos under the Crispi, and, without expressing any
-opinion upon the thorny question of female suffrage, I do not think
-that it can be denied that the participation of the weaker sex in the
-government of a purely military community had disastrous effects.
-It happened on two occasions that almost the entire baronage of
-Frankish Greece was annihilated on the field of battle, and after the
-former of these disasters—the battle of Pelagonia in 1259, in which
-Prince William of Achaia was taken prisoner by the troops of the Greek
-Emperor of Nice—the fate of the principality was decided by the
-votes of its ladies. The Emperor Michael VIII was resolved to make the
-best use of the advantage which the rashness of the Prince had placed
-within his power, and demanded, as the price of his captive’s freedom,
-the cession of the three great fortresses of Monemvasia, Mistra, and
-Maina, the first of which had only recently been surrendered by the
-Greeks to the Franks, while the other two had been erected by Prince
-William himself. The question was submitted by Duke Guy I of Athens,
-who was then acting as Regent of Achaia, to a Parliament, convened
-at Nikli in 1262. At this “Ladies’ Parliament” there were only two
-other men present—for all the men of mark were either in prison or had
-been slain at Pelagonia—and their wives or widows had to take their
-place at the Council. Naturally, an assembly so composed was guided
-by sentiment rather than by reasons of high policy. In vain the statesmanlike
-Duke of Athens argued in scriptural language, that “it were
-better that one man should die for the people than that the other
-Franks of the Morea should lose the fruits of their fathers’ labours”;
-in vain, to show his disinterestedness, he offered to take the Prince’s
-place in prison or to pledge his own Duchy to provide a ransom. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span>
-conjugal feelings of the ladies prevailed, the three castles were surrendered,
-and from that day dates the gradual recovery of the Morea
-by the Greeks. Two noble dames were sent, in strict accordance with
-feudal law, as hostages for their lord to Constantinople, and it is
-interesting to note the ingratitude with which one of them was treated
-by him in the sequel. While she was still in prison on his account, the
-great barony of Matagrifon, to which she was entitled as next of kin,
-fell vacant. But the Prince, who wished to bestow it upon one of his
-daughters, declined to invest her with it, on the technical ground that
-she had permitted the period of time allowed by the feudal code to
-elapse without appearing to claim the fief. Unable to obtain justice,
-she resorted to matrimony with one of the powerful barons of St Omer
-as the only means of compelling the Prince to give her what was hers.
-In this she was partially successful; but the incident throws a lurid
-light on the chivalry of the brave warrior, whom the author of the
-<i>Chronicle of the Morea</i> has made his hero.</p>
-
-<p>It would be interesting to present a few portraits of the leading
-women of Frankish Greece. There were the two daughters of Prince
-William, of whom the elder, Princess Isabelle, succeeded him and whose
-hand was eagerly sought in marriage by three husbands; her younger
-sister, Marguérite, died in the grim castle of Chlomoutsi, the prisoner
-of the turbulent Moreote barons, who never forgave her for having
-married her daughter without their approval. There was Isabelle’s
-daughter, Matilda, who had already been twice a widow when she was
-only 23, and who was left all alone to govern the principality, where
-every proud feudal lord claimed to do what was right in his own eyes.
-Compelled by King Robert “the Wise” of Naples to go through the
-form of marriage with his brother, John of Gravina, a man whom she
-loathed, she was imprisoned for her contumacity in the Castel dell’ Uovo
-of Naples. There were the three Duchesses of Athens—Helene Angela,
-widow of Duke William, Regent for her son, and the first Greek who
-had governed Athens for 80 years; Maria Melissene, widow of Duke
-Antonio I, who tried to betray the Duchy to her countrymen the Greeks;
-and most tragic of all, Chiara Giorgio, a veritable villain of melodrama,
-widow of Nerio II, who fell in love with a young Venetian noble,
-induced him by the offer of her hand and land to poison the wife whom
-he had left behind in his palace at Venice, and expiated her crime before
-the altar of the Virgin at Megara at the hands of the last Frankish
-Duke of Athens, thus causing the Turkish conquest. Of like mould
-was the Dowager Countess of Salona, whose evil government drove
-her subjects to call in the Turks, and whose beautiful daughter, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span>
-last Countess of that historic castle, ended her days in the Sultan’s
-harem. Another of these masculine dames was Francesca Acciajuoli,
-wife of Carlo Tocco, the Palatine Count of Cephalonia, the ablest and
-most masterful woman of the Latin Orient, who used to sign her letters
-in cinnabar ink “Empress of the Romans.” In her castles at Sta
-Maura and at Cephalonia she presided over a bevy of fair ladies, and
-Froissart has quaintly described the splendid hospitality with which
-she received the French nobles, whom the Turks had taken prisoners
-at the battle of Nikopolis on the Danube. “The ladies,” writes the old
-French chronicler, “were exceeding glad to have such noble society,
-for Venetian and Genoese merchants were, as a rule, the only strangers
-who came to their delightful island.” He tells us, that Cephalonia was
-ruled by women, who scorned not, however, to make silken coverings so
-fine, that there was none like them. Fairies and nymphs inhabited this
-ancient realm of Odysseus, where a mediæval Penelope held sway in
-the absence of her lord! Yet another fair dame of the Frankish world,
-the Duchess Fiorenza Sanudo of Naxos, occupied for years the astute
-diplomatists of Venice, who were resolved that so eligible a young
-widow should marry none but a Venetian, and who at last, when suitors
-of other nationalities became pressing, had the Duchess kidnapped
-and conveyed to Crete, where she was plainly told that, if she ever
-wished to see her beloved Naxos again, she must marry the candidate
-of the Most Serene Republic. And finally, we have the portrait of a
-more feminine woman than most of these ladies, Marulla of Verona,
-a noble damsel of Negroponte, whom old Ramon Muntaner describes
-from personal acquaintance as “one of the fairest Christians in the
-world, the best woman and the wisest that ever was in that land.”</p>
-
-<p>Social life must have been far more brilliant in the hey-day of the
-Frankish rule than anything that Greece had witnessed for centuries.
-The <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i> tells us, that the Achaian nobles in their
-castles “lived the fairest life that a man can,” and has preserved the
-account of the great tournament on the Isthmus of Corinth—a mediæval
-revival of the Isthmian games—which Philip of Savoy, at that time
-Prince of Achaia, organised in 1305. From all parts of the Frankish
-world men came in answer to the summons of the Prince. There were
-Duke Guy II of Athens with a brave body of knights, the Marquess
-of Boudonitza and the three barons of Eubœa, the Duke of the
-Archipelago and the Palatine Count of Cephalonia, the Marshal of
-Achaia, Nicholas de St Omer, with a following of Theban vassals, and
-many another lesser noble. Messengers had been sent throughout the
-highlands and islands of the Latin Orient to proclaim to all and sundry,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span>
-how seven champions had come from beyond the seas and did challenge
-the chivalry of Romania to joust with them. Never had the fair land
-of Hellas seen a braver sight than that presented by the lists at Corinth
-in the lovely month of May, when the sky and the twin seas were at
-their fairest. More than 1000 knights and barons took part in the
-tournament, which lasted for twenty days, while all the fair ladies of
-Achaia and Athens “rained influence” on the combatants. There were
-the seven champions, clad in their armour of green taffetas covered with
-scales of gold; there was the Prince of Achaia, who acquitted himself
-right nobly in the lists, as a son of Savoy should, with all his household.
-Most impetuous of all was the Duke of Athens, eager to match his
-skill in horsemanship and with the lance against Master William
-Bouchart, accounted one of the best jousters of the West. The chivalrous
-Bouchart would fain have spared his less experienced antagonist; but
-the Duke, who had cunningly padded himself beneath his plate armour,
-was determined to meet him front to front; their horses collided with
-such force that the iron spike of Bouchart’s charger pierced Guy’s
-steed between the shoulders, so that horse and rider rolled in the dust.
-St Omer would fain have met the Count John of Cephalonia in the
-lists; but the Palatine, fearing the Marshal’s doughty arm, pretended
-that his horse could not bear him into the ring, nor could he be shamed
-into the combat, when Bouchart rode round and round the lists on
-the animal, crying aloud, “This is the horse which would not go to
-the jousts!” So they kept high revel on the Isthmus; alas! it was the
-last great display of the chivalry of “New France”; six years later,
-many a knight who had ridden proudly past the dames of the Morea,
-lay a mangled corpse on the swampy plain of Bœotia, the victim of
-the knife of Aragon. Besides tournaments, hunting was one of the
-great attractions of life in mediæval Greece; we hear, too, of an archery
-match in Crete, at which the archers represented different nations;
-we are told of great balls held in Negroponte, which the gay Lombard
-society of that island attended; and mention is made of the jongleurs
-who were attached to the brilliant Court of Thebes. Muntaner, who
-knew Duke Guy II and had visited his capital, has given us a charming
-account of the ceremony in the Theban Minster, when the last De la
-Roche came of age and received the order of knighthood—“a duty
-which the King of France or the Emperor himself would have thought
-it an honour to perform, for the Duke was one of the noblest men in
-all Romania who was not a King, and eke one of the richest.” The
-episode gives us some idea of the wealth and splendour and open-handed
-generosity of the Burgundian Dukes of Athens.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span></p>
-
-<p>In conclusion, I should like to say something about Frankish influence
-on the language and literature of Greece. We are specially told that
-the Franks of Achaia spoke most excellent French; but, at the same time,
-there is direct evidence, that in the second generation, at any rate,
-they also spoke Greek. The <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i> describes how Prince
-William of Achaia after the battle of Pelagonia addressed his captor
-in that language, and Duke John of Athens, according to Sanudo,
-once used a Greek phrase, which is a quotation from Herodotus. Later
-on, the Florentine Dukes of Athens drew up many of their documents
-in Greek, just as Mohammed II employed that language in his diplomatic
-communications. The Venetian Governors of Eubœa, however, who
-held office for only two years, had to employ an interpreter, who is
-specially mentioned in one of the Venetian documents. While a number
-of French feudal and Italian terms crept into the Greek language, as
-may be seen in the Cyclades at the present day, and especially in the
-Venetian island of Tenos, the Franks covered the map of Greece with
-a strange and weird nomenclature. Thus, Lacedæmonia became “La
-Crémonie,” the first syllable being mistaken for the definite article;
-Athens was known as “Satines,” or “Sethines,” Thebes as “Estives,”
-Naupaktos as “Lepanto,” Zeitounion, the modern Lamia, as “Gipton,”
-Kalavryta as “La Grite,” Salona as “La Sole,” Lemnos as “Stalimene,”
-and the island of Samothrace as “Sanctus Mandrachi.” Most wonderful
-transformation of all, Cape Sunium becomes in one Venetian document
-“Pellestello” (πολλοὶ στῦλοι), from the “Many columns” of the temple,
-which gave it its usual Italian name of “Cape Colonna.”</p>
-
-<p>The Franks have too often been accused of being barbarians, whereas
-there is evidence that they were not indifferent to literature. Among the
-conquerors were not a few poets. Conon de Béthune was a writer of
-poems as well as an orator; Geoffroy I of Achaia composed some verses
-which have been preserved; Rambaud de Vaqueiras, the troubadour
-of Boniface of Montferrat, was rewarded for his songs by lands in
-Greece. Count John II Orsini of Epeiros ordered Constantine Hermoniakos
-to make a paraphrase of Homer in octosyllabic verse. We may say
-of this production, as Bentley said of Pope’s translation of the <i>Iliad</i>,
-“it is a pretty poem, but you must not call it Homer”; still it is interesting
-to find a Latin ruler patronising Greek literature. The courtly
-poet was so delighted that he tells us that his master was “a hero and
-a scholar,” and that the Lady Anna of Epeiros “excelled all women
-that ever lived in beauty, wisdom, and learning.” Historical accuracy
-compels me to add that the “heroic and scholarly” Count had gained
-his throne by the murder of his brother, while the “beautiful, wise<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span>
-and learned” Anna assassinated her husband! Throughout a great
-part of the Frankish period, too, people were engaged in transcribing
-Greek manuscripts. Several Athenians copied medical treatises, William
-of Meerbeke, the Latin Archbishop of Corinth in 1280, whose name
-survives in the Argive Church of Merbaka<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>, translated Hippocrates,
-Galen, Aristotle, and Proklos, and one of the Tocchi—the Italian
-family which followed the Orsini as Counts of Cephalonia—employed
-a monk to copy for him manuscripts of Origen and Chrysostom. Yet,
-in 1309, a Theban canon had to go to the West to continue his studies;
-and, a century later, the Archbishop of Patras obtained leave to study
-at the University of Bologna.</p>
-
-<p>But the chief literary monument of Frankish Greece is the <i>Chronicle
-of the Morea</i>—the very curious work which exists in four versions,
-Greek, French, Italian, and Spanish. The Italian version need not
-detain us, for it contains no new facts and is merely an abbreviated
-translation of the Greek, chiefly remarkable for the extraordinary, but
-characteristic, mutilation of the proper names. The Spanish version,
-made in 1393 by order of Heredia, the romantic Grand-Master of the
-Knights of St John, and the French version, found in the castle of
-St Omer—another proof of Frankish culture—are of great historic
-interest. But by far the most remarkable of all the four versions is
-the Greek—a poem of some 9000 lines in the usual jog-trot “political”
-metre of most mediæval and modern Greek poetry, composed, in my
-opinion, by a half-caste lawyer, who obviously had the most enthusiastic
-admiration for the Franks, to whom he doubtless owed his place and
-salary. With the exception of a few French feudal terms, this most
-remarkable poem may be read without the slightest difficulty by any
-modern Greek scholar,—a striking proof that the vulgar Greek spoken
-to-day is almost exactly the same as that in common use in the first
-half of the fourteenth century, when the <i>Chronicle</i> was composed.
-As regards its literary merits, opinions differ. As a rule, it is merely
-prose in the form of verse; but here and there, the author rises to a
-much higher level, and his work is a store-house of social, and especially
-legal information, even where his chronology and history have been
-shown by documentary evidence to be inaccurate.</p>
-
-<p>The bright and chivalrous Frankish society has long passed away;
-but a few Italian and Catalan families still linger in the Cyclades, there
-are still Venetian names and titles in the Ionian Islands; the Tocchi
-were till lately represented at Naples and the Zorzi still are at Venice;
-the towers of Thebes and Paros, the Norman arch of Andravida, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span>
-noble castles of Karytaina and Chlomoutsi, and the carvings and
-frescoes of Geraki still remind us of the romance of feudal Greece,
-when every coign of vantage had its lord, and from every donjon
-floated the banner of a baron.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading3">3. THE PRINCES OF THE PELOPONNESE</h3>
-
-<p>It is satisfactory to note that, after a long period of neglect, the
-great romance of mediæval Greek history is finding interpreters.
-Since George Finlay revealed to the British public the fact that the
-annals of Greece were by no means a blank in the Middle Ages, and
-that Athens was a flourishing city in the thirteenth century, much fresh
-material has been collected, by both Greek and German scholars, from
-the Venetian and other archives, which throws fresh light upon the
-dark places of the Latin rule in the Levant. Finlay’s work can never
-lose its value. Its author had not the microscopic zeal for genealogies
-and minutiæ which distinguished Hopf; but he possessed gifts and
-advantages of a far higher order. He knew Greece and the Greeks
-as no other foreign scholar has known them; he had a deep insight into
-the causes of political and social events; he drew his picture, as the
-Germans say, <i>in grossen Zügen</i>, and he left a work which no student
-of mediæval Greece can afford to ignore, and every statesman engaged
-in Eastern affairs would do well to read. All that is now wanted is
-for some one to do in England what Gregorovius did in so agreeable
-a manner for the Germans—to make the dry bones of the Frank
-chivalry live again, and to set before us in flesh and blood the Dukes
-of Athens and the Princes of Achaia, the Marquesses of Boudonitza,
-the Lords of Salona, the Dukes of the Archipelago, and the three
-barons of Eubœa. Despite the vandalism of mere archæologists, who
-can see nothing of interest in an age when Greeks were shaky in their
-declensions, and of bigoted purists among the Greeks themselves, who
-strive to erase every evidence of foreign rule alike from their language
-and their land, the feudal castles of the Morea, of continental Greece,
-and of the islands, still remind us of the days when classic Hellas, as
-Pope Honorius III said, was “New France,” when armoured knights
-and fair Burgundian damsels attended Mass in St Mary’s Minster on
-the Akropolis, and jousts were held on the Isthmus of Corinth.</p>
-
-<p>Of the Frankish period of Greek history the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>
-is the most curious literary production, valuable alike as an historical
-source—save for occasional errors of dates and persons, especially in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span>
-the earlier part—and as a subject for linguistic study. The present
-edition, the fruit of many years’ labour, is almost wholly devoted to
-the latter aspect of the <i>Chronicle</i>, about which there is much that is
-of interest. Versions exist in French, in Italian, and in Aragonese, as
-well as in Greek; and the question as to whether the Greek or the French
-was the original has been much discussed. The present editor, differing
-from Buchon and Hopf, believes that the French <i>Livre de la Conqueste</i>
-could not have been the original. In any case, the Greek <i>Chronicle</i>
-is of more literary interest than the French, because it throws a strong
-light on modern Greek. Any person familiar with the modern colloquial
-language could read with ease, except for a few French feudal terms,
-this fourteenth century popular poem, many of whose phrases might
-come from the racy conversation of any Greek peasant of to-day, and
-is very different from the classical imitation of the contemporary
-Byzantine historians. Its poetic merits are small, nor does the jog-trot
-“political” metre in which it is composed tend to lofty flights of poetry.
-We know not who was its author; but, on the whole, there seems to
-be reason for believing that he was a Gasmoulos—one of the offspring
-of mixed marriages between Greeks and Franks—probably employed,
-as his love of legal nomenclature shows, in some clerkly post. Unpoetical
-himself, he has at least been the cause of noble poetry in others; for,
-as Dr Schmitt shows, the second part of Goethe’s <i>Faust</i> has been
-largely inspired by its perusal; and the hero of that drama finds his
-prototype in the chivalrous builder of Mistra.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>No chapter of this mediæval romance is more striking than the
-conquest of the Morea by the Franks and the history of their rule in
-the classic peninsula. At the time of the fourth crusade the Peloponnese
-was a prey to that spirit of particularism which has been, unhappily,
-too often characteristic of the Greeks in ancient, in mediæval, and in
-modern times. Instead of uniting among themselves in view of the
-Latin peril, the great <i>archontes</i> of the Morea availed themselves of the
-general confusion to occupy strong positions and to extend their own
-authority at the expense of their neighbours. The last historian and
-statesman of Constantinople before the Latin conquest, Niketas of
-Chonæ, has left us a sad picture of the demoralisation of society in
-Greece at that critical moment. The leading men, he says, instead of
-fighting, cringed to the conquerors; some were inflamed by ambition
-against their own country, slavish creatures, spoiled by luxury, who
-made themselves tyrants, instead of opposing the Latins<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>. Of these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span>
-<i>archontes</i> the most prominent was Leon Sgouros, hereditary lord of
-Nauplia, who had seized the Larissa of Argos and the impregnable
-citadel high above Corinth, and who, though he failed to imitate the
-heroism of Leonidas in the Pass of Thermopylæ, held out at Akrocorinth
-till his death.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the state of the country when a winter storm drove into
-the haven of Modon, on the Messenian coast, Geoffroy de Villehardouin,
-a crusader from Champagne, and nephew of the chronicler of the
-conquest of Constantinople. A Greek <i>archon</i> of the neighbourhood,
-thinking that the opportunity was too good to be lost, invited the
-storm-bound warrior to aid him in the conquest of the surrounding
-country. Geoffroy was nothing loth; and the two unnatural allies
-speedily subdued one place after another. But, as ill-luck would have
-it, the Greek died; and his son, more patriotic or less trustworthy than
-the father, broke the compact with the Frankish intruder, and turned
-Geoffroy out of his quickly-won possessions. The crusader’s position
-was serious; he was in a hostile country and surrounded by an alien
-and suspicious population; but he was a man of resource, and, hearing
-that Boniface, Marquess of Montferrat and King of Salonika, had made
-a triumphal march through continental Greece and was at that moment
-besieging the great stronghold of Nauplia, he set out across the
-Peloponnese—a six days’ journey—and succeeded in reaching the
-Frankish camp. There he found an old friend and neighbour, Guillaume
-de Champlitte, to whom he confided the scheme which he had been
-revolving in his mind. “I come,” he said, so we learn from his uncle’s
-chronicle, “from a land which is very rich, and men call it the Morea”—a
-name which here occurs for the first time in the history of Greece,
-and the origin of which is still a puzzle to all her historians. He urged
-Champlitte to join him in the task of conquering this El Dorado,
-promising to recognise him as his liege lord in return for his assistance.
-Champlitte agreed, and the two friends, at the head of a small body
-of a hundred knights and some esquires, started on their bold venture<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The ease with which the little band of Western warriors conquered
-the peninsula, which had once produced the Spartan warriors, strikes
-every reader of the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>—the prosaic, but extremely
-curious and valuable poem in which the Frank conquest is described.
-The cause lay partly in the disunited state of Greek society and the
-feuds of the local <i>archontes</i>, but still more in the neglect of military
-training, due to the fact that the Byzantine emperors had long drawn<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span>
-their best troops from the non-Hellenic portions of their heterogeneous
-dominions. It is remarkable that, apart from Sgouros, interned, as it
-were, on Akrocorinth, and a Greek <i>archon</i>, Doxapatres, who held a
-small but strongly situated castle in one of the gorges of Arcadia, the
-invaders met with little opposition. Greece, as we know from the
-complaints of Michael Akominatos, the last orthodox Archbishop of
-Athens before the conquest, had been plundered by Byzantine tax-gatherers
-and despised as a “Scythian wilderness” by Byzantine
-officials. So, when the inhabitants found that the Franks had no
-intention of interfering with their prized municipal privileges, they had
-no great objection to exchanging a master who spent their money at
-Constantinople for one who spent it in Elis at the new Peloponnesian
-capital of Andreville or Andravida. One pitched battle decided the
-fate of “the isle of Greece,” as the Franks sometimes called it. At the
-olive grove of Koundoura, in the north-east of Messenia, the small
-force of Franks easily routed a Greek army six times larger; and as
-the chronicler, always in sympathy with the invaders, puts it,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-  <div class="stanza">
-    <div class="verse indent0">Αὐτὸν καὶ μόνον τὸν πόλεμον ἐποῖκαν οἱ Ρωμαῖοι</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ποὺ ἐκέρδισαν οἱ Φράγκοι τὸν Μορέαν.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="noindent">Yet a modern Greek historian of singular fairness, the late K. Paparregopoulos,
-has remarked how great was the change in the Turkish times.
-The descendants of the unwarlike Moreotes, who fell so easy a prey to
-the Frankish chivalry in 1205, never lost an opportunity of rising against
-the Turks after the Frankish domination was over. As he justly says,
-one of the main results of the long Latin rule was to teach Greek
-“hands to war and their fingers to fight.”</p>
-
-<p>Thus, almost by a single blow, the Franks had become masters of
-the ancient “island of Pelops.” Here and there a few natural strongholds
-still held out. Even after the death of Sgouros his triple crown
-of forts, Corinth, Nauplia, and Argos, was still defended for the Greek
-cause in the name of the lord, or Despot, of Epeiros, where a bold
-scion of the imperial house of Angelos had founded an independent
-state on the ruins of the Byzantine Empire. The great rock of Monemvasia
-in the south-east of the Morea, whence our ancestors derived
-their Malmsey wine, remained in the hands of its three local <i>archontes</i>;
-while, in the mountains of southern Lakonia, a race which had often
-defied Byzantium scorned to acknowledge the noblemen of Champagne.
-The local magnate, Joannes Chamaretos, could boast for a time that
-he kept his own lands in Lakonia, but he, too, had to take refuge at
-the Epeirote Court at Arta<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. Finally, the two Messenian ports of Modon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span>
-and Koron were claimed by Venice, which, with her usual astuteness,
-had secured those valuable stations on the way to Egypt in the deed of
-partition by which the conquerors of the empire had divided the spoils
-among themselves at Constantinople. Not without reason did Pope
-Innocent III, whose letters are full of allusions to the Frankish organisation
-of Greece, style Guillaume de Champlitte “Prince of all Achaia.”</p>
-
-<p>Champlitte now attempted to provide for the internal government
-of his principality by the application of the feudal system, which,
-even before the Frankish conquest, had crept into many parts of the
-Levant. The <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>, whose author revels in legal details,
-gives an account of the manner in which “the isle of Greece” was
-organised by its new masters. A commission, consisting of two Latin
-bishops, two bannerets, and five Greek <i>archontes</i>, under the presidency
-of Geoffroy de Villehardouin, drew up a species of Domesday-book for
-the new state. In accordance with the time-honoured feudal custom,
-twelve baronies were created and bestowed upon prominent members
-of the Frankish force, who were bound to be at the prince’s beck and
-call with their retainers in time of need; and the castles of these warrior
-barons were purposely erected in strong positions, whence they could
-command important passes or overcome troublesome neighbours. Even
-to-day the traveller may see the fine fortress above the town of Patras
-which Guillaume Aleman, one of the feudatories, constructed out of
-the Archbishop’s palace; the castle of Karytaina, the Toledo of Greece,
-still reminds us of the time when Hugues de Bruyères held the dalesmen
-of Skorta, ancestors of M. Delyannes, in check; and, far to the South,
-the war-cry of Jean de Neuilly, hereditary Marshal of Achaia, <i>Passe
-avant</i>, lingers in the name of Passavâ, the stronghold which once
-inspired respect in the men of Maina, who boast that they spring
-from Spartan mothers. Seven ecclesiastical peers, the Latin Archbishop
-of Patras at their head, and the three military orders of St John, the
-Templars, and the Teutonic Knights also received fiefs; and, while
-Geoffroy de Villehardouin was invested with Kalamata and Kyparissia,
-fertile Elis became the princely domain.</p>
-
-<p>But Guillaume de Champlitte did not long enjoy his Achaian
-dignity. If he was a prince in Greece he was still a French subject;
-and the death of his brother made it necessary for him to do homage
-in person for his fief in France. On the way he died; and the cunning
-Villehardouin, by an ingenious stratagem, contrived to become master
-of the country. It had been declared that a claimant must take possession
-of Achaia within a year and a day after the date of the last
-vacancy; and Geoffroy contrived to have Champlitte’s heir detained in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span>
-Venice and left behind at Corfù till the fatal date had almost passed.
-A little skilful manœuvring from one place to another in the Morea
-filled up the rest of the time, so that, when young Robert de Champlitte
-at last met Geoffrey in full court at Lacedæmonia, the mediæval town
-which had risen near the Eurotas, the year and a day had already
-elapsed. The court decided in favour of Geoffrey, anxious, no doubt,
-that their ruler should be a statesman of experience and not a young
-man fresh from France. Robert gave no further trouble, and Geoffrey
-remained for the rest of his days “Lord of Achaia.” By his tact and
-cleverness he had contrived to win the regard both of the Frank barons
-and of the Greek population, whose religion and ancient customs he
-had sworn to respect. He was thus enabled to subdue the three outstanding
-fortresses which had once been the domain of Sgouros, while
-he settled all claims that the Venetians might have upon the Morea
-by allowing them to keep Modon and Koron, granting them a separate
-quarter in every town in his principality, and doing homage to them
-for the whole peninsula on the island of Sapienza. He crowned his
-career by marrying his son to the daughter of the Latin Emperor
-Peter of Courtenay, from whose family the Earls of Devon are descended.</p>
-
-<p>Under his son and successor, Geoffrey II, the Frank principality
-prospered exceedingly. The Venetian historian, Marino Sanudo, who
-derived much of his information from his relative, Marco II Sanudo,
-Duke of Naxos, has given us a vivid picture of life at the Peloponnesian
-court under the rule of the second of the Villehardouins. A just prince,
-Geoffrey II used to send his friends from time to time to the baronial
-castles of the Morea to see how the barons treated their vassals. At
-his own court he kept “eighty knights with golden spurs”; and “knights
-came to the Morea from France, from Burgundy, and above all from
-Champagne, to follow him. Some came to amuse themselves, others to
-pay their debts, others again because of crimes which they had committed<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>.”
-In fact, towards the middle of the thirteenth century, the
-Morea had become for the younger sons of the French chivalry much
-what the British colonies were to adventurers and ne’er-do-weels fifty
-years ago. It was a place where the French knights would find their
-own language spoken—we are specially told what good French was
-spoken in Greece in the Frankish period—and could scarcely fail to
-obtain congenial employment from a prince of their own race.</p>
-
-<p>One difficulty, however, had soon arisen in the Frank principality.
-The Latin clergy, who had had their full share of the spoils, declined
-to take any part in the defence of the country. Geoffrey, with all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span>
-the energy of his race, opposed a stout resistance to these clerical
-pretensions, and confiscated the ecclesiastical fiefs, spending the proceeds
-upon the erection of the great castle of Clermont or Chlomoutsi
-above the busy port of Glarentza, the imposing ruins of which are still
-a land-mark for miles around. When he had finished the castle Geoffroy
-appealed to the Pope, placing before the Holy Father the very practical
-argument that, if the principality, through lack of defenders, were
-recaptured by the Greeks, the loss would fall just as much on the
-Roman Church as on the prince, while the fault would be entirely with
-the former. The Pope was sufficiently shrewd to see that Geoffroy was
-right; the dispute was settled amicably; and both the prince and the
-Latin clergy subscribed generously for the preservation of the moribund
-Latin empire, which exercised a nominal suzerainty over the principality
-of Achaia.</p>
-
-<p>Geoffroy’s brother and successor, the warlike Guillaume de Villehardouin,
-saw the Frank state in the Morea reach its zenith, and by
-his rashness contributed to its decline. Born in Greece, and speaking
-Greek, as the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i> expressly tells us, the third of the
-Villehardouins began by completing the conquest of what was his
-native land. It was he who laid siege to the rock of Monemvasia for
-three long years, till at last, when the garrison had been reduced to
-eat mice and cats, the three <i>archontes</i> advanced along the narrow causeway
-which gives the place its name<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>, and surrendered on terms which
-the prince wisely granted. It was he, too, who built the noble castle
-of Mistra on the site of the Homeric Messe, now abandoned to tortoises
-and sheep, but for two centuries a great name in the history of Greece.
-To a ruler so vigorous and so determined even the weird Tzakones,
-that strange tribe, perhaps Slavs but far more probably Dorians, which
-still lingers on and cherishes its curious language around Leonidi,
-yielded obedience; while the men of Maina, hemmed in by two new
-castles, ceased to trouble.</p>
-
-<p>For the first and last time in its history the whole Peloponnese owned
-the sway of a Frank prince, except where, at Modon and Koron,
-Venice kept “its right eye,” as it called those places, fixed on the East.
-So powerful a sovereign as St Louis of France wished that he had some
-of Guillaume’s knights to aid him in his Egyptian war; and from seven
-hundred to one thousand horsemen always attended the chivalrous
-Prince of Achaia. His court at La Crémonie, the French version of
-Lacedæmonia, was “more brilliant than that of many a king”; and
-this brilliance was not merely on the surface. “Merchants,” says<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span>
-Sanudo, “went up and down without money, and lodged in the house
-of the bailies; and on their simple note of hand people gave them
-money<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>.” But Guillaume’s ambition and his love of fighting for fighting’s
-sake involved the principality in disaster. Not content with beginning
-the first fratricidal war between the Frank rulers of the East by
-attacking Guy de la Roche, Lord of Athens, he espoused the cause
-of his father-in-law, the Greek Despot of Epeiros, then engaged in
-another brotherly struggle with the Greek Emperor of Nice. On the
-field of Pelagonia in Macedonia the Franks were routed; and the Prince
-of Achaia, easily recognised by his prominent teeth, was dragged from
-under a heap of straw, where he was lying, and carried off a prisoner
-to the court of the Emperor Michael VIII.</p>
-
-<p>Guillaume’s captivity was the cause of endless evils for the principality;
-for Michael, who in 1261, by the recapture of Constantinople,
-had put an end to the short-lived Latin empire and restored there the
-throne of the Greeks, was resolved to regain a footing in the Morea
-and to make use of his distinguished captive for that purpose. He
-accordingly demanded, as the price of the prince’s freedom, the three
-strong fortresses of Mistra, Monemvasia, and Maina. The matter was
-referred to a ladies’ parliament held at Nikli, near the site of the
-ancient Tegea, for so severe had been the losses of the Frank chivalry
-that the noble dames of the Morea had to take the places of their
-husbands. We can well understand that, with a tribunal so composed,
-sentiment and the ties of affection would have more influence than the
-<i>raison d’état</i>. Yet Guillaume’s old opponent, Guy de la Roche, now
-Duke of Athens and bailie of Achaia during the prince’s captivity,
-laid before the parliament the argument that it was better that one
-man should die for the people than that the rest of the Franks should
-lose the Morea<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>. At the same time, to show that he bore no malice, he
-chivalrously offered to go to prison in place of the prince. But the
-ladies of the Morea thought otherwise. It was decided to give up the
-three castles; and two of the fair châtelaines were sent as hostages to
-Constantinople.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, in 1262, the Byzantine Government regained a foothold in
-the Morea; a Byzantine province was created, with Mistra as its
-capital, and entrusted at first to a general of distinction annually
-appointed, and ultimately conferred as an appanage for life upon the
-Emperor’s second son. The native Greeks of the whole peninsula thus
-had a rallying-point in the Byzantine province, and the suspicion of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span>
-the Franks that the surrender of the three fortresses “might prove to
-be their ruin<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>,” turned out to be only too well-founded. As for the
-Franks who were left in the Byzantine portion of the Morea, their
-fate is obscure. Probably, as Dr Schmitt thinks, some emigrated to
-the gradually dwindling Frankish principality, while others became
-merged in the mass of Greeks around them. In all ages the Hellenes,
-like the Americans of to-day, have shown the most marvellous capacity
-for absorbing the various races which have come within their borders.
-A yet further element of evil omen for the country was introduced
-in consequence of this partial restoration of the Byzantine power. As
-might have been foreseen, the easy morality of that age speedily
-absolved the prince from his solemn oaths to the Emperor, and he
-was scarcely released when a fresh war broke out between them. It
-was then, for the first time, that we hear of Turks in the Morea—men
-who had been sent there as mercenaries by the Emperor Michael.
-Careless whom they served, so long as they were paid regularly, these
-Oriental soldiers of fortune deserted to the prince; and those who
-cared to settle in the country received lands and wives, whose offspring
-were still living, when the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i> was written (p. 372),
-at two places in the peninsula.</p>
-
-<p>Unhappily for the principality, as the chronicler remarks, Guillaume
-de Villehardouin left no male heir; and nothing more strongly justifies
-the Salic law than the history of the Franks in the Morea, where it
-was not applied. Anxious to take what precautions he could against
-the disruption of his dominions after his death, the last of the Villehardouin
-princes married his elder daughter Isabelle to the second son
-of Charles of Anjou, the most powerful sovereign in the south of
-Europe at that time, who, in addition to his other titles, had received
-from the last Latin Emperor of the East, then a fugitive at Viterbo,
-the suzerainty over the principality of Achaia, hitherto held by the
-Emperor. This close connection with the great house of Anjou, to which
-the kingdom of the Two Sicilies then belonged, seemed to provide
-Achaia with the strongest possible support. The support, too, was
-near at hand; for communication between Italy and Glarentza, the
-chief port of the Morea, was, as we know from the novels of Boccaccio,
-not infrequent; and we hear of Frankish nobles from Achaia making
-pilgrimages to the two great Apulian sanctuaries of St Nicholas of
-Bari and Monte Santangelo. But, when Guillaume de Villehardouin
-died in 1278 and was laid beside his brother and father in the family
-mausoleum at Andravida (where excavations, made in 1890, failed to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span>
-find their remains)<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>, his daughter Isabelle was still a minor, though
-already a widow.</p>
-
-<p>The government of the principality accordingly fell into the hands
-of bailies appointed by the suzerain at Naples. Sometimes the bailie
-was a man who knew the country, like Nicholas St Omer, whose name
-is still perpetuated by the St Omer tower at Thebes and the Santameri
-mountains not far from Patras; sometimes he was a foreigner, who
-knew little of the country, and, in the words which the <i>Chronicle</i> (p. 544)
-puts into the mouths of two Frankish nobles, “tyrannised over the
-poor, wronged the rich, and sought his own profit.” The complainants
-warned Charles II of Anjou, who was now their suzerain, that he was
-going the right way to “lose the principality”; and the King of Naples
-took their advice. He bestowed the hand of the widowed Isabelle
-upon a young Flemish nobleman, Florenz of Hainault, who was then
-at his court, and who thus became Prince of the Morea. Florenz wisely
-made peace with the Byzantine province, so that “all became rich,
-both Franks and Greeks,” and the land recovered from the effects
-of war and maladministration. But the Flemings, who had crowded
-over to Greece at the news of their countryman’s good fortune, were
-less scrupulous than their prince and provoked reprisals from the
-Greeks, from whom they sought to wring money. On the other hand,
-it would seem that the natives of the Byzantine province were able
-to secure good treatment from the Emperor, for there is preserved
-in that interesting little collection, the Christian Archæological Museum
-at Athens, a golden bull of Andronikos II, dated 1293, concerning the
-privileges of the sacred rock of Monemvasia. When the modern Greeks
-come to think more highly of their mediæval history, they should
-regard that rugged crag with reverence. For two centuries it was the
-guardian of their municipal and national liberties.</p>
-
-<p>Florenz of Hainault lived too short a time for the welfare of the
-Morea; and Isabelle, once more a widow, was married again in Rome
-(whither she had gone for the first papal jubilee of 1300) to a prince
-of the doughty house of Savoy, which thus became concerned with
-the affairs of Greece. Philip of Savoy was at the time in possession of
-Piedmont; and, as might have been expected, Piedmontese methods
-of government were not adapted to the latitude of Achaia. He was a
-man fond of spending, and an adept at extorting, money. The microscopic
-Dr Hopf has unearthed from the archives at Turin the bill—a
-fairly extensive one—for his wedding-breakfast; and the magnificent
-tournament which he organised on the Isthmus of Corinth, and in which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span>
-all the Frankish rulers of Greece took part, occupied a thousand knights
-for more than twenty days. “He had learned money-making at home,”
-it was said, when the extravagant prince from Piedmont let it be
-understood that he expected presents from his vassals, and imposed
-taxes on the privileged inhabitants of Skorta. But the days of the
-Savoyard in Achaia were numbered. The house of Anjou, suzerains
-of the principality, had never looked with favour on his marriage with
-Isabelle; an excuse was found for deposing him in favour of another
-Philip, of Taranto, son of the King of Naples. To make matters smoother,
-Isabelle and her husband received, as some compensation for relinquishing
-all claims to the Morea, a small strip of territory on the
-shores of the Fucine lake. They both left Greece for ever. Isabelle
-died in Holland; and Philip of Savoy sleeps in the family vault at
-Pinerolo, near Turin, leaving to his posterity by a second marriage
-the empty title of “Prince of Achaia.”</p>
-
-<p>The house of Villehardouin was not yet extinct. Isabelle had a
-daughter, Matilda of Hainault, whose husband, Louis of Burgundy,
-was permitted, by the tortuous policy of the Neapolitan Angevins, to
-govern the principality. But a rival claimant now appeared in the field
-in the person of Fernando of Majorca, one of the most adventurous
-personages of those adventurous times, who is well known to us from
-the quaint Catalan Chronicle of Ramon Muntaner. Fernando had
-already had his full share of the vicissitudes of life. He had been at
-one time head of the Catalan Grand Company, which had just won
-the Duchy of Athens on the swampy meadows of the Bœotian Kephissos,
-and he had sat a prisoner in the castle of Thebes, the famous Kadmeia,
-whose walls were painted with the exploits of the crusaders in the
-Holy Land. He had married the daughter of Guillaume de Villehardouin’s
-younger child, the Lady of Akova, and he claimed Achaia in the name
-of his dead wife’s infant son. Such was the violence of the age that
-both the rivals perished in the struggle, Fernando on the scaffold,
-and Louis of Burgundy by a poison administered to him by one of the
-petty potentates of Greece. Even more miserable was the end of the
-unhappy Matilda. Invited by the unscrupulous King of Naples to
-his court, she was informed that she must marry his brother, John
-of Gravina. With the true spirit of a Villehardouin, the Princess refused;
-and even the Pope himself, whose authority was invoked, could not
-make her yield. She had already, she said, married again, and must
-decline to commit bigamy. This gave the King of Naples the opportunity
-he sought. He declared that, by marrying without her suzerain’s
-consent, she had forfeited her principality, which he bestowed upon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span>
-his brother. The helpless Princess was thrown into the Castel dell’ Uovo
-at Naples, and was afterwards allowed to die a lingering death in
-that island-prison, the last of her race. So ended the dynasty of the
-Villehardouins.</p>
-
-<p>Grievous, indeed, was the situation of the Franks in Greece at this
-moment. Though little more than a hundred years had elapsed since
-the conquest, the families of the conquerors were almost extinct. The
-terrible blow dealt at the Frank chivalry by the rude Catalans, almost
-on the very battlefield of Chaironeia, was as fatal to Frankish, as was
-the victory of Philip of Macedon to free, Greece. Of the barons who had
-taken part in that contest, where many Achaian nobles had stood by
-the side of the headstrong Athenian duke, only four survived. Moreover,
-the Frank aristocracy, as Finlay has pointed out, committed racial
-suicide by constituting themselves an exclusive class. Intermarriages
-with the Greeks took place, it is true; and a motley race, known as
-Gasmoûloi<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>, the offspring of these unions, of whom the author of the
-<i>Chronicle</i> was perhaps a member, fell into the usual place of half-castes
-in the East. But Muntaner expressly says that the nobles of Achaia
-usually took their wives from France. Meanwhile new men had taken
-possession of some of the old baronies—Flemings, Neapolitans, and
-even Florentines, one of whom, Nicholas Acciajuoli, whose splendid
-tomb is to be seen in the Certosa near Florence, laid on the rocks of
-Akrocorinth the foundations of a power which, a generation later,
-made the bankers of Tuscany dukes of Athens. The Greeks, had they
-been united, might have recovered the whole peninsula amidst this
-state of confusion. But the sketch which the imperial historian, John
-Cantacuzene, has left us of the <i>archontes</i> of the Morea shows that they
-were quite as much divided among themselves as the turbulent Frank
-vassals of the shadowy Prince of Achaia. “Neither good nor evil
-fortune,” he wrote, “nor time, that universal solvent, can dissolve
-their mutual hatred, which not only endures all their lives, but is
-transmitted after death as a heritage to their children<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>Cantacuzene, however, took a step which ultimately led to the
-recapture of the Morea, when he abolished the system of sending a
-subordinate Byzantine official to Mistra, and appointed his second son,
-Manuel, with the title of Despot, as governor of the Byzantine province
-for life. The Despot of Mistra at once made his presence felt. He
-drove off the Turkish corsairs, who had begun to infest the deep bays<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span>
-and jagged coast-line of the peninsula, levied ship-money for its defence
-against pirates, and, when his Greek subjects objected to be taxed
-for their own benefit, crushed rebellion by means of his Albanian
-bodyguard. Now, for the first time, we hear of that remarkable race,
-whose origin is as baffling to ethnologists as is their future to diplomatists,
-in the history of the Morea, where hereafter they were destined
-to play so distinguished a part. It is to the policy of Manuel Cantacuzene,
-who rewarded his faithful Albanians with lands in the south-west
-and centre of the country, that modern Greece owes the services
-of that valiant race, which fought so vigorously for her independence
-and its own in the last century. Manuel’s example was followed by
-other Despots; and ere long ten thousand Albanians were colonising
-the devastated and deserted lands of the Peloponnese.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile the barren honour of Prince of Achaia had passed from
-one absentee to another. John of Gravina, who had been installed in
-the room of the last unhappy Villehardouin princess, grew disgusted
-with the sorry task of trying to restore order, and transferred his
-rights to Catherine of Valois, widow of his brother, Philip of Taranto;
-her son Robert, who was both suzerain and sovereign of the principality,
-was a mere phantom ruler whom the Achaian barons treated with contempt.
-After his death they offered the empty title of princess to Queen
-Joanna I of Naples on condition that she did not interfere with their fiefs
-and their feuds. Then a new set of conquerors descended upon the distracted
-country, and began the last chapter of Frankish rule in Achaia.</p>
-
-<p>The great exploit of the Catalans in carving out for themselves a
-duchy bearing the august name of Athens had struck the imagination
-of Southern Europe. Towards the close of the fourteenth century a
-similar, but less famous band of freebooters, the Navarrese Company,
-repeated in Achaia what the Catalans, seventy years earlier, had
-achieved in Attica and Bœotia. Conquering nominally in the name
-of Jacques de Baux, a scion of the house of Taranto, but really for
-their own hands, the soldiers of Navarre rapidly occupied one place
-after another. Androusa, in Messenia, at that time the capital of the
-Frankish principality, fell before them; and at “sandy Pylos,” the
-home of Nestor, then called Zonklon, they made such a mark that
-the spot was believed by Hopf to have derived its name of Navarino
-from the castle which they held there. In 1386 their captain, Pedro
-Bordo de San Superan, styled himself Vicar of the principality, a title
-which developed into that of prince.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile another Western Power, and that the most cunning
-and persistent, had taken advantage of these troublous times to gain<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span>
-a footing in the Peloponnese. Venice, true to her cautious commercial
-policy, had long been content with the two Messenian stations of Modon
-and Koron, and had even refused a tempting offer of some desperate
-barons to hand over to her the whole of Achaia. During the almost
-constant disturbances which had distracted the rest of the peninsula
-since the death of Guillaume de Villehardouin, the two Venetian ports
-had enjoyed comparative peace and prosperity. The high tariffs which
-the Frankish princes had erected round their own havens had driven
-trade to these Venetian harbours, so conveniently situated for trade
-with the great Venetian island of Crete as well. The documents which
-Sathas has published from the Venetian archives are full of allusions
-to these two now almost forgotten places. But at last, towards the end
-of the fourteenth century, Venice resolved on expansion. She accordingly
-bought Argos and Nauplia, the old fiefs which the first French Lord
-of Athens had received from the first of the Villehardouins, and which
-lingered on in the hands of the representatives of the fallen Athenian
-duke. A little later Lepanto, the old Naupaktos, gave the Venetians
-a post on the Corinthian Gulf.</p>
-
-<p>As the Byzantine Empire dwindled before the incursions of the
-Turks, the Greek province of Mistra assumed more importance in the
-eyes of the statesmen at Constantinople. In 1415 the Emperor Manuel
-II, with an energy which modern sovereigns of Greece would do well
-to imitate, resolved to see for himself how matters stood, and arrived
-in the Morea. He at once set to work to re-erect the six-mile rampart,
-or “Hexamilion,” across the Isthmus, which had been fortified by
-Xerxes, Valerian, Justinian, and, in recent times, by the last Despot
-of Mistra, Theodore I Palaiologos. Manuel’s wall followed the course
-of Justinian’s; and, in the incredibly short space of twenty-five days,
-forced labourers, working under the imperial eye, had erected a rampart
-strengthened by no less than 153 towers.</p>
-
-<p>But the Emperor saw that it was necessary to reform the Morea
-from within as well as to fortify it without. We have from the pen of
-a Byzantine satirist, Mazaris, who has written a <i>Dialogue of the Dead</i>
-in the manner of Lucian, a curious, if somewhat highly-coloured
-account of the Moreotes as they were, or at any rate seemed to him to
-be, at this time<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>. In the Peloponnese, he tells us, are “Lacedæmonians,
-Italians, Peloponnesians (Greeks), Slavonians, Illyrians (Albanians),
-Egyptians (gypsies), and Jews, and among them are not a few half-castes.”
-He says that the Lakonians, who “are now called Tzakones,”
-have “become barbarians” in their language, of which he gives some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span>
-specimens. He goes on to make the shrewd remark, true to-day of
-all Eastern countries where the Oriental assumes a veneer of Western
-civilisation, that “each race takes the worst features of the others,”
-the Greeks assimilating the turbulence of the Franks, and the Franks
-the cunning of the Greeks. So insecure was life and property that arms
-were worn night and day—a practice obsolete in the time of Thucydides.
-Of the Moreote <i>archontes</i> he has nothing good to say; they are “men
-who ever delight in battles and disturbances, who are for ever breathing
-murder, who are full of deceit and craft, barbarous and pig-headed,
-unstable and perjured, faithless to both Emperor and Despots.” Yet
-a Venetian report—and the Venetians were keen observers—sent to
-the government a few years later, depicts the Morea as a valuable
-asset. It contained, writes the Venetian commissioner, 150 strong
-castles; the soil is rich in minerals; and it produces silk, honey, wax,
-corn, raisins, and poultry.</p>
-
-<p>Even in the midst of alarms an eminent philosopher—to the surprise
-of the elegant Byzantines, it is true—had fixed his seat at Mistra.
-George Gemistos Plethon believed that he had found in Plato a cure
-for the evils of the Morea. Centuries before the late Mr Henry George,
-he advocated a single tax. An advanced fiscal reformer, he suggested
-a high tariff for all articles which could be produced at home; a paper
-strategist, he had a scheme which he submitted, together with his
-other proposals, to the Emperor, for creating a standing army; an anti-clerical,
-he urged that the monks should work for their living, or
-discharge public functions without pay. The philosopher, in tendering
-this advice to the Emperor, modestly offered his own services for the
-purpose of carrying it out. Manuel II was a practical statesman, who
-knew that he was living, as Cicero would have said, “non in Platonis
-republica, sed in fæce Lycurgi.” The offer was rejected.</p>
-
-<p>At last the long threatened Turkish peril, temporarily delayed by
-the career of Timour and the great Turkish defeat at Angora, was at
-hand. The famous Ottoman commander, Evrenos Beg, had already
-twice entered the peninsula, once as the ally of the Navarrese prince
-against the Greek Despot, once as the foe of both. In 1423 a still
-greater captain, Turakhan, easily scaled the Hexamilion, leaving
-behind him at Gardiki, as a memorial of his invasion, a pyramid of
-eight hundred Albanian skulls. But, by the irony of history, just before
-Greeks and Franks alike succumbed to the all-conquering Turks, the
-dream of the Byzantine court was at last realised, and the Frank
-principality ceased to exist.</p>
-
-<p>The Greek portion of the Morea was at this time in the hands of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span>
-the three brothers of the Emperor John VI Palaiologos—Theodore II,
-Thomas, and Constantine—the third of whom was destined to die on
-the walls of Constantinople as last Emperor of the East. Politic
-marriages and force of arms soon extinguished the phantom of Frankish
-rule; and the Genoese baron, Centurione Zaccaria, nephew of Bordo
-de San Superan, who had succeeded his uncle as last Prince of Achaia,
-was glad to purchase peace by giving his daughter’s hand to Thomas
-Palaiologos with the remaining fragments of the once famous principality,
-except the family barony and the princely title, as her dowry. Thus,
-when Centurione died in 1432, save for the six Venetian stations, the
-whole peninsula was once more Greek. Unhappily, the union between
-the three brothers ended with the disappearance of the common enemy.
-Both Theodore and Constantine were ambitious of the imperial diadem;
-and, while the former was pressing his claims at Constantinople, the
-latter was besieging Mistra, having first sent the historian Phrantzes,
-his confidential agent in these dubious transactions, to obtain the
-Sultan’s consent. Assisted by his brother Thomas and a force of
-Frank mercenaries, Constantine was only induced to keep the peace
-by the intervention of the Emperor; till, in 1443, Theodore removed
-this source of jealousy by carrying out his long-cherished scheme of
-retiring from public life. He accordingly handed over the government
-of Mistra to Constantine and received in exchange the city of Selymbria
-on the Sea of Marmora, where he afterwards died of the plague.</p>
-
-<p>The Morea was now partitioned between Constantine, who took
-possession of the eastern portion, embracing Lakonia, Argolis, Corinth,
-and the southern shore of the Corinthian Gulf as far as Patras, and
-Thomas, who governed the western part. With all his faults Constantine
-was a man of far greater energy and patriotism than the rest of his
-family, and he lost no time in developing a national policy. His first
-act was to restore the Hexamilion; his next, to attempt the recovery of
-the Athenian duchy from the Acciajuoli family for the Greek cause,
-which he personified. Nine years earlier, on the death of Duke Antonio,
-he had sent Phrantzes to negotiate for the cession of Athens and Thebes.
-Foiled on that occasion, he now invaded the duchy and forced the
-weak Duke Nerio II to do homage and pay tribute to him. The Albanians
-and Koutso-Wallachs of Thessaly rose in his favour; the Serbs promised
-to aid him in defending the Isthmus against the Turks; it seemed for
-the moment as if there were at last some hope of a Christian revival
-in the Near East. But the battle of Varna soon put an end to these
-dreams. Murad II, accompanied by the Duke of Athens, set out in
-1446, at the head of a large army, for the Isthmus. The two Despots<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span>
-had assembled a considerable force behind the ramparts of the Hexamilion,
-which seemed so imposing to the Sultan that he remonstrated
-with his old military counsellor, Turakhan, for having advised him to
-attack such apparently impregnable lines so late in the season. But
-the veteran, who knew his Greeks and had taken the Hexamilion
-twenty-three years before, replied that its defenders would not long
-resist a determined attack. A Greek officer, who had been sent by
-Constantine to reconnoitre the Turkish position, came back so terrified
-at the strength of the enemy that he urged his master to retreat at
-once to the mountains of the Morea. The Despot ordered his arrest
-as a disciplinary measure, but he was so greatly struck by what he
-had heard that he sent the Athenian Chalkokondyles, father of the
-historian, to offer terms of peace to the Sultan. Murad scornfully
-rejected the proposals, arrested the envoy, and demanded, as the
-price of his friendship, the destruction of the Hexamilion and the
-payment of tribute. This was too much for the high-spirited Despot,
-and the conflict began.</p>
-
-<p>For three whole days the excellent Turkish artillery played upon
-the walls of the rampart. Then a general assault was ordered, and, after
-a brave defence by the two Despots, a young Serbian janissary climbed
-to the top of the wall and planted the Turkish flag there in full view
-of the rival hosts. The towers on either side of him were soon taken by
-his comrades, the gates were forced in, and the Turks streamed through
-them into the peninsula. The Greeks fled; the two Despots among them;
-Akrocorinth surrendered, and a band of 300, who had thought of
-“making a new Thermopylæ” at Kenchreæ, were soon forced to lay
-down their arms. Together with 600 other captives, they were beheaded
-by the Sultan’s orders. Then the Turkish army was divided into two
-sections; one, under old Turakhan, penetrated into the interior; the
-other, commanded by the Sultan in person, followed the coast of the
-Corinthian Gulf, burning the mediæval town which had arisen on the
-ruins of Sikyon. Aigion shared the same fate; but most of the inhabitants
-of Patras had escaped over the Gulf before Murad arrived
-there. The old Frankish citadel defied all the efforts of the besiegers,
-for the besieged knew that they had nothing to hope from surrender.
-A breach was made in the walls, but the defenders poured boiling
-resin on to the heads of the janissaries and worked at the rampart
-till the breach was made good. The season was by this time very far
-advanced, so the Sultan and his lieutenant withdrew to Thebes,
-dragging with them 60,000 captives, who were sold as slaves. The
-Despots were glad to obtain peace and a qualified independence by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span>
-paying a capitation tax, and by sending their envoys to do homage
-to the Sultan in his headquarters at Thebes. The Greeks ascribed their
-misfortunes to their Albanian and Frankish mercenaries, the former
-of whom had begun to feel their power, while the latter had espoused
-the cause of Centurione’s illegitimate son at the moment when the
-Despots were engaged in the defence of the country.</p>
-
-<p>On the death of the Emperor in 1448 the Despot Constantine succeeded
-to the imperial title; and it is a picturesque fact that the last
-Emperor of Constantinople was crowned at Mistra, where his wife
-still lies buried, near that ancient Sparta which had given so many
-heroes to Hellas. His previous government was bestowed on his
-youngest brother Demetrios, with the exception of Patras, which was
-added to the province of Thomas. The new partition took place in
-Constantinople, where the two brothers solemnly swore before God and
-their aged mother to love one another and to rule the Morea in perfect
-unanimity. But no sooner had they arrived at their respective capitals
-of Mistra and Patras than they proceeded to break their oaths. Thomas,
-the more enterprising of the two, attacked his brother; Demetrios,
-destitute of patriotism, called in the aid of the Turks, who readily
-appeared under the leadership of Turakhan, made Thomas disgorge
-most of what he had seized, and on the way destroyed what remained
-of the Hexamilion. The object of this was soon obvious. As soon as
-the new Sultan, Mohammed II, was ready to attack Constantinople,
-he ordered Turakhan to keep the two Palaiologoi busy in the Morea,
-so that they might not send assistance to their brother the Emperor.
-The old Pasha once again marched into the peninsula; but he found
-greater resistance than he had expected on the Isthmus. He and
-his two sons, Achmet and Omar, then spread their forces over the
-country, plundering and burning as they went, till the certainty of
-Constantinople’s fall rendered their presence in the Morea no longer
-necessary. But as Achmet was retiring through the Pass of Dervenaki,
-that death-trap of armies, between Argos and Corinth, the Greeks
-fell upon him, routed his men and took him prisoner. Demetrios, either
-from gratitude for Turakhan’s recent services to him, or from fear
-of the old warrior’s revenge, released his captive without ransom. It
-was the last ray of light before the darkness of four centuries descended
-upon Greece.</p>
-
-<p>The news that Constantinople had fallen and that the Emperor had
-been slain came like a thunderbolt upon his wretched brothers, who
-naturally expected that they would be the next victims. But Mohammed
-was not in a hurry; he knew that he could annihilate them when he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span>
-chose; meanwhile he was content to accept an annual tribute of 12,000
-ducats. The folly of the greedy Byzantine officials, who held the chief
-posts at the petty courts of Patras and Mistra, had prepared, however, a
-new danger for the Despots. The Albanian colonists had multiplied
-while the Greek population had diminished; and the recent Turkish
-devastations had increased the extent of waste land where they could
-pasture their sheep. Fired by the great exploits of their countryman,
-Skanderbeg, in Albania, they were seized by one of those rare yearnings
-for independence which meet us only occasionally in Albanian history.
-The official mind seized this untoward moment to demand a higher
-tax from the Albanian lands. The reply of the shepherds was a general
-insurrection in which 30,000 Albanians followed the lead of their
-chieftain, Peter Boua, “the lame.” Their object was to expel the Greeks
-from the peninsula; but this, of course, did not prevent other Greeks,
-dissatisfied, for reasons of their own, with the rule of the Despots,
-from throwing in their lot with the Albanians. A Cantacuzene gained
-the support of the insurgents for his claims on Mistra by taking an
-Albanian name; the bastard son of Centurione emerged from prison
-and was proclaimed as Prince of Achaia. Both Mistra and Patras were
-besieged; and it soon became clear that nothing but Turkish intervention
-could save the Morea from becoming an Albanian principality.
-Accordingly, the aid of the invincible Turakhan was again solicited;
-and, as Mohammed believed in the policy—long followed in Macedonia
-by his successors—of keeping the Christian races as evenly balanced
-as possible, the Turkish general was sent to suppress the revolt without
-utterly destroying the revolted. Turakhan carried out his instructions
-with consummate skill. He soon put down the insurgents, but allowed
-them to retain their stolen cattle and the waste lands which they had
-occupied, on payment of a fixed rent. He then turned to the two
-Despots and gave them the excellent advice to live as brothers, to be
-lenient to their subjects, and to be vigilant in the prevention of disturbances.
-Needless to say, his advice was not taken.</p>
-
-<p>The power of the Palaiologoi was at an end; and the Greek <i>archontes</i>
-and Albanian chiefs did not hesitate to put themselves in direct communication
-with the Sultan when they wanted the confirmation of
-their privileges. But the Despots might, perhaps, have preserved the
-forms of authority for the rest of their lives had it not been for the
-rashness of Thomas, who seemed to be incapable of learning by experience
-that he only existed on sufferance. In 1457, emboldened by the successes
-of Skanderbeg, he refused to pay his tribute. Mohammed II
-was not the man to submit to an insult of that sort from a petty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span>
-prince whom he could crush whenever he chose. In the spring of the
-following year the great Sultan appeared at the Isthmus; but this
-time the noble fortress of Akrocorinth held out against him. Leaving a
-force behind him to blockade it, he advanced into the interior of the
-peninsula, accompanied by the self-styled Albanian leader in the late
-revolt, Cantacuzene, whose influence he found useful in treating with
-the Arnauts. The Greeks, whom he took, were despatched as colonists
-to Constantinople; the Albanians, who had broken their parole, were
-punished by the breaking of their wrists and ankles—a horrible scene
-long commemorated by the Turkish name of “Tokmak Hissari,” or
-“the castle of the ankles.” Mouchli, at that time one of the chief towns
-in the Morea, near the classic ruins of Mantinea, offered considerable
-resistance; but lack of water forced the defenders to yield, and then the
-Sultan returned to Corinth. His powerful cannon soon wrecked the
-bakehouse and the magazines of the citadel; provisions fell short; and
-the fact was betrayed by the archbishop to the besiegers. At last the
-place surrendered, and its gallant commander was deputed by Mohammed
-to bear his terms of peace to Thomas. The latter was ordered to cede
-the country as far south as Mouchli, and as far west as Patras; this
-district was then united with the Pashalik of Thessaly, the governor
-of the whole province being Turakhan’s son Omar, who remained with
-10,000 soldiers in the Morea. The other Despot, Demetrios, was commanded
-to send his daughter to the Sultan’s harem.</p>
-
-<p>Thomas at once complied with his conqueror’s demands; but his
-ambition soon revived when Mohammed had gone. Fresh victories of
-Skanderbeg suggested to him the flattering idea that a Palaiologos
-could do more than a mere Albanian. Divisions among the Turkish
-officers in his old dominions increased his confidence—a quality in
-which Greeks are not usually lacking. Early in 1459 he raised the
-standard of revolt; but, at the same time, committed the folly of
-attacking his brother’s possessions. Phrantzes, who, after having been
-sold as a slave when Constantinople fell, had obtained his freedom and
-had entered the service of Thomas, has stigmatised in forcible language
-the wickedness of those evil counsellors who had advised his master
-to embark on a civil war and to “eat his oaths as if they were vegetables.”
-Most of Thomas’ successes were at the expense of his brother, for, of
-all the places lately annexed by the Turks, Kalavryta alone was
-recovered. But the Albanians did far more harm to the country than
-either the Greeks or the Turkish garrison by plundering both sides
-with absolute impartiality and deserting from Thomas to Demetrios,
-or from Demetrios to Thomas, on the slightest provocation. Meanwhile<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span>
-the Turks attacked Thomas at Leondari, at the invitation of his
-brother; and the defeat which he sustained induced the miserable
-Despot to go through the form of reconciliation with Demetrios, under
-the auspices of Holy Church. This display of brotherly love had the
-usual sequel—a new fratricidal war; but Mohammed II had now made
-up his mind to put an end to the Palaiologoi, and marched straight
-to Mistra. Demetrios soon surrendered, and humbly appeared in the
-presence of his master. The Sultan insisted upon the prompt performance
-of his former command, that the Despot’s daughter should
-enter the seraglio, and told him that Mistra could no longer be his.
-He therefore ordered him to bid his subjects surrender all their cities
-and fortresses—an order which was at once executed, except at
-Monemvasia. That splendid citadel, which had so long defied the
-Franks at the zenith of their power, and boasted of the special protection
-of Providence, now scorned to surrender to the infidel. The
-daughter of Demetrios, who had been sent thither for safety, was,
-indeed, handed over to the Turkish envoys, and Demetrios himself
-was conducted to Constantinople; but the Monemvasiotes proclaimed
-Thomas as their liege lord, and he shortly afterwards presented
-Monemvasia to the Pope, who appointed a governor.</p>
-
-<p>Having thus wiped the province of Demetrios from the map,
-Mohammed turned his arms against Thomas. Wherever a city resisted,
-its defenders were punished without mercy and in violation of the most
-solemn pledges. The Albanian chiefs who had defied the Sultan at
-Kastritza were sawn asunder; the Albanian captain of Kalavryta was
-flayed alive; Gardiki was once more the scene of a terrible massacre,
-ten times worse than that which had disgraced Turakhan thirty-seven
-years before. These acts of cruelty excited very different feelings in
-the population. Some, especially the Albanians, were inspired to fight
-with the courage of despair; others preferred slavery to an heroic
-death. From the neighbourhood of Navarino alone 10,000 persons
-were dragged away to colonise Constantinople; and a third of the Greeks
-of Greveno, which had dared to resist, were carried off as slaves. The
-castles of Glarentza and Santameri were surrendered by the descendants
-of Guillaume de Villehardouin’s Turks, who experienced, like the
-Albanians, the faithless conduct of their conquerors. Meanwhile Thomas
-had fled to Navarino, and, on the day when the Sultan reached that
-place, set sail with his wife and family from a neighbouring harbour
-for Corfù. There the faithful Phrantzes joined him and wrote his history
-of these events—the swan-song of free Greece.</p>
-
-<p>Another Palaiologos, however, Graitzas by name, showed a heroism<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span>
-of which the Despot was incapable. This man, the last defender of his
-country, held out in the castle of Salmenikon between Patras and Aigion
-till the following year, and, when the town was taken, still defied all
-the efforts of the Turks, who allowed him to withdraw, with all the
-honours of war, into Venetian territory at Lepanto. In the autumn of
-1460 Mohammed left the Morea, after having appointed Zagan Pasha
-as military governor, with orders to install the new Turkish authorities
-and to make arrangements for the collection of the capitation tax and
-of the tribute of children. Thus the Morea fell under Turkish rule,
-which thenceforward continued for an almost unbroken period of three
-hundred and fifty years. Save at Monemvasia, where the papal flag
-still waved, and at Nauplia, Argos, Thermisi, Koron, Modon, and
-Navarino, where Venice still retained her colonies, there was none to
-dispute the Sultan’s sway.</p>
-
-<p>The fate of the Palaiologoi deserves a brief notice. Demetrios lived
-ten years at Ænos in Thrace in the enjoyment of the pension which
-Mohammed allowed him, and died a monk at Adrianople in 1470.
-His daughter, whom the Sultan never married after all, had predeceased
-him. Thomas proceeded to Rome with the head of St Andrew from
-Patras as a present for the Pope, who received the precious relic with
-much ceremony at the spot near the Ponte Molle, where the little
-chapel of St Andrew now commemorates the event, and assigned to
-its bearer a pension of 300 ducats a month, to which the cardinals
-added 200 more, and Venice a smaller sum. He died at Rome in 1465,
-leaving two sons and two daughters. One of the latter died in a convent
-on the island of Santa Maura; the other married, first a Caracciolo of
-Naples and then the Grand Duke Ivan III of Russia, by whom she
-had a daughter, afterwards the wife of Alexander Jagellon of Poland.
-With this daughter the female line became extinct. Of Thomas’ two
-sons, the elder, Andrew, married a woman off the streets of Rome,
-ceded all his rights, first to Charles VIII of France, and then to
-Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, and died in 1502 without issue. The
-younger son, Manuel, escaped from papal tutelage to the court of
-Mohammed II, who gave him an establishment and allowed him a
-daily sum for its maintenance. He died a Christian; but of his two
-sons (the elder of whom died young), the younger became a Mussulman,
-took the name of Mohammed, and is last heard of in the reign of Suleiman
-the Magnificent. Though the family would thus appear to have
-long been extinct, a Cornish antiquary announced in 1815 that the
-church of Landulph contained a monument to one of Thomas’ descendants.
-A few years ago a lady residing in London considered herself<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span>
-to be the heiress of the Palaiologoi and aspired to play a part in the
-Eastern question<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>. But neither of these claims is genealogically sound;
-for there is no historical proof of the existence of the supposed third
-son of Thomas, mentioned in the Landulph inscription. But, after all,
-the world has not lost much by the extinction of this race, nor would
-the future of Constantinople or Greece be affected by its revival.</p>
-
-<h4 id="heading4">APPENDIX<br />
-THE NAME OF NAVARINO</h4>
-
-<p>Ever since Hopf published his history of mediæval Greece writers
-on that subject have followed his opinion that the name of Navarino
-was derived from the Navarrese Company, which entered the Morea in
-1381 to support the claims of Jacques de Baux, titular emperor of
-Constantinople and prince of Achaia, and which established its headquarters
-at the classic Pylos. Hopf adduces no evidence in support
-of this derivation, which he thrice repeats<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>, except that of the French
-traveller De Caumont, who saw at Pylos in 1418 <i>ung chasteau hault sur
-une montaigne que se nomme chasteau Navarres</i><a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>. But his opinion,
-mainly formed in order to controvert the anti-Hellenic theory of
-Fallmerayer, has been followed, also without proof, by Hertzberg<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>,
-Tozer<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>, and more tentatively by Paparregopoulos<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>. The name of
-Navarino, however, seems to have existed long before the Navarrese<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span>
-Company ever set foot in Greece. Nearly a century earlier a golden
-bull<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> of the Emperor Andronikos II, dated 1293, confirmed the possessions
-of the church of Monemvasia, among which it specially mentions
-τὴν Πύλον, τὸν καλούμενον Ἀβαρῖνον. A little before the date of this
-imperial document (1287-1289) Nicholas II de Saint-Omer, lord of half
-Thebes, was bailie of the principality of Achaia for Charles II of Naples,
-and the Greek <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i><a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> tells us that ἔχτισεν τὸ κάστρον
-τοῦ Ἀβαρίνου. Now Hopf himself thought that the French version of
-the <i>Chronicle, Le Livre de la Conqueste</i><a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> (in which the above passage runs
-<i>ferma le chastel de port de Junch</i>), was the original of the four editions
-which we possess. It is generally agreed that the French version was
-written between 1333 and 1341; but it is by no means certain that the
-French is the original and the Greek a translation; rather would it
-appear that the Greek was the original, in which case it was composed
-in the early part of the fourteenth century, for the one passage<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> which
-refers to an event as late as 1388 is regarded as an interpolation by
-the latest editor of the <i>Chronicle</i>, Dr Schmitt. Even the most recent
-of all the four versions—the Aragonese—was written, as it expressly
-says<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>, no later than 1393. Therefore we have every reason for regarding
-the mention of the name Ἀβαρῖνος in the Greek <i>Chronicle</i> as a second
-proof that it was in common use long before the time of the Navarrese<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>There are several other passages in which the name occurs, the
-date of which cannot, however, be fixed with certainty. In the <i>Synekdemos</i>
-of Hierokles<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> we have three times the phrase Πύλος, ἡ πατρὶς
-Νέστορος, νῦν δὲ καλεῖται Ἀβαρῖνος. Now Hierokles wrote before
-535, but all these three passages occur in the lists of towns which have
-changed their names, and these three lists must belong, as Krumbacher
-points out, to a much later period than the main body of the work.
-The scholiast to Ptolemy<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> also makes an annotation Πύλος ὀ καὶ
-Ἀβαρῖνος, and in the Latin manuscripts of that passage the rendering
-is <i>Pylus, qui et Abarmus</i> (sic).</p>
-
-<p>The alteration of Abarinos into Navarino follows, of course, the
-usual Greek habit of prefixing to the mediæval name the last letter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span>
-of the accusative of the article. Thus εἰς τὸν Ἀβαρῖνον becomes
-Ναβαρῖνον, just as εἰς τὴν Πόλιν becomes <i>Stambûl</i>, εἰς τὰς Ἀθῆνας
-<i>Satines</i> or <i>Sathines</i>, εἰς τὰς Θῆβας <i>Estives</i>. The conclusion seems to
-be that Fallmerayer was right after all when he derived the name of
-Navarino from a settlement of Avars on the site of the ancient Pylos<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>.
-The settlement of the Navarrese Company there was merely a coincidence.</p>
-
-<p>It may be added that <i>Abarinus</i> also occurs in a document<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> of
-Charles I of Naples, dated 1280, as the name of a place in Apulia, not
-apparently Bari.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>Since I wrote the above note on this subject I have found two other
-passages which confirm the view that the name of Navarino existed
-before the Navarrese Company entered Greece. They occur in the
-<i>Commemoriali</i><a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>, where we find Venice complaining to Robert, prince
-of Achaia, and to the bailie of Achaia and Lepanto that the crew of
-a Genoese ship had started from <i>Navarrino vecchio</i> and had plundered
-some Venetian subjects. The dates of these two documents are 1355
-and 1356. The late Professor Krumbacher, in the <i>Byzantinische
-Zeitschrift</i> (<span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 675), agreed that Hopf’s derivation had been disproved
-by my article, but thought that the name of Navarino comes not from
-the Avars, but from the Slavonic <i>javorina</i>, “a wood of maples.”</p>
-
-<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4>
-
-<p class="hanging">1. <i>The Chronicle of Morea.</i> Ed. John Schmitt, Ph.D. London, 1904.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">2. <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste.</i> In <i>Recherches historiques sur la Principauté
-française de Morée</i>. Tome <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> By J. A. Buchon. Paris, 1845. New
-Edn. by J. Longnon. Paris, 1911.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">3. Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (<i>History of the Greek Nation</i>). By K.
-Paparregopoulos. 4th Edn. Athens, 1903.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">4. <i>Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters.</i> Von K. Hopf.
-In Ersch und Gruber’s <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>. Bände 85, 86.
-Leipzig, 1867.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">5. <i>Chroniques Gréco-Romanes inédites ou peu connues.</i> Published by
-Charles Hopf. Berlin, 1873.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">6. <i>Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter.</i> Von F. Gregorovius. 3rd
-Edn. Stuttgart, 1889.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">7. <i>La Conquête de Constantinople, par Geoffroy de Villehardouin.</i> By Émile
-Bouchet. Paris, 1891.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">8. <i>Georgii Acropolitæ Opera.</i> Ed. by A. Heisenberg. Leipzig, 1903.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">9. <i>Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Byzantinæ.</i> Bonn, 1828-43.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">10. <i>Anecdota Græca.</i> Ed. J. Fr. Boissonade. Tom. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> Paris, 1831.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span></p>
-
-<h3 id="heading5">4. THE DUKES OF ATHENS</h3>
-
-<p>Nations, like individuals, sometimes have the romance of their lives
-in middle age—a romance unknown, perhaps, to the outside world
-until, long years afterwards, some forgotten bundle of letters throws a
-flash of rosy light upon a period hitherto regarded as uneventful and
-commonplace. So is it with the history of Athens under the Frankish
-domination, which Finlay first described in his great work. But since
-his day numerous documents have been published, and still more are in
-course of publication, which complete the picture of mediæval Athens as
-he drew it in a few master-strokes. Barcelona and Palermo have been
-ransacked for information; the Venetian archives have yielded a rich
-harvest; Milan has contributed her share; and a curious collection of
-Athenian legends has been made by an industrious and patriotic Greek.
-We know now, as we never knew before, the strange story of the classic
-city under her French, her Catalan, and her Florentine masters; and it is
-high time that the results of these researches should be laid before the
-British public. The present paper deals with the first two of these three
-periods.</p>
-
-<p>The history of Frankish Athens begins with the Fourth Crusade. By
-the deed of partition, which divided up the Byzantine Empire among
-the Latin conquerors of Constantinople, the crusading army, whose
-chief was Boniface, Marquess of Montferrat, had received “the district
-of Athens with the territory of Megara<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>”; and both Attica and Bœotia
-were included in that short-lived realm of Salonika, of which he assumed
-the title of king. Among the trusty followers who accompanied Boniface
-in his triumphal progress across his new dominions was Othon de la Roche,
-son of a Burgundian noble, who had rendered him a valuable service by
-assisting to settle the serious dispute between him and the first Latin
-Emperor of Constantinople, and who afterwards negotiated the marriage
-between his daughter and the Emperor Baldwin I’s brother and
-successor. This was the man upon whom the King of Salonika, in 1205,
-bestowed the most famous city of the ancient world. Thus, in the words
-of an astonished chronicler from the West, “Othon de la Roche, son of
-a certain Burgundian noble, became, as by a miracle, Duke of the
-Athenians and Thebans<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>The chronicler was only wrong in the title which he attributed to the
-lucky Frenchman, who had succeeded by an extraordinary stroke of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span>
-fortune to the past glories of the heroes and sages of Athens. Othon
-modestly styled himself “Sire d’Athènes” or “Dominus Athenarum,”
-which his Greek subjects magnified into the “Great Lord” (Μέγας Κύρ
-or Μέγας Κύρης), and Dante, in the <i>Purgatorio</i>, transferred by a poetic
-anachronism to Peisistratos. Contemporary accounts make no mention
-of any resistance to Othon de la Roche on the part of the Greeks, nor was
-such likely; for the eminent man, Michael Akominatos, who was then
-Metropolitan of Athens, was fully aware that the Akropolis could not
-long resist a Western army. Later Venetian writers, however, actuated
-perhaps by patriotic bias, propagated a story that the Athenians sent
-an embassy offering their city to Venice, but that their scheme was
-frustrated, “not without bloodshed, by the men of Champagne under
-the Lord de la Roche<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>.” If so, it was the sole effort which the Greeks of
-Attica made during the whole century of French domination.</p>
-
-<p>Othon’s dominions were large, if measured by the small standard of
-classical Greece. The Burgundian state of Athens embraced Attica,
-Bœotia, Megaris, and the ancient Opuntian Lokris to the north; while
-to the south of the isthmus the “Great Lord’s” deputies governed the
-important strongholds of Argos and Nauplia, conferred upon him, in
-1212, by Prince Geoffroy I of Achaia as the reward of his assistance in
-capturing them, and thenceforth held by Othon and his successors for a
-century as fiefs of the Principality. The Italian Marquess of Boudonitza
-on the north, the Lord of Salona on the west, were the neighbours, and
-the latter subsequently the vassal, of the ruler of Athens, his bulwarks
-against the expanding power of the Greek despots of Epeiros. Thus
-situated, mediæval Athens had at least four ports—Livadostro, or
-Rive d’Ostre, as the Franks called it, on the Gulf of Corinth, where Othon’s
-relatives landed when they arrived from France; the harbour of Atalante
-opposite Eubœa; the beautiful bay of Nauplia; and the famous Piræus,
-known in the Frankish times by the name of Porto Leone from the huge
-lion, now in front of the Arsenal at Venice, which then guarded the
-entrance to the haven of Themistokles. It is strange, in these circumstances,
-that the Burgundian rulers of Athens made little or no attempt
-to create a navy, especially as Latin pirates infested the coast of Attica,
-and a sail down the Corinthian Gulf was described as “a voyage to
-Acheron<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>Guiltless of a classical education, and unmoved by the genius of the
-place, Othon abstained from seeking a model for the constitution of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span>
-new state in the laws of Solon. Like the other Frankish princes of the
-Levant, he adopted the “Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania,”
-a code of usages based on the famous “Assizes of Jerusalem.” But the
-feudal society which was thus installed in Attica was very different from
-that which existed in the Principality of Achaia or in the Duchy of the
-Archipelago. The “Great Lord” of Athens had, at the most, only one
-exalted noble, the head of the famous Flemish house of St Omer, near
-his throne. It is obvious, from the silence of all the authorities, that the
-Burgundians who settled in Othon’s Greek dominions were men of inferior
-social position to himself, a fact further demonstrated by the comparative
-lack in Attica and Bœotia of those baronial castles so common
-in the Peloponnese.</p>
-
-<p>In one respect the Court of Athens, under Othon de la Roche, must
-have resembled the Court of the late King George, namely, that there
-was no one, except the members of his own family, with whom the ruler
-could associate on equal terms. But, as in Georgian, so in Frankish
-Athens, the family of the sovereign was numerous enough to form a
-society of its own. Not only did Othon marry a Burgundian heiress, by
-whom he had two sons, but the news of his astounding good fortune
-attracted to the new El Dorado in Greece various members of his clan
-from their home in Burgundy. They doubtless received their share of
-the good things which had fallen to their lucky relative; a favourite
-nephew, Guy, divided with his uncle the lordship of Thebes; a more
-distant relative became commander of the castle of Athens. Both
-places became the residences of Latin archbishops; and in the room of
-Michael Akominatos, in the magnificent church of “Our Lady of Athens,”
-as the Parthenon was now called, a Frenchman named Bérard, perhaps
-Othon’s chaplain, inaugurated the long series of the Catholic prelates of
-that ancient see. The last Greek Metropolitan retired sorrowfully from
-his plundered cathedral to the island of Keos, whence he could still see
-the shores of his beloved Attica; and for well-nigh two centuries his
-titular successors never once visited their confiscated diocese. The Greek
-priests who remained behind performed their services in the church near
-the Roman market, which was converted into a mosque at the time of
-the Turkish conquest, and has now been degraded to a military bakery;
-while Innocent III assigned to the Catholic archbishop the ancient
-jurisdiction of the Orthodox Metropolitan over his eleven suffragans,
-and confirmed to the Church of Athens its possessions at Phyle and
-Marathon—places still called by their classical names.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p>The renewal of the divine grace (wrote the enthusiastic Pope to Bérard)
-suffereth not the ancient glory of the city of Athens to grow old. The citadel<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span>
-of most famous Pallas hath been humbled to become the seat of the most
-glorious Mother of God. Well may we call this city “Kirjath-sepher,” which
-when Othniel had subdued to the rule of Caleb, “he gave him Achsah, his
-daughter to wife<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>But the “Othniel” of Athens, to whom the Pope had made a punning
-allusion, was, like the other Frankish rulers of his time, a sore trial to
-the Holy See. He forbade his subjects to give or bequeath their possessions
-to the Church, levied dues from the clergy, and showed no
-desire to pay tithes or compel his people to pay them. A “concordat”
-between Church and State was at last drawn up in 1210, at a Parliament
-convened by the Latin Emperor Henry in the valley of Ravenika, near
-Lamia, and attended by Othon and all the chief feudal lords of continental
-Greece. By this it was agreed that the clergy of both dominations
-should pay the old Byzantine land-tax to the temporal authorities, but
-that, in return, all churches, monasteries, and other ecclesiastical
-property, should be entrusted to the Latin Patriarch of Constantinople
-free of all feudal services.</p>
-
-<p>Othon was more loyal to the Empire than to the Papacy. When the
-Lombard nobles of Salonika, on the death of Boniface, tried to shake off
-the feudal tie which bound that kingdom to the Latin Emperor, he stood
-by the latter, even though his loyalty cost him the temporary loss of his
-capital of Thebes. He was rewarded by a visit which the Emperor Henry
-paid him at Athens, where no Imperial traveller had set foot since Basil
-“the Bulgar-slayer,” two centuries earlier, had offered up prayer and
-thanksgivings in the greatest of all cathedrals. Like Basil, Henry also
-prayed “in the Minster of Athens, which men call Our Lady,” and
-received from his host “every honour in his power<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>.” Only once again
-did an emperor of Constantinople bow down in the Parthenon; and then
-it was not as a conqueror but as a fugitive that he came.</p>
-
-<p>The “Great Lord” was not fired with the romance of reigning over
-the city of Perikles and Plato. When old age crept on, he felt, like many
-another baron of the conquest, that he would like to spend the evening
-of his days in his native land; and in 1225 he departed for Burgundy
-with his wife and sons, leaving his nephew, Guy, to succeed him in
-Greece. Under the wise rule of his successor, the Athenian state prospered
-exceedingly. Thebes, where Guy and his connections, the great family
-of St Omer, resided, had recovered much of its fame as the seat of the
-silk manufactory. Jews and Genoese both possessed colonies there; and
-the shrewd Ligurian traders negotiated a commercial treaty with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span>
-new ruler which allowed them to have their own consul, their own court
-of justice, and their own buildings both there and at Athens.</p>
-
-<p>The Greeks too profited by the enlightened policy of their sovereign.
-One Greek monk at this time made the road to the monastery of St John
-the Hunter on the slopes of Hymettos, to which the still standing column
-on the way to Marathon alludes; another built one of the two churches at
-the quaint little monastery of Our Lady of the Glen, not far from the
-fort of Phyle. For thirty years Athens enjoyed profound peace, till a
-fratricidal war between Guillaume de Villehardouin, the ambitious Prince
-of Achaia, and the great barons of Eubœa involved Guy in their quarrel.
-The prince summoned Guy, his vassal for Argos and Nauplia, to assist
-him against his foes; Guy, though bound not only by this feudal tie
-but by his marriage to one of William’s nieces, refused his aid, and did all
-he could to help the enemies of the prince. The latter replied by invading
-the dominions of his nephew. Forcing the Kakè Skála, that
-narrow and ill-famed road which leads along the rocky coast of the
-Saronic Gulf towards Megara, he met Guy’s army at the pass of Mount
-Karydi, “the walnut mountain,” on the way to Thebes. There Frankish
-Athens and Frankish Sparta first met face to face; the Sire of Athens
-was routed and fled to Thebes, where he obtained peace by a promise to
-appear before the High Court of Achaia and perform any penalty which
-it might inflict upon him for having borne arms against the Prince.</p>
-
-<p>The High Court met at Nikli near Tegea; and the Sire of Athens,
-escorted by all his chivalry, made a brave show before the assembled
-barons. They were so much impressed by the spectacle that they
-declared they could not judge so great a man, and referred the decision
-to St Louis of France, the natural protector of the French nobles of
-Greece. The chivalrous monarch propounded the question to the
-<i>parlement</i> at Paris, which decided that Guy was technically guilty, but
-that the trouble and cost of his long journey to France was ample
-punishment for his offence. Louis IX, anxious to show him some mark
-of royal favour, conferred upon him, at his special request, the title of
-Duke of Athens, for which, he told the king, there was an ancient
-precedent. The ducal style borne by Guy and his successors has become
-famous in literature as well as in history. Dante, Boccaccio, Chaucer,
-and Shakespeare bestowed it upon Theseus, and the Catalan chronicler,
-Muntaner, upon Menelaos.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile the wheel of fortune had avenged the Duke of Athens.
-His victorious enemy, involved in a quarrel between the rival Greek
-states of Nice and Epeiros, had been taken prisoner by the Greek
-Emperor; and the flower of the Achaian chivalry was either dead or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span>
-languishing in the dungeons of Lampsakos. In these circumstances the
-survivors offered to Guy the regency of Achaia—a post which he
-triumphantly accepted. But he had not been long in Greece when
-another blow descended upon the Franks. The Latin Empire of
-Constantinople fell; and the Emperor Baldwin II, a landless exile, was
-glad to accept the hospitality of the Theban Kadmeia and the Castle
-of Athens. Thus, on that venerable rock, was played the last pitiful scene
-in the brief Imperial drama of the Latin Orient<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Fired by the reconquest of Constantinople, Michael VIII now
-meditated the recovery of the Peloponnese, and demanded the cession
-of the three strongest castles in the peninsula as the price of his prisoner’s
-freedom. It was Guy’s duty, as regent of Achaia, to convene the High
-Court of the Principality to consider this momentous question. The parliament,
-almost exclusively composed of ladies—for all the men of mark
-had been slain or were in prison—decided, against Guy’s better judgment,
-in favour of accepting the Emperor’s terms; and Guy, whose position
-was one of great delicacy, finally yielded. Not long afterwards, the first
-Duke of Athens died, conscious of having heaped coals of fire upon the
-head of his enemy, and proud of leaving to his elder son, John, a state
-more prosperous than any other in Greece.</p>
-
-<p>The second Duke, less fortunate than his father, was involved in the
-wars against the Greek Emperor, which occupied so much of that period.
-The restless scion of the house of Angelos, who had carved out for
-himself a principality in the ancient realm of Achilles in Phthiotis, and
-reigned over Wallachs and Greeks at Neopatras, or La Patre, beneath
-the rocky walls of Mount Œta, fled as a suppliant to the Theban Court
-and offered the duke the hand of his daughter Helene if he would only
-assist him against the Palaiologoi. The duke, gouty and an invalid,
-declined matrimony, but promised his aid. At the head of a picked body
-of Athenian knights he easily routed the vastly superior numbers of the
-Imperial army, which he contemptuously summed up in a phrase,
-borrowed from Herodotos, as “many people, but few men.” As his
-reward he obtained for his younger brother William the fair Helene as a
-bride; and her dowry, which included the important town of Lamia,
-extended the influence of the Athenian duchy as far north as Thessaly.
-But John of Athens was destined to experience, like William of Achaia,
-the most varied changes of fortune. Wounded in a fight with the Greeks
-and their Catalan allies outside the walls of Negroponte, he fell from his
-horse and was carried off a prisoner to Constantinople. Michael VIII did
-not, however, treat the Duke of Athens as he had treated the Prince of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span>
-Achaia. He made no demand for Athenian territory, but contented
-himself with a ransom of some £13,500. Policy, rather than generosity,
-was the cause of this apparent inconsistency. Fears of an attack by
-Charles of Anjou, alarm at the restless ambition of his prisoner’s kinsman,
-the Duke of Neopatras, and suspicion of the orthodox clerical party
-in his own capital, which regarded him as a schismatic because of his
-overtures to Rome, convinced him that the policy of 1262 would not
-suit the altered conditions of 1279. He even offered his daughter in
-marriage to his prisoner, but the latter refused the Imperial alliance. A
-year later John died, and William his brother reigned in his stead.</p>
-
-<p>During the seven years of his reign William de la Roche was the
-leading figure in Frankish Greece. Acknowledging the suzerainty of the
-Angevin kings of Naples, who had become overlords of Achaia by the
-treaty of Viterbo, he was appointed their viceroy in that principality,
-and in that capacity built the castle of Dematra, the site of which may
-be perhaps found at Kastri, between Tripolitsa and Sparta. Possessed
-of ample means, he spent his money liberally for the defence of Frankish
-Greece, alike in the Peloponnese and in Eubœa; and great was the grief
-of all men when his valiant career was cut short. Now, for the first time
-since the conquest, Athens was governed by a Greek, for Guy’s mother,
-Helene Angela of Neopatras, who has given her title to K. Rhanghaves’
-drama, <i>The Duchess of Athens</i>, acted as regent for her infant son,
-Guy, until a second marriage with her late husband’s brother-in-law,
-Hugh de Brienne, provided him with a more powerful guardian. The
-family of Brienne was one of the most famous of that day. First heard
-of in Champagne during the reign of Hugh Capet, it had, in the thirteenth
-century, won an Imperial diadem at Constantinople, a royal crown at
-Jerusalem, and a count’s coronet at Lecce and at Jaffa; ere long it was
-destined to provide the last French Duke of Athens.</p>
-
-<p>The Burgundian duchy of Athens had now reached its zenith; and
-the ceremony of Guy II’s coming of age, which has been described for us
-in the picturesque Catalan chronicle of Muntaner, affords a striking proof
-of the splendour of the ducal Court at Thebes. The young duke had
-invited all the great men of his duchy; he had let it be known, too,
-throughout the Greek Empire and the Despotat of Epeiros and his
-mother’s home of Thessaly, that whosoever came should receive gifts
-and favours from his hands, “for he was one of the noblest men in all
-Romania who was not a king, and eke one of the richest.” When all the
-guests had assembled, Archbishop Nicholas of Thebes celebrated mass
-in the Theban minster; and then all eyes were fixed upon the Duke, to
-see whom he would ask to confer upon him the order of knighthood—“a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span>
-duty which the King of France, or the Emperor himself, would have
-thought it a pleasure and an honour to perform.” What was the surprise
-of the brilliant throng when Guy, instead of calling upon such great
-nobles as Thomas of Salona or Othon of St Omer, co-owner with himself
-of Thebes, called to his side a young Eubœan knight, Boniface of Verona,
-lord of but a single castle, which he had sold the better to equip himself
-and his retinue. Yet no one made a braver show at the Theban Court;
-he always wore the richest clothes, and on the day of the ceremony none
-was more elegantly dressed than he, though every one had attired
-himself and his <i>jongleurs</i> in the fairest apparel. This was the man whom
-the young duke bade dub him a knight, and upon whom, as a reward for
-this service, he bestowed the hand of a fair damsel of Eubœa, Agnes de
-Cicon, Lady of the classic island of Ægina and of the great Eubœan
-castle of Karystos or Castel Rosso, still a picturesque ruin. The duke
-gave him also thirteen castles on the mainland and the famous island of
-Salamis—sufficient to bring him in a revenue of 50,000 <i>sols</i>.</p>
-
-<p>Prosperous indeed must have been the state whose ruler could afford
-such splendid generosity. Worthy too of such a sovereign was the castle
-in which he dwelt—the work of the great Theban baron, Nicholas II de
-St Omer, who had built it out of the vast wealth of his wife, Marie of
-Antioch. The castle of St Omer, which was described as “the finest
-baronial mansion in all Romania<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>,” contained sufficient rooms for an
-emperor and his court; and its walls were decorated with frescoes
-illustrating the conquest of the Holy Land by the Franks, in which
-the ancestors of its founder had borne a prominent part. Alas! one
-stumpy tower, still bearing the name of Santameri, is all that now
-remains of this noble residence of the Athenian dukes and the Theban
-barons.</p>
-
-<p>French influence now spread from Thebes over the great plain of
-Thessaly to the slopes of Olympos. The Duke of Neopatras died, leaving
-his nephew of Athens guardian of his infant son and regent of his
-dominions, threatened alike by the Greek Emperor, Andronikos II, and
-by the able and ambitious Lady of Epeiros. At Lamia, the fortress which
-had been part of his mother’s dowry, Guy received the homage of the
-Thessalian baronage, and appointed as his viceroy Antoine le Flamenc,
-a Fleming who had become lord of the Bœotian Karditza (where a Greek
-inscription on the church of St George still commemorates him as its
-“most pious” founder), and who is described as “the wisest man in all
-the duchy.” The Greek nobles of Thessaly learnt the French language;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span>
-coins with Latin inscriptions were issued in the name of Guy’s young
-ward from the mint of Neopatras<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>; and the condition of Thessaly was
-accurately depicted in that curious story the <i>Romance of Achilles</i>, in
-which the Greek hero marries a French damsel and the introduction of
-French customs is allegorically represented by cutting the child’s hair in
-Frankish fashion<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Wherever there was knightly work to be done, the gallant Duke of
-Athens was foremost; none was more impetuous than he at the great
-tournament held on the Isthmus of Corinth in 1305, at which the whole
-chivalry of Frankish Greece was present. He needs must challenge
-Master Bouchart, one of the best jousters of the West, to single combat
-with the lance; and their horses met with such force that the ducal
-charger fell and rolled its rider in the dust. His Theban castle rang with
-the songs of minstrels; festival after festival followed at his Court; and
-this prosperity was not merely on the surface. Now for the first time we
-find Attica supplying Eubœa with corn, while the gift of silken garments
-to Pope Boniface VIII is a proof of the continued manufacture of silk
-at Thebes. But the duke’s health was undermined by an incurable
-malady; he had no heirs of his body; and, when he died in 1308, there
-was already looming on the frontiers of Greece that Grand Company of
-Catalan soldiers of fortune whom the weakness of the Emperor, Andronikos
-II, had invited from the stricken fields of Sicily to be the terror
-and the scourge of the Levant. The last duke of the house of la Roche
-was laid to rest in the noble Byzantine abbey of Daphni or Dalfinet (as
-the Franks called it), on the Sacred Way between Athens and Eleusis,
-which Othon had bestowed upon the Cistercians a century before. Even
-to-day there may be seen in the courtyard a sarcophagus, with a cross,
-two snakes, and two lilies carved upon it, which the French scholar
-Buchon (<i>La Grèce continentale</i>) believed to have been the tomb of “the
-good duke,” Guy II.</p>
-
-<p>The succession to the “delectable duchy” of Athens—for such,
-indeed, it was in the early years of the fourteenth century—was not
-seriously disputed. There were only two claimants, both first cousins of
-the late duke—Eschive, Lady of Beyrout, and Walter de Brienne, Count
-of Lecce, a true scion of that adventurous family, who had been a
-“knight of death” in the Angevin cause in Sicily, and had fought like
-the lion on his banner at the fatal battle of Gagliano. The rival claims
-having been referred to the High Court of Achaia, of which the Duke of
-Athens was, in Angevin times, a peer, the barons decided, as was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span>
-natural, in favour of the gallant and powerful Count of Lecce, more fitted
-than a lonely widow to govern a military state. Unfortunately, Duke
-Walter of Athens was as rash as he was brave; prison and defeat in
-Sicily had not taught him to respect the infantry of Cataluña. Speaking
-their language and knowing their ways, he thought that he might use
-them for his own ends and then dismiss them when they had served his
-purpose.</p>
-
-<p>In the spring of 1309 the Catalan Grand Company threatened by
-starvation in Macedonia, marched through the vale of Tempe into the
-granary of Greece, whence, a year later, they descended upon Lamia.
-The Duke of Neopatras had now come of age, and had not only emancipated
-himself from Athenian tutelage, but had formed a triple alliance
-with the Greek Emperor and the Greek Despot of Epeiros in order to
-prevent the ultimate annexation of his country by his French neighbours.
-In these circumstances the new Duke of Athens bethought himself of
-employing the wandering Catalans against the allies. Thanks to the good
-offices of Roger Deslaur, a knight of Roussillon who was in his employ,
-he engaged them at the same high rate of payment which they had
-received from Andronikos II. The Catalans at once showed that they
-were well worth the money, for by the end of a six months’ campaign
-they had captured more than thirty castles for their employer. Thereupon
-his three adversaries hastened to make peace with him on his own
-terms.</p>
-
-<p>Walter now rashly resolved to rid himself of the expensive mercenaries
-for whom he had no further use. He first selected 500 men from
-their ranks, gave them their pay and lands on which to settle, and then
-abruptly bade the others begone, although at the time he still owed them
-four months’ wages. They naturally declined to obey this summary
-order, and prepared to conquer or die; for retreat was impossible, and
-there was no other land where they could seek their fortune. Walter,
-too, assembled all available troops against the common enemies of
-Frankish Greece—for as such the savage Catalans were regarded. Never
-had a Latin army made such a brave show as that which was drawn up
-under his command in the spring of 1311 on the great Bœotian plain,
-almost on the self-same spot where, more than sixteen centuries before,
-Philip of Macedon had won that “dishonest victory” which destroyed
-the freedom of classic Greece, and where, in the time of Sulla, her Roman
-masters had thrice met the Pontic troops of Mithridates. All the great
-feudatories of Greece rallied to his call. There came Alberto Pallavicini,
-Marquess of Boudonitza, who kept the pass of Thermopylæ; Thomas de
-Stromoncourt of Salona, who ruled over the slopes of Parnassos, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span>
-whose noble castle still preserves the memory of its mediæval lords;
-Boniface of Verona, the favourite of the late Duke of Athens; George
-Ghisi, one of the three great barons of Eubœa; and Jean de Maisy,
-another powerful magnate of that famous island. From Achaia, and
-from the scattered duchy of the Archipelago, contingents arrived to do
-battle against the desperate mercenaries of Cataluña. Already Walter
-dreamed of not merely routing the company, but of planting his lion
-banner on the ramparts of Byzantium.</p>
-
-<p>But the Catalans were better strategists than the impetuous Duke
-of Athens. They knew that the strength of the Franks lay in the rush
-of their splendid cavalry, and they laid their plans accordingly. The
-marshy soil of the Copaic basin afforded them an excellent defence
-against a charge of horsemen; and they carefully prepared the ground
-by ploughing it up, digging a trench round it, and then irrigating the
-whole area by means of canals from the river Kephissos. By the middle
-of March, when the two armies met face to face, a treacherous covering
-of green grass concealed the quaking bog from the gaze of the Frankish
-leaders.</p>
-
-<p>As if he had some presentiment of his coming death, Walter made his
-will—a curious document still preserved<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>—and then, on March 15, took
-up his stand on the hill called the Thourion, still surmounted by a
-mediæval tower, to survey the field. Before the battle began, the 500
-favoured Catalans whom he had retained came to him and told him that
-they would rather die than fight against their old comrades. The duke
-bade them do as they pleased; and their defection added a welcome and
-experienced contingent to the enemy’s forces. When they had gone, the
-duke, impatient for the fray, placed himself at the head of 200 French
-knights with golden spurs and charged with a shout across the plain.
-But, when they reached the fatal spot where the grass was greenest,
-their horses, heavily weighted with their coats of mail, plunged all
-unsuspecting into the treacherous morass. Some rolled over with their
-armoured riders in the mire; others, stuck fast in the stiff bog, stood
-still, in the picturesque phrase of the Byzantine historian, “like equestrian
-statues,” powerless to move. The shouts of “Aragon! Aragon!”
-from the Catalans increased the panic of the horses; showers of arrows
-hailed upon the helpless Franks; and the Turkish auxiliaries of the
-Catalans rushed forward and completed the deadly work. So great was
-the slaughter that only four Frankish nobles are known to have survived
-that fatal day—Boniface of Verona, Roger Deslaur, the eldest son of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span>
-the Duke of Naxos, and Jean de Maisy of Eubœa<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>. At one blow the
-Catalans had destroyed the noble chivalry of Frankish Greece; and the
-men, whose forefathers had marched with Boniface of Montferrat into
-Greece a century earlier, lay dead in the fatal Bœotian swamp. Among
-them was the Duke of Athens, whose head, severed by a Catalan knife,
-was borne, long afterwards, on a funeral galley to Brindisi and buried in
-the church of Santa Croce in his Italian county of Lecce.</p>
-
-<p>The Athenian duchy, “the pleasaunce of the Latins,” as Villani<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>
-quaintly calls it, now lay at the mercy of the Grand Company; for the
-Greeks made no resistance to their new masters, and in fact looked upon
-the annihilation of the Franks as a welcome relief. We would fain believe
-the story of the Aragonese <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>, that the heroic
-widow of the fallen duke, a worthy daughter of a Constable of France,
-defended the Akropolis, where she had taken refuge with her little son
-Walter, till she saw that there was no hope of succour. But the Byzantine
-historian, Nikephoros Gregoras, expressly says that Athens fell without
-a struggle, as Thebes had already fallen. Argos and Nauplia alone held
-aloft the banner of the Frankish dukes. Thus the Catalans were able,
-without opposition, to parcel out among themselves the towns and
-castles of the duchy; the widows of the slain became the wives of the
-slayers; each soldier received a consort according to his services; and
-many a rough warrior thus found himself the husband of some noble
-dame in whose veins flowed the bluest blood of France, and “whose
-washhand-basin,” in the phrase of Muntaner, “he was not worthy to
-bear.”</p>
-
-<p>After nine years’ wandering these vagabonds settled down in the
-promised land, which the most extraordinary fate had bestowed upon
-them. But they lacked a leader of sufficient social position to preside
-over their changed destinies. Finding no such man in their own ranks,
-they offered the post to one of their four noble prisoners, Boniface of
-Verona, whom Muntaner, his guest at Negroponte, has described as “the
-wisest and most courteous nobleman that was ever born.” Both of
-these qualities made him disinclined to accept an offer which would have
-rendered him an object of suspicion to Venice, his neighbour in Eubœa,
-and of loathing to the whole Frankish world. On his refusal the Catalans
-turned to Roger Deslaur, whom neither ties of blood nor scruples of
-conscience prevented from becoming their leader. As his reward he
-received the castle of Salona together with the widow of its fallen lord.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span></p>
-
-<p>But the victors of the Kephissos soon recognised that they needed
-some more powerful head than a simple knight of Roussillon, if they were
-to hold the duchy against the jealous enemies whom their meteoric
-success had alarmed and excited. Their choice naturally fell upon King
-Frederick II of Sicily, the master whom they had served in that island
-ten years earlier, and who had already shown that he was not unwilling
-to profit by their achievements. Accordingly, in 1312, they invited him
-to send them one of his children. He gave them as their duke his second
-son Manfred, in whose name—as the Duke was still too young to come
-himself—he sent, as governor of Athens, Beranger Estañol, a knight of
-Ampurias. On his arrival Deslaur laid down his office, and we hear of
-him no more.</p>
-
-<p>The Catalan duchy of Athens was now organised as a state, which,
-though dependent in name on a Sicilian duke, really enjoyed a large
-measure of independence. The duke nominated the two chief officials,
-the vicar-general and the marshal, of whom the former, appointed
-during good pleasure, was the political, the latter the military, governor
-of the duchy. The marshal was always chosen from the ranks of the
-Company; and the office was for half a century hereditary in the family
-of De Novelles. Each city and district had its own local governor, called
-<i>veguer</i>, <i>castellano</i>, or <i>capitán</i>, whose term of office was fixed at three
-years, and who was nominated by the duke, by the vicar-general, or by
-the local representatives from among the citizens of the community.
-The principal towns and villages were represented by persons known as
-<i>sindici</i>, and possessed municipal officials and councils, which did not
-hesitate to present petitions, signed with the seal of St George by the
-chancellor, to the duke whenever they desired the redress of grievances.
-On one occasion we find the communities actually electing the vicar-general;
-and the dukes frequently wrote to them about affairs of state.
-One of their principal subsequent demands was that official posts should
-be bestowed upon residents in the duchy, not upon Sicilians.</p>
-
-<p>The feudal system continued to exist, but with far less brilliance than
-under the Burgundian dukes. The Catalan conquerors were of common
-origin; and, even after seventy years of residence, the roll of noble
-families in the whole duchy contained only some sixteen names. The
-Company particularly objected to the bestowal of strong fortresses, such
-as Livadia, upon private individuals, preferring that they should be
-administered by the government officials. The “Customs of Barcelona”
-now supplanted the feudal “Assizes of Romania”; the Catalan idiom of
-Muntaner took the place of the elegant French which had been spoken
-by the Frankish rulers of Greece. Even to their Greek subjects the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span>
-Spanish dukes wrote in “the Catalan dialect,” the employment of which,
-as we are expressly told, was “according to the custom and usage of
-the city of Athens.” Alike by Catalans and French, the Greeks were
-treated as an inferior race, excluded, as a general rule, from all civic
-rights, forbidden to intermarry with the conquerors, and still deprived
-of their higher ecclesiastical functionaries. But there were some notable
-exceptions to these harsh disqualifications. The people of Livadia, for
-services rendered to the Company, early received the full franchise of
-the Conquistadors; towards the end of the Catalan domination we find
-Greeks holding such important posts as those of <i>castellano</i> of Salona,
-chancellor of Athens, and notary of Livadia; a count of Salona and a
-marshal married Greek ladies; and their wives were allowed to retain
-their own faith.</p>
-
-<p>Under the rule of Estañol the Catalans not only held their ground
-in Attica and Bœotia, but increased the terror of their name among all
-their neighbours. In vain the Pope appealed to King James II of Aragon
-to drive them out of Attica; in vain he described the late Duke Walter as
-a “true athlete of Christ and faithful boxer of the Church”; the king’s
-politic reply was to the effect that the Catalans, if they were cruel, were
-also Catholics, who would prove a valuable bulwark of Romanism
-against the schismatic Greeks of Byzantium<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>. The appointment of King
-Frederick II’s natural son, Don Alfonso Fadrique (or Frederick), as
-“President of the fortunate army of Franks in the Duchy of Athens”
-yet further strengthened the position of the Company. The new vicar-general
-was a man of much energy and force of character; and during
-his thirteen years’ administration the Catalan state attained its zenith.
-Practically independent of Sicilian influence—for the nominal Duke
-Manfred died in the year of Fadrique’s appointment, and his younger
-brother William was likewise a minor—he acquired a stronger hold upon
-Attica, and at the same time a pretext for intervention in the affairs
-of Eubœa, by his marriage with Marulla, the heiress of Boniface of
-Verona, “one of the fairest Christians in the world, the best woman and
-the wisest that ever was in that land,” as Muntaner, who knew her,
-enthusiastically describes her. With her Fadrique received back, as her
-dowry, the thirteen castles which Guy II of Athens had bestowed upon
-her father on that memorable day at Thebes.</p>
-
-<p>The growing power of the Catalans under this daring leader, who had
-marched across “the black bridge” of Negroponte and had occupied
-two of the most important castles of the island, so greatly alarmed the
-Venetians that they persuaded King Frederick II of Sicily to curb the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span>
-restless ambition of his bastard son, lest a European coalition should be
-formed against the disturber of Greece. Above all else, the Republic
-was anxious that a Catalan navy should not be formed at the Piræus;
-and it was therefore stipulated, in 1319, that a plank was to be taken out
-of the hull of each of the Catalan vessels then lying in “the sea of Athens,”
-and that the ships’ tackle was to be taken up to “the Castle of Athens”
-and there deposited<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>. Thus shut out from naval enterprise, Fadrique
-now extended his dominions by land. The last Duke of Neopatras had
-died in 1318, and the best part of his duchy soon fell into the hands of
-the Catalans of Athens, who might claim that they represented the
-Burgundian dukes, and were therefore entitled to some voice in the
-government of a land which Guy II had once administered. At Neopatras,
-the seat of the extinct Greek dynasty of the Angeloi, Fadrique made his
-second capital, styling himself “Vicar-General of the duchies of Athens
-and Neopatras.” Thenceforth the Sicilian dukes of Athens assumed the
-double title which figures on their coins and in their documents; and,
-long after the Catalan duchies had passed away, the Kings of Aragon
-continued to bear it. This conquest made the Company master of
-practically all continental Greece; even the Venetian Marquess of
-Boudonitza paid an annual tribute of four horses to the Catalan vicar-general<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>.
-Still, however, the faithful family of Foucherolles held the two
-great fortresses of Argos and Nauplia for the exiled house of Brienne.</p>
-
-<p>Young Walter had now grown up to man’s estate, and it seemed to
-him that the time had come to strike a blow for the recovery of his
-Athenian heritage. The Angevins of Naples supported him in their own
-interest as well as his; Pope John XXII bade the Archbishops of Patras
-and Corinth preach a crusade against the “schismatics, sons of perdition,
-and pupils of iniquity” who had seized his patrimony; but the subtle
-Venetians, who could have contributed more than Angevin aid or papal
-thunder to the success of his expedition, had just renewed their truce
-with the Catalans. From that moment his attempt was bound to fail.</p>
-
-<p>Walter was, like his father, a rash general, while his opponents had
-not forgotten the art of strategy, to which they owed their success. At
-first the brilliant band of French knights and Tuscan men-at-arms which
-crossed over with him to Epeiros in 1331 carried all before it. But, when
-he arrived in the Catalan duchy, he found that the enemy was much too
-cautious to give his fine cavalry a chance of displaying its prowess on the
-plains of Bœotia. While the Catalans remained behind the walls of their
-fortresses, the invaders wasted their energies on the open country. Ere<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span>
-long Walter’s small stock of money ran out, and his chances diminished
-with it. The Greeks rendered him no assistance. It is true that a correspondent
-of the historian Nikephoros Gregoras wrote that they were
-“suffering under extreme slavery,” and had “exchanged their ancient
-happiness for boorish ways,” while Guillaume Adam said that they were
-“worse than serfs”; but either their sufferings were insufficient to make
-them desire a change of masters, or their boorishness was such that it
-made them indifferent to the advantages of French culture. Early in the
-following year Walter took ship for Italy, never to return. Summoned by
-the Florentines to command their forces, he became tyrant of their city,
-whence he was expelled amidst universal rejoicings eleven years later. His
-name and arms may still be seen in the Bargello of Florence. Thirteen
-years afterwards he fell fighting, as Constable of France, against the
-English at the battle of Poitiers. His sister Isabelle, wife of Walter
-d’Enghien, succeeded to his estates and his pretensions; some of her
-descendants continued to bear, till 1381, the empty title of Duke of
-Athens, while the last fragments of the French duchy—the castles of
-Nauplia and Argos—remained in the possession of others of her line till,
-in 1388, they were purchased by Venice.</p>
-
-<p>One irreparable loss was inflicted upon Greece by this expedition.
-In order to prevent the castle of St Omer at Thebes from falling into his
-hands, the Catalans destroyed that noble monument of Frankish rule.
-Loudly does the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i> lament over the loss of a building
-more closely associated than any other with the past glories of the De la
-Roche. At the time of its destruction it belonged to Bartolommeo
-Ghisi, Great Constable of Achaia, one of the three great barons of Eubœa,
-son-in-law of Fadrique, and a man of literary and historic tastes, for the
-French version of the Chronicle, <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>, was originally
-found in his Theban castle<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>. Had Fadrique still been head of the
-Company at the time, he would probably have saved his kinsman’s
-home; but for some unexplained reason he was no longer vicar-general,
-though he was still in Greece. Possibly, as he paid a visit to Sicily about
-this time, he may have been accused at the Sicilian Court of aiming at
-independent sovereignty in the duchies—an accusation to which his too
-successful career may have lent some colour. Though he never resumed
-the leadership of the Catalans he passed the rest of his life in Greece,
-where one of his sons was Count of Salona, and another became, later on,
-vicar-general of the duchies.</p>
-
-<p>Soon after Walter’s futile expedition the Papacy made its peace with
-the “sons of perdition,” who came to be regarded as a possible defence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span>
-against the growing Turkish peril. Unfortunately, when the Catalans
-became respectable members of Christendom, they ceased to be formidable.
-Occasionally the old Adam broke out, as when the Count of Salona
-plied the trade of a pirate with the aid of the “unspeakable” Turk. But
-their Thessalian conquests were slipping away from the luxurious and
-drunken progeny of the hardy warriors who had smitten the Franks in
-the marshes of the Kephissos. Meanwhile, in distant Sicily, the shadowy
-Dukes of Athens and Neopatras came and went without ever seeing their
-Greek duchies. Duke William died in 1338; and his successors, John and
-Frederick of Randazzo, the picturesque town on the slopes of Etna, both
-succumbed to the plague a few years later—mere names in the history
-of Athens. But in 1355 the new Duke of Athens became also King of
-Sicily, under the title of Frederick III; and thus the two duchies, which
-had hitherto been the appanage of younger members of the royal family,
-were united with the Sicilian crown in the person of its holder.</p>
-
-<p>Thenceforth, as is natural, the archives of Palermo contain far more
-frequent allusions to the duchies of Athens and Neopatras, whose inhabitants
-petition their royal duke for redress of grievances and for the
-appointment of suitable officials. But it is evident from the tenour of
-these documents that the Catalan state was rapidly declining. In
-addition to the Turkish peril and the menaces of the Venetians of Negroponte,
-the once united soldiers of fortune were divided into factions,
-which paralysed the central authority, and were aggravated by the
-prolonged absence of the vicar-general in Sicily. One party wished to
-place the duchies under the protection of Genoa, the natural enemy of
-Venice, while two bitter rivals, Roger de Lluria and Pedro de Pou, or
-Petrus de Puteo, the chief justice, an unjust judge and a grasping and
-ambitious official, both claimed the title of vicar of the absent vicar-general.
-Pou’s tyranny became so odious to Catalans and Greeks alike
-that the former rose against him and slew him and his chief adherents.
-The experiment of allowing the vicar-general as well as the duke to
-remain an absentee had thus proved to be a failure; Lluria, as the
-strongest man on the spot, was rewarded with the office of vicar-general
-as the sole means of keeping the duchies intact. So vulnerable did the
-Catalan state appear that the representatives of Walter of Brienne, the
-Baron of Argos and the Count of Conversano, renewed the attempt of
-their predecessor and, if we may believe the Aragonese <i>Chronicle of the
-Morea</i>, actually occupied for a time the city of Athens.</p>
-
-<p>The fast approaching Turkish danger ought to have united all the
-Latin states of the Levant against the common foe, to whom they all eventually
-succumbed. An attempt at union was made by Pope Gregory XI,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span>
-at the instance of the Archbishop of Neopatras; and a congress
-of the Christian rulers of the East was convened by him to meet at
-Thebes in 1373. We can well imagine how the ancient city, the capital
-of the Athenian duchy, was enlivened by the arrival of these more or less
-eminent persons, or their envoys; how the Archbishops of Neopatras and
-Naxos preached a new crusade against the infidel in the church of Our
-Lady; how every one applauded their excellent advice; and how personal
-jealousies marred the results of that, as of every subsequent congress on
-the Eastern question. Scarcely had the delegates separated, when Nerio
-Acciajuoli, Baron of Corinth, the boldest and astutest of them all, a
-worthy scion of that great Florentine family of bankers established for
-a generation in the principality of Achaia showed his appreciation of the
-value of unity by seizing Megara as the first step on the way to Athens.
-It is an interesting proof of the popularity of Catalan rule among those
-Greeks, at any rate, who held office under the Company, that one of the
-warmest defenders of Megara was a Greek notary, Demetrios Rendi, who
-afterwards rose to a position of importance at Athens. Such was the
-weakness of the once terrible Catalan state that the upstart Florentine’s
-attack remained unavenged. The fall of Catalan rule was now only a
-question of time.</p>
-
-<p>The death of the royal Duke of Athens and Neopatras, Frederick III,
-in 1377, yet further injured his Greek duchies. The duke had bequeathed
-them to his young daughter Maria; but the succession was disputed by
-King Pedro IV of Aragon, brother-in-law of Frederick III, who appealed
-to the principle of the Salic law as laid down by that monarch’s predecessor,
-Frederick II. The Catalans of Attica were naturally disinclined
-to accept the government of a young girl at so critical a moment, when
-the Turk was at their gates. All the three archbishops and the principal
-barons and knights at once declared for the King of Aragon; but there
-was a minority in favour of Maria, headed by the Venetian Marquess of
-Boudonitza, who was eager to shake off the bond of vassalage to the
-vicar-general. The burgesses, anxious for security, supported the Aragonese
-party. At this moment, however, a third competitor appeared in
-the duchies in the shape of the Navarrese Company, which sought to
-repeat the exploits of the Catalans seventy years before. The researches
-of the learned historian of the Catalans and Navarrese, Don Antonio
-Rubió y Lluch, have thrown a flood of light upon this portion of the
-Athenian annals, and have explained much that was hitherto obscure.
-Employed originally by King Charles II of Navarre in his struggle with
-Charles V of France, the Navarrese mercenaries had found their occupation
-gone when those two rival sovereigns made peace in 1366. After<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span>
-many vicissitudes they found congenial service, fourteen years later,
-under the banner of Jacques de Baux, Prince of Achaia and the last
-titular Emperor of Constantinople, who thought the moment had come
-to recover his ancestors’ dominions.</p>
-
-<p>Accordingly, early in 1380, they directed their steps towards Attica,
-under the command of Mahiot de Coquerel, chamberlain of the King of
-Navarre, and Pedro de Superan, surnamed Bordo, or the bastard<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>.
-These experienced leaders found valuable assistance in the chiefs of the
-Sicilian party; in the knights of St John who sallied forth from the Morea
-to pillage the distracted duchy; in the Count of Conversano, who seems
-to have now made a second attempt to regain his ancestors’ heritage;
-and in the mutual jealousies of Thebes and Athens, fomented by the
-characteristic desire of the Athenians to be independent of Theban
-supremacy. In Bœotia, one place after another fell before the adventurers
-from Navarre; the noble castle of Livadia, which still preserves the
-memory of its Catalan masters, was betrayed by a Greek from Durazzo;
-and the capital was surrendered by two Spanish traitors. But the
-fortress of Salona defied their assaults; and the Akropolis, thanks to the
-bravery of its governor, Romeo de Bellarbe, and to the loyalty of the
-ever useful notary, Demetrios Rendi, baffled the machinations of a little
-band of malcontents. These severe checks broke the force of the soldiers
-of Navarre; their appearance in Greece had alarmed all the petty
-potentates of the Morea and the islands; and they withdrew to Bœotia,
-whence, some two years later, they were finally dislodged. Thence they
-proceeded to the Morea, where they carved out a principality, nominally
-for Jacques de Baux, really for themselves.</p>
-
-<p>The people of Athens and Salona, whose loyalty to the crown of
-Aragon had saved the duchies, were well aware of the value of their
-services, and were resolved to have their reward. Both communities
-accordingly presented petitions to King Pedro; and these capitulations,
-drawn up in the Catalan language, have fortunately been preserved in
-the archives of Barcelona. Both the Athenian capitulations and those of
-Salona are largely concerned with personal questions—requests that
-this or that faithful person should receive privileges, lands, and honours,
-especially his Majesty’s most loyal subject, the Greek, Demetrios Rendi.
-From the date of the Frankish conquest no member of the conquered
-race had ever risen to such eminence as this serviceable clerk, who now
-obtained broad acres, goods, and serfs in both Attica and Bœotia. But<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span>
-there were some clauses in the Athenian petition of a more general
-character. The Athenians begged the central authorities at Thebes for
-a continuance of their recently won independence, and for permission
-to bequeath their property and serfs to the Catholic Church. Both these
-prayers met with a blank refusal. King Pedro told the petitioners that
-he intended to treat the duchies as an indivisible whole, and that home-rule
-for Athens was quite out of the question. He also reminded them
-that the Catalans were only a small garrison in Greece, and that, if holy
-Church became possessed of their property, there would be no one left
-to defend the country. He also observed that there was no hardship
-in this, for the law of Athens was also that of his kingdoms of Majorca
-and Valencia. The soundness of his Majesty’s statesmanship was obvious
-in the peculiar conditions of the Catalan state; but this demand shows
-the influence of the Church, an influence rarely found in the history of
-Frankish Greece.</p>
-
-<p>Of all the dukes who had held sway over Athens, Pedro IV was the
-first to express himself in enthusiastic terms about the Akropolis. The
-poetic monarch—himself a troubadour and a chronicler—described that
-sacred rock in eloquent language as “the most precious jewel that exists
-in the world, and such as all the kings of Christendom together would
-imitate in vain.” He had doubtless heard from the lips of Bishop Boyl
-of Megara, who was chaplain in the chapel of St Bartholomew in the
-governor’s palace on the Akropolis, a description of the ancient buildings,
-then almost uninjured, which the bishop knew so well. Yet he considered
-twelve men-at-arms sufficient defence for the brightest jewel in
-his crown.</p>
-
-<p>Pedro now did his best to repair the ravages of the civil war; he
-ordered a general amnesty for all the inhabitants of the duchies, and
-showered rewards on faithful cities and individuals. Livadia, always a
-privileged town in the Catalan period, not only received a confirmation
-of its rights, but became the seat of the Order of St George in Greece,
-an honour due to the fact that the head of the saint was then preserved
-there. Most important of all for the future history of Greece, the king
-granted exemption from taxes for two years to all Albanians who would
-come and settle in the depleted duchies. This was the beginning of that
-Albanian colonisation of Attica of which so many traces remain in the
-population and the topography of the present day.</p>
-
-<p>But the Albanian colonists came too late to save the Catalan domination.
-From the heights of Akrocorinth and from the twin hills of Megara,
-Nerio Acciajuoli, the Florentine upstart, had been attentively watching
-the rapid dissolution of the Catalan power. He saw a land weakened by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span>
-civil war and foreign invasion; he knew that the titular duke was an
-absentee, engrossed with more important affairs; he found the ducal
-viceroys summoned away to Spain or Sicily, while the old families of the
-conquest were almost as extinct as the French whom they had displaced.
-He was a man of action, without scruples, without fear, and he resolved
-to strike. Hiring a galley from the Venetian arsenal at Candia, under
-pretext of sweeping Turkish corsairs from the two seas, he assembled a
-large force of cavalry, and sought an excuse for intervention. The pride
-of a noble dame was the occasion of the fall of Athens. Nerio asked the
-Dowager Countess of Salona to give her daughter’s hand to his brother-in-law,
-Pietro Saraceno, scion of a Sienese family long settled in Eubœa.
-The Countess, in whose veins flowed the Imperial blood of the Cantacuzenes,
-scornfully rejected the offer of the Florentine tradesman, and
-affianced her daughter to a Serbian princeling of Thessaly. Franks and
-Greeks at Salona were alike indignant at this alliance with a Slav;
-Nerio’s horsemen invaded the county and the rest of the duchy, while
-his galley went straight for the Piræus. In the absence of a guiding hand—for
-the vicar-general was away in Spain—the Catalans made no serious
-resistance; only the Akropolis and a few other castles held out. In vain
-the King of Aragon despatched Pedro de Pau to take the command;
-that gallant officer, the last Catalan governor of the noblest fortress in
-Europe, defended the “Castle of Athens” for more than a twelvemonth,
-till, on May 2, 1388, it too surrendered to the Florentine. In vain, on
-April 22, as a last resource, it had been offered to the Countess of Salona,
-if she could save it<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>. The new King of Aragon in vain promised the
-<i>Sindici</i> of Athens to visit “so famous a portion of his realm,” and
-announced that he was sending a fleet to “confound his enemies.” We
-know not whether the fleet ever arrived; if it did, it was unsuccessful.
-The sovereigns of Aragon might gratify their vanity by appointing a
-titular vicar-general, or even a duke, of the duchies whose names they
-still included in their titles; once, indeed, the news of an expedition
-aroused alarm at Athens. But it proved to be merely the usual tall talk
-of the Catalans; the flag of Aragon never waved again from the ramparts
-of the Akropolis; the duchy passed to the Acciajuoli.</p>
-
-<p>The Catalan Grand Company disappeared from the face of Attica
-as rapidly as rain from its light soil. Like their Burgundian predecessors,
-these soldiers of fortune conquered but struck no root in the
-land. Some took ship for Sicily; some, like Ballester, the last Catalan
-Archbishop of Athens, are heard of in Cataluña; while others, among
-them the two branches of the Fadrique family, lingered on for a time,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span>
-the one at Salona, the other at Ægina, where we find their connections,
-the Catalan family of Caopena, ruling till 1451—a fact which explains
-the boast of a much later Catalan writer, Peña y Farel, that his countrymen
-maintained their “ancient splendour” in Greece till the middle of
-the fifteenth century. Thither the Catalans conveyed the head of St
-George, and thence it was removed to the Church of San Giorgio
-Maggiore at Venice, when the Venetians succeeded the Caopena as
-masters of Ægina. Even to-day a noble family in Zante bears the name
-of Katalianos; and in the island of Santorin are three families of Spanish
-origin—those of Da Corogna, De Cigalla, and Delenda, to which last the
-recent Catholic Archbishop of Athens belonged. Besides the castles of
-Salona, Livadia, and Lamia, and the row of towers between Livadia and
-Thebes, the Catalans have left a memorial of their stay in Greece in the
-curious fresco of the Virgin and Child, now in the Christian Archæological
-Museum at Athens, which came from the church of the Prophet Elias
-near the gate of the Agora. Unlike their predecessors, they minted no
-coins; unlike them, they had no ducal court in their midst to stimulate
-luxury and refinement. Yet even in the Athens of the Catalans there was
-some culture. A diligent Athenian priest copied medical works; and we
-hear of the libraries belonging to the Catholic bishops of Salona and
-Megara.</p>
-
-<p>The Greeks long remembered with terror the Catalan domination. A
-Greek girl, in a mediæval ballad, prays that her seducer may “fall into
-the hands of the Catalans”; even a generation ago the name of Catalan
-was used as a term of reproach in Attica and in Eubœa, in Akarnania,
-Messenia, Lakonia, and at Tripolitsa. Yet, as we have seen, the Greeks
-did not raise a finger to assist a French restoration when they had the
-chance, while there are several instances of Greeks rendering valuable
-aid to the Catalans against the men of Navarre. Harsher they may have
-been than the French, but they probably gained their bad name before
-they settled down in Attica, and became more staid and more tolerant
-as they became respectable. In our own time they have found admirers
-and apologists among their own countrymen, who are justly proud of
-the fact that the most famous city in the world was for two generations
-governed by the sons of Cataluña. And in the history of Athens, where
-nothing can lack interest, they, too, are entitled to a place.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span></p>
-
-<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4>
-
-<p class="hanging">1. <i>I Libri Commemoriali.</i> Vols. <span class="allsmcap">I-VI.</span> Ed. by R. Predelli. Venice: Reale
-Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, 1876-1903.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">2. <i>Libro de las Fechos et Conquistas del Principado de la Morea.</i> Ed. by
-A. Morel-Fatio. Geneva, 1885.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">3. <i>La Espedición y Dominación de los Catalanes en Oriente; Los Navarros
-en Grecia.</i> By D. Antonio Rubió y Lluch. Barcelona, 1887.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">4. <i>Sul Dominio dei Ducati di Atene e Neopatria dei Re di Sicilia.</i> By F.
-Guardione. Palermo, 1895.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">5. <i>Chronik des Edlen En Ramon Muntaner.</i> Ed. Karl Lanz. Stuttgart,
-1844.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">6. Οἱ Καταλάνοι ἐν τῇ Ἄνατολῇ (<i>The Catalans in the East</i>). By E. I. Stamatiades.
-Athens, 1869.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">7. <i>Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum.</i> Ed. G. M. Thomas and R. Predelli.
-Venice, 1880-1899.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">8. <i>De Historiæ Ducatus Atheniensis Fontibus.</i> By K. Hopf. 1852.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">9. <i>Catalunya a Grecia.</i> By D. Antonio Rubió y Lluch. Barcelona, 1906.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">10. Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (<i>Documents
-relating to the Mediæval History of Athens</i>). Ed. Sp. P. Lampros.
-Athens, 1906.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">And other works.</p>
-
-<h4 id="heading6">APPENDIX<br />
-THE FRANKISH INSCRIPTION AT KARDITZA</h4>
-
-<p>To students of Frankish Greece the church at Karditza in Bœotia
-is one of the most interesting in the country, because it contains an
-inscription referring to an important Frankish personage, Antoine le
-Flamenc, and dating from the fatal year 1311, which witnessed the overthrow
-of the Frankish Duchy of Athens in the swamps of the Bœotian
-Kephissos. Buchon had twice<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> published this inscription; but, as I was
-anxious to know in what condition it was and to have an exact facsimile
-of it, I asked Mr D. Steel, the manager of the Lake Copais Company, to
-have a fresh copy taken. Mr Steel kindly sent his Greek draughtsman to
-copy the inscription, and at the same time visited the church and took the
-photographs now published (Plate I, Figs. 1 and 2). Subsequently, in 1912,
-I visited the church with him and saw the inscription, which is painted
-on the plaster of the wall. Mr Steel informed me that, when he first saw
-the church about 1880, “the extension of the west end,” clearly visible
-in the photographs, “had not yet been made, while at that end there
-existed a sort of verandah set on pieces of ancient columns.”</p>
-
-<p>On comparing the present copy (Text-fig. 1) with Buchon’s versions,
-it will be noticed that not only are there several differences of spelling,
-but that the French scholar omitted one important addition to the year<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span>
-at the end of the inscription—the indiction, which is rightly given as the
-9th. This is a further proof that the date of the inscription is 1311, which
-corresponds with both the year 6819 and the 9th indiction. As the battle
-of the Kephissos was fought on March 15th of that year, and as Antoine
-le Flamenc is known to have survived the terrible carnage of that day,
-we may surmise, as I have elsewhere suggested, that the work commemorated
-in the inscription was “in pursuance of a vow made before
-he went into action.”</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="figure1" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
-  <img class="w100" src="images/figure1.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 1. <span class="smcap">Inscription on the Church at Karditza.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<p>Antoine le Flamenc, whose ancestors had settled in the Holy Land, is
-several times mentioned during the first decade of the fourteenth century.
-The <i>Livre de la Conqueste</i><a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> states that Guy II, Duke of Athens, appointed
-him his “bailie and lieutenant” in Thessaly in 1303, and describes him
-as <i>un des plus sages hommes de Romanie</i> and <i>le plus sage dou duchame</i>. The
-same passage alludes also to Jean le Flamenc, his son, as receiving a post
-in Thessaly. Doubtless their experience of the Wallachs, who then, as
-now, wandered as winter approached from the Thessalian to the Bœotian
-Karditza, would specially commend these two distinguished men for
-such duties. Two years later we find Antoine as one of the witnesses of a
-deed<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> regarding the property of the Duchess of Athens, just come of age
-at Thebes, in her father’s land of Hainault. On April 2nd, 1309, both
-Antoine and Jean were present at the engagement of the then widowed
-Duchess with Charles of Taranto at Thebes<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>. On the 23rd of a certain
-month (? September) of 1308, a Venetian document<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> alludes to the
-intention of <i>Fiammengo Antonio</i>, together with Guy II, Rocaforte, and
-Bonifacio da Verona, to <i>tentar l’impresa di Negroponte</i>—in other words,
-to make an attempt upon that Venetian colony. On August 11th, 1309,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span>
-another Venetian letter, this time addressed to <i>Egregio militi Antonio
-Fiammengo</i>, informs us that he had rented the property of Pietro Correr,
-an absent canon of Thebes, and bids him not to consign the rents to any
-but the rightful person. A second letter of the same day, addressed to
-the bailie and councillors of Negroponte, mentions him again in connection
-with this affair<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. Finally, the list of Greek dignitaries, with whom
-the Republic was in correspondence, originally drawn up before the
-battle of the Kephissos and then corrected in 1313, mentions <i>Ser
-Antonius Flamengo miles</i><a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>. As his name is not followed by the word
-<i>decessit</i> or <i>mortuus</i>, added to those who had fallen in the battle, he was
-one of the very few survivors.</p>
-
-<p>To these certain facts Hopf<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> added the assumption, based on no
-evidence, that he was the “Frank settled in the East,” whom Isabella,
-Marchioness of Boudonitza, married, and who, in 1286, disputed the
-succession to that castle with her cousin.</p>
-
-<p>As Buchon’s books are rare, I append his transcript of the inscription:</p>
-
-<p class="center">ΑΝΗΓΕΡΘΗ Ο ΘΥΙΩΣ ΚΕ ΠΝΣΕΠΤΟΣ<br />
-ΝΑΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΙΠΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΜ.Τ<br />
-ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΥ ΔΗΑ ΣΙΝΕΡΓΙΑΣ ΚΕ<br />
-ΠΟΘΟΥ ΠΟΛΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΩΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ<br />
-ΚΑΒΑΛΑΡΙ ΜΙΣΕΡ ΑΝΤΟΝΙ<br />
-ΛΕ ΦΛΑΜΑ<br />
-ΟΔΕ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΗΛΙΦΕΝ ΠΟΛΩΝ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΩΝ<br />
-ΟΔΕ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΕΝ ΗΣΤΟΡΗΑ ΑΥΤΑ<br />
-ΠΑΡΑ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΜΟΝΑΧΟΥ<br />
-ΚΕ ΚΑΘΕΓΟΥΜΕΝΟΥ<br />
-ΚΑΙ ΝΙΚΟΔΕΜΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΜΟΝΑΧΟΥ<br />
-ΤΟΝ ΑΥΤΑΔΕΛΦΩΝ ΤΟΥΣ<br />
-ΑΝΑΚΕΝΕΣΑΝΤΑΣ ΤΟΝ<br />
-ΗΚΟΝ ΤΟΥΤΟΝ.<br />
-+ ΕΤΙ. ϛωΙΘ. +</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp64" id="plate1" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
-  <p class="caption">PLATE I</p>
-  <img class="w100" src="images/plate1.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 1. <span class="smcap">The Church of St George at Karditza, looking towards the
-end, which is modern</span></p>
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 2. <span class="smcap">The Church of St George at Karditza, showing old
-belfry and buttresses supporting old part of the building</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span></p>
-
-<h3 id="heading7">5. FLORENTINE ATHENS</h3>
-
-<p>The history of mediæval Athens is full of surprises. A Burgundian
-nobleman founding a dynasty in the ancient home of heroes and
-philosophers; a roving band of mercenaries from the westernmost
-peninsula of Europe destroying in a single day the brilliant French
-civilisation of a century; a Florentine upstart, armed with the modern
-weapons of finance, receiving the keys of the Akropolis from a gallant
-and chivalrous soldier of Spain—such are the tableaux which inaugurate
-the three epochs of her Frankish annals. In an earlier paper in the
-<i>Quarterly Review</i> (January 1907) we dealt with the French and the
-Catalan periods; we now propose to trace the third and last phase of
-Latin rule over the most famous of Greek cities.</p>
-
-<p>When, in the spring of 1388, Nerio Acciajuoli found himself master
-of “the Castle of Setines,” as the Franks called the Akropolis, his first
-care was to conciliate the Greeks, who formed by far the largest part of
-his subjects, and who may have aided him to conquer the Athenian
-duchy. For the first time since the day, nearly two centuries before,
-when Akominatos had fled from his beloved cathedral to exile at Keos,
-a Greek Metropolitan of Athens was allowed to reside in his see, not,
-indeed, on the sacred rock itself, but beneath the shadow of the Areopagos.
-We may be sure that this remarkable concession was prompted,
-not by sentiment, but by policy, though the policy was perhaps mistaken.
-The Greek hierarchy has in all ages been distinguished for its
-political character; and the presence of a high Greek ecclesiastic at
-Athens at once provided his fellow-countrymen with a national leader
-against the rulers, whom they distrusted as foreigners and he hated as
-schismatics. He was ready to call in the aid of the Turks against his
-fellow-Christians, just as in modern Macedonia a Greek bishop abhorred
-the followers of the Bulgarian Exarch far more than those of the Prophet.
-Thus early in Florentine Athens were sown the seeds of the Turkish
-domination; thus, in the words of the Holy Synod, “the Athenian
-Church seemed to have recovered its ancient happiness such as it had
-enjoyed before the barbarian conquest<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>Nor was it the Church alone which profited by the change of dynasty.
-Greek for the first time became the official language of the Government;
-Nerio and his accomplished daughter, the Countess of Cephalonia, used
-it in their public documents; the Countess, the most masterful woman
-of the Latin Orient, proudly signed herself, in the cinnabar ink of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span>
-Byzantium, “Empress of the Romans”; even Florentines settled at
-Athens assumed the Greek translation of their surnames. Thus, a branch
-of the famous Medici family was transplanted to Athens, became
-completely Hellenised under the name of Iatros, and has left behind it
-a progeny which scarcely conceals, beneath that of Iatropoulos, its
-connection with the mediæval rulers of Florence. There is even evidence
-that the “elders” of the Greek community were allowed a share in the
-municipal government of Florentine, no less than in that of Turkish,
-Athens.</p>
-
-<p>Hitherto the career of Nerio Acciajuoli had been one of unbroken
-success. His star had guided him from Florence to Akrocorinth, and
-from Akrocorinth to the Akropolis; his two daughters, one famed as the
-most beautiful, the other as the most talented woman of her time, were
-married to the chief Greek and to the leading Latin potentate of Greece—to
-Theodore Palaiologos, Despot of Mistra, and to Carlo Tocco, the
-Neapolitan noble who ruled over the County Palatine of Cephalonia.
-These alliances seemed to guard him against every foe. He was now
-destined, however, to experience one of those sudden turns of fortune
-which were peculiarly characteristic of Frankish Greece. He was
-desirous of rounding off his dominions by the acquisition of the castles
-of Nauplia and Argos, which had been appendages of the French Duchy
-of Athens, but which, during the Catalan period, had remained loyal to
-the family of Brienne and to its heirs, the house of Enghien. In 1388,
-Marie d’Enghien, the Lady of Argos, left a young and helpless widow,
-had transferred her Argive estates to Venice, which thus began its long
-domination over the ancient kingdom of Agamemnon. But, before the
-Venetian commissioner had had time to take possession, Nerio had
-instigated his son-in-law, the Despot of Mistra, to seize Argos by a <i>coup
-de main</i>. For this act of treachery he paid dearly. It was not merely that
-the indignant Republic broke off all commercial relations between her
-colonies and Athens, but she also availed herself of the Navarrese
-Company, which was now established in the Morea, as the fitting
-instrument of her revenge. The Navarrese commander accordingly
-invited Nerio to a personal conference on the question of Argos; and the
-shrewd Florentine, with a childlike simplicity remarkable in one who
-had lived so many years in the Levant, accepted the invitation, and
-deliberately placed himself in the power of his enemies. The opportunity
-was too good to be lost; the law of nations was mere waste-paper to the
-men of Navarre; Nerio was arrested and imprisoned in a Peloponnesian
-prison. At once the whole Acciajuoli clan set to work to obtain the
-release of their distinguished relative; the Archbishop of Florence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span>
-implored the intervention of the Pope; the Florentine Government
-offered the most liberal terms to Venice; a message was despatched to
-Amedeo of Savoy; most efficacious of all, the aid of Genoa was invoked
-on behalf of one whose daughter was a Genoese citizen. Nerio was
-released; but his ransom was disastrous to Athens. In order to raise
-the requisite amount, he stripped the silver plates off the doors
-of the Parthenon and seized the gold, silver and precious stones
-which the piety of many generations had given to that venerable
-cathedral.</p>
-
-<p>Nerio was once more free, but he was not long allowed to remain
-undisturbed in his palace on the Akropolis. The Sicilian royal family
-now revived its claims to the Athenian duchy, and even nominated a
-phantom vicar-general<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>; and, what was far more serious, the Turks,
-under the redoubtable Evrenos Beg, descended upon Attica. The overthrow
-of the Serbian Empire on the fatal field of Kossovo had now
-removed the last barrier between Greece and her future masters; and
-Bayezid, “the Thunderbolt,” fell upon that unprotected land. The
-blow struck Nerio’s neighbour, the Dowager Countess of Salona, the
-proud dame who had so scornfully rejected his suit nine years before.
-Ecclesiastical treachery and corruption sealed the fate of that ancient
-fief of the Stromoncourts, the Deslaurs, and the Fadriques, amid tragic
-surroundings, which a modern Greek drama has endeavoured to depict<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>.
-The Dowager Countess had allowed her paramour, a priest, to govern in
-her name; and this petty tyrant had abused his power to wring money
-from the shepherds of Parnassos and to debauch the damsels of Delphi
-by his demoniacal incantations in the classic home of the supernatural.
-At last he cast his eyes on the fair daughter and full money-bags of the
-Greek bishop; deprived of his child and fearing for his gold, the bishop
-roused his flock against the monster and begged the Sultan to occupy
-a land so well adapted for his Majesty’s favourite pastimes of hunting
-and riding as is the plain at the foot of Parnassos. The Turks accepted
-the invitation; the priest shut himself up in the noble castle, slew the
-bishop’s daughter, and prepared to fight. But there was treachery among
-the garrison; a man of Salona murdered the tyrant and offered his head
-to the Sultan; and the Dowager Countess and her daughter in vain
-endeavoured to appease the conqueror with gifts. Bayezid sent the
-young Countess to his harem; her mother he handed over to the insults
-of his soldiery, her land he assigned to one of his lieutenants. Her
-memory still clings to the “pomegranate” cliff (ροιά) at Salona, whence,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span>
-according to the local legend, repeated to the author on the spot, “the
-princess” was thrown.</p>
-
-<p>Nerio feared for his own dominions, whence the Greek Metropolitan
-had fled—so it was alleged—to the Turkish camp, and had promised the
-infidels the treasures of the Athenian Church in return for their aid. For
-the moment, however, the offer of tribute saved the Athenian duchy;
-but its ruler hastened to implore the aid of the Pope and of King
-Ladislaus of Naples against the enemies of Christendom, and at the
-same time sought formal recognition of his usurpation from that monarch,
-at whose predecessors’ court the fortunes of his family had originated,
-and who still pretended to be the suzerain of Achaia, and therefore of its
-theoretical dependency, Athens. Ladislaus, nothing loth, in 1394
-rewarded the self-seeking Florentine for having recovered the Duchy
-of Athens “from certain of His Majesty’s rivals,” with the title of duke,
-with remainder—as Nerio had no legitimate sons—to his brother Donato
-and the latter’s heirs. Cardinal Angelo Acciajuoli, another brother, was
-to invest the new duke with a golden ring; and it was expressly provided
-that Athens should cease to be a vassal state of Achaia, but should
-thenceforth own no overlord save the King of Naples. The news that one
-of their clan had obtained the glorious title of Duke of Athens filled the
-Acciajuoli with pride—such was the fascination which the name of that
-city exercised in Italy. Boccaccio, half a century before, had familiarised
-his countrymen with a title which Walter of Brienne, the tyrant of
-Florence, had borne as of right, and which, as applied to Nerio Acciajuoli,
-was no empty flourish of the herald’s college.</p>
-
-<p>The first Florentine Duke of Athens did not, however, long survive
-the realisation of his ambition. On September 25 of the same year he
-died, laden with honours, the type of a successful statesman. But, as he
-lay on his sick-bed at Corinth, the dying man seems to have perceived
-that he had founded his fortunes on the sand. Pope and King might
-give him honours and promises; they could not render effective aid
-against the Turks. It was under the shadow of this coming danger that
-Nerio drew up his remarkable will.</p>
-
-<p>His first care was for the Parthenon, Our Lady of Athens, in which
-he directed that his body should be laid to rest. He ordered its doors to
-be replated with silver, its stolen treasures to be bought up and restored
-to it; he provided that, besides the twelve canons of the cathedral, there
-should be twenty priests to say masses for the repose of his soul; and he
-bequeathed to the Athenian minster, for their support and for the
-maintenance of its noble fabric, the city of Athens, with its dependencies,
-and all the brood-mares of his valuable stud. Seldom has a church<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span>
-received such a remarkable endowment; the Cathedral of Monaco, built
-out of the earnings of a gaming-table, is perhaps the closest parallel to
-the Parthenon maintained by the profits of a stud-farm. Nerio made his
-favourite daughter, the Countess of Cephalonia, his principal heiress;
-to her he bequeathed his castles of Megara, Sikyon, and Corinth, while
-to his natural son, Antonio, he left the government of Thebes, Livadia,
-and all beyond it. To the bastard’s mother, Maria Rendi, daughter of
-the ever-serviceable Greek notary who had been so prominent in the last
-years of the Catalan domination, and had retained his position under
-the new dynasty, her lover granted the full franchise, with the right to
-retain all her property, including, perhaps, the spot between Athens and
-the Piræus which still preserves the name of her family. Finally, he
-recommended his land to the care of the Venetian Republic, which he
-begged to protect his heiress and to carry out his dispositions for the
-benefit of Our Lady of Athens.</p>
-
-<p>Donato Acciajuoli made no claim to succeed his brother in the Duchy
-of Athens. He was Gonfaloniere of Florence and Senator of Rome; and
-he preferred those safe and dignified positions in Italy to the glamour of
-a ducal coronet in Greece, in spite of the natural desire of the family
-that one of their name should continue to take his title from Athens<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>.
-But it was obvious that a conflict would arise between the sons-in-law
-of the late duke, for Nerio had practically disinherited his elder daughter
-in favour of her younger but abler sister. Carlo Tocco of Cephalonia at
-once demanded the places bequeathed to his wife, occupied Megara
-and Corinth, and imprisoned the terrified executors in his island till they
-had signed a document stating that he had carried out the terms of his
-father-in-law’s will. Theodore Palaiologos, who contended that Corinth
-had always been intended to be his after Nerio’s death, besieged it with
-a large force, till Tocco, calling in a still larger Turkish army, drove his
-brother-in-law from the Isthmus<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, the Greeks of Athens had followed the same fatal policy
-of invoking the common enemy as arbiter of their affairs. It was not
-to be expected that the Greek race, which had of late recovered its
-national consciousness, and which had ever remained deeply attached
-to its religion, would quietly acquiesce in the extraordinary arrangement
-by which the city of Athens was made the property of the Catholic
-cathedral. The professional jealousy and the <i>odium theologicum</i> of the
-two great ecclesiastics, Makarios, the Greek Metropolitan, and Ludovico
-da Prato, the Latin archbishop, envenomed the feelings of the people.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span>
-The Greek divine summoned Timourtash, the Turkish commander, to
-rid Athens of the <i>filioque</i> clause; and his strange ally occupied the lower
-town. The castle, however, was bravely defended by Matteo de Montona,
-one of the late duke’s executors, who despatched a messenger in hot
-haste to the Venetian colony of Negroponte, offering to hand over
-Athens to the Republic if the governor would promise in her name to
-respect the ancient franchises and customs of the Athenians. The bailie
-of Negroponte agreed, subject to the approval of the home Government,
-and sent a force which dispersed the Turks, and, at the close of 1394,
-for the first time in history, hoisted the lion-banner of the Evangelist
-on the ancient castle of Athens.</p>
-
-<p>The Republic decided, after mature consideration, to accept the offer
-of the Athenian commander. No sentimental argument, no classical
-memories, weighed with the sternly practical statesmen of the lagoons.
-The romantic King of Aragon had waxed enthusiastic over the glories
-of the Akropolis; and sixty years later the greatest of Turkish Sultans
-contemplated his conquest with admiration. But the sole reason which
-decided the Venetian Government to annex Athens was its proximity
-to the Venetian colonies, and the consequent danger which might ensue
-to them if it fell into Turkish or other hands. Thus Venice took over the
-Akropolis in 1395, not because it was a priceless monument, but because
-it was a strong fortress; she saved the Athenians, not, as Cæsar had done,
-for the sake of their ancestors, but for that of her own colonies, “the
-pupil of her eye.” From the financial point of view, indeed, Athens could
-not have been a valuable asset. The Venetians confessed that they did
-not know what its revenues and expenses were; and, pending a detailed
-report from their governor, they ordered that only eight priests should
-serve “in the Church of St Mary of Athens”—an act of economy due
-to the fact that some of Nerio’s famous brood-mares had been stolen and
-the endowment of the cathedral consequently diminished. On such
-accidents did the maintenance of the Parthenon depend in the Middle
-Ages.</p>
-
-<p>We are fortunately in a better position than was the Venetian
-Government to judge of the contemporary state of Athens. At the very
-time when its fate was under discussion an Italian notary spent two days
-in that city; and his diary is the first account which any traveller has
-left us, from personal observation, of its condition during the Frankish
-period<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>. “The city,” he says, “which nestles at the foot of the castle hill,
-contains about a thousand hearths” but not a single inn, so that, like<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span>
-the archæologist in some country towns of modern Greece, he had to
-seek the hospitality of the clergy. He describes “the great hall” of the
-castle (the Propylaia), with its thirteen columns, and tells how the
-churchwardens personally conducted him over “the Church of St Mary,”
-which had sixty columns without and eighty within. On one of the
-latter he was shown the cross made by Dionysios the Areopagite at the
-moment of the earthquake which attended our Lord’s passion; four
-others, which surrounded the high altar, were of jasper and supported
-a dome, while the doors came—so he was told—from Troy. The pious
-Capuan was then taken to see the relics of the Athenian cathedral—the
-figure of the Virgin painted by St Luke, the head of St Makarios, a bone
-of St Denys of France, an arm of St Justin, and a copy of the Gospels
-written by the hand of St Elena—relics which the wife of King Pedro IV
-of Aragon had in vain begged the last Catalan archbishop to send her
-fifteen years before<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>He saw, too, in a cleft of the wall, the light which never fails, and
-outside, beyond the castle ramparts, the two pillars of the choragic
-monument of Thrasyllos, between which there used to be “a certain
-idol” in an iron-bound niche, gifted with the strange power of drowning
-hostile ships as soon as they appeared on the horizon—an allusion to the
-story of the Gorgon’s head, mentioned by Pausanias, which we find in
-later mediæval accounts of Athens. In the city below he noticed numbers
-of fallen columns and fragments of marble; he alludes to the Stadion;
-and he visited the “house of Hadrian,” as the temple of Olympian Zeus
-was popularly called. He completed his round by a pilgrimage to the so-called
-“Study of Aristotle, whence scholars drank to obtain wisdom”—the
-aqueduct, whose marble beams, commemorating the completion of
-Hadrian’s work by Antoninus Pius, were then to be seen at the foot of
-Lykabettos, and, after serving in Turkish times as the lintel of the
-Boubounistra gate, now lie, half buried by vegetation, in the palace
-garden. But the fear of the prowling Turks and the feud between Nerio’s
-two sons-in-law rendered travelling in Attica difficult; the notary
-traversed the Sacred Way in fear of his life, and was not sorry to find
-himself in the castle of Corinth, though the houses in that city were few
-and mean, and the total population did not exceed fifty families.</p>
-
-<p>The Venetian Government next arranged for the future administration
-of its new colony. The governor of Athens was styled <i>podestà</i> and
-captain, and was appointed for the usual term of two years at an annual
-salary of £70, out of which he had to keep a notary, an assistant, four<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span>
-servants, two grooms, and four horses. Four months elapsed before a
-noble was found ambitious of residing in Athens on these terms, and of
-facing the difficult situation there. Attica was so poor that he had to ask
-his Government for a loan; the Turkish corsairs infested the coast; the
-Greek Metropolitan, though now under lock and key at Venice, still
-found means of communicating with his former allies. Turkish writers
-even boast—and a recently published document confirms their statement—that
-their army captured “the city of the sages” in 1397; and an
-Athenian dirge represented Athens mourning the enslavement of the
-husbandmen of her suburb of Sepolia, who will no longer be able to till
-the fields of Patesia.</p>
-
-<p>The Turkish invaders came and went; but another and more obstinate
-enemy ever watched the little Venetian garrison on the Akropolis. The
-bastard Antonio Acciajuoli fretted within the walls of his Theban
-domain, and was resolved to conquer Athens, as his father had done
-before him. In vain did Venice, alarmed by the reports of her successive
-governors, raise the numbers of the garrison to fifty-six men; in vain did
-she order money to be spent on the defences of the castle; in vain did she
-attempt to pacify the discontented Athenians, who naturally preferred
-the rule of an Acciajuoli who was half a Greek to that of a Venetian noble.
-By the middle of 1402 Antonio was master of the lower city; it seemed
-that, unless relief came at once, he would plant his banner on the
-Akropolis. The Senate, at this news, ordered the bailie of Negroponte to
-offer a reward for the body of the bold bastard, alive or dead, to lay
-Thebes in ashes, and to save the castle of Athens. That obedient official
-set out at the head of six thousand men to execute the second of these
-injunctions, only to fall into an ambush which his cunning enemy had
-laid in the pass of Anephorites. Venice, now alarmed for the safety of
-her most valuable colony far more than for that of Athens, hastily sent
-commissioners to make peace. But Antonio calmly continued the siege
-of the Akropolis, till at last, seventeen months after his first appearance
-before the city, when the garrison had eaten the last horse, and had been
-reduced to devour the plants which grew on the castle rock, its gallant
-defenders, Vitturi and Montona, surrendered with the honours of war.
-The half-caste adventurer had beaten the great Republic.</p>
-
-<p>Venice attempted to recover by diplomacy what she had lost by
-arms. She possessed in Pietro Zeno, the baron of Andros, a diplomatist
-of unrivalled experience in the tortuous politics of the Levant. Both he
-and Antonio were well aware that the fate of Athens depended upon the
-Sultan; and to his Court they both repaired, armed with those pecuniary
-arguments which have usually proved convincing to Turkish ministers.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span>
-The diplomatic duel was lengthy; but at last the Venetian gained one of
-those paper victories so dear to ambassadors and so worthless to practical
-men. The Sultan promised to see that Athens was restored to the
-Republic, but he took no steps to perform his promise; while Antonio,
-backed by the Acciajuoli influence in Italy, by the Pope, and the King
-of Naples, held his ground. Venice wisely resigned herself to the loss of a
-colony which it would have been expensive to recover. To save appearances,
-Antonio was induced to become her vassal for “the land, castle,
-and place of Athens, in modern times called Sythines<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>,” sending every
-year, in token of his homage, a silk <i>pallium</i> from the Theban manufactories
-to the church of St Mark—a condition which he was most
-remiss in fulfilling.</p>
-
-<p>The reign of Antonio Acciajuoli—the longest in the history of Athens
-save that of the recent King of the Hellenes—was a period of prosperity
-and comparative tranquillity for that city. While all around him
-principalities and powers were shaken to their foundations; while that
-ancient warden of the northern March of Athens, the Marquisate of
-Boudonitza, was swept away for ever; while Turkish armies invaded the
-Morea, and annexed the Albanian capital to the Sultan’s empire; while
-the principality of Achaia disappeared from the map in the throes of a
-tardy Greek revival, the statesmanlike ruler of Athens skilfully guided
-the policy of his duchy. At times even his experienced diplomacy failed
-to avert the horrors of a Turkish raid; on one occasion he was forced to
-join, as a Turkish vassal, in an invasion of the Morea. But, as a rule, the
-dreaded Mussulmans spared this half-Oriental, who was a past-master
-in the art of managing the Sultan’s ministers. From the former masters
-of Athens, the Catalans and the Venetians, he had nothing to fear. Once,
-indeed, he received news that Alfonso V of Aragon, who never forgot to
-sign himself “Duke of Athens and Neopatras,” intended to put one of
-his Catalan subjects into possession of those duchies. But Venice reassured
-him with a shrewd remark that the Catalans usually made much
-ado about nothing. On her part the Republic was friendly to the man
-who had supplanted her. She gave Antonio permission, in case of
-danger, to send the valuable Acciajuoli stud—for, like his father, he was
-a good judge of horse-flesh—to the island of Eubœa; and she ordered
-her bailie to “observe the ancient commercial treaties between the
-duchy and the island, which he would find in the chancery of Negroponte.”
-But when he sought to lay the foundations of a navy, and
-strove to prevent the fruitful island of Ægina, then the property of the
-Catalan family of Caopena, from falling into the hands of Venice, he met<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span>
-with a severe rebuff. To the Florentine Duke of Athens Ægina, as a
-Venetian colony, might well seem, as it had seemed to Aristotle, the
-“eyesore of the Piræus.”</p>
-
-<p>With his family’s old home, Florence, Antonio maintained the
-closest relations. In 1422 a Florentine ambassador arrived in Athens
-with instructions to confer the freedom of the great Tuscan Commonwealth
-upon the Duke; to inform him that Florence, having now, by
-the destruction of Pisa and the purchase of Leghorn, become a maritime
-power, intended to embark in the Levant trade; and to ask him, therefore,
-for the benefit of the most-favoured-nation clause. Antonio gladly
-made all Florentine ships free of his harbours, and reduced the usual
-customs dues in favour of all Florentine merchants throughout his
-dominions. Visitors from Tuscany, when they landed at Riva d’Ostia,
-on the Gulf of Corinth, must, indeed, have felt themselves in the land
-of a friendly prince, though his Court on the Akropolis presented a
-curious mixture of the Greek and the Florentine elements. Half a Greek
-himself, Antonio chose both his wives from that race—the first the
-beautiful daughter of a Greek priest, to whom he had lost his heart in
-the mazes of a wedding-dance at Thebes; the second an heiress of the
-great Messenian family of Melissenos, whose bees and bells are not the
-least picturesque escutcheon in the heraldry of mediæval Greece. As he
-had no children, numbers of the Acciajuoli clan came to Athens with an
-eye to the ducal coronet, which had conferred such lustre upon the steel-workers
-and bankers of Brescia and Florence. One cousin settled down
-at the castle of Sykaminon, near Oropos, which had belonged to the
-Knights of the Hospital, and served his kinsman as an ambassador;
-another became bishop of Cephalonia, the island of that great lady, the
-Countess Francesca, whom Froissart describes as a mediæval Penelope,
-whose maids of honour made silken coverings so fine that there was none
-like them, and whose splendid hospitality delighted the French nobles
-on their way home from a Turkish prison after the battle of Nikopolis.
-Two other Acciajuoli were archbishops of Thebes; and towards the close
-of Antonio’s long reign a second generation of the family had grown up
-in Greece. With such names as Acciajuoli, Medici, Pitti, and Machiavelli
-at the Athenian Court, Attica had, indeed, become a Florentine colony.</p>
-
-<p>Antonio and his Florentine relatives must have led a merry life in
-their delectable duchy. In the family correspondence we find allusions
-to hawking and partridge shooting; and the ducal stable provided good
-mounts for the young Italians who scoured the plains of Attica and
-Bœotia in quest of game. The cultured Florentines were delighted with
-Athens and the Akropolis. “You have never seen,” wrote Nicolò<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span>
-Machiavelli to one of his cousins, “a fairer land nor yet a fairer fortress
-than this.” It was there, in the venerable Propylaia, that Antonio had
-fixed his ducal residence. No great alterations were required to convert
-the classic work of Mnesikles into a Florentine palace. All that the
-Acciajuoli seem to have done was to cut the two vestibules in two so as
-to make four rooms, to fill up the spaces between the pillars with walls—removed
-so recently as 1835—and to add a second storey, the joist-sockets
-of which are still visible, to both that building and the Pinakotheke,
-which either then, or in the Turkish times, was crowned with
-battlements.</p>
-
-<p>To the Florentine dukes is also usually ascribed the construction of
-the square “Frankish tower,” which stood opposite the Temple of Nike
-Apteros till it was pulled down in 1874 by one of those acts of pedantic
-barbarism which considers one period of history alone worthy of study,
-instead of regarding every historical monument as a precious landmark
-in the evolution of a nation. We can well believe that the Florentine
-watchman from the projecting turret daily swept sea and land in all
-directions, save where the massive cathedral of Our Lady shut out part
-of Hymettos from his view; and at night the beacon-fire kindled on the
-summit warned Akrocorinth of the approach of Turkish horsemen or
-rakish-looking galleys. Nor did the Italians limit their activity as
-builders to the castle-crag alone. Chalkokondyles expressly says that
-Antonio’s long and peaceful administration enabled him to beautify the
-city. There is evidence that the dukes possessed a beautiful villa at the
-spring of Kallirrhoe, and that close by they were wont to pray in the
-church of St Mary’s-on-the-rock, once a temple of Triptolemos. More
-than two centuries later a French ambassador heard mass in this church;
-and one of his companions found the lion rampant and the three lilies
-of the Florentine bankers, which visitors to the famous Certosa know so
-well, still guarding—<i>auspicium melioris ævi</i>—the entrance of the
-Turkish bazaar<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Of literary culture there are some few traces in Florentine Athens.
-It was in Antonio’s reign that Athens gave birth to her last historian,
-Laonikos Chalkokondyles, the Herodotos of mediæval Greece, who told
-the story of the new Persian invasion, and to his brother Demetrios, who
-did so much to diffuse Greek learning in Italy. Another of Antonio’s
-subjects is known to scholars as a copyist of manuscripts at Siena; and
-it is obvious that the two Italian Courts of Athens and Joannina were
-regarded as places where professional men might find openings. A young
-Italian writes from Arezzo to ask if either Antonio Acciajuoli or Carlo<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span>
-Tocco could give him a chair of jurisprudence, logic, medicine, or
-natural or moral philosophy<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>. Unfortunately, we are not told whether
-the modest request of this universal genius was granted or not.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, for a long period, the Athenian duchy enjoyed peace and
-prosperity, broken only by a terrible visitation of the plague and further
-diminished by emigration—that scourge of modern Greece. But the
-modern Greeks have not the twin institutions, serfdom and slavery, on
-which mediæval society rested. Even the enlightened Countess of
-Cephalonia presented a young female slave to one of her cousins, with
-full power to sell or otherwise dispose of her as he pleased. Antonio did
-all in his power to retain the useful Albanians, who had entered his
-dominions in large numbers after the capture of the Despotat of Epeiros
-by Carlo Tocco in 1418, and thus rendered a service to Attica, the results
-of which are felt to this present hour. It is to the wise policy of her last
-Aragonese and her second Florentine duke that that Albanian colonisation
-is due which has given “the thin soil” of Attica numbers of sturdy
-cultivators, who still speak Albanian as well as Greek, and still preserve
-in such village names as Spata, Liosia, and Liopesi, the memory of the
-proud Albanian chieftains of Epeiros. Greek influence, too, grew steadily
-under a dynasty which was now half Hellenised. The notary and
-chancellor of the city continued to be a Greek; and a Greek <i>archon</i> was,
-for the first time since the Frankish conquest, to play a leading part in
-Athenian politics<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>When one morning in 1435, after a reign of thirty-two years,
-Antonio’s attendants found him dead in his bed, a Greek as well as an
-Italian party disputed the succession. The Italian candidate, young
-Nerio, eldest son of Franco Acciajuoli, baron of Sykaminon, whom the
-late Duke had adopted as his heir, occupied the city. But the Duchess
-Maria Melissene and her kinsman, Chalkokondyles, father of the historian
-and the leading man of Athens, held the castle. Well aware,
-however, that the Sultan was the real master of the situation, the Greek
-<i>archon</i> set out for the Turkish Court to obtain Murad II’s consent to
-this act of usurpation. The Sultan scornfully rejected the bribes of the
-Athenian diplomatist, threw him into prison, and sent his redoubtable
-captain, Tourakhan, to occupy Thebes. Even then the Greek Duchess
-did not abandon all hope of securing Athens for the national cause.
-Through the historian Phrantzes she made an arrangement with
-Constantine Palaiologos, the future Emperor, then one of the Despots of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span>
-the Morea, and the foremost champion of Hellenism, that he should
-become Duke of Athens, and that she should receive compensation near
-her old home in the Peloponnese. This scheme would have united nearly
-all Greece under the Imperial family; but it was doomed to failure. There
-was a section of Greeks at Athens hostile to Chalkokondyles—for party
-spirit has always characterised Greek public life—and this section joined
-the Florentine party, decoyed the Duchess out of the Akropolis, and
-proclaimed Nerio II. The marriage of the new Duke with the Dowager
-Duchess<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> and the banishment of the family of Chalkokondyles secured
-the internal peace of the distracted city; and the Sultan was well content
-to allow a Florentine princeling to retain the phantom of power so long
-as he paid his tribute with regularity.</p>
-
-<p>The weak and effeminate Nerio II was exactly suited for the part of
-a Turkish puppet. But, like many feeble rulers, the “lord of Athens and
-Thebes” seems to have made himself unpopular by his arrogance; and
-a few years after his accession he was deprived of his throne by an
-intrigue of his brother, Antonio II. He then retired to Florence, the
-home of his family, where he had property, to play the part of a prince
-in exile, if exile it could be called. There he must have been living at the
-time of the famous Council, an echo of whose decisions we hear in distant
-Athens, where a Greek priest, of rather more learning than most of his
-cloth, wrote to the Œcumenical Patriarch on the proper form of public
-prayer for the Pope. A bailie—so we learn from one of his letters<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>—was
-then administering the duchy, for Antonio had died in 1441; his
-infant son, Franco, was absent at the Turkish Court; and his subjects
-had recalled their former lord to the Akropolis. There he was seen, three
-years later, by the first antiquary who ever set foot in Frankish Athens,
-Cyriacus of Ancona, the Pausanias of mediæval Greece.</p>
-
-<p>That extraordinary man, like Schliemann, a merchant by profession
-but an archæologist by inclination, had already once visited Athens. In
-1436 he had stayed there for a fortnight as the guest of a certain
-Antonelli Balduini; but on that occasion he was too much occupied
-copying inscriptions to seek an audience of the Duke. He, too, like the
-Capuan notary, went to see “Aristotle’s Study”; he describes the
-“house” or “palace of Hadrian”; he alludes to the statue of the Gorgon
-on the south of the Akropolis. But of contemporary Athens, apart from
-the monuments, he tells us little beyond the facts that it possessed four
-gates and that it had “new walls”—a statement corroborated by that
-of another traveller thirty years later, which might indicate the so-called<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span>
-wall of Valerian as the work of the Acciajuoli<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>. Of the inhabitants
-he says nothing; as living Greeks, they had for him no interest; was he not
-an archæologist?</p>
-
-<p>In February 1444 the worthy Cyriacus revisited Athens; and on this
-occasion, accompanied by the Duke’s cousin and namesake, he went to
-pay his respects to “Nerio Acciajuoli of Florence, then prince of Athens,”
-whom he “found on the Akropolis, the lofty castle of the city<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>.” Again,
-however, the archæological overpowered the human interest; and he
-hastened away from the ducal presence to inspect the Propylaia and the
-Parthenon. His original drawing of the west front of the latter building
-has been preserved in a manuscript, which formerly belonged to the
-Duke of Hamilton, but is now in the Berlin Museum, and is the earliest
-known pictorial reproduction of that splendid temple<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>. Other Athenian
-sketches may be seen in the Barberini manuscript of 1465, now at the
-Vatican, which contains the diagrams of San Gallo; and it seems that
-the eminent architect, who took the explanatory text almost <i>verbatim</i>
-from the note-books of Cyriacus, also copied the latter’s drawings.</p>
-
-<p>The travels of the antiquary of Ancona in Greece demonstrate an
-interesting fact, which has too often been ignored, that the Latin rulers
-of the Levant were sometimes men of culture and taste. Crusino
-Sommaripa, the baron of Paros, took a pride in showing his visitor some
-marble statues which he had had excavated, and allowed him to send a
-marble head and leg to his friend Giustiniani-Banca, of Chios, a connoisseur
-of art who composed Italian verses in his “Homeric” villa.
-So deeply was Cyriacus moved by Crusino’s culture and kindness that
-he too burst out into an Italian poem, of which happily only one line
-has been published. Dorino Gattilusio, the Genoese lord of Lesbos, aided
-him in his investigation of that island; the Venetian governor of Tenos
-escorted him in his state-galley to inspect the antiquities of Delos; and
-Carlo Tocco II, whom he quaintly describes as “King of the Epeirotes,”
-gave him every facility for visiting the ruins of Dodona, and was
-graciously pleased to cast his royal eye over the manuscript account of
-the antiquary’s journey<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>. Another of the Tocchi is known to have
-employed a Greek priest to copy for him the works of Origen and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span>
-Chrysostom; and in the remote Peloponnesian town of Kalavryta
-Cyriacus met a kindred soul, who possessed a large library from which he
-lent the wandering archæologist a copy of Herodotos. Thus, on the eve
-of the Turkish conquest, Greece was by no means so devoid of culture as
-has sometimes been too hastily assumed. It is clear, on the contrary,
-that her Frankish princes were by no means indifferent to their surroundings,
-and that the more enlightened of her own sons were conscious
-of her great past.</p>
-
-<p>The very year of the antiquary’s second visit to Athens witnessed
-the last attempt of a patriotic and ambitious Greek to recover all
-Greece for his race. The future Emperor Constantine was now Despot
-of Mistra, the mediæval Sparta; and he thought that the moment had
-at last come for renewing the plan for the annexation of the Athenian
-duchy which had failed nine years before. The Turks, hard pressed by
-the Hungarians and Poles, defeated by “the white knight of Wallachia”
-at Nish, defied by Skanderbeg in the mountains of Albania, and
-threatened by the appearance of a Venetian fleet in the Ægean, could no
-longer protect their creature at Athens. Ere long the last Constantine
-entered the gates of Thebes and forced Nerio II to pay him tribute. The
-Court of Naples heard that he had actually occupied Athens; and
-Alfonso V of Aragon, who had never forgotten that he was still titular
-Duke of Athens and Neopatras, wrote at once to Constantine demanding
-the restitution of the two duchies to himself, and sent the Marquess of
-Gerace to receive them from the conqueror’s hands. Scarcely, however,
-had the letter been despatched when the fatal news of the great Turkish
-victory at Varna reached the writer. We hear nothing more of Gerace’s
-mission, for all recognised that the fate of Athens now depended upon
-the will of the victorious Sultan. To Murad II the shadowy claims of the
-house of Aragon and the efforts of the house of Palaiologos were alike
-indifferent.</p>
-
-<p>Nerio’s attitude at this crisis was pitiful in the extreme. The Turks
-punished him for having given way to Constantine. Constantine again
-threatened him for his obsequiousness in promising to renew his tribute
-to the Turks. But the Sultan, true to the traditional Turkish policy of
-supporting the weaker of two rival Christian nationalities, forced the
-Greek Despot to evacuate the Florentine duchy. Nerio had the petty
-satisfaction of accompanying his lord and master to the Isthmus and of
-witnessing the capture of the famous Six-mile Rampart, in which the
-Greeks had vainly trusted, by the Serbian janissaries. Five years later,
-in 1451, a Venetian despatch gives us a last and characteristic glimpse
-of the wretched Nerio, when the Venetian envoy to the new Sultan,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span>
-Mohammed II, is instructed to ask that potentate if he will compel his
-vassal, “the lord of Sithines and Stives,” to settle the pecuniary claims
-of two Venetians<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Nerio’s death was followed by one of those tragedies in which the
-women of Frankish Greece were so often protagonists, and of which a
-modern dramatist might well avail himself. After the death of his first
-wife, Nerio II had married a passionate Venetian beauty, Chiara Zorzi,
-or Giorgio, one of the daughters of the baron of Karystos, or Castel Rosso,
-in the south of Eubœa, who sprang from the former Marquesses of
-Boudonitza. The Duchess Chiara bore him a son, Francesco, who was
-unfortunately still a minor at the time of his father’s death. The child’s
-mother possessed herself of the regency and persuaded the Porte, by the
-usual methods, to sanction her usurpation. Soon afterwards, however,
-there visited Athens on some commercial errand a young Venetian noble,
-Bartolommeo Contarini, whose father had been governor of the Venetian
-colony of Nauplia. The Duchess fell in love with her charming visitor,
-and bade him aspire to her hand and land. Contarini replied that alas!
-he had left a wife behind him in his palace on the lagoons. To the Lady of
-the Akropolis, a figure who might have stepped from a play of Æschylus,
-the Venetian wife was no obstacle. It was the age of great crimes.
-Contarini realised that Athens was worth a murder, poisoned his spouse,
-and returned to enjoy the embraces and the authority of the Duchess.</p>
-
-<p>But the Athenians soon grew tired of this Venetian domination.
-They complained to Mohammed II; the great Sultan demanded explanations;
-and Contarini was forced to appear with his stepson, whose
-guardian he pretended to be, at the Turkish Court. There he found a
-dangerous rival in the person of Franco Acciajuoli, only son of the late
-Duke Antonio II and cousin of Francesco, a special favourite of
-Mohammed and a willing candidate for the Athenian throne. When the
-Sultan heard the tragic story of Chiara’s passion, he ordered the
-deposition of both herself and her husband, and bade the Athenians
-accept Franco as their lord. Young Francesco was never heard of again.
-But the tragedy was not yet over. Franco had no sooner assumed the
-government of Athens than he ordered the arrest of his aunt Chiara,
-threw her into the dungeons of Megara, and there had her mysteriously
-murdered. A picturesque legend current three centuries later at Athens
-makes Franco throttle her with his own hands as she knelt invoking the
-aid of the Virgin, and then cut off her head with his sword<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>; so deep<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span>
-was the impression which her fate made upon the popular imagination.</p>
-
-<p>The legend tells us how her husband, “the Admiral,” had come with
-many ships to the Piræus to rescue her, but arrived too late. Unable to
-save, he resolved to avenge her, and laid the grim facts before the Sultan.
-Mohammed II, indignant at the conduct of his <i>protégé</i>, but not sorry,
-perhaps, of a pretext for destroying the remnants of Frankish rule at
-Athens, ordered Omar, son of Tourakhan, the governor of Thessaly, to
-march against the city. The lower town offered no resistance, for its
-modern walls had but a narrow circumference, and its population and
-resources were scanty. Nature herself seemed to fight against the
-Athenians. On May 29, the third anniversary of the capture of Constantinople,
-a comet appeared in the sky; a dire famine followed, so
-that the people were reduced to eat roots and grass. On June 4, 1456,
-the town fell into the hands of the Turks<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>. But the Akropolis, which was
-reputed impregnable, long held out. In vain the Constable of Athens
-and some of the citizens offered the castle to Venice through one of the
-Zorzi family; the Republic ordered the bailie of Negroponte to keep the
-offer open, but took no steps to save the most famous fortress in Christendom;
-in vain he summoned one Latin prince after another to his aid.
-From the presence of an Athenian ambassador at the Neapolitan Court<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>
-we may infer that Alfonso V of Aragon, the titular “Duke of Athens,”
-was among their number. The papal fleet, which was despatched to the
-Ægean, did not even put into the Piræus. Meanwhile Omar, after a vain
-attempt to seduce the garrison from its allegiance, reminded Franco
-that sooner or later he must restore Athens to the Sultan who gave
-it. “Now, therefore,” added the Turkish commander, “if thou wilt
-surrender the Akropolis, His Majesty offers thee the land of Bœotia,
-with the city of Thebes, and will allow thee to take away the wealth of
-the Akropolis and thine own property.” Franco only waited till
-Mohammed had confirmed the offer of his subordinate, and then quitted
-the castle of Athens, with his wife and his three sons, for ever. At the
-same time the last Catholic archbishop, Nicolò Protimo of Eubœa, left
-the cathedral of Our Lady. It was not till 1875 that a Latin prelate again
-resided at Athens.</p>
-
-<p>The great Sultan, so his Greek biographer, Kritoboulos, tells us, was
-filled with a desire to see the city of the philosophers. Mohammed knew<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span>
-Greek, and had heard and read much about the wisdom and marvellous
-works of the ancient Athenians; we may surmise that Cyriacus of Ancona
-had told him of the Athenian monuments when he was employed as
-reader to his Majesty during the siege of Constantinople<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>. This strange
-“Philhellene”—for so Kritoboulos audaciously describes the conqueror
-of Hellas—longed to visit the places where the heroes and sages of
-classic Athens had walked and talked, and at the same time to examine,
-with a statesman’s eye, the position of the city and the condition of its
-harbours. In the autumn of 1458, on his return from punishing the Greek
-Despots of the Morea, he had an opportunity of achieving his wish.
-When he arrived at the gates (if we may believe a much later tradition<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>),
-the Abbot of Kaisariane, the monastery which still nestles in one of the
-folds of Hymettos, handed him the keys of the city. There is nothing
-improbable in the story, for the Greek Metropolitan, Isidore, had fled
-to the Venetian Island of Tenos; and the abbot may therefore have been
-the most important Greek dignitary left at Athens. The Sultan devoted
-four days to visiting his new possession, “of all the cities in his Empire
-the dearest to him,” as the Athenian Chalkokondyles proudly says. But
-of all that he saw he admired most the Akropolis, whose ancient and
-recent buildings he examined “with the eyes of a scholar, a Philhellene,
-and a great sovereign.” Like Pedro IV of Aragon before him, he was
-proud to possess such a jewel, and in his enthusiasm he exclaimed, “How
-much, indeed, do we not owe to Omar, the son of Tourakhan!”</p>
-
-<p>The conquered Athenians were once again saved by their ancestors.
-Like his Roman prototype, Mohammed II treated them humanely,
-granted all their petitions, and gave them many and various privileges.
-So late as the seventeenth century there were Athenians who could show
-patents of fiscal exemption, issued to their forebears by the conqueror.
-If, however, the Greek clergy had hoped that the great cathedral would
-be restored to the Orthodox church, they were disappointed. The
-Parthenon, by a third transformation, was converted into a mosque;
-and soon, from the tapering minaret which rose above it, the muezzin
-summoned the faithful to the <i>Ismaïdi</i>, or “house of prayer.” A like
-fate befell the church which had served as the Orthodox cathedral
-during the Frankish domination, but which received, in honour of the
-Sultan’s visit, the name of <i>Fethijeh Jamisi</i>, or “Mosque of the Conqueror,”
-and which still preserves, amid the squalid surroundings of the
-military bakery, the traces of its former purpose.</p>
-
-<p>The anonymous treatise on “The Theatres and Schools of Athens,”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span>
-which was probably composed by some Greek at this moment, perhaps
-to serve as a guide-book for the distinguished visitor, gives us a last
-glimpse of Frankish Athens. The choragic monument of Lysikrates was
-still known as “the lantern of Demosthenes”; the Tower of the Winds
-was supposed to be “the School of Sokrates”; the gate of Athena
-Archegetis was transformed in common parlance into “the palace of
-Themistokles”; the Odeion of Perikles was called “the School of
-Aristophanes”; and that of Herodes Atticus was divided into “the
-palaces of Kleonides and Miltiades.” The spots where once had stood the
-houses of Thucydides, Solon, and Alkmaion were well known to the
-omniscient local antiquary, who unhesitatingly converts the Temple of
-Wingless Victory into “a small school of musicians, founded by Pythagoras.”</p>
-
-<p>On the fifth day after his arrival the heir of these great men left
-Athens for Thebes, the abode of his vassal Franco, who must have
-heaved a sigh of relief when his terrible visitor, after a minute examination
-of Bœotia, set out for Macedonia. For two years longer he managed
-to retain his Theban dominions, from which he received a revenue as
-large as that which he had formerly enjoyed, till, in 1460, Mohammed,
-after finally destroying the two Greek principalities of the Morea,
-revisited Athens. There the Sultan heard a rumour that some Athenians
-had conspired to restore their Florentine lord. This decided Franco’s
-fate. At the moment he was serving, as the man of the Turk, with a
-regiment of Bœotian cavalry in Mohammed’s camp. His suzerain
-ordered him to join in an attack which he meditated upon the surviving
-fragments of the ancient county of Cephalonia, the domain of the
-Tocchi. Franco shrank from fighting against his fellow-countryman;
-and a curious letter has recently been published<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> in which, for this very
-reason, he offered his services as a <i>condottiere</i> to Francesco Sforza of
-Milan for the sum of 10,000 ducats a year. But he was forced to obey;
-he did his pitiable task, and repaired to the headquarters of Zagan
-Pasha, the governor of the Morea, unconscious that the latter had orders
-to kill him. The Pasha invited him to his tent, where he detained him in
-conversation till nightfall; but, as the unsuspecting Frank was on his
-way back to his own pavilion, the governor’s guards seized and strangled
-him. Such was the sorry end of the last “Lord of Thebes.” Mohammed
-annexed all Bœotia, and thus obliterated the last trace of the Duchy of
-Athens.</p>
-
-<p>Franco’s three sons were enrolled in the corps of janissaries, where
-one of them showed military and administrative ability of so high an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span>
-order as to win the favour of his sovereign. Their mother, a Greek of
-noble lineage and famed for her beauty, became the cause of a terrible
-tragedy which convulsed alike Court and Church. Amoiroutses, the
-former minister and betrayer of the Greek Empire of Trebizond, fell
-desperately in love with the fair widow, to whom he addressed impassioned
-verses, and swore, though he was already married, to wed her
-or die. The Œcumenical Patriarch forbade the banns, and lost his beard
-and his office rather than yield to the Sultan. But swift retribution fell
-upon the bigamist, for he dropped down dead, a dice-box in his hand.</p>
-
-<p>Though the Acciajuoli dynasty had thus fallen for ever, members of
-that great family still remained in Greece. An Acciajuoli was made civil
-governor of the old Venetian colony of Koron, in Messenia, when the
-Spaniards conquered it from the Turks in 1532. When they abandoned
-it, he was captured by pirates but eventually ransomed, only to die
-in poverty at Naples, where his race had first risen to eminence. At the
-beginning of the last century the French traveller, Pouqueville, was
-shown at Athens a donkey-driver named Neri, in whose veins flowed the
-blood of the Florentine Dukes; and the modern historian of Christian
-Athens, Neroutsos, used to contend that his family was descended from
-Nerozzo Pitti, lord of Sykaminon and uncle of the last Duke of Athens.
-In Florence the family became extinct only so recently as 1834; and the
-Certosa and the Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli still preserve its memory there.
-In a Florentine gallery are two coloured portraits of the Dukes of
-Athens, which would seem to be those of Nerio I and the bastard
-Antonio I. In that case the Florentine Dukes of Athens are the only
-Frankish rulers of Greece, except the Palatine Counts of Cephalonia,
-whose likeness has been preserved to posterity<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Thus ended the strange connection between Florence and Athens.
-A titular Duke of Athens had become tyrant of the Florentines, a
-Florentine merchant had become Duke of Athens; but the age when
-French and Italian adventurers could find an El Dorado on the poetic
-soil of Greece was over. The dull uniformity of Turkish rule spread over
-the land, save where the Dukes of the Archipelago and the Venetian
-colonies still remained the sole guardians of Western culture, the only
-rays of light in the once brilliant Latin Orient.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span></p>
-
-<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4>
-
-<p class="hanging">1. Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (<i>Documents
-relating to the Mediæval History of Athens</i>). Ed. Sp. P. Lampros.
-Athens, 1906.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">2. <i>Briefe aus der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli” in der Laurenziana zu
-Florenz.</i> By Ferdinand Gregorovius. Munich, 1890.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">3. Nicolai de Marthono liber peregrinationis ad loca sancta. In <i>La Revue
-de l’Orient Latin</i>, vol. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> Paris, 1895.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">4. Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων (<i>Memorials of the History of the
-Athenians</i>). By Demetrios Gr. Kampouroglos. 2nd Edn. Athens,
-1891-92.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">5. Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων (<i>History of the Athenians</i>). By D. Gr. Kampouroglos.
-Athens, 1889-96.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">6. Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας (<i>History of Athens under the
-Turks</i>). By Th. N. Philadelpheus. Athens, 1902.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">7. Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (<i>Memorials of Greek History</i>). Edited by
-C. N. Sathas. Paris, 1880-90.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">8. Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (<i>Greek Remembrancer</i>). New Series. Vols. <span class="allsmcap">I-III.</span>
-Ed. by Sp. P. Lampros. Athens, 1904-17.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">9. <i>Nouvelles Recherches historiques sur la principauté française de Morée.</i>
-By Buchon. Two vols. Paris, 1843.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">10. <i>La politica Orientale di Alfonso di Aragona.</i> By F. Cerone. In <i>Archivio
-Storico per le province Napoletane</i>. Vols. <span class="allsmcap">XXVII-XXVIII.</span> Naples,
-1902-3.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">And other works.</p>
-
-<h4 id="heading8">APPENDIX<br />
-NOTES ON ATHENS UNDER THE FRANKS</h4>
-
-<p>Within the last sixteen years a great deal of new material has
-been published on the subject of Frankish Athens. The late Professor
-Lampros<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> not only translated into Greek the <i>Geschichte der Stadt
-Athen im Mittelalter</i> of Gregorovius, but added some most valuable
-notes, and more than a whole volume of documents, some of which had
-never seen the light before, while others were known only in the summaries
-or extracts of Hopf, Gregorovius, or Signor Predelli. He also
-issued a review, the Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, devoted to mediæval Greek
-history, of which thirteen volumes have appeared. The French have gone
-on printing the <i>Regesta</i> of the thirteenth-century popes, which contain
-occasional allusions to Greek affairs. Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch, the
-Catalan scholar, has issued a valuable pamphlet, <i>Catalunya a Grecia</i><a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>,
-besides contributing a mass of documents from the archives at Palermo<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span>
-to the collection of Professor Lampros; and the essay on the “Eastern
-Policy of Alfonso of Aragon,” published by Signor Cerone in the <i>Archivio
-Storico per le province Napoletane</i><a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>, contains many hitherto unknown
-documents dealing with the last two decades of Greek history before the
-Turkish conquest. I propose in the present article to point out the most
-important additions to our knowledge of Athens under her western
-masters which have thus been obtained. Of the condition of the
-Parthenon—“Our Lady of Athens”—on the eve of the Frankish conquest
-we have some interesting evidence. We learn from an iambic poem
-of Michael Akominatos, the Greek Metropolitan of Athens, that he
-“beautified the church, presented new vessels and furniture for its use,
-increased the number of the clergy, and added to the estates” of the
-great cathedral, as well as to the “flocks and herds” which belonged to
-it. Every year a great festival attracted the Greeks from far and near to
-the shrine of the “Virgin of Athens<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>As was only to be expected, very little fresh light has been thrown on
-the Burgundian period. We learn however, from a Greek manuscript in
-the Vatican library, how Leon Sgouros, the <i>archon</i> of Nauplia, who long
-held out at Akrocorinth against the Frankish conquerors, met his end.
-Rather than be taken captive “he mounted his horse and leapt from
-Akrocorinth, so that not a single bone in his body was left unbroken<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>.”
-We find too, in a letter from Honorius III to Othon de la Roche, dated
-February 12, 1225, the last allusion to the presence of the <i>Megaskyr</i> in
-his Athenian dominions before his return to France; and we hear of two
-members of his family, William and Nicholas, both canons of Athens. The
-former had <i>gravem in litteratura defectum</i>, or else he would have been
-made archbishop of Athens; the latter is probably the same person whose
-name has been found on the stoa of Hadrian<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Catalan period receives much more illustration. We know at last
-the exact date at which it ended, for a letter of Jacopo da Prato (probably
-a relative of the Ludovico da Prato who was the first Florentine
-archbishop of Athens), dated Patras, May 9, 1388, announces that Nerio
-Acciajuoli <i>ebe adi 2 di questo lo chastello di Settino</i><a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>. Thus Don Antonio
-Rubió y Lluch<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> was right in his surmise that Don Pedro de Pau, who is
-mentioned as erroneously reported dead in a letter of John I of Aragon,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span>
-dated November 16, 1387, held out in the Akropolis down to 1388. The
-Catalan scholar had shown that the brave commander of “the Castle
-of Athens” had sent an envoy to John I, who received him “in the lesser
-palace of Barcelona” on March 18, 1387, and who promised the <i>sindici</i>
-of Athens on April 26 to pay a speedy visit to his distant duchy<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>. Don
-Antonio Rubió y Lluch also writes to me that Hopf was mistaken in
-translating <i>Petrus de Puteo</i> of the Sicilian documents—the official whose
-high-handed proceedings led to a revolution at Thebes in which he, his
-wife, and his chief followers lost their lives—as Peter de Puig<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>. His
-name should really be Peter de Pou, and it is obvious from the documents
-that Hopf’s chronology of his career is also wrong. He is mentioned in
-a document of August 3, 1366, as already dead<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>; we learn that his official
-title was “vicar of the duchies”—that is to say, deputy for Matteo de
-Moncada, the absent vicar-general—and he is spoken of as “having
-presided in the duchies as vicar-general,” and as “having presided in the
-office of the vicariate<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>.” We find too that the castle of Zeitoun or Lamia
-(<i>turrim Griffinam</i>) belonged to him<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>. Roger de Lluria, who was at this
-time marshal of the duchies<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>, is already officially styled as vicar-general<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>
-on August 3, 1366, though the formal commission removing Matteo de
-Moncada and appointing Roger de Lluria in his place was not made out
-till May 14 of the following year<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>. The new vicar-general held till his
-death, which must have taken place before March 31, 1370, when his
-successor was appointed<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>, the two great offices<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>, and, I think, the facts
-above stated enable us to explain the reason why no more marshals
-were appointed after that date. The office of marshal had been hereditary
-in the family of De Novelles, and Gregorovius<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> pointed out that
-Ermengol de Novelles did not (as Hopf imagined) hold it till his death,
-but that Roger de Lluria was marshal before that event. I should
-suppose that Ermengol had been deprived of the office as a punishment
-for his rebellion against his sovereign<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>; that the conflict between Lluria
-and Pou proved that there was no room in the narrow court of Thebes
-for two such exalted officials as a vicar and a marshal; and, as Lluria,
-when he became vicar, combined the two offices in his person, it was
-thought a happy solution of the difficulty.</p>
-
-<p>Professor Lampros has published three documents<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> from the Vatican<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span>
-archives which refer to a mysterious scheme for the marriage of a
-Sicilian duchess of Athens. The documents have no date, except the day
-of the month, and in one case of the week, and one of them is partly in
-cypher. But I think that I have succeeded in fixing the exact date of the
-first to January 4, 1369, because in 1368, December 22 was on a Friday.
-This suits all the historical facts mentioned. The bishop of Cambrai, to
-whom the second letter is addressed, must be Robert of Geneva (afterwards
-the anti-pope Clement VII), who occupied that see from October
-11, 1368, to June 6, 1371. The <i>dominus Anghia</i>, whose death has so much
-disturbed the diocese, is Sohier d’Enghien, who was beheaded in 1367;
-the <i>comes Litii</i> is his brother Jean, count of Lecce, and the latter’s
-nephew, whose marriage “with the young niece of the king of Sicily,
-daughter of a former Catalan duke of Athens,” is considered suitable,
-is Gautier III, titular duke of Athens, who had inherited the claims of
-the Brienne family. The lady whose marriage is the object of all these
-negotiations must therefore have been one of the two daughters of John,
-Marquis of Randazzo and Duke of Athens and Neopatras, who died in
-1348, and whose youngest child, Constance, may therefore have been
-<i>xx annorum et ultra</i> at this period, and is known to have been single.
-She was the niece of King Peter II and cousin of Frederick III of Sicily,
-one of whose sisters is described as too old for the titular duke, which
-would of course have been the case in 1369. The allusions to Philip II
-of Taranto as still living also fix the date as before the close of 1373,
-when he died. Moreover Archbishop Simon of Thebes is known to have
-been in Sicily in 1367, and may have remained there longer. What was
-apparently an insuperable chronological obstacle, the allusion to <i>obitum
-domini regis Franciæ</i>, disappeared when I examined the original document
-in the Vatican library and found that the last two words were <i>regie
-fameie</i>, that is, <i>familiæ</i>. Possibly the allusion may be to Pedro the Cruel
-of Castile, who was slain in 1369. The letters then disclose a matrimonial
-alliance which would have reconciled the Athenian claims of the house
-of Enghien with the ducal dominion over Catalan Athens exercised by
-Frederick III of Sicily.</p>
-
-<p>Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch has published two letters<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> of “the queen
-of Aragon,” wife of Pedro IV (not, as assumed by K. Konstantinides,
-Maria, queen of Sicily and duchess of Athens), from the former of which,
-dated 1379 and addressed to Archbishop Ballester of Athens, we glean
-some curious information about the relics which the cathedral of <i>Santa
-Maria de Setines</i> (the Parthenon) then contained, and of which the Italian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span>
-traveller Nicolò da Martoni made out a list sixteen years later<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>. The
-Catalan scholar has shown too that some years after the Florentine
-conquest of Athens a certain Bertranet, <i>un dels majors capitans del ducat
-d’Atenes</i>, recovered a place where was the head of St George, that is to
-say, Livadia<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>. The personage mentioned is Bertranet Mota, whose name
-occurs in the treaty with the Navarrese in 1390, as a witness to another
-document in the same year, in the list of fiefs in 1391, in Nerio Acciajuoli’s
-will, and in a letter of the bishop of Argos in 1394. He was a friend of
-Nerio’s bastard, Antonio; he had obviously helped the latter to recover
-Livadia from the Turks in 1393, and we are thus able to reconcile
-Chalkokondyles, who says that Bayezid had already annexed Livadia,
-with the clause in Nerio’s will leaving the important fortress to Antonio<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>.
-More interesting still, as showing the tenacity with which the kings of
-Aragon clung to the shadow of their rule over Athens, is the letter of
-Alfonso V to the despot Constantine Palaiologos (afterwards the last
-emperor of Constantinople), dated November 27, 1444, in which the king
-says that he has heard that Constantine has occupied Athens, and therefore
-requests him to hand over the two duchies of Athens and Neopatras
-to the Marquess of Gerace, his emissary<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Lastly, to our knowledge of the Florentine period Professor Lampros
-has contributed three letters<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> of the Athenian priest and copyist
-Kalophrenas, which show that the attempts of the council of Florence for
-the union of the eastern and western churches found an echo in Florentine
-Athens. Professor Lampros was puzzled to explain the allusion
-to τοῦ ἀφεντὸς τοῦ μπαὴλου in one of the letters. He thinks it alludes to
-the Venetian bailie at Chalkis, who however had no jurisdiction at Athens
-at that period. If however, as he supposes, the correspondence dates
-from 1441 the phrase presents no difficulty. In that year Antonio II
-Acciajuoli had died, leaving an infant son, Franco, then absent at the
-Turkish court, and Nerio II, the former duke, returned to Athens. We
-may therefore suppose that “the prince’s baily” was the official who
-governed Athens till Nerio II came back. Professor Lampros has also
-published a letter<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> of Franco, the last duke of Athens, to Francesco
-Sforza of Milan, dated 1460, from Thebes, which Mohammed II had
-allowed him to retain after the capture of Athens in 1456. In this letter,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span>
-written not long before his murder, Franco offers his services as a <i>condottiere</i>
-to the duke of Milan. This was not his only negotiation with
-western potentates, for only a few days before the loss of Athens an
-ambassador of his was at the Neapolitan court<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>One mistake has escaped the notice of Professor Lampros, as of his
-predecessors. The date of the second visit of Cyriacus of Ancona to
-Athens, when he found Nerio II on the Akropolis, must have been 1444
-and not 1447, because the antiquary’s letter from Chios is dated
-<i>Kyriaceo die iv. Kal. Ap.</i> Now, March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and
-we know from another letter of Cyriacus to the emperor John VI,
-written before June 1444, that he left Chalkis for Chios on <i>v. Kal. Mart.</i>
-of that year.</p>
-
-<h4 id="heading9">THE TURKISH CAPTURE OF ATHENS</h4>
-
-<p>The authorities differ as to the exact date of the capture of Athens
-by the Turks. A contemporary note in Manuscript No. 103 of the
-Liturgical Section of the National Library at Athens, quoted by
-Kampouroglos<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>, fixes it at “May 4, 1456, Friday”; but in that year
-<i>June</i> 4, not May 4, was a Friday, which agrees with the date of June
-1456, given by Phrantzes<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>, the <i>Chronicon Breve</i><a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>, and the <i>Historia
-Patriarchica</i><a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>. But the best evidence in favour of June is the following
-document of 1458, to which allusion was made by Gaddi<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> in the seventeenth
-century, but which has never been published. I owe the copy to
-the courtesy of the Director of the “Archivio di Stato” at Florence.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p>Item dictis anno et indictione [1458 Ind. 7] et die xxvj octobris.</p>
-
-<p>Magnifici et potentes domini domini priores artium et vexillifer iustitie
-populi et comunis Florentie Intellecta expositione facta pro parte Loysii
-Neroczi Loysii de Pictis<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> civis florentini exponentis omnia et singula
-infrascripta vice et nomine Neroczi eius patris et domine Laudomine eius
-matris et filie olim Franchi de Acciaiuolis absentium et etiam suo nomine
-proprio et vice et nomine fratrum ipsius Loysii et dicentis et narrantis quod
-dictus Neroczus eius pater et domina Laudomina eius mater iam diu et
-semper cum eorum familia prout notum est multis huius civitatis habitaverunt
-in Grecia in civitate Athenarum in qua habebant omnia eorum bona
-mobilia et immobilia excepta tantum infrascripta domo Florentie posita et
-quod dictus Neroczus iam sunt elapsi triginta quinque anni vel circa cepit
-in uxorem dictam dominam Laudominam in dicta civitate Athenarum ubi
-per gratiam Dei satis honorifice vivebant. Et quod postea de mense iunii
-anni millesimi quadringentesimi quinquagesimi sexti prout fuit voluntas Dei<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span>
-accidit quod ipsa civitas Athenarum fuit capta a Theucris et multi christiani
-ibi existentes ab eisdem spoliati et depulsi fuerunt inter quos fuit et est ipse
-Neroczus qui cum dicta eius uxore et undecim filiis videlicet sex masculis et
-quinque feminis expulsus fuit et omnibus suis bonis privatus et ita se absque
-ulla substantia reduxit in quoddam castrum prope Thebes in quo ad presens
-ipse Neroczus cum omni eius familia se reperit in paupertate maxima; et
-quod sibi super omnia molestum et grave est coram se videre dictas puellas
-iam nubiles et absque principio alicuius dotis et cum non habeant aliqua
-bona quibus possint succurrere tot tantisque eorum necessitatibus nisi solum
-unam domum cum una domuncula iuxta se positam Florentie in loco detto
-al Poczo Toschanelli quibus a primo, secundo et tertio via a quarto domus
-que olim fuit domine Nanne Soderini de Soderinis ipsi Nerozus et domina
-Laudomina et eorum filii predicti optarent posse vendere domos predictas
-ut de pretio illarum possint partim victui succurrere partim providere
-dotibus alicuius puellarum predictarum<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>The petitioners in the document are all well known. Nerozzo Pitti
-and his wife Laudamia owned the castle of Sykaminon, near Oropos,
-which had belonged to her father, Franco Acciajuoli<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>. She was the aunt
-of the last two dukes of Athens. Pitti also possessed the island of Panaia,
-or Canaia, the ancient Pyrrha, opposite the mouth of the Maliac Gulf,
-and his “dignified tenure” of those two places is praised by Baphius
-in his treatise <i>De Felicitate Urbis Florentiæ</i><a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>, a century later. According
-to the contemporary chronicler, Benedetto Dei<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>, the Athenian Pitti were
-compelled to become Mohammedans when Bœotia was annexed; but
-the late historian Neroutsos used to maintain his descent from Nerozzo.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading10">6. THE DUCHY OF NAXOS</h3>
-
-<p>Of all the strange and romantic creations of the Middle Ages none
-is so curious as the capture of the poetic “Isles of Greece” by a
-handful of Venetian adventurers, and their organisation as a Latin
-Duchy for upwards of three centuries. Even to-day the traces of the
-ducal times may be found in many of the Cyclades, where Latin families,
-descendants of the conquerors, still preserve the high-sounding names
-and the Catholic religion of their Italian ancestors, in the midst of ruined
-palaces and castles, built by the mediæval lords of the Archipelago out
-of ancient Hellenic temples. But of the Duchy of Naxos little is generally
-known. Its picturesque history, upon which Finlay touched rather
-slightly in his great work, has since then been thoroughly explored by a
-laborious German, the late Dr Hopf; but that lynx-eyed student of
-archives had no literary gifts; he could not write, he could only read, and
-his researches lie buried in a ponderous encyclopædia. So this delightful<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span>
-Duchy, whose whole story is one long romance, still awaits the hand of a
-novelist to make it live again.</p>
-
-<p>The origin of this fantastic State of the blue Ægean is to be found
-in the overthrow of the Greek Empire at the time of the Fourth Crusade.
-By the partition treaty made between the Latin conquerors of Constantinople,
-Venice received the Cyclades among other acquisitions.
-But the Venetian Government, with its usual commercial astuteness,
-soon came to the conclusion that the conquest of those islands would too
-severely tax the resources of the State. It was therefore decided to leave
-the task of occupying them to private citizens, who would plant
-Venetian colonies in the Ægean, and live on friendly terms with the
-Republic. There was no lack of enterprise among the Venetians of that
-generation, and it so happened that at that very moment the Venetian
-colony at Constantinople contained the very man for such an undertaking.
-The old Doge, Dandolo, had taken with him on the crusade his
-nephew, Marco Sanudo, a bold warrior and a skilful diplomatist, who
-had signalised himself by negotiating the sale of Crete to the Republic,
-and was then filling the post of judge in what we should now call the
-Consular Court at Constantinople. On hearing the decision of his
-Government, Sanudo quitted the bench, gathered round him a band of
-adventurous spirits, to whom he promised rich fiefs in the El Dorado of
-the Ægean, equipped eight galleys at his own cost, and sailed with them
-to carve out a Duchy for himself in the islands of the Archipelago.
-Seventeen islands speedily submitted, and at one spot alone did he meet
-with any real resistance. Naxos has always been the pearl of the Ægean:
-poets have placed there the beautiful myth of Ariadne and Dionysos;
-Herodotos describes it as “excelling the other islands in prosperity<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>”;
-even to-day, when so many of the Cyclades are barren rocks, the orange
-and lemon groves of Naxos entitle it, far more than Zante, to the proud
-name of “flower of the Levant.” This was the island which now
-opposed the Venetian filibuster, as centuries before it had opposed the
-Persians. A body of Genoese pirates had occupied the Byzantine
-castle before Sanudo’s arrival; but that shrewd leader, who knew the
-value of rashness in an emergency, burnt his galleys, and then bade his
-companions conquer or die. The castle surrendered after a five weeks’
-siege, so that by 1207 Sanudo had conquered a duchy which existed for
-359 years. His duchy included, besides Naxos, where he fixed his
-capital, the famous marble island of Paros; Kimolos, celebrated for its
-fuller’s earth; Melos, whose sad fortunes furnished Thucydides with one
-of the most curious passages in his history; and Syra, destined at a much<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span>
-later date to be the most important of all the Cyclades. True to his
-promise, Sanudo divided some of his conquests among his companions;
-thus, Andros and the volcanic island of Santorin became sub-fiefs of the
-Duchy. Sanudo himself did homage, not to Venice, but to the Emperor
-Henry of Romania, who formally bestowed upon him “the Duchy of the
-Dodekannesos,” or Archipelago, on the freest possible tenure. Having
-thus arranged the constitution of his little State, he proceeded to restore
-the ancient city; to build himself a castle, which commanded his capital
-and which is now in ruins; to erect a Catholic cathedral, on which, in
-spite of its restoration in the seventeenth century, his arms may still
-be seen; to improve the harbour by the construction of a mole; and to
-fortify the town with solid masonry, of which one fragment stands to-day,
-a monument, like the Santameri tower at Thebes, of Frank rule in
-Greece.</p>
-
-<p>As we might expect from so shrewd a statesman, the founder of
-this island-duchy was fully sensible of the advantages to be derived from
-having the Greeks on his side. Instead of treating them as serfs and
-schismatics, he allowed all those who did not intrigue against him with
-the Greek potentates at Trebizond, Nice, or Arta, to retain their
-property. He guaranteed the free exercise of their religion, nor did he
-allow the Catholic archbishop, sent him by the Pope, to persecute the
-Orthodox clergy or their flocks. The former imperial domains were
-confiscated, in order to provide and maintain a new fleet, so necessary
-to the existence of islands menaced by pirates. That Marco I was a
-powerful and wealthy ruler is proved not only by his buildings, but also
-by the value set upon his aid. When the Cretans had risen, as they so
-often did, against the Venetians, the Governor sent in hot haste to Naxos
-for Marco’s assistance. The Duke was still a citizen of the Republic; but
-the Governor knew his man, and stimulated his patriotism by the offer
-of lands in Crete. Marco lost no time in appearing upon the scene,
-defeated the insurgents, and claimed his reward. The Governor was also
-a Venetian, and not over-desirous of parting with his lands now that the
-danger seemed to be over. But Marco knew his Greeks by this time, and
-readily entered into a plot with a Cretan chief for the conquest of the
-island. Candia was speedily his, while the Governor had to escape in
-woman’s clothes to the fortress of Temenos. But, just as he seemed
-likely to annex Crete to his Duchy, Venetian reinforcements arrived.
-Unable to carry out his design, he yet succeeded by his diplomacy in
-securing an amnesty and pecuniary compensation, with which he
-retired to his island domain. But the failure of his Cretan adventure did
-not in the least damp his ardour. With only eight ships he boldly attacked<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span>
-the squadron of the Emperor of Nice, nearly four times as numerous.
-Captured and carried as a prisoner to the Nicene Court, he so greatly
-impressed the Emperor by his courage and manly beauty that the latter
-ordered his release, and gave him one of the princesses of the imperial
-house in marriage. In short, his career was that of a typical Venetian
-adventurer, brave, hard-headed, selfish, and unscrupulous; in fact, just
-the sort of man to found a dynasty in a part of the world where cleverness
-counts for more than heroic simplicity of character.</p>
-
-<p>During the long and peaceful reign of his son Angelo, little occurred
-to disturb the progress of the Duchy. But its external relations underwent
-a change at this time, in consequence of the transference of the
-suzerainty over it from the weak Emperor of Romania to the powerful
-Prince of Achaia, Geoffroy II, as a reward for Geoffroy’s assistance in
-defending the Latin Empire against the Greeks. Angelo, too, equipped
-three galleys for the defence of Constantinople, and, after its fall, sent
-a handsome present to the exiled Emperor. Like his father, he was
-summoned to aid the Venetian Governor of Crete against the native
-insurgents, but on the approach of the Nicene fleet he cautiously withdrew.
-His son, Marco II, who succeeded him in 1262, found himself face
-to face with a more difficult situation than that which had prevailed in
-the times of his father and grandfather. The Greeks had recovered
-ground not only at Constantinople, but in the south-east of the Morea,
-and their successes were repeated on a smaller scale in the Archipelago.
-Licario, the Byzantine admiral, captured many of the Ægean islands,
-some of which remained thenceforth part of the imperial dominions.
-Besides the Sanudi, the dynasty of the Ghisi, lords of Tenos and
-Mykonos, alone managed to hold its own against the Greek invasion;
-yet even the Ghisi suffered considerably from the attacks of the redoubtable
-admiral. One member of that family was fond of applying
-to himself the Ovidian line, “I am too big a man to be harmed by
-fortune,” and his subjects on the island of Skopelos, which has lately
-been notorious as the place of exile of Royalist politicians, used to boast
-that, even if the whole realm of Romania fell, they would escape
-destruction. But Licario, who knew that Skopelos lacked water,
-invested it during a hot summer, forced it to capitulate, and sent the
-haughty Ghisi in chains to Constantinople. Marco II had to quell an
-insurrection of the Greeks at Melos, who thought that the time had come
-for shaking off the Latin yoke. Educated at the court of Guillaume de
-Villehardouin, Marco had imbibed the resolute methods of that energetic
-prince, and he soon showed that he did not intend to relax his hold on
-what his grandfather had seized. Aided by a body of Frank fugitives<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span>
-from Constantinople, he reduced the rebels to submission, and pardoned
-all of them with the exception of a Greek priest whom he suspected of
-being the cause of the revolt. This man he is said to have ordered to be
-bound hand and foot, and then thrown into the harbour of Melos.</p>
-
-<p>Towards the orthodox clergy Marco II was, if we may believe the
-Jesuit historian of the Duchy, by no means so tolerant as his two
-predecessors<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>. There was, it seems, in the island of Naxos an altar
-dedicated to St Pachys, a portly man of God, who was believed by the
-devout Naxiotes to have the power of making their children fat. In the
-East fatness is still regarded as a mark of comeliness, and in the thirteenth
-century St Pachys was a very popular personage, whose altar was
-visited by loving mothers, and whose hierophants lived upon the
-credulity of the faithful. Marco II regarded this institution as a gross
-superstition. Had he been a wise statesman, he would have tolerated it
-all the same, and allowed the matrons of Naxos to shove their offspring
-through the hollow altar of the fat saint, so long as no harm ensued to
-his State. But Marco II was not wise; he smashed the altar, and thereby
-so irritated his Orthodox subjects that he had to build a fortress to keep
-them in order. But the Greeks were not the only foes who menaced the
-Duchy at this period. The Archipelago had again become the happy
-hunting-ground of pirates of all nationalities—Greek corsairs from the
-impregnable rock of Monemvasia or from the islands of Santorin and
-Keos, Latins like Roger de Lluria, the famous Sicilian admiral, who
-preyed on their fellow-religionists, mongrels who combined the vices of
-both their parents. The first place among the pirates of the time belonged
-to the Genoese, the natural rivals of the Venetians in the Levant, and
-on that account popular with the Greek islanders. No sooner was a
-Genoese galley spied in the offing than the peasants would hurry down
-with provisions to the beach, just as the Calabrian peasants have been
-known to give food to notorious brigands. The result of these visitations
-on the smaller islands may be easily imagined: thus the inhabitants of
-Amorgos emigrated in a body to Naxos from fear of the corsairs; yet,
-in spite of the harm inflicted by Licario and the pirates, we are told that
-the fertile plain of Drymalia, in the interior of Naxos, “then contained
-twelve large villages, a number of farm buildings, country houses and
-towers, with about 10,000 inhabitants.” Sometimes the remote consequences
-of the pirates’ raids were worse than the raids themselves.
-Thus, on one of these expeditions, some corsairs carried off a valuable
-ass belonging to one of the Ghisi. The ass, marked with its master’s
-initials, was bought by Marco II’s son, Guglielmo, who lived at Syra.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span>
-The purchaser was under no illusions as to the ownership of the ass, but
-was perfectly aware that he was buying stolen goods. Seeing this, Ghisi
-invaded Syra, laid the island waste, and besieged Sanudo in his castle.
-But the fate of the ass had aroused wide sympathies. Marco II had taken
-the oath of fealty to Charles of Anjou, as suzerain of Achaia, after the
-death of his liege lord, Guillaume de Villehardouin, and it chanced that
-the Angevin admiral was cruising in the Archipelago at the time of the
-rape of the ass. Feudal law compelled him to assist the son of his
-master’s vassal; a lady’s prayers conquered any hesitation that he might
-have felt; so he set sail for Syra, where he soon forced Ghisi to raise the
-siege. The great ass case was then submitted to the decision of the
-Venetian bailie in Eubœa, who restored the peace of the Levant, but
-only after “more than 30,000 heavy soldi” had been expended for the
-sake of the ass!</p>
-
-<p>After the recapture of Constantinople by the Greeks, the policy of
-Venice towards the dukes underwent a change. As we have seen,
-neither the founder of the Duchy nor his son and grandson were vassals
-of the Republic, though they were all three Venetian citizens. But the
-Venetian Government, alarmed at the commercial privileges accorded to
-its great rivals, the Genoese, by the Byzantine Emperor, now sought to
-obtain a stronger military and commercial position in the Archipelago,
-and, if possible, to acquire direct authority over the Duchy. An excuse
-for the attempt was offered by the affairs of Andros. That island had
-been bestowed by Marco I as a sub-fief of Naxos upon Marino Dandolo.
-Marco II resumed immediate possession of it after the death of Dandolo’s
-widow, and refused to grant her half of the island to her son by a second
-marriage, Nicolò Quirini, on the plausible plea that he arrived to do
-homage after the term allowed by the feudal law had expired. But
-Quirini was a Venetian bailie, and accordingly appealed to Venice for
-justice. The Doge summoned Marco II to make defence before the Senate;
-but Marco replied that Venice was not his suzerain, that the ducal Court
-at Naxos, and not the Senate at Venice, was the proper tribunal to
-try the case, and that he would be happy to afford the claimant all
-proper facilities for pleading his cause if he would appear there. The
-question then dropped; Marco remained in possession of Andros, while
-the Republic waited for a more favourable opportunity of advancing its
-political interests in the Archipelago.</p>
-
-<p>This opportunity was not long in coming. Towards the end of the
-thirteenth century a violent war broke out between Venice and her
-Genoese rivals, supported by the Byzantine Emperor. While the Genoese
-tried to undermine Venetian power in Crete, Venice let loose a new swarm<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span>
-of privateers on the islands of the Ægean, which Licario had recovered
-for the Byzantines. Then for the first time we meet with the word
-<i>armatoloí</i>, so famous in the later history of Greece, applied originally to
-the outfitters, or <i>armatores</i>, of privateers. The dispossessed Venetian
-lords were thus enabled to reconquer many of the possessions which
-they had then lost; Amorgos, the birthplace of Simonides, was restored
-to the Ghisi, Santorin and Therasia to the Barozzi, but only on condition
-that they recognised the suzerainty of the Republic. This arrangement
-was contested by the Duke of the Archipelago, on the ground that
-those islands had originally been sub-fiefs of his ancestors’ dominions.
-Guglielmo Sanudo, the purchaser of the ass, had now succeeded to the
-Duchy, and, as might have been inferred from that story, was not likely
-to be over-scrupulous in his methods. As one of the Barozzi declined to
-do him homage, he had him arrested by corsairs on the high seas, and
-threw him into the ducal dungeon at Naxos. This was more than Venice
-could stand, for this scion of the Barozzi had been Venetian governor of
-Candia. An ultimatum was therefore despatched to the Duke, bidding
-him send his captive to Eubœa within eight days, under pain of being
-treated as a pirate. This message had the desired effect. Guglielmo let
-his prisoner go, and it was seen that the name of Venice was more
-powerful than before in the Archipelago. But neither Venice nor the
-Duke could prevent the increasing desolation of the islands. The Catalans
-had now appeared in the Levant; in 1303 they ravaged Keos; after their
-establishment in the Duchy of Athens they organised a raid on Melos,
-from which, like the Athenians of old, they carried off numbers of the
-inhabitants as slaves. A Spaniard from Coruña, Januli da Corogna,
-occupied Siphnos, and two of the leading families in Santorin to-day are
-of Catalan origin. A member of one of them, Dr De Cigalla, or Dekigallas,
-as he is called in Greek, is a voluminous author, and a great authority on
-the eruptions of that volcanic island. Turkish squadrons completed the
-work of destruction; we hear of a new exodus from Amorgos in consequence
-of their depredations, but this time the frightened islanders
-preferred to seek refuge under the Venetian banner in Crete rather than
-in Naxos. The latter island was, indeed, no longer so secure as it had
-been. True, Duke Guglielmo had welcomed the establishment of the
-warlike knights of St John at Rhodes, and had helped them to conquer
-that stronghold, in the hope that they would be able to ward off the
-Turks from his dominions. Venice, too, had come to see that her wisest
-policy was to strengthen the Naxiote Duchy, and furnished both the next
-Dukes, Nicolò I and Giovanni I, with arms for its protection. But, all
-the same, in 1344 the dreaded Turks effected a landing on Naxos,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span>
-occupied the capital, and dragged away 6000 of the islanders to captivity.
-This misfortune increased the panic of the peasants throughout the
-Archipelago. They fled in greater numbers than ever to Crete, so that
-Giovanni complained at Venice of the depopulation of his islands, and
-asked for leave to bring back the emigrants. Even the fine island of
-Andros, which had formerly produced more wheat and barley than it
-could consume, was now forced to import grain from Eubœa, while many
-of the proprietors in other parts of the Ægean had to procure labour
-from the Morea. In fact, towards the middle of the fourteenth century,
-such security as existed in the Levant was due solely to the presence of
-the Venetian fleet in Cretan and Eubœan waters, and to a policy such
-as that which conferred upon the historian, Andrea Dandolo, the islet
-of Gaidaronisi, to the south of Crete, on condition that he should fortify
-its harbour against the assaults of pirates. Naturally, at such a time,
-it was the manifest advantage of the Naxiote Dukes to tighten the
-alliance with Venice. Accordingly we find Giovanni I preparing to
-assist the Venetians in their war with the Genoese, when the latter
-suddenly swooped down upon his capital and carried him off as a prisoner
-to Genoa.</p>
-
-<p>In 1361, a few years after his release, Giovanni I died, leaving an
-only daughter, Fiorenza, as Duchess of the Archipelago. It was the first
-time that this romantic State had been governed by a woman, and,
-needless to say, there was no lack of competitors for the hand of the rich
-and beautiful young widow. During her father’s lifetime Fiorenza had
-married one of the Eubœan family of Dalle Carceri, which is often
-mentioned in mediæval Greek history, and she had a son by this union,
-who afterwards succeeded her in the Duchy. Over her second marriage
-there now raged a diplomatic battle, which was waged by Venice with
-all the unscrupulousness shown by that astute Republic whenever its
-supremacy was at stake. The first of this mediæval Penelope’s suitors
-was a Genoese, one of the merchant adventurers, or <i>maonesi</i>, who held
-the rich island of Chios much as a modern chartered company holds parts
-of Africa under the suzerainty of the home Government. To his candidature
-Venice was, of course, strongly opposed, as it would have been
-fatal to Venetian interests to have this citizen of Genoa installed at
-Naxos. Fiorenza was therefore warned not to bestow her hand upon an
-enemy of the Republic, when so many eligible husbands could be found
-at Venice or in the Venetian colonies of Eubœa and Crete. At the same
-time, the Venetian bailie of Eubœa was instructed to hinder by fair
-means or foul the Genoese marriage. Fiorenza meekly expressed her
-willingness to marry a person approved by Venice, but soon afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span>
-showed a desire to accept the suit of Nerio Acciajuoli, the subsequent
-Duke of Athens. This alliance the Republic vetoed with the same
-emphasis as the former one; but Nerio was an influential man, who had
-powerful connections in the kingdom of Naples, and was therefore able
-to obtain the consent of Robert of Taranto, at that time suzerain of the
-Duchy. That Robert was Fiorenza’s suzerain could not be denied; but
-Venice replied that she was also a daughter of the Republic, that her
-ancestors had won the Duchy under its auspices, had been protected
-by its fleets, and owed their existence to its resources. What, it was
-added, have the Angevins of Naples done, or what can they do, for
-Naxos? Simultaneous orders were sent to the commander of the
-Venetian fleet in Greek waters to oppose, by force if necessary, the
-landing of Nerio in that island. The Venetian agents in the Levant had,
-however, no need of further instructions. They knew what was expected
-of them, and were confident that their action, if successful, would not be
-disowned. Fiorenza was kidnapped, placed on board a Venetian galley,
-and quietly conveyed to Crete. There she was treated with every mark
-of respect, but was at the same time plainly informed that if she wished
-ever to see her beloved Naxos again she must marry her cousin Nicolò
-Sanudo “Spezzabanda,” the candidate of the Republic and son of a
-large proprietor in Eubœa. The daring of this young man, to which he
-owed his nickname of “Spezzabanda,” “the disperser of a host,” may
-have impressed the susceptible Duchess no less than the difficulties of
-her position. At any rate she consented to marry him, the wedding was
-solemnised at Venice, the Republic pledged itself to protect the Duchy
-against all its enemies, and granted to Santorin, which had been reconquered
-by Duke Nicolò I, the privilege of exporting cotton and corn to
-the Venetian lagoons. Venice had won all along the line, and when the
-much-wooed Duchess died, “Spezzabanda” acted as regent for his
-stepson, Nicolò II dalle Carceri. He showed his gratitude to his Venetian
-patrons by assisting in suppressing the great Cretan insurrection of this
-period. He also defended Eubœa against the Catalans of Athens,
-showing himself ready to fight for the rights of young Nicolò whenever
-occasion offered.</p>
-
-<p>Nicolò II was the last and worst of the Sanudi Dukes. From his
-father he had inherited two-thirds of Eubœa, which interested him more
-than his own Duchy, but at the same time involved him in disputes with
-Venice. Chafing at the tutelage of the Republic, he selected the moment
-when Venice was once more engaged in war with Genoa, to negotiate
-with the Navarrese company of mercenaries then in Central Greece for
-its aid in the conquest of the whole island of Eubœa. This attempt<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span>
-failed, and, so far from increasing his dominions, Nicolò diminished them
-in other directions. We have seen how Andros had been reunited with
-Naxos by Marco II. The new Duke now bestowed it as a sub-fief upon
-his half-sister, Maria Sanudo, thus severing its direct connection with
-his Duchy. Nor was he more cautious in his internal policy. He aroused
-the strongest resentment among his subjects, Greeks and Franks alike,
-by his extortion, and they found a ready leader in a young Italian who
-had lately become connected by marriage with the Sanudo family. This
-man, Francesco Crispo—a name which suggested to biographers of the
-late Italian Prime Minister a possible relationship—was a Lombard who
-had emigrated to Eubœa and had then obtained the lordship of Melos
-by his union with the daughter of Giovanni I’s brother Marco, who had
-received that island as a sub-fief of Naxos, and under whom it had
-greatly prospered. Crispo chanced to be in Naxos at the time when the
-complaints of the people were loudest, and he aspired to the fame, or
-at any rate the profits, of a tyrannicide. During one of the ducal
-hunting parties he contrived the murder of the Duke, and was at once
-accepted by the populace as his successor. Thus, in 1383, fell the
-dynasty of the Sanudi, by the hand of a Lombard adventurer, after 176
-years of power.</p>
-
-<p>Times had greatly changed since the conquest of the Archipelago,
-nor was a usurper like Crispo in a position to dispense with the protection
-of Venice. He therefore begged the Republic to recognise him
-as the rightful Duke, which the astute Venetians saw no difficulty in
-doing. He further strengthened the bond of union by bestowing the
-hand of his daughter upon the rich Venetian, Pietro Zeno, who played
-a considerable part in the tortuous diplomacy of the age. Crispo did not
-hesitate to rob Maria Sanudo of Andros in order to confer it upon his
-son-in-law, and it was not for many years, and then only after wearisome
-litigation, that it reverted to her son. She was obliged to content herself
-with the islands of Paros and Antiparos, and to marry one of the
-Veronese family of Sommaripa, which now appears for the first time in
-Greek history, but which came into the possession of Andros towards the
-middle of the fifteenth century, and still flourishes at Naxos. Sure of
-Venetian support, Crispo indulged in piratical expeditions as far as the
-Syrian coast, while he swept other and less distinguished pirates from
-the sea. His son-in-law seconded his efforts against the Turks; yet, in
-spite of their united attempts, they left their possessions in a deplorable
-state. Andros had been so severely visited by the Turkish corsairs that
-it contained only 2000 inhabitants, and had to be repopulated by
-Albanian immigrants, who are still very numerous there; Ios, almost<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span>
-denuded of its population, was replenished by a number of families from
-the Morea. Although the next Duke, Giacomo I, was known as “The
-Pacific,” and paid tribute to the Sultan on condition that no Turkish
-ships should visit his islands, he was constantly menaced by Bayezid I.
-In his distress, like the Emperor Manuel, he turned to Henry IV of
-England, whom he visited in London in 1404. Henry was not able to
-assist him, though he had at one time intended to lead an army “as far
-as to the sepulchre of Christ”; but, when Henry Beaufort, Bishop of
-Winchester, made a pilgrimage to Palestine in 1418, he was conveyed
-back to Venice on one of Pietro Zeno’s galleys. This was, so far as we
-have been able to discover, the only connection between England and
-the Duchy. In the same year Giacomo died at Ferrara, on his way to see
-the Pope, the natural protector of the Latins in the Levant.</p>
-
-<p>During the greater part of the fifteenth century the history of the
-Archipelago presents a monotonous series of family feuds and Turkish
-aggression. The subdivision of the islands, in order to provide appanages
-for the younger members of some petty reigning dynasty, was a source
-of weakness, which recalls the mediæval annals of Germany, nor did
-there arise among the Dukes of this period a strong man like the founder
-of the Duchy. One of them was advised by Venice to make the best
-terms that he could with the Sultan, though complaints were made that
-he had failed to warn the Venetian bailie of Eubœa of the approaching
-Turkish fleet, by means of beacon-fires—an incident which takes us back
-to the <i>Agamemnon</i> of Æschylus. The fall of Constantinople, followed by
-the capture of Lesbos and Eubœa by the Turks, greatly alarmed the
-Dukes, who drew closer than ever to the Venetian Republic, and were
-usually included in all the Venetian treaties. Other misfortunes greatly
-injured the islands. The Genoese plundered Naxos and Andros, and the
-volcanic island of Santorin was the scene of a great eruption in 1457,
-which threw up a new islet in the port. A few years later, Santorin had
-suffered so much from one cause or another that it contained no more
-than 300 inhabitants. An earthquake followed this eruption, further
-increasing the misery of the Archipelago. But this was the age of
-numerous religious foundations, some of them still in existence, such as
-the church of Sant’ Antonio at Naxos, which was bestowed upon the
-Knights of St John, as their arms on its walls remind the traveller. It
-was about this time too that Cyriacus of Ancona, after copying inscriptions
-at Athens, visited Andros and other islands of the Ægean.
-The island rulers not only received him courteously, but ordered excavations
-to be made for his benefit—a proof of culture which should be set
-against their wanton destruction of ancient buildings, in order to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span>
-provide materials for their own palaces—a practice of which the tower
-at Paros is so striking an example. When we remember that each petty
-lord considered it necessary to be well lodged, the extent of these
-ravages may be easily imagined.</p>
-
-<p>Towards the close of the fifteenth century the condition of the
-islanders had become intolerable, and matters came to a climax under
-the rule of Giovanni III. That despotic Duke incurred the displeasure
-not only of the Sultan, but also of his own subjects. The former complained
-that he had fallen into arrears with his tribute—for the Dukes
-had long had to purchase independence by the payment of <i>bakshîsh</i>—and
-that he harboured corsairs, who plundered the Asian coast. The
-latter grumbled at the heavy taxes which the Duke pocketed without
-doing anything for the protection of his people. The Archbishop of Naxos
-made himself the mouthpiece of popular discontent, and wrote to
-Venice, in the name of the people of Naxos and Paros, offering to acknowledge
-the suzerainty of the Republic. Venice replied, authorising
-him to point out to the Duke and to Sommaripa, the lord of Paros, the
-utter hopelessness of their present position, and to offer them an
-assured income for the rest of their lives if they would cede their islands
-to a Venetian commissioner. But the negotiations failed; the Naxiotes,
-driven to despair, took the law into their own hands, and in 1494
-murdered their Duke. The Archbishop then proceeded to Venice, and
-persuaded the Senate to take over the Duchy, at least till the late Duke’s
-son, Francesco, came of age. During the next six years Venetian Commissioners
-administered the islands, which were, however, loyally
-handed over to Francesco III at the end of that time. The new Duke
-proved unfortunately to be a homicidal maniac, who killed his wife and
-tried to kill his heir. As a consequence he was removed to Crete and a
-second brief Venetian occupation lasted during the rest of his successor’s
-minority<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>. The long reign of his son, Giovanni IV, who, soon after his
-accession, was captured by Turkish pirates while on a hunting party,
-lasted till 1564 and witnessed the loss of many of the Ægean islands.
-That great sovereign, Suleyman the Magnificent, now sat upon the
-Turkish throne, and his celebrated admiral, Khaireddîn Barbarossa,
-spread fire and sword through many a Christian village. In 1537 the
-classic island of Ægina, still under Venetian domination, was visited by
-this terrible scourge, who massacred all the adult male population, and
-took away 6000 women and children as slaves. So complete was the
-destruction of the Æginetans that, when a French admiral touched at
-the island soon afterwards, he found it devoid of inhabitants. There, as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span>
-usual, an Albanian immigration replenished, at least to some extent, the
-devastated sites, but Ægina was long in recovering some small measure
-of its former prosperity. Thence Barbarossa sailed to Naxos, whence he
-carried off an immense booty, compelling the Duke to purchase his
-further independence—if such it could be called—by a tribute of 5000
-ducats, and submitting him to the ignominy of seeing the furniture of
-his own palace sent on board the Admiral’s flagship under his very eyes.
-The horrible scenes of those days would seem to have impressed themselves
-deeply upon the mind of the wretched Duke, who gave vent to his
-feelings in a bitter letter of complaint to the Pope and other Christian
-princes. This curious document urged them to “apply their ears and lift
-up their eyes, and attend with their minds while their own interests were
-still safe,” and reminded them of the evils caused by discord in the
-councils of Christendom. The Duke emphasised his admirable truisms,
-which might have been addressed to the Concert of Europe at any time
-during the last fifty years, by a well-worn tag from Sallust—Sallustius
-Crispus, “the author of our race.” But neither his platitudes nor his
-allusion to his distinguished ancestry, which he might have had some
-difficulty in proving, availed him. The Turks went on in their career of
-conquest. Paros was annexed, Andros was forced to pay tribute, the
-Venetians lost Skiathos and Skopelos, and by the shameful treaty of
-1540 forfeited the prestige which they had so long wielded in the
-Levant.</p>
-
-<p>The Duchy of Naxos had long existed by the grace of the Venetian
-Republic, and, now that Venice had been crippled, its days were
-numbered. The capture of Chios in 1566 was the signal for its dissolution.
-As soon as the news arrived in Naxos and Andros that the Turks had
-put an end to the rule of the joint-stock company of the Giustiniani in
-that fertile island, the Greeks of the Duchy complained to the Sultan of
-the exactions to which they were subjected by their Frank lords. There
-was some justification for their grievances, for Giacomo IV, the last
-of the Frank Dukes, was a notorious debauchee; and the conduct of the
-Catholic clergy, by the admission of a Jesuit historian, had become a
-public scandal. But the main motive of the petitioners seems to have
-been that intense hatred of Catholicism which characterised the
-Orthodox Greeks during the whole period of the Frank rule in the
-Levant, and which, as we saw under Austrian rule in Bosnia, has not
-yet wholly disappeared. Giacomo was fully aware of the delicacy of his
-position, and he resolved to convince the Turkish Government, as force
-was out of the question, by the only other argument which it understands.
-He collected a large sum of money, and went to Constantinople<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span>
-to reply to his accusers. But he found the ground already undermined
-by the artifices of the Œcumenical Patriarch, who had warmly espoused
-the cause of the Orthodox Naxiotes, and was in the confidence of the
-Turkish authorities. Giacomo had no sooner landed than he was clapped
-into prison, where he languished for five months, while the renegade,
-Pialì Pasha, quietly occupied Naxos and its dependencies and drove
-the Sommaripa out of Andros. But the Greeks of the Duchy soon
-discovered that they had made an indifferent bargain. One of the most
-important banking houses of the period was that of the Nasi, which had
-business in France, the Low Countries, and Italy, and lent money to
-kings and princes. The manager of the Antwerp branch was an astute
-Portuguese Jew, who at one time called himself João Miquez and posed
-as a Christian, and then reverted to Judaism and styled himself Joseph
-Nasi. A marriage with a wealthy cousin made him richer than before;
-he migrated to the Turkish dominions, where Jews were very popular
-with the Sultans, and became a prime favourite of Selim II. This was the
-man on whom that sovereign now bestowed the Duchy; and thus, by a
-prosaic freak of fortune, the lovely island of classical myth and mediæval
-romance became the property of a Jewish banker. Nasi, as a Jew, knew
-that he would be loathed by the Greeks, so he never visited his orthodox
-Duchy, but appointed a Spaniard named Coronello to act as his agent,
-and to screw as much money as possible out of the inhabitants. In this
-he was very successful.</p>
-
-<p>As soon as Giacomo IV was released he set out for the west to procure
-the aid of the Pope and Venice for the recovery of his dominions, even
-pledging himself in that event to do homage to the Republic for them.
-But, in spite of the great victory of Lepanto, the Turks remained in
-undisturbed possession of the Duchy, except for a brief restoration of
-Giacomo’s authority by Venice in 1571. On the accession of Murad III
-Giacomo had hopes of obtaining his further restoration through the good
-offices of the new Sultan’s mother, a native of Paros, belonging to the
-distinguished Venetian family of Baffo. But though she promised her
-aid, and he went to plead his cause in person at Constantinople, the
-Sultan was inexorable. The last of the Dukes died in the Turkish capital
-in 1576, and was buried in the Latin church there. Three years later
-Joseph Nasi died also, whereupon the Duchy was placed under the
-direct administration of the Porte.</p>
-
-<p>But though Naxos and all the important islands had been annexed
-by the Turks, there still remained a few fragments of the Latin rule in
-the Levant. The seven islands of Siphnos, Thermia, Kimolos, Polinos,
-Pholegandros, Gyaros, and Sikinos were retained by the Gozzadini<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span>
-family on payment of a tribute until 1617, while Venice still preserved
-Tenos as a station<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> in the Levant for a whole century more. Everywhere
-else in the Ægean the crescent floated from the battlements of the
-castles and palaces where for three and a half centuries the Latin nobles
-had practised the arts of war.</p>
-
-<p>The occupation of the Greek islands by the Latins was unnatural,
-and, like most unnatural things, it was destined not to endure. But this
-strange meeting of two deeply interesting races in the classic seats of
-Greek lyric poetry can scarcely fail to strike the imagination. And to-day,
-when Italy is once more showing a desire to play a <i>rôle</i> in the near
-East, when Italians have officered the Cretan police, when Italian troops
-have occupied thirteen islands in the lower Ægean since 1912, including
-the old Quirini fief of Stampalia, when the Aldobrandini’s thirteenth
-century possession of Adalia is being revived, and the statesmen of Rome
-are looking wistfully across the Adriatic, it is curious to go back to the
-times when Venetian and Lombard families held sway among the islands
-of the Ægean, and the Latin galleys, flying the pennons of those petty
-princes, glided in and out of the harbours of that classic sea. Even in her
-middle age Greece had her romance, and no fitter place could have been
-chosen for it than “the wave-beat shore of Naxos.”</p>
-
-<h4 id="heading11">APPENDIX<br />
-THE MAD DUKE OF NAXOS</h4>
-
-<p>Subsequent historians of the Duchy of Naxos have accepted without
-question Hopf’s<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> chronology and brief description of the reign of
-Francesco III Crispo, who was formally proclaimed duke, after a brief
-Venetian protectorate, in October 1500. According to the German
-scholar, who is followed by Count Mas Latrie<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>, Francesco III “quietly
-governed” his island domain down to 1518, the only incident in his
-career being his capture by Turkish corsairs while hunting in 1517. His
-wife, according to the same authorities, had already predeceased him,
-having died “before 1501.” But a perusal of Sanuto’s <i>Diarii</i> shows that
-all these statements are wrong. Francesco III, so far from “quietly
-governing” his subjects, was a homicidal maniac, who murdered his
-wife in 1510 and died in the following year.</p>
-
-<p>We first hear of the duke’s madness in 1509, when he and his brother-in-law,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span>
-Antonio Loredano, were on board the ducal galley, then engaged
-in the Venetian service at Trieste. The duke was put in custody at San
-Michele di Murano, but was subsequently released and allowed to return
-to Naxos<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>. There, as we learn from two separate accounts, one sent to
-the Venetian authorities in Crete by the community of Naxos, the other
-sent to Venice by Antonio da Pesaro, Venetian governor of Andros, the
-duke had a return of the malady<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>. On August 15, 1510, he was more
-than usually affectionate to his wife, Taddea Loredano, to whom he
-had been married fourteen years, and who is described by one of the
-Venetian ambassadors as “a lady of wisdom and great talent<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>.” Having
-inveigled the duchess to his side “by songs, kisses, and caresses,” he
-seized his sword and tried to slay her. The terrified woman fled, just as
-she was, in her nightdress, out of the ducal palace, and took refuge in
-the house of her aunt, Lucrezia Loredano, Lady of Nio. Thither, in the
-night of Saturday, August 17, her husband pursued her; he burst open
-the doors, and entered the bedroom, where he found the Lady of Nio and
-her daughter-in-law, to whom he gave three severe blows each. Meanwhile,
-on hearing the noise, the duchess had hidden under a wash-tub;
-a slave betrayed her hiding-place, and the duke struck her over the head
-with his sword. In the attempt to parry the blow, she seized the blade in
-her hands, and fell fainting on the ground, where her miserable assailant
-gave her a thrust in the stomach. She lived the rest of the night and the
-next day, while the duke fled to his garden, whence he was induced by
-the citizens to return to the palace. There, as he sat at meat with his son
-Giovanni, he heard from one of the servants that the people wished to
-depose him and put Giovanni in his place. In a paroxysm of rage, he
-seized a knife to kill his son; but his arm was held, and the lad saved
-himself by leaping from the balcony. The duke tried to escape to Rhodes,
-but he was seized, after a struggle in which he was wounded, and sent
-to Santorin. His son Giovanni IV was proclaimed duke, and as he could
-not have been more than eleven years old—his birth is spoken of as
-imminent<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> in May 1499—a governor of the duchy was elected in the
-person of Jacomo Dezia, whom we may identify with Giacomo I
-Gozzadini, baron of the island of Zia, who is mentioned as being present
-in the ducal palace at Naxos, in a document<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> of 1500, whose family had
-a mansion there, and who had already been governor in 1507. From
-Santorin, Francesco III was removed on a Venetian ship to Candia,
-where, as we learn from letters of August 15, 1511, he died of fever<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span></p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, on October 18, 1510, it had been proposed at Venice
-that the mad duke’s brother-in-law, Antonio Loredano, should be sent
-as governor to Naxos, with a salary of 400 ducats a year, payable out
-of the revenues, just as Venetian governors had been sent there during
-the minority of Francesco III. Loredano sailed on January 16, 1511,
-for his post, where he remained for four and a half years<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>. Naxos, in his
-time, cannot have been a gloomy exile, for we hear of the “balls and
-festivals with the accompaniment of very polished female society” which
-greeted the Venetian ambassador<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>. We do not learn who governed the
-duchy between July 1515, when Loredano returned to Venice, and the
-coming of age of Duke Giovanni IV, which seems to have been in May
-1517. On May 6 of that year he wrote a letter to the Cretan government,
-signed <i>Joannes Crispus dux Egeo Pelagi</i>, which Sanuto has preserved<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>;
-and in the same summer <i>il ducha di Nixia, domino Zuan Crespo</i>, was
-captured by corsairs while hunting, and subsequently ransomed<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>—an
-adventure which Hopf, as we have seen, wrongly ascribed to Francesco
-III.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading12">7. CRETE UNDER THE VENETIANS (1204-1669)</h3>
-
-<p>Of all the Levantine possessions acquired by Venice as the result
-of the Fourth Crusade, by far the most important was the great
-island of Crete, which she obtained in August, 1204, from Boniface of
-Montferrat to whom it had been given 15 months earlier by Alexios IV,
-at the cost of 1000 marks of silver. At that time the population of the
-island, which in antiquity is supposed to have been a million, was
-probably about 500,000 or 600,000<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>. Lying on the way to Egypt and
-Syria, it was an excellent stopping-place for the Venetian merchantmen,
-and the immense sums of money expended upon its defence prove the
-value which the shrewd statesmen of the lagoons set upon it. Whether
-its retention was really worth the enormous loss of blood and treasure
-which it involved may perhaps be doubted, though in our own days the
-Concert of Europe has thought fit to spend about thrice the value of the
-island in the process of freeing it from the Turk. What distinguishes the
-mediæval history of Crete from that of the other Frank possessions in
-the Near East is the almost constant insubordination of the Cretan
-population. While in the Duchy of Athens we scarcely hear of any<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span>
-restlessness on the part of the Greeks, while in the Principality of Achaia
-they gave comparatively little trouble, while in the Archipelago they
-seldom murmured against their Dukes—in Crete, on the other hand, one
-insurrection followed another in rapid succession, and the first 160 years
-of Venetian rule are little else than a record of insurrections. The masters
-of the island explained this by the convenient theory, applied in our own
-time to the Irish, that the Cretans had a double dose of original sin, and
-the famous verse of Epimenides, to which the New Testament has given
-undying reputation, must have been often in the mouths of Venetian
-statesmen. But there were other and more natural reasons for the
-stubborn resistance of the islanders. After the reconquest of Crete by
-Nikephoros Phokas, the Byzantine Government had sent thither many
-members of distinguished military families, and their descendants, the
-<i>archontes</i> of the island at the time of the Venetian invasion, furnished
-the leaders for these perennial revolts<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>. Moreover, the topography of
-Crete is admirably suited for guerilla warfare; the combination of an
-insular with a highland spirit constitutes a double gage of independence,
-and what the Venetians regarded as a vice the modern Greeks reckon as
-a virtue.</p>
-
-<p>Even before the Venetians had had time to take possession of the
-island, their great rivals, the Genoese, had established a colony there,
-so that it was clear from the outset that Venice was not the only Latin
-Power desirous of obtaining Crete. The first landing of the Venetians was
-effected at Spinalonga, where a small colony was founded. But, before
-the rest of the island could be annexed, a Genoese citizen, Enrico
-Pescatore, Count of Malta, one of the most daring seamen of his age,
-had set foot in Crete in 1206 at the instigation of Genoa, and invited the
-Cretans to join his standard. He easily made himself master of the
-island, over which he endeavoured to strengthen his hold by the
-restoration or construction of fourteen fortresses, still remaining,
-although in ruins. A larger force was then despatched from Venice,
-which drove out the Maltese adventurer, who appealed to the Pope as
-a faithful servant of the Church, and continued to trouble the conquerors
-for some years more<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>. In 1207 Tiepolo had been appointed the first
-Venetian Governor, or Duke, as he was styled, of Crete; but it was not
-till the armistice with Genoa in 1212 that the first comprehensive attempt
-at colonisation was made, and the organisation of a Cretan Government
-was undertaken. According to the feudal principles then in vogue,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span>
-which a century earlier had been adopted for the colonisation of the
-Holy Land, the island was divided into 132 knights’ fiefs (a number
-subsequently raised to 200, and then to 230) and 48 sergeants’ or foot
-soldiers’ fiefs, and volunteers were invited to take them. The former
-class of lands was bestowed on Venetian nobles, the latter on ordinary
-citizens; but in both cases the fiefs became the permanent property of
-the holders, who could dispose of them by will or sale, provided that
-they bequeathed or sold them to Venetians. The nobles received houses
-in Candia, the Venetian capital (which now gave its name to the whole
-island), as well as pasture for their cattle, the State reserving to itself
-the direct ownership of the strip of coast in which Candia lay, the fort of
-Temenos and its precincts, and any gold or silver mines that might
-hereafter be discovered. The division of the island into six parts, or
-<i>sestieri</i>, was modelled, like the whole scheme of administration, on the
-arrangements of the city of Venice, where the <i>sestieri</i> still survive. So
-close was the analogy between the colonial and the metropolitan divisions
-that the colonists of each <i>sestiere</i> in Crete sprang from the same <i>sestiere</i>
-at Venice—a system which stimulated local feeling. At the head of each
-<i>sestiere</i> an official known as a <i>capitano</i> was placed, while the government
-of the colony was carried on by a greater and a lesser Council of the
-colonists, by two Councillors representing the Doge, and by the Duke,
-who usually held office for two years. The first batch of colonists was
-composed of twenty-six citizens and ninety-four nobles of the Republic,
-the latter drawn from some of the best Venetian families. But it is
-curious that, while we still find descendants of Venetian houses in the
-Cyclades and at Corfù, scarcely a trace of them remains in Crete<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>. As
-for ecclesiastical matters, always of such paramount importance in the
-Levant, the existing system was adopted by the newcomers. Candia
-remained an archbishopric, under which the ten bishoprics of the island
-were placed; but the churches, with two temporary exceptions, were
-occupied by the Latin clergy, and that body was required, no less than
-the laity, to contribute its quota of taxation towards the defence of the
-capital<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>. Although we hear once or twice of a Greek bishop in Crete,
-the usual practice was to allow no orthodox ecclesiastic above the rank
-of a <i>protopapâs</i> to reside at Candia, while Greek priests had to seek
-consecration from the bishops of the nearest Venetian colonies. But, as
-the Venetian colonists in course of time became Hellenised and embraced
-the Orthodox faith, the original organisation of the Latin church was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span>
-found to be too large, so that, at the time of the Turkish conquest, the
-Latin Archbishop of Candia with his four suffragans represented Roman
-Catholicism in the island, and outside the four principal towns there was
-scarcely a Catholic to be found.</p>
-
-<p>The division of the island into fiefs naturally caused much bad blood
-among the natives, who objected to this appropriation of their lands.
-In 1212, the same year which witnessed the arrival of the colonists, an
-insurrection broke out under the leadership of the powerful family of the
-Hagiostephanitai. The rising soon assumed such serious proportions that
-Tiepolo called in the aid of Duke Marco I of Naxos, whose duplicity in
-this connection was narrated in a previous essay. In addition to these
-internal troubles, the Genoese and Alamanno Costa, Count of Syracuse,
-an old comrade of the Count of Malta again became active; but the
-Venetians wisely purchased the acquiescence of the Genoese in the
-existing state of things by valuable concessions, the chief of which was
-the recognition of Genoa’s former privileges of trade with the Empire
-of Romania, and imprisoned Costa in an iron cage. From that moment,
-save for two brief raids in 1266 and 1293, Genoa abandoned the idea of
-contesting her rival’s possession of Crete. In the same year, however,
-only five years after the first rising, a fresh Cretan insurrection, due to
-the high-handed action of the Venetian officials, caused the proud
-Republic of St Mark to admit the necessity of conceding something to
-the islanders. The ringleaders received a number of knights’ fiefs, and
-became Venetian vassals. But a further distribution of lands in the parts
-of the island hitherto unconfiscated kindled a new revolt. The rebels,
-seeing the growth of the Empire of Nice, offered their country to the
-Emperor Vatatzes if he would come and deliver them, while the Duke
-summoned the reigning sovereign of Naxos to his aid. The latter withdrew
-on the approach of the Nicene admiral, who managed to land a
-contingent in the island. Long after the admiral’s departure these men
-held their own in the mountains, and it was eight years before the
-Venetians succeeded in suppressing the rising. On the death of Vatatzes,
-the Cretans seemed to have lost hope of external assistance, and no
-further attempt was made to throw off the Venetian yoke till after the
-fall of the Latin Empire of Romania. Meanwhile, in 1252, a fresh scheme
-of colonisation was carried out; ninety more knights’ fiefs were granted
-in the west of the island, and the town of Canea, the present capital, was
-founded, on or near the site of the ancient Cydonia<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>; one half of the new<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span>
-city was reserved to Venice, and the other half became the property of
-the colonists.</p>
-
-<p>After the recapture of Constantinople by the Greeks, the value of the
-island became greater than ever to the Venetians. Three years after that
-event we find the Doge Zeno writing to Pope Urban IV that “the whole
-strength of the Empire” lay in Crete, while at the same time the revival
-of the Greek cause, both on the Bosporos and in the Morea, led to an
-attack upon it by the Byzantine forces. But Venice had less difficulty
-in coming to terms with the Emperor than in managing her unruly
-subjects. In 1268 the Venetian colonists rose under leaders who bore the
-honoured names of Venier and Gradenigo, demanding complete separation
-from the mother country. The harsh policy of the Republic towards
-her colonies was an excuse for this outbreak; but no further attempt of
-the kind was made for another hundred years, when the descendants of
-the Venier and the Gradenigo of 1268 headed a far more serious rebellion.
-Another Greek rising now followed, this time organised by the brothers
-Chortatzai, but the Venetians had now succeeded in winning over a
-party among the Cretans, including Alexios Kallerges, the richest of all
-the <i>archontes</i>. This man used all his local influence on the side of the
-Government; yet even so the rebellion continued for several years, and
-at times threatened to gain the upper hand. One Venetian Governor was
-lured into the mountains, surprised, and slain; another was driven
-behind the walls of Candia, and only saved from capture by the fidelity
-of the Greek inhabitants of that district. At last adequate reinforcements
-arrived, the Chortatzai were banished from the island, and the
-castle of Selino was erected to overawe the rebels in their part of the
-country. Peace then reigned for a few years, and the conciliatory policy
-of the next Governor earned for him the title of “the good” Duke from
-the Cretan subjects of the Republic.</p>
-
-<p>But the calm was soon disturbed by a fresh outbreak. In 1283 the
-same Alexios Kallerges who had been so valuable an auxiliary of Venice
-in the last rising inaugurated a rebellion which, arising out of the
-curtailment of his own family privileges, spread to the whole island and
-lasted for sixteen years. The home Government made the mistake of
-under-estimating the importance of this movement, which it neglected
-to suppress at the outset by the despatch of large bodies of men. As
-usual, the insurgents operated in the mountains, whence the Venetians
-were unable to dislodge them, while the Genoese laid Canea in ashes in
-1293, and tried to establish relations with the insurrectionary chief. But
-Kallerges was not disposed to exchange the rule of one Italian State for
-that of another, and, as he saw at last that he could not shake off the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span>
-Venetian yoke single-handed, he came to terms with the Governor. His
-patriotic refusal of the Genoese offers had excited the admiration of the
-Venetians, who were ready to make concessions to one whom Genoa
-could not seduce. He was allowed to keep the fiefs which the Angeloi had
-granted in the Byzantine days to his family, he was created a knight,
-and his heirs received permission to intermarry with Venetians—a
-practice absolutely prohibited as a rule in Venetian colonies. It is
-pleasant to be able to record that both parties to this treaty kept their
-word. Kallerges on his death-bed bade his four sons remain true to
-Venice; one of his grandsons fought in her cause, and his descendants
-were rewarded with the title of patricians—at that time a rare distinction.
-These frequent insurrections, combined with the horrors of
-plague and famine, do not seem to have permanently injured the
-resources of the island, nor were the ravages of corsairs, fitted out by the
-Catalans of Attica in the early part of the fourteenth century, felt much
-beyond the coast. At any rate, in 1320 such was the prosperity of the
-colony that the Governor was able to remit a large surplus to Venice
-after defraying the costs of administration. But the harsh policy of the
-Republic gradually alienated the colonists as well as the natives. A
-demand for ship-money caused a fresh rebellion of the Greeks in 1333,
-in which one of the Kallergai fought for, and another of them against,
-the Venetian Government. Eight years later a member of that famous
-Cretan family, forgetting the patriotic conduct of his great ancestor,
-entered into negotiations with the Turks; but he was invited to a parley
-by the Venetian Governor, who had him arrested as a traitor and thrown
-in a sack into the sea. This act of cruelty and treachery had the effect
-of embittering and prolonging the Cretan resistance, so that the
-Venetians soon held nothing in the island except the capital and a few
-castles. At last the arrival of overwhelming reinforcements forced the
-rebel leader, Michael Psaromelingos, to bid his servant kill him, and the
-rebellion was over. The death of this chieftain has formed the subject of
-a modern Greek drama, for the Greeks of the mainland have always
-admired, and sometimes imitated, the desperate valour of their Cretan
-brethren. On the Venetians this revolt made so great an impression that
-the Duke was ordered to admit no Cretan into the Great Council of the
-island without the special permission of the Doge—an order due as much
-to the fears of the home Government as to the jealousy of the colonists.</p>
-
-<p>But the most significant feature of this insurrection was the apathy
-of the Venetian vassals in contributing their quota of horses and men
-for the defence of the island. Somewhat earlier, the knights had been
-compelled, in spite of their vigorous protests, to pay the sum which, by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span>
-the terms of their feudal tenure, they were supposed to expend upon
-their armed followers, direct to the Exchequer, which took care to see
-that the money was properly applied. Many of the poorer among them
-now found themselves unable to provide the amounts which the
-Government required, and so became heavily indebted to the Treasury.
-It was the opinion of Venetian statesmen that Crete should be self-supporting,
-but it at last became necessary to grant a little grace to the
-impoverished debtors, some of whom had shown signs of coquetting with
-the Turks. Thus the discontented Venetian colonists, who had been
-born and trained for the most part in an island which exercises a strong
-attraction on even foreign residents, found that they had more grievances
-in common with the Greeks than bonds of union with the city of their
-ancestors. More than a century and a half had elapsed since the first
-great batch of colonists had left the lagoons for the great Greek island.
-Redress had been stubbornly refused, and it only needed a spark to set
-the whole colony ablaze.</p>
-
-<p>In 1362 a new Duke, Leonardo Dandolo, arrived at Candia with
-orders from the Venetian Senate to demand from the knights a contribution
-towards the repair of the harbour there. The knights contended
-that, as the harbour would benefit trade, which was the interest of the
-Republic, while their income was exclusively derived from agriculture,
-the expense should be borne by the home Government. As the Senate
-persisted, the whole body of knights rose under the command of two
-young members of the order, Tito Venier, Lord of Cerigo—the island
-which afterwards formed part of the Septinsular Republic—and Tito
-Gradenigo, entered the Duke’s palace, and put him and his Councillors
-in irons. Having arrested all the Venetian merchants whom they could
-find, the rebels then proclaimed the independence of Crete—how often
-since then has it not been announced!—appointed Marco Gradenigo,
-Tito’s uncle, Duke, and elected four Councillors from their own ranks.
-In order to obtain the support of the Greeks they declared that the
-Roman Catholic ritual had ceased to exist throughout the island, and
-announced their own acceptance of the Orthodox faith. In token of the
-new order of things the Venetian insignia were torn down from all the
-public buildings, and St Mark made way for Titus, the patron saint and
-first bishop of Crete<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>. The theological argument was more than the Greeks
-could resist, and the descendants of Catholic Venetians and Orthodox
-<i>archontes</i> made common cause against Popery and the tax-collector.</p>
-
-<p>When the news reached Venice, it excited the utmost consternation.
-But, as no sufficient forces were available, the Republic resolved to try<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span>
-what persuasion could effect. A trusty Greek from the Venetian colony
-of Modon was sent to treat with the Greeks, while five commissioners
-proceeded to negotiate with the revolutionary Government at Candia.
-The commissioners were courteously heard; but when it was found that
-they were empowered to offer nothing but an amnesty, and that only on
-condition of prompt submission to the Republic, they were plainly told
-that the liberty recently won by arms should never be sacrificed to the
-commands of the Venetian Senate. Nothing remained but to draw the
-sword, and the home Government had prudently availed itself of the
-negotiations to begin its preparations, both diplomatic and naval. All
-the Powers friendly to Venice, the Pope, the Emperor Charles IV, the
-King of France, and the Queen of Naples, even Genoa herself, forbade
-their subjects to trade with the island, and the Pope, alarmed at the
-apostasy of the colonists, addressed a pastoral to the recalcitrant
-Cretans. But neither papal arguments nor an international boycott
-could bend the stubborn minds of the insurgents. It was not till the
-arrival of the Venetian fleet and army, the latter under the command of
-Luchino dal Verme, the friend of Petrarch, who had warned him, with
-the inevitable allusions to the classic poets and to St Paul, of the
-“untruthfulness,” “craft,” and “deceit” of the Cretans, that the
-movement was crushed.</p>
-
-<p>The armament was of considerable size. Italy had been ransacked
-for soldiers, the Duchy of the Archipelago and Eubœa for ships, and
-Nicolò “Spezzabanda,” the regent of Naxos, hastened to assist his
-Venetian patrons. Candia speedily fell, and then the commissioners who
-accompanied the military and naval forces proceeded to mete out
-punishment to the chief insurgents without mercy. Marco Gradenigo
-and two others were beheaded on the platform of the castle, where
-their corpses were ordered to remain, under penalty of the loss of a hand
-to any one who tried to remove them. The same bloody and brief
-assizes were held in Canea and Rethymno; the most guilty were
-executed, the less conspicuous were banished. Tito Venier was captured
-by Venetian ships on the high sea, and paid for his treasonable acts with
-his head; his accomplice, Tito Gradenigo, managed to escape to Rhodes,
-but died in exile. The property of the conspirators was confiscated by
-the State.</p>
-
-<p>Great was the joy at Venice when it was known that the insurrection
-had been suppressed. Three days were given up to thanksgivings and
-festivities, at which Petrarch was present, and of which he has left an
-account. Foreign powers congratulated the Republic on its success,
-while in Crete itself the new Duke ordered the celebration of May 10<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span>
-in each year-the anniversary of the capitulation of Candia—as a public
-holiday. But the peace, or perhaps we should say desolation, of the
-island was soon disturbed. Some of the banished colonists combined
-with three brothers of the redoubtable family of the Kallergai, who
-proclaimed the Byzantine Emperor sovereign of Crete. This time the
-Venetian Government sent troops at once to Candia, but hunger proved
-a more effective weapon than the sword. The inhabitants of Lasithi,
-where the insurgents had their headquarters, surrendered the ringleaders
-rather than starve. Then followed a fresh series of savage
-sentences, for the Republic considered that no mercy should be shown
-to such constant rebels. While the chiefs were sent to the block, the
-whole plateau of Lasithi was converted into a desert, the peasants were
-carried off and their cottages pulled down, and the loss of a foot and the
-confiscation of his cattle were pronounced to be the penalty of any
-farmer or herdsman who should dare to sow corn there or to use the spot
-for pasture. This cruel and ridiculous order was obeyed to the letter;
-for nearly a century one of the most fertile districts of Crete was allowed
-to remain in a state of nature, till at last in 1463 the urgent requirements
-of the Venetian fleet compelled the Senate to consent to the recultivation
-of Lasithi. But as soon as the temporary exigencies of the public
-service had been satisfied, Lasithi fell once more under the ban, until
-towards the end of the fifteenth century the plain was placed under the
-immediate supervision of the Duke and his Councillors. It would be
-hard to discover any more suicidal policy than this, which crippled the
-resources of the colony in order to gratify a feeling of revenge. But it has
-ever been the misfortune of Crete that the folly of her rulers has done
-everything possible to counteract her natural advantages.</p>
-
-<p>A long period of peace now ensued, a peace born not of prosperous
-contentment but of hopeless exhaustion. The first act of the Republic
-was to substitute for the original oath of fealty, exacted from the
-colonists at the time of the first great settlement in 1212, a much stricter
-formula of obedience. The next was to put up to auction the vacant fiefs
-of the executed and banished knights at Venice, for it had been resolved
-that none of those estates should be acquired by members of the Greek
-aristocracy. The bidding was not very brisk, for Crete had a bad character
-on the Venetian exchange, so that, some years later, on the destruction
-of the castle of Tenedos, the Republic transported the whole population
-to Candia. There they settled outside the capital in a suburb which, from
-their old home, received the name of Le Tenedee<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>We hear little about Crete during the first half of the fifteenth<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span>
-century, which was so critical a time for the Franks of the mainland.
-The principal grievance of the colonists at that period seems to have
-been the arrogance of the Jews, against whom they twice petitioned
-the Government. It was a Jew, however, who, together with a priest,
-betrayed to the Duke the plot which had been concocted by a leading
-Greek of Rethymno in 1453 for the murder of all the Venetian officials
-on one day, the incarceration of all other foreigners, and the proclamation
-of a Greek prince as sovereign of the island. The capture of
-Constantinople by the Turks in that year, followed as it was by the flight
-of many Greek families to Crete, induced the Venetians to take more
-stringent precautions against the intrigues of their Cretan subjects. An
-order was issued empowering the Duke to make away with any suspected
-Cretans without trial or public inquiry of any kind. We are reminded by
-this horrible ordinance of the secret commission for the slaughter of
-dangerous Helots which had been one of the laws of Lycurgus. Nothing
-could better show the insecurity of Venetian rule, even after two
-centuries and a half had passed since the conquest. Another incident,
-at the beginning of the sixteenth century, shows how savage was the
-punishment meted out to the insurgents, with the approval of the
-authorities. At that period the Cretans of Selmo, Sphakia, and the
-Rhiza, not far from the latter place united their forces against their
-Venetian masters under the leadership of the Pateropouloi clan. The
-three insurgent districts were formed into an independent Republic, of
-which a leading Greek was chosen Rector. The Venetians of Canea,
-under the pretext of a wedding feast at the villa of one of their countrymen
-at the charming village of Alikianou, lured the Rector and some
-fifty of his friends to that place, seized the guests after the banquet, and
-hanged or shot him, his son, and many others in cold blood. The
-remainder of the rebels were rigorously proscribed, and a pardon was
-granted to those alone who produced at Canea the gory head of a father,
-a brother, a cousin, or a nephew<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>. Nor were the foes of Venice only those
-of her own household. The Turkish peril, which had manifested itself in
-sporadic raids before the fall of Constantinople, became more pressing
-after the loss of the Morea. Appeals were made by the inhabitants for
-reinforcements and arms, and at last, when the capture of Eubœa by the
-Turks had deprived them of that valuable station, the Venetians turned
-their thoughts to the protection of Crete, and resolved to restore the
-walls of Candia. Those who saw, like the author, those magnificent
-fortifications before the sea-gate was destroyed by the British troops in
-1898, can estimate the strength of the town in the later Venetian period.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span>
-Unfortunately, those ramparts, which afterwards kept the Turks at bay
-for twenty-four years, could not prevent the dreaded Barbarossa’s
-ravages on other parts of the coast. In 1538 that great captain appeared
-with the whole Turkish fleet—then a very different affair from the
-wretched hulks of 1898 which were a terror only to their crews—landed
-at Suda Bay, laid all the adjacent country waste, and nearly captured
-Canea. Thirty years later, this raid was repeated with even greater
-success, for Rethymno was destroyed, and soon the loss of Cyprus
-deprived Crete of a bulwark which had hitherto divided the attention
-of the advancing Turk. Venice was, at length, thoroughly alarmed for
-the safety of her great possession, and she took the resolve of introducing
-drastic reforms into the island. With this object an experienced statesman,
-Giacomo Foscarini, was sent to Crete in 1574 as special
-commissioner, with full powers to inquire into, and redress, the grievances
-of the islanders. Foscarini, well aware that his task would be no easy
-one, endeavoured to excuse himself on private grounds; but his
-patriotism prevailed over all other considerations, and he set out for
-Crete with the intention of increasing the resources of the island and at
-the same time protecting the inhabitants against the oppression of those
-placed over them. In accordance with this policy, he issued, as soon as
-he had landed, a proclamation, urging all who had grievances against
-any Venetian official to come without fear, either openly or in secret,
-before him, in the certainty of obtaining justice and redress. He then
-proceeded to study the condition of the country, and it is fortunate that
-the results of his investigation have been preserved in an official report,
-which throws a flood of light on the state of Crete during the latter half
-of the sixteenth century<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>At the time of Foscarini’s visit the island was divided up into 479
-fiefs, 394 of which belonged to Venetians, who were no longer subdivided
-into the two original classes of knights and sergeants, or foot
-soldiers, but were all collectively known as knights. Of the remaining fiefs,
-thirty-five belonged to native Cretan families, twenty-five to the Latin
-Church, and twenty-five to the Venetian Government. None of these
-last three classes paid taxes or yielded service of any sort to the Republic,
-though a rent was derived from such of the State domains as were let.
-As might be guessed from the frequent repetition of Cretan insurrections,
-the condition of the native Cretan aristocracy was one of the most serious
-problems in the island. When Venice had adopted, somewhat reluctantly,
-the plan of bestowing fiefs on the Greek leaders, twelve prominent
-Cretan families had been selected, whose descendants, styled <i>archontópouloi</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span>
-or <i>archontoromaîoi</i>, formed a privileged class without obligations
-of any sort. As time went on, the numbers of these families had
-increased, till, shortly before Foscarini’s visit, they comprised at least
-400 souls. But, as the number of the fiefs at their disposal remained the
-same, a series of subdivisions became necessary, and this led to those
-continual quarrels, which were the inevitable result of the feudal system
-all over Greece. A hard and fast line was soon drawn between the
-richer “sons of the <i>archontes</i>,” who lived a life of idleness and luxury in
-the towns, and the poorer members of the clan, who sank into the position
-of peasants on their bit of land, without, however, losing their privileges
-and their pride of descent. The latter quality involved them in perpetual
-feuds with rival families equally aristocratic and equally penniless, and
-the celebrated district of Sphakia, in particular, had even then acquired
-the evil notoriety for turbulent independence which it preserved down
-to the end of the nineteenth century. Shortly before Foscarini appeared
-on the scene, a Venetian commissioner had paid a visit to that spot for
-the express purpose of chastising the local family of the Pateroi, whose
-hereditary feud with the family of the Papadopouloi of Rethymno had
-become a public scandal. Both the parties, the latter of whom still has
-a representative in an illustrious family resident at Venice, were of
-common stock, for both were branches of the ancient Cretan clan of the
-Skordiloi. But they hated one another with all the bitterness of near
-relatives; revenge was the most precious heritage of their race; the
-bloody garment of each victim was treasured up by his family, every
-member of which wore mourning till his murder had been wiped out in
-blood; and thus, as in Albania to-day, and in Corsica in the days of
-Mérimée, there was no end to the chain of assassinations. On this
-occasion the Sphakiotes, who could well maintain the classic reputation
-of the Cretan bowmen, were completely crushed by the heavily armed
-troops of Venice. Their homes were burned to the ground, those who
-resisted were slain; those who were captured were sent into exile at
-Corfù, where they mostly died of cruel treatment or home-sickness, the
-home-sickness which every true Cretan feels for his mountains. The
-survivors of the clan were forbidden to rebuild their dwellings or to
-approach within many miles of their beloved Sphakia. The inhospitable
-valleys and rough uplands became their refuge, and winter and lack of
-food had been steadily diminishing their numbers when Foscarini
-arrived at Sphakia to see for himself how things were in that notorious
-district.</p>
-
-<p>Sphakia lies on the south coast of the island, almost exactly opposite
-the Bay of Suda on the north. Foscarini describes it as consisting of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span>
-“a very weak tower,” occupied by a Venetian garrison of eleven men,
-and a small hamlet built in terraces on the hills. The wildness of the
-scenery was in keeping, he says, with the wildness of the inhabitants,
-whose bravery, splendid physique, and agility in climbing the rocks he
-warmly praises. Their appearance suggested to him a comparison with
-“the wild Irish,” and they have certainly vied with the latter in the
-trouble which they have given to successive Governments. Their long
-hair and beards, their huge boots and vast skirts, the dagger, sword, bow
-and arrows, which every Sphakiote constantly carried, and the unpleasant
-odour of goats, which was derived from their habit of sleeping in caves
-among their herds, and which clung to their persons, struck the observant
-Venetian in a more or less agreeable manner. Yet he remarked that, if
-they were let alone and not agitated by family feuds, they were a mild
-and gentle race, and the peasant spokesman of the clan seemed to him
-one of nature’s noblemen. With this man Foscarini came to terms,
-promising the Pateroi a free pardon, their return to their homes, and the
-restoration of their villages, on condition that they should furnish men
-for the Venetian galleys, send a deputation twice a year to Canea, and
-work once annually on the fortifications of that town. The Sphakiotes
-loyally kept these conditions during the stay of Foscarini in the island,
-their district became a model of law and order, while their rivals, the
-Papadopouloi, were frightened into obedience by the threats of the
-energetic commissioner. He further organised all the native clans in
-companies for service in the militia under chiefs, or <i>capitani</i>, chosen by
-him from out of their midst and paid by the local government. This local
-militia was entrusted with the policing of the island, on the sound
-principle that a former brigand makes the best policeman. Disobedience
-or negligence was punished by degradation from the privileged class of
-free <i>archontópouloi</i>, and thus the military qualities of the Cretans were
-diverted into a useful channel, and a strong motive provided for their
-loyalty. Similarly since the union with Greece the Cretans have become
-excellent constables.</p>
-
-<p>The next problem was that of the Venetian knights. It had been the
-original intention of the Republic that none of their fiefs should pass
-into Greek hands. But as time went on many of the colonists had
-secretly sold their estates to the natives, and had gone back to Venice
-to spend the proceeds of the sale in luxurious idleness. When Foscarini
-arrived, he found that many even of those Venetians who remained in
-Crete had become Greek in dress, manners, and speech. More than sixty
-years earlier we hear complaints of the lack of Catholic priests and of the
-consequent indifference of the colonists to the religion of their forefathers,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span>
-so that we are not surprised to hear Foscarini deploring the
-numerous conversions of the Venetians in the country districts to the
-Orthodox faith through the want of Latin churches. In the town of
-Candia, where the nobles were better off, they still remained strict
-Catholics, and this difference of religion marked them off from the
-Orthodox people; but their wives had adopted Oriental habits, and lived
-in the seclusion which we associate with the daily life of women in the
-East. In Canea, which was a more progressive place than the capital,
-things were a little more hopeful, but even there education was almost
-entirely neglected. In the country, owing to the subdivision of fiefs,
-many of the smaller Venetian proprietors had sunk to the condition of
-peasants, retaining neither the language nor the chivalrous habits of
-their ancestors, but only the sonorous names of the great Venetian
-houses whence they sprang. All the old martial exercises, on which the
-Republic had relied for the defence of the island, had long fallen into
-abeyance. Few of the knights could afford to keep horses; few could ride
-them. When they were summoned on parade at Candia, they were wont
-to stick some of their labourers on horseback, clad in their own armour,
-to the scandal of the Government and the amusement of the spectators,
-who would pelt these improvised horsemen with bad oranges or stones.
-Another abuse arose from the possession of one estate by several
-persons, who each contributed a part of the horse’s equipment which the
-estate was expected to furnish. Thus the net result of the feudal
-arrangements in Crete at this period was an impoverished nobility and
-an utterly inadequate system of defence.</p>
-
-<p>Foscarini set to work to remedy these evils with great courage. He
-proceeded to restore the old feudal military service, with such alterations
-as the times required. He announced that neglect of this public
-duty would be punished by confiscation of the vassal’s fief; he abolished
-the combination of several persons for the equipment of one horse, but
-ordered that the small proprietors should each provide one of the cheap
-but hardy little Cretan steeds, leaving the wealthier knights to furnish
-costlier animals. By this means he created a chivalrous spirit among the
-younger nobles, who began to take pride in their horses, and 1200
-horsemen were at the disposal of the State before he left the island. He
-next turned his attention to the remedy of another abuse—the excessive
-growth of the native Cretan aristocracy owing to the issue of patents of
-nobility by corrupt officials. Still worse was the reckless bestowal of
-privileges, such as exemptions from personal service on the galleys and
-from labour on the fortifications, upon Cretans of humble origin, or even
-upon whole communities. The latter practice was specially objectionable,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span>
-because the privileged communities exercised a magnetic attraction
-upon the peasants of other districts, who flocked into them, leaving the
-less favoured parts of the island almost depopulated. Quite apart from
-this cause, the diminution of the population, which at the time of the
-Venetian conquest was about half a million, but had sunk to 271,489
-shortly before Foscarini’s arrival, was sufficiently serious. It is obvious
-that in ancient times, Crete with its “ninety cities” must have supported
-a large number of inhabitants; but the plagues, famines, and earthquakes
-of the sixteenth century had lessened the population, already
-diminished by Turkish raids and internal insurrections. In 1524 no
-fewer than 24,000 persons died of the plague, and the Jews alone were an
-increasing body. Against them Foscarini was particularly severe; he
-regarded the fair Jewesses of Candia as the chief cause of the moral
-laxity of the young nobles; he absolutely forbade Christians to accept
-service in Jewish families; and nowhere was his departure so welcome
-as in the Ghetto of Candia. The peasants, on the other hand, regarded
-him as a benefactor; for their lot, whether they were mere serfs or
-whether they tilled the land on condition of paying a certain proportion
-of the produce, was by no means enviable. The serfs, or <i>pároikoi</i>, were
-mostly the descendants of the Arabs who had been enslaved by Nikephoros
-Phokas, and who could be sold at the will of their masters. The
-free peasants were overburdened with compulsory work by the Government,
-as well as by the demands of their lords. In neither case was
-Foscarini sure that he had been able to confer any permanent benefit
-upon them. At least, he had followed the maxim of an experienced
-Venetian, that the Cretans were not to be managed by threats and
-punishments.</p>
-
-<p>He concluded his mission by strengthening the two harbours of Suda
-and Spinalonga, by increasing the numbers and pay of the garrison, by
-improving the Cretan fleet and the mercantile marine, and by restoring
-equilibrium to the budget. The Levantine possessions of Venice cost her
-at this period more than they brought in, and it was the desire of the
-Republic that Crete, should, at any rate, be made to pay expenses. With
-this object, Foscarini regulated the currency, raised the tariff in such a
-way that the increased duties fell on the foreign consumer, saw that they
-were honestly collected, and endeavoured to make the island more
-productive. But in all his reforms the commissioner met with stubborn
-resistance from the vested interests of the Venetian officials and the
-fanaticism of the Orthodox clergy, always the bitterest foes of Venice
-in the Levant. In dealing with the latter, Foscarini saw that strong
-measures were necessary; he persuaded his Government to banish the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span>
-worst agitators, and to allow the others to remain only on condition that
-they behaved well. Then, after more than four years of labour, he
-returned to Venice, where he was thanked by the Doge for his eminent
-services. He had been, indeed, as his monument in the Carmelite church
-there says, “Dictator of the island of Candia”; but even his heroic policy
-did “but skin and film the ulcerous place.” Not ten years after his
-departure we find another Venetian authority, Giulio de Garzoni, writing
-of the tyranny of the knights and officials, the misery of the natives, the
-disorder of the administration, and the continued agitation of the Greek
-clergy among the peasantry. So desperate had the latter become that
-there were many who preferred even the yoke of the Sultan to that of
-the Catholic Republic<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>. The population of the island, which Foscarini
-had estimated at 219,000, had sunk in this short space of time to about
-176,000. Numbers of Cretans had emigrated to Constantinople since
-Foscarini left, where they formed a large portion of the men employed
-in the Turkish arsenal, and where the information which they gave to
-the Turks about the weakness of the Cretan garrison and forts filled the
-Venetian representatives with alarm. Yet Venice seemed powerless to
-do more for the oppressed islanders; indeed, she inclined rather to the
-Machiavellian policy of Fra Paolo Sarpi, who advised her to treat the
-Cretans like wild beasts, upon whom humanity would be only thrown
-away, and to govern the island by maintaining constant enmity between
-the barbarised colonists and the native barbarians. “Bread and the
-stick, that is all that you ought to give them.” Such a policy could only
-prevail so long as Venice was strong enough to defend the colony, or
-wise enough to keep at peace with the Sultan.</p>
-
-<p>The latter policy prevailed for nearly three-quarters of a century
-after the peace between Venice and the Porte in 1573, and during that
-period we hear little of Crete. The quaint traveller Lithgow<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>, who
-visited it in the first decade of the seventeenth century, alludes to a
-descent of the Turks upon Rethymno in 1597, when that town was again
-sacked and burned; and he remarks, as Plato had done in <i>The Laws</i>, that
-he never saw a Cretan come out of his house unarmed. He found a
-Venetian garrison of 12,000 men in the island, and reiterates the
-preference of the Cretans for Turkish rule, on the ground that they would
-have “more liberty and less taxes.” But while he was disappointed to
-find no more than four cities in an island which in Homer’s day had
-contained ninety, he tells us that Canea had “ninety-seven palaces,”
-and he waxes eloquent over the great fertility of the country near Suda.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span>
-It is curious to find, nearly three centuries ago, that Suda bay was
-eagerly coveted by a foreign potentate, the King of Spain, of whose
-designs the astute Venetians were fully aware, and whose overtures they
-steadily declined.</p>
-
-<p>The time had now arrived when the Cretans were to realise their
-desires, and exchange the Venetian for the Turkish rule. The Ottoman
-sultans had long meditated the conquest of the island, and two recent
-events had infuriated Ibrahim I against the Venetians. The Near East
-was at that time cursed with a severe outbreak of piracy, in which there
-was little to choose between Christians and Mussulmans. While the
-Venetians had chased some Barbary corsairs into the Turkish harbour of
-Valona, on the coast of Albania, and had injured a minaret with their
-shots, they had allowed a Maltese squadron, which had captured the
-nurse of the Sultan’s son, to sail into a Cretan harbour with its booty.
-The fury of the Sultan, whose affection for his son’s nurse was well
-known, was not appeased by the apologies of the Venetian representative.
-Great preparations were made for an expedition against Crete, and
-Ibrahim constantly went down to the arsenals to urge on the workmen.
-All over the Turkish empire the word went forth to make ready. The
-forests of the Morea were felled to furnish palisades, the naval stores
-of Chalkis were emptied to supply provisions for the troops. All the time
-the Grand Vizier kept assuring the Venetian bailie that these gigantic
-efforts were directed not against the Republic, but against the knights
-of Malta. In vain the Mufti protested against this act of deception, and
-pleaded that, if war there must be against Venice, at least it might be
-open. The Capitan-Pasha and the war party silenced any religious
-scruples of the Sultan, and the Mufti was told to mind his own business.
-As soon as the truth dawned upon the Venetians they lost no time in
-preparing to meet the Turks. Andrea Cornaro, the new Governor of
-Crete, hastily strengthened the fortifications of Candia and of the island
-at the mouth of Suda bay, while the home Government sent messages
-for aid to every friendly State, from Spain to Persia, with but little
-result. The Great Powers were then at each other’s throats; France was
-quarrelling with Spain, Germany was still in the throes of the Thirty
-Years’ War, England was engaged in the struggle between King and
-Parliament, and it was thought that the English wine trade would
-benefit by the Turkish conquest of Crete. Besides, the downfall of the
-Levantine commerce of Venice was regarded with equanimity by our
-Turkey merchants, and the Venetians accused us of selling munitions of
-war to the infidel. It was remarked, too, that Venice, of all States, was
-the least entitled to expect Christendom to arm in her defence, for no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span>
-other Government had been so ready to sacrifice Christian interests in
-the Levant when it suited her purpose. Only the Pope and a few minor
-States promised assistance.</p>
-
-<p>In 1645 the Turkish fleet sailed with sealed orders for the famous bay
-of Navarino. Then the command was given to arrest all Venetian subjects,
-including the Republic’s representative at Constantinople, and the
-Turkish commander, a Dalmatian renegade, set sail for Crete. Landing
-without opposition to the west of Canea, he proceeded to besiege that
-town, whose small but heroic garrison held out for two months before
-capitulating. The principal churches were at once converted into mosques;
-but the losses of the Turks during the siege, and the liberal terms which
-their commander had felt bound to offer to the besieged, cost him his
-head. At Venice great was the consternation at the loss of Canea;
-enormous pecuniary sacrifices were demanded of the citizens, and titles
-of nobility were sold in order to raise funds for carrying on the war.
-Meanwhile, an attempt to create a diversion by an attack upon Patras
-only served to exasperate the Turks, who became masters of Rethymno
-in 1646, and in the spring of 1648 began that memorable siege of Candia
-which was destined to last for more than twenty years. Even though
-Venice sued for peace, and offered to the Sultan Parga and Tenos<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>, as
-well as a tribute, in return for the restoration of Canea and Rethymno,
-the Turks remained obdurate, and were resolved at all costs to have the
-island, “even though the war should go on for a hundred years.” And
-indeed it seemed likely to be prolonged indefinitely. The substitution of
-Mohammed IV for Ibrahim I as Sultan, and the consequent confusion
-at the Turkish capital, made it difficult for the Turks to carry on the
-struggle with the vigour which they had shown at the outset. The
-Venetian fleet waited at the entrance of the Dardanelles to attack
-Turkish convoys on their way to Crete, while the Ottoman provision-stores
-at Volo and Megara were burned. But these successes outside of
-the island delayed, without preventing, the progress of the Turkish arms.
-In fact, the Venetian forays in the Archipelago, notably at Paros and
-Melos, had the effect of embittering the Greeks against them, and, as a
-Cretan poet wrote, the islanders had to suffer, whichever side they took.
-In Crete itself, an ambitious Greek priest persuaded the Porte to have
-him appointed Metropolitan of the island, and to allow him to name
-seven suffragans. The Cretan militia refused to fight, and even the
-warlike Sphakiotes, under the leadership of a Kallerges, did little beyond
-cutting off a few Turkish stragglers. At last they yielded to the Turks,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span>
-whose humane treatment of the Greek peasants throughout the island,
-combined with the unpopularity of the Latin rule, frustrated the attempt
-to provoke a general rising of the Cretans against the invaders. Nor was
-a small French force, which Cardinal Mazarin at last sent to aid the
-Venetians, more successful. Both sides were, in fact, equally hampered
-and equally unable to obtain a decisive victory; the Venetian fleet at
-the islet of Standia, and the Turkish army in the fortress of New Candia,
-which it had erected, kept watching one another, while year after year
-the wearisome war dragged on. Then, in 1666, a new element was
-introduced into the conflict. The Grand Vizier, Ahmed Köprili, landed
-in Crete, resolved to risk his head upon the success of his attempt to take
-Candia<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>For two years and a half Köprili patiently besieged the town, with
-an immense expenditure of ammunition and a great loss of life. Worse
-and worse grew the condition of the garrison, which was commanded by
-the brave Francesco Morosini, who was destined later on to inflict such
-tremendous blows upon the Turks in the Morea. A ray of hope illumined
-the doomed fortress when, in June 1669, a force of 8000 French soldiers
-under the Duc de Navailles, and fifty French vessels under the Duc de
-Beaufort, arrived in the harbour, sent by Louis XIV, at the urgent
-prayer of Pope Clement IX, to save this bulwark of Catholicism. But
-these French auxiliaries met with no success. Four days after their
-arrival, the Duc de Beaufort fell in a sally outside the walls<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>. His
-colleague, the Duc de Navailles, soon lost heart, and sailed away to
-France, leaving the garrison to its fate. His departure was the turning-point
-in the siege. The houses were riddled with shots, the churches were
-in ruins, the streets were strewn with splinters of bombs and bullets,
-every day diminished the number of the defenders, and sickness was
-raging in the town. Then Morosini saw that it was useless to go on
-fighting. He summoned a council of war, and proposed that the garrison
-should capitulate. A few desperate men opposed his proposition, saying
-that they would rather blow up the place and die, as they had fought,
-like heroes among its ruins. But Morosini’s opinion prevailed, the white
-flag was hoisted on the ramparts, and two plenipotentiaries—one of
-them an Englishman, Colonel Thomas Anand—were appointed to settle
-the terms of capitulation with the Grand Vizier, who was represented at
-the conference by a Greek, Panagiotes Nikouses, the first of his race who
-became Grand Dragoman of the Porte<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>. Köprili insisted upon the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span>
-complete cession of Crete, with the exception of the three fortresses of
-Suda, Spinalonga, and Grabusa, with the small islands near them; but
-he showed his appreciation of the heroic defence of Candia by allowing
-the garrison to march out with all the honours of war. On September 27
-the keys of the town were handed to him on a silver dish, and on the
-same day, the whole population, except six persons, left the place.
-There, at least, the Greeks preferred exile to Turkish rule, and one of
-Köprili’s first acts was to induce fresh inhabitants to come to the
-deserted town by the promise of exemption from taxes for several years.</p>
-
-<p>The cost of this siege, one of the longest in history, “Troy’s rival,”
-as Byron called it<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>, had been enormous. The Venetians, it was calculated,
-had lost 30,985 men, and the Turks 118,754, and the Republic had spent
-4,253,000 ducats upon the defence of this one city. Some idea of the
-miseries inflicted by this long war of a quarter of a century may be
-formed from the fact that the population of Crete, which had risen to
-about 260,000 before it began, was estimated by the English traveller
-Randolph, eighteen years after the Turkish conquest, at only 80,000, of
-whom 30,000 were Turks. Even before the siege it had been said that
-Crete cost far more than it was worth, and from the pecuniary standpoint
-the loss of the island was a blessing in disguise. But a cession of
-territory cannot be measured by means of a balance-sheet. The prestige
-of the Republic had been shattered, her greatest possession in the
-Levant had been torn from her, and once more the disunion of the
-Western Powers had been the Turk’s opportunity. Both the parties to
-the treaty were accused of having concluded an unworthy peace. Every
-successful Turkish commander has enemies at home, who seek to
-undermine his influence; but Köprili was strong enough to keep his
-place. Morosini, less fortunate, was, indeed, acquitted of the charges
-of bribery and malversation brought against him, but he was not
-employed again for many years, until he was called upon to take a noble
-revenge for the loss of Candia.</p>
-
-<p>Venice did not retain her three remaining Cretan fortresses indefinitely.
-Grabusa was betrayed by its venal commander to the Turks in 1691; Suda
-and Spinalonga were captured in 1715 during the Turco-Venetian War,
-and the Treaty of Passarovitz confirmed their annexation to Turkey<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>So, after 465 years, the Venetian domination came to an end. From
-the Roman times to the present day no government has lasted so long
-in that restless island; and the winged lion on many a building, the old<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span>
-galley arches on the left of the port of Candia, and the chain of Venetian
-fortresses, of which Prof. Gerola has given a detailed description in his
-great work, <i>Venetian Monuments in the island of Crete</i>, remind us of
-the bygone rule of the great republic. But the traveller will inquire in
-vain for the descendants of those Venetian colonists whose names have
-been preserved in the archives at Venice. Rather than remain in Crete,
-most of them emigrated to Corfù or to the Ægean islands, or else
-returned to Venice—reluctantly, we may be sure, for Crete has ever
-exercised a strange fascination on all who have dwelt there. Now that
-Crete is once more emancipated from the Turk, it is possible to compare
-the Venetian and the Ottoman rule, and even Greeks themselves, no
-lovers of the Latins in the Levant, have done justice to the merits of
-the Republic of St Mark. The yoke of Venice was at times heavy,
-and her hand was relentless in crushing out rebellion. But a Greek
-writer of eminence has admitted that the Venetian administration in
-Crete was not exceptionally cruel, if judged by the low standard of
-humanity in that period<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>. Some persons, on the strength of certain
-striking instances of ferocious punishment inflicted on those who had
-taken part in the Cretan risings<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>, have pronounced the Venetians to
-have been worse than the Turks. But in our own day the Germans,
-who boast of their superior education, have exterminated the inhabitants
-of a South Sea island as vengeance for the murder of one missionary
-and have incited the Turks to massacre the Armenians. It should be
-reckoned to the credit of Venice that she, at least, did not attack the
-religion, or attempt to proscribe the language, of her Greek subjects, but
-sternly repelled the proselytising zeal of the Papacy, so that the Orthodox
-Church gained more followers than it lost. The permission accorded in
-Crete to mixed marriages tended to make the children of the Venetian
-colonists good Cretans and luke-warm Catholics, where they did not go
-over to the Orthodox creed. The Greeks were given a share in the
-administration, trade was encouraged, and many of the natives amassed
-large fortunes. At no time in the history of the island was the export of
-wine so considerable as during the Venetian occupation. So great was
-the wine trade between Crete and England that Henry VIII appointed
-in 1522 a certain merchant of Lucca, resident in the island, as first
-English Consul there—the beginning of our consular service. Various
-travellers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries allude to this
-traffic, and Ben Jonson, in his play of <i>The Fox</i>, talks of “rich Candian
-wine” as a special vintage. In return, we sent woollens to the islanders,
-till the French managed to supplant us<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>. Nor was learning neglected<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span>
-under the Venetians. The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries produced
-many Cretans of distinction, among them Pope Alexander V. One
-became a famous engineer, two others gained renown as printers at
-Venice and Rome; a great Cretan artist, Domenicos Theotokopoulos,
-obtained undying fame at Madrid under the name of “El Greco”; one
-Cretan author edited the Moral Treatises of Plutarch; another, Joannes
-Bergikios, wrote a history of his native island in Italian. We have two
-poems in Greek by the Cretans Bouniales and Skleros upon the war of
-Candia<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>. It was a Cretan of Venetian origin, Vincenzo Comaro, who
-wrote the romance of <i>Erotokritos</i>, which was “the most popular reading
-of the Levant from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century,” and in
-which Herakles, “king of Athens,” his lovely daughter Aretousa, and
-her lover Erotokritos are the principal figures, amidst a crowd of
-princelets obviously modelled on the Frankish dukes and marquesses
-of mediæval Greece. Other novelists were produced by the island, but
-when Crete fell all the lettered Cretans left, and with their departure the
-romantic spirit in literature, which they had imbibed from the West,
-ceased<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>. A Greek school had been founded at Candia in 1550, and many
-young Cretans went to Italy for purposes of study<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>. Markos Mousouros,
-the Cretan scholar, was buried in Sta Maria della Pace in Rome in 1517;
-another Cretan, Skouphos, published his <i>Rhetoric</i> at Venice in 1681.
-Compared with the present day, when the island has just emerged from
-the deadening effect of 229 years of Turkish rule, its civilisation was
-materially more advanced in Venetian times. The Venetians made roads,
-bridges, and aqueducts; the Turks created nothing, and allowed the
-former means of communication to decay. Yet, as we have seen, Venice
-was never popular with the Cretans, and the reason is perfectly obvious
-to those who have observed the Greek character. Be the material
-advantages of foreign domination never so great, the Greek resents being
-governed by those of another race and creed, especially if that creed be
-Roman Catholicism. The history of the Ionian Islands under the British
-Protectorate, of Cyprus under the existing arrangement, of the Morea
-under the Venetians, of Athens and of Naxos under the Latin dukes, all
-point the same moral. The patriotic Greek would rather be free than
-prosperous, and most Greeks, though sharp men of business, are warm
-patriots. That is the lesson of Venetian rule in Crete—a lesson which
-Europe, after the agony of a century of insurrections, at last took to
-heart by granting the Cretans autonomy—now become union with Greece.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span></p>
-
-<h3 id="heading13">8. THE IONIAN ISLANDS UNDER VENETIAN RULE</h3>
-
-<p>On their way from Venice to Constantinople the soldiers of the
-fourth crusade cast anchor at Corfù, which (as modern Corfiote
-historians think) had lately been recovered from the Genoese pirate
-Vetrano by the Byzantine government, and was at that time, in the
-language of the chronicler Villehardouin, “very rich and plenteous.”
-In the deed of partition the Ionian islands were assigned to the Venetians;
-but they did not find Corfù by any means an easy conquest. The natives,
-combining with their old master, Vetrano, ousted the Venetian garrison,
-and it was not till he had been defeated in a naval battle and hanged
-with a number of his Corfiote supporters that the Republic was able to
-occupy the island. Even then the Venetian government, finding it
-impossible to administer directly all the vast territories which had
-suddenly come into its possession, granted the island in fiefs to ten
-Venetian citizens on condition that they should garrison it and should
-pay an annual rent to the Republic. The rights of the Greek church were
-to be respected, and the taxes of the loyal islanders were not to be raised<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>.
-But this first Venetian domination of Corfù was of brief duration. When
-Michael I Angelos founded the Despotat of Epeiros the attraction of a
-neighbouring Greek state proved too much for the Corfiotes, who threw
-off the Latin yoke and willingly became his subjects. A memorial of his
-rule may still be seen in the splendidly situated castle of Sant’ Angelo,
-whose ruins rise high above the waters of the Ionian Sea not far from the
-beautiful monastery of Palaiokastrizza<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Corfù prospered greatly under the Despots of Epeiros. They took
-good care to ratify and extend the privileges of the church, to grant
-exemptions from taxation to the priests, and to reduce the burdens of
-the laity to the smallest possible figure. In this they showed their
-wisdom, for the church became their warmest ally, and a Corfiote divine
-was one of the most vigorous advocates of his patron in the ecclesiastical
-and political feud between the rival Greek empires of Nice and Salonika.
-But after little more than half a century of Orthodox rule the island
-passed into the possession of the Catholic Angevins. Michael II of Epeiros,
-yielding to the exigencies of politics, had given his daughter in marriage
-to the ill-starred Manfred of Sicily, to whom she brought Corfù as a part
-of her dowry. Upon the death of Manfred at the battle of Benevento the
-powerful Sicilian admiral Chinardo, who had governed it for his master,
-occupied the island until he was murdered by the inhabitants at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span>
-instigation of Michael. The crime did not, however, profit the crafty
-Despot. The national party in Corfù endeavoured, indeed, to restore the
-island to the rule of the Angeloi; but Chinardo’s soldiers, under the
-leadership of a baron named Aleman, successfully resisted the agitation.
-As the defeat of Manfred had led to the establishment of Charles of
-Anjou as king of Naples and Sicily, and as they were a small foreign
-garrison in the midst of a hostile population, they thought it best to
-accept that powerful prince as lord of the island. By the treaty of
-Viterbo the fugitive Latin emperor, Baldwin II, ceded to Charles any
-rights over it which he might possess, and thus in 1267 the Angevins
-came into possession of Corfù, though Aleman was allowed to retain the
-fortresses of the place until his death<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>. For more than five centuries the
-Latin race and the Catholic religion predominated there.</p>
-
-<p>The Angevin rule, as might have been anticipated from its origin,
-was especially intolerant of the Orthodox faith. Charles owed his crown
-to the Pope, and was anxious to repay the obligation by propagating
-Catholicism among his Orthodox subjects. The Venetians, as we saw,
-had enjoined the tolerance of the Greek church during their brief period
-of domination, so that now for the first time the islanders learnt what
-religious persecution meant. The Metropolitan of Corfù, whose office had
-been so greatly exalted by the Despots of Epeiros, was deposed, and in
-his room a less dignified ecclesiastic, called “chief priest” (μέγας
-πρωτοπαπᾶς), was substituted. The title of “Archbishop of Corfù” was
-now usurped by a Latin priest, and the principal churches were seized by
-the Catholic clergy<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>. In the time of the Angevins too the Jews, who still
-flourish there almost alone in Greece, made their first appearance in any
-numbers in Corfù, and first found protectors there; but the injunctions
-of successive sovereigns, bidding the people treat them well, would seem
-to show that this protection was seldom efficacious<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>. The government
-of the island was also reorganised. An official was appointed to act as
-viceroy with the title of captain, and the country was divided into four
-bailiwicks. Many new fiefs were assigned, while some that already
-existed were transferred to Italians and Provençals.</p>
-
-<p>The Sicilian Vespers, which drove the house of Anjou from Sicily
-and handed that kingdom over to the rival house of Aragon, indirectly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span>
-affected the fortunes of Corfù. The Corfiotes did not, indeed, imitate the
-Sicilians and massacre the French; but their connexion with the
-Angevins now exposed them to attack from the Aragonese fleets. Thus
-the famous Roger de Lluria burnt the royal castle and levied blackmail
-upon the inhabitants. Another Roger, the terrible Catalan leader, De
-Flor, ravaged the fertile island in one of his expeditions; yet, in spite of
-these incursions, we find the condition of Corfù half a century later to
-have been far superior to that of the neighbouring lands. The fact that
-the diligent research of the local historians has brought to light so little
-information about the Angevin period in itself proves that, in that
-generally troubled time, Corfù enjoyed tranquillity. Beyond the names
-of its sovereigns, Charles II of Naples, Philip I, Robert, and Philip II of
-Taranto, Catherine of Valois and Marie de Bourbon, we know little
-about the island from the time when Charles II, reserving to himself the
-overlordship, transferred it as a fief in 1294 to his fourth son, the first
-of those princes, down to the death of Philip II in 1373. It then experienced
-the evils of a disputed succession, and, as it espoused the cause of
-Queen Joanna I of Naples, it was attacked by the Navarrese mercenaries,
-who were in the pay of the rival candidate, Jacques de Baux, and who
-afterwards played so important a part in the Morea. When Joanna lost
-her crown and life at the hands of Charles III of Durazzo, the latter
-obtained Corfù, and, with the usual kindness of usurpers insecure on
-their thrones, he confirmed the fiscal privileges which the Angeloi had
-granted to the Corfiotes in the previous century<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>. But after his violent
-death four years later, in 1386, the decline of the Angevin dynasty and
-the unsettled condition of the east of Europe caused the islanders to turn
-their eyes in the direction of the only power which could protect them.</p>
-
-<p>Venice indeed had never forgotten her brief possession of Corfù: she
-had long been scheming how to recover so desirable a naval station, and
-her consul encouraged the Venetian party in the island. There was also
-a Genoese faction there, but its attempt to hold the old castle failed, and
-on May 28, 1386, the Corfiotes hoisted the standard of St Mark. Six
-envoys—one of them, it is worth noting, a Jewish representative of the
-considerable Hebrew community—were appointed to offer the island to
-the Republic upon certain conditions, the chief of which were the
-confirmation of the privileges granted by the Angevins, a declaration
-that Venice would never dispose of the place to any other power, and
-a promise to maintain the existing system of fiefs. On June 9 a second
-document was drawn up, reiterating the desire of the islanders, “or the
-greater and saner part of them,” to put themselves under the shelter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span>
-of the Republic. Since the death of Charles III, they said, “the island
-has been destitute of all protection, while it has been coveted by jealous
-neighbours on every side and almost besieged by Arabs and Turks.”
-Wherefore, “considering the tempest of the times and the instability of
-human affairs,” they had resolved to elect Miani, the Venetian admiral,
-captain of the island, and he had entered the city without the least
-disturbance. The castle of Sant’ Angelo held out for a time in the name
-of Ladislaus, king of Naples; but the transfer of the island was effected
-practically without bloodshed. On its side the Venetian government
-readily agreed to the terms of the six Corfiote envoys, but thought it
-prudent to purchase the acquiescence of the king of Naples in this
-transaction. Accordingly in 1402 the sum of 30,000 gold ducats was
-paid to him for the island, and the Venetian title was thus made doubly
-sure<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>. For 411 years the lion of St Mark held unbroken possession of
-Corfù.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile the fate of the other Ionian islands had been somewhat
-different, and they only gradually passed beneath the Venetian sway.
-Paxo, the baronial fief of the successive families of Malerba, Sant’ Ippolito
-and Altavilla, was, indeed, joined politically with Corfù, from which it
-is so short a distance, but Cephalonia, Zante, and Ithake had fallen
-about the time of the Latin conquest of Constantinople into the hands
-of a roving crusader or pirate—the terms were then identical—named
-Majo, or Matthew, a member of the great Orsini clan and son-in-law of
-the Sicilian Admiral Margaritone, who styled himself count palatine of
-the islands, though he recognised the supremacy of Venice. Stricken
-with pangs of conscience for his sins, he atoned for them by placing his
-possessions under the protection of the Pope, who made short work of
-the Orthodox bishops and put the islands under a single Latin ecclesiastic.
-Majo did fealty to Geoffroy I de Villehardouin of Achaia, and the islands
-were thenceforth reckoned as a vassal state of that principality. Historians
-have narrated the horrible crimes of the descendants of Count
-Majo in describing the stormy history of Epeiros, and so terrible was the
-condition of the islands when John of Gravina set out to claim the
-principality of Achaia that he had no difficulty in occupying them as
-dependencies of that state. A few years later, in 1333, an arrangement
-was made by which they were united with Achaia and Corfù under the
-Angevin sceptre. But Robert of Taranto subsequently separated them
-in 1357 from the latter island by conferring them upon Leonardo Tocco
-of Benevento, who also became in 1362 duke of Santa Maura, an island
-whose history during the thirteenth and part of the fourteenth centuries<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span>
-is buried in the deepest obscurity. It appears to have belonged to the
-Despots of Epeiros down to a little before the year 1300, when it is
-mentioned as a part of the county of Cephalonia. Captured by young
-Walter of Brienne in his expedition to Greece in 1331, it was by him
-bestowed on the Venetian family of Zorzi in 1355.</p>
-
-<p>The Turks took the four islands of Cephalonia, Ithake, Zante, and
-Santa Maura from the Tocchi in 1479, and the attempt of Antonio Tocco
-to recover his brother’s dominions ended in his murder at the hands of
-the Ionians. By arrangement with the Sultan the Venetians, who had
-expelled Antonio’s forces, handed Cephalonia over to the Turks in
-1485, but kept Zante, which thus, from 1482 onwards, was governed by
-them, on payment of an annual tribute of 500 ducats to the Turkish
-treasury<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>. This tribute ceased in 1699, when the treaty of Carlovitz
-formally ceded the island, free of payment, to the Republic. The
-Venetians invited colonists to emigrate thither, in order to fill up the
-gaps in the population; for the Turks had carried off many of the
-inhabitants to Constantinople, for the purpose of breeding mulatto
-slaves for the seraglio by intermarriage with negroes. As there were
-many homeless exiles at the time, in consequence of the Turkish
-conquests in the Levant, there was no lack of response to this invitation,
-and Zante soon became a flourishing community. Its wealth was
-further increased, in the sixteenth century, by the introduction of the
-currant from the neighbourhood of Corinth, so that at that period it
-merited its poetic title of “the flower of the Levant.” Cephalonia did
-not long remain in Turkish hands. After two futile attempts to take it
-the Venetians succeeded, in 1500, with the aid of the famous Spanish
-commander, Gonsalvo de Cordoba, in capturing the island, and at the
-peace of 1502-3 the Republic was finally confirmed in its possession,
-which was never afterwards disturbed. Ithake seems to have followed
-the fate of its larger neighbour. Santa Maura<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>, however, though taken
-two years after Cephalonia, was almost at once restored to the Turks,
-and did not become Venetian till its capture by Morosini in 1684, which
-was ratified by the treaty of Carlovitz fifteen years later. It had long
-been a thorn in the side of the Venetians, as it was, under the Turkish<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span>
-rule, a dangerous nest of pirates, against whom the Corfiotes more than
-once fitted out punitive expeditions. When Santa Maura was reluctantly
-given back to the Sultan in 1503, part of the population emigrated
-to Ithake, then almost desolate<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>, and at the same time Cephalonia
-received an influx of Greeks from the Venetian possessions on the mainland
-which the Turks had just taken. Kythera, or Cerigo, which is not
-geographically an Ionian island at all, and is no longer connected with
-the other six, was the property of the great Venetian family of Venier,
-which traced its name and origin from Venus, the goddess of Kythera,
-from 1207, with certain interruptions and modifications, down to the
-fall of the Republic. These Venetian Marquesses of Cerigo were ousted
-by the Greeks under Licario after the restoration of Byzantine rule in the
-South of the Peloponnese in 1262. The Emperor bestowed the island
-upon Paul Monoyannes, a member of one of the three great Monemvasiote
-families, but in 1309 intermarriage between the children of the
-Greek and Latin lords restored it to the Venieri, who divided it up into
-twenty-four shares. But the participation of the Venieri in the Cretan
-insurrection of 1363 led to the transformation of their island into a
-Venetian colony. Thirty years later, however, thirteen out of the twenty-four
-shares were restored to them, while the Venetian Governor was
-dependent upon the Cretan administration, so long as Crete remained
-Venetian, and upon the Government of the Morea during the Venetian
-occupation in the early part of the eighteenth century. After the peace
-of Passarovitz he became the subordinate of the <i>provveditore generale del
-Levante</i> at Corfù, and the former “eye of Crete” was thenceforth
-treated as one of the seven Ionian Islands for the remainder of the
-Venetian rule.</p>
-
-<p>Besides the seven islands Venice also acquired, at different periods
-after her occupation of Corfù, several dependencies on the mainland
-opposite. Of these, owing to its dramatic history in the days of the
-British protectorate, the most interesting was Parga, first taken in 1401<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>.
-As the landing-place for the famous rock of Suli, with which in a famous
-line Byron has connected it, it was a place of some importance, and was
-fortified by the Venetians as an outpost against the Turks. But the
-Republic ultimately found that it cost more than it was worth, and
-several times in vain urged the inhabitants to emigrate over the narrow
-channel to Anti-Paxo, or to settle in Corfù. But then, as in 1819, the
-Pargians showed a touching, if inconvenient, attachment to their
-ancient home, perhaps not unmixed with the desire to continue the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span>
-lucrative traffic of selling the munitions of war, sent from Venice for
-their own defence, to the neighbouring Turks. Butrinto, opposite the
-northern end of Corfù, had voluntarily surrendered to the Venetians
-soon after their final occupation of that island, and, like Parga, was
-fortified with works, of which the remains may still be seen. During the
-Venetian rule of the Ionian Islands Butrinto, well known to sportsmen
-for its duck-shooting, and to scholars for the allusion in the <i>Æneid</i><a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>, was
-several times captured and recaptured. The fisheries in the lakes there,
-which had once been the property of Cicero’s friend Atticus, were of
-considerable value to the Venetians<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>, as they are still to the present
-proprietors; and the place became definitely assured to the Republic in
-1718, at which date Vonitza inside, and Prevesa at the entrance of, the
-Ambrakian Gulf, the latter a stronghold of corsairs and an important
-military position which resisted the Greek bombardment during the
-Greco-Turkish war of 1897, were also confirmed to Venice. The value
-set by the Venetians upon these continental dependencies may be judged
-from the fact that they were called “the eyes and ears of the Republic
-on the mainland.”</p>
-
-<hr class="tb" />
-
-<p>The administration of the islands during the Venetian period was
-modelled on that of the Republic. In Corfù, the first occupied and most
-important of the seven, the chief Venetian functionary was known as the
-bailie, who was subsequently assisted by two noble Venetian councillors,
-and by a third official, called <i>provveditore e capitano</i>, who was in command
-of the garrison and resided in the fortress. The strong castle of Sant’
-Angelo, on the west coast, which was never taken though often besieged,
-was entrusted to a special officer. But the power of the bailie was soon
-overshadowed by that of the commander of the fleet, which was soon
-stationed at Corfù, and for which the arsenal at Govino, of which large
-and imposing ruins still remain, was built. This naval authority was the
-<i>provveditore generale del Levante</i>; he was usually appointed for three years,
-and exercised very important functions at the time when Venice was
-still a first-class eastern power. Strict orders were issued to all these
-officials that they should respect the rights of the natives, and spies,
-known as “inquisitors over the affairs of the Levant,” were sent from
-time to time to the islands for the purpose of checking the Venetian
-administration and of ascertaining the grievances of the governed, who
-had also the privilege, which they often exercised, of sending special
-missions to Venice to lay their complaints before the home government.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span>
-Ionian historians, after due deduction is made for the strong Venetian
-bias of the privileged class from which they sprang, are agreed that
-redress was almost invariably granted, though the abuses of which the
-natives complained were apt to grow up again. Thus when, in the early
-part of the seventeenth century, the Corfiotes sent envoys to point out
-the excesses committed by the sailors of the fleet the Venetian government
-forbade the men to land on the island<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>. Not long afterwards we
-find the “inquisitors” ordering the removal of all statues and epitaphs
-erected to the Venetian officials at Corfù, in order to prevent this slavish
-practice, which had descended to the Greeks from the Roman days<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>.
-And somewhat later the exactions of the Venetian officials were stopped.
-A large share in the local administration was granted to the inhabitants,
-or rather to those of noble birth, for Corfiote society was divided into
-the three classes of nobles, burghers, and manual labourers. At first
-the so-called national council was a much more democratic body,
-including many foreigners and local tradesmen. But the latter and their
-children were gradually excluded from it, the entrance of the former was
-restricted, and in 1440 the functions of the national council were strictly
-limited to the annual election of a smaller body, the communal, or city,
-council—a body composed at the outset of seventy, and, half a century
-later, of 150 members, a total which was maintained till the last years of
-Venetian rule, when the numbers were reduced to sixty. For the purposes
-of this annual election the members of the national council met
-in a quaint old house, decorated with pictures of Nausikaa welcoming
-Odysseus, and of other scenes from the early history of Corcyra, and
-situated between the old fortress and the town. This interesting
-memorial of Venetian rule has long since been swept away.</p>
-
-<p>The council of 150, which thus became the governing body of the
-island, was composed of Greeks as well as Latins, and formed a close
-oligarchy. Once only, during the crisis of the Candian war, it was
-resolved to add to it those citizens who would pay a certain sum towards
-the expenses of that costly struggle<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>. It had the right of electing every
-year certain officials, called syndics (σύνδικοι), at first four in number—two
-Greeks and two Latins—and at a later period, when the numbers
-of the Latins had declined, only three. These syndics were required to be
-more than thirty-eight (at another period thirty-five) years of age, and
-were regarded as the special representatives of the community of Corfù.
-Those who felt themselves wronged looked to them for redress, and, in
-accordance with the economic heresies of that age, they regulated prices<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span>
-in the markets—a curious interference with the usual Levantine practice
-of bargaining. The council of 150 also elected three judges, of whom one
-must always be a Latin; but these officials possessed no more than a
-consultative vote, and the real decision of cases rested with the bailie
-and his two councillors. No local offices—and there were many in
-Venetian days—were held for more than a year; most of them were
-purely honorary, and all were in the gift of the council of 150. One of
-the most important was that of <i>trierarch</i>, or captain of the Corfiote war
-galleys, an official whom the Venetians wisely allowed these experienced
-seamen, worthy descendants of the seafaring Phaiakians of the <i>Odyssey</i>,
-to elect. Two campaigns entitled a Corfiote officer to the rank of captain
-in the Republican fleet, and it would have been well if the British had
-followed in this respect the example of their predecessors<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>, and thus
-opened a naval career to the Ionians. The Corfiote nobles also commanded
-the town militia, composed of about 500 artisans, and called “apprentices,”
-or <i>scolari</i>, who received immunity from taxation in lieu of
-pay and exercised on Sundays alone. Each village provided a certain
-number of rural police. In imitation of the similar record at Venice a
-Golden Book was established, containing the names of the Corfiote
-nobles. When the latter were much diminished in numbers by the first
-great siege of the island by the Turks in 1537 new families were added
-to the list from the burgher class, and Marmora gives the names of 112
-noble families existing at the time when he wrote his history, in 1672<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>.
-The Golden Book was burned as the symbol of hated class distinction
-in the first enthusiasm for liberty, equality, and fraternity after the
-French republicans took possession of Corfù.</p>
-
-<p>The Venetians had found the feudal system already in existence
-when they took over the island, where it had been introduced in Byzantine
-days, and they had promised to maintain it. We are told by Marmora
-that there were twenty-four baronies there in former times, and later
-on the total seems to have been a dozen. In the last century of Venetian
-rule there were fifteen<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>. Occasionally the Venetians created a new fief,
-such as that of the gipsies, to reward public services. The Ἀθίγγανοι,
-or gipsies, who were about 100 in number, were subject to the exclusive
-jurisdiction of the baron, upon whom their fief had been bestowed, “an
-office,” as Marmora says, “of not a little gain and of very great honour.”
-They had their own military commander, and every year on May 1 they
-marched under his leadership to the sound of drums and fifes, bearing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span>
-aloft their baron’s standard and carrying a maypole, decked with
-flowers, to the square in front of the house where the great man lived.
-There they set up their pole and sang a curious song in honour of their
-lord<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>, who provided them with refreshment and on the morrow received
-from them their dues. Every feudatory was compelled to keep one horse
-for the defence of the island, and was expected to appear with it on May
-Day on parade. The peasants were worse off under this feudal system
-than their fellows on the mainland under Turkish rule. They had no
-political rights whatever; they were practically serfs, and were summed
-up in the capitulations at the time of the Venetian occupation together
-with “the other movable and immovable goods” of their lords<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>. A
-decision of the year 1641 that no one should vote in the council who had
-not a house in the city must also have tended to produce absenteeism,
-still one of the evils of Corfù, where at the present day only four landed
-proprietors live on their estates. A distaste for country life, always a
-marked feature of Greek society, may thus have been increased, and the
-concentration of all the nobles and men of position in the town, which
-is now ascribed at Corfù to the lucrative posts and gaieties of the capital
-during the British protectorate, would seem to have begun much earlier.
-Occasionally we hear of a peasants’ rising against their oppressors. Thus
-in 1652 a movement of the kind had to be put down by force; but the
-Venetian government, engaged at the time in the Candian war, did not
-think it desirable to punish the insurgents. Somewhat earlier a democratic
-agitation for granting a share in the local administration was
-vetoed by the Republic. Marmora remarks in his time that “the
-peasants are never contented; they rise against their lords on the
-smallest provocation<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>.” Yet, until the last century of her rule, Venice
-had little trouble with the inhabitants. She kept the nobles in good
-humour by granting them political privileges, titles, and the entrance
-to the Venetian navy, and, so long as the Turk was a danger, she was
-compelled, from motives of prudence, to pay a due regard to their
-wishes. As for the other two classes of the population they hardly
-entered into the calculations of Venetian statesmen.</p>
-
-<p>No foreign government can govern Greeks if it is harsh to the national
-church and clergy, and the shrewd Venetians, as might have been
-anticipated, were much less bigoted than the Angevins. While, on the
-one hand, they gave, as Catholics, precedence to the Catholic Church,
-they never forgot that the interests of the Republic were of more
-importance than those of the Papacy. Accordingly, in the Ionian islands<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span>
-no less than in Crete, they studiously prevented any encroachments on
-the part of either the Œcumenical Patriarch or the Pope. Their ecclesiastical
-policy is well expressed in an official decree, “that the Greeks
-should have liberty to preach and teach the holy word, provided only
-that they say nothing about the republic or against the Latin religion<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>.”
-Mixed marriages were allowed; and, as the children usually became
-Orthodox, it is not surprising to learn that twenty years before the close
-of the Venetian occupation there were only two noble Latin families in
-Corfù which still adhered to the Catholic faith, while at Cephalonia
-Catholicism was almost exclusively confined to the garrison<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>. The
-Venetians retained, however, the externals of the Angevin system. The
-head of the Orthodox Church in Corfù was still called “chief priest”
-(μέγας πρωτοπαπᾶς), while the coveted title of Archbishop was
-reserved for the chief of the Catholic clergy. The “chief priest” was
-elected by the assembled urban clergy and 30 nobles, and held office
-for five years, at the end of which he sank into the ranks of the ordinary
-popes, from whom he was then only distinguished by his crimson sash.
-Merit had, as a rule, less to do with his election than his relationship
-to a noble family and the amount of the pecuniary arguments which he
-applied to the pockets of the electors, and for which he recouped himself
-by his gains while in office. In each of the four bailiwicks into which
-Corfù was then divided, and in the island of Paxo, there was a
-πρωτοπαπᾶς, under the jurisdiction of the “chief priest,” who was
-dependent upon no other ecclesiastical authority than that of the
-Œcumenical Patriarch, with whom, however, he was only allowed to
-correspond through the medium of the Venetian bailie at Constantinople.
-Two liberal Popes, Leo X and Paul III, expressly forbade any interference
-with the religious services of the Greeks on the part of the Latin
-Archbishop; and upon the introduction of the Gregorian calendar it was
-specially stipulated by Venice<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> that in the Ionian islands Latins as well
-as Greeks should continue to use the old method of reckoning, in order
-to avoid the confusion of two Easters and two Christmasses in one and
-the same community. When we consider how strong, even to-day, is the
-opposition of the Orthodox Church to the new style, we can understand
-how gratifying this special exemption must have been to the Greeks of
-that period.</p>
-
-<p>From these causes there was less bitterness than in most other places
-between the adherents of the two churches. The Catholics took part in
-the religious processions of the Orthodox. When the body of St Spiridion
-was carried round the town the Venetian authorities and many of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span>
-garrison paid their respects to the sacred relics; twenty-one guns were
-fired from the Old Fortress, and the ships in the harbour saluted; and
-the enlightened Catholic Archbishop, Quirini, author of a work on the
-antiquities of Corfù, actually went in full state to the Greek church of
-St Spiridion on the festival of that saint<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>. The Orthodox clergy reciprocated
-these attentions by meeting the Catholics in the church of St
-Arsenios, a tenth-century bishop and first Metropolitan of Corfù, where
-the discordant chanting of Greeks and Latins represented their theological
-concord, and by praying for the Pope and the Latin Archbishop at the
-annual banquet at the latter’s palace. They were ready, also, to excommunicate
-refractory villages at the bidding of the government, and
-this practice, which filled the superstitious people with terror, was one
-of the greatest social abuses of Corfù. It was put into force against
-individuals on the least provocation, and we are told that the same
-priest was quite willing to provide a counter-excommunication for a
-consideration<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The position of the Corfiote Jews, though far less favourable than
-that of the Orthodox, was much better than that of the Hebrew colonies
-in other parts of the Venetian dominions. In the very first days of the
-Venetian occupation an order was issued to the officials of the Republic,
-bidding them behave well to the Jewish community and to put no
-heavier burdens upon them than upon the rest of the islanders. Many
-of the Venetian governors found it convenient to borrow not only money,
-but furniture, plate, and liveries from them. That they increased—owing
-to the Jewish immigration from Spain and Portugal in 1492 and from
-Naples and Calabria half a century later—in numbers under the
-Venetians may be inferred from Marmora’s statement that in 1665 there
-were about 500 Jewish houses in Corfù, and the historian, who shared to
-the full the natural dislike for the Hebrew race which is so characteristic
-of the Greeks and so cordially reciprocated by the Jews, naïvely remarks
-that the Corfiote Jews would be rich if they were let alone<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>. A century
-later they had monopolised all the trade as middlemen, and the landed
-proprietors were in their debt. They paid none of the usual taxes levied
-on Jewish banks at Venice, and when, by the decree of 1572, the Jews
-were banished from Venetian territory, a special exemption was granted
-to those of Corfù. They were allowed to practise there as advocates, with
-permission to defend Christians no less than members of their own race.
-They had their own council and elected their own officials, and a law of
-1614 prohibits the practice of digging up their dead bodies, under pain
-of hanging. At the same time they had to submit to some degrading<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span>
-restrictions. They were compelled to wear a yellow mark on the breast,
-or a yellow hat, as a badge of servitude, and an ordinance of 1532
-naïvely remarks that this was “a substitute for the custom of stoning,
-which does so much injury to the houses.” True, a money payment to
-the treasury secured a dispensation from the necessity of wearing these
-stigmas; but there was no exception to the rule which enjoined upon all
-Jews residence in a separate part of the city, where they were divided
-into two groups, each with its own synagogue. Even to-day the Jewish
-quarter in the town of Corfù is known as the <i>Hebraïká</i>. Absurd tales
-were current about them. Travellers were told that one of them was a
-lineal descendant of Judas, and it was rumoured that a young Jewish
-girl was about to give birth to a Messiah. They were not allowed to
-possess real property or to take land or villas on lease, with the exception
-of one house for the personal use of the lessee. But the effect of this
-enactment was nullified by means of mortgages; and if a Jew wanted to
-invest money in houses he had no difficulty in finding a Christian who
-would purchase or rent them with borrowed Jewish capital. They were
-expected to offer a copy of the law of Moses to a new Latin Archbishop,
-who sometimes delighted the Corfiotes by lecturing them on their
-shortcomings, and sometimes, like Quirini, was tolerant of their creed.
-Finally, they were forbidden to indulge in public processions—an
-injunction perhaps quite as much in their own interest as in that of the
-public peace<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Venetian government did practically nothing for education
-during the four centuries of its rule in the Ionian islands. No public
-schools were founded, for, as Count Viaro Capodistria informed the
-British parliament much later, the Venetian senate never allowed such
-institutions to be established in the Ionian islands<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>. The administration
-was content to pay a few teachers of Greek and Italian in Corfù and one
-in each of the other islands. There was also some private instruction to
-be had, and the promising young men of the best families, eager to be
-doctors or lawyers, were sent to complete their education at the university
-of Padua. But the attainment of a degree at that seat of learning was
-not arduous, for by a special privilege the Ionians could take their degree
-without examination. And the Ionian student after his return soon
-forgot what he had learned, retaining only the varnish of culture. There
-were exceptions, however, to this low standard. It was a Corfiote who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span>
-founded at Venice, in 1626, the Greek school, called Flangineion, after
-the name of its founder, Flangines, which did so much for the improvement
-of Greek education<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>; while it was a Cephalonian, Nikodemos
-Metaxas, who about the same time set up the first Greek printing press
-in Constantinople, which he had purchased in England<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>. But even in
-the latest Venetian period there were few facilities for attaining knowledge
-in Corfù. We are told that at that time reading and writing—the
-highest attainments of the average Greek pope—could be picked up in
-one of the monasteries, and Latin in the school of some Catholic priest,
-but that there were no other opportunities of mental cultivation there.
-The historian Mario Pieri, himself a native of Corfù, remarks that
-towards the close of the eighteenth century, when he was a boy, there
-were no public schools, no library, no printing press, and no regular
-bookseller in the island, and the only literature that could be bought
-there consisted of a grammar and a Latin dictionary, displayed in the
-shop of a chemist<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>. No wonder that the Corfiotes were easier to manage
-in those days than in the more enlightened British times, when newspapers
-abounded and some of the best pens in southern Europe were
-ready to lampoon the British protectorate.</p>
-
-<p>Yet, even under the Venetians, that love of literature which has
-always characterised the Greeks did not become wholly extinct. Jacobo
-Triboles, a Corfiote resident at Venice, published in the sixteenth century
-in his native dialect a poem, the subject of which was taken from
-Boccaccio, called the <i>History of the King of Scotland and the Queen of
-England</i>. Another literary Corfiote, author of a <i>Lament for the Fall of
-Greece</i>, was Antonios Eparchos, a versatile genius, at once poet, Hellenist,
-and soldier, upon whom the fief of the gipsies was conferred for his
-services<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>. Several other Corfiote bards sang of the Venetian victories,
-while, in 1672, Andrea Marmora, a member of a noble family still extant
-in Corfù, published in Italian the first history of his country from the
-earliest times to the loss of Crete by the Venetians. Subsequent writers
-have criticised Marmora’s effusive style, his tendency to invent details,
-his intense desire to glorify the most serene Republic<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>. But his work is
-quaintly written and he thoroughly reflects the feelings of his class and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span>
-era. In 1725 Quirini, whom we have already mentioned as Latin Archbishop
-of Corfù, issued the first edition of a Latin treatise on the
-antiquities of his see, which was followed, thirteen years later, by a
-second and enlarged edition. In 1656 an academy of thirty members,
-known as the <i>Assicurati</i>, was founded at Corfù<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>, and only succumbed
-amid the dangers of the Turkish siege of 1716. A second literary society
-was started about the same time, and a third saw the light in 1732.
-Of the other islands Cephalonia produced in the seventeenth century
-a priest of great oratorical gifts in the person of Elias Meniates. In short,
-the Frankish influence, which had practically no literary result on the
-mainland, was much more felt in the intellectual development of the
-Ionians. But this progress was gained at the expense of the Greek
-language, which, under the Venetians, became solely the tongue of the
-peasants. Even to-day Greek is almost the only language understood
-in the country districts of Corfù, while Italian is readily spoken in the
-town. In the Venetian times the Venetian dialect was the conversational
-medium of good society, and the young Corfiote, fresh from his easy-won
-laurels at Padua, looked down with contempt upon the noblest and
-most enduring of all languages. Yet it will never be forgotten in Corfù
-that in the resurrection and regeneration of Greek two Corfiotes of the
-eighteenth century, Eugenios Boulgaris and Nikephoros Theotokes,
-played a leading part. The former in particular was the pioneer of Greek as
-it is written to-day, the forerunner of the more celebrated Koraes, and he
-dared to write, to the disgust of the clergy, in a language which the people
-could understand. But, as his best work was done at Joannina, then the
-chief educational centre of the Greek race, it concerns the general
-history of Greece under the Turks rather than that of the seven islands<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Ionian commerce was hampered by the selfish colonial policy then
-prevalent in Europe, which aimed at concentrating all colonial trade in
-the metropolis, through which the exports of the islands had to pass.
-This naturally led to a vast amount of smuggling, even now rampant
-in the Greek Archipelago, in which the British gained an unenviable
-pre-eminence and for which they sometimes paid with their lives. The
-oil trade, the staple industry of Corfù, was, however, greatly fostered by
-the grant of 360 <i>drachmai</i> for every plantation of 100 olive trees, and we
-find that, in the last half-century of the Venetian rule, there were nearly
-two millions of these trees in that island, which exported 60,000 barrels
-of oil every second year. The taxes consisted of a tithe of the oil, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span>
-crops, and the agricultural produce, and a money payment on the wine,
-a “chimney tax” on each house, and an export duty of 15 per cent. on
-the oil, 9 per cent. on the salt, and 4 per cent. on other articles. There was
-also an import duty of 6 per cent. on Venetian and of 8 per cent. on
-foreign, goods. The revenue of Zante was so greatly benefited by the
-introduction of the currant industry that it increased more than forty-fold
-in the space of thirty years during the sixteenth century, and a
-hundred years later the traveller Spon said it deserved the name of the
-“island of gold” and called it “a terrestrial paradise.” But the wholesale
-conversion of corn fields into currant plots caused such alarm that the
-local authorities applied to Venice for permission to root up the currant
-bushes by force. The Republic replied by allowing the currants to
-remain, but at the same time levying a tax upon them, the proceeds of
-which were devoted to the purchase and storage of bread stuffs. The
-currant industry of that island was injured by further duties, and was
-thus placed at a disadvantage as compared with the lightly taxed
-currants of the Morea. But in the eighteenth century such numbers of
-English ships came to Zante to load currants that the place had an
-English consul, two English offices, and an English cemetery, while our
-countrymen were very popular there<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>. One of the English families,
-attracted thither by the currant trade, that of Sergeant, still flourishes
-there. These public granaries were also instituted at Corfù, which
-continued, however, to suffer severely from famines. At the time when
-Zante was so prosperous Corfù was less productive, and we accordingly
-hear that the Venetians obtained permission from the Pope to levy a
-tithe on the goods of the Catholic clergy, in order to defray the costs of
-maintenance. The salt pans of Levkimo, at the south of the island,
-formed a government monopoly, and the importation of foreign salt
-was punished by banishment<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>. In order, perhaps, to counteract the
-excessive usury of the Corfiote Jews, the government established an
-official pawnshop<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a>, where money was lent at a moderate rate of interest—6
-per cent.</p>
-
-<p>The administration of the other six islands was on similar lines to
-that of Corfù. The nearest of them, Paxo, with its dependency, Anti-Paxo,
-was treated as part of that island, and, as we have seen, the
-Corfiote “chief priest” had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over it, just as
-nowadays the Greek Archbishop of Corfù is also styled “of the Paxoi.”
-In 1513, however, Paxo, together with the taxes which it paid,
-was sold by the Venetians to the heirs of a Corfiote noble, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span>
-treated its inhabitants so badly that many of them fled to Turkish
-territory. At last the <i>provveditore generale del Levante</i>, under whose
-province the affairs of these islands came, interfered, fixed the taxes
-of Paxos at a certain sum, and appointed a native with a title of
-<i>capitano</i> to govern it as the representative of the <i>provveditore e capitano</i>
-at Corfù. Zante was administered during the first half-century of
-Venetian rule by a single <i>provveditore</i>; but when the population had
-considerably increased the Zantiotes, like the Cephalonians, had need
-of further officials—two councillors and a secretary, all Venetian
-nobles—who assisted the <i>provveditore</i>, and, like him, were appointed
-for two years. In both Cephalonia and Zante there were a general
-council, composed of the nobles, and a smaller council, whose
-numbers were finally fixed in Zante at 150. The character of these
-two islands, separated by such a narrow channel of sea, was, however,
-widely different. Zante was much more aristocratic in its ideas,
-though the feudal system, against which the popular rising of 1628
-was directed, prevailed in both islands alike, where it had been introduced
-by the Latin counts, Zante having twelve fiefs and Cephalonia
-six<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>. But Cephalonia, owing to its purer Hellenic population, was
-actuated by the democratic sentiments engrained in the Greek character.
-The meetings of the Cephalonian council were remarkable for their
-turbulence, of which the authorities frequently complained, and a
-retiring governor of that island drew up a report to the home government
-in 1754 in which he described in vivid colours the tendency of the
-strong to tyrannise over the weak, which he had found common to all
-classes, and which caused annoyance to the government and frequent
-disturbances of the public peace<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a>. British officials had in turn a similar
-experience, and Mr Gladstone discovered that the <i>vendetta</i> was not
-extinct in the wild mountainous regions of Cephalonia when he visited
-the Ionian islands on his celebrated mission. Venice fostered the
-quarrels between the various parties at Argostoli, and governed the
-unruly Cephalonians by means of their own divisions. In Zante the
-number of the noble families, at first indefinite, was finally fixed at
-ninety-three; and if any became extinct the vacancy was filled by the
-ennoblement of a family of burghers. Once a year the <i>provveditore
-generale del Levante</i> paid a visit of inspection to these islands; his arrival
-was the greatest event of the whole calendar, and etiquette prescribed
-the forms to be observed on his landing. He was expected to kiss first
-the cross presented to him by the Latin bishop, and then the copy of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span>
-the Gospels offered to him by the spiritual head of the Orthodox community.</p>
-
-<p>Leonardo Tocco had restored the Greek episcopal throne in Cephalonia,
-and in the Venetian times, promoted to the rank of an archbishopric,
-it continued to exist with jurisdiction over the Greeks at Zante and
-Ithake, which was often disputed by the “chief priest” (πρωτοπαπᾶς)
-of Zante, where a Latin bishop also resided. This dispute was at last
-settled by a decree of the senate that the Cephalonian clergy should
-retain the right to elect their prelate on condition of choosing a Zantiote
-on every third vacancy<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>. In Zante, as in Corfù, the Jews were a considerable
-factor; at the close of the Venetian rule they numbered about
-2000, and lived in a separate quarter of the city, walled in and guarded;
-and the island was remarkable for the violent anti-Semitic riots of 1712<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>,
-arising out of the usual fiction of the slaughtered Christian child, which
-found their counterpart at Corfù in our own time. But the greatest evil
-in these less important islands was that their <i>provveditori</i>, being chosen
-from the poorer Venetian aristocracy, the so-called <i>barnabotti</i>, and
-receiving small salaries, made up for their lack of means by corruption,
-just as the Turkish officials do now. The efforts of the home government
-to check the abuse of bribery, by forbidding its officials to receive
-presents, were not always successful. The discontent of the lesser islands
-found vent in the embassies which they had the right to send to Venice,
-and we occasionally hear of their <i>provveditori</i> being detected in taking
-bribes. More rarely the <i>provveditore generale</i> himself was degraded from
-his high office for malversation. Accordingly the most recent Greek
-historian of the fiscal administration of the islands under the Venetians,
-considers that it was fortunate for them to have been taken, and lost, by
-Venice when they were<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Anything which concerns the supposed home of Odysseus must
-necessarily be of interest, and fortunately we have some facts about
-the government of Ithake at this period. We first hear of a Venetian
-governor there in 1504, when the island had been repeopled by
-emigrants from Santa Maura, and this official was assisted by two local
-magnates, called “elders of the people” (δημογέροντες). In 1536 a life
-governor was appointed, and upon his death, in 1563, a noble from
-Cephalonia, appointed by the council of that island, was sent to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span>
-administer it with the two “elders,” subject to the approval of the
-<i>provveditore generale</i>, who visited Ithake every March. The Ithakans
-twice successfully complained to Venice of their Cephalonian governors,
-who were accused of extortion and of improper interference in local
-affairs. Accordingly in 1697 the office was abolished, and thenceforth the
-two Ithakan “elders” held sway alone, while every year the principal men
-of the island met to elect the local officials. Small as it is, Ithake formed
-one feudal barony<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a>, of which the Galati were the holders, and its population
-at the close of the Venetian period was estimated at about 7000.</p>
-
-<p>Santa Maura was more democratic in its constitution than most of
-the islands; for when Morosini took it from the Turks he permitted the
-inhabitants to decide how they would be governed. Accordingly the
-general council came in course of time to be largely composed of
-peasants; but when, towards the close of the eighteenth century, the
-Venetian government sent a special commissioner to reform the constitutions
-of the seven islands he created a second and smaller council of
-fifty at Santa Maura, to which the election of the local officials was
-transferred. Venice was represented there by two <i>provveditori</i>, one of
-whom had jurisdiction over the continental dependencies of Prevesa and
-Vonitza, subject, however, to the supreme authority of the commander
-of the fleet at Corfù<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>. Parga and Butrinto were entrusted to two officers
-sent from the seat of the Ionian government; the former had its own
-council, its own local officials, and paid neither taxes nor duties. All its
-inhabitants were soldiers, and many of them pirates, and they were
-known to imprison a Venetian governor, just as the Albanians of our
-time besieged a Turkish <i>vali</i>, till they could get redress<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Finally the distant island of Kythera was administered by a Venetian
-noble sent thither every two years. While it was a dependency of Crete
-Kythera fell into a very bad state; its chief men indulged in constant
-dissensions; the government was arbitrary, the garrison exacting. In
-1572 an attempt was made to remedy these evils by the establishment of
-a council of thirty members, elected on a property qualification, with
-the power of electing the local authorities. A Golden Book was started,
-and the natives were granted the usual privilege of appeal to the
-Venetian government, either in Crete or at the capital. All the islands
-shared with Corfù the right of electing the captains of their own galleys,
-and they on more than one occasion rendered valuable services to the
-Republic at sea.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span></p>
-
-<p>There had been, as we have noticed, a Genoese party at Corfù when
-the fate of the island lay in the balance, and the commercial rivals of
-Venice did not abandon all hope of obtaining so desirable a possession
-until some time after the establishment of the Venetian protectorate.
-Twice, in 1403 and again in 1432, they attacked Corfù, but on both
-occasions without success. The first time they tried to capture the
-impregnable castle of Sant’ Angelo, which was courageously defended
-by a Corfiote noble. The second attempt was more serious. The invaders
-effected a landing, and had already ravaged the fertile island, when a
-sudden sally of the townsfolk and the garrison checked their further
-advance. Many of the Genoese were taken prisoners, while those who
-succeeded in escaping to their vessels were pursued and severely handled
-by the Venetian fleet. The further attempts of Genoese privateers to
-waylay merchantmen on their passage between Corfù and Venice were
-frustrated, and soon the islanders had nothing to fear from these
-Christian enemies of their protectors.</p>
-
-<p>Although the Turks were rapidly gaining ground on the mainland,
-they were repulsed in the attack which they made upon Corfù in 1431,
-and did not renew the attempt for another century. Meanwhile, after
-the fall of Constantinople and the subsequent collapse of the Christian
-states of Greece, Corfù became the refuge of many distinguished exiles.
-Thomas Palaiologos, the last Despot of the Morea, and the historian
-Phrantzes fled thither; the latter wrote his history at Corfù at the
-instance of some noble Corfiotes, and lies buried in the church of Sts
-Jason and Sosipater, where Caterina Zaccaria, wife of Thomas Palaiologos,
-also rests. About the same time the island obtained a relic which
-had the greatest influence upon its religious life. Among the treasures of
-Constantinople at the moment of the capture were the bodies of
-St Theodora, the imperial consort of the iconoclast emperor Theophilos,
-and St Spiridion, the latter a Cypriote bishop who took a prominent part
-at the council of Nice and whose remains had been transferred to
-Constantinople when the Saracens took Cyprus. A certain priest,
-Kalochairetes by name, now brought the bodies of the two saints to
-Corfù, where they arrived in 1456. Upon the priest’s death his two
-eldest sons became proprietors of the male saint’s remains, and his
-youngest son received those of the female, which he bestowed upon the
-community. The body of St Spiridion ultimately passed to the distinguished
-family of Boulgaris, to which it still belongs, and is preserved
-in the church of the saint, just as the body of St Theodora reposes in the
-metropolitical church. Four times a year the body of St Spiridion is
-carried in procession, in commemoration of his alleged services in having<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span>
-twice delivered the island from plague, once from famine, and once from
-the Turks. His name is the most widespread in Corfù, and the number
-of boys called “Spiro” is legion<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>During the operations against the Turks at this period the Corfiotes
-distinguished themselves by their active co-operation with their
-protectors. We find them fighting twice at Parga and twice at Butrinto;
-we hear of their prowess at the Isthmus of Corinth and beneath the walls
-of Patras in 1463, when Venice, alarmed for the safety of her Peloponnesian
-stations, called the Greeks to arms; and they assisted even in
-the purely Italian wars of the Republic. It seems, indeed, as if, at that
-period, the words of Marmora were no mere servile phrase: “Corfù was
-ever studying the means of keeping herself a loyal subject of the
-Venetians<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a>.” At last, after rather more than a century of almost
-complete freedom from attack, the island was destined to undergo the
-first of the two great Turkish sieges which were the principal events in
-its annals during the Venetian occupation. In 1537 war broke out
-between the Republic and Suleyman the Magnificent, at that time
-engaged in an attack upon the Neapolitan dominions of Charles V.
-During the transport of troops and material of war across the channel of
-Otranto the Turkish and Venetian fleets came into hostile collision, and
-though Venice was ready to make amends for the mistakes of her
-officials the Sultan resolved to punish them for the insults to his flag.
-He was at Valona, on the Albanian coast, at the time, and, removing his
-camp to Butrinto, despatched a force of 25,000 men, under the command
-of the redoubtable Barbarossa, the most celebrated captain in the
-Turkish service, to take possession of the island. The Turks landed at
-Govino, destroyed the village of Potamo, and marched upon the capital,
-which at that time had no other defences than the old fort. That
-stronghold and the castle of Sant’ Angelo were soon the only two points
-in the island not in the power of the invaders. A vigorous cannonade
-was maintained by Barbarossa from the site of the present town and
-from the islet of Vido, but the garrison of 4000 men, half Italians and
-half Corfiotes, under the command of Jacopo di Novello, kept up a brisk
-reply. The Greeks, it was said, could not have fought better had they
-been fighting for the national cause, and they made immense sacrifices
-in their determination never to yield. In order to economise food they
-turned out of the fortress the women, old men, and children, who went<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span>
-to the Turkish lines to beg for bread. The Turkish commander, hoping
-to work on the feelings of the garrison, refused; so the miserable
-creatures, repudiated alike by the besieged and besiegers, wandered
-about distractedly between the two armies, striving to regain admission
-to the fortress by showing their ancient wounds gained in the Venetian
-service, and at last, when their efforts proved unavailing, lying down in
-the ditches to die. Their sufferings contributed largely towards the
-victory of the defenders, for while provisions held out in the fortress they
-began to fail in the camp.</p>
-
-<p>Sickness broke out among the half-starved Turks, and, after a stay
-of only thirteen days in the island, they re-embarked. But in that short
-time they had wrought enormous damage. They had ravaged the fair
-island with fire and sword, and they carried away more than 20,000
-captives<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>. The population was so greatly reduced by this wholesale
-deportation that nearly forty years afterwards the whole island contained
-only some 17,500 inhabitants, and rather more than a century
-after this siege a census showed that the total was not more than 50,000—a
-much smaller number than in classical days, when it is estimated to
-have been 100,000. In 1761 it had declined to 44,333; at the end of the
-Venetian occupation it was put down at 48,000; a century later, in 1896,
-it was 90,872<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>. At the census of 1907 it was 94,451. Butrinto and Paxo,
-less able to defend themselves than Corfù, fell into the hands of the Turks,
-who plundered several of the other Ionian islands. Great was the joy of
-Venice at the news that the invaders had abandoned Corfù, and public
-thanksgivings were offered up for the preservation of the island, even
-in the desolate condition in which the Turks had left it. A Corfiote,
-named Noukios, secretary of an Ambassador of Charles V and author of
-three books of travels, the second of which, relating to England, has been
-translated into English, wrote, with tears in his eyes, a graphic account
-of this terrible visitation.</p>
-
-<p>One result of this invasion was the tardy but systematic fortification
-of the town of Corfù, at the repeated request of the Corfiote council,
-which sent several embassies to Venice with that object. More than 2000
-houses were pulled down in the suburb of San Rocco to make room for
-the walls, for which the old classical city, Palaiopolis, as it is still called,
-provided materials, and Venice spent a large sum on the erection of new
-bastions. Two plans are in existence showing the fortifications of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span>
-citadel and of the town about this period<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>, and some parts of the present
-Fortezza Vecchia date from the years which followed this first Turkish
-siege. The still existing Fortezza Nuova was built between 1577 and
-1588, when the new works were completed. Another result of the Turco-Venetian
-war was the grant of lands at Corfù to the Greek soldiers, or
-<i>stradioti</i>, who had formed the Venetian garrisons of Monemvasia and
-Nauplia, and for whom provision had to be made when, in 1540, the
-Republic ceded these two last of her Peloponnesian possessions to the
-sultan. The present suburb of Stratia still preserves the name of these
-soldiers. The loss of the Venetian stations in the Morea and the subsequent
-capture of Cyprus by the Turks naturally increased the numbers
-of the Greeks in Corfù.</p>
-
-<p>Shortly before the battle of Lepanto the Turks raided Kythera,
-Zante, and Cephalonia, and again landed in Corfù. But the memory
-of their previous failure and the fact that the garrison was prepared for
-resistance deterred them from undertaking a fresh siege. They accordingly
-contented themselves with plundering the defenceless villages, but this
-time did not carry off their booty with impunity. Their ships were
-routed; as they were departing many of them sank, and in Marmora’s
-time the sunken wrecks could still be seen when the sea was calm<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>. In
-the battle of Lepanto 1500 Corfiote seamen took part on the Christian
-side, and four ships were contributed by the island and commanded by
-natives. One of these Corfiote captains was captured during the engagement
-and skinned alive, his skin being then fastened as a trophy to the
-rigging of one of the Turkish vessels. Another, Cristofalo Condocalli,
-captured the Turkish admiral’s ship, which was long preserved in the
-arsenal at Venice, and he received as his reward a grant of land near
-Butrinto, together with the then rare title of <i>cavaliere</i>. The criticisms
-which Finlay, after his wont, has passed upon the Greeks at Lepanto,
-and which do not agree with the testimony of a contemporary Venetian
-historian, certainly do not affect the conduct of the Ionians<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>. A little
-later, when the Turks again descended upon Corfù, they were easily
-repulsed, and the long peace which then ensued between Venice and the
-Porte put an end to these anxieties. Both the Corfiotes and the local
-militia of Zante did service about this time under the banner of St Mark
-in Crete; but the fearful losses of the Zantiotes, of whom eighty only out
-of 800 returned home alive from the Cretan mountains, made the
-peasants reluctant to serve again.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span></p>
-
-<p>There are few facts to relate of the Ionian islands during the
-peaceful period between the battle of Lepanto and the war of Candia.
-At Corfù the peace was utilised for the erection of new buildings; the
-church of St Spiridion was finished, and the body of the saint transferred
-to it<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>. But the town did not strike the Venetian traveller Pietro della
-Valle, who visited it early in the seventeenth century, as a desirable
-residence. Both there and at Zante he thought the buildings were more
-like huts than houses, and he considered the latter island barren and no
-longer deserving of its classical epithet of “woody<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>.” It was about this
-time that the Venetians introduced the practice of tournaments, which
-were held on the esplanade, and at which the Corfiote nobles showed
-considerable skill. Rather later the island was visited by the plague,
-which was stayed, according to the local belief, through the agency of
-their patron saint, who had on a previous occasion saved his good
-Corfiotes from famine by inspiring the captains of some corn ships to
-steer straight for their port. The first two of the four annual processions
-were the token of the people’s gratitude for these services<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>When the Candian war broke out further fortifications were built at
-Corfù as a precautionary measure; but during the whole length of the
-struggle the Turks came no nearer than Parga and Butrinto. The
-Corfiotes were thus free to assist the Venetians, instead of requiring their
-aid. Accordingly the Corfiote militia was sent to Crete, and horses and
-money were given to the Venetian authorities for the conflict, while one
-Corfiote force successfully held Parga against the enemy, and another
-recaptured Butrinto. In fact the smallness of the population at the
-census of that period was attributed to the large number of men serving
-on the galleys or in the forts out of the island. When Crete was lost Corfù
-naturally became of increased importance to the republic, and in the
-successful war between Venice and Turkey, which broke out in 1684,
-the Ionian islands played a considerable part. They were used as winter
-quarters for the Venetian troops, and the huge mortars still outside the
-gate of the Old Fortress at Corfù bear the memorable date of 1684, while
-a monument of Morosini occupies, but scarcely adorns, the wall of the
-old theatre. That gallant commander now led a squadron, to which the
-three chief islands all contributed galleys, against the pirates’ nest of
-Santa Maura. The countrymen of Odysseus are specially mentioned
-among the 2000 Ionian auxiliaries, and the warlike bishop of Cephalonia
-brought a contingent of over 150 monks and priests to the Republic’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span>
-standard<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>. Santa Maura fell after a sixteen days’ siege; the capture of
-Prevesa followed; and though the latter was restored to the Sultan with
-dismantled fortifications by the treaty of Carlovitz, Santa Maura was
-never again, save for a few brief months during the next war, a Turkish
-island. The Venetians did not forget the Ionians, who had co-operated
-with them so readily. Colonel Floriano, one of the Cephalonian commanders,
-was granted the two islets of Kalamos and Kastos, off the
-coast of Akarnania, famous in Homer as the abode of “the pirate
-Taphians.” Thenceforth their inhabitants were bidden to pay to him
-and his heirs the tithes hitherto due to the Venetian government. In
-consequence of this he assumed the curious title of <i>conte della Decima</i>
-(“count of the Tithe”), still borne by his descendants<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>. No wonder that
-Venice was popular with an aristocracy to which it gave employment
-and rewards.</p>
-
-<p>The occupation of the Morea by the Venetians in the early part of
-the eighteenth century secured the Ionians from disturbance so long as
-the peace lasted; but when the Turks set about the re-conquest of the
-peninsula they became involved in that last struggle between Venice
-and Turkey. In 1715 the Turkish fleet took Kythera, the garrison of
-which refused to fight, and the Venetians blew up the costly fortifications
-of Santa Maura and removed the guns and garrison to Corfù, in
-order that they might not fall into the hands of their foes<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>. Alarmed at
-the successes of the Turks, but unable in the degenerate condition of the
-commonwealth to send a capable Venetian to defend the remaining
-islands, the government, on the recommendation of Prince Eugène,
-engaged Count John Matthias von der Schulenburg to undertake the
-defence. A German by birth, and a brother of the duchess of Kendal,
-mistress of our George I, Count von der Schulenburg did not owe his
-career, strange as it may seem to us, to social influence or female intrigue.
-Entering the Polish service, he had compelled the admiration of his
-opponent, Charles XII of Sweden, and had afterwards fought with
-distinction under the eyes of the duke of Marlborough at the siege of
-Tournai and in the battle of Malplaquet. Armed with the rank of field-marshal,
-he set out for Corfù, where he rapidly put the unfinished
-fortifications into as good a condition as was possible in the time, and
-paid a hurried visit to Zante for the same purpose. The approach of the
-Turks hastened his return, for it was now certain that their objective
-was Corfù. They had requisitioned the Epeirotes to make a wide road<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span>
-from Thessaly down to the coast opposite that island, traces of which
-were in existence half a century ago<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>. Along this road Kara Mustapha
-Pasha marched with 65,000 men, and effected a junction at Butrinto
-with the Turkish fleet under Janum Khoja. In the narrow strait at the
-north end of the island, opposite the shrine of the virgin at Kassopo,
-which had taken the place of the altar of Jupiter Cassius, before which
-Nero had danced, a division of the Venetian fleet engaged the Turkish
-ships and cut its way through them into Corfù. But this did not prevent
-the landing of 33,000 Turks at Govino and Ipso, who encamped along
-the Potamo and made themselves masters of the suburbs of Mandoukio
-and Kastrades, on either side of the town. Meanwhile Schulenburg had
-armed all the inhabitants, including even the Jews, and we are specially
-told that one of the latter distinguished himself so much as to merit the
-rank of a captain<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>. But he wrote that he was “in want of every thing,”
-and his motley garrison of Germans, Italians, Slavs, and Greeks was at
-no time more than 8000 men. Even women and priests aided in the
-defence, and one Greek monk, with a huge iron crucifix in his hands, was
-a conspicuous figure as he charged the besiegers, invoking the vengeance
-of God upon their heads.</p>
-
-<p>The Turkish commander’s first object was to occupy the two
-eminences of Mounts Abraham and San Salvatore, which commanded
-the town, but had been carelessly left without permanent fortifications.
-A first assault upon these positions was repulsed, but a second was
-successful, and the Turks now called on Schulenburg to surrender. The
-arrival of some reinforcements revived the spirits of the besieged, who
-had now withdrawn from the town into the citadel, while the Turkish
-artillery played upon the houses and aimed at the <i>campanile</i> of St
-Spiridion’s church. The New Fortress was the point at which the enemy
-now directed all their efforts; one of the bastions was actually taken,
-and a poet has recorded that Muktar, grandfather of the famous Ali
-Pasha of Joannina, fought his way into the castle and hung up his sword
-on the gate<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>; but Schulenburg, at the head of his men, drove out the
-Turks with enormous loss. He said himself that that day was the most
-dangerous of his life; but his reckless daring saved Corfù. It was
-expected that the Turks would renew the assault three days later; but
-when the fatal morning broke, lo! they were gone. On the evening<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span>
-before, one of those terrific showers of rain to which Corfù is liable about
-the end of August descended upon the Turkish camp. The storm swept
-away their baggage into the sea, and the panic-stricken Turks—so the
-story ran-saw a number of acolytes carrying lighted candles, and an
-aged bishop, who was identified with St Spiridion, pursuing the infidels
-staff in hand. The murmurs of the janissaries and the news of a great
-Turkish defeat on the Danube may have had more to do with the
-seraskier’s hasty departure than the miraculous intervention of the
-saint. But the Venetians, with true statesmanship, humoured the
-popular belief that St Spiridion had protected the Corfiotes and themselves
-in their hour of need. We can still see hanging in the church of
-St Spiridion the silver lamp which the senate dedicated to the saint
-“for having saved Corfù,” and a companion to which was provided by
-the Corfiote nobles in memory of the safe arrival of the two divisions of
-the fleet. The islanders still celebrate on August 11 (<span class="allsmcap">O.S.</span>), the anniversary
-of the Turkish rout in 1716, the solemn procession of the saint, which
-Pisani, the Venetian admiral, instituted in his honour<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The siege had lasted for forty-eight days, and the losses on both sides
-had been very great. The lowest estimate of the Turkish dead and
-wounded was 8000. Schulenburg put down his own casualties at 1500.
-Moreover the Turks had left their artillery behind them, and in their
-own hurried re-embarkation some 900 were drowned. The Venetian fleet,
-under Pisani, whose indolence was in striking contrast to the energy of
-Schulenburg, did not succeed in overtaking the foe; but Schulenburg
-retook Butrinto, to which he attached much importance, and personally
-superintended the re-fortification of Santa Maura, which another Latin
-inscription still commemorates. The extraordinary honours paid to him
-were the measure of Corfù’s value to the Republic. In his favour, as
-in that of Morosini, an exception was made to the rule forbidding the
-erection of a statue to a living person. Before the Old Fortress, which he
-so gallantly defended, there still stands his image. Medals were struck
-in his honour, and foreign sovereigns wrote to congratulate him. Nor did
-his services to the Ionians end here. The fear of a fresh attack brought
-him to Corfù again in the following year. From thence he made a
-successful attack upon Vonitza and Prevesa, and those places, together
-with Butrinto, Cerigo, and the islet of Cerigotto, or Antikythera, were
-finally confirmed to the Republic at the peace of Passarovitz. After the
-peace he drew up a systematic plan for the defence of the islands, which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span>
-considerations of expense prevented the Republic from carrying out as
-fully as he wished. One restoration was imperative—that of the citadel
-of Corfù, which was blown up by a flash of lightning striking the powder
-magazine only two years after the great siege. Pisani and 1500 men lost
-their lives in this accident; several vessels were sunk and much damage
-done. Under Schulenburg’s directions these works were repaired. At the
-same time, warned by the experience of the late siege, he strongly
-fortified Mounts Abraham and San Salvatore and connected them with
-subterranean passages<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a>. To pay for these improvements a tax of one-tenth
-was imposed upon the wine and oil of the island<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a>. Large sums
-were also spent in the next few years upon the defences of Zante, Santa
-Maura, and the four continental dependencies of the islands. But the
-Republic, having lost much of her Levant trade, could no longer keep
-them up, and Corfù was again damaged by a second explosion in 1789.
-About the middle of the eighteenth century there was a huge deficit in
-the Ionian accounts, and the islands became a burden to the declining
-strength of the Venetian commonwealth. On Corfù in particular she
-spent twice what she got out of it.</p>
-
-<p>The peace of Passarovitz in 1718, which made the useless island of
-Cerigo the furthest eastern possession of Venice, practically closed the
-career of the Republic as an oriental power, and thenceforth of all her
-vast Levantine possessions the seven islands and their four dependencies
-alone remained under her flag. The decadence of Turkey preserved them
-to the Republic rather than any strength of her own, so that for the next
-seventy-nine years they were unmolested. Yet this immunity from
-attack by her old enemy caused Venice to neglect the welfare of the
-Ionian islands, which were always best governed at the moment when
-she feared to lose them. The class of officials sent from the capital during
-this last period was very inferior. Poor and badly paid, they sought to
-make money out of the islanders, and at times defrauded the home
-government without fear of detection. M. Saint-Sauveur, who resided
-as French consul in the Ionian islands from 1782 to 1799, has given a
-grim account of their social and political condition in the last years of
-Venetian rule; and, after due deduction for his obvious bias against the
-fallen Republic, there remains a large substratum of truth in his statements.
-At Zante the cupidity of the Venetian governors reached its
-height. Nowhere was so little of the local revenue spent in the locality,
-nowhere were the taxes more oppressive or more numerous; nowhere<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span>
-were the illicit gains of the Venetian officials larger. They were wont to
-lend money at usurious interest to the peasants, who frequently rose
-against their foreign and native oppressors—for the nobles and burgesses
-of that rich island were regarded by the tillers of the soil with intense
-hatred. Murders were of daily occurrence at Zante; most well-to-do
-natives had <i>bravi</i> in their pay; there was a graduated tariff for permission
-to wear weapons; and Saint-Sauveur was once an eye-witness of an
-unholy compact between a high Venetian official and a Zantiote who
-was desirous to secure in advance impunity for his intended crime<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>.
-It is narrated how the wife of a Venetian governor of Zante used to
-shout with joy “Oil, oil!” as soon as she heard a shot fired, in allusion
-to the oil warrants, the equivalent of cash, which her husband received
-for acquitting a murderer. Justice at this period was more than usually
-halting. The French consul could only remember three or four sentences
-of death during the whole of his residence in the islands, and when, a
-little earlier, the crew of a foreign ship was murdered in the channel of
-Corfù by some islanders under the leadership of a noble, only one
-scapegoat, and he a peasant, was punished. Pirates were not uncommon,
-Paxo being one of their favourite haunts. Yet after the peace of
-Passarovitz Corfù was the centre of the Republic’s naval forces, and it
-was in the last years of Venetian rule that many of the present buildings
-were built at Govino, and a road was at last constructed from that point
-to the town<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>During the Russo-Turkish war between 1768 and 1774 many
-Ionians took part in the insurrectionary movement against the Turks
-on the mainland, in spite of the proclamations of the Venetian government,
-which was anxious, like the British protectorate fifty years later,
-to prevent its subjects from a breach of neutrality<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>; but it could not
-even control its own officials, for a <i>provveditore generale</i> sold the ordnance
-and provisions stored at Corfù under his charge to the Russians. The
-sympathy of the Ionians for Orthodox Russia was natural, especially
-as many Greeks from the Turkish provinces had settled in the islands
-without having forgotten their homes on the mainland. They took part
-in the sieges of Patras and Koron, while after the base desertion of the
-Greeks by the Russians the islands became the refuge of many defeated
-insurgents. These refugees were, however, delivered up by the Venetians
-to the Turks, and nothing but a vigorous Russian protest saved from
-punishment two Ionian nobles who had taken up arms on her side.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span>
-Russia followed up her protest by appointing Greeks or Albanians as
-her consuls in the three principal islands<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>; many Cephalonians emigrated
-to the new Russian province of the Crimea, and Cephalonian merchantmen
-began to fly her flag. During the next Russo-Turkish war—that
-between 1787 and 1792—the Ionians fitted out corsairs to aid their
-friends, and a Russian general was sent to Ithake to direct the operations
-of the Greeks. Two of the latter, Lampros Katsones of Livadia
-and the Lokrian Androutsos, father of the better known klepht Odysseus,
-were specially conspicuous. Lampros styled himself “king of Sparta,”
-and christened his son Lycurgus. He established himself on the coast
-of Maina and plundered the ships of all nations—a patriot according to
-some, a pirate according to others. When a French frigate had put an
-end to his reign of terror he, like Androutsos, fled to the Ionian islands.
-The Venetians caused a hue and cry to be raised for his followers, who
-were saved from the gallows by their Russian patrons; but Androutsos
-was handed over to the Turks, who left him to languish in prison at
-Constantinople. Katsones became the hero of a popular poem.</p>
-
-<p>The attacks of pirates from Barbary and Dulcigno upon Prevesa
-and Cerigo roused the Venetians to the necessity of punishing those
-marauders, and accordingly Angelo Emo was appointed “extraordinary
-captain of the ships” and sent to Corfù. After a vigorous
-attempt at reforming the naval establishment there, which had fallen
-into a very corrupt state, he chastised the Algerines and Tunisians, to
-the great relief of the Ionians. The Zantiotes “presented him with a gold
-sword, and struck a medal in his honour”; in Corfù a mural tablet still
-recalls his services against the Barbary corsairs, and his name ranks
-with those of Morosini and Schulenburg in the history of the islands<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The long peace of the eighteenth century had marked results upon
-the social life of the Ionians. It had the bad effect, especially at Corfù,
-of increasing the desire for luxuries, which the natives could ill afford,
-but which they obtained at the sacrifice of more solid comfort. Anxious
-to show their European culture, the better classes relinquished the garb
-of their ancestors, and the women, who now for the first time emerged
-from the oriental seclusion in which they had been kept for centuries
-in most of the islands, deprived themselves of necessaries and neglected
-their houses in order to make a smart appearance on the esplanade—a
-practice not yet extinct at Corfù. Yet this partial emancipation of the
-Ionian ladies, due to the European habits introduced by the increasing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span>
-number of Venetian officers who had married Corfiote wives, was a
-distinct benefit to society. Gradually ladies went to the theatre; at first
-they were screened by a <i>grille</i> from the public gaze, then a mask was
-considered sufficient protection; finally that too was dropped<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>. The
-population of the islands and their dependencies in 1795 was put down
-at 152,722. But Corfù was already in the deplorable state of poverty
-into which it once more relapsed after the withdrawal of the British.
-In spite of its splendid climate and its fertile soil the fruitful island of
-the Phaiakians at the end of the Venetian rule could not nourish its much
-smaller number of inhabitants for more than four or five months in the
-year. The fault did not lie with the soil; but few of the proprietors had
-the capital to make improvements, and few of the peasants had the
-energy or the necessary incentives to labour. The lack of beasts of burden
-and of carriageable roads was a great drawback. One governor did at
-last, in 1794, construct five roads from the town into the country, by
-means of voluntary subscriptions and a tax on every loaded horse
-entering the streets<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>. But it was not till the British time that either this
-or the scarcely less evil of want of water was remedied. The successors
-of the seafaring subjects of Alkinoös had scarcely any mercantile marine,
-while the Cephalonians, sons of a less beautiful island, voyaged all over
-the Levant in search of a livelihood. An attempt to naturalise sugar,
-indigo, and coffee in a hollow of the Black Mountain was a failure<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>. Zante,
-less luxurious and naturally richer than either of her two other greater
-sisters, suffered during the Anglo-French war from the absence of
-English commerce; and repeated earthquakes, the predecessors of that
-of 1893, caused much damage there<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>. As might have been expected the
-Venetian system had not improved the character of the islanders, whose
-faults were admitted by their severest critics to be due to the moral
-defects of the government. If the Corfiotes of that day seemed to Saint-Sauveur
-to be ignorant and superstitious, poor and indolent, they were
-what Venice had made them. Yet, in spite of all her errors, the Republic
-had given to the seven islands a degree of civilisation which was lacking
-in Turkish Greece, and which, improved by our own protectorate, still
-characterises the Ionians to-day. Corfù and Zante are still, after over
-fifty years of union with the Hellenic kingdom, in many respects more
-Italian than Greek. Even to-day the seal of Venice is upon them; not
-merely does the lion of St Mark still stand out from their fortifications,
-but in the laws and the customs, in the survival of the Italian language
-and of Italian titles of nobility here almost alone in Greece, we can trace<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span>
-his long domination. But no Corfiote or Zantiote, for all that, desires to
-become Italian.</p>
-
-<p>The French Revolution had little immediate influence upon the
-Ionian islands, though there were some disturbances at Zante, and the
-citizens of Corfù petitioned Venice against the exclusive privileges of the
-nobles. Three years before the outbreak in Paris, the most serene
-Republic had sent a special commissioner to reform the constitution of
-the islands; but those reforms mainly consisted in reducing the numbers
-of the councils at Corfù and Santa Maura. Much greater hopes were
-formed in 1794 on the arrival of Widman, the last <i>provveditore generale</i>
-whom Venice sent to Corfù. Widman had had a distinguished naval
-career; his benevolence was well known by report, and the Corfiotes,
-who had been plundered by his rapacious predecessor, gave him a
-reception such as had never fallen to the lot of any of their previous
-Venetian governors<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a>. It was fortunate for him that he was so popular,
-for, after selling his own silver to meet the pressing needs of the
-administration, he had to appeal to the generosity of the Ionians for
-funds to carry on the government. He did not appeal in vain; the
-inhabitants of the three chief islands subscribed money; the four
-continental dependencies, having no money, offered men, who could not,
-however, be accepted, as there were no uniforms available; the Jews
-gave him over £400 and armed a certain number of soldiers at their
-expense; he was even reduced, as he could get nothing but promises from
-home, to use up the savings-bank deposits in the public service. In the
-apology which he published two years after the loss of the islands he
-gave a black picture of the state of the fortifications, which contained
-scarcely enough powder for a single man-of-war. Under the circumstances
-his sole consolation was the perusal of St Augustin. Such was
-the condition of the Ionian defences when the French troops entered
-Venice in 1797<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Venice was preparing to send commissioners with powers to establish
-a democratic form of government at Corfù, when Bonaparte, fearing lest
-Russia should occupy the islands, ordered General Gentili to go thither
-at once, bidding him introduce some telling classical allusions in his
-proclamation to the islanders. In the guise of an ally of Venice, with
-Venetian forces mixed among his own, and flying the lion banner of
-St Mark at his mast-head, Gentili sailed into Corfù on July 11. He
-informed Widman that he had come to protect the islands, and asked
-that room might be found within the fortress for their new protectors;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span>
-he told the people in a trilingual proclamation that the French Republic,
-in alliance with the Venetians, would free this fragment of ancient Hellas,
-and revive the glories and the virtues of classic times. Catching the
-classical spirit of the general’s proclamation, the head of the Orthodox
-church met him as he landed and presented him with a copy of the
-<i>Odyssey</i>. The islanders received the French as saviours. Gentili occupied
-the citadel, and Bonaparte wrote from Milan that they hoped “to
-regain, under the protection of the great French nation, the sciences,
-arts, and commerce which they had lost through oligarchical tyranny.”</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading14">9. MONEMVASIA<br />
-MONEMVASIA DURING THE FRANKISH PERIOD (1204-1540)</h3>
-
-<p>There are few places in Greece which possess the combined charms
-of natural beauty and of historic association to the same extent as
-Monemvasia. The great rock which rises out of the sea near the ancient
-Epidauros Limera is not only one of the most picturesque sites of the
-Peloponnese, but has a splendid record of heroic independence, which
-entitles it to a high place in the list of the world’s fortresses (Plate II,
-Figs. 1, 2). Monemvasia’s importance is, however, wholly mediæval;
-and its history has hitherto never been written; for the painstaking
-brochure of the patriotic Monemvasiote ex-deputy and ex-Minister
-K. Papamichalopoulos<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>, was composed before modern research rendered
-it possible to draw upon the original authorities at Venice and elsewhere.
-In the present chapter I have endeavoured to state briefly what, in the
-present state of Greek mediæval studies, is known about this interesting
-city during the Frankish period.</p>
-
-<p>At the time of the Frankish Conquest of the rest of Greece, Monemvasia
-was already a place of considerable importance. Even if we reject
-the statement of the fifteenth century historian, Phrantzes<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>, himself a
-native of the place, that the Emperor Maurice had raised it to the rank
-of the 34th Metropolitan see—a statement contradicted by an ecclesiastical
-document of 1397—we know at least that it was even then the
-seat of a Greek bishopric, whose holder remained a suffragan of Corinth<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>
-till the Latins captured the latter city in 1210. The Comneni had confirmed
-the liberties of a community so favourably situated, and the local<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span>
-aristocracy of Monemvasia enjoyed the privilege of self-government.
-Thanks to the public spirit of its inhabitants, the wisdom of the local
-magnates, and the strength of its natural defences, which made it in the
-Middle Ages the Gibraltar of Greece, it had repelled the attack of the
-Normans from Sicily in the middle of the twelfth century. Fifty years
-later it was a busy sea-port town, whose ships were seen at the Piræus
-by Michael Akominatos, the last Metropolitan of Athens before the
-Conquest, and whose great artistic treasure, the famous picture of Our
-Lord being “dragged,” which has given its name to the Ἑλκόμενος
-church, attracted the covetousness of the Emperor Isaac II<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>As might have been expected from its position and history, Monemvasia
-was the last spot in the Peloponnese to acknowledge the Frankish
-supremacy. Geoffroy I Villehardouin had contented himself perforce
-with sending a body of troops to raid the country as far as the causeway,
-or μόνη ἔμβασις, which leads to the great rock-fortress and from
-which its name is derived<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a>; and his son Geoffroy II seems to have
-meditated the conquest of the place<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>; but it was reserved for the third
-of the Villehardouins, soldierly Prince William, to hoist the <i>croix ancrée</i>
-of his family over the “sacred rock” of Hellenism, which was in uninterrupted
-communication by sea with the successor of Byzantium, the
-Greek Emperor of Nice<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>, and was therefore a constant source of annoyance
-to the Franks of the Peloponnese. The Prince, after elaborate
-preparations, began the siege not long after his accession in 1246. He
-summoned to his aid the great vassals of the Principality—Guy I of
-Athens, who owed him allegiance for Nauplia and Argos; the three barons
-of Eubœa; Angelo Sanudo, Duke of Naxos, with the other lords of the
-Cyclades, and the veteran Count Palatine of Cephalonia, Matteo Orsini,
-ruler of the island-realm of Odysseus<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>. But the Prince of Achaia saw
-that without the naval assistance of Venice, which had taken care that
-his principality should not become a sea-power, he could never capture
-the place. He accordingly obtained the aid of four Venetian galleys, and
-then proceeded to invest the great rock-fortress by land and water. For
-three long years the garrison held out, “like a nightingale in its cage,” as
-the Chronicler quaintly says—and the simile is most appropriate, for
-the place abounds with those songsters—till all supplies were exhausted,
-and they had eaten the very cats and mice. Even then, however, they
-only surrendered on condition that they should be excused from all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span>
-feudal services, except at sea, and should even in that case be paid. True
-to the conciliatory policy of his family, William wisely granted their
-terms, and then the three <i>archontes</i> of Monemvasia, Mamonas, Daimonoyannes,
-and Sophianos, advanced along the narrow causeway to his camp
-and offered him the keys of their town. The conqueror received them with
-the respect of one brave man for another, loaded them with costly gifts,
-and gave them fiefs at Vatika near Cape Malea. A Frankish garrison
-was installed in the coveted fortress; and a Latin bishop, Oddo of Verdun,
-at last occupied the episcopal palace there, which had been his (on paper)
-ever since Innocent III<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> had organised the Latin see of Monemvasia as
-one of the suffragans of Corinth.</p>
-
-<p>The Frankish occupation lasted, however, barely fourteen years, and
-has left no marks on the picturesque town. Buchon, indeed, who spied
-the Villehardouin arms on the Gorgoepekoos church at Athens, thought
-that he had discovered the famous <i>croix ancrée</i> on one of the churches<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>.
-He apparently meant the Ἑλκόμενος church, which the late Sir T. Wyse
-called and Murray’s <i>Handbook</i> still calls St Peter’s—a name not now
-known in Monemvasia, but derived perhaps from an inscription to a
-certain <i>Dominus Petrus</i>, whose remains “lie in peace” hard by. One
-church in the town, “Our Lady of the Myrtle,” bears, it is true, a cross
-with anchored work below, and four stars above the door. But this
-church, as I was informed and as the name implies, was founded by
-people from Cerigo, whose patron saint is the Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα
-(Plate III, Fig. 1). The capture of the town by the Franks is, however, still
-remembered at Monemvasia, and local tradition points out the place on
-the mainland where Villehardouin left his cavalry. One pathetic event
-occurred at the rock during the brief Frankish period—the visit of the
-last Latin Emperor of Constantinople, Baldwin II, in 1261, on his way
-from his lost capital to Italy<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>. In the following year Monemvasia was
-one of the castles ceded to his successor, the Emperor Michael VIII
-Palaiologos, as the ransom of Prince William of Achaia, captured by the
-Greeks three years earlier after the fatal battle of Pelagonia.</p>
-
-<p>The mediæval importance of Monemvasia really dates from this
-retrocession to the Byzantine Emperor in 1262, when a Byzantine
-province was established in the south-east of the Morea. It not only
-became the seat of an Imperial governor, or κεφαλή, but it was the
-landing-place where the Imperial troops were disembarked for operations
-against the Franks, the port where the Tzakones and the <i>Gasmoûloi</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span>
-or half-castes, of the Peloponnese enlisted for service in the Greek navy.
-During the war which began in 1263 between Michael VIII and his late
-captive, we accordingly frequently find it mentioned; it was thither that
-the Genoese transports in the Imperial service conveyed the Greek troops;
-it was thither, too, that the news of the first breach of the peace was
-carried post-haste, and thence communicated to Constantinople; it was
-there that the Imperial generals took up their headquarters at the outset
-of the campaign; and it was upon the Monemvasiotes that the combatants,
-when they were reconciled, agreed to lay the blame for the war<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>.
-Under the shadow of the Greek flag, Monemvasia became, too, one of
-the most dangerous lairs of corsairs in the Levant. The great local
-families did not disdain to enter the profession, and we read of both the
-Daimonoyannai and the Mamonades in the report of the Venetian
-judges, who drew up a long statement in 1278 of the depredations
-caused by pirates to Venetian commerce in the Levant. On one occasion
-the citizens looked calmly on while a flagrant act of piracy was being
-committed in their harbour, which, as the port of shipment for Malmsey
-wine, attracted corsairs who were also connoisseurs<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>. Moreover, the
-Greek occupation of so important a position was fatal to the Venetian
-lords of the neighbouring islands, no less than to Venetian trade in the
-Ægean. The chief sufferers were the two Marquesses of Cerigo and
-Cerigotto, members of the great families of Venier and Viaro, who had
-occupied those islands after the Fourth Crusade. It would appear from
-a confused passage of the Italian Memoir on Cerigo, that the islanders,
-impatient at the treatment which they received from their Latin lord,
-the descendant, as he boasted, of the island-goddess Venus herself, sent
-a deputation to invoke the aid of the Greek governor of the new
-Byzantine province in the Morea<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>. At any rate, the famous cruise of
-Licario, the upstart Italian of Negroponte who went over to the Greeks,
-temporarily ended the rule of the Venetian Marquesses. A governor was
-sent to Cerigo from Monemvasia; but ere long Michael VIII conferred
-that island upon the eminent Monemvasiote <i>archon</i>, Paul Monoyannes,
-who is described in a Venetian document as being in 1275 “the vassal
-of the Emperor and captain of Cerigo.” Monoyannes fortified the island,
-where his tomb was discovered during the British protectorate, and it
-remained in the possession of his family till 1309, when intermarriage
-between the children of its Greek and Latin lords restored Cerigo to the
-Venieri<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp64" id="plate2" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
-  <p class="caption">PLATE II</p>
-  <img class="w100" src="images/plate2.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 1. <span class="smcap">Monemvasia from the Land.</span></p>
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 2. <span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Entrance to Kastro.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp64" id="plate3" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
-  <p class="caption">PLATE III</p>
-  <img class="w100" src="images/plate3.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 1. <span class="smcap">Monemvasia.</span> Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα.</p>
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 2. <span class="smcap">Monemvasia.</span> Ἁγία Σοφία.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Byzantine Emperors naturally rewarded a community so useful
-to them as that of Monemvasia. Michael VIII granted its citizens
-valuable fiscal exemptions; his pious son and successor, Andronikos II
-not only confirmed their privileges and possessions, but founded the
-church of the Divine Wisdom which still stands in the castle. The
-adjoining cloister has fallen in ruins; the Turks after 1540 converted the
-church, like the more famous Santa Sophia of Constantinople, into a
-mosque, the <i>mihrab</i> of which may still be traced, and smashed all the
-heads of the saints which once adorned the church—an edifice reckoned
-as ancient even in the days of the Venetian occupation, when a Monemvasiote
-family had the <i>jus patronatus</i> over it (Plate III, Fig. 2). But a fine
-Byzantine plaque over the door—two peacocks and two lambs—still
-preserves the memory of the Byzantine connexion. Of Andronikos II
-we have, too, another Monemvasiote memorial—the Golden Bull of
-1293, by which he gave to the Metropolitan the title of “Exarch of all
-the Peloponnese,” with jurisdiction over eight bishoprics, some, it is
-true, still <i>in partibus infidelium</i>, as well as the titular Metropolitan throne
-of Side, and confirmed all the rights and property of his diocese, which
-was raised to be the tenth of the Empire and extended, at any rate on
-paper, right across the peninsula to “Pylos, which is called Avarinos”—a
-convincing proof of the error made by Hopf in supposing that the name
-of Navarino arose from the Navarrese company a century later. The
-Emperor lauds in this interesting document, which bears his portrait
-and is still preserved in the National Library and (in a copy) in the
-Christian Archæological Museum at Athens, the convenience and safe
-situation of the town, the number of its inhabitants, their affluence and
-their technical skill, their seafaring qualities, and their devotion to his
-throne and person. His grandson and namesake, Andronikos III, in
-1332 granted them freedom from market-dues at the Peloponnesian
-fairs<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a>. But a city so prosperous was sure to attract the covetous glances
-of enemies. Accordingly, in 1292, Roger de Lluria, the famous admiral
-of King James of Aragon, on the excuse that the Emperor had failed to
-pay the subsidy promised by his father to the late King Peter, descended
-upon Monemvasia, and sacked the lower town without a blow. The
-<i>archontes</i> and the people took refuge in the impregnable citadel, leaving<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span>
-their property and their Metropolitan in the power of the enemy<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>. Ten
-years later, another Roger, Roger de Flor, the leader of the Catalan
-Grand Company, put into Monemvasia on his way to the East on that
-memorable expedition which was destined to ruin “the pleasaunce of
-the Latins” in the Levant. On this occasion the Catalans were naturally
-on their good behaviour. Monemvasia belonged to their new employer,
-the Emperor Andronikos; it had been stipulated that they should receive
-the first instalment of their pay there; and Muntaner<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> tells us that the
-Imperial authorities gave them a courteous reception and provided
-them with refreshments, including probably a few barrels of the famous
-Malmsey.</p>
-
-<p>Monemvasia fortunately escaped the results of the Catalan expedition,
-which proved so fatal to the Duchy of Athens and profoundly
-affected the North and West of the Morea. Indeed, in the early part of
-the fourteenth century the corsairs of the great rock seemed to have
-actually seized the classic island of Salamis under the eyes of the Catalan
-rulers of Athens, whose naval forces in the Saronic Gulf had been
-purposely crippled by the jealous Venetian Government. At any rate
-we find Salamis, which had previously belonged to Bonifacio da Verona,
-the baron of Karystos in Eubœa, and had passed with the hand of his
-daughter and heiress to Alfonso Fadrique, the head of the terrible
-Catalan Company in Attica, now paying tribute to the Byzantine
-governor of Monemvasia<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>. When, however, towards the end of the
-fourteenth century, the Greeks began to recover most of the Peloponnese,
-the city which had been so valuable to them in the earlier days of the
-reconquest of the Morea had to compete with formidable rivals. In
-1397, when Theodore I Palaiologos obtained, after a desperate struggle,
-the great fortress of Corinth, which had been his wife’s dowry from her
-father, Nerio Acciajuoli, his first act was to restore the Metropolitan see
-of that ancient city, and the first demand of the restored Metropolitan
-was for the restitution to him by his brother of Monemvasia of the two
-suffragan bishoprics of Zemenos and Maina, which had been given to the
-latter’s predecessor after the Latin conquest of Corinth<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>. This demand
-was granted, and we are not surprised to hear that the Monemvasiotes
-were disaffected to the Despot, under whom such a slight had been cast
-upon their Church. The Moreote <i>archontes</i> at this period were intensely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span>
-independent of the Despot of Mistra, even though the latter was the
-brother of the Emperor. The most unruly of them all was Paul Mamonas
-of Monemvasia, who belonged to the great local family which had been
-to the fore in the days of Villehardouin. This man held the office of
-“Grand-Duke” or Lord High Admiral in the Byzantine hierarchy of
-officials and claimed the hereditary right to rule as an independent
-princelet over his native city, of which his father had been Imperial
-governor. When Theodore asserted his authority, and expelled the
-haughty <i>archon</i>, the latter did not hesitate to arraign him before the
-supreme authority of those degenerate days—the Sultan Bayezid I who
-ordered his immediate restoration by Turkish troops—a humiliation
-alike for the Greek Despot and for the sacred city of Hellenism<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a>.
-Theodore had, indeed, at one time thought of bestowing so unruly a
-community upon a Venetian of tried merit; and, in 1419, after the death
-of Paul’s son, the Republic was supposed by Hopf to have come into
-possession of the coveted rock and its surroundings—then a valuable
-commercial asset because of the Malmsey which was still produced
-there<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>. But the three documents, upon which he relies for this statement,
-merely show that Venetian merchants were engaged in the wine-trade
-at Monemvasia.</p>
-
-<p>It was at this period that Monemvasia produced two men of letters,
-George Phrantzes and the Monk Isidore. To the latter we owe a series
-of letters, one of which, addressed to the Emperor Manuel II on the
-occasion of his famous visit to the Morea in 1415, describes his pacification
-of Maina and his abolition of the barbarous custom of cutting off the
-fingers and toes of the slain, which the Mainates had inherited from the
-Greeks of Æschylus and Sophocles. He also alludes to the Greek
-inscriptions which he saw at Vitylo<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>. Of Phrantzes, the historian of the
-Turkish conquest, the secretary and confidant of the Palaiologoi, the
-clever if somewhat unscrupulous diplomatist, who, after a busy life, lies
-buried in the quiet church of Sts Jason and Sosipater at Corfù, it is
-needless to speak. In the opinion of the writer, Phrantzes should hold
-a high place in Byzantine history. His style is clear and simple, compared
-with that of his contemporary Chalkokondyles, the ornate
-Herodotus of the new Persian Conquest; he knew men and things; he
-was no mere theologian or rhetorician, but a man of affairs; and he wrote
-with a <i>naïveté</i>, which is as amusing as it is surprising in one of his
-profession. Monemvasia may be proud of having produced such a man,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span>
-who has placed in his history a glowing account of his birthplace. We
-hear too in 1540 of a certain George, called “Count of Corinth” but a
-native of Monemvasia, who had a fine library, and among the many
-Peloponnesian calligraphists, the so-called “Murmures,” found later on
-in Italy, there were some Monemvasiotes<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>We next find Monemvasia in the possession of the Despot Theodore
-II Palaiologos<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>, who ratified its ancient privileges. All the Despot’s
-subjects, whether freemen or serfs, were permitted to enter or leave this
-important city without let or hindrance, except only the dangerous
-denizens of Tzakonia and Vatika, whose character had not altered in the
-two hundred years which had elapsed since the time of Villehardouin.
-The citizens, their beasts, and their ships were exempt from forced
-labour; and, at their special request, the Despot confirmed the local
-custom, by which all the property of a Monemvasiote who died without
-relatives was devoted to the repair of the castle; while, if he had only
-distant relatives, one-third of his estate was reserved for that purpose
-(Plate V, Fig. 1). This system of death duties (τὸ ἀβιωτίκιον, as it was
-called) was continued by Theodore’s brother and successor, Demetrios,
-by whom Monemvasia was described as “one of the most useful cities
-under my rule<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>.” Such, indeed, he found it to be, when, in 1458,
-Mohammed II made his first punitive expedition into the Morea. On
-the approach of the great Sultan, the Despot fled to the rock of Monemvasia.
-It was the ardent desire of the Conqueror to capture that famous
-fortress, “the strongest of all cities that we know,” as the contemporary
-Athenian historian, Chalkokondyles<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a>, called it. But his advisers represented
-to him the difficult nature of the country which he would have
-to traverse, so he prudently desisted from the enterprise. Two years
-later, when Mohammed II visited the Morea a second time and finally
-destroyed Greek rule in that peninsula, Monemvasia again held out
-successfully. After sheltering Demetrios against an attack from his
-treacherous brother Thomas, the town gave refuge to the wife and
-daughter of the former. Demetrios had, however, promised to give his
-daughter in marriage to the great Sultan; and Isa, son of the Pasha of
-Üsküb, and Matthew Asan, the Despot’s brother-in-law, were accordingly
-sent to demand the surrender of the city and of the two princesses, whom
-it contained. The Monemvasiotes did, indeed, hand over the two Imperial
-ladies to the envoys of the Sultan and the Despot; but, relying on their
-immense natural defences, animated by the sturdy spirit of independence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span>
-which had so long distinguished them, and inspired by the example of
-their governor, Manuel Palaiologos, they bade them tell Mohammed not
-to lay sacrilegious hands on a city which God had meant to be invincible.
-The Sultan is reported to have admired their courage, and wisely
-refrained from attacking the impregnable fortress of mediæval Hellenism.
-As Demetrios was the prisoner of the Sultan, the Governor proclaimed
-Thomas as his liege-lord; but the latter, a fugitive from Greece, was
-incapable of maintaining his sovereignty and tried to exchange it with
-the Sultan for another sea-side place<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>. A passing Catalan corsair, one
-Lope de Baldaja, was then invited to occupy the rock; but the liberty-loving
-inhabitants soon drove out the petty tyrant whom they had
-summoned to their aid, and, with the consent of Thomas, placed their
-city under the protection of his patron, the Pope. Pius II gladly
-appointed both spiritual and temporal governors of the fortress which
-had so long been the stronghold of Orthodoxy, and of that nationalism
-with which Orthodoxy was identical<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>But the papal flag did not wave long over Monemvasia. The Orthodox
-Greeks soon grew tired of forming part of the Pope’s temporal dominion,
-and preferred the rule of Venice, the strongest maritime power interested
-in the Levant, whose governors were well known to be “first Venetians
-and then Catholics.” The outbreak of the Turco-Venetian War of 1463,
-and the appearance of a Venetian fleet in the Ægean, gave the citizens
-their opportunity. The Pope, as Phrantzes informs us, had no wish to
-give up the place; but he was far away, his representative was feeble,
-the flag of Venice was for the moment triumphant in Greek waters, and
-accordingly in 1463 or 1464, the inhabitants admitted a Venetian
-garrison. On September 21, 1464, the Senate made provision for the
-government of this new dependency. A <i>Podestà</i> was to be elected for
-two years at an annual salary of 500 gold ducats, this salary to be paid
-every three months out of the revenues of the newly-conquered island
-of Lemnos. Six months later, it was decreed that in case there was no
-money available for the purpose at Lemnos, the <i>Podestà</i> should receive
-his salary from the Cretan treasury<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>. From that time to 1540 Monemvasia
-remained a Venetian colony. Once, indeed, a plot was organised<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span>
-in the ancient city of the Palaiologoi for the purpose of wresting the
-place from the claws of the Lion of St Mark. Andrew Palaiologos, the
-still more degenerate son of the degenerate Thomas, had, in 1494,
-transferred all his Imperial rights and claims to King Charles VIII of
-France, then engaged in his expedition to Naples, in the Church of San
-Pietro in Montorio at Rome. In accordance with this futile arrangement
-his partisans at Monemvasia, where the Imperial name of Palaiologos
-was still popular, schemed to deliver the city to his French ally<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>. But
-the plans of Charles VIII, and with them the plot at Monemvasia, came
-to nought. Venice remained mistress of the Virgin fortress.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp95" id="plate4" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
-  <p class="caption">PLATE IV</p>
-  <img class="w100" src="images/plate4.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption"><span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Kastro.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="plate5" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
-  <p class="caption">PLATE V</p>
-  <img class="w100" src="images/plate5.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 1. <span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Town Walls and Gate.</span></p>
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 2. <span class="smcap">Monemvasia. Modern Town at Base of Cliff.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<p>Down to the peace of 1502-3, Monemvasia seems to have been fairly
-prosperous under Venetian rule. By the Turco-Venetian treaty of 1479
-she had been allowed to retain the dependency of Vatika<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> in the
-neighbourhood of Cape Malea, which had been captured from the Turks
-in 1463, and where her citizens had long possessed property. But the
-territories of Monemvasia were terribly restricted after the next Turco-Venetian
-war: she had then lost her outlying castles of Rampano and
-Vatika, from which the ecclesiastical authorities derived much of their
-dues; and we find the inhabitants petitioning the Republic for the
-redress of their grievances, and pointing out that this last delimitation
-of their frontiers had deprived them of the lands which they had been
-wont to sow. The rock itself produced nothing, and accordingly all their
-supplies of corn had now to be imported through the Turkish possessions<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>.
-As for the famous vintage, which had been the delight of
-Western connoisseurs, it was no longer produced at Malvasia, for the
-Turks did not cultivate the vineyards which were now in their hands,
-and most of the so-called “Malmsey,” <i>nihil de Malfasia habens sed nomen</i>,
-as worthy Father Faber says, had for some time come from Crete or
-Modon<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a>, till the latter place, too, became Turkish. But, in spite of these
-losses, Monemvasia still remained what she had been for centuries—an
-impregnable fortress, the Gibraltar of Greece. The Venetians renewed
-the system, which had prevailed under the Despots of the Morea, of
-devoting one of the local imposts to the repair of the walls; the Venetian
-<i>Podestà</i>, who lived, like the military governor, up in the castle, seems to
-have been a popular official; and the Republic had wisely confirmed the
-special privileges granted by the Byzantine Emperors to the Church and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span>
-community of this favoured city (Plate IV). Both a Greek Metropolitan
-and a Latin Archbishop continued to take their titles from Monemvasia,
-and the most famous of these prelates was the eminent Greek scholar,
-Markos Mousouros. It is interesting to note that in 1521 Pope Leo X
-had a scheme for founding an academy for the study of the Greek
-language out of the revenues of whichever of these sees first fell vacant,
-as Arsenios Apostoles, at that time Metropolitan, was a learned Greek
-and a Uniate, and in both capacities, a prime favourite of the classically
-cultured Pontiff. In 1524, however, despite the thunders of the Œcumenical
-Patriarch, the Greek and the Italian prelates agreed among
-themselves that the former should retain the see of Monemvasia and
-that the latter should take a Cretan diocese<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a>. The connection between
-“the great Greek island” and this rocky peninsula was now close. The
-Greek priests of Crete, who had formerly gone to the Venetian colonies
-of Modon and Coron for consecration, after the loss of those colonies in
-1500 came to Monemvasia; the Cretan exchequer continued to contribute
-to the expenses of the latter; and judicial appeals from the <i>Podestà</i> of
-Malmsey lay to the colonial authorities at Candia, instead of being
-remitted to Venice; for, as a Monemvasiote deputation once plaintively
-said, the expenses of the long journey had been defrayed by pawning the
-chalices of the churches. Even now Monemvasia is remote from the
-world; in those Venetian days she was seldom visited, not only because
-of her situation, but because of the fear which ships’ captains had of her
-inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The humiliating peace of 1540, which closed the Turco-Venetian war
-of 1537, closed also the history of Venice in the Morea till the brief
-revival at the close of the seventeenth century. This shameful treaty
-cost the Republic her two last possessions on the mainland of Greece—Nauplia
-and Monemvasia, both still uncaptured and the latter scarcely
-assailed by the Turkish forces<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a>. Admiral Mocenigo was sent to break as
-best he could to her loyal subjects the sad news that the Republic had
-abandoned their homes to the Turks. The Venetian envoy, if we may
-believe the speech which Paruta puts into his mouth, repeated to the
-weeping people the ancient adage, <i>ubi bene, ibi patria</i>, and pointed out
-to them that they would be better off in a new abode less exposed than
-their native cities had been to the Turkish peril. In November a Venetian
-fleet arrived in the beautiful bay of Nauplia and off the sacred rock of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span>
-Monemvasia to remove the soldiers, the artillery, and all the inhabitants
-who wished to live under Venetian rule. Then the banner of the
-Evangelist was lowered, the keys of the two last Venetian fortresses in
-the Morea were handed to Kassim Pasha, and the receipts for their
-transfer were sent to Venice<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="figure2" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
-  <img class="w100" src="images/figure2.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 2. <span class="smcap">Arms on Well-Head in the Castle.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<p>The inhabitants of the two cities had been loyal to Venice, and Venice
-was loyal to them. The first idea of transporting the Monemvasiotes to
-the rocky island of Cerigo—then partly a Venetian colony and partly
-under the rule of the great Venetian family of Venier, which boasted its
-descent from Venus, the fabled goddess of Kythera—was abandoned,
-in deference to the eloquent protests of the Metropolitan, and lands were
-assigned to the exiles in the more fertile colonies of the Republic. A
-commission of five nobles was appointed to consider the claims, and
-provide for the settlement, of the <i>stradioti</i>, or light horsemen from
-Nauplia and Monemvasia, who had fought like heroes against the Turks;
-and this commission sat for several years, for the claimants were numerous
-and not all genuine<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a>. Some, like the ancient local family of Daimonoyannes,
-formerly lords of Cerigo, received lands in Crete<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>, where various
-members of the Athenian branch of the great Florentine family of the
-Medici, which had been settled for two hundred years at Nauplia, also
-found a home. Scions of the clan of Mamonas went to Zante and Crete,
-and are found later on at Corinth, Nauplia, Athens and Corfù. Others
-were removed to Corfù, where they soon formed an integral part of the
-Corfiote population and where the name of these <i>stradioti</i> is still
-preserved in a locality of the island; while others again were transplanted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span>
-to Cephalonia, Cyprus, or Dalmatia. Not a few of them were soon,
-however, smitten with home-sickness; they sold their new lands and
-returned to be Turkish subjects at Nauplia and Monemvasia<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Venetian fortifications; the old Venetian pictures on the
-eikonostasis of the Ἑλκόμενος church; the quaint Italian chimneys,
-and the well-head up in the castle, which bears the winged lion of St
-Mark, two private coats of arms, the date MDXIV and the initials S R
-upon it, the latter those of Sebastiano Renier, <i>Podestà</i> from 1510 to 1512
-(to whom the first coat belongs, while the second is that of Antonio
-Garzoni, <i>Podestà</i> in 1526 and again in 1538, when he was the last <i>Podestà</i>
-before the Turkish conquest), still speak to us of this first Venetian
-occupation, when the ancient Byzantine city, after the brief vicissitudes
-of French and Papal government, found shelter for nearly eighty years
-beneath the flag of the Evangelist (Plate V, Fig. 2 and Text-fig. 2).</p>
-
-<h4 id="Appendix1">APPENDIX<br />
-TWO VENETIAN DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE ACQUISITION OF MONEMVASIA IN 1464</h4>
-
-<h5>I.—<i>Regina</i> fol. 52.</h5>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p class="center"><span class="allsmcap">MCCCCLXIIIJ</span> indictione xij.</p>
-
-<p class="in4">Die xxi Septembris.</p>
-
-<p>Cum per gratiam omnipotentis Dei acquista sit in partibus grecie
-insula Staliminis dives et opulenta in qua sunt tres terre cum Castellis
-viz Cochinum, Mudrum et Paleocastrum que tempore pacis reddere solent
-ducatos circa xᵐ. Item etiam Civitas Malvasie sita in Amorea. Ad
-quorum locorum bonam gubernationem et conservationem sub obedientia
-nostri Dominii providendum est de rectoribus et camerariis e venetiis
-mittendis tam pro populis regendis et jure reddendo quam pro introitibus
-earum bene gubernandis et non perdendis sicut hucusque dicitur esse
-factum....</p>
-
-<p>Eligatur per quattuor manus electionum in maiori consilio unus
-potestas Malvasie cum salario ducatorum V. auri in anno, sit per duos
-annos tantum; et habeat salarium liberum cum prerogativis et exemptionibus
-rectoris Staliminis et similiter in contumacia sua. Debeat habere
-duos famulos et tres equos et recipiat salarium suum ab insula Staliminis
-de tribus mensibus in tres menses ante tempus.</p>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td>†De parte</td>
-    <td class="tdr">474</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>&#160;De non</td>
-    <td class="tdr">14</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>&#160;Non syncere</td>
-    <td class="tdr">9</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p>Die xvij Septembris mcccclxiiij in consilio di xlᵗᵃ.</p>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td>De parte</td>
-    <td class="tdr">26</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>De non</td>
-    <td class="tdr">0</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Non sync.</td>
-    <td class="tdr">1</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span></p>
-
-<h5>II.—<i>Regina</i> fol. 56.</h5>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p class="in4">Die iij Marcii 1465.</p>
-
-<p>Captum est in maiori Consilio: Quod Rector monouasie elegendus de
-tribus in tres menses habere debeat salarium suum a loco nostro stalimnis
-et quum facile accidere posset per magnas impensas quas idem stalimnis
-locus habet quod inde salarium ipsum suum habere non posset.... Vadit
-pars quod in quantum idem rector noster monouasie a Stalimnis insula
-salarium ipsum suum habere non posset juxta formam presentis electionis
-sue a camera nostra crete illud percipere debeat sicuti conueniens et
-honestum est de tribus in tres menses juxta formam presentis ipsius.</p>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td>†De parte</td>
-    <td class="tdr">573</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>&#160;De non</td>
-    <td class="tdr">39</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>&#160;Non syncere</td>
-    <td class="tdr">42</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-</div>
-
-<h4>THREE VENETIAN DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE WINE-TRADE AT MONEMVASIA</h4>
-
-<p>(I have altered the Venetian dates to Modern Style):</p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p class="right"><i>Jan. 9, 1420.</i></p>
-
-<p class="in4"><i>Capta.</i></p>
-
-<p>Attenta humili et devota supplicatione fidelium civium nostrorum
-mercatorum Monavaxie et Romanie et considerate quod mercantia huiusmodi
-vinorum hoc anno parvum vel nichil valuit, ob quod ipsi mercatores multa
-et maxima damna sustinuerunt, ob quibus (<i>sic</i>) nullo modo possunt ad
-terminum quatuor mensium sibi limitatum solvere eorum datia prout nobis
-supplicaverunt; Vadit pars quod ultra terminum quatuor mensium sibi
-concessum per terram ad solvendum datia sua pro suis monavasiis et
-romaniis, concedatur eisdem et prorogetur dictus terminus usque ad duos
-menses ultra predictos menses quatuor sibi statuitos per terram ut supra
-dando plezariam ita bonam et sufficientem pro ista prorogatione termini,
-quod comune nostrum sit securum de datio suo, solvendo ad terminum
-debitum.</p>
-
-<p>De parte omnes.</p>
-
-<p>(Archivio di State Venezia—Deliberazioni Senate Misti Reg. 53. c. 21.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p class="right"><i>Feb. 19, 1421.</i></p>
-
-<p class="in4"><i>Capta.</i></p>
-
-<p>Quod audita devota supplicatione fidelium civium nostrorum
-mercatorum Romanie et Monovasie Venetiis existentium, et intellectis
-damnis que receperunt iam annis tribus de ipsis vinis et maxime hoc anno
-quia per piratas accepte sibi fuerunt plures vegetes huiusmodi vinorum, et
-considerato quod ilia que habent non possunt expedire, propter que damna
-non possunt solvere sua datia ad terminum sibi limitatum per ordines
-nostros. Et audita superinde responsione offitialium nostrorum datii vini
-ex nunc captum sit quod ultra dictum terminum sibi limitatum per ordines
-nostros elongetur terminus solvendi dicta datia ipsorum vinorum usque duos
-alios menses.</p>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td colspan="2">De parte omnes.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>De non</td>
-    <td class="tdr">0.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Non sinceri</td>
-    <td class="tdr">0.</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p>(Archivio di State Venezia—Deliberazioni Senato Misti Reg. 53. c. 112.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span></p>
-
-<div class="blockquote">
-
-<p class="right"><i>Feb. 9, 1428.</i></p>
-
-<p class="center">In Consilio Rogatorum.</p>
-
-<p class="in4"><i>Capta.</i></p>
-
-<p>Quod mercatoribus Monovaxie et Romanie, qui non potuerunt
-expedire vina sua propter novitates presentes elongetur terminus solvendi
-datia sua per unum mensem ultra terminum limitatum per ordines nostros.</p>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td colspan="2">De parte omnes alii.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>De non</td>
-    <td class="tdr">2.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Non sinceri</td>
-    <td class="tdr">1.</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<p>(Archivio di Stato Venezia—Deliberazioni Senato Misti Reg. 56. carte.
-76tᵒ.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<h3 id="heading15">10. THE MARQUISATE OF BOUDONITZA (1204-1414)</h3>
-
-<p>Of all the feudal lordships, founded in Northern Greece at the time
-of the Frankish Conquest, the most important and the most enduring
-was the Marquisate of Boudonitza. Like the Venieri and the Viari in the
-two islands of Cerigo and Cerigotto at the extreme south, the lords of
-Boudonitza were Marquesses in the literal sense of the term—wardens
-of the Greek Marches—and they maintained their responsible position
-on the outskirts of the Duchy of Athens until after the establishment of
-the Turks in Thessaly. Apart, too, from its historic importance, the
-Marquisate of Boudonitza possesses the romantic glamour which is shed
-over a famous classical site by the chivalry of the middle ages. What
-stranger accident could there have been than that which made two noble
-Italian families the successive guardians of the historic pass which is for
-ever associated with the death of Leonidas!</p>
-
-<p>Among the adventurers who accompanied Boniface of Montferrat,
-the new King of Salonika, on his march into Greece in the autumn of
-1204, was Guido Pallavicini, the youngest son of a nobleman from near
-Parma who had gone to the East because at home every common man
-could hale him before the courts<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>. This was the vigorous personality who,
-in the eyes of his conquering chief, seemed peculiarly suited to watch
-over the pass of Thermopylæ, whence the Greek <i>archon</i>, Leon Sgouros,
-had fled at the mere sight of the Latins in their coats of mail. Accordingly,
-he invested him with the fief of Boudonitza, and ere long, on the
-Hellenic substructures of Pharygæ, rose the imposing fortress of the
-Italian Marquesses.</p>
-
-<p>The site was admirably chosen, and is, indeed, one of the finest in
-Greece. The village of Boudonitza, Bodonitza, or Mendenitza, as it is now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span>
-called, lies at a distance of three and a half hours on horseback from the
-baths of Thermopylæ and nearly an hour and a half from the top of the
-pass which leads across the mountains to Dadi at the foot of Parnassos.
-The castle, which is visible for more than an hour as we approach from
-Thermopylæ, stands on a hill which bars the valley and occupies a truly
-commanding position (Plate VI, Figs. 1 and 2). The Warden of the Marches,
-in the Frankish times, could watch from its battlements the blue Maliac
-Gulf with the even then important town of Stylida, the landing-place
-for Zetounion, or Lamia; his eye could traverse the channel up to, and
-beyond, the entrance to the Gulf of Almiro, as the Gulf of Volo was then
-called; in the distance he could descry two of the Northern Sporades—Skiathos
-and Skopelos—at first in the hands of the friendly Ghisi, then
-reconquered by the hostile Byzantine forces. The northernmost of the
-three Lombard baronies of Eubœa with the bright streak which marks
-the baths of Ædepsos, and the little island of Panaia, or Canaia, between
-Eubœa and the mainland, which was one of the last remnants of Italian
-rule in this part of Greece, lay outstretched before him; and no pirate
-craft could come up the Atalante channel without his knowledge. Landwards,
-the view is bounded by vast masses of mountains, but the danger
-was not yet from that quarter, while a rocky gorge, the bed of a dry
-torrent, isolates one side of the castle. Such was the site where, for
-more than two centuries, the Marquesses of Boudonitza watched, as
-advanced sentinels, first of “new France” and then of Christendom.</p>
-
-<p>The extent of the Marquisate cannot be exactly defined. In the early
-years after the Conquest we find the first Marquess part-owner of Lamia<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>;
-his territory extended down to the sea, upon which later on his successors
-had considerable commercial transactions, and the harbour from
-which they obtained their supplies would seem to have been simply
-called the <i>skala</i> of Boudonitza. In 1332 Adam, the Archbishop of
-Antivari, alludes to the “castle and port of Boudonice (<i>sic</i>), through
-which we shall have in abundance grain of all kinds from Wallachia”
-(<i>i.e.</i> Thessaly, the “Great Wallachia” of the Byzantine historians and
-of the “Chronicle of the Morea”)<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a>. The Pallavicini’s southern frontier
-marched with the Athenian <i>seigneurie</i>; but their feudal relations were
-not with Athens, but with Achaia. Whether or no we accept the story
-of the “Chronicle of the Morea,” that Boniface of Montferrat conferred
-the suzerainty of Boudonitza upon Guillaume de Champlitte, or the
-more probable story of the elder Sanudo, that the Emperor Baldwin II<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span>
-gave it to Geoffroy II de Villehardouin<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a>, it is certain that later on the
-Marquess was one of the twelve peers of Achaia<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>, and in 1278 Charles I
-of Naples, in his capacity of Prince of Achaia, accordingly notified the
-appointment of a bailie of the principality to the Marchioness of that
-day<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>. It was only during the Catalan period that the Marquess came to
-be reckoned as a feudatory of Athens<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>. Within his dominions was
-situated a Roman Catholic episcopal see—that of Thermopylæ,
-dependent upon the metropolitan see of Athens. At first the bishop
-resided at the town which bore that name; on its destruction, however,
-during those troublous times, the bishop and canons built an oratory
-at Boudonitza. Even there, however, the pirates penetrated and killed
-the bishop, whereupon in 1209 the then occupant of the see, the third
-of the series, begged Innocent III to allow him to move to the abbey of
-“Communio”—perhaps a monastery founded by one of the Comneni—within
-the same district<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a>. Towards the close of the fourteenth century,
-the bishop was commonly known by the title of “Boudonitza,” because
-he resided there, and his see was then one of the four within the confines
-of the Athenian Duchy<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp64" id="plate6" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
-  <p class="caption">PLATE VI</p>
-  <img class="w100" src="images/plate6.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 1. <span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Castle from the West.</span></p>
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 2. <span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Castle from the East.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp64" id="plate7" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
-  <p class="caption">PLATE VII</p>
-  <img class="w100" src="images/plate7.jpg" alt="" />
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 1. <span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Keep and the Hellenic Gateway.</span></p>
-  <p class="caption">Fig. 2. <span class="smcap">Boudonitza. The Hellenic Gateway.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-<p>Guido, first Marquess of Boudonitza, the “Marchesopoulo,” as his
-Greek subjects called him, played a very important part in both the
-political and ecclesiastical history of his time—just the part which we
-should have expected from a man of his lawless disposition. The
-“Chronicle” above quoted represents him as present at the siege of
-Corinth. He and his brother, whose name may have been Rubino, were
-among the leaders of the Lombard rebellion against the Latin Emperor
-Henry in 1209; he obstinately refused to attend the first Parliament of
-Ravenika in May of that year; and, leaving his castle undefended, he
-retreated with the still recalcitrant rebels behind the stronger walls of
-the Kadmeia at Thebes. This incident procured for Boudonitza the
-honour of its only Imperial visit; for the Emperor Henry lay there one
-evening—a certain Wednesday—on his way to Thebes, and thence rode,
-as the present writer has ridden, through the <i>closure</i>, or pass, which leads
-over the mountains and down to Dadi and the Bœotian plain—then, as
-now, the shortest route from Boudonitza to the Bœotian capital<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a>, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span>
-at that time the site of a church of our Lady, <i>Sta Maria de Clusurio</i>, the
-property of the abbot and canons of the Lord’s Temple. Like most of
-his fellow-nobles, the Marquess was not over-respectful of the rights and
-property of the Church to which he belonged. If he granted the strong
-position of Lamia to the Templars, he secularised property belonging to
-his bishop and displayed a marked unwillingness to pay tithes. We find
-him, however, with his fellows, signing the <i>concordat</i> which was drawn up
-to regulate the relations between Church and State at the second
-Parliament of Ravenika in May, 1210<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>As one of the leading nobles of the Latin kingdom of Salonika, Guido
-continued to be associated with its fortunes. In 1221 we find him acting
-as bailie for the Regent Margaret during the minority of the young King
-Demetrius, in whose name he ratified a convention with the clergy
-respecting the property of the Church<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>. His territory became the refuge
-of the Catholic Archbishop of Larissa, upon whom the bishopric of
-Thermopylæ was temporarily conferred by Honorius III, when the
-Greeks of Epeiros drove him from his see. And when the ephemeral
-kingdom had fallen before them, the same Pope, in 1224, ordered
-Geoffroy II de Villehardouin of Achaia, Othon de la Roche of Athens,
-and the three Lombard barons of Eubœa to aid in defending the castle
-of Boudonitza, and rejoiced that 1300 <i>hyperperi</i> had been subscribed by
-the prelates and clergy for its defence, so that it could be held by “G.
-lord of the aforesaid castle,” till the arrival of the Marquess William of
-Montferrat<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>. Guido was still living on May 2, 1237, when he made his
-will. Soon after that date he probably died; Hopf<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> states in his genealogy,
-without citing any authority, that he was killed by the Greeks. He had
-survived most of his fellow-Crusaders; and, in consequence of the Greek
-reconquest of Thessaly, his Marquisate was now, with the doubtful
-exception of Larissa, the northernmost of the Frankish fiefs, the veritable
-“March” of Latin Hellas.</p>
-
-<p>Guido had married a Burgundian lady named Sibylle, possibly a
-daughter of the house of Cicon, lately established in Greece, and
-therefore a cousin of Guy de la Roche of Athens. By her he had two
-daughters and a son, Ubertino, who succeeded him as second Marquess.
-Despite the feudal tie which should have bound him to the Prince of
-Achaia, and which he boldly repudiated, Ubertino assisted his cousin,
-the “Great Lord” of Athens, in the fratricidal war between those
-prominent Frankish rulers, which culminated in the defeat of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span>
-Athenians at the battle of Karydi in 1258, where the Marquess was
-present, and whence he accompanied Guy de la Roche in his retreat to
-Thebes. In the following year, however, he obeyed the summons of the
-Prince of Achaia to take part in the fatal campaign in aid of the Despot
-Michael II of Epeiros against the Greek Emperor of Nice, which ended
-on the plain of Pelagonia; and in 1263, when the Prince, after his return
-from his Greek prison, made war against the Greeks of the newly
-established Byzantine province in the Morea, the Marquess of Boudonitza
-was once more summoned to his aid<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a>. The revival of Greek power
-in Eubœa at this period, and the frequent acts of piracy in the Atalante
-channel were of considerable detriment to the people of Boudonitza,
-whose food supplies were at times intercepted by the corsairs<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>. But the
-Marquess Ubertino profited by the will of his sister Mabilia, who had
-married Azzo VII d’Este of Ferrara, and bequeathed to her brother in
-1264 her property near Parma<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>After the death of Ubertino, the Marquisate, like so many Frankish
-baronies, fell into the hands of a woman. The new Marchioness of
-Boudonitza was his second sister, Isabella, who is included in the above-mentioned
-circular note, addressed to all the great magnates of Achaia
-by Charles I of Anjou, the new Prince, and notifying to them the
-appointment of Galeran d’Ivry as the Angevin vicar-general in the
-principality. On that occasion, the absence of the Marchioness was one
-of the reasons alleged by Archbishop Benedict of Patras, in the name of
-those present at Glarentza, for the refusal of homage to the new bailie<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>.
-So important was the position of the Marquisate as one of the twelve
-peerages of Achaia.</p>
-
-<p>The Marchioness Isabella died without children; and, accordingly,
-in 1286, a disputed succession arose between her husband, a Frank
-settled in the East, and the nearest male representative of the Pallavicini
-family, her cousin Tommaso, grandson of the first Marquess’s
-brother, Rubino. The dispute was referred to Guillaume de la Roche,
-Duke of Athens, in his capacity of bailie of Achaia, before the feudal
-court of which a question relating to Boudonitza would legally come.
-Tommaso, however, settled the matter by seizing the castle, and not
-only maintained himself there, but transmitted the Marquisate to his
-son, Alberto<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span></p>
-
-<p>The fifth Marquess is mentioned as among those summoned by
-Philip of Savoy, Prince of Achaia, to the famous Parliament and
-tournament on the Isthmus of Corinth in the spring of 1305, and as
-having been one of the magnates who obeyed the call of Philip’s namesake
-and successor, Philip of Taranto, in 1307<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>. Four years later he fell,
-at the great battle of the Kephissos, fighting against the Catalans
-beneath the lion banner of Walter of Brienne<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a>, who by his will a few
-days before had bequeathed 100 <i>hyperperi</i> to the church of Boudonitza<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Marquisate, alone of the Frankish territories north of the
-Isthmus, escaped conquest by the Catalans, though, as at Athens, a
-widow and her child were alone left to defend it. Alberto had married
-a rich Eubœan heiress, Maria dalle Carceri, a scion of the Lombard
-family which had come from Verona at the time of the Conquest. By
-this marriage he had become a hexarch, or owner of one-sixth of that
-great island, and is so officially described in the Venetian list of Greek
-rulers. Upon his death, in accordance with the rules of succession laid
-down in the <i>Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania</i>, the Marquisate
-was divided in equal shares between his widow and his infant
-daughter, Guglielma. Maria did not, however, long remain unconsoled;
-indeed, political considerations counselled an immediate marriage with
-some one powerful enough to protect her own and her child’s interests
-from the Catalans of Athens. Hitherto the Wardens of the Northern
-March had only needed to think of the Greek enemies in front, for all
-the territory behind them, where Boudonitza was most easily assailable,
-had been in the hands of Frenchmen and friends. More fortunate than
-most of the high-born dames of Frankish Greece, the widowed
-Marchioness had avoided the fate of accepting one of her husband’s
-conquerors as his successor. Being thus free to choose, she selected as
-her spouse Andrea Cornaro, a Venetian of good family, a great personage
-in Crete, and Baron of Skarpanto. Cornaro thus, in 1312, received, by
-virtue of his marriage, his wife’s moiety of Boudonitza<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>, while her
-daughter conferred the remaining half, by her subsequent union with
-Bartolommeo Zaccaria, upon a member of that famous Genoese race,
-which already owned Chios and was about to establish a dynasty in the
-Morea<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Cornaro now came to reside in Eubœa, where self-interest as well as
-patriotism led him to oppose the claims of Alfonso Fadrique, the new
-viceroy of the Catalan Duchy of Athens. His opposition and the natural<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span>
-ambition of Fadrique brought down, however, upon the Marquisate the
-horrors of a Catalan invasion, and it was perhaps on this occasion that
-Bartolommeo Zaccaria was carried off as a captive and sent to a Sicilian
-prison, whence he was only released at the intervention of Pope John
-XXII. It was fortunate for the inhabitants of Boudonitza that Venice
-included Cornaro in the truce which she made with the Catalans in
-1319<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a>. Four years later he followed his wife to the grave, and her
-daughter was thenceforth sole Marchioness.</p>
-
-<p>Guglielma Pallavicini was a true descendant of the first Marquess.
-Of all the rulers of Boudonitza, with his exception, she was the most self-willed,
-and she might be included in that by no means small number of
-strong-minded, unscrupulous, and passionate women, whom Frankish
-Greece produced and whom classic Greece might have envied as subjects
-for her tragic stage. On the death of her Genoese husband, she considered
-that both the proximity of Boudonitza to the Venetian colony of
-Negroponte and her long-standing claims to the castle of Larmena in
-that island required that she should marry a Venetian, especially as the
-decision of her claim and even her right to reside in the island depended
-upon the Venetian bailie. Accordingly, she begged the Republic to give
-her one of its nobles as her consort, and promised dutifully to accept
-whomsoever the Senate might choose. The choice fell upon Nicolò
-Giorgio, or Zorzi, to give him the Venetian form of the name, who belonged
-to a distinguished family which had given a Doge to the Republic
-and had recently assisted young Walter of Brienne in his abortive
-campaign to recover his father’s lost duchy from the Catalans. A
-Venetian galley escorted him in 1335 to the haven of Boudonitza, and
-a Marquess, the founder of a new line, once more ruled over the castle
-of the Pallavicini<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>At first there was no cause to regret the alliance. If the Catalans,
-now established at Neopatras and Lamia, within a few hours of
-Boudonitza, occupied several villages of the adjacent Marquisate, despite
-the recommendations of Venice, Nicolò I came to terms with them,
-probably by agreeing to pay that annual tribute of four fully equipped
-horses to the Vicar-General of the Duchy of Athens, which we find
-constituting the feudal bond between that state and Boudonitza in the
-time of his son<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>. He espoused, too, the Eubœan claims of his wife; but
-Venice, which had an eye upon the strong castle of Larmena, diplomatically
-referred the legal question to the bailie of Achaia, of which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span>
-both Eubœa and Boudonitza were technically still reckoned as dependencies.
-The bailie, in the name of the suzeraine Princess of Achaia,
-Catherine of Valois, decided against Guglielma, and the purchase of
-Larmena by Venice ended her hopes. Furious at her disappointment,
-the Marchioness accused her Venetian husband of cowardice and of bias
-towards his native city, while more domestic reasons increased her
-indignation. Her consort was a widower, while she had had a daughter
-by her first marriage, and she suspected him of favouring his own
-offspring at the expense of her child, Marulla, in whose name she had
-deposited a large sum of money at the Venetian bank in Negroponte.
-To complete the family tragedy played within the walls of Boudonitza
-there was only now lacking a sinister ally of the angry wife. He, too,
-was forthcoming in the person of Manfredo Pallavicini, the relative,
-business adviser, and perhaps paramour, of the Marchioness. As one of
-the old conqueror’s stock, he doubtless regarded the Venetian husband
-as an interloper who had first obtained the family honours and then
-betrayed his trust. At last a crisis arrived. Pallavicini insulted the
-Marquess, his feudal superior; the latter threw him into prison, whereupon
-the prisoner attempted the life of his lord. As a peer of Achaia, the
-Marquess enjoyed the right of inflicting capital punishment. He now
-exercised it; Pallavicini was executed, and the assembled burgesses of
-Boudonitza, if we may believe the Venetian version, approved the act,
-saying that it was better that a vassal should die rather than inflict an
-injury on his lord.</p>
-
-<p>The sequel showed, however, that Guglielma was not appeased. She
-might have given assent with her lips to what the burgesses had said.
-But she worked upon their feelings of devotion to her family, which had
-ruled so long over them; they rose against the foreign Marquess at their
-Lady’s instigation; and Nicolò was forced to flee across to Negroponte,
-leaving his little son Francesco and all his property behind him. Thence
-he proceeded to Venice, and laid his case before the Senate. That body
-warmly espoused his cause, and ordered the Marchioness to receive him
-back to his former honourable position, or to deliver up his property. In
-the event of her refusal, the bailie of Negroponte was instructed to break
-off all communications between Boudonitza and that island and to
-sequestrate her daughter’s money still lying in the Eubœan bank. In
-order to isolate her still further, letters were to be sent to the Catalans
-of Athens, requesting them not to interfere between husband and wife.
-As the Marchioness remained obdurate, Venice made a last effort for an
-amicable settlement, begging the Catalan leaders, Queen Joanna I of
-Naples, as the head of the house of Anjou, to which the principality of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span>
-Achaia belonged, and the Dauphin Humbert II of Vienne, then
-commanding the papal fleet against the Turks, to use their influence on
-behalf of her citizen. When this failed, the bailie carried out his instructions,
-confiscated the funds deposited in the bank, and paid Nicolò
-out of them the value of his property. Neither the loss of her daughter’s
-money nor the spiritual weapons of Pope Clement VI could move the
-obstinate Lady of Boudonitza, and in her local bishop, Nitardus of
-Thermopylæ, she could easily find an adviser who dissuaded her from
-forgiveness<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>. So Nicolò never returned to Boudonitza; he served the
-Republic as envoy to the Serbian Tsar, Dushan, and as one of the Doge’s
-Councillors, and died at Venice in 1354. After his death, the Marchioness
-at once admitted their only son, Francesco, the “Marchesotto,” as he
-was called, now a youth of seventeen, to rule with her, and, as the
-Catalans were once more threatening her land, made overtures to the
-Republic. The latter, glad to know that a Venetian citizen was once
-more ruling as Marquess at Boudonitza, included him and his mother in
-its treaties with Athens, and when Guglielma died, in 1358, after a long
-and varied career, her son received back the confiscated property of his
-late half-sister<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The peaceful reign of Francesco was a great contrast to the stormy
-career of his mother. His Catalan neighbours, divided by the jealousies
-of rival chiefs, had no longer the energy for fresh conquests. The establishment
-of a Serbian kingdom in Thessaly only affected the Marquess
-in so far as it enabled him to bestow his daughter’s hand upon a Serbian
-princelet<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>. The Turkish peril, which was destined to swallow up the
-Marquisate in the next generation, was, however, already threatening
-Catalans, Serbs, and Italians alike, and accordingly Francesco Giorgio
-was one of the magnates of Greece whom Pope Gregory XI invited to
-the Congress on the Eastern question, which was summoned to meet at
-Thebes<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> on October 1, 1373. But when the Athenian duchy, of which he
-was a tributary, was distracted by a disputed succession between Maria,
-Queen of Sicily, and Pedro IV of Aragon, the Venetian Marquess, chafing
-at his vassalage and thinking that the moment was favourable for
-severing his connexion with the Catalans, declared for the Queen. He
-was, in fact, the most important member of the minority which was in
-her favour, for we are told that “he had a very fine estate,” and we know<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span>
-that he had enriched himself by mercantile ventures. Accordingly he
-assisted the Navarrese Company in its attack upon the duchy, so that
-Pedro IV wrote in 1381 to the Venetian bailie of Negroponte, begging
-him to prevent his fellow-countryman at Boudonitza from helping the
-King’s enemies. As the Marquess had property in the island, he had
-given hostages to fortune. The victory of the Aragonese party closed the
-incident, and the generous policy of the victors was doubtless extended
-to him. But in 1388 the final overthrow of the Catalan rule by Nerio
-Acciajuoli made the Marquisate independent of the Duchy of Athens<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a>.
-In feudal lists—such as that of 1391—the Marquess continued to figure
-as one of the temporal peers of Achaia<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a>, but his real position was that of
-a “citizen and friend” of Venice, to whom he now looked for help in
-trouble.</p>
-
-<p>Francesco may have lived to see this realisation of his hopes, for he
-seems to have died about 1388, leaving the Marquisate to his elder son,
-Giacomo, under the regency of his widow Euphrosyne, a daughter of the
-famous insular family of Sommaripa, which still survives in the Cyclades<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>.
-But the young Marquess soon found that he had only exchanged his
-tribute to the Catalan Vicar-General for a tribute to the Sultan. We are
-not told the exact moment at which Bayezid I imposed this payment,
-but there can be little doubt that Boudonitza first became tributary to
-the Turks in the campaign of 1393-4, when “the Thunderbolt” fell
-upon Northern Greece, when the Marquess’s Serbian brother-in-law was
-driven from Pharsala and Domoko, when Lamia and Neopatras were
-surrendered, when the county of Salona, founded at the same time as
-Boudonitza, ceased to exist. On the way to Salona, the Sultan’s army
-must have passed within four hours of Boudonitza, and we surmise that
-it was spared, either because the season was so late—Salona fell in
-February, 1394—or because the castle was so strong, or because its lord
-was a Venetian. This respite was prolonged by the fall of Bayezid at
-Angora and the fratricidal struggle between his sons, while the Marquess
-was careful to have himself included in the treaties of 1403, 1408, and
-1409 between the Sultan Suleyman and Venice; a special clause in the
-first of these instruments released him from all obligations except that
-which he had incurred towards the Sultan’s father Bayezid<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a>. Still, even
-in Suleyman’s time, such was his sense of insecurity, that he obtained
-leave from Venice to send his peasants and cattle over to the strong
-castle of Karystos in Eubœa, of which his brother Nicolò had become<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span>
-the lessee<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a>. He figured, too, in the treaty of 1405, which the Republic
-concluded with Antonio I Acciajuoli, the new ruler of Athens, and might
-thus consider himself as safe from attack on the south<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>. Indeed, he was
-anxious to enlarge his responsibilities, for he was one of those who bid
-for the two Venetian islands of Tenos and Mykonos, when they were put
-up to auction in the following year. In this offer, however, he failed<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The death of Suleyman and the accession of his brother Musa in 1410
-sealed the fate of the Marquess. Early in the spring a very large Turkish
-army appeared before the old castle. Boudonitza was strong, and its
-Marquess a resolute man, so that for a long time the siege was in vain.
-“Giacomo,” says the Venetian document composed by his son, “preferred,
-like the high-minded and true Christian that he was, to die rather than
-surrender the place.” But there was treachery within the castle walls;
-betrayed by one of his servants, the Marquess fell, like another Leonidas,
-bravely defending the mediæval Thermopylæ against the new Persian
-invasion. Even then, his sons, “following in their father’s footsteps,”
-held the castle some time longer in the hope that Venice would remember
-her distant children in their distress. The Senate did, indeed, order the
-Captain of the Gulf to make inquiries whether Boudonitza still resisted
-and in that case to send succour to its gallant defenders—the cautious
-Government added—“with as little expense as possible.” But before
-the watchmen on the keep could descry the Captain sailing up the
-Atalante channel, all was over; both food and ammunition had given out
-and the Zorzi were constrained to surrender, on condition that their lives
-and property were spared. The Turks broke their promises, deprived their
-prisoners of their goods, expelled them from the home of their ancestors,
-and dragged young Nicolò to the Sultan’s Court at Adrianople<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Considerable confusion prevails in this last act of the history of
-Boudonitza, owing to the fact that the two leading personages, the
-brother and eldest son of the late Marquess, bore the same name of
-Nicolò. Hopf has accordingly adopted two different versions in his
-three accounts of these events. On a review of the documentary evidence,
-it would seem that the brother, the Baron of Karystos, was not at
-Boudonitza during the siege, and that, on the capture of his nephew, he
-proclaimed himself Marquess. Venice recognised his title, and instructed
-her envoy to Musa to include him in her treaty with the Sultan and to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span>
-procure at the same time the release of the late Marquess’s son. Accordingly,
-in the peace of 1411, Musa promised, for love of Venice and seeing
-that he passed as a Venetian, to harass him no more, on condition that
-he paid the tribute established. Not only so, but the Marquess’s ships
-and merchandise were allowed to enter the Turkish dominions on payment
-of a fixed duty<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>. Thus temporarily restored, the Marquisate
-remained in the possession of the uncle, from whom the nephew, even
-after his release, either could not, or cared not to claim it. He withdrew
-to Venice, and, many years later, received as the reward of his father’s
-heroic defence of Boudonitza, the post of <i>châtelain</i> of Pteleon, near the
-mouth of the Gulf of Volo, the last Venetian outpost on the mainland of
-North-Eastern Greece—a position which he held for eight years<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, his uncle, the Marquess, had lost all but his barren title.
-Though the Turks had evacuated Boudonitza, and the castle had been
-repaired, he felt so insecure that he sent his bishop as an emissary to
-Venice, begging for aid in the event of a fresh Turkish invasion and for
-permission to transport back to Boudonitza the serfs whom he had sent
-across to Karystos a few years before<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a>. His fears proved to be well
-founded. In vain the Republic gave orders that he should be included
-in her treaty with the new Sultan, Mohammed I. On June 20, 1414, a
-large Turkish army attacked and took the castle, and with it many
-prisoners, the Marquess, so it would seem, among them—for in the
-following year we find his wife, an adopted daughter of the Duke of
-Athens, appealing to Venice to obtain his release from his Turkish
-dungeon<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>. He recovered his freedom, but not his Marquisate. In the
-treaty of 1416, Boudonitza was, indeed, actually assigned to him in
-return for the usual tribute; but nine years later we find Venice still
-vainly endeavouring to obtain its restitution<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>. He continued, however,
-to hold the title of Marquess of Boudonitza with the castle of Karystos,
-which descended to his son, the “Marchesotto,” and his son’s son<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a>, till
-the Turkish conquest of Eubœa in 1470 put an end to Venetian rule over
-that great island. Thence the last titular Marquess of Boudonitza, after
-governing Lepanto, retired to Venice, whence the Zorzi came and where
-they are still largely represented.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span></p>
-
-<p>Of the castle, where for two hundred years Pallavicini and Zorzi held
-sway, much has survived the two Turkish sieges and the silent ravages
-of five centuries. Originally there must have been a triple enclosure, for
-several square towers of the third and lowest wall are still standing in
-the village and outside it. Of the second enceinte the most noticeable
-fragment is a large tower in ruins, while the innermost wall is strengthened
-by three more. In the centre of this last enclosure are the imposing
-remains of the large square donjon (Plate VII, Fig. 1), and adjoining this
-is the most interesting feature of the castle—the great Hellenic gateway
-(Plate VII, Fig. 2), which connects one portion of this enclosure with the
-other, and which Buchon has described so inaccurately<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>. It is <i>not</i> “composed
-of six stones,” but of three huge blocks, nor do “the two upper
-stones meet at an acute angle”; a single horizontal block forms the top.
-Buchon omits to mention the Byzantine decoration in brick above this
-gateway. Of the brick conduit which he mentions I could find no trace,
-but the two cisterns remain. The large building near them is presumably
-the Frankish church of which he speaks; but the window which he found
-there no longer exists. Possibly, when the new church in the village was
-erected, the builders took materials from the chapel in the castle for its
-construction. At any rate, that very modern and commonplace edifice
-contains several fragments of ancient work. Thus, the stone threshold of
-the west door bears three large roses, while on the doorway itself are two
-stars; and the north door is profusely decorated with a rose, two curious
-creatures like griffins, two circles containing triangles, and a leaf; above
-this door is a cross, each arm of which forms a smaller cross. As usually
-happens in the Frankish castles of Greece—with the exception of Geraki—there
-are no coats of arms at Boudonitza, unless this composite cross
-is an allusion to the “three crosses,” said to have been originally borne
-by one branch of the Pallavicini. The “mediæval seal” in the possession
-of a local family dates from the reign of Otho! But there exists a genuine
-seal of the monastery of the Holy Virgin of Boudonitza, ascribed by
-M. Schlumberger<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> to the end of the fourteenth or beginning of the
-fifteenth century. The Marquesses have left behind them neither their
-portraits—like the Palatine Counts of Cephalonia of the second dynasty—nor
-any coins—like the French barons of Salona, to whom they bear
-the nearest resemblance. One of their line, however, the Marquess
-Alberto, figures in K. Rhanghaves’s play, <i>The Duchess of Athens</i>, and
-their castle and their ofttimes stormy lives fill not the least picturesque
-page of that romance which French and Italian adventurers wrote with
-their swords in the classic sites of Hellas.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span></p>
-
-<h4 id="Appendix2">APPENDIX</h4>
-
-<h5>I<br />
-1335 DIE XVI JANUARIJ.</h5>
-
-<p>Capta. Quod vir nobilis Ser Nicolaus Georgio, cum sua familia et
-levibus arnesiis possit ire cum galeis nostris unionis. Et committatur
-Capitaneo, quod eum conducat Nigropontum, et si poterit eum facere deponi
-ad Bondenizam, sine sinistro armate faciat inde sicut ei videbitur.—Omnes
-de parte.</p>
-
-<p class="right">Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> f. 97tᵒ.</p>
-
-<h5>II<br />
-1345 DIE 21 JULIJ.</h5>
-
-<p>Capta. Cum dominacio ducalis ex debito teneatur suos cives in eorum
-iuribus et honoribus cum justicia conservare et dominus Nicolaus Georgio,
-Marchio Bondanicie, sit iniuriatus ut scitis, et Marchionatu suo per eius
-uxorem indebite molestatus, et dignum sit, subvenire eidem in eo quod cum
-honore dominacionis comode fieri potest, ideo visa et examinata petitione
-ipsius marchionis, et matura et diligenti deliberatione prehabita, consulunt
-concorditer viri nobiles, domini, Benedictus de Molino et Pangracius
-Justiniano; quod committatur consiliario ituro Nigropontum, quod postquam
-illuc applicuerit vadat ad dominam Marchisanam, uxorem dicti domini
-Nicolay pro ambaxatore, exponendo eidem, quomodo iam diu ipsam ad
-dominacionem misit suos procuratores et ambaxatores petens sibi per
-dominacionem de uno nobilium suorum pro marito provideri, et volens
-dominacio suis beneplacitis complacere, consensit quod ipse dominus Nicolaus
-carus civis suus ad eam iret, quem ipsa domina receptando, ostendit id
-habere multum ad bonum. Et quoniam ob hoc semper Ducale Dominium
-promtum et favorabilem se exhibuit ad omnia que suam et suorum securitatem
-respicerent et augumentum, treuguas quamplurimas confirmando et
-opportuna alia faciendo. Sed cum nuperrime per relacionem ipsius domini
-Nicolay viri sui ad ducalis magnificentie audienciam sit deductus de morte
-cuiusdam Pallavesini inopinatus casus occursus qui mortuus fuit in culpa
-sua, sicut postmodum extitit manifestum, quia dum ipse Marchio coram
-omnibus burgensibus congregatis, de velle et consensu dicte domine exponeret
-rei geste seriem, ab ipsis habuit in responsum quod ipse Palavesin
-dignam penam luerat propter foliam suam, et melius erat, quod ipse, qui
-vaxallus erat mortuus fuisset quam dicto suo domino iniuriam aliquam
-intulisset, quod ecciam ipsa domina in presencia dictorum burgensium
-ratificavit. Unde consideratis predictis vellit amore dominij, ipsum
-dominum Nicolaum honori pristino restituere, quod si fecerit, quamquam
-sit iustum et honestum nobis plurimum complacebit, et erimus suis comodis
-stricius obligati. Verum si dicta domina dubitaret de recipiendo ipsum dicat
-et exponat ambaxator prefatus, quod firmiter dominacio hanc rem super se
-assumpsit et taliter imposuit civi suo quod minime poterit dubitare. Que
-omnia si dicta domina acetabit bene quidem, si vero non contentaretur et
-ipsum recipere non vellet, procuret habere et obtinere omnia bona dicti
-Marchionis que secum scripta portet antedictus ambaxator et si ipsa ea bona
-dare neglexerit, dicat quod bona sua et suorum ubicumque intromitti
-faciemus, et protestetur cum notario, quem secum teneatur ducere, quod<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span>
-tantam iniuriam, quam dominacio suam propriam reputat, non poterit
-sustinere, sed providebit de remediis opportunis sicuti honori suo et
-indenitati sui civis viderit convenire, firmiter tenens quod sicut semper
-dominacio ad sui conservacionem et suorum exhibuit se promtam favorabilem
-et benignam, sic in omnibus reperiet ipsam mutatam, agravando
-factum cum hijs et alijs verbis, ut viderit convenire. Et rediens Nigropontum
-omnia, que gexerit, fecerit et habuerit, studeat velociter dominacioni per
-suas literas denotare. Verum si dictus consiliarius iturus tardaret ire ad
-regimen suum, quod baiullus et consiliarij Nigropontis determinent quis
-consiliariorum de inde ad complendum predicta ire debebit.</p>
-
-<p>Et scribatur baiullo et consiliarijs Nigropontis, quod si habebunt post
-redditum dicti ambaxatoris, quod ipsa domina stet dura nec vellit ipsum
-dominum Nicolaum recipere, quod possint si eis videbitur facere et ordinare
-quod homines Bondanicie non veniant Nigropontum et quod homines
-Nigropontis non vadant Bondaniciam.</p>
-
-<p>Item prefati baiullus et consiliarij sequestracionem factam de aliqua
-pecunie quantitate que pecunia est damiselle Marulle filie dicte domine
-firmam tenere debeant, donec predicta fuerint reformata, pacificata vel
-diffinita, vel donec aliud sibi mandaretur de hinc.</p>
-
-<p>Et scribantur litere illis de la compagna, quas dominus bayullus et
-consiliarij presentent vel presentari fatiant, cum eis videbitur, rogando
-dictos de compagna, quod cum alique discordie venerint inter virum nobilem
-dominum Nicolam Georgio et eius uxorem Marchisanam se in aliquo facto
-dicte domine intromittere non vellint quod posset civi nostro contrariare ad
-veniendum ad suam intentionem.</p>
-
-<p>De non 14—Non sinceri 13.—Alij de parte.</p>
-
-<p class="right">Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> f. 26.</p>
-
-<h5>III<br />
-1345 DIE V AUGUSTI.</h5>
-
-<p>Capta. Quod respondeatur domine Marchisane Bondinicie ad suas
-litteras substinendo ius civis nostri Nicolai Georgio, cum illis verbis que
-videbuntur sequendo id quod captum fuit pridie in hoc consilio in favorem
-civis nostri.</p>
-
-<p class="right">Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> f. 30tᵒ.</p>
-
-<h5>IV<br />
-1346 DIE XXIV JANUARIJ.</h5>
-
-<p>Capta. Quod scribatur nostro Baiulo et Consiliariis Nigropontis quod
-Ser Moretus Gradonico consiliarius, vel alius sicut videbitur Baiulo et Consiliariis,
-in nostrum ambaxatorem ire debeat ad dominam Marchionissam
-Bondenicie, et sibi exponat pro parte nostra quod attenta honesta et
-rationabili requisitione nostra quam sibi fieri fecimus per virum Nobilem
-Johannem Justiniano nostrum consiliarium Nigroponti, quem ad eam
-propterea in nostrum ambaxatorem transmisimus super reformatione
-scandali orti inter ipsam et virum nobilem Nicolaum Georgio eius virum in
-reconciliatione ipsius cum dicto viro suo: Et intellecta responsione quam
-super premissis fecit nostro ambaxatori predicto gravamur et turbamur
-sicut merito possumus et debemus, de modo quem ipsam servavit et servat
-erga dictum virum suum. Nam sibi plene poterat et debebat sufficere<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span>
-remissio et reconciliatio cum [eo?] facta coram nobis per dictum eius virum,
-secundum nostrum mandatum, et nuncio suo in nostra presencia constituto
-de omni offensa et iniuria sibi facta, et debebat esse certa quod quicquid idem
-Marchio in nostra presencia et ex nostro mandato promittebat effectualiter
-observasse. Et quod volentes quod bona dispositio dicti viri sui et paciencia
-nostra de tanta iniuria facta civi nostro sibi plenius innotescat deliberavimus
-iterate ad eam mittere ipsum in nostrum ambaxatorem ad requirendum et
-rogandum ipsam quod debeat reconciliare cum dicto viro suo et eum
-recipere ad honorem et statum in quo erat antequam inde recederet, nam
-quamvis hoc sit sibi debitum et conveniat pro honore et bono suo, tamen erit
-gratissimum menti nostre et ad conservacionem ipsius marchionisse et
-suorum avidius nos disponet et circa hoc alia dicat que pro bono facto
-viderit opportuna.</p>
-
-<p>Si vero dicta marchionissa id facere recusaret nec vellet condescendere
-nostre intentioni et requisitioni predicte, dictus Ser Moretus assignet terminum
-dicte Marchionisse unius mensis infra quem debeat complevisse cum
-effectu nostram requisitionem premissam. Et sibi expresse dicat, quod
-elapso dicto termino nulla alia requisitione sibi facta, cum non intendamus
-dicto civi nostro in tanto suo iure deficere, faciemus intromitti personas et
-bona suorum et sua ubicumque in forcio nostro poterunt reperire. Et ultra
-hoc providebimus in dicto facto de omnibus favoribus et remediis, que pro
-bono et conservacione dicti civis nostri videbimus opportuna. Et si propter
-premissa dicta Marchionissa ipsum recipere et reintegrare voluerit bene
-quidem sin autem scribatur dicto baiulo et consiliariis quod elapso termino
-dicti mensis et ipsa marchionissa premissa facere recusante mittant ad nos
-per cambium sine aliquo periculo yperpera octomillia quinquaginta vel circa
-que sunt apud Thomam Lippomanum et Nicolaum de Gandulfo, qua
-pecunia Venecias veniente disponetur et providebiter de ipsa sicut dominationi
-videbitur esse iustum.</p>
-
-<p>Capta. Item quod scribatur domino Delphino Vihennensi et illis de
-Compagna in favorem dicti civis nostri et recommendando ei iura et
-iusticiam ipsius in illa forma et cum illis verbis que dominacioni pro bono
-facti utilia et necessaria videbuntur.</p>
-
-<p>Non sinceri 15—Non 12.—De parte 57.</p>
-
-<p class="right">Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> f. 46tᵒ.</p>
-
-<h5>V<br />
-1348 DIE XI FEBRUARIJ PRIME INDICTIONIS.</h5>
-
-<p>Capta. Quod possint scribi littere domino Pape et aliquibus Cardinalibus
-in recommendacione iuris domini Nicolai Georgio marchionis Bondinicie
-nostri civis in forma inferius anotata.</p>
-
-<p class="center">Domino Pape.</p>
-
-<p>Sanctissime pater pro civibus meis contra Deum et iusticiam aggravatis,
-Sanctitati Vestre supplicationes meas porrigo cum reverentia speciali: Unde
-cum nobilis vir Nicolaus Georgio Marchio Bondinicie honorabilis civis meus,
-iam duodecim annis matrimonii iura contraserit cum domina Marchionissa
-Bondinicie predicte et cum ea affectione maritali permanserit habens ex ea
-filium legiptimum, qui est annorum undecim, ipsa domina Marchionissa in
-preiudicium anime sue, Dei timore postposito ipsum virum suum recusat
-recipere et castrum Bondinicie et alia bona spectantia eidem suo viro tenet<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span>
-iniuste et indebite occupata in grave damnum civis mei predicti et Dei
-iniuriam manifestam precipientis, ut quos Deus coniunxit homo non
-separet: Unde Sanctitati Vestre humiliter supplico quatenus Clementie
-Vestre placeat dictum civem meum habere in suo iure favorabiliter commendatum,
-ut dicta domina eum tanquam virum legiptimum recipiat et
-affectione maritali pertractet sicut iura Dei precipiunt, atque volunt, et
-salus animarum etiam id exposcit. Cum ipse civis meus sit paratus ex sua
-parte ipsam dominam pro uxore legiptima tractare pacifice et habere.</p>
-
-<p class="right">Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> f. 63.</p>
-
-<p><i>Note.</i>—The “Misti” are cited throughout from the originals at Venice;
-I have corrected the dates to the modern style.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading16">11. ITHAKE UNDER THE FRANKS</h3>
-
-<p>In works descriptive of Greece it is customary to find the statement
-that the island of Odysseus was “completely forgotten in the middle
-ages,” and even so learned a mediæval scholar as the late Antonios
-Meliarakes, whose loss is a severe blow to Greek historical geography,
-asserts this proposition in his admirable political and geographical work
-on the prefecture of Cephalonia<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a>. But there are a considerable number
-of allusions to Ithake during the Frankish period, and it is possible, at
-least in outline, to make out the fortunes of the famous island under its
-western lords.</p>
-
-<p>The usual name for Ithake in Italian documents is Val di Compare,
-the earliest use of which, so far as I can ascertain, occurs in the Genoese
-historian Caffaro’s <i>Liberatio Orientis</i>, written in the first half of the
-twelfth century<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>. According to K. Bergotes of Cephalonia this name was
-given to the island by an Italian captain, who was driven to anchor there
-one stormy night. Seeing a light shining through the darkness, he landed,
-and found that it proceeded from a hut in which a child had lately been
-born. At the request of the parents he accepted the office of godfather,
-or κουμπάρος at the child’s christening, and named the valley where the
-hut lay Val di Compare, to commemorate the event. Whether this
-derivation be correct or not, the name stuck to the island for several
-centuries, though we shall also find the classical Ithake still surviving
-contemporaneously with it. The neighbouring islands of Zante and
-Cephalonia were severed from the Byzantine empire in 1185, at the time
-of the invasion of Greece by the Normans of Sicily, and were occupied
-by their admiral, Margaritone of Brindisi. Ithake is not specially
-mentioned as included among his conquests, but its connection with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span>
-other two islands under the rule of his immediate successors makes it
-very probable. Six years later, in the graphic account of Greece as it was
-in 1191, ascribed to Benedict of Peterborough, Fale (Valle) de Compar
-is said to have had a specially evil reputation for piracy, and the channel
-between it and Cephalonia is described as a favourite lair of those
-robbers<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a>. After Margaritone’s death he was succeeded by a Count Maio,
-or Matthew, a member of the great Roman family of Orsini, who seems
-to have been born in Apulia—according to one account he came from
-Monopoli—and who at the time of the fourth crusade was lord of
-Cephalonia, Zante, and <i>Theachi, el qual se clamado agora Val de Compare</i><a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a>,
-under the suzerainty of the king of Sicily. Although the two larger of
-those islands had fallen to the share of Venice by the partition treaty he
-and his descendants continued in possession of them and of Ithake,
-though he thought it wise, in 1209, to acknowledge the overlordship of
-the Republic. A Venetian document of 1320, alluding to this transaction,
-specially mentions Val di Compare as one of the islands, for which he
-then did homage<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>. In 1236 the count recognised as his suzerain Prince
-Geoffroy II of Achaia, and he and his successors were henceforth
-reckoned among the twelve peers of that principality, in whose history
-they played an important part<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The next mention of Ithake occurs in a Greek document of 1264,
-in which Count Matthew’s son and successor, “the most high and
-mighty Richard, palatine count and lord of Cephalonia, Zakynthos, and
-Ithake,” confirms the possessions of the Latin bishopric of Cephalonia<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a>.
-Here Ithake is called by its classical name, which was not confined
-to Greeks, for we find it used in a Venetian document of 1278,
-where the island is again mentioned as the scene of piracies<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>. Later on,
-in 1294, a document in the Angevin archives at Naples mentions the
-promise of Count Richard to bestow “the castle of Koronos”—a name
-still given to part of the island of Cephalonia—“or the island of Ithake”
-(<i>sive vellent castrum Corony de dominio suo, sive vellent insulam Ythace</i>)
-upon his son John I, on the occasion of the latter’s marriage with the
-daughter of Nikephoros I, despot of Epeiros<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>. Richard, in spite of the
-repeated remonstrances of Charles II of Naples, who, in virtue of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span>
-treaty of Viterbo, was suzerain of Achaia, and accordingly of Cephalonia,
-failed to carry out this promise. We next hear of Val di Compare in the
-above-mentioned Venetian document of 1320, in which Count John I’s
-son, Nicholas, who had two years earlier murdered his nephew, the last
-Despot of Epeiros of the house of the Angeloi, and had made himself
-Despot, is reminded that his ancestor Matthew had done homage, as he
-was now offering to do, for the three islands of Cephalonia, Zante, and
-Val di Compare to the Venetian republic.</p>
-
-<p>Although not mentioned by name Ithake doubtless followed the
-fortunes of Cephalonia and Zante when those islands were conquered
-from the Orsini by John of Gravina, prince of Achaia, in 1324. The
-“county of Cephalonia,” of which the island of Odysseus had long
-formed a part, was thus under the direct authority of the Angevins,
-and was transferred by John of Gravina, together with the principality
-of Achaia, to Robert of Taranto in 1333, after which date the same
-Angevin officials held office in both Achaia and the insular county till
-Robert bestowed the latter in 1357 upon his friend Leonardo Tocco,
-a Neapolitan courtier, whose family came from Benevento. In an
-ecclesiastical document<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> of 1389 the Greek bishop of Methone, writing
-about the archbishopric of Levkas, mentions “the duchess Franka
-(Francesca), lady of Levkas, Ithake, Zante and Cephalonia,” the allusion
-being to the daughter of Nerio I Acciajuoli of Athens, who had in the
-previous year married Carlo I Tocco, count of Cephalonia and duke of
-Levkadia. A little earlier, in a Piedmontese document<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> of 1387, we find
-Amedeo of Savoy, one of the claimants to the principality of Achaia,
-rewarding the zeal of one of his Greek supporters, Joannes Laskaris
-Kalopheros, with Cephalonia, Zante, Val di Compare, and other places
-as hereditary possessions—a gift which was, of course, never carried out,
-as the islands were not Amedeo’s to bestow. Spandugino<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> specially
-mentions “Itaca,” or “Val di Compare,” as being part of the insular
-dominions of the Tocchi, and Carlo II Tocco is described in documents
-of 1430 and 1433, and by the annalist Stefano Magno, as <i>comes palatinus
-Cephaloniæ, Ithacæ, et Jacinti</i>—a designation repeated in a document of
-1458 after his death<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a>. We find an allusion to it under both its classical
-and its mediæval name in the <i>Liber Insularum</i> of Buondelmonti<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>,
-written in 1422, and the latter also occurs in a Venetian document of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span>
-1430, where Val di Compare<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> is stated to belong to Carlo II. Six years
-later the archæologist Cyriacus of Ancona, visiting the “king of the
-Epeirotes,” as he calls that prince, mentions <i>Itaci</i> (sic) <i>insulæ</i> as opposite
-the mainland<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>. After Leonardo III lost practically all his continental
-possessions to the Turks in 1449 he still retained the islands, Ithake
-among them, under the protection of Venice, of which both he and his
-father were honorary citizens, and under the nominal suzerainty of the
-kings of Naples. From a document of 1558 we learn that it was in his
-time that the family of Galates—the only Ithakan family which enjoyed
-the privileges of nobility in the Venetian period, and which is still extant
-in the island—first received exemptions<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>. It was he too who revived
-the Orthodox see of Cephalonia and bestowed it, together with spiritual
-jurisdiction over Ithake, upon Gerasimos Loverdo<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>When Mohammed II sent Achmet Pasha to conquer all that remained
-of Leonardo’s dominions in 1479 we are told by Stefano Magno<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> that the
-Turkish commander “ravaged also the island of Itacha (<i>sic</i>), called Valle
-di Compare, which belonged to the said lord,” whom he also styles
-“palatine count of Cephalonia, Itaca (<i>sic</i>) and Zakynthos.” Loredano,
-the Venetian admiral, thereupon sent some galleys to Ithake and rescued
-seven or eight persons—an act of which the pasha complained. This
-devastation of the island will account for the fact that, in 1504, the
-Venetian government, which then owned Cephalonia and Zante, took
-steps for repopulating “an island named Val di Compare, situated
-opposite Cephalonia, at present uninhabited, but reported to have been
-formerly fertile and fruitful.” Accordingly lands were offered to settlers,
-free from all taxes for five years, at the end of which time the colonists
-were to pay to the Treasury of Cephalonia the same dues as the inhabitants
-of that island<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>. Thenceforth down to 1797 Ithake remained
-beneath the sway of the Venetian republic. The offer of the senate seems
-to have been successful; among those who accepted it were the family
-of Boua Grivas, of Albanian origin, connected with the clan of Boua,
-which had formerly ruled over Arta and Lepanto and had played a part
-in the Albanian revolts of 1454 and 1463 in the Morea, that of Petalas,
-and that of Karavias, which in modern times produced a local historian
-of Ithake<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>. In 1548 Antonio Calbo, the retiring <i>provveditore</i> of Cephalonia,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span>
-reported to the Venetian government, that “under the jurisdiction of
-Cephalonia there is another island, named Thiachi, very mountainous
-and barren, in which there are different harbours and especially a
-harbour called Vathi; in the island of Thiachi are three hamlets, in three
-places, inhabited by about sixty families, who are in great fear of
-corsairs, because they have no fortress in which to take refuge<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>.” The
-three hamlets mentioned in this report are doubtless those of Paleochora,
-Anoe, and Exoe, which are regarded as the oldest in the
-island.</p>
-
-<p>The former counts of Ithake were till lately the only Latin rulers
-of Greece who still existed in prosperous circumstances. But in the
-seventeenth century they took the title of “prince of Achaia”—to
-which they were not entitled, although the counts of Cephalonia had
-once been peers of Achaia and Leonardo II and Carlo I had for a short
-time occupied Glarentza. The modern representative of the family was
-Carlo, Duke of Regina<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>, who succeeded his cousin Francesco Tocco in
-1894. But he is now dead and his only son was killed in a motor
-accident.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading17">12. THE LAST VENETIAN ISLANDS IN THE ÆGEAN</h3>
-
-<p>It has hitherto been asserted by historians of the Latin Orient
-that, after the capture of the Cyclades by the Turks in the sixteenth
-century, the two Venetian islands of Tenos and Mykonos remained in
-the possession of the Republic down to 1715. As to Tenos, this statement
-is unimpeachable; as to Mykonos, despite the assertions of Hopf<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> and
-Hertzberg<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a>, who quote no authorities for the fact, all the evidence goes
-to show that it ceased to belong to Venice in the sixteenth century.</p>
-
-<p>The two islands, the only members of the Cyclades group under the
-direct rule of the Venetian government, were bequeathed to the Republic
-by George III Ghisi, their ancestral lord, upon whose death in 1390 they
-passed into its hands. The islanders implored Venice not to dispose of
-them; and, though there were not failing applicants for them among the
-Venetian princelets of the Levant, she listened to the petition of the
-inhabitants. At first an official from Negroponte was sent as an annual
-governor; then, in 1407, Venetian nobles who would accept the governorship
-of Tenos and Mykonos, with which <i>Le Sdiles</i>, or Delos, was joined,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span>
-for a term of four years, paying a certain sum out of the revenues to
-Venice and keeping the balance for themselves, were invited to send in
-their names. One of them was appointed, still under the authority of
-the bailie of Negroponte<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a>; and this system continued down to 1430,
-when a rector was sent out from Venice for two years, and the two
-islands were thenceforth governed directly by an official of the Republic.</p>
-
-<p>Mykonos remained united with Tenos under the flag of St Mark till
-the first great raid of the Turkish fleet in the Cyclades under Khaireddîn
-Barbarossa in 1537. Neither Andrea Morosini nor Paruta, nor yet Hajji
-Kalifeh, mentions its fate in their accounts of that fatal cruise; but
-Andrea Cornaro in his <i>Historia di Candia</i><a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> relates that, after taking the
-two islands of Thermia and Zia, Barbarossa went to Mykonos, many of
-whose inhabitants escaped to Tenos, while the others became his
-captives. After the Turkish admiral’s departure the fugitives returned;
-but in the same year one of Barbarossa’s lieutenants, a corsair named
-Granvali, with eighteen ships, paid a second visit to Mykonos and carried
-off many of them. Accordingly the shameful treaty<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> between Venice
-and the Sultan, concluded in 1540, in both versions mentions Mykonos
-among the islands ceded to the Sultan, while Tenos was expressly
-retained. How, in the face of this, Hopf can have asserted that Mykonos
-still remained Venetian it is difficult to understand. Nor is this all. In
-a document of 1545 the Republic orders her ambassador at Constantinople
-to obtain the restoration of the island<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a>; in 1548 a certain Zuan Zorzo
-Muazzo, of Tenos, begs, and receives, from the Venetian government
-another fief in compensation for that which he had lost in Mykonos<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>. A
-petition from the inhabitants of Tenos to Venice in 1550 mentions the
-lack of ships “at the present time when Mykonos has been lost<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a>.” We
-have, too, the statement of Sauger<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>, who becomes more trustworthy as
-he approaches his own time, that Duke Giovanni IV Crispo, of Naxos,
-bestowed the island of Mykonos (apparently in 1541) upon his daughter
-on her marriage with Giovanfrancesco Sommaripa, lord of Andros. There
-is nothing improbable in this. The Turks acquiesced at the same time
-in the action of the duke in turning the Premarini family out of their
-part of Zia, and bestowing that also upon his son-in-law; they may have
-had no objection to his dealing in the same manner with the devastated<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span>
-island of Mykonos. At any rate the latter was no longer Venetian. The
-long and elaborate reports<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> of the Venetian commissioners, who visited
-Tenos in 1563 and 1584, make no mention whatever of Mykonos, except
-that in the latter document we hear of a Grimani as Catholic bishop of
-Tenos and of the sister island; nor does Foscarini allude to it in his report
-on Cerigo and Tenos in 1577. More conclusive still, while the style of the
-Venetian governor is “rector of Tenos and Mykonos” down to 1593,
-from that date onwards the governor is officially described as “rector of
-Tenos” alone<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>. Hopf<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> is, therefore, wrong in giving us a long list of
-<i>rettori di Tinos e Myconos</i> from 1407 to 1717. It seems probable that
-the latter island ceased to belong to Venice in 1537, but that the rector
-of Tenos continued to bear the name of Mykonos also, as a mere form,
-for rather more than half a century longer. Possibly it may have
-belonged to the Sommaripa of Andros from 1541 to 1566, when that
-dynasty was dethroned.</p>
-
-<p>These conclusions are confirmed by the travellers and geographers
-who wrote about the Levant between that date and the loss of Tenos.
-Porcacchi<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>, in 1572, mentions Mykonos, without saying to whom it
-belonged. One of the Argyroi, barons of Santorin, who, in 1581, gave
-Crusius the information about the Cyclades which he embodied in his
-<i>Turco-Græcia</i><a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a>, had nothing to say about Mykonos, except that it
-contained one castle and some hamlets, while he specially mentioned
-that Tenos and Cerigo were “under Venice.” Botero<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>, in 1605, giving
-a full list of the Venetian possessions in the Levant, includes the Ionian
-Islands and Tenos alone. Neither the French ambassador, Louis des
-Hayes<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a>, who visited Greece in 1630, nor the sieur du Loir<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a>, who sailed
-with him, is more explicit, though both describe Crete, Cerigo, and
-Tenos as the sole Venetian islands in the Ægean. Thévenot<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>, in 1656,
-and Boschini<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a>, ten years later, tell us that Mykonos was “almost
-depopulated” because of corsairs, but are likewise silent as to its
-ownership. Baudrand, in his <i>Geographia</i><a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a>, remarked, however, that it
-had been <i>sub dominio Turcarum à sæculo et ultra, cum antea Venetis
-pareret</i>, an account which appears to me to coincide with the real facts.
-But both Spon<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> and Wheler<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> censured the geographer for his statement
-that it had been Venetian, so completely had the Venetian tradition<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span>
-faded at the time of their visit in 1675. At that period, as they inform
-us, the Sultan’s galleys never failed to come there every year to collect
-the capitation tax, and the governor of the island was a Greek sent by
-the Turks from Constantinople. Both travellers surmised, however,
-that the island might perhaps have changed hands during the Candian
-war, when it was neglected. Their surmise is rendered probable by the
-remark of Sebastiani<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>, who visited it in 1666, during that long struggle.
-For he says that it was then ecclesiastically under the jurisdiction of the
-Catholic bishop of Tenos, who had begged the Venetian admiral, Comaro,
-to give his deputy in Mykonos the old Venetian church of San Marco for
-the use of the twenty Latin inhabitants. Randolph<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> confirms their story
-of its subjection to the Sultan, for he tells of a visit paid to the island
-by the Capitan Pasha in 1680. Piacenza<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> reiterates their criticism of
-Baudrand, and mentions that the atlases of the Mediterranean erroneously
-described it as <i>insula altera hoc in tractu maritimo Reipublicæ Venetæ
-obsequium præstans</i>, whereas it was really “under the Turkish yoke.”
-Dapper<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> takes the same view. After mentioning that Tenos “is the last
-Venetian island in this quarter of the Levant” he adds that “there are
-authors who allege that Mykonos is in subjection to Venice.” Finally,
-in 1700, Tournefort<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> found the island dependent on the Capitan Pasha,
-to whom it paid the capitation tax, while in the last war it had been
-subject to the bey of Kos. Although, he says, it was conquered by
-Barbarossa, the Venetian governor of Tenos still continues to style
-himself <i>provveditore</i> of Mykonos also. But throughout the period of the
-Candian war and right down to the end of the Venetian occupation of
-Tenos the governor of the latter is always called simply <i>Rettor a Tine</i> in
-the official registers<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a>. If further refutation were needed of Hopf’s
-statement that Mykonos was captured from the Venetians in 1715, it
-may be added that Ferrari<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a>, the contemporary authority for the
-surrender of Tenos, never mentions it, nor does it figure in the peace of
-Passarovitz.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading18">13. SALONIKA</h3>
-
-<p>Salonika, “the Athens of Mediæval Hellenism” and second to
-Athens alone in contemporary Greece, has been by turns a Macedonian
-provincial city, a free town under Roman domination, a Greek<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span>
-community second only to Constantinople, the capital of a short-lived
-Latin kingdom and of a brief Greek empire to which it gave its name, a
-Venetian colony, and a Turkish town<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>. There, in 1876, the murder of the
-consuls was one of the phases of the Eastern crisis; there, in 1908, the
-Young Turkish movement was born; there, in 1913, King George of
-Greece was assassinated; and there in 1916 M. Venizelos established his
-Provisional Government, in the city which served as a base for the Allies
-in their Macedonian campaign.</p>
-
-<p>Nor has Salonika’s contribution to literature been inconsiderable.
-The historian Petros Patrikios in the sixth century; the essayist
-Demetrios Kydones, who wrote a “monody over those who fell in
-Salonika” in 1346, during the civil war between John Cantacuzene and
-John V Palaiologos; John Kameniates and John the Reader, the
-historians respectively of the Saracen and the Turkish sieges, and
-Theodore Gazes, who contributed to spread Greek teaching in the West,
-were natives of the place. Plotinos and John, hagiographers of the
-seventh century; Leo, the famous mathematician of the ninth; Niketas,
-who composed dialogues in favour of the union of the churches;
-Eustathios, the Homeric commentator, historian of the Norman siege
-and panegyrist of St Demetrios; Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos,
-the ecclesiastical historian; Gregorios Palamas, Neilos, and Nicholas
-Kabasilas, the polemical theologians of the fourteenth century; and
-Symeon, the liturgical writer, who died just before the final Turkish
-capture of the city, were among those who occupied this important
-metropolitan see; while the rhetoricians, Nikephoros Choumnos and the
-grammarian Thomas Magistros, addressed to the Thessalonians missives
-on the blessings of justice and unity in the fourteenth century. And precedents
-for the exile of Abdul Hamid II at Salonika may be found in the
-banishment thither of Licinius, the rival of Constantine, of Anastasios II
-in 716, and of Theodore Studita during the Iconoclast controversy.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span></p>
-
-<p>Salonika has no very ancient history. It did not exist till after the
-death of Alexander the Great, when Kassander, who became king of
-Macedon, founded it in 315 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, and gave to it the name of his wife,
-Thessalonike, who was half-sister of the famous Macedonian conqueror,
-just as he bestowed his own upon another town, from which the westernmost
-of the three prongs of the peninsula of Chalkidike still retains the
-name of Kassandra. When the Romans conquered and organized
-Macedonia, Thessalonika became the capital of that province, remaining,
-however, a free city with its own magistrates, the πολιτάρχαι, to whom
-St Paul and Silas were denounced on their memorable visit. It is a proof
-of the technical accuracy of the author of the Acts of the Apostles, that
-this precise word occurs as the name of the local magistracy in the
-inscription formerly on the Vardar gate, but now in the British Museum.
-The description in the Acts further shows that the present large Jewish
-colony of Salonika, which is mostly composed of Spanish Jews, descendants
-of the fugitives from the persecutions of the end of the
-fifteenth century, had already a counterpart in the first. We may infer
-that Salonika was a prosperous town, and its importance in the Roman
-period is shown by the fact that Cicero, who was not fond of discomfort,
-selected it in 58 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> as his place of exile, and that Piso found it worth
-plundering during his governorship. But the sojourn of the Roman
-orator left a less durable mark upon the history of Salonika than that of
-the Apostle. It was not merely that two of his comrades, Aristarchos
-and Secundus, were Thessalonian converts, but mediæval Greek writers
-lay special stress upon the piety of what was called <i>par excellence</i> “the
-Orthodox City”—probably for its conservative attitude in the Iconoclast
-controversy. Salonika furnished many names to the list of martyrs, and
-one of them, St Demetrios, a Thessalonian doctor put to death in 306
-by order of Galerius<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> became the patron of his native city, which he is
-believed to have saved again and again from its foes. The most binding
-Thessalonian oath was by his name<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a>; his tomb, from which a holy oil
-perpetually exuded, the source of many miraculous cures, is in the
-beautiful building, now once more a church, which is called after him;
-it was on his day, October 26 (<span class="allsmcap">O.S.</span>), that in 1912 Salonika capitulated to
-the Greek troops, and there were peasant soldiers at the battle of
-Sarantaporon who firmly believed that they had seen him fighting
-against the Turks for the restoration of his church and city to his own
-people<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>, just as their ancestors had beheld him, sword in hand, defending<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span>
-its walls against the Slavs. The story of his miracles forms a voluminous
-literature, and on the walls of his church his grateful people represented
-all the warlike episodes in which he had saved them from their foes.
-Some of these mosaics have survived the conversion of the church into
-the Kassimié mosque, and the great fire of August 18, 1917, and among
-them is a portrait of the saint between a bishop and a local magnate.
-Nor was St Demetrios the only Thessalonian saint. The city also
-cherished the tomb of St Theodora of Ægina, who had died at Salonika
-in the ninth century. Its walls contain the name of Pope Hormisdas.</p>
-
-<p>Like Constantinople, Salonika was devoted to the sports of the
-hippodrome; and, in 390, the imprisonment of a favourite charioteer on
-the eve of a race, in which he was to have taken part, provoked an
-insurrection, punished by a massacre. Theodosius I, then on his way to
-Milan, ordered the Gothic garrison to wreak vengeance upon the
-inhabitants; the next great race-meeting was selected, when the citizens
-had come together to witness their favourite pastime, and 15,000 persons
-were butchered in the hippodrome. St Ambrose, Archbishop of Milan,
-refused to allow the Emperor to enter the cathedral, and made him
-repent for eight months his barbarous treatment of a city where he had
-celebrated his wedding. Of Roman Salonika there still exists a memorial
-in the arch of Galerius, with its sculptures representing the Emperor’s
-Asiatic victories; a second arch, the Vardar gate, was sacrificed fifty
-years ago to build the quay; while a Corinthian colonnade, with eight
-Karyatides, known to the Jews as <i>Las Incantadas</i>, a part of the Forum,
-was removed by Napoleon III to France. The pulpit, from which St Paul
-was believed to have spoken, and which used to stand outside the
-church of St George, was removed—so I was informed when last at
-Salonika—by a German in the time of Abdul Hamid.</p>
-
-<p>Salonika had been chiefly important in Roman times, because the
-Via Egnatia which ran from Durazzo, “the tavern of the Adriatic” (as
-Catullus calls it), passed through its “Golden” and “Kassandreotic”
-gates. But in Byzantine days its value was increased owing to its
-geographical position. As long as the Exarchate of Ravenna existed, it
-lay on the main artery uniting Constantinople with the Byzantine
-province in Northern Italy, and it was an outpost against the Slavonic
-tribes, which had entered the Balkan peninsula, where they have ever
-since remained, but which, despite many attempts, have never taken
-Salonika. Of these invaders the most formidable, and the most persistent,
-were the Bulgarians, whose first war with their natural enemies,
-the Greeks, was waged for the possession of Salonika, because of the
-heavy customs dues which they had to pay there, and who, more than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span>
-a thousand years later, still covet that great Macedonian port, the
-birthplace of the Slavonic apostles, the brothers Constantine (or Cyril)
-and Methodios.</p>
-
-<p>The influence of these two natives of Salonika, partly historical and
-partly legendary, has not only spread over the Slavonic parts of the
-Balkan peninsula, but forms in the church of San Clemente a link between
-the Balkans and Rome. The brothers were intended by nature to
-supplement one another: Constantine was a recluse and an accomplished
-linguist, Methodios a man of the world and an experienced administrator.
-Both brothers converted the Slavs of Moravia to Christianity, and it
-was long believed that a terrifying picture of the Last Judgement from
-the hand of Methodios had such an effect upon the mind of Boris, the
-Bulgarian prince, that he embraced the Christian creed. The real fact is,
-that Boris changed his religion (like his namesake in our own day) for
-political reasons, as a condition of obtaining peace from the Byzantine
-Emperor, Michael III, in 864, taking in baptism the name of his imperial
-sponsor. Tradition likewise attributes to Cyril the invention of the
-Cyrillic alphabet, which still bears his name and is that of the Russians,
-Serbs, and Bulgars. But Professor Bury<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a>, the latest writer on this
-question, considers that the alphabet invented by Cyril for the use of the
-Bulgarian and Moravian converts was not the so-called Cyrillic (which
-is practically the Greek alphabet with the addition of a few letters, and
-would, therefore, be likely to offend the Slav national feeling), but the
-much more complicated Glagolitic, which still lingers on in the Slavonic
-part of Istria, on the Croatian coast, and in Northern Dalmatia. In
-this language, accordingly, his translation of the Gospels and his
-brother’s version of the Old Testament were composed, and old Slavonic
-literature began with these two Thessalonians, whose names form to-day
-the programme of Bulgarian, just as Dante Alighieri is of Italian
-expansion. On another mission, to Cherson on the Black Sea, Cyril is
-said to have discovered the relics of St Clement, who had suffered
-martyrdom there by being tied to an anchor and flung into the waves.
-He brought them to Rome, where the frescoes in San Clemente before
-Monsignor Wilpert’s researches were believed to represent the Slavonic
-apostles, Cyril before Michael III, and the transference of his remains
-to that church from the Vatican—for he died in Rome in 869.</p>
-
-<p>Thus sentimental and commercial reasons impelled the Bulgarians
-to attack Salonika. Both the great Bulgarian Tsars of the tenth century,
-Symeon and Samuel, strove to obtain it, and during the forty years for
-which the famous Greek Emperor Basil, “the Bulgar-Slayer,” contended<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span>
-against Samuel for the mastery of Macedonia, Salonika was the
-headquarters, and the shrine of its patron-saint the inspiration, of the
-Greeks, as Ochrida was the capital of the Bulgars. We learn from the
-historian Kedrenos that there was at the time a party which favoured
-the Bulgarians in some of the Greek cities<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a>; but in 1014 the Emperor,
-like the King of the Hellenes in 1913, and in the same defile, called
-by the Byzantine historian “Kleidion” (or “the key”)—which has been
-identified with the gorge of the Struma, not far from the notorious fort
-Roupel—utterly routed his rival, and took, like King Constantine,
-the title of “Bulgar-Slayer.” Samuel escaped, only to die of shock at
-the spectacle of the 15,000 blinded Bulgarian captives, each hundred
-guided by a one-eyed centurion, whom the victor sent back to their Tsar.
-Basil celebrated his triumph in the holy of holies of Hellenism, the
-majestic Parthenon, then the church of Our Lady of Athens, where
-frescoes executed at his orders still recall his visit and victory over the
-Bulgarians. Thus the destruction of the first Bulgarian empire was
-organised at Salonika and celebrated at Athens, just like the defeat of
-the same enemies 900 years later. But even after the fall of the Bulgarian
-empire we find a Bulgarian leader besieging Salonika for six days, and
-only repulsed by the personal intervention of St Demetrios<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a>, whom the
-terrified Bulgarian prisoners declared that they had seen on horseback
-leading the Greeks and breathing fire against the besiegers.</p>
-
-<p>But Salonika was no longer a virgin fortress. An enemy even more
-formidable than the Bulgarians had captured it, the Saracens, who from
-823 to 961 were masters of Crete. Of this, the first of the three conquests
-of Salonika, we have a description by a priest who was a native of the
-city and an eye-witness of its capture, John Kameniates, as well as a
-sermon by the patriarch Nicholas<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a>. The “first city of the Macedonians”
-was indeed a goodly prize for the Saracen corsairs, whose base was “the
-great Greek island.” Civic patriotism inspired the Thessalonian priest
-with a charming picture of his home at the moment of this piratical raid,
-in 904. He praises the natural outer harbour, formed by the projecting
-elbow of the Ἔμβολον (the “Black Cape,” or Karaburun, of the
-Turks)<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>; the security of the inner port, protected by an artificial mole;
-the great city climbing up the hill behind it; the vineyards and hospitable
-monasteries, whose inmates (unlike their modern successors) take no
-thought of politics; the two lakes (now St Basil and Beshik), with their
-ample supply of fish, which stretch almost across the neck of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span>
-Chalkidic peninsula; and to the west the great Macedonian plain
-(treeless then, as now), but watered by the Axios (the modern Vardar)
-and lesser streams. In times of peace Salonika was the <i>débouché</i> of the
-Slavonic hinterland; the mart and stopping-place of the cosmopolitan
-crowd of merchants who travelled along the great highway from West
-to East that still intersected it; in short, both land and sea conspired to
-enrich it. Unfortunately, it was almost undefended on the sea side, for
-no one had ever contemplated any other danger than that from the
-Slavs of the country, and the population was untrained for war, but
-more versed in the learning of the schools and in the beautifully
-melodious hymns of the splendid Thessalonian ritual.</p>
-
-<p>On Sunday, July 29, fifty-four Saracen ships were sighted off Karaburun
-under the command of Leo, a renegade, who on that account was
-all the more anxious to display his animosity to his former co-religionists.
-He at once detected the weak point of the defences—the low sea-wall,
-which had not been put into a state of proper repair<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>,—and ordered his
-men to scale them. This attempt failed, nor was a second, to burn the
-“Roma” and the “Kassandreotic” gates on the east—the latter
-destroyed in 1873—more serviceable. The admiral then fastened his
-ships together by twos, and on each pair constructed wooden towers,
-which overtopped the sea-wall. He then steered them to where the
-water was deep right up to the base of the fortifications, and began to
-fire with his brazen tubes. The sea-wall was abandoned by its terrified
-defenders, and an Ethiopian climbing on to the top to see if their flight
-were merely a ruse, when once he had assured himself that it was
-genuine, summoned his comrades to follow him. A terrible massacre
-ensued; some of the inhabitants occupied the Akropolis, then known as
-“St David’s,” but now called “the Seven Towers,” whence a few Slavs
-escaped into the country; others fled to the two western gates, “the
-Golden” and “the Litaian”—the “New gate” of the Turks, destroyed
-in 1911—where the besiegers butchered them as they were jammed
-together in the gateways. Our author with his father, uncle, and two
-brothers took refuge in a bastion of the walls opposite the church of
-St Andrew. When the Ethiopians approached, he threw himself at the
-feet of their captain, offering to reveal to him the hidden treasure of the
-family, if the lives of himself and his relatives were spared. The captain
-agreed, but the author did not escape two wounds from another band
-of pillagers, and witnessed the massacre of some 300 of his fellow-citizens
-in the church of St George. And, if his life had been spared, he was still
-a captive; 800 prisoners, besides a crew of 200, were herded in the ship<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span>
-which transported him to Crete, and he has described in vivid language
-the horrors of that passage in the blazing days of August without air or
-water. Over and above those who perished during the voyage, which
-lasted a fortnight for fear of the Greek fleet, 22,000 captives were landed
-to be sold as slaves. Even then his troubles were not over. A hurricane
-sprang up on the voyage from Crete to Tripoli, and the narrative closes
-as the author is anxiously awaiting at Tarsus the hour of his liberation.
-A curious illustration in a manuscript of Skylitzes remains, like his story,
-to remind us of this siege.</p>
-
-<p>Salonika recovered from the ravages of the Saracens, who later in
-the tenth century were driven out of Crete, and the collapse of the
-Bulgarians in the eleventh enabled her to develop her trade. Three
-churches, of St Elias, of the Virgin, and of St Panteleemon, date from
-this period, to which belong the extant seals of Constantine Diogenes,
-Basil II’s lieutenant, and of the Metropolitans Paul and Leo<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>. The
-Byzantine satire, <i>Timarion</i><a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a>, which was composed in the twelfth century,
-gives an interesting account of the fair of St Demetrios, to which came
-not only Greeks from all parts of the Hellenic world, but also Slavs from
-the Danubian lands, Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Celts from
-beyond the Alps. It is curious that this list omits the Jews, now such an
-important element at Salonika, for they are mentioned in the seventh
-century, and Benjamin of Tudela, who visited the city about the time
-that <i>Timarion</i> was written, found 500 there<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a>. As for Italians, we hear of
-Venetians and Pisans obtaining trading-rights, and having their own
-quarter and the distinctive name of Βουργιέσιοι<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Not long after the brilliant scene described by the Byzantine satirist
-a terrible misfortune befell Salonika—its capture by the Normans of
-Sicily. The usurper, Andronikos I, then sat on the throne, and Alexios,
-a nephew of the late Emperor Manuel I, fled to the court of William II
-of Sicily, and implored his assistance. William consented, and despatched
-an army to Salonika by way of Durazzo, and a fleet round the Peloponnese.
-On August 6, 1185, the land force began the siege, of which
-the Archbishop Eustathios, the commentator on Homer, was an eye-witness
-and historian. Salonika was commanded by David Comnenos,
-who bore a great Byzantine name, but was—by the accordant testimony
-of another contemporary, Niketas, who describes him as “more craven
-than a deer,” and of the archbishop, who calls him “little better than a
-traitor”—a lazy, cowardly, and incompetent officer, who, in order to
-prevent his supersession by some one more capable, sent a series of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span>
-lying bulletins to the capital, that all was well. The walls were in good
-repair, except (as in 904) at the harbour, but the reservoir in the castle
-leaked; and many of the most capable inhabitants had been allowed to
-escape. Still the remainder, and not least the women, who completely
-put to shame the effeminate commander on his pacific mule, showed
-bravery and patriotism, while the archbishop specially mentions the
-courage of some Serbians in the garrison<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a>. There were, however, traitors
-in the city and neighbourhood—Jews and Armenians, and on August 24
-the city fell. The conduct of the learned archbishop at this crisis was in
-marked contrast with that of the miserable commander. Eustathios
-acted like a true pastor of his flock. The invaders found him calmly
-awaiting them in his palace, whence, seizing him by his venerable beard,
-they dragged him to the hippodrome, and thence, through lines of
-corpses, to the arsenal. There he was put on board the ship of a pirate,
-who demanded 4000 gold pieces as his ransom. As the archbishop
-pleaded poverty, he was next day escorted to the presence of Alexios
-himself, and thence to Counts Aldoin and Richard of Acerra, by whom
-he was at last restored to his palace, where he took refuge in a tiny bathroom
-in the garden.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, the Normans had shown no respect for the churches of
-the city. They danced upon the altars; they used the sacred ointment
-which flowed from the tomb of St Demetrios as boot-polish; they
-interrupted the singing by their obscene melodies and imitated the nasal
-intonation of the eastern priesthood by barking like dogs. But it is best
-to pass over the revolting details of the sack, for which the only excuse
-was the massacre of the Latins in Constantinople three years earlier.
-Eustathios, by his influence with Count Aldoin, was able to mitigate
-some of the tortures of his flock; he describes the miserable plight of
-these poor wretches, robbed of their houses and almost stark naked,
-and the strange appearance which they presented (like the Messina
-refugees after the earthquake of 1908) in their improvised hats and
-clothes. More than 7000 of them had perished in the assault, but the
-archbishop notes with satisfaction that the Normans lost some 3000
-from their excessive indulgence in pork and new wine. Vengeance, too,
-soon befell them. A Greek army under Alexios Branas defeated them
-on the Struma, and in November they evacuated Salonika<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>. But their
-treatment of Salonika embittered the hatred between Latins and Greeks,
-and prepared the way for the Fourth Crusade.</p>
-
-<p>Barely twenty years after the Norman capture, Salonika became the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span>
-capital of a Latin kingdom. Boniface, marquess of Montferrat, was the
-leader of the crusaders who, with the help of the Venetians, overthrew
-the Greek empire in 1204, and partitioned it into Latin states. Of these
-the most important after the Latin empire, of which Constantinople
-became the capital, was the so-called Latin kingdom of Salonika, of
-which Boniface was appointed king, and which, nominally dependent
-upon the Latin Emperor, embraced Macedonia, Thessaly, and much of
-continental Greece, including Athens. Of all the artificial creations of
-the Fourth Crusade, which should be a warning to those who believe
-that nations can be partitioned permanently at congresses of diplomatists,
-the Latin kingdom of Salonika was the first to fall. From the outset its
-existence was undermined by jealousy between its king and the Latin
-Emperor, whose suzerainty he and his proud Lombard nobles were loath
-to acknowledge. For this reason Boniface, whose wife, Margaret of
-Hungary, was widow of the Greek Emperor, Isaac II, endeavoured to
-cultivate his Greek subjects. But, in 1207, he was killed by the Bulgarians,
-who would have taken Salonika, had not a traitor (or, as the
-pious believed, St Demetrios) slain their tsar.</p>
-
-<p>Boniface’s son, although born in the country and named after
-Salonika’s patron-saint (whose church was, however, the property of the
-chapter of the Holy Sepulchre while a Latin archbishop occupied the
-see), was then barely two years old. His mother was regent, but the real
-power was wielded by her bailie, the ambitious count of Biandrate, whose
-policy was to separate the kingdom from the Latin empire and draw it
-closer to the Italian marquisate. His quarrels with the Emperor Henry
-were viewed with joy by the Greeks; and, after his retirement, and in
-the absence of the young king in Italy, the kingdom was easily occupied,
-in 1223, by Theodore Angelos<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>, the vigorous ruler of Epeiros, where, as
-at Nice, the city of the famous council, Hellenism, temporarily exiled
-from its natural capital, had found a refuge. The Greek conqueror
-exchanged the more modest title of “Despot of Epeiros” for that of
-“Emperor of Salonika,” while the exiled monarch and his successors
-continued to amuse themselves by styling themselves titular kings of
-Salonika for another century. But the separate Greek empire of Salonika
-was destined to live but little longer than the Latin kingdom. The first
-Greek Emperor, by one of those sudden reverses of fortune so characteristic
-of Balkan politics in all ages, fell into the hands of the Bulgarians;
-and, after having been reduced to the lesser dignity of a Despotat, the
-empire which he had founded was finally annexed, in 1246, to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span>
-stronger and rival Greek empire of Nice, which, in 1261, likewise
-absorbed the Latin empire of Constantinople. No coins of the Latin
-kingdom exist; but we have a seal of Boniface, with a representation of
-the city walls upon it. Of the Greek empire of Salonika there are silver
-and bronze pieces, bearing the figure of the city’s patron-saint; while a
-tower contains an inscription to “Manuel the Despot,” identified by
-Monsignor Duchesne<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> with Manuel Angelos (1230-40), the Emperor
-Theodore’s brother and successor, but locally ascribed to a Manuel
-Palaiologos, perhaps the subsequent Emperor Manuel II, Despot and
-governor of Salonika in 1369-70.</p>
-
-<p>Salonika, restored to the Byzantine empire, enjoyed special privileges,
-second only to those of the capital. Together with the region
-around it, it was considered as an appanage of one of the Emperor’s sons
-(<i>e.g.</i> John VII, nephew, and Andronikos, son of Manuel II). It was
-sometimes governed by the Empresses, two of them Italians, Jolanda of
-Montferrat, wife of Andronikos II, a descendant of the first king of
-Salonika, and Anne of Savoy, wife of Andronikos III, who was commemorated
-in an inscription over the gate of the castle, which she
-repaired in 1355. The court frequently resided there: we find Andronikos
-III coming to be healed by the saint, and the beauteous Jolanda,
-when she quarrelled with her husband, retired to Salonika and
-scandalised Thessalonian society with her accounts of her domestic life.
-As in our own day, Salonika was the favourite seat of opposition to the
-imperial authority. During the civil wars of the fourteenth century,
-such as those between the elder and the younger Andronikos and
-between John V Palaiologos and John Cantacuzene, it supported the
-candidate opposed to Constantinople, so that we may find precedents
-in its mediæval history for its selection as the headquarters of the Young
-Turkish movement. It enjoyed a full measure of autonomy, had its own
-“senate,” elected its own officials, was defended by its own civic guard,
-and administered by its own municipal customs. It even sent its own
-envoys abroad to discuss commercial questions. Its annual fair on the
-festival of St Demetrios still attracted traders from all the Levant to
-the level space between the walls and the Vardar. Jews, Slavs, and
-Armenians, as well as Greeks, crowded its bazaars; scholars from outside
-frequented its high schools, and Demetrios Kydones<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> compared it with
-Athens at its best.</p>
-
-<p>The fourteenth century was, indeed, the golden age of Salonika in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span>
-art and letters. The erection of the churches of the Twelve Apostles and
-St Catherine continued the tradition of the much earlier churches of
-St George, St Sophia, and St Demetrios. The clergy followed in the
-footsteps of the learned Eustathios, and the beauty, wit, and reading of
-a Thessalonian lady, Eudokia Palaiologina, turned the head of a son of
-Andronikos II, when governor of Salonika, “that garden of the Muses
-and the Graces,” as one of the literary archbishops of the fourteenth
-century called it. The intellectual activity of the place led to intense
-theological discussion, and at this period the “Orthodox” city <i>par
-excellence</i> was agitated by the heresy of the “Hesychasts,” or Quietists,
-who believed that complete repose would enable them to see a divine
-light flickering round their empty stomachs, while the so-called “Zealots,”
-or friends of the people, with the cross as their banner, practised in
-Salonika the doctrines of Wat Tyler and Jack Cade in mediæval England.
-The exploitation of the poor by the rich and the tax-collectors, and the
-example of the recent revolution at Genoa, caused this republican
-movement, which led to the massacre of the nobles in 1346 by hurling
-them from the castle walls into the midst of an armed mob below. The
-“Zealots,” like the Iconoclast Emperors, have suffered from the fact
-that they have been described by their enemies, and notably by Cantacuzene<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a>,
-to whose aristocratic party they were opposed. Yet even an
-archbishop publicly advocated so drastic a measure as the suppression
-of some of the monasteries, in order to provide funds for the better
-defence of the city; nor was there anything very alarming in their
-preference for direct taxation. Thus, Salonika was from 1342 to 1349,
-under their auspices, practically an independent republic, till they
-succumbed to the allied forces of the aristocracy and the monks.</p>
-
-<p>Salonika, indeed, continued to have urgent need of its walls, which
-still remain, save where the Turks completely dismantled them on the
-sea side in 1866, a fine example of Byzantine fortification. Andronikos II
-strengthened them by the erection of a tower, which still bears his
-initials, in the dividing wall between the Akropolis and the rest of the
-city. Thanks to them it escaped pillage by the Catalan Grand Company
-at a time when they sheltered two Byzantine Empresses. Even during
-the greatest expansion of the Serbian empire under Stephen Dushan,
-Salonika alone remained a Greek islet in a Serbian Macedonia. But a far
-more serious foe than either Catalan or Serb was now at hand. The
-Turks entered Europe shortly after the middle of the fourteenth century,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span>
-and advanced rapidly in the direction of Salonika. At least twice<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>
-before the end of that century—in 1387 and from 1391 to 1403, when
-Suleyman handed it back—they occupied it, and at last the inhabitants
-came to the conclusion that, in the weak condition of the Greek empire,
-their sole chance of safety was to place themselves under the protection
-of a great maritime power. Accordingly, in 1423, pressed by famine and
-by continual Turkish attacks, the Greek notables sent a deputation to
-Venice offering their city to the republic, whether their sickly Despot
-Andronikos, son of the Emperor Manuel II, consented or no. The
-Venetians, we are told, “received the offer with gladness, and promised
-to protect, and nourish, and prosper the city and to transform it into
-a second Venice.” The Despot, whose claims were settled by a solatium
-of 50,000 ducats, made way for a Venetian duke and a captain; for seven
-years Salonika was a Venetian colony<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The bargain proved unsatisfactory alike to the Venetians and the
-Greeks. Their brief occupation of Salonika cost the republic 700,000
-ducats—for, in 1426, in addition to the cost of administration and repairs
-to the walls, she agreed to pay a tribute to the Sultan. Nor was it
-popular with the natives, especially the notables, many of whom the
-government found it desirable to deport to the other Venetian colonies
-of Negroponte and Crete, or even to Venice itself, on the plea that there
-was not food for them at Salonika. Others left voluntarily for Constantinople
-to escape the “unbearable horrors” and the Venetian
-slavery. The Turkish peril was ever present, and when envoys solicited
-peace from the Sultan Murad II, he replied: “The city is my inheritance,
-and my grandfather Bayezid took it from the Greeks by his own right
-hand. So, if the Greeks were now its masters, they might reasonably
-accuse me of injustice. But ye being Latins and from Italy, what have
-ye to do with this part of the world? Go, if you like; if not, I am coming
-quickly.” And in 1430 he came.</p>
-
-<p>Two misfortunes preceded the fall of Salonika—the death of the
-beloved metropolitan, and an earthquake. There was only one man to
-defend every two or three bastions, and the Venetians, distrusting the
-inhabitants, placed a band of brigands between themselves and the
-Greeks, so that, even if the latter had desired to accept the liberal offers
-which Murad made them, they dared not do so. Chalkokondyles hints<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span>
-at treachery, and a versifying chronicler<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> makes the monks of the present
-Tsaoush-Monastir near the citadel urge the Sultan to cut the conduits
-from the mountain, which supplied the city with water, and ascribes to
-their treason their subsequent privileges. But even the wives of the
-Greek notables joined in the defence, until a move of the Venetian
-garrison towards the harbour led the Greeks to believe that they would
-be left to their fate. On March 29, the fourth day of the siege, a soldier
-scaled the walls at the place near the castle known as “The Triangle,”
-and threw down the head of a Venetian as a sign that he was holding his
-ground. The defenders fled to the Samareia tower<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> on the beach—perhaps
-the famous “White Tower,” or “the Tower of Blood” as it was
-called a century ago, which still stands there and which some attribute
-to the Venetian period, or at least to Venetian workmen—only to find
-it shut against them by the Venetians, who managed to escape by sea.</p>
-
-<p>In accordance with his promise, Murad allowed his men to sack the
-city, and great damage was inflicted on the churches in the search for
-treasure buried beneath the altars. The tomb of St Demetrios was
-ravaged, because of its rich ornaments and to obtain the healing ointment
-for which it was famous, while the relics of St Theodora were scattered,
-and with difficulty collected again. Seeing, however, the wonderful
-situation of Salonika, the Sultan ordered the sack to cease, and began
-to restore the houses to their owners, contenting himself with converting
-only two of the churches, those of the Virgin and of St John Baptist,
-into mosques. It is pleasant to note that George Brankovich, the Despot
-of Serbia and one of the richest princes of that day, ransomed many
-prisoners. Two or three years afterwards, however, the Sultan adopted
-severer measures towards the captured city. He took all the churches
-except four (including that of St Demetrios, which, as the tomb of
-Spantounes shows, was not converted into a mosque till after 1481),
-built a bath out of the materials of some of the others, and transported
-the Turks of Yenidjé-Vardar to Salonika, which thus for 482 years
-became a Turkish city. Chalkokondyles<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> was not far wrong when he
-described its fall as “the greatest disaster that had yet befallen the
-Greeks.”</p>
-
-<p>When, on St Demetrios’ day, 1912, the victorious Greeks recovered
-Salonika, all those churches, sixteen in number, which had existed
-before the Turkish conquest were reconverted into Christian edifices;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span>
-and when I was there in 1914, it was curious to see the two dates, 1430
-and 1912, the former in black, the latter in gold, on the eikonostasis of
-the Divine Wisdom, the church which was perhaps founded before the
-more famous St Sophia of Constantinople. Almost the last acts of the
-Young Turks before they surrendered Salonika were to destroy not
-only the “Gate of Anna Palaiologina,” but also the “New Gate,” which
-bore the inscription recording the Turkish capture.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp78" id="map" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
-  <div class="transnote">Transcriber’s Note: click map for larger version</div>
-  <a href="images/map-full.jpg"><img class="w100" src="images/map.jpg" alt="" /></a>
-  <p class="caption">THE NEAR EAST IN 1350</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="IV_THE_GENOESE_COLONIES_IN_GREECE">IV. THE GENOESE COLONIES IN GREECE</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<h3 id="heading19">I. THE ZACCARIA OF PHOCÆA AND CHIOS (1275-1329)</h3>
-
-<p>Genoa played a much less important part than Venice in the history
-of Greece. Unlike her great rival on the lagoons, she had no
-Byzantine traditions which attracted her towards the Near East, and it
-is not, therefore, surprising to find her appearing last of all the Italian
-Republics in the Levant. But, though she took no part in the Fourth
-Crusade, her sons, the Zaccaria and the Gattilusj, later on became petty
-sovereigns in the Ægean; the long administration of Chios by the
-Genoese society of the Giustiniani is one of the earliest examples of the
-government of a colonial dependency by a Chartered Company, and it
-was Genoa who gave to the principality of Achaia its last ruler in the
-person of Centurione Zaccaria.</p>
-
-<p>The earliest relations between Genoa and Byzantium are to be found
-in the treaty between the two in 1155; but it was not till a century later
-that the Ligurian Republic seriously entered into the field of Eastern
-politics. After the establishment of the Latin states in Greece, the
-Genoese, excluded from all share of the spoil, endeavoured to embarrass
-their more fortunate Venetian rivals by secretly urging on their countryman,
-the pirate Vetrano, against Corfù, and by instigating the bold
-Ligurian, Enrico Pescatore, against Crete—enterprises, however, which
-had no permanent effect. But the famous treaty of Nymphæum, concluded
-between the Emperor Michael VIII and the Republic of Genoa in
-1261, first gave the latter a <i>locus standi</i> in the Levant. Never did a Latin
-Community make a better bargain with a Greek ruler, for all the
-advantages were on the side of Genoa. The Emperor gave her establishments
-and the right to keep consuls at Anæa, in Chios, and in Lesbos,
-both of which important islands had been assigned to the Latin Empire
-by the deed of partition, but had been recaptured by Michael’s predecessor
-Vatatzes in 1225<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a>. He also granted her the city of Smyrna,
-promised free trade to Genoese merchants in all the ports of his
-dominions, and pledged himself to exclude the enemies of the Ligurian
-Commonwealth, in other words, the Venetians, from the Black Sea and
-all his harbours. All that he asked in return for these magnificent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span>
-concessions was an undertaking that Genoa would arm a squadron of
-fifty ships at his expense, if he asked for it. It was expressly stipulated
-that this armament should not be employed against Prince William of
-Achaia. Genoa performed her part of the bargain by sending a small fleet
-to aid the Emperor in the recovery of Constantinople from the Latins;
-but it arrived too late to be of any use. Still, Michael VIII took the will
-for the deed; he needed Genoese aid for his war against Venice; so he
-sent an embassy to ask for more galleys. The Genoese, heedless of papal
-thunders against this “unholy alliance,” responded by raising a loan for
-the affairs of the Levant<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>; and it was their fleet, allied with the Greeks,
-which sustained the defeat off the islet of Spetsopoulo, or Sette Pozzi,
-as the Italians called it<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a>, at the mouth of the Gulf of Nauplia in 1263.
-But the Emperor soon found that his new allies were a source of danger
-rather than of strength; he banished the Genoese of Constantinople to
-Eregli on the Sea of Marmara, and made his peace with their Venetian
-rivals. In vain Genoa sent Benedetto Zaccaria to induce him to revoke
-his decree of expulsion; some years seem to have elapsed before he
-allowed the Genoese to return to Galata, and it was not till 1275 that the
-formal ratification of the treaty of Nymphæum marked his complete
-return to his old policy<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>, and that Manuele and Benedetto Zaccaria
-became the recipients of his bounty.</p>
-
-<p>The Zaccaria were at this time one of the leading families of Genoa,
-whither they had emigrated from the little Ligurian town of Gavi some
-two centuries earlier. The grandfather of Manuele and Benedetto, who
-derived his territorial designation of “de Castro,” from the district of
-Sta Maria di Castello, in which he resided, had held civic office in 1202;
-their father Fulcho had been one of the signatories of the treaty of
-Nymphæum<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a>. Three years before that event Benedetto had been
-captured by the Venetians in a battle off Tyre. Three years after it, he
-was sent as Genoese ambassador to Michael VIII and, though his
-mission was unsuccessful, the Emperor had the opportunity of appreciating
-his business-like qualities<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a>. Early in 1275, the year when Genoa
-had returned to favour at the Imperial Court, the two brothers started
-from their native city upon the voyage to Constantinople, which was
-destined to bring them fame and fortune—to Manuele, the elder, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span>
-grant of the alum-mines of Phocæa at the north of the Gulf of Smyrna,
-to Benedetto the hand of the Emperor’s sister<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a>. Phocæa at that time
-consisted of a single town, situated to the west of the alum-mountains;
-but, later on, the encroachments of the Turks led its Latin lords to build
-on the sea-shore at the foot of the mountain a small fortress sufficient to
-shelter about fifty workmen, which, with the aid of their Greek neighbours,
-grew into the town of New Phocæa, or Foglia Nuova, as the
-Italians called it. The annual rent, which Manuele paid to the Emperor,
-was covered many times over by the profits of the mines. Alum was
-indispensable for dyeing, and Western ships homeward-bound were
-therefore accustomed to take a cargo of this useful product at Phocæa<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a>.
-The only serious competition with the trade was that of the alum which
-came from the coasts of the Black Sea, and which was exported to
-Europe in Genoese bottoms. A man of business first and a patriot afterwards,
-Manuele persuaded the Emperor to ensure him a monopoly of
-the market by prohibiting this branch of the Euxine trade—a protective
-measure, which led to difficulties with Genoa. He was still actively
-engaged in business operations at Phocæa in 1287, but is described as
-dead in the spring of the following year<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a>, after which date the alum-mines
-of Phocæa passed to his still more adventurous brother, Benedetto.</p>
-
-<p>While Manuele had been accumulating riches at Phocæa, Benedetto
-had gained the reputation of being one of the most daring seamen, as
-well as one of the ablest negotiators, of his time. He was instrumental,
-as agent of Michael VIII, in stirring up the Sicilian Vespers and so
-frustrating the threatened attack of Charles I of Anjou upon the Greek
-Empire, and later in that year we find him proposing the marriage of
-Michael’s son and the King of Aragon’s daughter<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a>. In the following years
-he was Genoese Admiral in the Pisan War, and led an expedition to
-Tunis; in 1288 he was sent to Tripoli with full powers to transact all the
-business of the Republic beyond the seas. After negotiating with both
-the claimants to the last of the Crusaders’ Syrian states, he performed
-the more useful action of conveying the people of Tripoli to Cyprus,
-when, in the following year, that once famous city fell before the Sultan<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span>
-of Egypt. In Cyprus he concluded with King Henry II a treaty, which
-gave so little satisfaction to the home government, that it was speedily
-cancelled. More successful was the commercial convention which he
-made with Leo III of Armenia, followed by a further agreement with
-that monarch’s successor, Hethum II. But his rashness in capturing an
-Egyptian ship compelled the Republic to disown him, and in 1291 he
-sought employment under a new master, Sancho IV of Castile, as whose
-Admiral he defeated the Saracens off the coast of Morocco<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a>. From Spain
-he betook himself to the court of Philip IV of France, to whom, with
-characteristic audacity, he submitted in 1296 a plan for the invasion of
-England<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a>. During his absence in the West, however, war broke out
-between the Genoese and the Venetians, whose Admiral, Ruggiero
-Morosini, took Phocæa and seized the huge cauldrons which were used
-for the preparation of the alum<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a>. But upon his return he speedily
-repaired the walls of the city, and ere long the alum-mines yielded more
-than ever. Nor was this his only source of revenue, for under his brother
-and himself Phocæa had become a name of terror to the Latin pirates
-of the Levant, upon whom the famous <i>Tartarin</i> of the Zaccaria ceaselessly
-preyed, and who lost their lives, or at least their eyes, if they fell
-into the hands of the redoubtable Genoese captains<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a>. The sums thus
-gained Benedetto devoted in part to his favourite project for the recovery
-of the Holy Land, for which he actually equipped several vessels with
-the aid of the ladies of his native city—a pious act that won them the
-praise of Pope Boniface VIII, who described him as his “old, familiar
-friend<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a>.” This new crusade, indeed, came to nought, but such was the
-renown which he and his brother had acquired, that the Turks, by this
-time masters of the Asian coast, and occupants of the short-lived
-Genoese colony of Smyrna, were deterred from attacking Phocæa, not
-because of its natural strength but because of the warlike qualities of
-its Italian garrison. Conscious of their own valour and of the weakness
-of the Emperor Andronikos II, the Genoese colonists did not hesitate
-to ask him to entrust them with the defence of the neighbouring islands,
-if he were unable to defend that portion of his Empire himself. They only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span>
-stipulated that they should be allowed to defray the cost out of the local
-revenues, which would thus be expended on the spot, instead of being
-transmitted to Constantinople. Benedetto had good reason for making
-this offer; for Chios and Lesbos, once the seats of flourishing Genoese
-factories under the rule of the Greek Emperor and his father, had both
-suffered severely from the feeble policy of the central government and
-the attacks of corsairs. Twice, in 1292 and 1303, the troops first of Roger
-de Lluria and then of Roger de Flor had ravaged Mytilene and devastated
-the famous mastic-gardens of Chios—the only place in the world where
-that product was to be found, while a Turkish raid completed the
-destruction of that beautiful island<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Andronikos received Benedetto’s proposal with favour, but as he
-delayed giving a definite decision, the energetic Genoese, like the man
-of action that he was, occupied Chios in 1304 on his own account. The
-Emperor, too much engaged with the Turkish peril to undertake the
-expulsion of this desperate intruder, wisely recognised accomplished
-facts, and agreed to let him have the island for ten years as a fief of the
-Empire, free of all tribute, on condition that he flew the Byzantine
-standard from the walls and promised to restore his conquest to his
-suzerain at the expiration of the lease<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a>. Thus, in the fashion of Oriental
-diplomacy, both parties were satisfied: the Italian had gained the
-substance of power, while the Greek retained the shadow, and might
-salve his dignity with the reflexion that the real ruler of Chios hoisted
-his colours, owed him allegiance, and was a near kinsman of his own by
-marriage.</p>
-
-<p>This first Genoese occupation of Chios lasted only a quarter of a
-century; but even in that short time, under the firm and able rule of the
-Zaccaria, it recovered its former prosperity. Benedetto refortified the
-capital, restored the fallen buildings, heightened the walls, and deepened
-the ditch—significant proofs of his intention to stay. Entrusting
-Phocæa to the care of his nephew Tedisio, or Ticino, as his deputy, he
-devoted his attention to the revival of Chios, which at his death, in 1307,
-he bequeathed to his son, Paleologo, first-cousin of the reigning Emperor,
-while he left Phocæa to his half-brother, Nicolino, like himself a naval
-commander in the Genoese service. This division of the family possessions
-led to difficulties. Nicolino arrived at Phocæa and demanded
-a full statement of account from his late brother’s manager, Tedisio;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span>
-the latter consented, but the uncle and the nephew did not agree about
-the figures, and Nicolino withdrew, threatening to return with a larger
-force, to turn Tedisio out of his post, convey him to Genoa, and appoint
-another governor, Andriolo Cattaneo della Volta, a connexion of the
-family by marriage, in his place. Nicolino’s son privately warned his
-cousin of his father’s intentions, and advised him to quit Phocæa while
-there was still time. At this moment the Catalan Grand Company was
-at Gallipoli, and there Tedisio presented himself, begging the chronicler
-Muntaner to enroll him in its ranks. The Catalan, moved by his aristocratic
-antecedents and personal courage, consented, and soon the fugitive
-ex-governor, by glowing accounts of the riches of Phocæa, induced his
-new comrades to aid him in capturing the place from his successor. The
-Catalans were always ready for plunder, and the alum-city was said to
-contain “the richest treasures of the world.” Accordingly, a flotilla was
-equipped, which arrived off Phocæa on the night of Easter 1307. Before
-daybreak next morning, the assailants had scaled the walls of the castle;
-then they sacked the city, whose population of more than 3000 Greeks
-was employed in the alum-manufactory. The booty was immense, and
-not the least precious portion of it was a piece of the true Cross, encased
-in gold and studded with priceless jewels. This relic, said to have been
-brought by St John the Evangelist to Ephesus, captured by the Turks
-when they took that place, and pawned by them at Phocæa, fell to the
-lot of Muntaner<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>. This famous “Cross of the Zaccaria” would seem to
-have been restored to that family, and we may conjecture that it was
-presented to the cathedral of Genoa, where it now is, by the bastard son
-of the last Prince of the Morea<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a>, when, in 1459, he begged the city of his
-ancestors to recommend him to the generosity of Pius II. Emboldened
-by this success, Tedisio, with the aid of the Catalans, conquered the
-island of Thasos from the Greeks and received his friend Muntaner and
-the Infant Ferdinand of Majorca in its castle with splendid hospitality.
-Six years later, however, the Byzantine forces recovered this island,
-whence the Zaccaria preyed upon Venetian merchantmen<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a>, and it was
-not for more than a century that a Genoese lord once again held his
-court in the fortress of Tedisio Zaccaria.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, Paleologo, in Chios, had continued the enlightened policy
-of his father, and reaped his reward in the renewed productiveness of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span>
-the mastic-plantations. In 1314, when the ten years’ lease of the
-island expired, the strong fortifications, which his father had erected,
-and his near relationship to the Emperor procured him a renewal for
-five more years on the same terms<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a>. He did not, however, long enjoy
-this further tenure, for in the same year he died, apparently without
-progeny. As his uncle, Nicolino, the lord of Phocæa and the next
-heir, was by this time also dead, the latter’s sons, Martino and
-Benedetto II, succeeded their cousin as joint-rulers of Chios, while
-Phocæa passed beneath the direct control of Nicolino’s former
-governor, Andriolo Cattaneo, always, of course, subject to the confirmation
-of the Emperor.</p>
-
-<p>The two brothers, who had thus succeeded to Chios, possessed all the
-vigorous qualities of their race. One contemporary writer after another
-praises their services to Christendom, and describes the terror with which
-they filled the Turks. The Infidels, we are told, were afraid to approach
-within twelve miles of Chios, because of the Zaccaria, who always kept
-a thousand foot-soldiers, a hundred horsemen, and a couple of galleys
-ready for every emergency. Had it not been for the valour of the
-Genoese lords of Chios “neither man, nor woman, nor dog, nor cat, nor
-any live animal could have remained in any of the neighbouring islands.”
-Not only were the brothers “the shield of defence of the Christians,” but
-they did all they could to stop the infamous traffic in slaves, carried on
-by their fellow-countrymen, the Genoese of Alexandria, whose vessels
-passed Chios on the way from the Black Sea ports. Pope John XXII, who
-had already allowed Martino to export mastic to Alexandria in return
-for his services, was therefore urged to give the Zaccaria the maritime
-police of the Archipelago, so that this branch of the slave-trade might be
-completely cut off<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a>. Sanudo<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a>, with his accurate knowledge of the Ægean,
-remarked that the islands could not have resisted the Turks so long, had
-it not been for the Genoese rulers of Chios, Duke Nicolò I of Naxos, and
-the Holy House of the Hospital, established since 1309 in Rhodes, and
-estimated that the Zaccaria could furnish a galley for the recovery of
-the Holy Land. Martino was specially renowned for his exploits against
-the Turks. No man, it was said, had ever done braver deeds at sea than
-this defender of the Christians and implacable foe of the Paynim. In
-one year alone he captured 18 Turkish pirate ships, and at the end of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span>
-reign he had slain or taken more than 10,000 Turks<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a>. The increased
-importance of Chios at this period is evidenced by the coins, which the
-two brothers minted for their use, sometimes with the diplomatic
-legend, “servants of the Emperor<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>.” Benedetto II was, however,
-eclipsed by the greater glories of Martino. By marriage the latter became
-baron of Damala and by purchase<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> lord of Chalandritza in the Peloponnese,
-and thus laid the foundations of his family’s fortunes in the
-principality of Achaia. He was thereby brought into close relations with
-the official hierarchy of the Latin Orient, from which the Zaccaria, as
-Genoese traders, had hitherto been excluded. Accordingly, in 1325,
-Philip I of Taranto, who, in virtue of his marriage with Catherine of
-Valois, was titular Latin Emperor of Constantinople, bestowed upon
-him the islands of Lesbos, Samos, Kos, and Chios, which Baldwin II
-had reserved for himself and his successors in the treaty of Viterbo in
-1267,—a reservation repeated in 1294—together with those of Ikaria,
-Tenedos, Œnoussa, and Marmara, and the high-sounding title of “King
-and Despot of Asia Minor,” in return for his promise to furnish 500
-horsemen and six galleys a year whenever the “Emperor” came into
-his own<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a>. The practical benefits of this magnificent diploma were small—for
-Martino already ruled in Chios, with which Samos and Kos seem
-to have been united under the sway of the Zaccaria, while the other
-places mentioned belonged either to the Greeks or the Turks, over whom
-the phantom Latin Emperor had no power whatever. Indeed, this
-investiture by the titular ruler of Constantinople must have annoyed
-its actual sovereign, who had not, however, dared to refuse the renewal
-of the lease of Chios, when it again expired in 1319.</p>
-
-<p>But Martino had given hostages to fortune by his connexion with
-the Morea. His son, Bartolommeo, was captured by the Catalans of
-Athens in one of their campaigns, sent off to the custody of their
-patron, Frederick II of Sicily, and only released at the request of
-Pope John XXII in 1318. As the husband of the young Marchioness
-of Boudonitza, he was mixed up also in the politics of Eubœa and
-the mainland opposite, while he is mentioned as joining the other
-members of his family in their attacks upon the Turks.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span></p>
-
-<p>For a time Martino managed to preserve good relations with the
-Greek Empire. In 1324, the lease of Chios was again renewed, and in
-1327 Venice instructed her officials in the Levant to negotiate a league
-with him, the Greek Emperor, and the Knights against the common
-peril<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a>. But by this time the dual system of government in the island had
-broken down: Martino’s great successes had led him to desire the sole
-management of Chios, and he had accordingly ousted his brother from
-all share in the government and struck coins for the island with his own
-name alone, as he did for his barony of Damala<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a>. His riches had become
-such as to arouse the suspicions of the Imperial Government that he
-would not long be content to admit himself “the servant of the Emperor”;
-the public dues of the island amounted to 120,000 gold pieces a year,
-while the Turks paid an annual tribute to its dreaded ruler, in order to
-escape his attacks. It happened that, in 1328, when the quinquennial
-lease had only another year to run and the usual negotiations for its
-renewal should have begun, that Andronikos III, a warlike and energetic
-prince, mounted the throne of Constantinople, and this conjunction of
-circumstances seemed to the national party in Chios peculiarly favourable
-to its reconquest. Accordingly, the leading Greek of the island, Leon
-Kalothetos, who was an intimate friend of the new sovereign’s Prime
-Minister, John Cantacuzene, sought an interview with the latter’s
-mother, whom he interested in his plans. She procured him an audience
-of the Emperor and of her son, and they both encouraged him with
-presents and promises to support the expedition which they were ready
-to undertake. An excuse for hostilities was easily found in the new
-fortress which Martino was then engaged in constructing without the
-consent of his suzerain. An ultimatum was therefore sent to him
-ordering him to desist from his building operations, and to come in
-person to Constantinople, if he wished to renew his lease. Martino, as
-might have been expected from his character, treated the ultimatum
-with contempt, and only hastened on his building. Benedetto, however,
-took the opportunity to lodge a complaint against his brother before the
-Emperor, claiming 60,000 gold pieces, the present annual amount of his
-half-share in the island, which he had inherited but of which the grasping
-Martino had deprived him.</p>
-
-<p>In the early autumn of 1329, Andronikos assembled a magnificent
-fleet of 105 vessels, including four galleys furnished by Duke Nicolò I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span>
-of Naxos, with the ostensible object of attacking the Turks but with the
-real intention of subduing the Genoese lord of Chios. Even at this
-eleventh hour the Emperor would have been willing to leave him in
-possession of the rest of the island, merely placing an Imperial garrison
-in the new castle and insisting upon the regular payment of Benedetto’s
-annuity. Martino, however, was in no mood for negotiations. He sank
-the three galleys which he had in the harbour, forbade his Greek subjects
-to wear arms under pain of death, and shut himself up with 800 men
-behind the walls, from which there floated defiantly the flag of the
-Zaccaria, instead of the customary Imperial standard. But, when he
-saw that his brother had handed over a neighbouring fort to the
-Emperor, and that no reliance could be placed upon his Greek subjects,
-he sent messengers begging for peace. Andronikos repulsed them, saying
-that the time for compromise was over, whereupon Martino surrendered.
-The Chians clamoured for his execution; but Cantacuzene saved his life,
-and he was conveyed a prisoner to Constantinople, while his wife
-Jacqueline de la Roche, a connexion of the former ducal house of Athens,
-was allowed to go free with her family and all that they could carry.
-Martino’s adherents were given their choice of leaving the island with
-their property, or of entering the Imperial service, and the majority
-chose the latter alternative. The nationalist leaders were rewarded for
-their devotion by gifts and honours; the people were relieved from their
-oppressive public burdens. To Benedetto the Emperor offered the
-governorship of Chios with half the net revenues of the island as his
-salary—a generous offer which the Genoese rejected with scorn, asserting
-that nothing short of absolute sovereignty over it would satisfy him.
-If that were refused, he only asked for three galleys to carry him and his
-property to Galata. Andronikos treated him with remarkable forbearance,
-in order that public opinion might not accuse an Emperor of
-having been guilty of meanness, and, on the proposal of Cantacuzene,
-convened an assembly of Greeks and of the Latins who were then in the
-island—Genoese and Venetian traders, the Duke of Naxos, the recently
-appointed Roman Catholic bishop of Chios and some other Frères
-Prêcheurs who had arrived—in order that there might be impartial
-witnesses of his generosity. Even those of Benedetto’s own race and
-creed regarded his obstinate refusal of the Imperial offer with disapprobation;
-nor would he even accept a palace and the rank of Senator
-at Constantinople with 20,000 gold pieces a year out of the revenues of
-Chios; nothing but his three galleys could he be persuaded to take. His
-object was soon apparent. Upon his arrival at Galata, he chartered
-eight Genoese galleys, which he found lying there, and set out to reconquer<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span>
-Chios—a task which he considered likely to be easy, as the
-Imperial fleet had by that time dispersed. The Chians, however, repulsed
-his men with considerable loss, the survivors weighed anchor on the
-morrow, and Benedetto II succumbed barely a week later to an attack
-of apoplexy, brought on by his rage and disappointment<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Martino, after eight years in captivity, was released by the intervention
-of Pope Benedict XII and Philip VI of France in 1337, and
-treated with favour by the Emperor, who “gave him a command in the
-army and other castles,” as some compensation for his losses<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a>. In 1343,
-Clement VI appointed him captain of the four papal galleys which
-formed part of the crusade for the capture of the former Genoese colony
-of Smyrna from Omar Beg of Aïdin, the self-styled “Prince of the
-Morea<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>”—a post for which his special experience and local knowledge
-were a particular recommendation in the eyes of the Pope. Martino
-desired, however, to avail himself of this opportunity to reconquer
-Chios from the Greeks, and invited the Knights and the Cypriote
-detachment to join him in this venture, to which his friend, the Archbishop
-of Thebes, endeavoured to force the latter by threats of
-excommunication. The Pope saw, however, that this repetition on a
-smaller scale of the selfish policy of the Fourth Crusade would have the
-effect of alienating his Greek allies, and ordered the Latin Patriarch of
-Constantinople to forbid the attack<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>. Martino lived to see Smyrna taken
-in December, 1344, but on January 17, 1345, the rashness of the
-Patriarch, who insisted on holding mass in the old Metropolitan Church
-against the advice of the naval authorities, cost him his life. Omar
-assaulted the cathedral while service was still going on, Martino was
-slain, and his head presented to that redoubtable chieftain<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a>. When, in
-the following year, the Genoese retook Chios, and founded their second
-long domination over it, his descendants did not profit by the conquest.
-But his second son, Centurione, retained his baronies in the Morea, of
-which the latter’s grandson and namesake was the last reigning Prince.</p>
-
-<p>After the restoration of Greek rule in Chios and the appointment of
-Kalothetos as Imperial viceroy, Andronikos III had proceeded to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span>
-Phocæa. By this time the Genoese had abandoned the old city and had
-strongly fortified themselves in the new town, purchasing further
-security for their commercial operations by the payment of an annual
-tribute of 15,000 pieces of silver and a personal present of 10,000 more
-to Saru-Khan, the Turkish ruler of the district. The Emperor, having
-placated this personage with the usual Oriental arguments, set out for
-Foglia Nuova. Andriolo Cattaneo chanced to be absent at Genoa on
-business, and the Genoese garrison of 52 knights and 400 foot-soldiers
-was under the command of his uncle, Arrigo Tartaro. The latter wisely
-averted annexation by doing homage to the Emperor, and handed the
-keys of the newly constructed castle to his Varangian guard. After
-spending two nights in the fortress, in order to show that it was his,
-Andronikos magnanimously renewed the grant of the place to Andriolo
-during good pleasure. But Domenico Cattaneo, who succeeded his
-father not long afterwards with the assent of the Emperor, lost, in his
-attempt to obtain more, what he already had.</p>
-
-<p>Cattaneo, not content with the riches of Foglia Nuova, coveted the
-island of Lesbos, which had belonged for just over a century to the
-Greeks, and it seemed in 1333 as if an opportunity of seizing it had
-arisen. The increasing power of the Turks, who had by that time taken
-Nicæa and Brusa and greatly hindered Greek and Latin trade alike in
-the Ægean, led to a coalition against them; but, before attacking the
-common enemy, the Knights, Nicolò I of Naxos, and Cattaneo made a
-treacherous descent upon Lesbos, and seized the capital of the island.
-The crafty Genoese, supported by a number of galleys from his native
-city, managed, however, to outwit his weaker allies, and ousted them
-from all share in the conquered town, whither he transferred his residence
-from Foglia Nuova. Andronikos, after punishing the Genoese of Pera
-for this act of treachery on the part of their countrymen, set out to
-recover Lesbos. The slowness of the Emperor’s movements, however,
-enabled Cattaneo to strengthen the garrison, and Andronikos, leaving
-one of his officers to besiege Lesbos, proceeded to invest Foglia with the
-aid of Saru-Khan, whose son with other young Turks had been captured
-and kept as a hostage by the Genoese garrison. The place, however,
-continued for long to resist the attacks of the allies, till at last Cattaneo’s
-lieutenant prevailed upon them to raise the siege by restoring the
-prisoners to their parents and pledging himself to obtain the surrender
-of the city of Mytilene, which still held out, and which the Emperor,
-fearing troubles at home, had no time to take. Cattaneo, indeed, repudiated
-this part of the arrangement, and bribery was needed to seduce
-the Latin mercenaries and thus leave him unsupported. From Lesbos<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span>
-he retired to Foglia, which the Emperor had consented to allow him to
-keep on the old terms; but four years later, while he was absent on a
-hunting party, the Greek inhabitants overpowered the small Italian
-garrison and proclaimed Andronikos III<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>. Thus ended the first Genoese
-occupation of Phocæa and Lesbos—the harbinger of the much longer and
-more durable colonisation a few years later. Two gold coins, modelled
-on the Venetian ducats, of which the first of them is the earliest known
-counterfeit, have survived to preserve the memory of Andriolo and
-Domenico Cattaneo, and to testify to the riches of the Foglie under their
-rule<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a>.</p>
-
-<h4 id="Appendix3">APPENDIX</h4>
-
-<h5>DIGEST OF GENOESE DOCUMENTS</h5>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">22-24 Aug. 1285.</td>
-    <td>Fourteen documents of these dates refer to the mercantile
-    transactions of Benedetto and Manuele Zaccaria, such as their
-    appointment of agents to receive their wares from “Fogia” and
-    to send them to Genoa, Majorca, Syria, the Black Sea, and other places.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(Pandette Richeriane, fogliazzo ii. fasc. 10.)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">17 April, 1287.</td>
-    <td>“Benedetto Zaccaria in his own name and in that of his brother
-    Manuele” gives a receipt at Genoa to “Percivalis Spinula.”</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(<i>Ibid.</i> fasc. 20.)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">24 Jan. 1287.</td>
-    <td>“Nicolino” is mentioned as brother of Benedetto and Manuele Zaccaria.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(<i>Ibid.</i> fogliazzo i. fasc. 178.)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">9 May, 1291.</td>
-    <td>“Clarisia, wife of the late Manuele Zaccaria, in her own name and
-    on behalf of her sons Tedisio, Leonardo, Odoardo and Manfred,” appoints
-    an agent for the sale of a female slave.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(<i>Ibid.</i> fogliazzo ii. fasc. 27.)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">14 April, 1304.</td>
-    <td>“Paleologo Zaccaria” is cited as witness to a monetary transaction.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(<i>Ibid.</i> fogliazzo A. fasc. 7.)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">31 May, 1311.</td>
-    <td>Two documents executed at Genoa. In one Domenico Doria acknowledges
-    receipt of monies from Andriolo Cattaneo, son of Andriolo; in the other
-    Andriolo appoints Lanfranchino Doria and Luchino Cattaneo his agents.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(<i>Ibid.</i> fasc. 7.)<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">13 Aug. 1313.</td>
-    <td>“Manuel Bonaneus” acknowledges receipt of monies from Andriolo Cattaneo.</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(<i>Ibid.</i> fasc. 13.)</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw">21, 24 Sept. 1316.</td>
-    <td>Mention of “the galley of Paleologo Zaccaria, which was at Pera in 1307.”</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class="nw"></td>
-    <td class="tdc">(<i>Ibid.</i> fasc. 13.)</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<h5>GENOESE COLONIES IN GREEK LANDS</h5>
-
-<h6>I. <span class="smcap">Lords of Phocæa</span> (Foglia).</h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Manuele Zaccaria.            1275.</li>
-<li>Benedetto I <span class="ditto">”</span>               1288.</li>
-<li>[Tedisio  <span class="ditto">”</span>   governor.  1302-7.]</li>
-<li>Nicolino    <span class="ditto">”</span>              1307.</li>
-<li>Andriolo Cattaneo della Volta, governor, 1307; lord, 1314.</li>
-<li>Domenico    <span class="ditto">”</span>    <span class="ditto">”</span>   <span class="ditto">”</span> 1331-40.</li>
-<li>[Byzantine. 1340-6.]</li>
-<li>Genoese (with Chios).        1346-8.</li>
-</ul>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
-  <img class="w100" src="images/tree1.jpg" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<h6>II. <span class="smcap">Lords of Chios, Samos and Ikaria.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>[Latin Emperors: 1204-25; Greek Emperors: 1225-1304.]</li>
-<li>Benedetto I Zaccaria. 1304.</li>
-<li>Paleologo     <span class="ditto">”</span>     1307.</li>
-<li>Benedetto II  <span class="ditto">”</span>}</li>
-<li>Martino <span class="ditto">”</span> }  1314-29.</li>
-<li>[Byzantine. 1329-46.]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
-  <img class="w100" src="images/tree2.jpg" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<h6>III. <span class="smcap">Lords of Lesbos.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>[Latin Emperors: 1204-25; Greek Emperors: 1225-1333.]</li>
-<li>Domenico Cattaneo. 1333-6.</li>
-<li>[Byzantine. 1336-55.]</li>
-<li>Francesco I Gattilusio. 1355.</li>
-<li>Francesco II   <span class="ditto">”</span>      1384.</li>
-<li>[Nicolò I of Ænos, regent. 1384-7.]<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span></li>
-<li>Jacopo Gattilusio. 1404.</li>
-<li>[Nicolò I of Ænos again regent. 1404-9.]</li>
-<li>Dorino I Gattilusio: succeeded between March 13, 1426, and October 14, 1428.</li>
-<li>[Domenico <span class="ditto">”</span> regent 1449-55.]</li>
-<li>Domenico    <span class="ditto">”</span> 1455.</li>
-<li>Nicolò II   <span class="ditto">”</span> 1458-62.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1462-1912; Greek: 1912- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h6>IV. <span class="smcap">Lords of Thasos.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Tedisio Zaccaria. 1307-13.</li>
-<li>[Greek Emperors. 1313-<i>c.</i> 1434.]</li>
-<li>Dorino I Gattilusio. <i>c.</i> 1434 or ? <i>c.</i> 1419.</li>
-<li>? Jacopo Gattilusio. <i>c.</i> 1419.</li>
-<li>[Oberto de’ Grimaldi, governor. 1434.]</li>
-<li>Francesco III Gattilusio. 1444-<i>c.</i> 1449.</li>
-<li>Dorino I         <span class="ditto">”</span>    again. <i>c.</i> 1449.</li>
-<li>[Domenico, regent. 1449-55.]</li>
-<li>Domenico. 1455. (June 30-October.)</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1455-6; Papal: 1456-9; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Turkish: 1479-1912; Greek: 1912- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h6>V. <span class="smcap">Lords of Lemnos.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>[Navigajosi, Gradenighi, Foscari: 1207-69; Greek Emperors: 1269-1453.]</li>
-<li>Dorino I Gattilusio. 1453. (Castle of Kokkinos from 1440.)</li>
-<li>[Domenico, regent. 1453-5.]</li>
-<li>Domenico. 1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Nicolò II, governor. 1455-6.]</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456; Papal: 1456-8; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-4; Comnenos: 1464; Venetian: 1464-79; Turkish: 1479-1656; Venetian: 1656-7; Turkish (except for Russian occupation of 1770): 1657-1912; Greek: 1912- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h6>VI. <span class="smcap">Lords of Samothrace.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>[Latin Emperors: 1204-61; Greek Emperors: 1261-<i>c.</i> 1431.]</li>
-<li>Palamede Gattilusio. <i>c.</i> 1431.</li>
-<li>[Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, governor: 1444-55.]</li>
-<li>Dorino II Gattilusio. 1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456; Papal: 1456-9; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Turkish: 1479-1912; Greek: 1912- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h6>VII. <span class="smcap">Lords of Imbros.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>[Latin Emperors: 1204-61; Greek Emperors: 1261-1453.]</li>
-<li>Palamede Gattilusio. 1453.</li>
-<li>[Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, governor.]</li>
-<li>Dorino II Gattilusio. 1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-70; Turkish: 1470-1912; Greek: 1912-14; Turkish: 1914-20; Greek: 1920- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span></p>
-
-<h6>VIII. <span class="smcap">Lords of Ænos.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Nicolò I Gattilusio. <i>c.</i> 1384.</li>
-<li>Palamede    <span class="ditto">”</span>        1409.</li>
-<li>Dorino II   <span class="ditto">”</span>        1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-8; Turkish: 1468-1912; Bulgarian: 1912-3; Turkish: 1913-20; Greek: 1920- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h6>IX. <span class="smcap">Smyrna.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Genoese. 1261-<i>c.</i> 1300.</li>
-<li>[Turkish, <i>c.</i> 1300-44.]</li>
-<li>Genoese. 1344-1402.</li>
-<li>[Mongol: 1402; Turkish, interrupted by risings of Kara-Djouneïd: 1402-24; continuously Turkish: 1424-1919; Greek (“under Turkish sovereignty”): 1919- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h6>X. <span class="smcap">Famagosta.</span></h6>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Genoese: 1374-1464.</li>
-<li>[Banca di San Giorgio: 1447-64; Lusignans: 1464-89; Venetian: 1489-1571; Turkish: 1571-1878; British (under Turkish suzerainty): 1878-1914; British: 1914- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h3 id="heading20">2. THE GENOESE IN CHIOS (1346-1566)</h3>
-
-<p>Of the Latin states which existed in Greek lands between the Latin
-conquest of Constantinople in 1204 and the fall of the Venetian Republic
-in 1797, there were four principal forms. Those states were either
-independent kingdoms, such as Cyprus; feudal principalities, of which
-that of Achaia is the best example; military outposts, like Rhodes; or
-colonies directly governed by the mother-country, of which Crete was
-the most conspicuous. But the Genoese administration of Chios differed
-from all the other Latin creations in the Levant. It was what we
-should call in modern parlance a Chartered Company, which on a
-smaller scale anticipated the career of the East India and the British
-South Africa Companies in our own history.</p>
-
-<p>The origins of the Latin colonization of Greece are usually to be
-found in places and circumstances where we should least expect to find
-them. The incident which led to this Genoese occupation of the most
-fertile island of the Ægean is to be sought in the history of the smallest
-of European principalities—that of Monaco, which in the first half of
-the fourteenth century already belonged to the noble Genoese family of
-Grimaldi, which still reigns over it. At that time the rock of Monaco
-and the picturesque village of Roquebrune (between Monte Carlo and
-Mentone) sheltered a number of Genoese nobles, fugitives from their
-native city, where one of those revolutions common in the mediæval
-republics of Italy had placed the popular party in power. The proximity<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span>
-and the preparations of these exiles were a menace to Genoa, but the
-resources of the republican treasury were too much exhausted to equip
-a fleet against them at the cost of the state. Accordingly, an appeal was
-made to the patriotism of private citizens, whose expenses were to be
-ultimately refunded, and in the meanwhile guaranteed by the possession
-of any conquered territory. In response to this appeal, twenty-six
-of the people and three nobles of the popular party equipped that
-number of galleys, which were placed under the command of Simone
-Vignoso, himself one of the twenty-nine privateers. On April 24, 1346,
-the fleet set sail; and, at its approach, the outlawed nobles fled to
-Marseilles, whence many of them entered the French army and died
-four months later fighting at Crécy against our King Edward III.</p>
-
-<p>The immediate object for which the fleet had been fitted out had
-been thus accomplished. But it seemed to Vignoso a pity that it should
-not be employed, and the Near East offered a tempting field for its
-activities. The condition of south-eastern Europe in 1346 might perhaps
-be paralleled with its situation in later times. An ancient empire,
-which Gladstone described as “more wonderful than anything done by
-the Romans,” enthroned on the Bosporos with one brief interval for ten
-centuries, was obviously crumbling away, and its ultimate dissolution
-was only a question of time. A lad of fourteen, John V Palaiologos, sat
-on the throne of the Cæsars, while a woman and a foreigner, the Empress-mother
-Anne of Savoy, governed in his name. Against her and her son
-the too-powerful Grand Domestic (or, as we should say, prime minister),
-John Cantacuzene, whom posterity remembers rather as an historian
-than as an Emperor, had raised the standard of revolt. In Asia Minor
-Byzantium retained nothing but the suburb of Scutari, Philadelphia,
-and the two towns of Phocæa. Independent emirs ruled the south and
-centre, the Ottomans the north, whence in seven years they were to
-cross into Europe, in eight more to transfer their capital to Adrianople.
-Already the European provinces of Byzantium were cut short by the
-frontier of the Bulgarian Empire and still more by the rapid advance of
-Serbia, then the most powerful state in the Balkan peninsula. Seventeen
-days before Vignoso sailed for the East, the great Serbian conqueror and
-lawgiver, Stephen Dushan, one of the most remarkable figures in mediæval
-history, was crowned at Skoplje “Emperor of the Serbs and Greeks”
-and had proposed to Genoa’s rival, Venice, an alliance for the conquest
-of the Byzantine Empire. Greece proper, with the exception of the
-Byzantine province in the Morea, was parcelled out between Latin
-rulers, while Byzantium had no fleet to protect her outlying territories.
-Under these circumstances a commercial Italian republic might not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span>
-unnaturally seek to peg out claims in the midst of the general confusion
-in the East, where only two years before Smyrna, formerly a Genoese
-colony, had been recaptured from the Turks.</p>
-
-<p>Vignoso’s first intention was to protect the Genoese settlements on
-the Black Sea against the attacks of the Tartars; but information
-received at Negroponte, where he touched on the way, led him to change
-his plans. There he found a fleet of Venetian and Rhodian galleys, under
-the Dauphin of Vienne, preparing to occupy Chios as a naval base for
-operations against the Turks in Asia Minor. Vignoso and his associates
-were offered large sums for their co-operation, but their patriotism
-rejected the idea of handing over to the rival republic an island which had
-belonged to the Genoese family of Zaccaria from 1304 to 1329, and
-which as recently as seventeen years earlier had been recovered by the
-Greeks. They made all sail for Chios, and offered to assist the islanders
-against a Venetian attack, if they would hoist the Genoese flag and
-admit a small Genoese garrison. The scornful refusal of the garrison was
-followed by the landing of the Genoese; four days sufficed to take the
-rest of the island; but the citadel made such a spirited resistance that
-three months passed before food gave out and on September 12 the
-capitulation was signed. The governor, Kalojanni Cybo, himself of
-Genoese extraction, and a member of the well-known Ligurian family
-which afterwards produced Pope Innocent VIII, made excellent terms
-for himself and his relatives, while the Greeks were to enjoy their
-former religious liberties and endowments, their property, and their
-privileges. A Genoese governor was to be appointed to administer the
-island according to the laws of the Republic, and 200 houses in the citadel
-were assigned at once for the use of the Genoese garrison. Vignoso
-proved by his example that he meant to keep these promises. He
-ordered his own son to be flogged publicly for stealing grapes from a
-vineyard belonging to one of the natives, and bequeathed a sum of
-money for providing poor Chiote girls with dowries as compensation for
-any damage that he might have inflicted upon the islanders.</p>
-
-<p>Vignoso completed the conquest of Chios by the annexation of Old
-and New Phocæa, or Foglia Vecchia and Nuova, as the Italians called
-them, almost the last Byzantine possessions on the coast of Asia Minor,
-and celebrated for their valuable alum-mines, whence English ships used
-to obtain materials for dyeing, and of the neighbouring islands of Psara,
-or Santa Panagia, Samos, Ikaria, and the Œnoussai<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a>. All these places<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span>
-had belonged to the former Genoese lords of Chios, with whose fortunes
-they were now reunited. The two Foglie, with the exception of a brief
-Byzantine restoration, remained in Genoese hands till they were conquered
-by the Turks in 1455; Foglia Vecchia, after about 1402, being
-administered by the Gattilusj of Lesbos, Foglia Nuova being leased to
-a member of the <i>maona</i> for life or a term of years. Samos and Psara
-were abandoned in 1475 from fear of corsairs, and their inhabitants
-removed to Chios, whilst the harbourless Ikaria, where pirates could not
-land, was in 1362 granted to the Genoese family of Arangio, which held
-it with the title of Count until 1481. In that year it was ceded for
-greater security to the knights of Rhodes, and remained united with that
-island till it too was conquered by the Turks in 1522. Vignoso desired
-to add the rich island of Lesbos and the strategic island of Tenedos,
-which, as we have been lately reminded, commands the mouth of the
-Dardanelles, to his acquisitions. But his crews had had enough of
-fighting, and were so mutinous that he returned to Genoa<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Genoese exchequer was unable to repay to Vignoso and his
-partners their expenses, amounting to 203,000 Genoese pounds (£79,170
-of our money) or 7000 for each of the twenty-nine galleys, the Genoese
-pound being then, according to Desimoni, worth 9 lire 75 centesimi.
-Accordingly, by an arrangement made on February 26, 1347, it was
-agreed that the Republic should liquidate this liability within twenty
-years and thereupon become the direct owner of the conquered places,
-which in the meanwhile were to be governed—and the civil and criminal
-administration conducted—in her name. The collection of taxes,
-however, and the monopoly of the mastic, which was the chief product
-of the island, were granted to the twenty-nine associates in the company,
-or <i>mahona</i>, as it was called. The origin of this word is uncertain. In
-modern Italian <i>maona</i> means a “lighter”; but those vessels of Turkish
-invention are not mentioned before 1500. On the other hand, we read
-of a <i>maona</i>, or <i>madona</i> (as it is there written), in connexion with a
-Genoese expedition to Ceuta in a document of 1236, and it has, therefore,
-been suggested that <i>maona</i> is a Ligurian contraction of <i>Madonna</i>,
-and that such trading companies were under the protection of Our Lady,
-whose image was to be seen on the palace of the Giustiniani at Genoa.
-At any rate, the name was applied to other Genoese companies, to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span>
-Old and New <i>maona</i> of Cyprus, founded in 1374 and 1403, and to the
-<i>maona</i> of Corsica, founded in 1378. Other derivations are from the
-Greek word μονάς (“unit”), the Genoese <i>mobba</i> (“union”), and the
-Arabic <i>me-unet</i> (“subsidy”)<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>This convention with the <i>maonesi</i><a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> was to be valid only as long as
-the popular party remained in power at Genoa. The Republic was to be
-represented in Chios by a <i>podestà</i>, selected annually out of a list of twenty
-Genoese democrats submitted in February by the Doge and his council
-to the <i>maonesi</i>; from these twenty the <i>maonesi</i> were to choose four, and
-one of these four was then appointed <i>podestà</i> by the Doge and council.
-Should the first list of twenty be rejected by the <i>maonesi</i>, a second list
-was to be prepared by the home government. The <i>podestà</i> was to swear
-to govern according to the regulations of Genoa and the convention
-concluded by Vignoso with the Greeks. Twice a year he went on circuit
-through the island to hear the complaints of the natives, and no
-<i>maonese</i> was allowed to accompany him on those journeys. Another
-officer of the Republic was the <i>castellano</i>, or commander of the castle of
-Chios, likewise chosen annually, from a list of six names, submitted to
-the Duke and his council by the <i>maonesi</i>. This officer was bound to find
-security to the amount of 3000 Genoese pounds (£1170) for his important
-charge. A <i>podestà</i> and <i>castellano</i> for Foglia Nuova and the
-<i>castellano</i> of Foglia Vecchia, who had the powers of a <i>podestà</i>, were
-appointed in the same way. These officials were responsible for their
-misdeeds to a board of examiners, and the <i>podestà</i> was assisted by six,
-afterwards twelve, councillors called <i>gubernatores</i>, elected by the <i>maonesi</i>
-or other nominees, in everything except his judicial work, where their
-co-operation was at his discretion. Salaries were not high; those of the
-<i>podestà</i> of Chios and Foglia Nuova were only 1250 (or £560) and 600
-<i>hypérpera</i> (or £268 16<i>s.</i>) respectively; those of the three <i>castellani</i>
-ranged from 400 to 500 (or £179 4<i>s.</i> to £224). Out of these sums they
-had to keep and clothe a considerable retinue. Local officials called
-generically <i>rettori</i>, but familiarly known as <i>codespótæ</i> (“joint lords”) or
-<i>protogérontes</i> (“chief elders”) in the eight northern, and as <i>logariastaí</i>
-(or “calculators”) in the four southern or mastic districts of Chios, were
-appointed by the <i>podestà</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The <i>podestà</i> had the right of coining money, provided that his coins<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span>
-bore the effigy of the Doge of Genoa and the inscription “Dux Ianuensium
-Conradus Rex” in memory of Conrad III, King of the Romans,
-who in 1138 had conceded to the Republic the privilege of a mint on
-condition that her coins always bore his name<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a>. This condition was not,
-however, always observed in the Chiote mint. The <i>maonesi</i> between
-1382 and 1415 coined base imitations of the Venetian <i>zecchini</i>, a practice
-likewise adopted by Francesco I Gattilusio of Lesbos, and by Stephen
-Urosh II of Servia, and which procured for the latter a place among the
-evil kings in the <i>Paradiso</i><a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> of Dante. From 1415 the name and figure of
-St Laurence, the patron saint of the cathedral at Genoa, and the initial
-or name of the Doge began to appear on the Chiote coins; during the
-Milanese domination of Genoa two Dukes of Milan, Filippo Maria
-Visconti and Galeazzo Maria Sforza, figured on the currency of the
-island, and two issued during the French protectorate of Genoa (1458-61)
-actually bear the kneeling figure of Charles VII<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a>. Finally, from 1483
-small pieces bear the initials of the <i>podestà</i>. The financial affairs of the
-company were entrusted to two officials known as <i>massarj</i>, who were
-obliged to send in annual accounts to the Genoese Audit Office. Lastly,
-Chios was to be a free port for Genoese ships, which were to stop a day
-there on the voyage to Greece or between Greece and Syria, but no
-Genoese outlaws were to be harboured there. Thus, while the nominal
-suzerainty was vested in the home government, the real usufruct
-belonged to the company, especially as the former was never able to
-clear off its liabilities to the latter.</p>
-
-<p>The members of the <i>maona</i> soon began to tire of their bargain and
-to sell their shares. Vignoso died, most of his partners resided at Genoa,
-and only eleven years after the constitution of the original company the
-island was in the possession of eight associates, of whom one alone,
-Lanfranco Drizzacorne, had been a member of the old <i>maona</i>. These
-persons, being mainly absentees, had farmed out the revenues to another
-company, formed in 1349 for the extraction of mastic, and consisting of
-twelve individuals under the direction of Pasquale Forneto and Giovanni
-Oliverio. Difficulties arose between the eight partners and their lessees;
-the Republic intervened, and, by the good offices of the Doge of Genoa,
-Simone Boccanegra, a fresh arrangement<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> was made on March 8, 1362.
-The island was farmed out for twelve years to the twelve persons above
-mentioned or their heirs, who collectively formed an “inn” (or <i>albergo</i>),
-and, abandoning their family names, called themselves both collectively<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span>
-and individually the Giustiniani—a name assumed three years earlier
-by the members of the old <i>maona</i>, and perhaps derived from the palace
-where their office was. One of the twelve partners, Gabriele Adorno,
-alone declined to merge that illustrious name in a common designation.
-The members of this new <i>maona</i> were to enjoy the revenues of the island
-in equal shares; but the Republic reserved to herself the right of purchasing
-Chios before February 26, 1367, the date fixed by the previous
-arrangement for the liquidation of her original debt of 203,000 Genoese
-pounds; if that date were allowed to pass without such payment, the
-Republic could not exercise the right of purchase for three years more;
-if no payment were made by February 26, 1374, that right would be
-forfeited altogether. No member of the new company could sell his
-twelfth or any fraction of it (for each twelfth was divided into three parts
-called <i>caratti grossi</i> and each of these three was subsequently subdivided
-into eight shares, making 288 <i>caratti piccoli</i> in all) to any of his partners,
-but, with the consent of the Doge, he might substitute a fresh partner
-in his place, provided always that the number of the partners remained
-twelve and that they belonged to the popular party at Genoa. The
-number was not, however, strictly maintained. Thus, while at first the
-partners were twelve, viz. Nicolò de Caneto, Giovanni Campi, Francesco
-Arangio, Nicolò di S. Teodoro, Gabriele Adorno, Paolo Banca, Tommaso
-Longo, Andriolo Campi, Raffaelle di Forneto, Lucchino Negro, Pietro
-Oliverio, and Francesco Garibaldi, there was soon added a thirteenth in
-the person of Pietro di S. Teodoro, whose share, however, only consisted
-of two <i>caratti grossi</i>, or sixteen <i>caratti piccoli</i>, that is to say, two-thirds
-of the share of each of the other members. In the very next year
-some of the partners retired to Genoa, selling their shares, and thus two
-entire twelfths came into the possession of the same individual, Pietro
-Recanelli, who had succeeded Vignoso as the leading spirit of the
-company. Later on, the shares became subdivided to such an extent
-that at the date of the Turkish conquest more than 600 persons held
-fractions of them. The shareholders were entitled not only to their
-dividends but also to a proportionate share of the local offices, of which
-two or three were attached to each share, but no shareholder could hold
-the more important for two consecutive years.</p>
-
-<p>When the term for the purchase of the island by the Genoese
-Republic drew near, her treasury, exhausted by the war arising out of her
-quarrels with the Venetians in Cyprus, was unable to liquidate its debt
-to the company of 203,000 Genoese pounds, at that time (owing to the
-change in the value of the pound) equivalent to 152,250. Anxious not
-to forfeit her right of purchase, the Republic paid to the company<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span>
-collectively this sum, which she had first borrowed from the chief
-members of it in their individual capacity as bankers. By this financial
-juggle she became possessed of Chios; but, in order to pay the interest
-on her new loan, she let the island for twenty years more to the <i>maonesi</i>,
-who were to deduct from its revenues the amount of the interest and
-remit the balance, calculated at 2000 gold florins, to the Genoese exchequer.
-Seven years’ balance was to be paid in advance. But such was
-the financial distress of Genoa that the government in 1380 was obliged
-to mortgage this annual balance to the bank of St George for 100,000
-Genoese pounds. The company then came to the aid of the mother-country,
-and voluntarily offered to furnish a loan of 25,000 Genoese
-pounds. In return, the Republic, by a convention of June 28, 1385,
-renewed the lease of Chios, which would otherwise have expired in 1394,
-till 1418. Five years before the latter date it was again renewed, in
-return for a fresh loan of 18,000 Genoese pounds, till 1447; again, in
-1436, in consideration of a further loan of 25,000, it was prolonged till
-1476, when it was extended to 1507 and then till 1509. Then, at last,
-the Republic not only resolved to pay off the <i>maonesi</i>, but even raised
-the money for the purpose; but the shareholders protested that 152,250
-Genoese pounds were no longer sufficient in view of the altered value of
-the pound (then worth only 3 lire 73 c.) and the large sums which they
-had advanced. Payment was accordingly postponed till 1513, when it
-was decided to leave the island in the hands of the Giustiniani till 1542,
-with some modifications of their charter. In 1528, however, it was
-finally agreed to lease Chios to them in perpetuity, in return for an
-annual rent of 2500 Genoese pounds. At that time most of the shareholders
-were enrolled in the Golden Book of Genoa.</p>
-
-<p>Such were the arrangements between the company and the mother-country,
-arrangements which worked so well that in 220 years there
-was only one revolt against her, when Marshal Boucicault occupied
-Genoa for the King of France. Considering their contract thereby
-annulled, the Giustiniani deposed the <i>podestà</i> and on December 21, 1408,
-proclaimed their independence. Venice allowed them to buy provisions
-and arms; but in June, 1409, a Genoese force under Corrado Doria forced
-them to yield<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a>. Let us now look at their relations with foreign powers.
-Of these, three were at one time or another a menace to their existence—the
-Greek Empire, Venice, and the Turks. Both Anne of Savoy<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> and
-Cantacuzene demanded the restoration of Chios from the Republic,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span>
-which replied that no official orders had been given for its capture and
-the government could assume no responsibility for the acts of a private
-company, nor could it dislodge the latter without great expense; at
-some future date, however, when circumstances were more favourable,
-it would undoubtedly be possible to restore it to the Emperor. The latter
-was not satisfied with this reply, but bade the Genoese envoys, who were
-sent to pacify him, fix a definite date for the evacuation of Chios. It was
-then agreed between him and the Republic that the <i>maonesi</i> should retain
-the city of Chios, and enjoy its revenues, for ten years, on condition that
-they paid an annual tribute of 12,000 gold pieces to the Emperor,
-hoisted his flag, mentioned his name in their public prayers, and
-received their metropolitan from the church of Constantinople. The
-rest of the island, including the other forts, was to belong to the
-Emperor, and to be governed by an Imperial official, who was to decide
-all disputes between the Greeks, while those between a Greek and a
-Latin were to be referred to the two Byzantine and Genoese authorities
-sitting together. At the end of the ten years, calculated from Cantacuzene’s
-occupation of Constantinople, the Genoese were to evacuate
-Chios altogether. Vignoso and his co-partners, however, declined to be
-bound by an arrangement made between the Emperor and the Republic,
-whereupon Cybo attempted to restore Greek rule, and perished in the
-attempt. The two Foglie were, however, temporarily reoccupied<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a>, but
-the Greek peril ceased when the Emperor John V Palaiologos in 1363
-granted Chios to Pietro Recanelli and his colleagues in return for an
-annual payment of 500 <i>hypérpera</i> (or £224)<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a>. Eight years earlier the
-position of the <i>maona</i> had been strengthened by the same Emperor’s gift
-of Lesbos as his sister’s dowry to another Genoese, Francesco Gattilusio,
-whose family, as time went on, ruled also over Thasos, Lemnos, Samothrace,
-Imbros, and the town of Ænos on the mainland, in 1913 the
-Turkish frontier in Europe. In 1440 John VI renewed the charter of 1363.</p>
-
-<p>Venice was a more obstinate rival. The war which broke out between
-the two Republics in 1350 involved Chios, for a defeated Genoese
-squadron took refuge there. But Vignoso, with his usual energy, fitted
-out a flotilla, sailed to Negroponte, captured the castle of Karystos,
-ravaged Keos, and hung the keys of Chalkis as a trophy over the castle-gate
-of Chios—a humiliation avenged by the despatch of a Venetian
-squadron which carried off many of the islanders<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a>. During the struggle<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span>
-of the two Italian commonwealths for the possession of Tenedos
-(granted to Genoa by Andronikos IV in 1376), Foglia Vecchia was
-attacked and the suburbs of Chios laid in ashes. For a time the common
-danger from the Turks united the Venetians and the Genoese company;
-but in 1431-2 a Venetian fleet bombarded the town. The captain of the
-Venetian foot-soldiers, who bore the appropriate name of Scaramuccia,
-was killed while laying a mine, and the admiral, Mocenigo, contented
-himself with ravaging the mastic-gardens. On his return home he was
-condemned to ten months’ imprisonment in the <i>Pozzi</i>, while his Genoese
-rival, Spinola, carried off the keys of Karystos to adorn the castle of
-Chios, where they were still visible in the sixteenth century<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>There remained the most serious of all enemies—the Turks. Murad I,
-who died in 1389, had already levied tribute from Chios<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a>; Mohammed I
-in 1415 fixed this sum at 4000 gold ducats, while the lessee of Foglia
-Nuova paid 20,000 out of the profits of the alum mines. By this system
-of Danegeld the <i>maonesi</i> kept on fairly good terms with the Turks till
-the capture of Constantinople. The active part taken in its defence by
-one of the Giustiniani, whose name will ever be connected with that of
-the heroic Constantine XI, exasperated Mohammed II against Chios,
-whither the chalices and furniture from the Genoese churches of Pera
-were removed, and many of the survivors fled for safety. An increase of
-the tribute to 6000 ducats was accepted<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a>. But in 1455 the Turks sent
-two fleets to Chios under the pretext of collecting a debt for alum,
-alleged to have been supplied to the <i>maona</i> by Francesco Drapperio,
-former lessee of Foglia Nuova, and then established at Pera<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a>. These
-expeditions cost the company Foglia Nuova, but it gained a further
-respite by the payment of a lump sum of 30,000 gold pieces and the
-increase of the annual tribute to 10,000 ducats. In vain it appealed to
-Genoa and to the Pope; in vain on April 7, 1456, the Republic wrote to
-our King Henry VI<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a>, then struggling against the Yorkists, for assistance,
-reminding him that there had been few wars against the infidels in which
-the most Christian Kings of England had not borne a great part of the toils
-and dangers. The extinction of the Lesbian principality of the Gattilusj
-in 1462, the taking of Caffa in 1475, the capture of the Venetian colony
-of Negroponte by the Turks in 1479, were signs of what was in store for
-Chios, now completely isolated. The <i>maonesi</i> in vain wrote to Genoa,
-threatening to abandon the island, if help were not forthcoming, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span>
-offered to cede it to her altogether. “We cannot put our hands,” so ran
-their letter, “on 100 ducats; we owe 10,000. The Genoese mercenaries
-sent us were very bad. Send us none from the district between Rapallo
-and Voltri, for they quarrel daily, steal by day and night, and pay too
-much attention to the Greek ladies,” whose charms were the theme of
-every visitor to the island<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a>. The only means of maintaining independence
-was to pay tribute punctually and to propitiate any persons
-who might be influential at the Porte, notably the French ambassadors,
-two of whom visited Chios in 1537 and 1550. Finally, in 1558
-Genoa disavowed all connexion with the island, and instructed her
-representative at Constantinople to repudiate her sovereignty over
-it<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Then came the final catastrophe. The company was no longer able
-to provide the annual tribute, which had risen to 14,000 gold pieces, and
-to give the usual presents, valued at 2000 ducats, of scarlet cloth to the
-Turkish viziers, “a race of men full of rapacity and avarice,” as De
-Thou called them. It was accused of having betrayed the Turkish plans
-against Malta to the knights and thus helping to stultify the siege of
-that island in 1565; while the fugitive slaves who found refuge in Chios
-were a constant source of difficulties. One of them was the property
-of the grand vizier; the <i>podestà</i>, Vincenzo Giustiniani, called upon either
-to give him up or pay compensation, confided the latter to an emissary,
-who absconded with the money. Thereupon Pialì Pasha, a Hungarian
-renegade in the Turkish service, appeared off Chios with a fleet of from
-80 to 300 sail on Easter Monday, April 15, 1566. The pasha told the
-Chiotes that he would not land, as he did not wish to disturb the Easter
-ceremonies. Next day he entered the harbour and demanded the
-tribute. After having landed and studied the strategic position, he
-invited the <i>podestà</i> and the twelve “governors” on board to confer with
-him, and clapped them into irons. On April 17, as an inscription<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> in the
-chief mosque, then a church, still tells us, he took the town, and the
-flag of St George with the red cross gave way to the crescent almost
-without resistance.</p>
-
-<p>The fall of Genoese rule was ennobled by the heroism of the bishop,
-Timoteo Giustiniani, who bade a renegade kill him rather than profane
-the mass, and by the martyrdom of eighteen boys, who died rather than
-embrace Islâm—a scene depicted by Carlone in the chapel of the Ducal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309"></a>[309]</span>
-Palace at Genoa<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a>. The other boys between the ages of twelve and
-sixteen were enrolled in the corps of janissaries, while the leading <i>maonesi</i>
-were exiled to Caffa, whence some of them, thanks to the intervention
-of the French ambassador, returned to Chios or Genoa<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a>. In vain they
-demanded from the home government compensation for the loss of their
-island. As late as 1805 their descendants were still trying to recover a
-sum of money, deposited with the bank of St George, and in 1815 the
-bank ceased to exist and with it the last faint hope of repayment.
-There were, however, some lucky exceptions to these misfortunes. Thus
-Vincenzo Negri Giustiniani, who was a child of two at the date of the
-Turkish conquest, came to Rome, was created by Pope Paul V in 1605
-first marquess of Bassano, and in 1610 built the Palazzo Giustiniani,
-now the seat of the Italian Freemasons and of the Prussian Historical
-Institute. Professor Kehr, the director of that body, informs me, however,
-that there is no trace there of the Chiote inscription of 1522, which
-is said to have been removed thither<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>. On the other hand, although the
-Turks destroyed many churches, Chios still abounds with Latin monuments<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a>,
-in which the arms of the Giustiniani—a castle of three towers,
-surmounted after 1413 by the imperial eagle granted by the Emperor
-Sigismund<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a>—are conspicuous. It may be of interest to mention that
-when in 1912, an Italian attack upon Chios was contemplated, orders
-were issued to spare the historical monuments of Chios. That island,
-however, with the exception of a brief Venetian occupation in 1694-5,
-remained Turkish till November 24, 1912, when a Greek force landed and
-on the following day easily captured the capital, which thus, for the
-first time since 1346, passed from under foreign domination.</p>
-
-<p>We may now ask ourselves whether the rule of the company was
-successful. Financially, it certainly was. Even in its latter days, when
-heavy loans had been contracted with the bank of St George and the
-Turkish tribute was 14,000 gold ducats, a dividend of 2000 ducats was
-paid on each of the thirteen original shares; while in its best times the
-small <i>caratto</i>, originally worth some 30 Genoese pounds, was quoted at
-4930. Chios during the middle ages was one of the most frequented
-marts of the Levant, while the alum of Foglia Nuova (which, as long as
-that factory remained Genoese, covered the annual rent to Genoa) and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310"></a>[310]</span>
-the mastic of the island (in which a part of the Turkish tribute was paid)
-were two valuable sources of revenue. The production of mastic was
-carefully organised. The company leased to each hamlet a certain area
-of plantation, and the lessees once a year handed in a certain weight of
-mastic in proportion to the number of the trees. If it were a good year
-and the yield were greater, they received a fixed price per pound for the
-excess quantity delivered; but if they failed to deliver the stipulated
-amount, they had to pay twice that sum<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a>. In order to keep up prices
-in years of over-production, all the mastic over a certain amount was
-either warehoused or burned. Special officials divided the net profit
-accruing from its sale among the shareholders; no private person might
-sell it to foreigners; and thefts or smuggling of the precious gum, if
-committed on a small scale, cost the delinquent an ear, his nose, or both;
-if on a large scale, brought him to the gallows. Another curious source
-of revenue was the tax on widows<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a>. The latter must have had ample
-opportunities of avoiding the penalty, for the courtesy and beauty of the
-Chiote ladies was the theme of every traveller. Indeed, one impressionable
-Frenchman<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> proclaimed Chios to be “the most agreeable residence”
-with which he was acquainted, while another visitor<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> declared their
-natural charm, the elegance of their attire, and the attraction of their
-gestures and conversation to be such “that they might rather be judged
-to be nymphs or goddesses than mortal women or maids.” He then,
-greatly daring, attempts a detailed description of their costume, upon
-which I shall not venture. Nor were amusements lacking. The inhabitants
-were musical; they were wont to dance by the Skaramangkou
-torrent; the chief religious feasts were kept in state; and Cyriacus of
-Ancona<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> was a witness of the festivities which accompanied the carnival
-in what Bartolomeo dalli Sonetti<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a>, another traveller of the fifteenth
-century, called the first island of the Archipelago.</p>
-
-<p>There was more intellectual life at Chios than in some of the Latin
-settlements in the Levant; indeed, the two Genoese colonies of Chios and
-Lesbos stood higher in that respect than most of the Venetian factories.
-The list of authors during the period of the <i>maona</i> is considerable.
-Among them we may specially notice Leonardo Giustiniani, archbishop
-of Lesbos, but a native of Chios, and author of a curious treatise,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311"></a>[311]</span>
-<i>De vera nobilitate</i>, intended as a reply to the book <i>De nobilitate</i> of the
-celebrated scholar, Poggio Bracciolini. But the chief value of the
-literary divine for us at the present day is the graphic account which he
-has left us in two letters, addressed respectively to Popes Nicholas V and
-Pius II, of the Turkish conquest of Constantinople in 1453 and of
-Lesbos in 1462—accounts of the greatest historical interest, because their
-author was an eyewitness of what he described. In Gerolamo Garibaldi
-Giustiniani, born in Chios in 1544, the island found an historian, who
-wrote in French a work entitled <i>La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de
-Scios, ou Chios</i>; Vincenzo Banca Giustiniani, another Latin Chiote,
-edited the works of St Thomas Aquinas; while Alessandro Rocca Giustiniani
-translated portions of Aristotle and Hippocrates. But the most
-curious local literary figure of the period was Andriolo Banca Giustiniani
-(1385-1456), who sang in Italian verse the Venetian siege of Chios<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> of
-1431. The poet was a man of taste and had the means to satisfy it; he
-constructed near the so-called “School of Homer” (who, according to
-Thucydides, was a native of Chios) an “Homeric villa” in a forest of
-pines near a crystal well, where he was visited by the well-known
-antiquary and traveller, Cyriacus of Ancona, his frequent correspondent<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a>.
-This elegant Chiote accumulated a library of 2000 manuscripts,
-and for him Ambrogio Traversari of Florence translated into Latin the
-treatise on the Immortality of the Soul by the fifth-century philosopher,
-Æneas of Gaza. His son, in 1474, entertained at his villa a greater even
-than the archæologist of Ancona, then, however, only a modest ship’s
-captain, the future discoverer of America, Christopher Columbus. The
-culture, however, of the Giustiniani seems to have been mainly Latin—a
-fact explained by their practice of sending their sons to be educated
-at Genoa, Pavia, Padua, or Bologna; and it was from Italy that they
-summoned the architects to build their palaces “of divers kinds of
-marbles, with great porticoes and magnificent galleries,” and their
-villas, of which there were more than 100 in the last century of their rule.
-It was only just before the Turkish conquest that they thought of founding
-a university<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>But we must also look at the picture from another point of view—that
-of the governed. The judgment of Finlay that the rule of the
-company was “the least oppressive government in the Levant” seems
-by the light of later research to need qualification. If we are to take as
-our standard the happiness of the people as a whole, then of all the Latin<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312"></a>[312]</span>
-establishments in the Levant Lesbos comes first. But for that there
-were special reasons. The first Gattilusio came to Lesbos not as a foreign
-conqueror, but as brother-in-law of the Greek Emperor; he soon spoke
-the language of his subjects; his successors wrote in Greek, and as time
-went on the family became hellenized. But a company is apt to be
-deficient on the human side; and this would seem to have been the weak
-point of the <i>maona</i>. Quite early in its career a conspiracy of the Greeks
-was discovered, which led to the permanent expulsion of the metropolitan
-and the substitution in his place of a vicar, called Δίκαιος (or
-“the Just”), elected by the company and confirmed by the patriarch.
-Moreover, the dominant church, whose bishops were usually Pallavicini
-or Giustiniani, was partly supported by tithes, which the members
-of the other creed had also to pay, and which they paid so reluctantly
-that in 1480 the bishop was glad to abandon all claims to tithe and all
-the church property to the company<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> in return for a fixed stipend.
-Moreover, we are told that certain Latins seized property belonging
-to Νέα Μονή, “one of the most beautiful churches of the Archipelago,”
-as it was called<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a>. To these ecclesiastical disadvantages was
-added social inferiority. The native nobles, or <i>archontes</i>, sixty in number,
-although their privileges had been guaranteed at the conquest and
-although instructions were subsequently given to see that that pledge
-was respected, ranked not only below the Giustiniani, who formed the
-apex of the social scale, but below the Genoese <i>bourgeoisie</i> also, from
-which they suffered most. They lived apart in the old town (much as
-the Catholics still do at Syra); and if they sold their property and left
-the island, they forfeited to the company one-quarter of the proceeds of
-such sale.</p>
-
-<p>Worse still was the position of the Greek peasantry, who were
-practically serfs, forbidden to emigrate without permission and passports.
-Liable to perform military service even out of the island, they
-had to undertake in time of peace various forced labours, of which the
-lightest was to act as beaters once a year for their masters during the
-partridge season. So many of them sought to escape from Chios that a
-local shibboleth was invented for their identification, and they were
-obliged to pronounce the word <i>fragela</i> (a sort of white bread), which
-became <i>frangela</i> in the mouth of a native. Still, the Greeks were consulted
-at least formally before a new tax was imposed; a Greek noble<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313"></a>[313]</span>
-sat in the commercial court and on the commission of public works, and
-during the administration of Marshal Boucicault in 1409 and down to
-1417 four out of the six councillors who assisted the <i>podestà</i> were Greeks.
-In later times when there was a Turkish element in the population—for
-after 1484 the Turks paid no dues—the company provided the salary
-of the Turkish <i>kâdi</i>. Cases were tried in a palace known as the Δικαιότατο
-(“Most Just”), and a “column of justice” hard by served for the
-punishment of the guilty. A great hardship was the cost of appeals to
-the ducal council in Genoa—the counterpart of our judicial committee
-of the privy council. Worst treated of all classes were the Jews, forced to
-wear a yellow bonnet, to live in their ghetto, which was hermetically
-closed at Easter, to present a white banner with the red cross of St
-George to the <i>podestà</i> once a year, and to make sport for the Genoese
-at religious festivals<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a>. Such, briefly, was the Genoese administration of
-Chios—an episode which may serve to remind us how very modern in
-some ways were the methods of Italian mediæval commonwealths.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading21">3. THE GATTILUSJ OF LESBOS (1355-1462)</h3>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-  <div class="stanza">
-    <div class="verse indent0">Me clara Cæsar donat Lesbo ac Mytilene,</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Cæsar, qui Graio præsidet imperio.</div>
-  </div>
-  <div class="stanza">
-    <div class="verse right">Corsi <i>apud</i> Folieta.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The Genoese occupation of Chios, Lesbos, and Phocæa by the
-families of Zaccaria and Cattaneo was not forgotten in the counting-houses
-of the Ligurian Republic. In 1346, two years after the capture
-of Smyrna, Chios once more passed under Genoese control, the two
-Foglie followed suit, and in 1355 the strife between John Cantacuzene
-and John V Palaiologos for the throne of Byzantium enabled a daring
-Genoese, Francesco Gattilusio, to found a dynasty in Lesbos, which
-gradually extended its branches to the islands of the Thracian sea and
-to the city of Ænos on the opposite mainland, and which lasted in the
-original seat for more than a century.</p>
-
-<p>Disappointed in a previous attempt to recover his rights, the young
-Emperor John V was at this time living in retirement on the island of
-Tenedos, then a portion of the Greek Empire and from its position at
-the mouth of the Dardanelles both an excellent post of observation and
-a good base for a descent upon Constantinople. During his sojourn
-there, a couple of Genoese galleys arrived, commanded by Francesco
-Gattilusio, a wealthy freebooter, who had sailed from his native city<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314"></a>[314]</span>
-to carve out for himself, amidst the confusion of the Orient, a petty
-principality in the Thracian Chersonese, as others of his compatriots
-had twice done in Chios, as the Venetian nobles had done in the Archipelago
-150 years earlier. The Emperor found in this chance visitor an
-instrument to effect his own restoration; the two men came to terms,
-and John V promised, that if Gattilusio would help him to recover his
-throne, he would bestow upon him the hand of his sister Maria—an
-honour similar to that conferred by Michael VIII upon Benedetto
-Zaccaria.</p>
-
-<p>The family of Gattilusio, which thus entered the charmed circle of
-Byzantine royalty, had already for two centuries occupied a prominent
-position at Genoa. One of the name is mentioned as a member of the
-Great Council in 1157; a second is found holding civic office in 1212 and
-1214; and two others were signatories of the treaty of Nymphæum.
-Luchetto, grandfather of the first lord of Lesbos, was both a troubadour
-and a man of affairs, who went as envoy to Pope Boniface VIII to
-negotiate peace between his native city and Venice, served as <i>podestà</i>
-of Bologna, Milan, Savona, and Cremona; and founded in 1295 the
-family church of San Giacomo at Sestri Ponente in memory of his father—a
-foundation which remained in the possession of the Gattilusj till
-1483, and of which the Lesbian branch continued to be patron. Towards
-the end of the thirteenth century, the family seems to have turned its
-attention to the Levant trade, for a Gattilusio was among the Genoese
-who had sustained damage from the subjects of the Greek Emperor at
-that period, and by 1341 another member of the clan was a resident at
-Pera. In that year Oberto Gattilusio was one of the Genoese ambassadors,
-who concluded the treaty between the Republic and the Regent
-Anne of Savoy at Constantinople, and ten years later the same personage
-was sent on an important mission to all the Genoese commercial settlements
-in the East. The future ruler of Lesbos was this man’s nephew<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Genoese of Galata had good reasons to be dissatisfied with the
-commercial and naval policy of Cantacuzene, and it was no less their
-interest than that of their ambitious fellow-countryman to see John V
-replaced on the throne of his ancestors. They accordingly entered into
-negotiations with him at Tenedos, and thus Gattilusio could rely upon
-the co-operation of his compatriots at the capital. On a dark and windy
-night in the late autumn of 1354 he arrived with the young Emperor
-off the “postern of the Pathfinding Virgin,” where his Ligurian mother-wit<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315"></a>[315]</span>
-at once suggested a device for obtaining admittance. He had on
-board a number of oil-jars, which he had brought full from Italy—for
-he combined business with politics—but which were by this time empty.
-These he ordered the sailors to hurl against the walls one at a time,
-until the noise awoke the sleeping sentinels. To the summons of the
-latter voices shouted from the galleys, that they were merchantmen
-with a cargo of oil, that one of their ships had been wrecked, and that
-they were willing to share the remains of the cargo with anyone who
-would help them in their present distress. At this appeal to their love
-of gain the guards opened the gate, whereupon some 500 of the conspirators
-entered, slew the sentries on the adjoining tower, and were
-speedily reinforced by the rest of the ships’ crews and marines.
-Francesco, who was throughout the soul of the undertaking, mounted
-a tower in which he placed the young Emperor with a strong guard of
-Italians and Greeks, and then ran along the wall with a body of soldiers,
-shouting aloud: “long live the Emperor John Palaiologos!” When dawn
-broke and the populace realised that their young sovereign was within
-the walls, their demonstrations convinced Cantacuzene that resistance
-would be sanguinary, even if successful. He therefore relinquished the
-diadem which he could not retain, and retired into a monastery, while
-John V, accompanied by Francesco and the rest of the Italians, marched
-in triumph into the palace. The restored Emperor was as good as his
-word; he bestowed the hand of his sister upon his benefactor, and gave
-to Francesco as her dowry the island of Lesbos. On July 17, 1355,
-Francesco I began his reign<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Connected by marriage with the Greek Imperial house, the Genoese
-lord of Lesbos seems to have met with no resistance from his Greek
-subjects, who would naturally regard him not so much in the light of
-an alien conqueror as in that of a lawful ruler by the grace of the
-Emperor. He soon learnt to speak their language<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a>, and continued to
-assist his Greek brother-in-law with advice and personal service. At
-the moment of his accession, the Greek Empire was menaced by the
-Turks, who had lately crossed over into Europe, and occupied Gallipoli,
-and by Matthew Cantacuzene, the eldest son of the deposed Emperor.
-In the very next year the capture of the Sultan Orkhan’s son, Halil,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316"></a>[316]</span>
-by Greek pirates from Foglia Vecchia, at that time a Byzantine fief,
-enabled John V to divide these two enemies by promising to obtain
-the release of the Sultan’s son. The promise proved, indeed, to be
-hard of fulfilment, for John Kalothetos, the Greek governor of Foglia
-Vecchia, resisted the joint attacks of the Emperor and a Turkish chief,
-whom John V had summoned to aid him, until he received a large
-ransom and a high-sounding title. It was during these operations, in
-the spring of 1357, that the Emperor, on the advice of Francesco
-Gattilusio, treacherously invited his Turkish ally to visit him on an islet
-off Foglia and then arrested him<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a>. Such reliance, indeed, did John place
-in his brother-in-law, whose interests coincided with his own, that,
-when Matthew Cantacuzene was captured by the Serbs and handed over
-to the Emperor, the latter sent the children of his rival to Lesbos, and
-even meditated sending thither Matthew himself, because he knew that
-they would be in safe keeping<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a>. In 1366, when the Bulgarian Tsar,
-John Shishman, had treacherously arrested John V, and the Greeks of
-Byzantium, hard pressed by the Turks, sought the help of the chivalrous
-<i>Conte verde</i>, Amedeo VI of Savoy, Francesco Gattilusio was present
-with one of his nephews at the siege and capture of Gallipoli from the
-Ottomans and assisted at the taking of Mesembria from the Bulgarians<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a>.
-But fear of Murad I made him refuse to see or speak to his wife’s nephew,
-Manuel, when the latter, after plotting against the Sultan, sought refuge
-in Lesbos<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, as a Genoese, he naturally had difficulties with the
-Venetians. Thus, we find him capturing<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> in the Ægean a Venetian
-colonist from Negroponte, and quite early in his reign he imitated the
-bad example of his predecessor, Domenico Cattaneo, and coined gold
-pieces in exact counterfeit of the Venetian ducat, although of different
-weight. This was so serious an offence, that the Venetian Government
-made a formal complaint at Genoa, and in 1357 the Doge of his native
-city wrote to Francesco<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> bidding him discontinue this dishonest practice,
-which augured badly for the future of his administration, and would
-entail severe penalties upon him, if he insisted in its continuance.
-Francesco felt himself strong enough to go on his way, heedless of the
-ducal thunders alike of Genoa and of Venice, and coins of himself and
-of at least four out of his five successors have been preserved. The great
-war, which broke out between the two Republics in 1377 on account of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317"></a>[317]</span>
-the cession of Tenedos by the usurper Andronikos to Genoa and its
-seizure by Venice, must have placed Francesco in a difficult position.
-He was, it is true, a Genoese but he was also brother-in-law of John V,
-whom Andronikos had deposed and who had promised the disputed
-island, which he and Francesco knew so well, to Venice. Accordingly,
-when the treaty of Turin imposed upon Venice the surrender of Tenedos
-to Amedeo VI of Savoy, who was to raze the castle to the ground at the
-cost of Genoa, yet the islanders none the less swore that they would
-retain their independence. Muazzo, the Venetian governor, excused his
-action in refusing to give up the island by pleading Francesco’s intrigues.
-An agent of the Lesbian lord, he wrote, one Raffaele of Quarto, had
-stirred up the inhabitants, some 4000 in number, to resist the cession,
-by spreading a rumour that, if Tenedos fell into Genoese hands, the
-Venetian colonists would all be forced to turn Jews or emigrate<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a>. When,
-however, Venice found herself reluctantly compelled to force her
-recalcitrant officer to carry out the provisions of the treaty, Francesco
-helped to victual the Venetian fleet, and Tenedos was reduced to be the
-desert that it long remained.</p>
-
-<p>While such were his relations with the Byzantine Empire and the
-rival Republics of the West, the Papacy regarded Francesco as one of
-the factors in the Union of the Churches and thereby as a champion of
-Christendom against the Turks. When Innocent VI in 1356, despatched
-St Peter Thomas and another bishop to compass the Union of the Old
-and the New Rome, he recommended his two envoys to the lord of
-Lesbos. Thirteen years later, Francesco accompanied his brother-in-law,
-the Emperor John V, to Rome, and signed as one of the witnesses
-of that formal confession of the Catholic faith, which the sorely-pressed
-sovereign made on October 18, 1369, in the palace of the Holy Ghost
-before Urban V<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a>. He was one of the potentates summoned by Gregory
-XI in 1372 to attend the Congress<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> of Thebes on October 1, 1373, to
-consider the Turkish peril—a peril which at that time specially menaced
-his island—and in the following year the Pope recommended Smyrna
-to his care, and sent two theologians to convince him, a strenuous fighter
-against the Turks, and defender of Christendom beyond the seas, that
-the Union of the Churches would be a better defence against them than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318"></a>[318]</span>
-armed force<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a>. The Popes might well have thought that no one could be
-a better instrument of their favourite plan than this Catholic brother-in-law
-of the Greek Emperor. But the astute Genoese was too wise to
-compel his Greek subjects to accept his creed. Throughout his reign,
-besides a Roman Catholic Archbishop, there was a Greek Metropolitan
-of Mytilene, and under his successor the Metropolitan throne of Methymna
-was also occupied<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a>. The Armenian colony, settled in Lesbos, preferred,
-however, to seek shelter in Kos under the Knights of St John rather than
-remain as his subjects, without proper protection from a hostile raid<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The success of their kinsman encouraged other members of the
-Gattilusio clan to seek a comfortable <i>seigneurie</i> in the Levant. The
-barony of Ænos, at the mouth of the Maritza, had been assigned in the
-partition of the Byzantine Empire to the Crusaders, and, although reconquered
-by the Greeks, the exiled Latin Emperor Baldwin II had
-been pleased to consider it as still his to bestow, together with the titular
-kingdom of Salonika, upon Hugues, Duke of Burgundy, in 1266.
-Besieged by Bulgarians and Tartars in 1265, and invaded by the
-Catalans in 1308, it had been governed in the middle of the fourteenth
-century by Nikephoros II Angelos, the dethroned Despot of Epeiros,
-the son-in-law and nominee of John Cantacuzene. When, however,
-Cantacuzene fell, the Despot thought it more prudent to surrender the
-city to John V, who thus, in 1356, became its master. We do not know
-the precise time or manner of its transference to the Gattilusio family.
-A later Byzantine historian<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a>, however, states that the inhabitants,
-dissatisfied with the Imperial governor, called in a member of the
-reigning family of Lesbos, who was able to maintain his position owing
-to the domestic quarrels in the Imperial family, and by payment of an
-annual tribute to the Sultan, when the Turks became masters of Thrace
-and Macedonia. Whether the ancient barony became a Genoese possession
-by the will of the natives or by grant of the Emperor, one fact is
-certain, that in June, 1384, it was in the possession of Francesco’s
-brother, Nicolò<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a>. Some six weeks later, a great upheaval of nature,
-prophesied, it was afterwards said, by a Lesbian monk, made the new
-lord of Ænos regent of his brother’s island also.</p>
-
-<p>The violent end of the first Gattilusio who reigned in Lesbos was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319"></a>[319]</span>
-long remembered in the island. On August 6, 1384, a terrible earthquake
-buried him beneath the ruins of the castle which he had built, as an
-inscription proudly informs us<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a>, some eleven years before. After a long
-and painful search, his mutilated body was found and laid to rest in a
-coffin, which he had already prepared, in the church of St John Baptist,
-which he had founded. By his side were laid the mangled bodies of two
-of his sons, Andronico and Domenico, who, with his wife, had also
-perished in the disaster. A third son, named Jacopo, escaped, however,
-by a miracle. At the time of the shock, he was sleeping by the side of
-his brothers in a tower of the castle; next day, however, he was discovered
-by a good woman in a vineyard near the Windmills at the foot
-of the fortress. The woman hastened to tell the good news to the chief
-men of the town, who came and fetched the young survivor. The boy
-took the oath on the Gospels as lord of Lesbos before the people and
-the nobles, and, as he was still a minor, his uncle, Nicolò Gattilusio, lord
-of Ænos, who hastened over to Lesbos on the news of the catastrophe,
-shared authority with him. In order to perpetuate the name of the
-popular founder of the dynasty, Jacopo on his accession took the name
-of Francesco II<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The joint government of uncle and nephew lasted for three years,
-when a dispute arose between them, and Nicolò returned to the direction
-of his Thracian barony. In November, 1388, Francesco II joined the
-league of the Knights of Rhodes, Jacques I of Cyprus, the Genoese
-Chartered Company of Chios, and the Commune of Pera against the
-designs of the Sultan Murad I. His popularity with his Perote compatriots
-was such, that, on the occasion of a visit to Constantinople
-in 1392, they gave him a banquet; but four years later they complained
-that he had not performed his treaty obligations, made in 1388, against
-the Turks. In the summer of 1396, Pera was besieged by the forces
-of Bayezid I, and although Francesco was actually in the port of Constantinople
-at the time, and his galley was stationed in the Golden Horn
-near “the Huntsman’s Gate” in the modern district of Aivan Serai the
-Commune thought it necessary to draw up a formal protest against his
-inaction and execute it on the stem of his ship. He replied by offering
-to aid his fellow-Genoese, if they would make a sortie, and his galley
-subsequently assisted the Venetians in relieving the capital<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a>. After<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320"></a>[320]</span>
-the disastrous defeat of the Christians at the battle of Nikopolis later
-in the same year, both he and Nicolò of Ænos rendered signal services
-to the Sultan’s noble French prisoners, and Lesbos emerged into
-prominence throughout the French-speaking world. Thither came the
-Duke of Burgundy’s chamberlain, Guillaume de l’Aigle, on his preliminary
-mission to mollify the heart of Bayezid, with whom Francesco
-had such influence that he was able to obtain leave for his sick cousin,
-Enguerrand VII de Coucy, to remain behind at Brusa, when the rest
-of the captives were dragged farther up country by the Sultan<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a>. The
-humane feelings of the lord of Lesbos were doubtless further moved
-by the fact that de Coucy was, through his mother, an Austrian princess,
-connected with the reigning family of Constantinople, from which he
-was himself descended, and by the recent establishment of a French
-protectorate over Genoa.</p>
-
-<p>Accordingly, he offered bail for his suffering relative, and when
-Marshal Boucicault, another of the prisoners, was set free to raise the
-amount necessary for their ransom, Francesco and other rich merchants
-of Lesbos advanced him the preliminary sum of 30,000 francs. Nicolò
-of Ænos willingly lent 2000 ducats more, and sent the prisoners a
-present of fish, bread and sugar, while his wife added a goodly supply
-of linen, for which they expressed their deep gratitude<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a>. Of the total
-ransom, fixed at 200,000 ducats, Francesco and Nicolò, anxious to
-please the King of France and the Duke of Burgundy, respectively
-made themselves liable for 110,000 and 40,000, which the prisoners
-promised to repay as soon as possible. Half of these two sums was
-actually paid, and the lord of Ænos further furnished on account of
-the Comte de Nevers 10,000 ducats to a son of Bayezid and another
-Turk, who had guarded that nobleman on the day of his capture. Some
-years later the two Gattilusj of Lesbos and Ænos sent in a claim for
-what they had advanced and for sundry expenses amounting in all to
-108,500 ducats. Another member of the family lent 5075 ducats, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321"></a>[321]</span>
-during his stay in Lesbos the Comte de Nevers negotiated another loan
-from his host for 2500 more<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a>. These sums show the wealth and credit
-of these merchant princes.</p>
-
-<p>When the ransom had been settled, the three French and Burgundian
-envoys who had been treating with Bayezid, embarked for
-Lesbos, escorted by Francesco and Nicolò and accompanied by one of
-the ransomed prisoners, who took with him to Burgundy a natural son
-of Francesco, destined to become the grandfather of Giuliano Gattilusio,
-the terrible corsair of the next century<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a>. The rest of the prisoners
-followed early in July, and remained for six weeks the guests of
-Francesco and his lady, a noble dame of gentle breeding and
-European accomplishments, acquired at the court of Marie de Bourbon,
-titular Empress of Constantinople and Princess of Achaia, in whose
-society she had been educated. Feeling herself highly honoured at
-the presence of the Comte de Nevers and his companions in the
-castle of Lesbos, she clothed them with fine linen and cloth of
-Damascus, according to the fashion of the Levant, not forgetting to
-replenish the wardrobe of their retainers, while her husband and his
-uncle rendered them every honour and assisted them in their necessity.
-The visit terminated in the middle of August, when two galleys,
-equipped by the Knights of Rhodes, transported them to that island,
-their next stage on the homeward voyage. Their generous host
-stood on the shore till the Rhodian galleys had sunk beneath the
-horizon<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a>. A few hours earlier he had obtained the signature of a
-treaty which might confer a solid advantage upon his own family and
-give an illusory hope of future glory to his departing guests. His
-daughter Eugenia had just married John Palaiologos, Despot of
-Selymbria, the Emperor Manuel II’s nephew and rival. Through the
-agency of Francesco this potentate ceded his claims to the Empire to
-King Charles VI of France in return for a French castle and a perpetual
-annuity of 25,000 gold ducats<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a>. Thus in Lesbos, on the morrow
-of Nikopolis, the French could dream of re-establishing the long extinct
-Latin Empire of Romania!</p>
-
-<p>Francesco had not seen the last of the French prisoners. In the
-summer of 1399, Boucicault, sent by Charles VI to assist Manuel II in
-defending Constantinople from the Turks, arrived at Lesbos, which he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322"></a>[322]</span>
-had last visited two years before. Francesco received him with outward
-signs of joy, but told him that he had already informed the Turks of
-this new expedition, as he was bound to do by the treaties which he
-had with them. The position of the Lesbian lord was, indeed, of no small
-difficulty. It was his interest to stand well with Bayezid, while his
-son-in-law, John Palaiologos, who spent much of his time in the island,
-had received, as the son of Manuel’s elder brother, Turkish assistance in
-his blockade of the Imperial city. The diplomatic Levantine did not,
-however, wish to offend his powerful guest; he therefore offered to
-accompany him, and ordered a galley to be made ready to join the
-expedition. But the information which he had supplied to Bayezid had
-put the Turks upon their guard. A raid in Asia Minor was Boucicault’s
-sole military success; but he achieved, probably thanks to the influence
-of Francesco, the reconciliation of Manuel with his nephew, whom the
-French Marshal fetched from Selymbria to Constantinople. Manuel then
-departed with Boucicault to seek aid at the courts of Europe, while John
-acted as his viceroy on the Bosporos and received, in the presence of the
-Marshal, the promise of Salonika as his future residence<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a>. Thus, during
-the absence of Manuel, Francesco’s daughter Eugenia sat upon the
-Byzantine throne as the consort of the Emperor’s representative, while
-her sister Helene married Stephen Lazarevich, Despot of Serbia, who had
-made her acquaintance during a visit to Lesbos on his return from the
-stricken field of Angora<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a>. Francesco was at that time holding Foglia
-Vecchia on a lease from the <i>maona</i> of Chios, and his tact and presents
-saved the place in that crisis from the covetous hands of the victorious
-Timour and his grandson<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>When Manuel returned to Constantinople in 1403, he refused to
-carry out his promised gift of Salonika. Before the battle of Angora
-had decided the fate of Bayezid, and the issue between the Turks and
-the Mongols was still uncertain, John Palaiologos had agreed—it was
-said—to surrender Constantinople and become a tributary of the Sultan,
-in the event of a Turkish victory. This was Manuel’s, excuse for refusing
-to allow his nephew to reside at Salonika and for banishing him to
-Lemnos. John thereupon appealed to his father-in-law for assistance,
-and Francesco, early in 1403, sailed with five vessels to attack Salonika.
-Hearing that Boucicault, then French governor of Genoa, whose interest
-in Lesbos had just been evinced by the despatch of an embassy thither,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323"></a>[323]</span>
-was once more in the Levant on a punitive expedition against King
-Janus of Cyprus, who had besieged the Genoese colony of Famagosta,
-Francesco despatched a vessel to meet the Marshal, reminding him that
-he had been a witness of the Emperor’s promise and begging him to aid
-in taking Salonika<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a>. Boucicault did not accede to this request; on the
-contrary, two vessels from Lesbos and two from Ænos went to assist
-him in his operations against the King of Cyprus, and remained with
-him till shortly before he reached the Venetian colony of Modon on his
-homeward voyage. Manuel ended by bestowing Salonika upon John
-Palaiologos, but the attacks made by Boucicault upon Venetian trade
-in the Levant and the consequent hostilities cost Nicolò Gattilusio,
-owing to his Genoese origin, the loss of 3000 ducats in gold, seized by the
-Venetians at Modon<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>In October of this eventful year of Boucicault’s cruise, there arrived
-at Lesbos a mission, sent by Enrique III of Castile to Timour, the victor
-of Angora, whose court was then at Samarkand. The narrative of the
-Castilian ambassador, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, gives us an interesting
-account of the island under the second Gattilusio. He found the town
-“built on a high hill near the sea,” and “surrounded by a wall with many
-towers,” outside of which was “a large suburb.” Besides the capital,
-Lesbos contained “several villages and castles,” while the neighbourhood
-of the city was well-cultivated and abounded in gardens and vineyards.
-At one time—probably before the earthquake—“very large houses and
-churches” had stood near the town, and at one end of the city were
-“the ruins of great palaces, and in the middle of the ruins about 40
-blocks of white marble.” The local tradition was, that “on the top of
-these blocks there was once a platform, where those of the city met in
-council.” During the five days of their stay the envoys made the
-acquaintance of John Palaiologos, who was then residing in his wife’s
-old home, and heard the tragic story of the late lord’s death, of his
-successor’s marvellous preservation and of the recent expedition against
-Salonika<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>. Thus, in the reign of Francesco II, Lesbos was frequently
-visited by important personages from the West, and was their last
-stopping-place in Latin lands on their way to Constantinople or to
-Asia. Descended from the famous houses of Byzantium and Savoy, and
-connected with that of Austria, the lord of Mytilene and lessee of Foglia
-Vecchia was regarded by Western visitors as “a great baron”; Eastern
-potentates sought the hands of his daughters in marriage, and when one<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324"></a>[324]</span>
-of them married the heir of the powerful Giovanni de’ Grimaldi<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a>,
-governor of Nice and usurper of Monaco, the dowry of 5000 gold ducats
-which she brought from Lesbos was considered a large sum on the
-Riviera. Although born in the Levant, he still kept up the family
-connexion with his paternal city. Both he and his uncle had financial
-transactions with Genoa<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a>, and Francesco was patron of the family
-church of San Giacomo at Sestri Ponente<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a>. At the same time, while
-Latin archbishops held the see of Mytilene, his relations with the
-dignitaries of the Orthodox church were excellent. The Œcumenical
-Patriarch addressed him as “well-beloved nephew of the Emperor,”
-and his uncle Nicolò as the “Emperor’s kinsman by marriage<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a>, the most
-noble, glorious, and prudent <i>archon</i> of Ænos,” whose consent was sought
-for the appointment of a Metropolitan to that long vacant see<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a>. With
-Venice the Gattilusj, as befitted Genoese, at times had difficulties. In
-1398 corsairs, sallying forth from their dominions, did much damage to
-the Cretans who sailed under the Venetian flag; but the Republic none
-the less allowed the wax of Lesbos to be exported at certain seasons for
-sale in her dominions<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>After an eventful reign of 20 years, Francesco II died, if we may
-believe an anonymous Greek chronologist<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a>, on October 26, 1404. His
-end was strangely similar to that of his father. On a journey through
-the island, while passing the night in one of the lofty towers then
-common in the Archipelago, he was stung by a scorpion. Alarmed at
-his cries, his attendants and nobles climbed up into his room in such
-numbers that the floor collapsed and he was killed on the spot leaving
-three sons, Jacopo, Palamede and Dorino, of whom the eldest Jacopo
-became his successor<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a>. The heir was, however, still a minor, and
-accordingly once again Nicolò came and acted as regent. His friendly
-policy as regent and his support of her subjects in the Levant on more
-than one occasion called forth the warm praise of Venice; but his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325"></a>[325]</span>
-fortification of Tenedos provoked an indignant protest<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a>. Moreover the
-Greeks of Lesbos can scarcely have been edified by the appointment of
-rival Latin bishops—the result of the schism in the Western Church—which
-occurred during his regency<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a>. In the spring of 1409 he died<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a>, and
-Jacopo, then of age, assumed the government of Lesbos, while Francesco’s
-younger son, Palamede<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a>, succeeded his uncle and guardian at
-Ænos. Nicolò’s fame long lingered in the Levant. Kritoboulos<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> half a
-century later ascribed to him the achievements of Francesco I, the
-founder of the dynasty, whose wisdom, and education, whose courage
-and physical gifts he extols, whom all Syria and Egypt feared and
-propitiated with annual blackmail, for his numerous navy ravaged their
-coasts and even the Libyan littoral.</p>
-
-<p>Jacopo’s policy was to favour Genoese interests where they conflicted
-with Venetian, but to co-operate with the two rival Republics when they
-showed signs of uniting against his dreaded neighbours, the Turks.
-Thus, he aided Centurione Zaccaria, the Genoese Prince of Achaia, in
-his campaign against the Tocchi of Cephalonia and Zante, who were
-thereby compelled to invoke the protection of Venice; while the
-Venetians threatened to sequestrate all Lesbian merchandise in Crete,
-unless he gave satisfaction for the seizure of a Cretan merchantman<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a>.
-Venetian and Genoese subjects, however, suffered alike from the
-reprisals provoked by the attack of two Lesbian galleys upon the
-Saracens of Damietta; and Jacopo had a counter grievance in the illegal
-levy of toll upon his people by the Genoese of Chios<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a>. Towards the Turks
-he was, from his position, obliged to be deferential, except when he saw
-prospect of common action against them. If the Knights of Rhodes
-complained that he had sheltered the Turks, and so saved them from
-destruction at the hands of those zealous champions of Christendom<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a>,
-he was ready, in 1415, to join the latter, the Genoese of Chios, and the
-Venetian Republic in an anti-Turkish league; while he did homage to
-Mohammed I and aided first that Sultan and then Murad II in the
-suppression of Djouneïd of Aïdin, when fortune smiled upon them<a id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a>. In<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326"></a>[326]</span>
-1426, the threatened declaration of war by Venice upon Genoa, then
-under Milanese domination, caused him some embarrassment; but the
-Genoese Government bade him<a id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> not to be afraid of Venetian threats.
-Not long after this, probably in 1428, Jacopo died<a id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a>. An anonymous
-Greek informs us that he had married Bonne, “the fair daughter of the
-lord of Nice near Marseilles” but this statement would appear to be due
-to a confusion with the marriage of his sister with Pietro de’ Grimaldi,
-for Bonne, the offspring of that union espoused Louis Cossa, lord of
-Berre, unless the Bonne mentioned was the daughter of Amedeo VIII
-of Savoy, in whose dominions Nice was then included<a id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a>. In 1421,
-however, Valentina D’Oria is described as “lady of Mytilene<a id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a>.” At any
-rate, it seems probable that he left no issue, for his successor, Dorino I,
-is described in a Genoese document and by a traveller of this period as
-“brother” of Palamede, lord of Ænos<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a>, and therefore of Jacopo.
-Dorino, whose name was derived from the famous Genoese house of
-D’Oria, allied by marriage with many Gattilusj, had already had
-experience of ruling for several years over Foglia Vecchia as his
-appanage—a fact still commemorated by his coins and an inscription
-there<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a>, which describes him as its “lord” in 1423-4. This former possession
-of the Zaccaria is first mentioned as administered by the
-Gattilusj in 1402, and remained united with the Lesbian branch of the
-family till 1455.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, Ænos had prospered under the rule of Palamede. Six
-inscriptions, still extant there, proclaim the activity of the masons
-during the early years of his long reign—the erection of the churches
-of the Chrysopege and of St Nicholas by two private citizens and the
-completion of three other public works<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a>. But Palamede not only
-embellished his domain; he also extended it. The neighbouring island
-of Samothrace, a Greek possession since the reconquest of Constantinople
-from the Latins, now owned his sway—for in 1433, when Bertrandon de<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327"></a>[327]</span>
-la Brocquière<a id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> visited Ænos, he wrote that Samothrace also belonged
-to its lord. In that island, then known as Mandrachi and celebrated for
-its honey and its goats, Palamede erected on March 26, 1431, and
-extended in 1433, a new fortress for the protection of its numerous
-population, as two inscriptions in its walls, one in Greek, one in Latin<a id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a>
-still remind us. The Genoese lord, we are told, was interested in the past
-history of his dominions; he “loved greatly to hear learned discussions,”
-and to him a contemporary scholar, John Kanaboutzes, applied the
-saying of Plato about philosophers and kings. To his desire to know what
-Dionysios of Halikarnassos had written about Samothrace we owe the
-brief commentary on that author, compiled at his command by that
-writer, a native of Foglia<a id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a>, whose family was connected with Ænos<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a>—one
-of several instances, where Italian rulers of Greece showed a consciousness
-of that country’s great past. Like his brother Jacopo,
-Palamede was inclined to support the Genoese Prince of Achaia, and
-the Venetian admiral was ordered to remonstrate with him, should
-occasion require<a id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Although more than seventy years had by this time elapsed since
-Francesco I had left Genoa for the Levant, the connexion between the
-distant Republic and his descendants in the East was never closer than
-now. In 1428, and again in 1444, the Genoese Government, although it
-forbade the circulation of Lesbian ducats in Genoa and district, and
-repudiated responsibility for the harm done by the Gattilusj to the
-subjects of the Sultan of Egypt, specially consulted “the lords of
-Mytilene, Ænos and Foglia Vecchia” whether they desired to be included
-or no in the treaties of peace, which it had just concluded with
-King Alfonso V of Aragon. “The many services rendered to us and to
-the community of Genoa by you and your ancestors”—so runs one of
-these interesting despatches—“make us realise that in all treaties
-involving peace or war we ought to consider your honour and advancement.
-For your welfare, your misfortunes, are equally ours.” Dorino I
-replied that he wished to be so included, and his agents accordingly
-ratified the peace at Genoa on his behalf in 1429. When, two years later,
-Genoa was drawn into the war between her Milanese masters and Venice,
-the Archbishop of Milan, who was at that time the governor of Genoa,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328"></a>[328]</span>
-notified Dorino of the outbreak of hostilities, following the precedent
-set in the case of his father and grandfather, warned that “most
-distinguished of our citizens” to put his island in a state of defence and
-begged him to aid any Genoese colony that might require assistance<a id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a>.
-So much importance was attached at Milan to his support, that
-Francesco Sforza, the Duke, accredited Benedetto Folco of Forlì to the
-Lesbian court, in order to urge Dorino against Venice<a id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a>. At the same
-time, the Genoese Government, “remembering that in all its past
-victories the galleys of the Gattilusj had borne their part,” invited the
-lord of Lesbos to co-operate with Ceba, the Genoese commander who
-was to be despatched for the relief of Chios from the Venetians, and
-requested him to send a galley to that island. Dorino replied in a loyal
-strain, whereupon the Genoese Government thanked him for this
-display of fidelity, traditional in his family, and again urged him to
-equip his galley for the defence of Chios. Two other despatches,
-following in rapid succession, begged him to inform the Chians of the
-speedy arrival of the Genoese fleet and to see that his own galley was in
-Chian waters by the middle of May. Dorino was as good as his word,
-and gave orders that a Lesbian galley should join the expedition; but
-before the latter arrived, the Venetians had raised the siege. As a
-reward for his services, the commander of the Genoese fleet and the
-governors of Pera and Chios were instructed to provide for the safety
-of his little state, and the home government invited him to rely upon
-its unshakable affection in time of need. Influential Genoese marriages
-stimulated this feeling. Dorino had married a D’Oria; Palamede’s
-daughter Caterina now married another; while her sisters, Ginevra and
-Costanza, respectively espoused Ludovico and Gian Galeazzo de Campo-fregoso,
-relatives of the then reigning Doge, and the former soon to
-be Doge himself. Thus Lesbian interests were well represented at Genoa.
-In return, Genoa frequently requested Dorino to see that justice was
-done to her subjects in his dominions, even to the detriment of his own
-family<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Genoa found Dorino no less useful as a diplomatist than as an ally,
-for the lord of Lesbos and Foglia Vecchia had married his daughter
-Maria to Alexander, second son of Alexios IV, Emperor of Trebizond,
-in whose dominions the Genoese, owing to their Black Sea colonies,
-had important commercial interests, latterly greatly injured by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329"></a>[329]</span>
-pro-Venetian policy of that sovereign. According to the Trapezuntine
-practice, Alexios had raised his eldest son John IV to the Imperial
-dignity in his own lifetime; but his unfilial heir conspired against him,
-was driven into exile, and replaced by his next brother Alexander.
-John IV was, however, as favourable to the Genoese as his father to the
-Venetians, and was restored with the assistance of a Genoese of Caffa.
-Alexios IV was murdered in 1429; but John IV was not allowed to reign
-undisturbed. His brother Alexander fled to Constantinople, where his
-sister was wife of the Emperor John VI, and contracted a marriage with
-Dorino’s daughter, in order that he might secure his support, and
-through him, that of Genoa, against the Emperor of Trebizond. When
-the Spanish traveller, Pero Tafur, visited Lesbos at this time he found
-Alexander there engaged in levying a fleet for his restoration. This did
-not, however, suit Genoese policy, and accordingly the Doge of Genoa
-requested Dorino in 1438 to act as peacemaker between the two brothers
-and to invite his son-in-law to reside at Constantinople or in Lesbos
-on an annuity chargeable on the revenues of Trebizond<a id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a>. Another
-matrimonial alliance brought Dorino’s family into renewed relations
-with the Palaiologoi. In 1440, an old link between the two families had
-been snapped by the death of Eugenia Gattilusio, widow of the Emperor
-John VI’s cousin and namesake<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a>—an event which was doubtless the
-occasion when the castle of Kokkinos on the coast of Lemnos, which
-had been her widow’s portion, passed into the hands of Dorino<a id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a>. On
-July 27 of the following year, however, the Emperor’s brother, the
-Despot Constantine, afterwards the last Christian ruler of Byzantium,
-married Dorino’s daughter Caterina, a marriage arranged by the
-historian Phrantzes. This union did not last long; after a brief honeymoon
-in Lesbos, Constantine left his bride in her father’s care, and set
-out, accompanied by a Lesbian galley, for the Morea, nor did he see her
-again till his return in the following July. At Lesbos he took her on
-board his ship; but, when he reached Lemnos on his way to Constantinople,
-he had to take refuge behind the walls of Kokkinos from
-the attacks of a Turkish fleet. The Turks in vain besieged the castle of
-the Gattilusj for 27 days, and the strain and anxiety of the siege caused
-the death of his wife, which occurred at Palaiokastro in August. There<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330"></a>[330]</span>
-the ill-fated second consort of the last hero of the Byzantine Empire
-was laid to rest<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile, besides the acquisition of Kokkinos, thus courageously
-saved by his heroic son-in-law, Dorino had received from the Greek
-Empire the island of Thasos, which more than a century before had
-belonged to the Genoese family of Zaccaria. Indeed, if we may accept
-the two allusions to the Gattilusj in the Greek version of Bondelmonti<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a>
-as the work of that traveller, Thasos, which was Byzantine in September,
-1414, had been given to Jacopo as a fief before 1420. At any rate, a
-Thasian inscription of April 1, 1434, now preserved in the wall of the
-church of St Athanasios at Kastro, informs us that a tower was built
-there by Oberto de’ Grimaldi<a id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> a member of the well-known Ligurian
-family who is mentioned elsewhere<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> as a captain in the service of Dorino.
-Ten years later, the archæologist, Cyriacus of Ancona, upon visiting
-Thasos, found that Dorino had recently bestowed the island upon his
-son, Francesco III, who was still under the control of a preceptor,
-Francesco Pedemontano.</p>
-
-<p>The indefatigable antiquary may have paid an earlier visit to
-Lesbos in 1431, but the accounts which he has left of the Gattilusj, their
-dominions, and the neighbouring islands of the Thracian Sea range
-from 1444 to 1447. In Lesbos he was well received by Dorino, who
-promised to aid him in exploring the whole island. He had, indeed,
-arrived at a fortunate moment, for the rumour of a threatened Turkish
-invasion had ceased, so that the lord of Lesbos had leisure for archæology,
-and his visitor could examine “the remains of the temple of
-Diana,” and “the baths of Jove,” whose name was carved in the midst
-of them<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a>. With Dorino’s captain, Oberto de’ Grimaldi, he sailed to
-Foglia Vecchia, where the Gattilusj had a factory, as at Lesbos, for the
-production of alum, and made the acquaintance of “the Master
-Kanaboutzes,” probably the author of the commentary on Dionysios,
-who could tell him all about the Foglie, of which he was a native<a id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a>. In
-Thasos, the third domain of the elder branch of the Gattilusj, he spent
-Christmas day, and composed a long Latin inscription as well as an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331"></a>[331]</span>
-Italian poem in honour of young Francesco. The enthusiastic guest
-prayed that the beginning of his host’s rule over Thasos might be of
-as good omen as “the yule log thrown on the fire in the turreted castle”;
-that the yoke of the barbarian Turks might be removed from Thrace,
-that the former dependencies of the island there might return to his
-sway, and that Francesco’s patron saint, St John the Evangelist, might
-protect this “native offspring of the Palaiologoi, this pride of the most
-noble Gatalusian race.” “What Thasian nymph,” he asks, “could have
-deprived Lesbos of her Francesco?” The attraction was the lordship
-of an island, which had been described by Bondelmonti as well-peopled,
-very fertile and containing three fair towns. Francesco had, indeed,
-begun well by restoring the principal city, thus earning a dedicatory
-inscription by the Thasian citizens and colonists, and by erecting at
-the entrance of the harbour some fine marble statues, which an ancient
-inscription showed to have represented the members of the Thasian
-council. At this time the island could boast of six other towns beside
-its “marble city,” whose walls attracted the admiration of the traveller.
-Under the guidance of Carlo de’ Grimaldi and “the learned Giovanni of
-Novara,” he inspected the numerous ancient tombs outside, the large
-amphitheatre with no less than 20 rows then standing intact, and the
-akropolis of the city<a id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The worthy Cyriacus was no less hospitably received by the junior
-branch of the Gattilusj. At Ænos he met Palamede with his two sons
-Giorgio and Dorino II, and was delighted to find there an old friend in
-the person of Cristoforo Dentuto, envoy extraordinary of Genoa in
-the Levant. Accompanied by “the prince of Ænos and Samothrace”
-as he calls Palamede, and by Francesco Calvi, the latter’s secretary, he
-was taken to see “the great tomb of Polydoros, son of Priam,” some five
-stadia beyond the walls, admired the sculptured figures of fauns and
-animals there, and copied an ancient Greek inscription from the marble
-base of a statue that stood before “the prince’s court.” Letters of
-introduction from Palamede and Francesco of Thasos secured for him
-a warm reception at the monastery of Hagia Laura on Mount Athos<a id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a>.
-At Samothrace, Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, Palamede’s prefect of
-the island, personally conducted the antiquary to the old city, where
-he saw “ancient walls and the remains of a marble temple of Neptune”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332"></a>[332]</span>
-(known to modern archæologists as “the Dorian marble temple”),
-“fragments of huge columns, epistylia and bases, and doorposts,
-adorned with the crowned heads of bulls and other figures”—now
-identified with the remains of a round building built by Arsinöe,
-daughter of Ptolemy Soter. Thence he went to “the new castle, founded
-by Palamede” some thirteen years before, and built to protect his new
-town of “Capsulum.” Close to the tower he saw to his delight “several
-ancient marbles, with dances of Nymphs sculptured and inscriptions in
-Latin and Greek”—the two reliefs of dancing Nymphs now in the
-Louvre<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a>. From his accounts of the neighbouring islands, we learn that
-Imbros, where his guide was a noble and learned Imbriote, Hermodoros
-Michael Kritoboulos, the historian, in 1444 was still Byzantine, and
-“governed for the Emperor John Palaiologos” by that same noble,
-Manuel Asan, of whom inscriptions have been found there, and who had
-lately restored two-thirds of the akropolis<a id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a>. We find, too, that in 1447
-Theodore Branas was Byzantine governor of Lemnos, where the
-Gattilusj as yet held only the castle of Kokkinos<a id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The visit of the antiquary of Ancona to the Gattilusj was the calm
-before the storm, which was so soon to burst upon them. Even while
-Cyriacus was their guest, the fatal battle of Varna made Murad II
-master of the Near East. For a few years, indeed, the Gattilusj went
-on marrying and giving in marriage, as if the end of their rule were
-not at hand. In 1444, Dorino’s daughter Ginevra married Giacomo II
-Crispo, Duke of the Archipelago<a id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a>; five years later the lord of Lesbos
-sent the Archbishop of Mytilene, at that time the celebrated Leonardo
-of Chios, to Rome to obtain from the Pope a dispensation for the
-marriage of his eldest surviving son, Domenico, and a daughter of
-Palamede. As the two young people were first-cousins, Ludovico de
-Campo-fregoso, Palamede’s son-in-law and at that time Doge of Genoa,
-begged the Pope not to grant the dispensation, and as an example of
-the iniquity of such an alliance he instanced the case of Dorino’s
-firstborn (presumably Francesco III of Thasos), who had married
-another daughter of Palamede and had died less than six months<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333"></a>[333]</span>
-afterwards. The Pope refused his consent, and the marriage did not
-take place<a id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Hitherto the Gattilusj, partly by tribute paid ever since the reign of
-Murad I<a id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a>, partly by tact, had managed to keep the Turks at a distance.
-On one occasion, when Constantinople had been threatened, the Pope
-had offered to pay the expenses of the Lesbian galley, if Dorino would
-agree to sent it thither; but the Genoese Government, while transmitting
-his Holiness’ offer and praising the services of the Gattilusj to Christendom,
-recognised their natural unwillingness to offend the Sultan and
-advised Dorino, if he did send aid, to pretend that he was merely
-protecting Genoese interests at Pera. The Greek Emperor was able to
-raise a loan, if he received no actual assistance, at Ænos<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a>; but in 1450,
-at last, Lesbos was attacked. Murad despatched a large fleet under
-Baltaoghli, the first in the list of Turkish admirals, against the island,
-and his men carried off more than 3000 souls, slaughtered many cattle,
-destroyed the flourishing city of Kallone, and inflicted damage to the
-amount of more than 150,000 ducats. It was probably on this occasion
-that the lady of Lesbos, Orietta d’Oria, performed the prodigy of valour
-that won her a niche in the literary Pantheon of her native city besides
-the men of her father’s house. At the time of the invasion, she seems
-to have been in the town of Molivos, the ancient Methymna, whose
-inhabitants, exhausted from lack of food, were on the point of surrendering,
-when she appeared among them in full armour, and led them
-to victory against the astonished Turks. Thereupon Dorino was able to
-secure by a timely present and the increase of his tribute to 2000 gold
-pieces a renewal of the peace which he protested that he had never
-broken. He was, however, under no illusions as to the durability of this
-truce. He wrote to Genoa, asking for assistance, reminding the Republic
-that he was of Genoese origin and that he had often aided her to the
-best of his power with men, ships, and money. Unless, therefore, she
-could protect him, he would be reluctantly compelled to look elsewhere
-for help. At the same time, after the fashion of the Christian princes
-of the Levant on the eve of the Turkish conquest, he announced his
-intention of sending an expedition to obtain his rights from the Emperor
-John IV of Trebizond, who had also maltreated the Genoese of Caffa,
-and begged the Republic to receive and revictual his galleys in her Black
-Sea ports. This last request was granted<a id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334"></a>[334]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Turkish conquest of Constantinople, although it sounded the
-death-knell of the Latin states in the Levant, was of momentary benefit
-to the Gattilusj. They had been close relatives and good friends of the
-Greek Imperial family, and one of them, a certain Laudisio, had distinguished
-himself in the defence of the city<a id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a>; but, when all was over,
-they hastened to profit by its fall. The two islands of Lemnos and
-Imbros, from their position near the mouth of the Dardanelles, have
-always possessed great strategic importance. Under the Latin Empire,
-Lemnos had been the fief of the Lord High Admiral, who bore the title
-of Grand-duke; under the Palaiologoi it had been either the appanage
-of an Imperial prince, or had been entrusted to the government of some
-great noble. So greatly was it coveted, that Alfonso V of Aragon had
-made it the price of his aid for the relief of Constantinople<a id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a>, while during
-the siege Constantine had promised it to Giustiniani, if the Turks were
-repulsed<a id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a>. When the news of the disaster reached these islands, the
-Byzantine authorities fled on board Italian ships, while many of the
-inhabitants sought refuge in Chios or in the Venetian colonies. There
-was, however, one leading personage in Imbros, who was resolved to
-remain and make terms with the victors. This was Kritoboulos, the future
-historian of Mohammed II, who bribed the Turkish Admiral, Hamza,
-not to attack the islands and through his mediation managed to send
-representatives of the Greek church and the local nobility with a present
-to the Sultan’s court at Adrianople, begging him to allow them to be
-administered as before. It chanced that at this moment envoys of the
-Gattilusj were at Adrianople, for on the fall of Constantinople both
-Dorino and Palamede had hastened to placate and congratulate the
-terrible Sultan, and to crave the grant of Lemnos and Imbros. Dorino,
-although he was still lord of Lesbos in name and continued to sign state
-documents, had been bed-ridden since 1449, and his eldest surviving son,
-Domenico, governed as regent. Domenico and one of Palamede’s
-councillors were supported by the two emissaries of Kritoboulos, and
-the Sultan was pleased to confer Lemnos upon the lord of Lesbos,
-Imbros upon him of Ænos. At the same time Mohammed ordered the
-former to pay an annual tribute of 3000 gold pieces for Lesbos and 2325
-for Lemnos; that of Imbros was assessed at 1200 gold pieces. Thus, by
-the irony of fate, only nine years before its annihilation, the dominion<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335"></a>[335]</span>
-of the Gattilusj reached its greatest extent. Indeed, there was a party
-in Skyros also which advocated annexation to Lesbos, but there the
-majority wisely preferred the nearer and more powerful lion of St Mark,
-which waved over Eubœa<a id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Gattilusj were now well aware that they only existed on
-sufferance, and they were more careful than ever not to offend their
-master. Domenico paid more than one visit of obeisance to the Turkish
-court; and when, in June, 1455, the Turkish admiral, on his way to
-Rhodes, anchored off Lesbos, the historian Doukas<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a>, the prince’s
-secretary, was sent on board with a handsome present of garments of
-silk and of woven wool six in number, 6000 pieces of silver, 20 oxen,
-50 sheep, more than 800 measures of wine, 2 bushels of biscuit and one
-of bread, more than 1000 lbs. of cheese, and fruit without measure, as
-well as gifts in proportion to their rank for the members of the admiral’s
-staff. Under these circumstances, it was no wonder that Hamza treated
-the lord of Lesbos “like a brother,” and refrained from entering the
-harbour, for fear of alarming the islanders.</p>
-
-<p>Scarcely had the Turkish fleet left, when, on June 30, 1455, Dorino I
-died, leaving his dominion of Lesbos, Foglia Vecchia, Thasos, and
-Lemnos to his eldest surviving son, Domenico, for whom the younger,
-Nicolò, acted as governor in the last-named island. Before a month
-had passed, the fleet hove in sight of Mytilene on its homeward voyage,
-and was invited to anchor in the harbour, where the serviceable Doukas
-again visited the admiral, whom he kept in good humour by a sumptuous
-banquet and sped on his way with a sigh of relief on the morrow.
-But the historian had before him a more delicate mission—that of
-paying the annual tribute for Lesbos and Lemnos to Mohammed II.
-Starting from Lesbos on August 1, he found the Sultan at Adrianople,
-kissed hands in token of homage and remained seated in his presence,
-till His Majesty’s morning meal was over. When, however, he went to
-hand the money to the Sultan’s ministers next day, they ingeniously
-asked him after the health of his master. The historian replied that he
-was well and sent his greeting, whereupon the Ottomans answered, that
-they meant the old prince. Doukas explained that Dorino had been
-dead 40 days, and that his successor had already been practically prince
-for six years, during which time he had once or twice come in person
-to do homage and congratulate the Great Turk. The ministers thereupon
-cut short the conversation with the remark that no one had the
-right to assume the title of lord of Lesbos (borne till his death by Dorino),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336"></a>[336]</span>
-until he had come and received his principality from the hands of his
-Most Mighty suzerain. “Go therefore,” they said, “and return with thy
-master; for if he come not, he knows what the future has in store for
-him.” The terrified envoy hastened back to Lesbos, and set out with
-Domenico and several leading men of both races in the island to do
-homage to Mohammed. The Sultan had, however, meanwhile changed
-his headquarters, for the plague was then ravaging Thrace, and it was
-not till the Lesbian deputation reached the Bulgarian village of Zlatica
-that they came up with him. After the usual <i>bakshîsh</i> to the influential
-Pashas, Mahmûd and Said Achmet, they were admitted to the presence,
-and Domenico humbly kissed the hand of his suzerain. But on the
-morrow a message was conveyed to Domenico, that the Sultan wished
-to have the island of Thasos. Argument was useless, and the island,
-which had belonged for some 20, or perhaps even 35, years to the
-Gattilusj, was ceded to Mohammed. This sacrifice only whetted the
-appetite of the Sultan; on the morrow a second message announced that
-the tribute for Lesbos would be doubled. At this Domenico plucked up
-courage to reply, that, if the Sultan wished to take the whole of Lesbos,
-it was in his power to do so; but that to pay twice the previous tribute
-was beyond its present ruler’s resources. At the same time, he begged
-the Sultan’s ministers to intervene on his behalf. They represented the
-facts to their master, and the latter agreed to a compromise, by which
-Lesbos should thenceforth pay 4000 gold pieces, instead of 3000. Then,
-at last they decked Domenico with a gold-embroidered robe and his
-companions with silken garments; the Lesbians signed the oath of
-allegiance and set out on their homeward journey, “thanking God, who
-had delivered them out of the hands of the monster.”</p>
-
-<p>But the year was not destined to close without further losses to
-the Gattilusj. While the deputation was still at Philippopolis, a second
-Turkish fleet, under Junis, set out to attack the Genoese colony of Chios.
-Off the Troad a storm arose, in which several of the Turkish vessels
-perished, while the rest of the fleet, except the flagship, took refuge in
-the harbour of Mytilene, where Nicolò was then representing his absent
-brother. It had been one of the treaty obligations of the lords of Lesbos,
-ever since they had been vassals of the Sultan, to warn the Turks who
-inhabited the opposite mainland between the mouth of the Kaïkos and
-the town of Assos, of the approach of Catalan corsairs, and the Gattilusj
-were bound to pay compensation for any loss caused by negligence in
-performing this service. Now it chanced that the scout, employed on
-this business, sailed into the harbour while the Turks were there,
-followed by the missing Turkish flagship. The admiral, a very different<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337"></a>[337]</span>
-man from his predecessor, requited Nicolò Gattilusio’s generous
-hospitality by demanding that this vessel with all on board should be
-given up to him as a prize, including the wife of a very distinguished
-member of the Chian Chartered Company, Paride Giustiniani Longo,
-with all her jewelry. The lady in question was none other than Domenico’s
-mother-in-law, whom he had invited to Lesbos to keep his wife company
-while he was away—for Domenico’s love for his wife was proverbial,
-and it is narrated of him that he could never bear to be out of her sight
-and even shared her bed when she was afflicted with leprosy. Nicolò
-protested that the vessel was his brother’s and that the wealthy Chian
-dame had not been on board but had already been long in the island. At
-this, the Turkish commander complained to the Sultan, and sailed for
-Foglia Nuova, of which Paride Longo was then governor for the Chian
-Company. Arrived there, he summoned the governor and the chief men
-of the place to appear before him. Such was their alarm, that even
-before his summons arrived they had started to meet him, only to hear
-the Sultan’s written orders that they should all be imprisoned and their
-city levelled with the ground, unless they surrendered the fort. The
-citizens, without attempting to argue or reply, at once admitted the
-Turks; the Genoese merchants were plundered and led on board; the
-names of all the citizens were taken down, about a hundred of their
-children carried off, and a Turkish guard placed in the fort. Thus on
-October 31, 1455, fell the Genoese colony of Foglia Nuova, the old
-possession of the Zaccaria and of the Cattaneo families, and then for a
-century a dependency of the <i>maona</i> of Chios.</p>
-
-<p>When Domenico returned home and learnt from his brother what
-had occurred, he sent Doukas to plead the case at Constantinople. The
-Lesbian envoy’s arguments and appeals to justice were, however, all in
-vain; Mohammed gave Domenico the alternative of paying 10,000 gold
-pieces or of war; and, when Doukas resisted this monstrous ultimatum,
-secretly despatched one of his servants to take Foglia Vecchia, which
-had been held by the Gattilusj of Lesbos ever since 1402 at least. This,
-their sole possession on the Asian main, was seized on December 24,
-1455. As soon as the Sultan received the news of its capture, he ordered
-Doukas to be sent away free and declared the question settled. Well
-might Domenico, after this experience, write urgently to Genoa for
-succour<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>It was now the turn of the younger branch of the Gattilusj. Palamede<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338"></a>[338]</span>
-of Ænos had died in 1455; and, as his elder son Giorgio had predeceased
-him<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> in 1449, he had bequeathed his dominions to his second son,
-Dorino II, and to Giorgio’s widow and her children. While Giorgio was
-still alive, his father had given him all his estates, except his Lesbian
-property, which was the share of Dorino II, and even after Giorgio’s
-death, his widow and family had a preference in the old lord’s will, as
-representing the first-born. No sooner, however, was Palamede dead
-than Dorino, defying the dictates alike of justice and prudence, seized
-the whole of the estate. In vain Giorgio’s widow and his own advisers
-implored him not to drive her to appeal to the judgment-seat of the
-Sultan, his suzerain. Finding her arguments useless, she begged her
-uncle to lay her case before Mohammed, and that undiplomatic envoy,
-anxious to punish Dorino even at the price of annexation to Turkey,
-depicted the usurper as a faithless vassal, who was conspiring with the
-Italians, collecting arms, hiring soldiers, and preparing to increase the
-garrisons of Ænos and the two islands with the object of proclaiming his
-complete independence. His advocacy found a willing hearer, for
-Mohammed coveted Ænos because of its favourable situation, on the
-estuary of the Maritza, then navigable for a considerable distance,
-opposite the islands, of which it was the natural mart, and in close
-proximity to the lake of Jala Göl. Thanks to these natural advantages,
-to the river and lake fisheries, and above all to its valuable salt-beds,
-which supplied all Thrace and Macedonia, Ænos was then a very rich
-city, from which Palamede had received 300,000 pieces of silver. It was
-true, that two-thirds of the proceeds of the salt-beds and of the other
-revenues were already handed over to the Sultan; but it was suggested
-by the people of the neighbouring towns of Ipsala and Feredchik that
-the Gattilusj did not administer the salt-works honestly, while they gave
-refuge at Ænos to fugitive Turkish slaves.</p>
-
-<p>Mohammed resolved to act at once. Despite the terrible Balkan
-winter, which made havoc with his troops, he left Constantinople on
-January 24, 1456, and marched against Ænos, while Junis with the
-fleet menaced it from the sea. Dorino was absent in Samothrace,
-whither he had gone to spend the winter in Palamede’s castle; and his
-subjects, thus left to themselves, made no attempt at resistance. They
-sent a deputation of leading citizens to the Sultan’s headquarters at
-Ipsala, and surrendered the city on condition that no harm was done
-to its inhabitants. Mohammed received them kindly, granted some of
-their requests, and sent Mahmûd Pasha back with them to take over
-the town. On the next day he came in person, carried off all the silver,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339"></a>[339]</span>
-gold and other valuables, which he found in Dorino’s palace and plundered
-the houses of that prince’s absent suite. Then, after a three days’
-stay, during which he organised the future administration of the place
-and appointed a certain Murad as its governor, he marched away,
-taking 150 children, the flower of the youth of Ænos, with him, and
-entrusting Junis with the annexation of Samothrace and Imbros, the
-maritime dependencies of that city.</p>
-
-<p>The Turkish admiral, on his arrival at Imbros, summoned Kritoboulos
-the historian, whose personality and opinions were already well-known
-at the Turkish court, and made him governor in the room of
-Dorino’s representative, at that time apparently Joannes Laskaris
-Rhyndakenos, whom he carried off on board. Meanwhile, a vessel had
-been despatched to Samothrace to fetch Dorino. But the latter, mistrusting
-the admiral, as he well might, preferred to throw himself upon
-the mercy of the Sultan. He therefore manned his yacht, crossed over
-to Ænos, and thence proceeded to Adrianople. Mohammed received
-him, and promised to restore to him his islands; but the malicious
-admiral, indignant at what he considered a slight upon himself, persuaded
-his sovereign to give Dorino instead some place on the mainland,
-on the ground that the islanders would not tolerate him and that he
-would be less able to plot at a distance from the sea. The Sultan thereupon
-changed his mind, and granted to the dethroned prince the district
-of Zichna in Macedonia. Dorino did not, however, long remain there;
-after slaying the Turkish officials, who were his guard of honour, he fled
-to Lesbos, and thence to Naxos, where he married his cousin, Elisabetta
-Crispo, daughter of the late Duke, Giacomo II, and settled down at the
-ducal court<a id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Turkish annexation of Samothrace and Imbros and the
-appointment of a native governor had an immediate effect upon the
-neighbouring island of Lemnos. The Lemnians had had little more than
-two years of Gattilusian Government, and the experience had been
-unfortunate, for Domenico had entrusted their island to his brother
-Nicolò, against whose tyrannical conduct they made secret complaint
-to the Sultan, begging him to send one of his servants to rule over them.
-Mohammed gladly consented, and ordered Junis’ successor, Ismael, to
-sail for Lemnos, and install the amiable Hamza as governor. Before
-the Turks arrived, Domenico despatched a small force under Giovanni<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340"></a>[340]</span>
-Fontana and Spineta Colomboto with orders to induce the Lemnians
-by promises to return to their allegiance, and failing that to escort his
-brother, then encamped behind the walls of Palaiokastro, back to
-Lesbos. His emissaries, however, disobeying his orders, resorted to
-force, with the result that the islanders routed them with considerable
-loss, and those who escaped had to content themselves with conveying
-Nicolò home. When the Turkish admiral arrived, he commended the
-Lemnians, landed the new governor and returned, in May, 1456, with the
-Lesbian prisoners on board, to the Dardanelles. The news of what had
-occurred so infuriated Mohammed against Domenico, that when in
-August Doukas came with the annual tribute and begged for their
-release, he commanded their heads to be cut off, and only repented when
-they had actually mounted the scaffold, ordering that they should be
-sold, instead of being beheaded<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Of the seven possessions of the Gattilusj Lesbos now alone remained;
-and Genoa, which a few months earlier had been mainly concerned
-lest rebellious citizens of the friendly Republic of Ancona should find
-shelter in Domenico’s ports, now sent a ship with arms and 200 men to
-his aid, purchased cannon and powder on his behalf, and appealed to
-Pope Calixtus III and to Kings Alfonso V of Portugal and Henry VI
-of England to join in a crusade against the enemy which threatened
-him. Meanwhile, the Pope organised a fund for the redemption of the
-captives of the two Foglie<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a>, plans were laid for the reconquest of the
-places lost, and a certain George Dromokaïtes, a noble Greek of Lemnos,
-offered to deliver that island and Imbros to Venice<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a>. In the autumn of
-1456 a papal fleet under the command of Cardinal Scarampi, the
-Patriarch of Aquileia, appeared in the Ægean; and, after vain attempts
-to make Domenico refuse to pay his tribute and fight, annexed Lemnos
-without opposition, thanks to the influence of George Diplovatatzes<a id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a>,
-the Greek <i>archon</i> of Kastro, occupied Samothrace, and took Thasos
-after an assault upon the harbour fort. Imbros was, however, saved by
-the diplomacy of Kritoboulos, its governor, who bribed and flattered
-the Cardinal’s lieutenant, a certain “Count,” whom we may identify
-with the Count of Anguillara. Garrisons were left in the three conquered
-islands, and the papal commander appointed governors in the name of
-the Holy Father—for these former possessions of the Gattilusj were not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341"></a>[341]</span>
-restored to their lawful owners, but retained by the Holy See. Both the
-Venetians and the Catalans in vain begged the Pope to give them the
-three islands; but, in 1459, Pius II offered to consign them to the Bank
-of St George, which then managed the Genoese colonies, on condition
-that it would hold them as his vicar. The papal offer was, however,
-unanimously declined, from fear of offending the Sultan, who might
-then attack the Black Sea colonies, and from considerations of expense.
-Besides, Genoa could scarcely have accepted Lemnos, Thasos and
-Samothrace without a breach of good faith towards her own children<a id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The indignation which Mohammed felt at the capture of the
-Thracian islands, he vented upon Domenico. Although Doukas, the
-person most likely to know, expressly tells us that the lord of Lesbos
-had continued to pay his tribute, and he had certainly not profited by
-the losses of his suzerain, nevertheless the Sultan accused him of being
-entirely responsible for what had occurred and the Turcophil Kritoboulos
-insinuates that he and his brother Nicolò, now resident in Lesbos,
-refused to send the usual tribute and harboured corsairs who preyed
-upon the opposite coast and plundered Turkish merchantmen. Domenico
-was, however, himself a sufferer from these raids, and had begged the
-Pope to excommunicate the pirates who had injured his subjects. But
-Mohammed was doubtless glad of an excuse for attacking Lesbos, and
-in August, 1457, sent Ismael, his admiral, with a large fleet against it.
-Ismael landed at Molivos, the scene of a former Turkish defeat; and,
-after ravaging all the countryside, besieged the castle. Such was the
-terror, inspired by the Turks, that a detachment of the papal fleet,
-which had been sent under a certain “Sergius,” perhaps Raymond de
-Siscar, to the relief of Lesbos, at once weighed anchor for Chios. But
-the garrison of Molivos resisted with such courage, that the Turkish
-commander was forced to retire on August 9 with much loss, after
-venting his rage on the defenceless portions of the island. As soon as
-he had gone, the papal lieutenant returned, only to be greeted with
-reproaches by the justly indignant Gattilusj. The Pope, indeed, described
-Lesbos as “Our island” and calmly stated that he had only
-allowed its lord to retain it on condition that he recognised the authority
-of the Holy See. But Domenico wrote to the “Office of Mytilene”—a
-body which then existed in Genoa for the promotion of trade with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342"></a>[342]</span>
-Lesbos—stating frankly that he could hold out no longer unless Genoa
-helped him, and threatening, that, in case of her refusal, he must
-perforce submit to some other rule. Meanwhile, he sent envoys to the
-Sultan to pay his tribute and obtain peace. The Bank of St George
-assured him that it would not desert him, and decided to appoint a
-committee of four shareholders in the Chian Chartered Company and
-two other Chians, who should raise 300 soldiers for the defence of Lesbos
-at the Bank’s expense. A new duty on merchandise exported to Chios
-was to defray the equipment of these men; their pay was to be provided
-by Domenico, if possible; or, if he could not find the ready money, he
-was to mortgage his property as security. Genoa was none too generous
-to her outpost in the Levant; she calculated her Lesbian policy by the
-maxims of the counting-house<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Domenico did not, however, live to fall by the hands of the Turks.
-He had a more sinister enemy in his own household. So long as Nicolò
-had been able to gratify his love of power at the expense of the unhappy
-Lemnians, he was harmless to his brother; but, when his intractable
-disposition had estranged the sympathies of the governed and caused
-the loss of that island, the two brothers were both restricted to Lesbos,
-the sole fragment of the Gattilusian dominions that remained. Nicolò
-was quarrelsome and ambitious; he chafed at the inferior position which
-he occupied, and resolved to usurp Domenico’s place. Accordingly,
-with the assistance of his cousin, Luchino, and a Genoese named
-Baptista (possibly the Baptista Gattilusio, who is described as a very
-influential person at Lesbos 14 years earlier<a id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a>), he deposed his elder
-brother towards the end of 1458, and threw him into prison, on the
-pretext that he was plotting to surrender the island to the Turks.
-Soon afterwards the usurper strangled his prisoner, having, according
-to one account, first cut off his arms so that he could no longer embrace
-the faithful wife who still clung to him<a id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a>. Her father demanded from the
-murderer repayment of the sums which Domenico had received as her
-dowry and of those which he had subsequently borrowed; and the
-Doge of Genoa threatened the lord of Lesbos with the forcible intervention
-of the Republic unless he liquidated these debts<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a>. The fate of
-the widow is unknown; more fortunate, however, in one respect than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343"></a>[343]</span>
-other ill-fated heroines of Frankish Greece, she has given her name to
-the only modern poem, based upon the mediæval history of Sappho’s
-island, while her bust by Mino da Fiesole is in the National Museum at
-Florence<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The fratricide’s position was, indeed, unenviable. The papal fleet
-had returned to Italy upon the death of Calixtus III in the summer
-of 1458, leaving the Grand Master of the Knights of Rhodes as vicar
-of the three Thracian islands, and the new Pope, Pius II, was too busy
-with the internal politics of that country to provide for their defence,
-which the Bank of St George did not think it prudent to undertake,
-but contented himself with founding a new Order of the Knights of
-St Mary of Bethlehem with its seat at Lemnos<a id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a>. Thus inadequately
-defended by the Italians and terrified at the possible advent of the
-Turkish fleet, the islanders had no option but to submit to the Sultan.
-Lemnos set the example. In the winter of 1458-9, Kritoboulos, ever
-ready to do the work of the Turk, entered into secret negotiations with
-the Lemnian leaders for the surrender of their island. The Greeks were
-nothing loth, for they found the papal yoke irksome, as it must naturally
-have been to “schismatics,” and above all they feared the vengeance of
-Mohammed. The Imbriote diplomatist thereupon wrote to Demetrios
-Palaiologos, the Despot of Mistra, suggesting that this was the moment
-to crave Lemnos and Imbros from the Sultan, which the Despot had
-already coveted as a peaceful retreat, and offering to drive the Italians
-out of the former island. Demetrios at once sent Matthew Asan, his
-brother-in-law, whose family was, as we saw, connected with Imbros,
-to ask Mohammed for the two islands. The Sultan consented, on condition
-that Demetrios paid 3000 gold pieces as tribute for them, and it
-then devolved upon Kritoboulos to carry out his mission. Evading
-the Italian guard-ships, he landed in Lemnos; his confederates at Kastro
-opened the gates of that fortress; the townsfolk of Kokkinos shut up
-the small Italian garrison in the public offices, till it surrendered unconditionally,
-whereupon Kritoboulos told them that they could go or
-stay as they pleased, and sent their Calabrian commander with presents
-to Eubœa. The fort of Palaiokastro, the strongest in the island, alike
-by its natural position and its triple wall of huge stones, contained
-provisions for a year and was commanded by a young and resolute
-soldier, named Michele. When Michele received a summons to surrender,
-his sole reply was a sword, drawn in blood, and an invitation to Kritoboulos<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344"></a>[344]</span>
-to come and take the castle by force, if he were a man. He could
-not, however, trust the Greeks in the town below, whose vines and fields
-Kritoboulos was careful to respect; and, when he saw the superior forces
-drawn up against him, he begged for three months’ grace, till he had
-time to communicate with the Grand Master at Rhodes, the papal vicar
-of the islands. Later on, he surrendered Palaiokastro for 1000 gold
-pieces, and in 1460, after the Turkish conquest of the Morea, Lemnos
-and Imbros were bestowed by the Sultan upon the dispossessed Despot,
-Demetrios.</p>
-
-<p>The other two islands shared the fate of Lemnos. In the autumn
-of 1459, Zaganos, Ismael’s successor in the command of the Turkish
-fleet, captured both Thasos and Samothrace, cutting to pieces the Catalan
-garrison placed by Scarampi in the former, and removing Thasians and
-Samothracians alike to recolonise Constantinople. In the following
-year the Sultan bestowed these two islands also, together with Ænos,
-upon Demetrios Palaiologos, who thus became the heir of the Gattilusj
-in Thrace and the four maritime dependencies<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a>. In vain, Pius II urged
-Rhyndakenos, the former prefect of the Gattilusj, to release Samothrace
-from its captivity. In vain, he gave Turkish Imbros to Alexander Asan<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>About the time that Lemnos fell, the learned Leonardo of Chios,
-who had held the Archiepiscopal see of Lesbos since 1444 and was on
-very intimate terms with the reigning family, was sent to ask the aid
-of Christendom for that sole remaining island. The Genoese Government
-early in 1459 appealed to the Christian Powers and more especially
-to Charles VII of France, whose viceroy, the Duke of Calabria, was then
-administering Genoa, reminding them of the recent attack of the Turks
-upon Lesbos, of the exiguous resources of its lord, and of the impossibility
-in which the exhausted Genoese now found themselves of supporting
-him without external assistance, as they had done before, against
-another and more serious invasion. The fall of Lesbos, it was added,
-might encourage the Sultan to direct his arms against Italy. Unfortunately
-this appeal met with no response. Indeed, one of the Christian
-Powers, England, was at that moment greatly incensed with the
-Gattilusj, owing to the piracies of Giuliano, a celebrated corsair of that
-family, whose depredations on the merchants of Bristol had caused the
-arrest of all the Genoese in the country and the confiscation of their
-goods. Accordingly, the Genoese Government, which had been glad to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345"></a>[345]</span>
-make use of him as a cousin, when it seemed convenient, now repudiated
-him as a Greek and an alien. The proceedings of this illegitimate descendant
-of Francesco II formed the subject of letters to Henry VI, to
-the Chancellor and the Privy Seal, to the Archbishops of Canterbury
-and York, to John Viscount Beaumont, the Great Chamberlain, and
-Humphry Duke of Buckingham. Indeed, it was owing to Giuliano
-Gattilusio, that “the office of English affairs” was founded at Genoa<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The new lord of Lesbos, as one Christian state after another fell,
-became more urgent in his requests for help, for he knew that even
-the payment of tribute would not save him. In 1460 he begged that
-the former practice might be revived of having a board of four commissioners
-in Chios, who could send 300 men to the relief of Lesbos,
-whenever the Sultan was preparing to attack it. It was decided to
-re-constitute this board, but not to impose any new duty for defraying
-the expense, and a certain number of men from Camogli on the Riviera
-di Levante were hired for the defence of Lesbos. Towards the close of
-1461, he wrote imploring the Republic not to forget him in his distress.
-But, although the French had then been expelled from Genoa, and
-Lodovico de Campo-fregoso, husband of Nicolò’s first-cousin, Ginevra
-Gattilusio, was once more Doge, all the reply that he received was fair
-words, a futile assertion that in the season of 1462 the Turk would be
-occupied by land rather than at sea, and a promise to promote a good
-understanding between Lesbos and the Chartered Company of Chios,
-which was apt to forget the common danger in the private quarrels of
-its members—an allusion to the still outstanding dispute between
-Nicolò and Paride Longo. Weakened by faction at home, divided by
-rival interests abroad, the Genoese allowed Lesbos to succumb<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Mohammed’s conquest of Serbia, Greece, and Trebizond and his
-campaign in Wallachia had given Nicolò a brief respite, which he had
-wisely employed in strengthening the fortifications of his island-capital
-by deepening the moats and heightening the ramparts. To this may
-be referred his Latin inscription<a id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> in the castle, dated 1460. But on
-September 1, 1462, the long-threatened Turkish fleet hove in sight under
-the command of Mahmûd Pasha, himself a Greek, while the Sultan at
-the head of the land forces advanced across the plain of Troy, the sight
-of which is said to have inspired him with the belief that he was the
-chosen avenger of the Trojans upon the descendants of their conquerors.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346"></a>[346]</span>
-Mohammed had no difficulty in finding plausible excuses for his invasion
-of Lesbos. The island had become a receptacle of Catalan pirates, who
-issued thence to ravage the Turkish coast and returned thither to divide
-their prisoners, assigning a goodly proportion to their patron. A
-reluctance to pay his tribute and a secret understanding with the
-Italians formed further accusations against him, and Mohammed chose
-to regard himself as the instrument of the Almighty for the punishment
-of the Lesbian fratricide.</p>
-
-<p>The great Turkish fleet, variously estimated at 67, 110, 125, 150,
-and even 200 sail, cast anchor in the old harbour of St George, whither
-Nicolò’s envoys went to enquire the justification of this attack upon an
-island, whose lords had paid, ever since the death of Dorino I seven
-years before, an annual tribute of 7000 gold ducats of Venice. Mahmûd
-replied, that his master wanted the castle and island of Mytilene—a
-demand repeated by the Sultan himself, when he crossed over from the
-mainland, with the addition that he would grant Nicolò a sufficient
-estate elsewhere. Nicolò replied, that he could not yield, except to
-force, whereupon Mohammed allowed himself to be persuaded by
-Mahmûd to return to the opposite coast, lest the Venetian fleet, then at
-Chios, to which Nicolò had appealed for help, should arrive and shut
-him up in the island. Thereupon the Greek renegade began the siege of
-the capital, whose walls contained more than 20,000 non-combatants,
-men, women and children, and were garrisoned by over 5000 soldiers,
-including 70 knights of Rhodes and 110 Catalan mercenaries from
-Chios.</p>
-
-<p>After four days’ skirmishing, which resulted in a number of the
-Latins being cut off from the city and cut up by the Turks, the besiegers
-landed six large cannon, whose shot weighed more than 700 lbs. apiece,
-and planted them in favourable positions for bombarding the city—three
-at the soap works only a stone’s throw from the walls, one at
-St Nicholas’, another at St Bonne’s<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> near the place of public execution,
-and the sixth in the suburbs opposite a barbican tower, defended by a
-monk and a knight of Rhodes. Protected by a barrier of large stones
-from the fire of the besieged, the Turkish batteries did great execution.
-The tower of the Virgin and the adjacent walls were pounded till they
-were nothing but a mass of ruins; the cannon of St Nicholas’ riddled the
-tower of the harbour, built long before by a Gallego named Pedro de
-Laranda, so that no one durst defend it, and it fell on the eighth day
-into the hands of the Turks, whose red flags floated from its riven battlements.
-The besiegers then concentrated their efforts on the lower castle,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347"></a>[347]</span>
-called Melanoudion, and commanded by Luchino Gattilusio, who had
-helped Nicolò to the throne, and whose neglect caused the loss of this
-important position. It was proposed by the wiser members of his staff
-to set fire to the lower castle, as they had already burnt to the water’s
-edge their ships in the harbour, rather than that it should be taken by
-the Turks and used as a base for attacking the upper citadel. But
-Luchino boasted that he could hold the fort, and actually held it for five
-days, although the Turks once climbed the walls and carried off in
-triumph an Aragonese flag which had been planted there by the Catalan
-corsairs. At last a force of 20,000 men carried Melanoudion by storm,
-drove the defenders “like locusts” into the upper castle, and destroyed
-all that they found. Terrified and breathless, with his naked sword in
-his hand, Luchino rushed into the midst of the Italians, who had taken
-refuge in the upper castle, and his narrative struck them with such terror
-that they resolved to surrender. According to one account, Luchino
-and the commander of the city had intentionally made further resistance
-impossible by betraying to Mahmûd the weak points of the defences,
-and by then urging Nicolò to yield and to save their heads and property.
-The panic was increased by one huge mortar, whose heavy projectiles
-destroyed houses and the women inside and drove the terrified defenders
-from the walls to take shelter from a similar fate. Heavy sums had to be
-offered, to induce men to repair the breaches; while many, in their
-despair, flew to drink, and broke into the vast stores of wine and provisions,
-which, if the garrison had been properly led, would have enabled
-Mytilene to resist a whole year’s siege. But, though well provided with
-food and engines of war, the place lacked a brave and experienced soldier,
-who would have inspired the garrison with enthusiasm. Another council
-was held, and two envoys were sent to inform Mahmûd, that the inhabitants
-were ready to become his master’s vassals, if their heads and
-remaining property were guaranteed. The Turkish commander drew up
-a memorandum of the terms in writing, and swore by his girded sword
-and his sovereign’s head that no harm should befall them. The Sultan,
-on hearing the news, re-crossed to Lesbos, and a janissary was ordered
-to conduct Nicolò to his presence. Thither the last Latin lord of Lesbos
-proceeded with two horsemen, kissed the feet of his new master and
-tearfully handed to Mohammed the keys of the city, which the Gattilusj
-had held for well-nigh eleven decades. At the same time he pleaded that
-he had never violated his oaths, never harboured Turkish slaves, but
-had at once restored them to their owners; and, if he had perforce
-received pirates to save his own land from their ravages, he had never
-furnished them with the means of injuring that of the Turks. It was,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348"></a>[348]</span>
-he added, the fault of his subjects that he had not accepted the Sultan’s
-generous offer at once, and “I now,” he concluded with tears, “surrender
-the city and island, begging that my lord may reward me for my good
-disposition in the past towards him.” Mohammed censured him for his
-past ingratitude, but promised that it should not be remembered against
-him. Forthwith a <i>subashi</i> and two men took possession of the upper
-castle, whence the Frankish garrison was removed but no one else was
-allowed to issue. The conquerors celebrated their success by a Bacchanalian
-orgie and by burning the still standing houses of Melanoudion,
-while the Sultan, setting on one side the chief men among the Franks,
-bade saw asunder with exquisite cruelty some 300 of the others as pirates
-in one of the suburbs. Thus, it was said, he had literally carried out their
-conditions, that their heads should be spared.</p>
-
-<p>The other fortresses in the island—Molivos (or Augerinos), the
-castle of the two SS. Theodores, and Eresos—now surrendered; for the
-wretched Nicolò, by the Sultan’s commands, sent a notary with
-instructions under his own seal, ordering his officers to open their gates.
-The countryfolk were left undisturbed, but any suspects found there
-were removed; and later on, one or two of these places were destroyed,
-and their inhabitants transported, like those of the Foglie, to Constantinople.
-On the second day after the occupation of the capital, a
-herald summoned all the citizens to file past the Sultan’s pavilion one
-by one. On September 17 the sorrowful procession took place; three
-clerks noted down the names of each, of the most pleasing maidens and
-the children several hundreds were picked out, and the rest of the
-population was divided into three classes—the worthless were left
-behind in the city, others were sold by public auction on the beach, and
-others again driven on board ship like so many sheep, to await slavery
-and fill the gaps at Constantinople. But of the 10,000 and more who
-were shipped from Lesbos a part perished on the overcrowded ships; and
-with brutal, if business-like precision, all disputes as to the ownership
-of these human cattle were obviated by cutting off the right ear of each
-corpse, before it was flung into the deep, and removing the victim’s
-name from the list. Some 200 janissaries and 300 infantry were left to
-garrison the city under Ali Bestami, a man of great courage and learning.</p>
-
-<p>The fleet, bearing Nicolò, Luchino, the Archbishop Leonardo, and
-the rest of the captives, reached Constantinople on October 16, where
-some of them received houses, or sites in one quarter of the city. The
-two Gattilusj, however, were soon afterwards imprisoned in the “tower
-of the French.” Mohammed disliked Nicolò for what he had done in
-the past, and the <i>chronique scandaleuse</i> of the capital attributed his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349"></a>[349]</span>
-feelings to the fact that a lad attached to the Turkish court had fled
-to Lesbos, abandoned Islâm, and become the favourite of Nicolò. After
-the fall of Lesbos, this youth was sent as a present to the Sultan, and
-recognised by his comrades, who told their master and thus rekindled
-his indignation. The two prisoners, to save their lives and regain their
-freedom, offered to abjure Christianity, and were duly circumcised,
-gorgeously apparelled by the Sultan, and set free. But their liberty did
-not last long; they were again imprisoned, and executed, Nicolò being
-strangled with a bow-string, as he had strangled his own brother. His
-lovely sister Maria, widow of the Emperor Alexander of Trebizond,
-whom Mohammed had previously captured in Kolchis, entered the
-seraglio; her only son became one of the Conqueror’s favourite pages.</p>
-
-<p>Thus ended the rule of the Gattilusj in Lesbos. Had Nicolò been
-bolder, had Genoa given more help, had Venice not played the part of
-a spectator, the island might have been saved, or at least its capture
-postponed. At the time of the siege, Vettor Capello was at Chios, and,
-in answer to Nicolò’s appeal, actually set out with 29 galleys towards
-Lesbos; but, although he could have burnt the Turkish fleet in the
-absence of its crews, he durst not disobey his instructions, which were
-to avoid giving any offence to the Sultan. Even after the capture of
-Mytilene, when the people of the castle of the two SS. Theodores begged
-him to accept them as Venetian subjects, he refused. Later on, when war
-broke out with Turkey, Venice repented her inaction, and tried in vain
-to make reparation for it. Even Genoa took the “calamity of Mytilene”
-with philosophy<a id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Christendom did not, however, abandon all hope of recovering what
-the Gattilusj had lost. The learned Archbishop of Lesbos, a second time
-the prisoner of the Turks, wrote to Pius II, as he had written to Nicholas V
-after the capture of Constantinople, a letter describing the sufferings
-of his flock and begging the Pope to make peace in Italy and war upon
-“the Cerberus” of the East. Pius responded by planning a new crusade,
-and the Genoese suggested that its first stage should be the recapture
-of Lesbos<a id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a>. The Pope’s death ended his plans; but early in 1464 a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_350"></a>[350]</span>
-Venetian fleet under Luigi Loredano occupied Lemnos with the assistance
-of a Moreote pirate, who bore the great name of Comnenos. This
-man had descended upon the island some time before with two galleys,
-had captured it from the officials who were governing it for Demetrios
-Palaiologos, and had established his authority over the citadel and the
-old city of Lemnos. But the pirate saw that he was not strong enough
-to hold his conquest single-handed, and therefore transferred it to the
-maritime Republic, which thence easily extended her sway over the rest
-of the island. Venice retained Lemnos for 15 years, and five Venetian
-nobles successively administered, with the title of “Rector,” this
-distant outpost<a id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a>. In April of the same year Orsato Giustiniano, Loredano’s
-successor, laid siege to Mytilene, but, after six weeks spent before
-the walls and two battles, in which the Venetians sustained heavy losses,
-on the approach of the Turkish fleet withdrew to Eubœa with all the
-Christian islanders whom he could convey, only returning to SS. Theodores
-to remove a second cargo. Giustiniano died of grief at his failure,
-and the Turkish sway over Lesbos, despite three subsequent attempts,
-had never been broken till the Greek fleet took the island on November
-22, 1912<a id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Two years later Vettor Capello obtained Imbros, Thasos, and Samothrace
-for Venice<a id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a>, and Bernardo Natale was sent as Rector to the last-named
-island. Imbros was, however, retaken by the Turks in 1470,
-owing to the unpopularity and incapacity of that official<a id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a>. Lemnos
-resisted more than one Turkish attack; in view of its importance as a
-station for the fleet, Venice sent 200 <i>stradioti</i> to settle there, restored
-the walls of Kokkinos, and strengthened the fortifications of Palaiokastro,
-while Mohammed made its cession a condition of peace. At last
-this island, then inhabited by 6000 souls, or twice the population of
-Imbros, after having won romantic fame by the exploits of its heroic
-defender, the virgin Marulla, was ceded to Turkey by the peace<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> of
-1479. At the same time, Samothrace with its 200 islanders, and Thasos,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_351"></a>[351]</span>
-neither of them mentioned since their capture in 1466, were probably
-surrendered, and the whole of the Gattilusj’s former realm was thus
-irrevocably Turkish till 1912, with the exception of the Venetian
-occupation of Lemnos in 1656/7, and of the Russian occupation of part
-of that island in 1770—for Ænos, although laid in ashes by Nicolò
-da Canale in 1468, had not been occupied by the Venetians, and Foglia
-Vecchia had repulsed his attack<a id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Even after this apparently final Turkish conquest, one member of
-the family continued to cherish the remote hope that one day his
-ancestral dominions might be reconquered. Dorino II of Ænos was still
-alive at Genoa, and in 1488, as the sole representative of both branches
-of the Gattilusj—for Nicolò II had left no children—granted to his
-brother-in-law, Marco d’Oria, all his rights to their possessions in the
-Levant. It was agreed, that, should Lesbos be recovered—as was
-hoped, by the aid of the King of France—Dorino should nevertheless
-have his father’s former estates in that island, unless Ænos, Foglia
-Vecchia, Thasos and Samothrace were also recovered, in which case he
-should be entitled to Ænos, Thasos and Samothrace alone and have no
-claim to the Lesbian property<a id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a>. Dorino II died childless, the last
-legitimate male of his race; but the pirate Giuliano, whose depredations
-continued to vex the Genoese Government<a id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a>, had progeny. Among his
-descendants were perhaps the Hector Gattilusio<a id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> whom we find receiving
-a small pension from Pope Innocent VIII, and the Stefano Gattilusio<a id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a>,
-who was bishop of Melos in 1563. Other Gattilusj occur at Naxos in
-the seventeenth century, and the name is reported to exist still not
-only there but at Smyrna and Athens<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a>, although the family is extinct at
-Genoa. Nine years ago a London lady claimed the Byzantine Empire as
-a descendant of the Palaiologoi through the Gattilusj. The family church
-at Sestri Ponente<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> was ceded by Dorino II to two other persons in 1483.</p>
-
-<p>The rule of the Gattilusj has been described by a modern Greek
-writer as more favourable to his fellow-countrymen than that of other
-Frankish rulers. Chalkokondyles<a id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> praises the excellence of their administration,
-and one alone of them, the fratricide Nicolò, seems to have
-been unpopular. Hellenized by intermarriage with the Imperial houses
-of Byzantium and Trebizond, and proud to quarter the arms of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_352"></a>[352]</span>
-Palaiologoi with their own, they spoke Greek in the first generation,
-and thus early came to understand the feelings of their subjects, who
-scarcely regarded them as foreigners, certainly not as foreign conquerors.
-Two extant Greek letters of Dorino I and Domenico attest their
-familiarity with the language of their people. Moreover, they were not
-so much feudal lords as prosperous merchant princes, whose wealth is
-attested not only by the sums lent by Francesco II and Nicolò I, but
-by the extensive coinage of the Lesbian line. Coins of at least five of
-the lords of Mytilene are extant, while Dorino I, whose appanage was
-Foglia Vecchia before he succeeded to Lesbos, struck money for that
-emporium also<a id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a>. Yet these Genoese nobles took an interest alike in
-history, literature, and archæology. Kanaboutzes wrote his commentary
-on Dionysios for Palamede; in 1446, the year of Cyriacus’ visit, Leonardo
-of Chios, the most famous of Lesbian divines, who owed his appointment
-to the patronage of Maria Gattilusio and was selected to accompany
-the papal legate, Cardinal Isidore, to Constantinople<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a>, wrote at the
-bidding of Dorino I’s brother, Luchino, his <i>Treatise concerning true
-nobility against Poggio</i>. This quaint tract took the form of a Platonic
-dialogue with Luchino in the presence of the Duke of the Archipelago,
-and gives us a pretty picture of Lesbian society at the time. “The
-prince,” we read, “protects religion; his senate is wise, his soldiers
-distinguished, and he lives in splendid state among his lovely halls, his
-gardens, his fish-ponds, and his groves.” The drama, if we may argue
-from the presence of an actor named Theodoricus, was patronised by
-Dorino<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a>. Life in Lesbos must therefore have been pleasant, if it had
-not been lived on the edge of the Turkish volcano. But even in the last
-years of the Gattilusj the numbers of the Latins cannot have been
-large, for Calixtus III united the Archiepiscopal see of Methymna with
-that of Mytilene, and in 1456 the revenues which Leonardo derived
-from both together did not exceed 150 gold florins<a id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Genoese sway over Lesbos and the Thracian islands has gone
-the way of all Latin rule in the Levant, of which it was so favourable
-a specimen. A few inscriptions, a few coats of arms, here and there
-a ruined fortress, still remind the now emancipated Greeks of their last
-Italian rulers.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_353"></a>[353]</span></p>
-
-<h4>Gattilusj.</h4>
-
-<h5>I.</h5>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Lesbos (1355-1462).</li>
-<li>Francesco I 1355, July 17.</li>
-<li><span class="ditto">”</span> II 1384, August 6.</li>
-<li>[Nicolò I of Ænos regent 1384-7.]</li>
-<li>Jacopo 1404, October 26.</li>
-<li>[Nicolò of Ænos regent 1404-9.]</li>
-<li>Dorino I 1426/1428.</li>
-<li>[Domenico regent 1449-55.]</li>
-<li>Domenico 1455, June 30.</li>
-<li>Nicolò II 1458-62.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1462-1912; Greek: 1912, November 22.]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h5>II.</h5>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Thasos (<i>c.</i> 1434 or ? <i>c.</i> 1419-55)</li>
-<li>? Jacopo <i>c.</i> 1419.</li>
-<li>Dorino I <i>c.</i> 1434.</li>
-<li>[Oberto de’ Grimaldi governor 1434.]</li>
-<li>Francesco III 1444-<i>c.</i> 1449.</li>
-<li>Dorino I <i>c.</i> 1449.</li>
-<li>[Domenico regent 1449-55.]</li>
-<li>Domenico 1455, June 30-October.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1455-6; 1459-60; 1479-1912; Papal: 1456-9; Demetrios Palaiologos:
-1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Greek: 1912, October 30.]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h5>III.</h5>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Lemnos (1453-6).</li>
-<li>Dorino I 1453 (castle of Kokkinos from 1440).</li>
-<li>[Domenico regent 1453-5.]</li>
-<li>Domenico 1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Nicolò II governor 1455-6.]</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456; 1459-60; 1479-1656; 1657-1912; Papal: (autumn) 1456-8;
-Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-4; Comnenos 1464; Venetian: 1464-79; 1656-7;
-Russian (except Palaiokastro): 1770; Greek: 1912, October 22.]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h5>IV.</h5>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Foglia Vecchia (<i>c.</i> 1402-55).</li>
-<li>With Lesbos: <i>c.</i> 1402-1455, December 24. (For several years <i>c.</i> 1423-8 appanage of Dorino I.)</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1455-1919; Greek: 1919- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h5>V.</h5>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Ænos (<i>c.</i> 1384-1456).</li>
-<li>Nicolò I <i>c.</i> 1384.</li>
-<li>Palamede 1409.</li>
-<li>Dorino II 1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456-60; 1468-1912; 1913, July 15; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-8;
-Bulgarian: 1912, Nov. 29-1913, July 15; Turkish: 1913-20; Greek: 1920- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h5>VI.</h5>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Samothrace (<i>c.</i> 1431-56).</li>
-<li>Palamede <i>c.</i> 1431.</li>
-<li>[Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos governor 1444-55.]</li>
-<li>Dorino II 1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456; 1459-60; 1479-1912; Papal: (autumn) 1456-9; Demetrios
-Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Greek: 1912, November 1.]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h5>VII.</h5>
-
-<ul>
-<li>Imbros (1453-6).</li>
-<li>Palamede 1453.</li>
-<li>Dorino II 1455-6.</li>
-<li>[Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos governor.]</li>
-<li>[Turkish: 1456-60; 1470-1912; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian:
-1466-70; Greek: 1912, October 30-1914; Turkish: 1914-20; Greek: 1920- .]</li>
-</ul>
-
-<h4>Genealogical Tree:</h4>
-
-<p>(The rulers of Lesbos are denoted by Roman, those of Ænos by Arabic numerals.)</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
-  <img class="w100" src="images/tree3.jpg" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_354"></a>[354]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_355"></a>[355]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="V_TURKISH_GREECE">V. TURKISH GREECE<br />
-<span class="smaller">1460-1684</span></h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>From the second half of the fifteenth down to the close of the
-seventeenth century, a large portion of what now forms the kingdom
-of Greece formed an integral part of the Turkish Empire, and from the
-second part of the sixteenth century some of the Ionian Islands and a
-few of the Cyclades were alone exempt from the common lot of Hellas.
-Thus, for the first time since the Frank conquest, a dead level of
-uniformity, broken only by the privileges of certain communities,
-prevailed in place of the feudal principalities, whose fortunes occupied
-the annals of the previous two centuries and more. Greece, so often
-divided against herself, had found unity in the death of her independence;
-and the victorious Turks, like the conquering Romans, had obliterated
-the divisions and the liberties of the Greek States at the same moment.
-Once more the whole Greek world, with few exceptions, depended upon
-a foreign ruler, whose capital was at Constantinople, and whose officials,
-like those of the Byzantine Emperors, administered the affairs of his
-Greek subjects. There is, however, a considerable difference between
-the two periods into which the Turkish government of Greece was
-divided. During the first period, down to the Venetian conquest of the
-Morea, towards the close of the seventeenth century, Turkey was a
-flourishing and conquering Power—a danger to Europe, and a strong
-State. During the second period, from the Turkish re-conquest of the
-Morea down to the close of the War of Independence, Turkey was
-declining, slowly but surely, in all save the one art which she has never
-lost even in her political dotage, the art of fighting. For, like the Roman
-and the Briton, the Turk has ever been a good soldier, but, unlike those
-two great unintellectual peoples, many of whose qualities he shares, he
-has never been a good administrator; even when his arrangements have
-been excellent in theory, as they often are, they have frequently proved
-to be miserable in practice.</p>
-
-<p>The political organisation of Greece under the Turks was indeed
-comparatively simple. Before the conquest of the Ægean Islands all
-their Greek dominions were comprised within the jurisdiction of the
-<i>beglerbeg</i> (“lord of lords”) of Rumili, who resided at Sofia<a id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a>, and were
-divided into seven <i>sandjaks</i>, so called from the “flag” which was the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_356"></a>[356]</span>
-emblem of each large territorial sub-division, and which recalled the
-essentially military character of all Turkish arrangements. These seven
-<i>sandjaks</i>, after the year 1470, when the capture of Eubœa rounded off
-the Greek conquests of Mohammed II, were Salonika, Negroponte,
-Trikkala, Lepanto, Karlili, Joannina, and the Morea. Negroponte
-included not only the island of Eubœa, but also Bœotia, and Attica.
-Its capital was Chalkis, and Athens, Thebes and Livadia, were among
-its principal cities. Karlili comprehended Ætolia and Akarnania, as
-well as Prevesa, and derived its name from Carlo II Tocco, whose
-dominions there had fallen to the Turks. The capital of the Morea
-fluctuated between Corinth, Leondari, and Mistra, down to 1540, when
-the capture of Nauplia from the Venetians made that place the residence
-of the Turkish Pasha. In 1574, when the conclusion of the war of Cyprus
-had practically extinguished Latin rule in the Levant, a different
-arrangement obtained. Salonika, Trikkala, Joannina, Patras and Mistra
-formed five <i>sandjaks</i> under the <i>beglerbeg</i> of Rumili; while the capitan
-pasha, in his capacity of <i>beglerbeg</i> “of the sea,” ruled over the seven
-insular <i>sandjaks</i> of Lemnos, Lesbos, Rhodes, Chios, the former Duchy
-of Naxos (except a few islands bestowed on the favourite Sultana),
-Santa Maura (with Prevesa), and Negroponte, besides the three maritime
-<i>sandjaks</i> of Nauplia, Lepanto and Kavalla. And, after the conquest of
-Crete, three more <i>sandjaks</i>, named from Candia, Rethymno, and Canea,
-were carved out of “the great Greek island<a id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>Each <i>sandjak</i> was in turn sub-divided into a number of <i>cazas</i>, or
-sub-districts, of which there were twenty-three in the Morea. It is now
-supposed that from 1470 to about 1610, Athens was the chief place of
-a <i>caza</i> of the <i>sandjak</i> of Negroponte. Just as each <i>sandjak</i> was governed
-by a Pasha or <i>sandjak-beg</i>, so each <i>caza</i> was administered by a lesser
-magnate known as a <i>voivode</i> or <i>subashi</i>, who was assisted by a judge,
-or <i>cadi</i>.</p>
-
-<p>True to the Turkish feuded system, which had been organised in
-Thessaly at the end of the fourteenth century, and extended to Akarnania
-and Ætolia on the fall of the Tocchi, Mohammed II distributed Central
-Greece and the Morea in fiefs to his veteran warriors. These fiefs were
-of two sorts: the larger fief, known as a <i>zaimet</i>, entailed upon the holder
-the obligation to provide fifteen horsemen; the smaller, called a <i>timar</i>,
-involved the equipment of only two<a id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a>. The standard of the <i>sandjak-beg</i>
-formed the rallying point of all these feudal chiefs and their horsemen
-in case of need. About the middle of the seventeenth century the whole<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_357"></a>[357]</span>
-area of the present Greek kingdom on the mainland, including Negroponte
-but without Macedonia and Thrace, was portioned out into 267
-<i>zaimets</i> and 1625 <i>timars</i>, so that they would represent a force of 7255
-horsemen.</p>
-
-<p>Crete, after its conquest, was similarly parcelled out into seventeen
-<i>zaimets</i> and 2550 <i>timars</i>, which would produce 5355 cavalry. At first
-the timariot system was not in the nature of an hereditary aristocracy.
-The <i>timars</i> were originally life-rents only, conferred for services rendered
-to the Sultan upon veteran warriors, who might be called upon to appear
-with their retainers at the call of their liege lord. In the golden age of
-Turkish administration—if such a phrase can be applied to any Turkish
-institution—the son of <i>timariot</i> was entrusted with a large fief such as
-his sire had held only after he had proved his capacity as the holder of
-a small one. But, like all political systems, the Turkish began by making
-capacity the sole test of office, and ended by making office the reward
-of favourites. Gradually the <i>beglerbeg</i> was allowed to bestow these fiefs,
-which had formerly been in the Sultan’s gift, and that official naturally
-rewarded his own creatures, just as a British Prime Minister, allowed
-by weak or preoccupied monarchs to dispense patronage at his will,
-bestows the honours of the peerage and the baronetage upon subservient,
-or perhaps recalcitrant, supporters. Thus, in the second half of the
-seventeenth century, it was the custom of Romania that, if a holder
-of a <i>zaimet</i> or <i>timar</i> died in the wars, his fief was divided into as many
-portions as he had sons, unless the rent was no more than 3000 aspers,
-in which case the whole went to the eldest son. But if the holder died
-in his bed, his lands fell to the <i>beglerbeg</i>, who could bestow them upon
-the dead man’s heirs, give them to any of his own servants, or sell them,
-as he pleased<a id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Turks did not interfere with the Greek municipal system, which
-had existed for centuries before the Ottoman conquest. As far back as
-the Byzantine times we find that the Hellenic communities employed
-representatives, not necessarily drawn from their own members, at the
-Imperial Court at Constantinople. Thus, in the eleventh century,
-Michael Psellos represented the Ægean Islands at the capital<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a>; but, in
-some cases, instead of having a permanent representative, whose
-functions may be compared with those of the agents-general of our self-governing
-colonies, a local deputation occasionally visited Constantinople
-to lay its grievances before the central authorities. In the Venetian
-island of Tenos a similar practice prevailed; there a committee was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_358"></a>[358]</span>
-selected from among the primates to watch over the administration of
-the Venetian officials. The Turks, like the Romans, were quite willing
-that their Greek subjects should continue to enjoy local self-government.
-Accordingly, they allowed the communes to promote commerce and
-found schools, while Greek naturally continued to be the official
-language of the communal authorities. There was no hard and fast
-rule for their election, and no stereotyped title by which they were
-known all over Greece. But, generally speaking, every town and even
-every hamlet had its own Greek officials, elected by the Christian
-inhabitants, or by some portion of them, in a more or less indirect
-fashion, and variously styled “elders of the parish,” “elders,” <i>archontes</i>,
-“primates,” or, in Turkish, <i>khodja-bashis</i>. Thus, at a late period of the
-Ottoman domination, in the island of Psara the whole community met
-annually for the election of forty electors, who in turn elected four
-“elders of the parish”; at the same period, in the island of Spetsai, the
-five “primates” were elected annually by the ships’ captains and the
-well-to-do citizens; while Hydra, during a large part of the eighteenth
-century, was administered by its priests, with whom two laymen were
-associated. The Morea had certain special municipal privileges. It was
-permitted to send two or three “primates” to Constantinople, who were
-able to mitigate the exactions of the Turkish Pashas by the influence
-which they acquired during their stay there. Moreover, each province of
-the peninsula used to send two prominent Greeks once or twice a year to
-the seat of the Pasha to confer with him upon the affairs of the Morea.
-Sometimes, both there and in Thessaly, municipal office descended as a
-heritage from father to son, and too often the feuds, which continued to
-distinguish the Moreote <i>archontes</i>, descended, with their dignities, to their
-descendants. Their duties were to administer the local affairs of their
-communities, to act as arbitrators in civil cases, to levy local rates, to
-manage the local treasury, and to act as protectors and advisers of the
-oppressed. Sometimes they carried out this last duty without flinching,
-sometimes, however, their conduct earned them the name of “a kind of
-Christian Turks<a id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>Both the law of Islâm and the laws of human nature forbade the
-wholesale conversion of the conquered to the faith of the conquerors.
-But Mohammed II, who spoke Greek and knew the Greeks well,
-recognised, like the wise statesman that he was, the possibility of
-managing his Christian subjects through the medium of their own
-Church. The Turks were a foreign garrison in a hostile country, and in
-the middle of the fifteenth century it was quite possible that some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_359"></a>[359]</span>
-Catholic power might undertake a new crusade for the deliverance of
-the East. The bitter hatred of the Eastern for the Western Church
-provided the astute Sultan with a powerful incentive for the toleration
-and even patronage of the Orthodox religion. He saw that, if he favoured
-the one branch of Christendom, he would prevent its union with the
-other, and he made a most politic selection of an instrument for the
-accomplishment of his plan. One of the strongest opponents of the union
-had been Georgios Scholarios, a man of great influence with the Orthodox
-and of equal unpopularity with the Catholics. As soon as Constantinople
-had fallen, the Sultan caused diligent search to be made for this uncompromising
-champion of Orthodoxy, and about the end of the same
-year gave orders for his election as Œcumenical Patriarch, according to
-the time-honoured forms which the Byzantine Empire had recognised
-for centuries. Gennadios II, as the new Patriarch was styled, was
-invited to a banquet by the Sultan, who showed him the greatest
-attention, and accompanied him as far as the courtyard of the palace,
-where he assisted him to mount his horse. A <i>berat</i> of the Sultan determined
-the position, powers, and privileges of Gennadios and his
-successors. The Œcumenical Patriarch was declared to be “untaxable
-and irremovable,” and the document, of which only a summary has
-come down to us in the history of Phrantzes<a id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a>, is said to have prohibited
-the conversion of Christian churches into mosques. The loss of the
-original <i>berat</i> is of less importance because subsequent rescripts modified
-these notable concessions, while in practice the privileges of the Patriarch
-came to be far less respected than in theory. To him was assigned the
-supreme administration of all churches and monasteries, the right of
-deposing archbishops and bishops, and the highest criminal jurisdiction
-over all the clergy. He decided all matrimonial questions, and other
-suits, in which the parties, being both Christians, preferred his judgment
-to that of the Turkish courts. He could levy dues for the needs of the
-Church on laity and clergy alike, and it was provided that existing
-ecclesiastical property should be respected, and that no Christian should
-be forced to embrace Islâm. But in these respects, as well as with regard
-to the fiscal exemption and irremovability of the Patriarch, the
-ecclesiastical history of the Greeks under the Turks shows us a gradual
-falling off from the original intentions of Mohammed II. A later <i>berat</i>
-laid it down that the Patriarch could be deposed for one of three reasons—oppression
-of his flock, transgression of the ecclesiastical law, and
-treason towards his sovereign—elastic terms, capable of a wide interpretation.
-Mohammed II himself deposed the Patriarch Joseph I, for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_360"></a>[360]</span>
-refusing to sanction the marriage of the widow of the last Duke of
-Athens with George Amoiroutses, the traitor who had been accused of
-handing over Trebizond to the Turks, and who had a wife still living.
-From the Turkish conquest to the present day 69 Patriarchs have been
-deposed, several more than once, 20 were thus removed in the seventeenth
-century, and the Sultans at times inflicted punishments on the
-Patriarchs, which recall the horrible mutilations of Byzantine times.
-From the moment of the conquest, Christian churches, beginning with
-St Sophia, were converted into mosques, and the seat of the Patriarchate,
-fixed by Mohammed II at the Church of the Holy Apostles, was
-successively moved, as church after church became a sacred place of
-Islâm, till it reached, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, its
-present home in the Phanar. All over Greece the same process went on,
-wherever the Mussulmans were numerous, and we have seen at Salonika,
-Livadia and Larissa buildings which have served first as churches and
-then as mosques. Certain dues, too, were fixed, which the Patriarch was
-expected to pay; and soon <i>bakshîsh</i>, the bane of Turkey, began to affect
-Patriarchal elections. This introduction of simony into the Greek Church
-was due to the intrigues of the Greeks themselves. After the fall of the
-empire of Trebizond in 1461 many of the Trapezuntine grandees sought
-careers at Constantinople. Among other posts they coveted that of the
-Patriarch, and as early as 1467 they conspired with that object against
-Markos II, the fourth successor of Gennadios<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a>. They succeeded in
-securing his deposition and the election of one of their own party by
-promising that he would pay an annual sum of one thousand gold pieces
-and forego the allowance which his four predecessors had received from
-the government. The evil, thus soon introduced, spread apace. Two years
-later, an offer of double the sum paid by the Patriarch ensured his
-removal in favour of a wealthier candidate. Then the annual payment
-was raised to three thousand gold pieces, and large sums came to be
-spent in bribes to courtiers, eunuchs, janissaries and the female favourites
-of the Sultans, the money being ultimately raised out of the clergy and
-laity. Thus, the history of the Patriarchate resembles that of the
-mediæval Papacy in that the same means were employed to ensure an
-election. After the Reformation, Jesuits and Protestants, each anxious
-to have at the head of the Greek Church a man favourable to themselves,
-joined in the bidding, and between the years 1623 and 1700 there were
-about fifty Patriarchal elections, most of them won by bribery. The debts
-of the Patriarchate became enormous, as a consequence of this almost<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_361"></a>[361]</span>
-constant expenditure, and the necessity thus imposed upon the Patriarch
-of selling all the chief ecclesiastical offices in his gift was one of the main
-causes which made the Greek Church so unpopular in many parts of
-Turkey, where the population belonged to another race than the Hellenic.
-The history of Roumania abounds with examples of the exactions of
-Greek bishops, who sought to make the wretched people make up to
-them what they had spent on the purchase of their sees.</p>
-
-<p>Another cause tended, in course of time, to make the Turkish
-Government less careful of the Patriarch’s privileges and dignities. He
-had been regarded by Mohammed II as a bulwark against the Catholic
-powers; but, a century after the fall of Constantinople, Rome, distracted
-by the Protestant secession, had become far less dangerous, and Venice
-had lost her last possessions in the Morea, while in the seventeenth
-century Spain was no longer an enemy to be feared. Moreover, France,
-the “eldest daughter of the Church,” and the patroness of the Jesuits,
-had become the ally of Turkey, and supported her <i>protégés</i>, who first
-appeared at Constantinople in 1609, against the Œcumenical Patriarch.
-Thus, finding himself in little danger from a disunited Europe and an
-impotent Papacy, the Sultan could afford to modify his attitude towards
-the head of the Greek Church. After 1657, the Patriarch ceased to be
-installed by the Sultan in person, who was thenceforth represented by
-the Grand Vizier, and further restrictions were soon placed upon the
-honours paid to him. Still, the Œcumenical Patriarch enjoyed, throughout
-the Turkish domination, a great ecclesiastical and political position,
-such as some of his predecessors had not held under the Byzantine
-Empire, such as his successors have never held since the Church in Greece
-became autocephalous, and the Bulgarian Church became independent.
-In the Turkish days, he was the spiritual, and in many respects the
-political, head, not only of the Greek subjects of the Sultan, but of all
-the Orthodox Christians within his dominions, Bulgarians, Serbs<a id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a>,
-Albanians, and Armenians of the Orthodox rite, who, as well as Greeks,
-were all collectively described as <i>Romaîoi</i>—for in those days religion
-and not race was the mark by which Ottoman subjects were distinguished.
-Moreover, he was not only the accredited representative of the Orthodox
-with the Porte, but he was also the ecclesiastical superior of all the
-Orthodox communities in the Venetian dominions, and he was therefore
-permitted to correspond with all those foreign powers which had subjects
-of that religion. Thus, so long as Venice was a Levantine State, she had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_362"></a>[362]</span>
-continual relations with the Patriarch, and the Venetian bailie at
-Constantinople conducted diplomatic business with him, no less than
-with the Turkish government. Mohammed II, in the treaty which he
-concluded with Venice in the year after the capture of Constantinople,
-specially provided for the preservation to the Patriarch of all the
-revenues which his predecessors had received from the Orthodox. We
-frequently find the Patriarchs intervening with the Venetians on behalf
-of the Orthodox inhabitants of the Venetian colonies, sometimes urging
-the claims of the Greeks of Koron, Modon and Crete, sometimes successfully
-deprecating the adoption of the Gregorian Calendar in the
-Venetian possessions, and in one case rebuking the Orthodox Cretans
-for their persecution of the Jews. Nothing more clearly proves the
-peculiar position of the Patriarch as the head of an <i>imperium in
-imperio</i>, than the fact that the Turkish government conducted its
-business with him through the medium of the <i>Reis-effendi</i>, or Minister
-for foreign affairs. Not without reason did men address so powerful a
-personage as “master” and even “king.” We might, indeed, compare
-his situation with that of the Pope since 1870. Like the Pope, he had
-no territory, but his ecclesiastical sway ranged over and beyond the
-dominions of the sovereign, in whose capital his seat was fixed. Like
-the Pope, he negotiated with diplomatists, corresponded with foreign
-governments, and combined, or identified, politics and religion. And,
-like the Pope, he at times intrigued against the monarch who had
-ensured him the secure exercise of his privileges within his dominions.</p>
-
-<p>Although the Koran forbade the forcible conversion of the Christians,
-there were various causes which swelled the ranks of Islâm. The Turks,
-being but a small body of men compared with the great numbers of the
-Christians, early saw that they could neither preserve nor extend their
-conquests without the aid of the latter. Accordingly, just as some
-Christian rulers of the East had enlisted young Turks to fight their
-battles, so the Sultan Orchan, more than a century before the capture
-of Constantinople, founded the terrible institution of the Janissaries,
-a corps entirely recruited from that time till the middle of the sixteenth
-century from Christian children who embraced the faith of the sovereign.
-At the outset the numbers of these children were not less than one
-thousand a year, and they were taken at the tender age of six or seven
-years at the most; but later on, perhaps in the reign of Mohammed II,
-a regular levy of children was ordered to be made throughout all the
-subject provinces of Turkey, with a few favoured exceptions. This
-tribute of Christian children, or παιδομάζωμα, as the Greeks called it,
-was subsequently erected into a complete system, and became one of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_363"></a>[363]</span>
-the greatest engines of conversion. Every five years, or even oftener,
-for the tribute came at last to be levied annually, an officer of the
-Janissaries would descend with a clerk upon each district, and demand
-from the head man of the place a list of all the Christian families. Every
-Christian father was compelled to make a declaration of the number of
-his sons and to present them for inspection. At first, only one boy out
-of every five and only one out of every family were taken. Then no
-proportion was observed, but the government took as many children
-as it wanted, always selecting the strongest, and not even sparing the
-only son of a family. The age, too, was raised to ten, fifteen, and even
-more years. We can easily imagine the misery inflicted upon the unhappy
-parents by a system which recalled the fabled tribute paid by
-the Athenians to the Minotaur. We are told by an eye-witness that
-mothers sometimes prayed God to strike their sons dead in order to save
-them from enlistment. Others, in order to evade the law, would marry
-their children at nine years of age; but the authorities soon disregarded
-these infantile unions, and marriage was no excuse in the eyes of an
-arbitrary official. There were only two ways of avoiding the payment of
-this hideous blood-tax—bribery or flight into one of the Venetian
-colonies, and the latter means of escape became more difficult when
-Venice lost her last possessions on the mainland. It might have been
-thought that this tax would have been more likely to cause a rising. Yet
-in the long list of insurrections against the Turks we can recall one only,
-that of 1565, which is specially ascribed to this reason, and that was an
-Albanian and not a Greek agitation<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a>. Moreover, as time went on, and
-the Janissaries became more pampered and more powerful, it was
-esteemed by many a blessing rather than a curse that their sons should
-serve in the corps. The Venetian bailie at Constantinople in the middle
-of the sixteenth century expressly says that the tribute of children had
-by that time come to be regarded as a special favour enjoyed by the
-Christians, who were thus able to provide their sons with an easy and
-comfortable profession! We even hear of Mussulman parents so anxious
-to share in this singular privilege that they lent their children to the
-Christians so that they might be enrolled as such among the Janissaries.
-But the loss to Hellenism and to Christianity through the tribute of
-children was enormous. If we remember that for two centuries the
-Janissaries were exclusively recruited from the Christians, and that the
-latter were chiefly to be found in European Turkey, and if we take into
-consideration that the tribute children were not only the strongest
-members of their respective families, but were also prohibited by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_364"></a>[364]</span>
-original constitution of the corps from marrying, for the Janissaries,
-like the Zulu army of Cetewayo, were a celibate body, we may form
-some idea of what a drain the παιδομάζωμα was upon the actual and
-possible resources of Eastern Christianity. A modern Greek historian<a id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a>
-estimates at about a million the number of Christian children taken to
-serve in the corps during the first two centuries of its existence. At last,
-however, it fell into disuse, and in the seventeenth century ceased to
-exist. A variety of causes contributed to the decline of an institution
-which had so greatly strengthened the Turkish army at the expense of
-the Christian population. From the time when the Janissaries were
-allowed to marry, they naturally desired to have their own children taken
-into the corps, while others obtained admission to its privileges by
-bribery. On the other hand, the Sultans came to regard the Janissaries
-as dangerous to themselves, much as the Roman Emperors had found
-the Prætorians to be, and were thus less anxious to have the corps
-recruited. The number of conversions to Islâm had also narrowed the
-area of enlistment from among the Christians; and Rycaut, writing
-shortly after the custom had fallen into disuse, mentions the corruption
-of the officers and the carelessness in their discipline as the cause of its
-decay. Accordingly we last hear of the tribute being levied in 1676,
-though an isolated case is mentioned as late as 1703<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Besides the tribute of Christian children, there was a further reason
-for the conversion of the Greeks in the honours offered to those who
-apostatised. When the Turks found themselves masters of a great
-European Empire, they had neither the financial nor the diplomatic skill
-requisite for conducting it. The Turkish method of keeping accounts was
-cumbrous, the Turkish language is extremely difficult to write, and the
-Turks resembled the British in their absolute ignorance of foreign tongues,
-while treaties and diplomatic correspondence continued to be composed
-in Greek. But empires are not won by linguists but by men of character,
-who are easily able to find subtle intellects to do their office work for
-them. The precise qualities which the Turks lacked the Greeks possessed,
-and Mohammed II saw at once how useful the versatile talents of his
-new subjects would be in the administration of his dominions. But there
-was this difficulty, that nearly all the best educated Greeks had fled
-abroad after the fall of the Byzantine Empire, and it was owing to this
-reason that, during the two first centuries of the Turkish rule, the Greeks
-did not, as a rule, rise higher in the Turkish service than a clerkship in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_365"></a>[365]</span>
-the Treasury or the Foreign Office. There was, however, even at that
-period, one notable exception, the office of Grand Vizier. Of the five
-Grand Viziers of Mohammed II, two were Greeks, the former of whom,
-Mahmûd Pasha, was the first Christian to hold that great position.
-Under Bayezid II we find two more Greeks as Grand Viziers. Suleyman
-the Magnificent gave that post to two others, and later on one Grand
-Vizier was the son of a Greek priest; while the terrible Barbarossa, the
-scourge of the Christians at sea, was of Greek origin. By the middle of
-the sixteenth century the Venetian bailie at Constantinople could write
-that the great places in the Sultan’s service usually fell to the Christians,
-and the Turks complained that the children of the poor <i>rayah</i> were put
-over their heads.</p>
-
-<p>But for a long time these mundane advantages could only be
-obtained by apostasy, and thus the lukewarm Christian had strong
-incentives to turn Mussulman. But in Greece there were fewer conversions
-than among the Slavs of Bosnia and the Herzegovina; and
-when, about the middle of the seventeenth century, the Turkish
-Government relaxed the strictness of its policy, and abolished religious
-tests for certain important offices of state, the Greeks were able to
-gratify a laudable ambition without abandoning the religion of their
-fathers. By that time education had revived among the Greeks of the
-capital, so that the lack of qualified Hellenes, which had been felt so
-acutely immediately after the conquest, no longer existed. It was then
-that, for the first time, a Greek was appointed Grand Dragoman of the
-Porte in the person of Panagiotes Nikouses, who conducted the negotiations
-for the surrender of Candia on behalf of the Turks. From the close
-of that century down to the War of Independence most of his successors
-in that post were Greeks<a id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a>. Similarly, the position of Dragoman of the
-Fleet was usually held by a Greek, and the island of Paros has still
-many monuments of the family of Mavrogenes, two of whose members
-conducted the naval negotiations of the Capitan Pasha. One of them,
-Nicholas Mavrogenes, rose from that rank to be Prince of Wallachia;
-and it is scarcely necessary to remind those who have studied Roumanian
-history, that in the eighteenth and the first part of the nineteenth
-century the two thrones of Moldavia and Wallachia were occupied by
-Greeks, and the two Danubian principalities were regarded as the happy
-hunting-ground of the Phanariotes of Constantinople. There was even
-an idea of erecting the Morea into a Christian principality on similar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_366"></a>[366]</span>
-lines; and, though this was never carried out, the Morea was entrusted
-to a native governor. But the advancement of the Greeks in the Turkish
-service, though always beneficial to the individuals concerned and
-sometimes to their employers, was of doubtful value to the Greek
-national cause. When their private and racial interests clashed, the
-Greek officials almost always sacrificed the latter, and, indeed, it would
-have been an Utopian idea to expect the virtues of heroes and saints
-from the descendants of men who for centuries had been under foreign
-domination. It is easy for English historians, belonging to a race which
-has never known what an alien yoke implies, to demand impossible
-qualities from a down-trodden people, and we are fond of trying foreign
-nations by an ideal standard—which fortunately we never apply to our
-own public affairs. But, after all allowances have been made, it must
-be confessed that some of the worst blows to Hellenism, such as the loss
-of Eubœa and that of Crete, were dealt by the Greeks themselves, just
-as the Bosnian, Cretan and Albanian apostates have ever been the
-bitterest enemies of the Christians, and the warmest supporters of
-Turkish rule, so long as it permitted them to tyrannise over their own
-fellow-countrymen. In other words, religion replaced all racial
-sympathies, and a Mussulman Slav or Cretan was first a Mussulman and
-then a Slav or Cretan. Even in our own time, at the crisis of the Greco-Turkish
-war of 1897, a Greek was trying to counteract Greek interests
-in the capacity of Turkish ambassador in London; and the show statesmen
-of the Porte, whose virtues and culture are always exhibited for
-the edification of Europe, are invariably Greeks. Samos, too, with its
-Greek prince, was, till 1912, an interesting survival of the former practice
-of sending Greeks to rule beyond the Danube in the interest of the
-Sultan.</p>
-
-<p>On two occasions, under Selim II, in 1514, and in the early days of
-the Candian war, in 1646, it was actually proposed to exterminate all
-the Christians of Turkey. But wiser counsels happily prevailed; and
-towards the close of the seventeenth century, as we saw, the policy of
-the Turkish government was to preserve, rather than further diminish,
-the numbers of its Christian taxpayers. By that time fears were felt
-lest the Christians should continue to dwindle away, and a taxable
-infidel seemed a more valuable asset than a less remunerative believer
-in the true faith of Islâm. Accordingly, in 1691, a first serious attempt
-was made to secure the Christians against exactions by the <i>Nizam-djedid</i><a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a>,
-or “new system,” which commanded the provincial governors
-to levy no other impost than the <i>haratch</i>, or “capitation-tax,” from them.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_367"></a>[367]</span>
-Originally, the only fiscal disadvantages of the Christians, besides the
-blood-tax of their children, had been this <i>haratch</i>, which was payable
-by all unbelievers over the age of ten years, except priests, old men,
-and the blind, the maimed, and the paralytic. A Christian had also to
-pay on all imports and exports twice the duty levied upon a Mussulman.
-But, as is still the case in Turkey, the hardships of taxation arose not
-so much from its legal amount as from its illegal collection. Thus, in
-1571, we hear of the incredible extortions suffered by the Christian
-subjects of the Sultan, who were mostly so deeply sunk in poverty and
-misery that they scarce durst look a Turk in the face, and who only
-cultivated their lands sufficiently for their own wants and for the
-payment of <i>haratch</i>, knowing that the Turks would seize any surplus
-that was over<a id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a>. However, the <i>Nizam-djedid</i> represented, like the
-abolition of the tribute of children, a new and humaner policy, which
-resulted in the diminution of apostasy. From that time onward the
-Greeks had less temptation to become Mohammedans; the Venetian
-occupation of the Morea in the early part of the eighteenth century had
-the double effect of causing many re-conversions to Christianity, and of
-forcing the Turks to treat their Greek subjects better, from fear of
-comparisons; while, a little later, the Russian claims to a protectorate
-over the Eastern Christians further checked the movement towards
-Mohammedanism.</p>
-
-<p>But it was not only in the numbers, but also in the quality of their
-population, that the Greek provinces of Turkey suffered from the effects
-of the Turkish conquest. Almost all the men of learning, nearly all the
-chief families, in short the intellectual and political leaders of the people,
-went into exile immediately after the fall of the Byzantine Empire.
-Mohammed II did, indeed, address a proclamation in Greek to the
-principal <i>archontes</i> of the Morea, in which he promised to respect their
-families and property and make them more prosperous than before<a id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a>;
-but his promises had little effect in checking the general exodus of the
-great Moreote families. So universal was their emigration, that only
-four or five of the Peloponnesian clans, which had played the prominent
-part during the mediæval period, remained behind, and there were
-similar wholesale emigrations from continental Greece and Eubœa. As
-the leading men all went with their relatives and followers, the drain
-upon the Greek population was as serious a danger to the nation as the
-emigration of the Peloponnesian peasants to America, which has lately
-been robbing the land of its cultivators and causing widespread alarm
-in the Greek press. Most of the exiles went, as was natural, to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_368"></a>[368]</span>
-Venetian possessions in Greece, which thus became what in earlier times
-the Despotat of Mistra had been to the Franks—a thorn in the side of
-the Turkish conqueror. Thus, Michael Ralles, one of the most prominent
-of Spartan <i>archontes</i>, and the protagonist of the first Turco-Venetian war
-after the conquest, and the brothers Daimonoyannai, belonging to the
-great family of that name at Monemvasia, sought homes in the colonies
-of the Republic in the Morea; thus, too, Graitzas Palaiologos, the last
-defender of the peninsula, entered the Venetian service. Other Greek
-leaders accompanied Sophia, daughter of Thomas Palaiologos, the last
-Despot of the Morea, on her marriage with the Grand Duke Ivan of
-Russia, and the Russian Court soon became another favourite resort of
-the Peloponnesian magnates who had known her father, and whose
-descendants were recruited three centuries later by a further band of
-Greek refugees after the abortive rising in the Morea<a id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a>. Many Greeks,
-anxious to fight against the foes of their own, or even those of their
-adopted country, became of their own free will Venetian light horsemen,
-or <i>Stradioti</i>, just as others were forced to enlist in the ranks of the
-Turkish Janissaries. The researches of a learned Greek historian have
-thrown a flood of light upon the constitution and exploits of that
-remarkable body of soldiers<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a>. The name by which they were known is
-not derived from the Greek word στρατιῶται (“soldiers”) but from the
-Italian, <i>strada</i>, and signified that those who bore it were “always on
-the road”—wanderers, who had no fixed abodes. Composed of Greeks
-and Albanians, the corps was entirely recruited from the Morea, and
-mainly from Laconia, but the most valiant were the men of Nauplia.
-Among their leaders we find many historic Moreote names, such as those
-of Boua and Palaiologos, whose bearers were descendants or relatives of
-the men who had fought the good fight for the liberty of the Peloponnese.
-The sixteenth century was the golden age of the <i>Stradioti</i>, who demonstrated
-all over Europe that Greek valour was not extinct. One of them
-was even in the service of our Henry VIII, fighting in Scotland and
-acting as governor of Boulogne, at that time an English fortress. But
-they had their weaknesses, as well as their good qualities, and their
-inordinate vanity was the favourite theme of Venetian comedians, just
-as Plautus had satirised the boastfulness of the <i>Miles Gloriosus</i> for the
-amusement of the ancient Romans. Tasso has blamed their rapacity in
-the line:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-  <div class="stanza">
-    <div class="verse indent0">Il leggier Greco alle rapine intento,</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_369"></a>[369]</span></p>
-
-<p class="noindent">but other poets have sung of their triumphs. Indeed, there were bards
-in the ranks of the “wanderers” themselves, and a whole literature of
-their poems has been published, mostly written in a peculiar dialect
-resembling that now spoken in Calabria, where many Greek songs are
-still sung by the descendants of the numerous Epeirote families settled
-there after the Turkish conquest—the third time that Magna Græcia had
-received a large Greek population. One of their number, Marullus, of
-whom it was said that he “first united Apollo to Mars,” wrote Latin
-alcaics and sapphics, which, if not exactly Horatian, are, at any rate,
-as good as the ordinary product of the sixth-form intellect. Another,
-Theodore Spandounis, or Spandugino, more usefully employed his pen
-in the composition of a work on the Origin of the Ottoman Emperors,
-with the patriotic object of arousing the sympathy of sixteenth-century
-statesmen for the deliverance of Greece. The <i>Stradioti</i>, were, however,
-mightier with the javelin and the mace—their characteristic weapons—than
-with the pen. The long javelin, which they carried on horseback,
-was a particularly formidable weapon. Shod at both ends with a sharp
-iron point, it could be used either way with equally deadly effect; and
-if it failed, the agile horseman could seize the mace which hung at his
-saddle bow, and bring it down on the skull of an opponent. Unfortunately,
-the blow was rarely struck for Greece, and the skull was usually that of a
-Christian, against whom the <i>Stradioti</i> had no personal or national quarrel.</p>
-
-<p>But Greece was deprived of her literary as well as her military men
-by the Turkish conquest. For almost the first time in her long history,
-all traces of learning vanished from the home of the Muses. Most of the
-scholarly Greeks of that age emigrated to Italy, and, just as, in the
-words of Horace, “Captive Greece led her victors captive,” after her
-subjugation by the unlettered Romans, so, sixteen centuries later, she
-once more spread the light of Hellenic studies in the darkest West.
-Thus, the Athenian, Demetrios Chalkokondyles, became the tutor of
-one of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s sons at Florence, while the Spartan, George
-Hermonymos, was the first Greek who publicly taught that language in
-Paris. Two other Moreotes, Demetrios Ralles, a soldier and scholar, and
-Isidore, who had distinguished himself alike in theology and in the
-defence of Constantinople, spent the rest of their lives in Italy, while the
-historian Phrantzes wrote his history and died in peace at Corfù under
-the Venetian protection. We owe much of our modern culture to this
-fifteenth-century dispersion of the learned Greeks; but the gain of
-Europe was the loss of Greece. It required the lapse of two whole
-centuries to make up in the least degree the deficiencies in Greek
-education, which the departure of all these men of light and leading<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_370"></a>[370]</span>
-caused; and if they strove to interest European courts and scholars in
-the fortunes of their abandoned country, that was of small practical
-advantage compared with the loss which they inflicted upon it. Had they
-remained in Greece, their influence would soon have made itself felt;
-they would have obtained posts in the Turkish service, which might
-have enabled them to improve the condition of their fellow-countrymen,
-and their example would have prevented the complete spread of
-ignorance over large parts of Greece during the first two centuries after
-the conquest.</p>
-
-<p>The flight of these two classes—the <i>archontes</i> and the men of letters—made
-the provincial landowners, the peasants, and the parish priests,
-who mostly sprang from the ranks of the latter, the sole representatives
-of the Greek nation<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a>. But, though Hellenism has never suffered such
-enormous losses as during the Turkish period, owing to conversions to
-Islâm and emigration to the West, there never was any time in the history
-of Greece under alien dominion when the Greek race remained so pure
-as between the Turkish conquest and the War of Independence. There
-can be no doubt that, after the long era of confusion and disorder which
-had followed the break-up of the Frankish power in Greece, even the
-Turkish, or any other strong Government—and at that time Turkey
-was strong and the Sultans could govern—must have proved a benefit
-to the great mass of the population. Moreover, from the date of the
-Turkish conquest the immigrations of the foreign elements, which had
-occurred so often during the Byzantine and Frankish period, ceased,
-and for nearly four centuries the Hellenic race was uncontaminated by
-alien blood. The Franks left behind them few survivors, except in the
-islands, and there were no Slavonic raids, while the Greeks, who remained
-true to their faith, never intermarried with the Turks, for a Greek woman
-who became the wife of a Mussulman was excommunicated. The two
-religions remained absolutely apart, and, under Turkish rule, for the
-first time for centuries, perhaps also for the last, there was no racial
-rivalry between the Christians of the Near East. Union reigned between
-Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Albanians and Roumanians; and the doctrine
-of nationalities, nowadays the keynote of Balkan politics, had no
-influence under the Turkish system of that period, which treated all
-Christians of whatever race as the inferiors of all Mussulmans, whether
-of Turkish, Slavonic, Albanian or Greek extraction.</p>
-
-<p>Education was scanty enough in the Venetian possessions, as we
-saw in the case of Corfù; but it was much worse in Turkish Greece. For
-two hundred years after the conquest there was practically nothing done<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_371"></a>[371]</span>
-for the instruction of those Greeks who remained under the Turks, and
-even archbishops could with difficulty write their own names correctly.
-Larissa in Thessaly was then one of the wealthiest of Greek sees; yet
-a Greek scholar, who examined the archiepiscopal records during the
-Turkish period, found them a mass of bad grammar and remarkable
-spelling. As for literature, though Sathas has compiled a work on the
-Greek authors of the long period between the capture of Constantinople
-and the War of Independence, only four of them, with the exception of
-a few theological writers, came from Greece proper. Two of these four
-were the brothers Laonikos and Demetrios Chalkokondyles, of Athens,
-the former of whom wrote his history of the Turks in Italy, while the
-latter composed his critical editions of Homer, Isokrates and Suidas
-at Milan, where his monument may be seen in the church of Sta Maria
-della Passione. The remaining two were born and bred in Nauplia, at
-that time Venetian. One, Zygomalas, composed a <i>Political History of
-Constantinople from 1391 to 1578</i>; the other, Malaxos, produced a
-vernacular version of the <i>Patriarchal History</i> of the same city, where
-both resided for a great part of their lives. Another historical work, the
-<i>Chronicle</i> of Dorotheos, Metropolitan of Monemvasia, was written in
-Moldavia. It originally contained the history of the world from the
-creation down to the year 1629, but was subsequently extended to 1685,
-and for two hundred years after its publication was “the only historical
-text-book used by the Greek people.” At last, towards the middle of the
-seventeenth century, an educational revival began in Greece, which
-derived its origin from the <i>Flangineion</i>, or Greek school founded by the
-Corfiote, Flangines, at Venice, in 1626, and still existing. The Hellenic
-community in that city, largely composed of business men, interested—as
-the Greek merchants of London, Manchester and Alexandria still
-are in the intellectual, moral and material welfare of their fatherland,
-sent out educational missionaries, who spread the gospel of learning in
-the home of their race. One of these Greeks of Venice, a native of
-Joannina, founded in 1647, two schools, one in his native town<a id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a>, another
-at Athens, where the Catholic monks also taught the young Athenians
-about the same period.</p>
-
-<p>It must not be supposed that the Greeks acquiesced patiently in
-the Turkish domination for more than three centuries. The long rule
-of the Franks had had the effect of making the natives far more warlike
-than they had been before the Latin conquest; but the conviction of
-the overwhelming power of the Turks rendered them reluctant to rise,
-except when they were sure of foreign aid. During the first few years<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_372"></a>[372]</span>
-which followed the capture of Constantinople it seemed, indeed, as if
-such assistance would be speedily forthcoming. The East expected, and
-the West meditated, a new crusade against the Infidel. A Greek poet
-appealed to “French and English, Spaniards and Germans,” to make
-common cause for the recovery of Constantinople<a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a>. The many learned
-Greeks who had been scattered all over western Europe by the loss of
-that city endeavoured to interest the rulers of Christendom in the fate
-of their fellow-countrymen. Prominent among these missionaries of
-Hellenism was the famous Cardinal Bessarion of Trebizond, who was
-twice regarded as a likely candidate for the Papacy, and who travelled
-across Europe with untiring zeal on behalf of the conquered Greeks.
-The Popes of that period—men, for the most part, of learning and
-statesmanlike views—warmly supported the plan, and Pius II set out
-to Ancona, where the crusaders were to assemble. But his death at that
-seaport caused the collapse of the proposed expedition, and the crusade,
-for which such great preparations had been made, ended in a fiasco.</p>
-
-<p>For 80 years after the Turkish conquest Venice continued to keep
-a foothold in the Morea, and consequently Greece became from time to
-time the scene of Turco-Venetian wars, for the Sultans naturally desired
-to round off their Greek territories by the acquisition of the remaining
-Venetian colonies upon Greek soil. The first of these wars, lasting, more
-or less continuously, from 1463 to 1479, led to the temporary capture of
-the lower town of Athens by Vettor Capello in 1466—the second
-occasion on which that famous city had fallen into Venetian hands. It is
-characteristic of Turkish toleration, that at that time the heretics, known
-as the <i>fraticelli della mala opinione</i>, whom in that very year Pope Paul II
-was persecuting and imprisoning in the castle of Sant’ Angelo<a id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> and whose
-church may still be seen on Monte Sant’ Angelo between Poli and Casape
-in the Roman Campagna, were living quietly at Athens. For more than
-a century Athens disappeared from the notice of the western world, but
-a Greek chronicle in the library of Lincoln College, Oxford, informs us
-that seven severe plagues afflicted the city between 1480 and 1554, and
-that the aqueduct was begun in 1506. We know, too, of the existence of
-three Metropolitans of Athens during the first century of Turkish rule,
-and somewhat later an Athenian became Œcumenical Patriarch. But
-the honour of having momentarily re-occupied Athens was far outweighed
-in the minds of the practical Venetians by the definite loss of
-Argos and Negroponte during this war, while the Greeks had been the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_373"></a>[373]</span>
-chief sufferers whichever side was victorious. The next Turco-Venetian
-war, which began in 1499 and was closed by the treaty of 1502-3, yet
-further diminished the colonies of Venice, involving the loss of Lepanto,
-her last outpost on the mainland north of the Isthmus, and of Modon,
-Koron and Navarino, in the Morea, where Nauplia and Monemvasia,
-with the castles depending upon them, alone remained. The thirty
-years’ peace which followed enabled Greece to recover somewhat from
-the ravages of the late struggle, while patriotic Greek exiles, like Markos
-Mousouros and Joannes Laskaris in vain tried to interest the powers in
-a fresh crusade for their deliverance. Charles V was not the man to
-liberate Greece for the sake of those ancient heroes and sages, whose
-names Laskaris invoked in an eloquent speech, and when, in 1532, war
-broke out between him and the Sultan, he showed more anxiety to
-damage the Turks than to benefit the Greeks, who paid dearly for the
-triumphs of the Genoese admiral, Andrea Doria. The re-capture of Koron
-(like that of Modon by the Knights of St John in the previous year)
-merely led to its abandonment and the compulsory emigration of its
-unwilling inhabitants to Sicily and Naples. Then, in 1537, came the
-Turco-Venetian war, which was destined to cost the Republic Ægina,
-Mykonos, the Northern Sporades and her last surviving colonies in the
-Morea. For nearly 150 years after the disastrous peace of 1540 Venice
-did not own an inch of soil on the mainland of Greece, except the Ionian
-dependencies of Parga and Butrinto, but of her insular dominions
-Cyprus, Crete, Tenos and six Ionian islands still remained.</p>
-
-<p>For the next thirty years after the disappearance of the Venetian
-flag from the Morea, the Greeks were undisturbed by further fighting
-on the mainland, though learned men continued to make appeals to
-Europe on their behalf. The fall of the Duchy of Naxos in 1566 and the
-capture of Chios from the <i>maona</i>, or Chartered Company, of the
-Giustiniani of Genoa, in the same year yet further diminished the
-influence of the Latins in the Levant; but it was not till Selim II
-attacked the (since 1489) Venetian island of Cyprus in 1570, that Greece
-once more became the theatre of a European war. The first operations
-of the Venetians were directed against the coast opposite Corfù and
-against a fort which the Turks had newly constructed to command the
-Mainate harbour of Porto delle Quaglie, where the Turkish galleys could
-wait and intercept the Venetian vessels on their way to Cyprus. Thanks
-to the aid of the Mainates, ever ready for a fight, the Venetian commander
-was able to capture this strong position. But he found it necessary to
-blow it up, as he could not retain it, and sailed for the island of Andros,
-captured by the Turks four years before, whose Greek inhabitants<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_374"></a>[374]</span>
-suffered more than the garrison from the excesses of his soldiers<a id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a>.
-Meanwhile, the Republic had been working hard to form an alliance
-against the Sultan. At last, in the spring of 1571, a league was concluded
-at Rome between Pope Pius V, Philip II of Spain, and the
-Venetians for the destruction of the Ottoman power. It was the
-thirteenth time that a Holy Alliance had been made with that object;
-but it seemed as if the efforts of Christendom would finally be crowned
-with success. A large fleet was collected, under the supreme command
-of Don John of Austria, bastard son of the Emperor Charles V, while
-the papal galleys were placed under the charge of Marcantonio Colonna.
-But more than a month before the Armada had left Sicily for Corfù
-Cyprus had fallen, and while the allies were discussing their plans the
-Turkish fleet had ravished the Cretan coast, and carried off more than
-6000 souls from Cephalonia. It was not till the morning of October 7
-that the two navies met. The Turkish commander had taken up his
-position off Lepanto; while the Christian ships were stationed off the
-Echinades islands, outside the Gulf of Corinth. Against the advice of
-wiser men, Ali, the Turkish admiral, issued from the Gulf in search of
-the enemy. Suddenly the two fleets came in sight of one another. It
-was a striking scene; the varied colours of the Ottoman ships lighted up
-by the brilliant sunshine, which played upon the shining cuirasses of the
-Christian warriors; the blue waves of a Greek sea, calm and peaceful,
-where, centuries before, Corinthians and Corcyræans had fought a naval
-battle. On either side their modern representatives were to be found,
-25,000 were serving as sailors in the Ottoman service, and 5000 more
-were on board the Venetian ships. Several Venetian galleys were
-actually commanded by Greeks; especially noteworthy were the exploits
-of the Corfiote Condocalli, who was the most famous of these Greek
-commanders; among his Greek colleagues were two Cretans, one a
-member of the historic clan of the Kallergai, whose name is writ large
-in the stormy history of the great Greek island. The contemporary
-Venetian historian, Paruta<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a>, specially awards the palm for courage,
-discipline, and skill combined to the Greeks, “as being most accustomed
-to that kind of warfare,” while he places both Italians and Spaniards
-below them. And another historian, Sagredo, says that “being more
-experienced in seafaring, they contributed not a little to the victory<a id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a>.”
-The defeat of the Turks was overwhelming; 224 ships taken or destroyed
-and 30,000 men slain represented their losses, while the allies lost only
-15 galleys and 8000 men. Among the dead were the Turkish admiral<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_375"></a>[375]</span>
-and many of the scions of the noblest Venetian houses; among the
-wounded was the author of <i>Don Quixote</i>, who lost, like Æschylos at
-Marathon, a hand at Lepanto for the cause of Greece. The first impression
-which the victory caused at Constantinople was one of consternation,
-and for three days Selim refused to take food. Nor was this dismay
-without foundation: the Ottoman fleet had been annihilated; the Greeks
-were in revolt; and a cool-headed French diplomatist considered that
-the allies could easily have destroyed the Turkish Empire and taken
-Constantinople. But the discord of the victors and the energy of the
-Grand Vizier, Mohammed Sokolli, saved the Ottoman dominions. Within
-eight months after the battle a new Turkish fleet of 250 galleys, fifteen
-of which were contributed by the wealthy Greek merchant of Constantinople,
-Michael Cantacuzene, better known from his nickname of
-Saïtan Oglou, or “the Devil’s son,” left the Dardanelles, and Sokolli,
-contrasting the capture of Cyprus with the barren victory of Lepanto,
-could truly say that, if “the Republic had shorn his beard, he had cut
-off one of her arms.”</p>
-
-<p>The battle of Lepanto has made a great noise in history, and Rome
-and Venice still preserve many memorials of that victory. But its results
-were valueless, so far as the Greeks were concerned, and, indeed, it
-would have been better for them if it had never been fought. They
-had welcomed with enthusiasm the advent of the allied fleet, which
-they confidently hoped would free them from the Turkish yoke; and,
-in the first excitement of the Christian victory, they flew to arms, and
-begged the victors to support their efforts on land by the presence
-of the fleet off the coast of the Morea. But, as usual, the Christian
-commanders differed as to the best means of utilising their success. At
-the council of war, which was held on board after the battle, one party
-advocated a naval demonstration off the Peloponnese, and another
-the capture of Eubœa, while a third proposed the seizure of Santa Maura,
-which the Venetians alone actually attempted, and a fourth suggested
-the siege of the two forts on either side of the Corinthian Gulf. In the
-end, as the season was far advanced, all farther united action was
-postponed to next year, and the fleet withdrew to Corfù, whence the
-Spanish and Papal contingents sailed to Italy, leaving the insurgents
-to themselves<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a>. Many Moreotes had crossed over to the little town of
-Galaxidi, which the visitor to Delphi sees as he approaches the harbour
-of Itea, and there in a church they solemnly bound themselves, together
-with the townsfolk and the inhabitants of Salona, to rise against the
-Turk on the self-same day. “May he, who repents him of his oath or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_376"></a>[376]</span>
-betrays what we have said, never see the face of God,” so runs the
-picturesque formula of the conspirators in the <i>Chronicle of Galaxidi</i><a id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a>.
-“And then,” says the Chronicler, “they all lifted up their hands to the
-eikons and swore a terrible oath.” But there was at least one traitor
-in the church at Galaxidi, a man from Aigion, on the opposite shore of
-the Gulf, who betrayed the dread secret to the Turks. While in the
-Morea the Ottomans wreaked vengeance on the conspirators and burnt
-the Archbishop of Patras alive as a fearful example, the ringleaders of
-the insurrection at Galaxidi, still “relying on the aid of the Franks,”
-marched with 3000 men against the noble Catalan fortress of Salona,
-then the residence of a Turkish Bey. On their arrival, however, they
-found a Turkish force drawn up in order of battle, and no Frankish
-contingent awaiting them. Disheartened and abandoned, they trusted
-to the invitation of the crafty Bey, who bade them come and tell him
-the story of their woes. The Bey received the deputation, eighty in all,
-with every honour, and listened sympathetically to their tale, bidding
-them be good subjects and mind their own affairs for the future. But,
-when the evening was come, he threw them into a dungeon of the
-castle, where all save one, a priest who escaped by his great personal
-strength, “died for their country and their faith.” Meanwhile, the
-Moreotes who had escaped from the Turks, had taken refuge in Maina,
-where the two brothers Melissenoi, from Epidauros, members of that
-famous Peloponnesian family, placed themselves at the head of 28,000
-men, who continued the struggle for two whole years in that difficult
-country. Don John, who was still lingering idly at Messina, afraid to
-return to the East in consequence of the growing dissensions between
-France and Spain, wrote to one of the heroic brothers, bidding him keep
-the insurrection going till his arrival<a id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a>. But it was not till August, 1572,
-that the victor of Lepanto again joined the allies in Greek waters. Even
-then, he accomplished nothing. For some time the two hostile fleets
-hovered off the coast of Messenia without an engagement, and attempts
-upon Navarino and Modon were abandoned. Then, as in the previous
-year, the allied armada broke up, while the Moreote insurgents withdrew
-to the most inaccessible mountains, until, abandoning all hope of their
-emancipation, they once more bowed their necks beneath the Turkish
-yoke<a id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a>. The two Melissenoi survived and escaped to Naples, where a
-monument, removed in 1634, was erected to them in the Greek Church
-of SS. Peter and Paul<a id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a>, with an appropriate inscription, like those<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_377"></a>[377]</span>
-commemorating two exiles from Koron. Early in 1573 Venice made
-peace with the Sultan, and the historian Paruta considered that such a
-course was the wisest that his country could have adopted. The Republic
-acquiesced in the loss of Cyprus, and gained nothing in return for her
-efforts and her losses of blood and treasure during the war but the barren
-laurels of Lepanto. Upon the Turks the lessons of the recent campaign
-had not been thrown away. In order to check any fresh Greek rising,
-they fortified the coasts of the Morea, and built a fort at the entrance of
-the famous haven of Navarino. Nor had the disillusioned Greeks failed
-to gain a sad experience from their abandonment. Now, for the first
-time, we find the Venetian representative in Constantinople writing that
-the Sultan was afraid of the Muscovite, because of the devotion shown
-by the Eastern Christians towards a ruler of their own faith. As early
-as 1576 that astute diplomatist remarked that the Greeks were ready
-to take up arms and place themselves under Russian protection, in
-order to escape from the Turkish yoke<a id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a>. The shadow of the Russian
-bear was beginning to wax, while that of the Venetian lion waned.</p>
-
-<p>One result of the battle of Lepanto was to turn the attention of
-civilised Europe to Greece. Four years after the victory we find Athens
-“re-discovered” by the curiosity of Martin Kraus—or Crusius, as he
-styled himself—a professor at Tübingen, who wrote for information
-about the celebrated city to Theodosios Zygomalas, a Greek born at
-Nauplia but living at Constantinople. Zygomalas had often visited
-Athens, which the frequent wars in the Levant, the depredations of
-corsairs, and the fact that the usual pilgrims’ route to Palestine lay far
-to the south had so completely isolated from Europe that the densest
-ignorance prevailed about it in the West. He mentions in his reply the
-melody of the Athenian songs, which “charmed those who heard them,
-as though they were the music of sirens,” the salubrity of the air, the
-excellence of the water, the good memories and euphonious voices of the
-inhabitants, among whom, as he states elsewhere, there then were
-“about 160 bishops and priests.” At the same time he remarks of the
-language then spoken at Athens that “if you heard the Athenians talk
-your eyes would fill with tears.” Another Greek, Simeon Kabasilas of
-Arta, informed Kraus that of all the seventy odd dialects of Greece the
-Attic of that day was the worst. The Greek and “Ishmaelite,” or
-Turkish, populations lived, he wrote, in separate quarters of the town,
-which contained “12,000 male inhabitants<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a>.” We learn too, from a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_378"></a>[378]</span>
-short account of Athens discovered in the National Library at Paris in
-1862, and composed in Greek in the sixteenth century<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a>, that the Tower
-of the Winds was then a <i>tekkeh</i> of dervishes, and the mosque in the
-Parthenon was called Ismaïdi.</p>
-
-<p>In spite of the depreciatory remarks on the culture of the sixteenth-century
-Athenians which Kraus permitted himself to make on the
-strength of his second-hand investigations, learning was even in that
-age not quite extinct in its ancient home. It was then that there flourished
-at Athens an accomplished nun, Philothee Benizelou, afterwards included,
-for her piety and charitable foundations, among those whom the
-Greek Church calls “blessed,” and buried in the beautiful little
-Gorgoepekoos church. But, though she founded the Convent of St
-Andrew on the site of what is now the chapel of the Metropolitan of
-Athens, within whose walls she established the first girls’ school of
-Turkish Athens, she has left a most uncomplimentary description of the
-Athenians of her day, with whom she had some pecuniary difficulties
-and upon whom she showers a string of abusive epithets in the best
-classical style<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a>. Two other religious foundations also mark this period—that
-of the Church of the Archangels in 1577 in the Stoa of Hadrian,
-where an inscription still commemorates it, and that of the monastery
-of Pentele, built in the following year by Timotheos, Archbishop of
-Eubœa, whose skull, set in jewels, may still be seen there. The monks of
-Pentele had to send 3000 <i>okes</i> of honey every year to the great mosques
-of Constantinople<a id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a>. We may infer from these facts that the Turkish
-authority sat lightly upon a town which was allowed the rare privilege
-of erecting new places of worship. The idea too then current in the West
-that Athens had been entirely destroyed, and that its site was occupied
-by a few huts, was obviously as absurd as the sketches of the city in
-the form of a Flemish or German town which were made in the fifteenth
-century. A place of “12,000 men” was not to be despised; and, if we
-may accept the statement of Kabasilas<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a>, the male population of the
-Athens of 1578 was twice as large as the whole population of the Athens
-which Otho made his capital in 1834, and about equal to the entire
-population estimated by Stuart, Holland, Forbin and Pouqueville in
-the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It has sometimes been
-supposed, in accordance with the local tradition, that the city was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_379"></a>[379]</span>
-placed, immediately after the Turkish conquest, under the authority of
-the chief eunuch at Constantinople; but it has now been shown that that
-arrangement was introduced much later. From the Turkish conquest
-to the capture of Eubœa from the Venetians in 1470 Athens was the
-seat of a pasha, and capital of the first of the five <i>sandjaks</i>, or provinces,
-into which the conqueror divided continental Greece. In that year the
-seat of the pasha was transferred to Chalkis, which then became the
-capital of the <i>sandjak</i> of the Euripos, of which Athens sank to be a
-district, or <i>caza</i>. In this position of dependence the once famous city
-continued till about the year 1610, being administered by a subordinate
-of the Eubœan pasha<a id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a>, who every year paid it a much-dreaded visit of
-inspection, which, like most Turkish official visits, was very expensive
-to the hosts.</p>
-
-<p>From the conclusion of the war of Cyprus in 1573 to the outbreak
-of the Cretan war in 1645 there was peace between Venice and the Turks,
-so that Greece ceased for over seventy years to be the battle-ground of
-those ancient foes. But spasmodic risings still occurred even during that
-comparatively quiet period. Thus, in 1585, a famous <i>armatolós</i>, Theodore
-Boua Grivas, raised the standard of revolt in the mountainous districts
-of Akarnania and Epeiros, at the instigation of the Venetians. His
-example was followed by two other <i>armatoloí</i>, Drakos and Malamos,
-who took Arta and marched on Joannina. But this insurrection was
-speedily suppressed by the superior forces of the Turks, and Grivas,
-badly wounded, was fain to escape to the Venetian island of Ithake,
-where he died of his injuries<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a>. Somewhat later, in 1611, Dionysios,
-Archbishop of Trikkala, made a further attempt on Joannina; but he was
-betrayed by the Jews, then, as ever, on the Turkish side, and flayed alive.
-His skin, stuffed with straw, was sent to Constantinople. Another
-Thessalian archbishop, accused of complicity with him, was offered the
-choice of apostasy or death, and manfully chose the latter, a choice
-which has given him a place in the martyrology of modern Greece<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The greatest disturbance to the pacific development of the country
-arose, however, from the corsairs, who descended upon its coasts almost
-without intermission from the date of the Turkish conquest to the latter
-part of the seventeenth century. The damage inflicted by these pirates,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_380"></a>[380]</span>
-who belonged to the Christian no less than to the Mussulman religion,
-and who made no distinction between the creeds of their victims, led
-the Greeks to dwell at a distance from the seaboard, in places that were
-not easily accessible; and thus the coast acquired that deserted look
-which it has not wholly lost even now<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a>. The worst of these wretches
-were the Uscocs of Dalmatia, whose inhuman cruelties have rarely been
-surpassed. Sometimes they would eat the hearts of their victims;
-sometimes they would chain the crew below the deck, and then leave
-the captured vessel adrift, and its inmates to die of starvation, on the
-blue Ionian or the stormy Adriatic sea. In addition to the common
-pirates there were organised freebooters of higher rank, such as the
-Knights of Santo Stefano, founded by Cosimo I de’ Medici in 1560, and
-the Knights of Malta. The former, whose church at Pisa contains on its
-ceiling a picture of the taking and plunder of “Nicopolis Actiaca” (the
-modern Prevesa) in 1605, besides many Turkish trophies, were convenient
-auxiliaries of the Florentine fleet, because their exploits could be disowned
-by the government if unsuccessful. Towards the close of the
-sixteenth century the Florentines were able to occupy Chios for a
-moment; but the Turks soon regained possession of that rich island, and
-visited the sins of the Tuscans upon the inhabitants whom they had
-come to deliver. Years afterwards a traveller saw a row of grim skulls
-on the battlements of the fort, and the descendants of the Genoese
-settlers, who had hitherto received specially favourable treatment from
-the Sultan, were so badly treated that they mostly emigrated<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a>. In
-emulation of the Knights of Santo Stefano those of Malta in 1603
-sacked Patras, which had been burned by a Spanish squadron only
-eight years before, and occupied Lepanto, which in the seventeenth
-century bore the ominous nickname of “Little Algiers,” from the pirates
-of Algiers and Tripoli who made it their headquarters. When, in 1676,
-the traveller Spon visited it, he found a number of Moors settled down
-there with their coal-black progeny<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a>. A few years later the Maltese,
-baffled in an attempt on Navarino, retaliated on Corinth, whence they
-carried off 500 captives. Finally in 1620 they assailed the famous
-Frankish castle of Glarentza, in the strong walls of which their bombs
-opened a breach; but the approach of a considerable Turkish force
-compelled them to return to their ships, after having attained no other
-result than that of having injured one of the most interesting mediæval
-monuments in Greece. Another Frankish stronghold, that of Passavâ,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_381"></a>[381]</span>
-was surprised by the Spaniards when they ravaged Maina in 1601. The
-co-operation of that restive population with the invaders, whose
-predatory tastes they shared, led the Porte to adopt strong measures
-against the Mainates, who in 1614 were, in name at least, reduced to
-submission and compelled to pay tribute<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a>. But though the capitan
-pasha was thus able to starve Maina into submission he could not protect
-the Greeks against the pirates, who so long preyed upon their commerce,
-burnt their villages, debauched their women, and desolated their land.
-Had Turkey been a strong maritime power, able to sweep piracy from
-the seas, Greece would have been spared much suffering and would have
-had less damage to repair.</p>
-
-<p>It was at this time too that the classic land of the arts began to
-suffer from another form of depredation, that of the cultured collector.
-To a British nobleman belongs the discredit of this revival of the work
-of Nero. About 1613 the earl of Arundel was seized with the idea of
-“transplanting old Greece into England.” With this object he commissioned
-political agents, merchants, and others, chief among them
-William Petty, uncle of the well-known political economist, to scour the
-Levant in quest of statues. His example speedily found imitators, such
-as the duke of Buckingham, and King Charles I, who charged the
-English admiral in the Levant, Sir Kenelm Digby, with the duty of
-collecting works of art for the royal palace. Needless to say the rude
-sailors who were ordered to remove the precious pieces of marble often
-mutilated what they could not remove intact. They sawed in two a
-statue of Apollo at Delos, and they might have anticipated the achievements
-of Lord Elgin at Athens had not its distance from the sea and the
-suspicions of the Turkish garrison on the Akropolis saved it from the
-fate to which the Cyclades were exposed<a id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>While the corsairs were devastating Greece a picturesque adventurer,
-who recalls the abortive scheme of Charles VIII of France, was engaged
-in planning her deliverance. Charles Gonzaga, duc de Nevers, boasted
-of his connection with the imperial house of the Palaiologoi through his
-grandmother, Margaret of Montferrat, a descendant of the Emperor
-Andronikos Palaiologos the Elder<a id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a>. After having fought against the
-Turks in Hungary he conceived the romantic idea of claiming the throne
-of Constantinople, with which object he visited various European courts,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_382"></a>[382]</span>
-and about 1612 entered into negotiations with the Greeks. His schemes
-received a willing hearing from the restless Mainates, who sent three
-high ecclesiastics to assure him of their readiness to recognise him as their
-liege lord if he would send them a body of experienced officers to organise
-a force of 10,000 Greeks. They even promised to become Roman Catholics,
-and arranged, on paper, for the division of the Turkish lands among
-themselves, and for the confiscation of all Jewish property in order to
-defray the expenses of the expedition. The pretender, on his part, sent
-three trusty agents to spy out the land and make plans of the Turkish
-positions; they came back with most hopeful accounts of the enthusiasm
-of the Mainates, who were only waiting for the favourable moment to
-raise the two-headed eagle on the walls of Mistra. Neophytos, the bishop
-of Maina, and Chrysanthos Laskaris, the Metropolitan of Lacedæmon,
-and namesake of the Manuel Laskaris whose tomb may still be seen in
-one of the churches at Mistra, addressed him as Constantine Palaiologos,
-and told him to hasten his coming among his faithful people, who in
-proof of their submission sent him some falcons.</p>
-
-<p>But the duc de Nevers wasted in diplomacy time which should have
-been devoted to prompt action. He appealed to Pope Paul V, the Grand
-Duke of Tuscany, the King of Spain, and the Emperor, who were all
-profuse in promises and some of whom furnished him with ships and
-money. An attempt was also made to stir up the other Christian
-nationalities of the East, and a meeting of Albanian, Bosnian, Macedonian,
-Bulgarian and Serbian leaders was held for the purpose of
-concerted action, while the two <i>hospodars</i> of Moldavia and Wallachia
-promised their aid. Another adventurer, who styled himself Sultan
-Zachias and gave out that he was a brother of the Sultan Ahmed I, was
-admitted as an ally. Finally, in order to give a religious character to
-the movement, the duke founded and became chief of a body calling
-itself the “Christian army,” commissions in which were offered to the
-conspirators, among whom we find the name of a learned Athenian,
-Leonardos Philaras<a id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a>, who was patronised by Richelieu and to whom
-Milton addressed two letters. A date was fixed for the rising, and four
-memoranda were addressed to the duke, with full particulars of his
-future realm of Greece. From these we learn that in 1619 the Peloponnese
-could furnish him with 15,000 fighting men, while it contained
-8000 Turks capable of bearing arms, of whom 800 formed the scanty
-garrisons of Koron, Modon, Navarino and Nauplia. At that time, we are
-told, there were 800 Turkish military fiefs in the Morea, and the population
-of Maina was estimated at 4913 families, spread over 125 villages<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_383"></a>[383]</span>
-and hamlets. These statistics are the most valuable result of the
-agitation.</p>
-
-<p>After several years of correspondence and negotiation the pretender
-at last managed to equip five vessels for the transport of his crusaders;
-but a sudden fire, perhaps the work of an incendiary, laid them in ashes,
-and the jealousy of Spain and Venice prevented any effective political
-action. The “Christian army” still went on meeting and discussing its
-plan of campaign, and two more strange adventurers—a Moor who had
-become a Christian and styled himself “Infant of Fez,” and a Greek
-who, with even greater ambition, had adopted the title of “prince of
-Macedonia”—became the principal agents of the duke. At last, however,
-every one grew weary of his absurd pretensions, and the secession of
-the Pope from his side finally destroyed his hopes<a id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>During the Cretan war between Venice and the Turks two risings
-were promoted by the Venetians in Greece for the purpose of diverting
-the attention of their enemies. In 1647 the Venetian admiral, Grimani,
-after chasing the Turkish fleet to Eubœa and Volo, blockaded it within
-the harbour of Nauplia. At this the Albanians of the Peloponnese, who
-were very favourable to the Republic, rose against the Turks, and after
-having done a considerable amount of damage to Turkish property,
-escaped punishment by fleeing on board the Venetian squadron. A
-Greek, more daring but less fortunate, conceived the idea of setting fire
-to the Turkish vessels as they lay in harbour, but paid for his audacity
-with his life<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a>. In 1659 the Mainates, who had availed themselves of the
-war to throw off every shadow of subjection to the Sultan, but who
-plundered Venetian and Turkish ships with equal impartiality, were
-induced by the great Francesco Morosini to devote their abilities to the
-plunder of the Morea. At that time piracy was the principal profession
-of the Mainate population, who sold Christians to Turks and Turks to
-Christians. Priests and monks, we are told, joined in the business, and
-the fact that they lived in caves overlooking the sea made them valuable
-auxiliaries of the pirates, whom they informed of the approach of passing
-vessels. Some of them even embarked on board the pirate schooners,
-for the purpose of levying the tithe which was allotted by the pious
-freebooters to the Church<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a>. These schooners sometimes sailed out among<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_384"></a>[384]</span>
-the Cyclades, and just as Lepanto was nicknamed “Little Algiers” so
-Vitylos in Maina was called “Great Algiers.” Well acquainted with the
-influence of the Church in eastern politics, Morosini worked upon the
-feelings of the Mainates by taking with him the deposed Œcumenical
-Patriarch, then living on the island of Siphnos. The pirates of Maina
-humbly kissed the hand of the eminent ecclesiastic, and 10,000 of them,
-with 3000 Greeks and Albanians, assisted the Venetian commander in
-an attack upon Kalamata, which was abandoned by its Mussulman and
-Christian inhabitants alike to its rapacious assailants. The Cretan poet
-Bouniales has left a graphic account of their proceedings in his poem on
-the Cretan war.</p>
-
-<p>But no strategic result accrued from the sack of Kalamata; Morosini
-sailed off to the Ægean, advising the Mainates to reserve their energies
-for a more favourable opportunity of conquering the Peloponnese. The
-auxiliaries of the Venetian commander, pending that event, continued
-to prey upon Turkish vessels, and even attacked the fleet of the Grand
-Vizier, Ahmed Köprili, which was then engaged in the siege of Candia.
-The offer of double the pay of his own soldiers could not bribe the
-Mainates to desist from their at once patriotic and profitable piracies.
-Baffled by their refusal, the Grand Vizier ordered Hasân-Babâ, a pirate
-of renown and accounted the best seaman in the Turkish fleet, to reduce
-Maina to submission. But the women of Maina sufficed to strike terror
-into the heart of the bold Hasân. “Tell my husband,” said one of them,
-“to mind the goat, and hold the child, and I will go and find his weapons
-and use them better than he.” At the head of the population the women
-marched down to the shore, and the Turkish captain thought it wiser
-to remain on board. But in the evening experienced swimmers cut the
-cables of his ships, two of which were driven upon the rocks of that iron
-coast and became the prey of the wreckers, while Hasân was glad to
-escape on his sole surviving vessel.</p>
-
-<p>Unable to subdue the Mainates by force, the Grand Vizier now had
-recourse to diplomacy. The hereditary blood feud had long been the
-curse of Maina, and its inhabitants were divided into the hostile factions
-of the Stephanopouloi and the Iatraioi—the Montagues and Capulets of
-that rugged land. At that time there was in Maina a certain Liberakes
-Gerakares, who, after an apprenticeship in the Venetian fleet, had
-turned his nautical experience to practical use as a pirate. In an interval
-of his profession he had become engaged to a daughter of the clan of
-Iatraioi, who boasted of their descent from one of the Florentine Medici,
-formerly shipwrecked there; but, before the wedding had taken place,
-a rival, belonging to the opposite clan, eloped with the lady. Smarting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_385"></a>[385]</span>
-under his loss and burning for revenge upon the whole race of the
-Stephanopouloi, the disappointed lover was accidentally captured by
-the Turks at sea and carried off to prison. The crafty Köprili saw at
-once that Liberakes was the very man for his purpose. He not only
-released him, but provided him with money, and sent him back to
-Maina in the capacity of his secret agent. Liberakes at once distributed
-the pasha’s gold among his clansmen and proclaimed civil war against
-the Stephanopouloi. At the same time the Mainates were told of favours
-which the Grand Vizier had in store for them—the use of bells and
-crosses outside their churches, the abolition of the tribute of children,
-and the remission of half the capitation tax. No Turk, it was added,
-should live among them.</p>
-
-<p>As soon as Crete had fallen Köprili devoted his attention to the
-accomplishment of his plan. He peremptorily summoned the Mainates,
-under penalty of extermination, to submit to his authority, promising
-them an amnesty and the remission of all arrears of tribute in case of
-prompt submission. At the same time he despatched 6000 men to
-Maina, with orders to treat the people well, but to build, under the
-pretext of protecting trade, three forts in strong positions. As soon,
-however, as the forts were finished, Liberakes and his men seized some
-of their most prominent foes, while the Turks preserved an air of
-complete indifference. After a mock trial the unfortunate Stephanopouloi
-were sentenced to death as disturbers of the public peace. Those of them
-who escaped emigrated to Corsica, where their descendants may still be
-found at Cargèse. More than a century later they furnished to Bonaparte
-agents for the dissemination of his plans of conquest in Greece. Other
-Mainates went into exile in Tuscany, where their descendants soon
-became fused with the Italian population, and in Apulia, while those who
-remained behind were for the second time placed under Turkish authority.
-Liberakes, as soon as his deluded countrymen had realised the device
-of which they had been the victims, became so unpopular that he
-took to piracy again. A second time captured by the Turks, he
-was again imprisoned till his captors once more found need for his
-services<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>While Candia was the scene of the great struggle between Venice
-and “the Ottomite,” Athens was once more coming within the ken of
-Europe. At the beginning of the seventeenth century the French showed
-much activity in the Levant, where they established consuls about that
-time. In 1630 the French ambassador at Constantinople, Louis des<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_386"></a>[386]</span>
-Hayes, had visited Athens<a id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a>, of which a brief mention is made in his
-travels, and in 1645 a very important step towards the “re-discovery”
-of the famous city was taken. In that year a body of Jesuit missionaries
-were sent thither, and though they subsequently removed to Negroponte,
-because that place contained more Franks, they were followed
-at Athens in 1658 by the Capuchins, whose name will ever be remembered
-in connection with the topography of that city. In 1669 they bought the
-choragic monument of Lysikrates, then colloquially known as “the
-Lantern of Demosthenes,” which henceforth formed part of their
-convent<a id="FNanchor_702" href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a>. Over the entrance they placed the lilies of France, to which
-the monument still belongs, and by whose care it has twice been restored;
-but their hospitality was extended to strangers of all races and religions,
-and it is curious to hear that the Turkish <i>cadi</i> would only sanction this
-purchase of a national monument on condition that the Capuchins
-promised not to injure it and to show it to all who wished to see it. The
-monument itself was converted into a study, where Lord Byron passed
-many an hour during his visit to Athens in 1811, and where he wrote
-his famous indictment of Lord Elgin’s vandalism. The chapel of the
-convent was, till the capture of the city by Morosini, the only Frankish
-place of worship. But the worthy Capuchins did not confine themselves
-to religious exercises. About the same time that they purchased the
-choragic monument they drew up a plan of Athens, which was a great
-advance on the imaginary representations of that place, which had
-hitherto been devised to gratify the curiosity of Europe, and which had
-depicted Athens now as a Flemish and now as a German town. Nor
-did they keep their information to themselves. They communicated
-their plan and a quantity of notes to a French literary man, Guillet, who
-published them in the form of an imaginary journey, supposed to have
-been undertaken by his brother, La Guilletière. The sources of Guillet’s
-information render his narrative far more valuable than if he had merely
-paid a flying visit to Athens; and though he never saw the place about
-which he wrote he had at his command the best available materials,
-compiled by men who had lived there. About the same time Babin, a
-Jesuit who had also lived at Athens, drew up an account of it, which
-was published by Dr Spon<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a>, a physician and antiquary of Lyons, who
-visited Greece in 1675 and 1676 in the company of an Englishman, Sir
-George Wheler, and subsequently issued a detailed account of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_387"></a>[387]</span>
-travels, upon which his travelling companion afterwards based an English
-version. Two other Englishmen, Randolph and Vernon, also travelled
-in Greece at different times between 1671 and 1679, and have left behind
-records of their impressions. Besides these unofficial travellers Lord
-Winchelsea, the British ambassador at Constantinople, paid a visit, of
-which, however, he published no record, to Athens in 1675, while the
-previous year had witnessed the tour of his French colleague, the
-marquis de Nointel, through the Cyclades and Attica, in the company of
-the painter Jacques Carrey, who drew for him the sculptures of the
-Parthenon, and of an Italian, Cornelio Magni, who wrote an account of
-the great man’s journey<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a>. Thus we have ample opportunities for
-judging what was the condition of Athens between the years 1669 and
-1676, or shortly before the Venetian siege, while recent researches have
-greatly elucidated the statements of the travellers.</p>
-
-<p>The population of Athens at that time is estimated by Guillet at
-between 15,000 and 16,000, of whom only 1000 or 1200 were Mussulmans,
-and by Spon at between 8000 and 9000, of whom three-quarters
-were Greeks and the rest Turks. A modern Greek scholar<a id="FNanchor_705" href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a>, while
-accepting Spon’s estimate of the proportion between the Greeks and the
-Mussulmans, puts the total population at the time of the Venetian siege
-at 20,000, which would better tally with the expression of a Hessian officer,
-Hombergk, who was among the besiegers, and who wrote home that
-Athens was “a very big and populous town.” Another German officer,
-a Hanoverian, named Zehn, even went so far in his journal as to state
-that Athens had “14,000 houses<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a>,” which must be an exaggeration. In
-1822 there were only 1238. It is clear, however, from all these estimates
-that Athens was in 1687 a considerable place. Besides the Greeks and
-Turks there were also a few Franks, some gipsies, and a body of negroes.
-The negroes were the slaves of the Turks, living in winter at the foot
-of the Akropolis, in the holes of the rock, in huts, or among the ruins
-of old houses, and in summer, like the modern Athenians, spending
-their spare time on the beach at Phaleron. The gipsies were particularly
-odious to the Greeks as the tools of any Turk who wished to torture
-them. Among the Franks were the consuls, of whom there were two.
-At the time of Spon’s visit they were both Frenchmen and both deadly
-enemies, M. Châtaignier, the representative of France, and M. Giraud,
-a resident in Athens for the last eighteen years, who acted for England<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_388"></a>[388]</span>
-and was the <i>cicerone</i> of all travellers. A little later, in the reign of James II,
-we were represented by one of our own countrymen, Launcelot Hobson,
-one of whose servants, a native of Limehouse, together with two other
-Englishmen, was buried at that time in the Church of St Mary’s-on-the-Rock
-beneath a tombstone, now in the north wall of the English church,
-commemorating his great linguistic attainments. Besides the two consuls
-Spon found no other Franks at Athens, except one Capuchin monk, one
-soldier, and some servants; a little earlier we hear of a German adventurer
-as living there<a id="FNanchor_707" href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Our authorities differ as to the feelings with which at that period the
-Athenians regarded the Franks. Guillet, indeed, alludes to the excellent
-relations between the Greeks and Latins, and points, as a proof of it,
-to the remarkable fact that young Athenians were sent by their parents
-to be educated by the Capuchins. The consul Giraud’s wife was also a
-Greek. Spon, however, speaks of the great aversion of the Greeks to the
-Franks<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a>, and this is confirmed by an incident which followed the visit
-of the marquis de Nointel to Athens in 1674. During his stay the pious
-ambassador had had mass recited in the ancient temple of Triptolemos,
-beyond the Ilissos, which, under the title of St Mary’s-on-the-Rock, had
-served as a chapel of the Frank dukes<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a>. After their time it had been
-converted into a Greek church, but had been allowed to fall into disuse.
-None the less it was considered by the Orthodox to have been profaned
-by the masses of the French ambassador<a id="FNanchor_710" href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a>. A great number of satirical
-verses have been also preserved<a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a>, which show that the Frank residents
-were the butt of every sharp-witted Athenian street boy, and their
-cleanly habits were especially suspicious to the Orthodox. Besides, as
-many of the pirates were Franks, the popular logic readily confounded
-the two, and visited upon the harmless Latin the sins of some of his
-co-religionists. It was manifest, however, at the time of the Venetian
-siege that the Athenians preferred the Franks to the Turks, and every
-traveller from the West praised the hospitality which the Greeks of
-Athens showed to the foreigner. Spon tells us that there was not a single
-Jew to be found in the city. Quite apart from the national hatred which
-they inspired, and still inspire, in the Hellenic breast, how could they
-outwit the Athenians<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a>? Would they not have fared like their fellow
-countrymen who landed one day on Lesbos, but, on observing the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_389"></a>[389]</span>
-astuteness of the Lesbian hucksters in the market-place, went off by
-the next ship, saying that this was no place for them? On the other
-hand a few Wallachs wandered about Athens, some Albanian Mussulmans
-were employed in guarding the entrances to the town, and in all
-the villages of Attica the inhabitants were of the Albanian race, as is
-still largely the case<a id="FNanchor_713" href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a>. In Athens itself all the non-Turkish and non-Hellenic
-population did not amount at that time to more than 500.</p>
-
-<p>A great change had taken place in the government of the city since
-the early years of the seventeenth century. We last saw Athens forming
-a district of the <i>sandjak</i> of Euripos, and dependent on the pasha of
-Eubœa, who was represented there by a lower official. A document in
-the Bodleian Library<a id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a>, dated 1617, gives us, from the pen of a Greek
-exile in England, an account of the exactions of a rapacious Turkish
-governor of Athens somewhat earlier. In consequence of this bad
-treatment the Athenians sent several deputations to Constantinople,
-and about the year 1610 the efforts of their delegates received strong
-support from one of those Athenian beauties who have from time to
-time exercised sway over the rulers of Constantinople. A young girl,
-named Basilike, who had become the favourite wife of Sultan Ahmed I,
-had been requested by him to ask some favour for herself. The patriotic
-Athenian, who had heard in her childhood complaints of the exactions
-of the pasha of Euripos and his deputy, and perhaps primed by one of
-the Athenian deputations which may then have been at Constantinople,
-begged that her native city might be transferred to the <i>kislar-aga</i>, or
-chief of the black eunuchs in the seraglio. The request was granted, and
-thenceforth Athens, greatly to its material benefit, depended upon that
-powerful official<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a>. A <i>firman</i>, renewable on the accession of a new sultan,
-spared the citizens the annual visitation of the pasha of Euripos, who
-could only descend upon them when the issue of the precious document
-was delayed. The <i>kislar-aga</i> was represented at Athens by a <i>voivode</i>, or
-governor, and the other Turkish officials were the <i>disdar-aga</i>, or commander
-of the garrison in the Akropolis, which shortly before the
-Venetian war amounted to 300 soldiers; the <i>sardar</i> and the <i>spahilar-aga</i>,
-who directed the Janissaries and the cavalry; the <i>cadi</i>; and the <i>mufti</i>.</p>
-
-<p>The Athenians enjoyed, however, under this Turkish administration
-an almost complete system of local self-government. Unlike the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_390"></a>[390]</span>
-democratic Greece of to-day, where there is no aristocracy and where
-every man considers himself the equal of his fellows, Turkish Athens
-exhibited sharp class distinctions, which had at least the advantage of
-furnishing a set of rulers who had the respect of the ruled. Under the
-Turks the Greek population of the town was divided into four classes—the
-<i>archontes</i>; the householders, who lived on their property; the shopkeepers,
-organised, as now, in different guilds; and the cultivators of
-the lands or gardens in the immediate suburbs, who also included in
-their ranks those engaged in the important business of bee-keeping<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a>.
-The first of these four classes, into which members of the other three
-never rose, had originally consisted of twelve families, representing—so
-the tradition stated—the twelve ancient tribes of the fourth century
-before Christ. Their number subsequently varied, but about this period
-amounted to rather more than sixty. Among their names it is interesting
-to find, though no longer in the very first rank, the family (which still
-exists at Athens) of the Athenian historian Chalkokondyles, slightly
-disguised under the form Charkondyles. More important were the
-Benizeloi, said to be descended from the Acciajuoli, whose Christian
-names occur frequently in their family, and the Palaiologoi, who boasted,
-without much genealogical proof, of their connection with the famous
-Imperial family. Some of the <i>archontes</i> went so far as to use the Byzantine
-double eagle on their tombs, of which a specimen may still be seen in
-the monastery of Kaisariane, and all wore a peculiar costume, of which
-a fur cap was in later Turkish times a distinctive mark. Their flowing
-locks and long beards gave them the majestic appearance of Greek
-ecclesiastics, and the great name of Alexander was allowed to be borne
-by them alone. This Athenian aristocracy is now all but extinct; yet
-the names of localities round Athens still preserve the memory of these
-once important families, and in Mount Skaramangka, near Salamis, and
-in Pikermi, on the road to Marathon, we may trace the property of
-<i>archontes</i>, who once owned those places, while in modern Athens the
-names of streets commemorate the three great families of Chalkokondyles,
-Benizelos and Limponas.</p>
-
-<p>From this class of some sixty families the Christian administrators
-of Athens were selected. Once a year, on the last Sunday in February,
-all the citizens who paid taxes assembled outside St Panteleemon, which
-was in Turkish times the metropolitan church, after a solemn service
-inside; the principal householders and tradesmen and the heads of the
-guilds then exchanged their views, and elected from the whole body of
-<i>archontes</i> the chief officials for the ensuing year, the so-called δημογέροντες,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_391"></a>[391]</span>
-or “elders of the people.” There is some difference of opinion
-as to their numbers, which have been variously estimated at two, three,
-four, eight and twenty-four. A recent Greek scholar has, however,
-shown from the evidence of documents that they were three<a id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a>. After
-their election had been ratified by the <i>cadi</i> they entered upon the duties
-of their office, which practically constituted an <i>imperium in imperio</i>.
-They represented the Greek population before the Turkish authorities,
-watched over the privileges of the city, looked after the schools and the
-poor, cared for the widows and the orphans, and decided every Monday,
-under the presidency of the metropolitan, such differences between the
-Greeks as the litigants did not prefer to submit to the <i>cadi</i>. Their
-decision was almost always sought by their fellow Christians, and even
-in mixed cases, which came before the Turkish judge, they acted as the
-counsel of the Greek party. They had the first seats everywhere; they
-were allotted a special place in the churches, and when they passed the
-people rose to their feet. Each of them received for his trouble 1000
-piastres during his year of office, and they were entitled to levy a tax
-upon salt for the expenses of the community. They sometimes combined
-the usual vices of slaves with those of tyrants, fawning on the Turkish
-officials and frowning on the Greek populace. But they often had the
-courage to impeach the administration of some harsh governor at
-Constantinople, and, like the rest of the class from which they sprang,
-they sometimes made sacrifices of blood and treasure for their native
-city. In addition to these “elders” there were eight other officials of less
-age and dignity, called “agents,” or ἐπίτροποι, and elected from each
-of the eight parishes into which Athens was then divided. These persons,
-who were chosen exclusively from the class of <i>archontes</i>, acted as go-betweens
-between the latter and the Turkish authorities.</p>
-
-<p>Thus the English traveller Randolph was justified in asserting that
-“the Greeks live much better here than in any other part of Turkey,
-with the exception of Scio, being a small commonwealth among themselves<a id="FNanchor_718" href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a>”;
-or, as a modern writer has said of his countrymen, “the
-Athenians did not always feel the yoke of slavery heavy<a id="FNanchor_719" href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a>.” The taxes
-were not oppressive, consisting of the <i>haratch</i>, or capitation tax, which
-in Spon’s time was at the rate of five instead of four and a half piastres
-a head, and of a tithe, both of which went to the <i>voivode</i>, who in turn
-had to pay 30,000 crowns to the chief eunuch. There was also the terrible
-tribute of children, from which Athens was not exempt, as has sometimes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_392"></a>[392]</span>
-been supposed, for the above-mentioned Lincoln College manuscript,
-which had belonged to Sir George Wheler and was first published by
-Professor Lampros, expressly mentions the arrival of the men to take
-them<a id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a>. But on the whole the condition of the Athenians, owing to the
-influence of their powerful protector at Constantinople, was very
-tolerable. When some of the principal Turkish officials of Athens
-meditated the imposition of a new duty on Athenian merchandise, two
-local merchants were sent to the then chief eunuch, with the result that
-they obtained from him the punishment of their oppressors<a id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a>. When the
-Œcumenical Patriarch ordered the deposition of their metropolitan, the
-Athenians persuaded the <i>kislar-aga</i> to get the order quashed<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a>. We do
-not know whether they felt with Gibbon that this august patronage
-“aggravated their shame,” but it certainly “alleviated their servitude.”
-At times, however, even the long arm of the chief eunuch could not
-protect them from the vengeance of the enemies whom they had
-denounced to him. Thus in 1678 the local Turks murdered Michael
-Limponas, the most prominent citizen of Athens, who had just returned
-from a successful mission, in which he had complained of their misdeeds
-at Constantinople. A Cretan poet celebrated his death for his country,
-and this <i>archon</i> of the seventeenth century may truly be included among
-the martyrs of Greece<a id="FNanchor_723" href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a>. It was noticed that, even in that age, the old
-Athenian love of liberty had not been extinguished by more than four
-centuries of Frankish and Turkish rule; the Attic air, it was said, still
-made those who breathed it intolerant of authority. Babin remarked
-that the Athenians had “a great opinion of themselves,” and that “if
-they had their liberty they would be just as they are described by St Paul
-in the Acts<a id="FNanchor_724" href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a>.” Athens, he wrote, still possessed persons of courage and
-virtue, such as the girl who received sixty blows of a knife rather than
-lose her honour, and the child who died rather than apostatise.</p>
-
-<p>The Athenians were very religious under the Turkish sway, and then,
-as now, there were frequent pilgrimages to the Holy Land<a id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a>. Sometimes
-this religious feeling was prone to degenerate into superstition; for
-example, Greeks and Turks alike believed that various epidemics lay
-buried beneath the great marble columns of the ruined temples. In
-short, the Athenian character was much what it might have been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_393"></a>[393]</span>
-expected to be. Industrious, musical, and hospitable, the Greeks of
-Athens were admitted to be, and the virtue of the Athenian ladies
-was no less admired than their good looks. But the satirical talents of
-Aristophanes had descended to the Athenians of the seventeenth century;
-no one could escape from the barbed arrows of their caustic wit, sometimes
-poisoned with the spirit of envy; they ridiculed Turks, and Franks,
-and Wallachs, and their own fellow-countrymen alike, and they
-delighted in inflicting nicknames which stuck to their unhappy object.
-Their love of money and astuteness in business may have given rise to
-the current saying, “From the Jews of Thessalonika, the Turks of
-Negroponte, and the Greeks of Athens, good Lord, deliver us.” In
-striking contrast to the proverbial Turks of Eubœa, those resident in
-Athens were usually amiable<a id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a>. They generally agreed well with their
-Greek neighbours, whose language they spoke very well. In fact, like
-the Cretan Mussulmans of to-day, they knew only a few words of
-Turkish, barely sufficient for their religious devotions, while some of the
-Greeks were acquainted with the latter language. Sometimes the
-Turkish residents would aid the Greeks to get rid of an unpopular
-governor; and, when Easter and Bairam coincided, they would take a
-fraternal interest in each other’s festivals. The Athenian Moslem drank
-wine, like his Christian fellow, and his zeal for water and his respect for
-trees were distinct benefits, the latter of which modern Athens has now
-lost. There was, however, one notable exception to the general amiability
-of the Turkish residents. The Greek population of Attica, as distinct
-from the town, was much oppressed by the Turkish landlords, and
-despised by the Greek townsfolk. One part of Athens, and that the holy
-of holies, the venerable Akropolis, was exclusively reserved to the Turks,
-and no <i>rayah</i> was allowed to enter it, not because of its artistic treasures,
-but because it was a fortress. Archæological researches there were
-regarded with grave suspicion<a id="FNanchor_727" href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Education was not neglected by the Athenians of the seventeenth
-century. From 1614 to 1619 and again in 1645 a wayward Athenian
-genius, named Korydalleus, was teaching philosophy to a small class
-there. A Greek, resident in Venice, founded a school there in 1647, and
-in Spon’s time there were three schoolmasters—among them Demetrios
-Benizelos, who had studied in Venetia—employed in giving lectures
-in rhetoric and philosophy, while many young Greeks went to the classes
-of the Capuchins. Babin tells us, however, that Benizelos (whose father,
-Angelos, and younger brother, Joannes, were also teachers) had “only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_394"></a>[394]</span>
-two or three hearers, everyone being now occupied in amassing a little
-money.” We hear of a Greek monk who was acquainted with Latin;
-but Spon could find only three people in Athens who understood ancient
-Greek<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a>. A century earlier, as we saw, correspondents of Kraus had
-commented on the badness of the Attic Greek of their day. Yet,
-according to Guillet, it was by this time “the purest and least corrupt
-idiom in Greece,” and “Athenian phrases and a Nauplian accent” were
-commended as the perfection of Greek. Externally too Athens was no
-mere barbarous collection of huts. The houses were of stone, and better
-built than those of the Morea; and a picture which has been preserved<a id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a>
-of an <i>archon’s</i> house of the later Turkish period, constructed round a
-court with trees and a fountain in the middle, shows the influence of
-Mussulman taste on the Athenian aristocracy. The solid construction
-of the houses, and the name of “towers” (πύργοι) given to the country
-villas of the <i>archontes</i>, as in the island of Andros to the present day,
-were both due to the prevalence of piracy, then the curse of Athens.
-But the streets were unpaved and narrow—an arrangement better
-adapted, however, to the fierce heat of an Attic summer than the wide
-thoroughfares of the modern Greek capital. The town was then divided
-into eight parishes, or <i>platómata</i>, the name of one of which, Plaka, survives,
-and contained no fewer than fifty-two churches and five mosques.
-Among the latter were the Parthenon, or “Mosque of the Castle,”
-the minaret of which figures conspicuously in the contemporary
-plans, and the “Mosque of the Conqueror,” now used as the military
-bakery, which had been converted from a church by Mohammed II<a id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a>.
-The most important of the former was the metropolitan church, the
-Καθολικόν, as it was then called, usually identified with the small
-building which still bears that name, but supposed by Kampouroglos
-to have been that of St Panteleemon<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a>. Although the clergy had less
-influence at Athens than in some other parts of Greece, the metropolitan,
-as we have seen, was a personage of political importance; he received
-at that time 4000 crowns a year, and had under his jurisdiction the five<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_395"></a>[395]</span>
-bishops of Salona, Livadia, Boudonitza, Atalante and Skyros. The
-monastery of Kaisariane, or Syriane, on Hymettos, or “Deli-Dagh” (the
-“Mad Mountain”), as the Turks called it, still paid only one <i>sequin</i> to
-the <i>voivode</i> in consideration of the fact that its abbot had presented
-the keys of Athens to Mohammed II at the time of the conquest<a id="FNanchor_732" href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a>. The
-Catholic archbishopric of Athens had, however, ceased to exist on the
-death of the last Archbishop in 1483, and the churches and monasteries
-which had belonged to it in Frankish days had been recovered by the
-Orthodox Greeks.</p>
-
-<p>Although the Ilissos even then, as now, contained very little water,
-there were a number of gardens along its banks above the town, with
-country houses at Ambelokepoi, and the excellent air and its freedom
-from plague at that period made Athens a healthy residence, where
-doctors could not make a living<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a>. There were still some rich merchants;
-but the trade of Athens was mainly limited to the agricultural produce
-of the neighbourhood, to the export of oil, and to a little silk, imported
-from other parts and woven in private houses. Randolph mentions that,
-in 1671, an inspector from Constantinople found about 50,000 olive
-trees in the plain, and some of the olives were esteemed so delicious that
-they were reserved for the Sultan’s table. The oil was excellent, and was
-exported every year to Marseilles. Athens also supplied cotton sail-cloth
-to the Turkish navy<a id="FNanchor_734" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a>. As for the wine, though good, it was voted
-undrinkable by all the travellers of that period, owing to the resin with
-which it was impregnated<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a>. Honey was still as famous a product of
-Hymettos as in classic ages, and the monks of Kaisariane were specially
-renowned for their hives. Trade being thus small, it is not surprising
-that few Franks resided at Athens. Such as it was, it was entirely in
-Greek hands.</p>
-
-<p>The monuments of Athens had not then suffered from the havoc so
-soon to be wrought by the bombs of Morosini. When Des Hayes was
-there the Parthenon was as entire and as little damaged by the injuries
-of time as if it had only just been built. The Turks, whatever their
-faults may have been, had shown great respect for the venerable relics
-of ancient Athens, which had now been in their power for two centuries.
-When a piece of the frieze of Phidias fell they carefully placed it inside
-the Parthenon, the interior of which was at that time entirely whitewashed<a id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a>;
-the external appearance of that noble temple, as it then was,
-can be judged from the published drawings of Carrey. The Akropolis<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_396"></a>[396]</span>
-was fortified, and occupied by the garrison, whose houses, about 200
-in number, covered a portion of its surface, and the Odeion of Herodes
-Atticus (then called Serpentzes) was joined by a wall with and formed
-a bulwark of it. The Propylæa served as the residence of the commander,
-the <i>disdar-aga</i>, whose harem was in the Erechtheion<a id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a>, and the Temple
-of Wingless Victory had been converted into a powder magazine.
-Unfortunately the Turks had also stored their ammunition in the
-Propylæa, and in 1656 a curious accident caused it to explode. At that
-time Isouf Aga, the commander of the Akropolis and a bitter enemy of
-the Greeks, had vowed that he would destroy the little church of St
-Demetrios, on the opposite hill. One evening, before going to bed, he
-ordered two or three pieces of artillery to be put in position to fire on
-the church in the morning. But in the night a thunderbolt ignited the
-powder magazine. The Aga and nearly all his family perished by the
-force of the explosion, and—what was a more serious loss—part of the
-roof was destroyed. The Greeks ascribed the disaster to the righteous
-indignation of the saint, whose church was thenceforth, and is still,
-called St Demetrios the Bombardier<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a>. On another occasion, so it was
-said, when a Turk fired a shot at an eikon of the Virgin in the Parthenon
-his arm withered, while another Mussulman was reported to have
-dropped dead in the attempt to open two great cupboards, closed with
-blocks of marble and let into the walls<a id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a>. For the great Temple of
-Olympian Zeus the Turks had a becoming regard, and at the solemn
-season of Bairam they used to meet near its columns to pray. The
-Areopagos, from the spring of “black water” still to be found there,
-they called <i>Kara-su</i>. Less scrupulous than the Turks, De Nointel took
-two workmen about with him on his tour, and carried off several pieces
-of marble, just as the Jesuits had taken with them to Chalkis some of the
-marble fragments of Athens to serve as monuments in their cemetery<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Piræus, which had played so great a part in the life of ancient
-Athens, consisted at that time of only a single house—a magazine for
-storing goods and levying the duties on them<a id="FNanchor_741" href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a>. Its classical name had
-been lost, and while the Franks called it Porto Leone the Greeks styled
-it Porto Drako<a id="FNanchor_742" href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a>, from the huge lion, now in front of the arsenal at Venice,
-upon which Harold Hardraada had once scrawled his name, and which
-attracted the attention of all travellers. The foundations of the famous
-Long Walls were still visible almost all the way, and on the road to
-Eleusis there was another fine marble lion, which can be traced in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_397"></a>[397]</span>
-Capuchins’ plan. The monastery of Daphni had been almost entirely
-abandoned, owing to the ravages of corsairs, Christians as well as Turks,
-and the former had driven away all the inhabitants of Eleusis; but the
-monastery of Phaneromene, in Salamis, had just been restored by
-Laurentios of Megara in 1670, and a little later, in 1682, the church at
-Kaisariane was decorated with fresh paintings by a Peloponnesian
-artist at the expense of the Benizeloi who had fled thither for fear of the
-plague, and to whom the monastery and the present summer pleasaunce
-of Kephissia formerly belonged. All along the shore near Phaleron
-stood towers, where men watched day and night to give the alarm
-against the pirates. Such was the terror inspired by those marauders
-that not a single Turk resided at Megara, and there was only one house
-between that place and Corinth. The <i>Kakè Skála</i> maintained its classic
-reputation as a haunt of robbers, and descendants of the fabulous
-brigand Skiron were in the habit of lurking there, so that the Turks
-were afraid to travel along that precipitous road where the railway now
-passes above the sea. Akrocorinth, in spite of its ruinous condition, was,
-however, a sure refuge of the Mussulmans against the corsairs, while
-Lepanto, on the other hand, was a perfect nest of pirates<a id="FNanchor_743" href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Of the Greek provincial towns at that period Chalkis, with a population
-of about 15,000, was the most important. It was the residence
-of the capitan pasha and the scene of the Jesuits’ missionary labours.
-They had established a school there, after their departure from Athens,
-and the children of the seven or eight Frank families who still resided
-in the old Venetian town gave them more occupation than they had
-found at their former abode. The castle was entirely given over to the
-Turks and Jews, and the traveller Randolph mentions in his day the
-rich carving of some of the houses, which I have myself seen there.
-Patras, famous for its citrons, contained some 4000 or 5000 inhabitants,
-one-third of whom were Jews, and the latter had three synagogues at
-Lepanto, which had the whole trade of the gulf, though they were less
-numerous there than at Patras. Corinth was then, like the modern town,
-a big village with a population of 1500, and it was noted for the numbers
-of conversions to Islâm which had taken place there. Like Athens, it
-had no Jews. Nauplia, the residence of the pasha of the Morea, was
-a large town, but Sparta was “quite forsaken<a id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a>.” Delphi, then called
-Kastri, was the fief of a Turk, and produced cotton and tobacco. The
-neighbouring town of Salona contained seven mosques and six churches,
-and at the splendid Byzantine monastery of Hosios Loukas there were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_398"></a>[398]</span>
-about 150 monks. Thebes was then about the same size as at present,
-and had no more than 3000 or 4000 inhabitants, while its rival, Livadia,
-provided all Greece with wool, corn and rice. Somewhat earlier it had
-furnished sail-cloth for the Ottoman navy<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a>, and in the Turkish period it
-enjoyed considerable liberty, being administered by a δημογέρωον, or
-elder, who, with the assistance of the leading citizens, successfully
-resisted any intervention from outside in the affairs of his native city<a id="FNanchor_746" href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a>.
-In the Morea, where there were only 30,000 Turks, and nearly all those
-Greek-speaking, each town was managed by its own Greek elders, who
-levied the taxes. Spon found there four metropolitans, whose sees were
-respectively Patras, Nauplia, Corinth and Mistra, and he remarks, as
-every modern traveller in the country districts of Greece cannot fail to
-do, on the strict fasts observed by the Orthodox. He found that the
-sole exception was in the case of those who were subjects of Venice and
-who had imbibed the laxer ideas of Roman Catholicism; as for the others,
-they would rather die than dine in Lent<a id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a>. The value of the Peloponnesian
-trade may be judged from the fact that an English consul, Sir H. Hide,
-had lately resided at Glarentza and had built a church there<a id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The former duchy of Naxos, then a Turkish <i>sandjak</i>, had been lightly
-treated by the Turks since their final conquest of the islands. In 1580
-Murad III had given the islanders many privileges, permitting them to
-build churches and monasteries and to use bells, while forbidding the
-Turks to settle among them, a provision which has done much to keep
-the Cyclades free from all traces of Mussulman rule. Once a year, and
-once only, came the capitan pasha to levy the tribute of the islands at
-Paros; but the tribute was raised by the insular municipalities, whose
-powers of self-government were not disturbed by the Turkish conquerors.
-The inhabitants of some islands were, however, bound to send
-a fixed quantity of their produce to Constantinople every year<a id="FNanchor_749" href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a>. These
-privileges were confirmed by Ibrahim in 1640, and we may form some
-idea of the state of the Cyclades from the amount of the capitation tax
-levied upon them at the date of Spon’s tour. Naxos was then assessed
-at 6000 <i>piastres</i>, out of which the governor had to provide one galley
-to the Turkish fleet; Andros paid 4500, with which one galley was
-equipped, while Eubœa paid 100,000 <i>piastres</i>, and the Morea was bound
-to furnish three vessels<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a>. At that time the Venetian island of Tenos was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_399"></a>[399]</span>
-the best cultivated, the most prosperous, and the most densely populated
-of all the Cyclades, because the banner of St Mark protected it from the
-Christian corsairs, whose chief rendezvous was at Melos, and who
-captured, among others, the English traveller Vernon. Tenos then
-contained twenty-four villages, the inhabitants of which, 20,000 in
-number, speaking Greek, but almost entirely of the Catholic religion,
-were exclusively employed in the manufacture of silk. Randolph, who
-visited this island in 1670, found it to have “ever been a great eyesore
-to the Turks,” especially during the Candian war, when a certain Giorgio
-Maria, a Corsican privateer in the Venetian service, had manned his
-ships with the islanders of Tenos, and had plagued the enemies of the
-Republic as none had done since Skanderbeg. Tenos had quite recovered
-from the raid which the Turks had made upon it in 1658; but since the
-war its inhabitants had thought it prudent to offer the capitan pasha a
-<i>douceur</i> of 500 dollars, in addition to the regular tithe which they paid
-to Venice<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a>. The only thing on Delos was the colony of rabbits. Mykonos,
-which Venetian ships still frequented, had not a single Turk, and the
-chief profession of its inhabitants was piracy, which kept so many of the
-men engaged at sea that there was an enormous disproportion between
-the females and the males.</p>
-
-<p>Corsairs were indeed the terror of the Ægean, as was natural now
-that the Candian war was over and they had no more scope for the
-legitimate exercise of their talents. Thus in 1673 a Savoyard, the
-marquis de Fleuri, set out to take Paros, but was captured by the
-Venetians in pursuance of their pledge, given to the Turks at the late
-peace, not to tolerate piracy in the Archipelago. Another freebooter,
-a Provençal, named Hugues Creveliers, who served as the original of
-Lord Byron’s <i>Corsair</i>, and had roamed about the Levant from boyhood,
-succeeded in making Paros his headquarters, after a futile attempt upon
-a Turkish fort in Maina, and scoured the Ægean with a fleet of twenty
-ships for two whole years, levying blackmail upon Megara and defying
-capture, till at last he was blown up in his flagship by a servant whom
-he had offended. Another pirate, a Greek, named Joannes Kapsi, made
-himself master of Melos in 1677, but was taken and hanged by the Turks
-in 1680. Nevertheless the lot of the Melians was so hard that a party
-of them, together with some Samians, emigrated to London, under the
-guidance of their Archbishop Georgirenes of Melos, author of <i>A Description
-of the present state of Samos, Nicaria, Patmos, and Mount Athos</i>.
-It is to this colony that Greek Street owes its name, for the Duke of
-York, the future King James II, assigned that site to them as a residence,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_400"></a>[400]</span>
-and in Hog Lane, afterwards called Crown Street, Soho, they built a
-Greek church—the first in London<a id="FNanchor_752" href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a>. Even where the privateers did not
-come the Turks took care to “hinder the islanders from becoming too
-rich.”</p>
-
-<p>The Latin population of the Cyclades had not diminished, though
-a century had elapsed since the last of the Latin dukes had fallen; on
-the contrary, it had increased, in consequence of the emigration thither
-after the Turkish conquest of Crete. Naxos and Santorin were the chief
-seats of these Latin survivors, who were sedulously guarded by the
-Roman Church. Down to the seventeenth century a Latin bishopric
-was maintained in Andros, and one still exists at Santorin, another at
-Syra, and a third at Tenos. In 1626 the Jesuits, and nine years later the
-Capuchins, obtained a convent in Naxos, which was placed under the
-protection of France; and after the fall of Rhodes the Latin archbishopric
-was removed to the same island<a id="FNanchor_753" href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a>, where the Catholics held much property.
-But this concentration of Catholicism in Naxos had some most unfortunate
-results, which were happily lacking in the less strenuous
-atmosphere of Santorin. The Latins of the upper town of Naxos looked
-down contemptuously upon the Greek inhabitants of the lower city;
-they refused to intermarry with the Orthodox; and if a Catholic changed
-his religion for that of the despised Greeks he was sure of persecution
-by his former co-religionists. In the country, where old feudal usages
-still prevailed, the Latin nobles oppressed the Greek peasants; while,
-like truly oriental tyrants, they were as servile to the Turks as they were
-haughty to the Greeks. Worst of all, their feuds became hereditary, and
-thus this little island community was plunged in almost endless bloodshed.
-For example, towards the close of the seventeenth century the
-leader of the Latin party in Naxos was Francesco Barozzi, whose family
-had come thither from Crete about the beginning of the same century,
-and whose surname I have found still preserved in the monuments of
-the Catholic church in the upper town. Barozzi had married the
-daughter of the French consul, who was naturally a person of consequence
-among the Catholics of Naxos. But the lady was one day
-insulted by Constantine Cocco, a member of a Venetian family which
-had become thoroughly grecised. Barozzi, furious at the slight, took
-a terrible vengeance, and not long afterwards Cocco was murdered by
-his orders, and his body horribly mutilated. Cocco’s relatives thereupon
-murdered the French consul; the consul’s widow persuaded a Maltese<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_401"></a>[401]</span>
-adventurer, Raimond de Modène, who had recently arrived on a frigate
-belonging to the Knights of St John, and who was in love with her
-daughter, to bombard the Cocco family with the ship’s cannon in the
-monastery of Ipsili, where they had taken refuge. At last the vendetta
-ended as a dramatist would have wished. The daughter of the murdered
-Cocco, who was only one year old at the time of her father’s assassination,
-married the son of her father’s murderer. For many years the
-couple lived happily together, and the wife was the first woman in the
-Archipelago to wear Frankish dress. But, though the fatal feud was
-thus appeased, poetic vengeance, in the shape of the Turks, fell upon
-the assassin’s son. His riches attracted their attention; he was thrown
-into prison, and died at Naxos a beggar<a id="FNanchor_754" href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the condition of Greece when, in 1684, the outbreak of war
-between Venice and Turkey led to the temporary re-conquest of a large
-part of the country by the soldiers of the West and the reappearance of
-the lion of St Mark in the Morea.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_402"></a>[402]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_403"></a>[403]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="VI_THE_VENETIAN_REVIVAL_IN_GREECE">VI. THE VENETIAN REVIVAL IN GREECE<br />
-<span class="smaller">1684-1718</span></h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<p>In 1684, after the lapse of 144 years, Venice once more began to be
-a power upon the Greek continent. She had long had grievances
-against the Porte, such as the non-deliverance of prisoners and the
-violation of her commercial privileges, while the Porte complained of
-the raids of the Dalmatian Morlachs. Excuses for war were not, therefore,
-lacking, and the moment was favourable. Sobieski, the year before,
-had defeated the Turks before Vienna, and the Republic knew that she
-would not lack allies. A “Holy League” was formed between the
-Emperor, Poland, and Venice under the protection of Pope Innocent XI,
-and the Tsar was specially invited to join. Accordingly, the Republic
-declared war upon the Sultan, and appointed Francesco Morosini
-captain-general of her forces.</p>
-
-<p>Morosini, although sixty-six years of age, possessed an experience
-of Turkish warfare upon Greek soil which compensated for his lack of
-youth. He had served for twenty-three years in the armies and fleets
-of his country, and had commanded at Candia till he felt himself
-compelled to come to terms with the Turks, for which skilful piece of
-diplomacy he was put upon his trial at home and, although acquitted,
-left for fifteen years in retirement. Now that his countrymen needed a
-commander, they bethought them of the man who had been so severely
-criticised for the loss of Crete.</p>
-
-<p>The Republic at this time still retained a considerable insular
-dominion in Greek waters—six out of the seven Ionian islands, Tenos,
-and the three Cretan fortresses of Grabusa, Suda and Spinalonga—but
-on the Greek mainland only Butrinto and Parga, the two continental
-dependencies of Corfù. She possessed, therefore, at Corfù, a base of
-operations, and thither Morosini repaired. The huge mortars on either
-side of the gate of the “old fortress” still bear the date of his visit—1684.
-His first objective was the seventh Ionian island of Santa Maura,
-particularly obnoxious to the Venetians as a nest of corsairs. Warmly
-supported by Ionian auxiliaries, among whom are mentioned the
-countrymen of Odysseus, he speedily obtained the surrender of Santa
-Maura, which carried with it the acquisition of Meganisi, the home of
-the Homeric Taphians, which was given as a fief to the Cephalonian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_404"></a>[404]</span>
-family of Metaxas, Kalamos, and the other smaller islands lying off
-the coast of Akarnania, and the submission of the Akarnanian population
-of Baltos and Xeromeros, as his secretary and historiographer,
-Locatelli<a id="FNanchor_755" href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a>, informs us. Mesolonghi, not yet famous in history, was next
-taken. The surrender of Prevesa, which followed, gave the Venetians
-the command of the entrance to the Ambrakian Gulf, and completed
-the first season’s operations. During the winter a treaty<a id="FNanchor_756" href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> with the duke
-of Brunswick, father of our George I, for the supply of Hanoverian
-soldiers, was concluded; other small German princelings sold their
-soldiers at 200 francs a head, and when Morosini took the field in the
-following summer the so-called Venetian army, in which Swedish,
-German and French were as well understood as Italian, consisted of
-3100 Venetians, Prince Maximilian William of Brunswick and 2400
-Hanoverians, 1000 Maltese, 1000 Slavs, 400 Papal and 400 Florentine
-troops. We may compare it with the composite Austro-Hungarian army
-of our own time, in which many different races received orders in a
-language, and fought for a cause, not their own. Morosini also entered
-into negotiations with two Greek communities noted for their intolerance
-of Turkish rule—the people of Cheimarra in northern Epeiros, of whom
-we have heard much of late years, and the Mainates, who presented an
-address to him. The former defeated a Turkish force that was sent
-against them, the latter were temporarily checked by the fact that the
-Turks held their children as hostages for their good behaviour<a id="FNanchor_757" href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a>. Morosini
-succeeded, however, in forcing the Turks to surrender the old Venetian
-colony of Koron, whence an inscription of its former Venetian governors
-dated 1463 was sent in triumph to Venice<a id="FNanchor_758" href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a>, and his success encouraged
-the Mainates to assist him in besieging the fortresses of Zarnata,
-Kielapha and Passavâ. All three, together with the port of Vitylos and
-the town of Kalamata, surrendered or were abandoned by their garrisons,
-but a historian of Frankish Greece cannot but deplore the destruction
-of the two famous castles of Kalamata and Passavâ. Morosini visited
-that romantic spot, and by his orders the strongest parts of the fortifications
-were destroyed. In the campaign of 1686, Morosini, assisted by
-the Swedish field-marshal, Otto William von Koenigsmark, as commander
-of the land forces, was even more successful. Old and New
-Navarino opened their gates to his soldiers, who found over the gate of
-the old town a reminiscence of the days when it had been a dependency of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_405"></a>[405]</span>
-the Venetian colony of Modon in the shape of two coats-of-arms, those
-of Morosini and Malipiero<a id="FNanchor_759" href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a>, the latter belonging to the governor of 1467
-or to his namesake of 1489. Modon thereupon surrendered, and, although
-Monemvasia, the Gibraltar of the Morea, held out, the season closed with
-the capture of Nauplia, at that time the Turkish capital of the peninsula
-and residence of the tax-farmer, who collected the rents paid to the
-Sultan Valideh, or queen-mother, from that province. The Greek
-inhabitants expressed joy at returning, after the lapse of 146 years,
-under Venetian rule, and Father Dambira, a Capuchin, arrived on a
-mission from the Athenians, offering to pay a ransom, if they might be
-spared the horrors of a siege. Morosini asked for 40,000 reals annually
-for the duration of the war; but a second Athenian deputation, headed
-by the Metropolitan Jacob, and comprising the notables Stamati Gaspari,
-whose origin was Italian, Michael Demakes, George Dousmanes, and a
-resident alien named Damestre, succeeded in persuading him to accept
-9000. He sailed to the Piræus, collected the first annual instalment and
-returned to Nauplia. In view of the prominent part played by General
-Dousmanes during the late war, it is interesting to find a member of
-his family among the Athenian deputies. It was not, however, of
-Athenian origin. <i>Dushman</i> in Serbian means “enemy,” and in 1404 the
-family is described as owning the Albanian district of Pulati, where a
-village, named Dushmani, still exists<a id="FNanchor_760" href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a>. The Turkish government compelled
-the Œcumenical Patriarch to depose the Metropolitan Jacob for
-his participation in this mission and his philo-Venetian sentiments. But
-the Athenians refused to accept his successor, Athanasios, whereupon
-the patriarch excommunicated them and their favourite metropolitan.</p>
-
-<p>The next year completed the conquest of the Morea, with the
-exception of Monemvasia. The Turks abandoned Patras; the two castles
-at either side of the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth and the former
-Venetian stronghold of Lepanto on the north of it were occupied; the
-Moslems burnt the lower town of Corinth, where the Venetians found
-“the great statue of the god Janus, not, however, quite intact, and
-some architraves of fine stone<a id="FNanchor_761" href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a>.” No attempt was made to defend the
-magnificent fortress of Akrocorinth, and Morosini was able to examine
-undisturbed the old wall across the isthmus and to consider the
-possibility, realised in 1893, of cutting a canal which should join the
-Corinthian and Saronic Gulfs<a id="FNanchor_762" href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a>. The surrender of Castel Tornese, the
-mint of the mediæval Morea, and of Mistra, the former capital of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_406"></a>[406]</span>
-Byzantine province, justified his secretary<a id="FNanchor_763" href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> in saying that by August,
-1687, Venice was “possessor of all the Morea, except Monemvasia.”
-His successes had been partly due to the fact that the best Turkish
-troops were engaged in the war in Hungary, and his losses from disease
-had been fearful. But such was the joy of his government, that a bronze
-bust, with the proud title of “Peloponnesiacus,” was erected to him in
-his lifetime in the Doges’ Palace, where, like the monument to him at
-Corfù, it still remains to remind the visitor of the Republic’s last attempt
-to establish herself in the Morea.</p>
-
-<p>But the conquest of the Morea no longer satisfied the usually
-cautious Venetians. Leaving Monemvasia behind him, Morosini held
-a council of war at Corinth, in which it was decided that, as it was too
-late in the season to attack the old Venetian island of Negroponte,
-Athens should be the next objective, as an Athenian deputation
-suggested. Morosini himself was opposed to this plan. He pointed out
-the drawbacks of even a successful attack upon Athens; it would be
-necessary, he argued, to provision his army entirely from the sea, as
-the Turkish commander at Thebes could intercept his communications
-by land; it would be impossible from Athens to protect the entrance to
-the Morea, as long as the Turks could occupy Megara; while, if it were
-necessary to abandon Athens, not only would the Greek inhabitants
-suffer at the hands of the Turks, but the Venetian exchequer would lose
-the annual contribution which the Athenian notables had promised to
-pay. His proposal was to keep a considerable force at Corinth, where
-food was plentiful, and to send the rest of his army into winter quarters
-at Tripolitsa in the centre of the Morea, where there was plenty of
-forage and whence the Venetian domination over the peninsula—the
-main object of the expedition—could be best established upon solid
-foundations. Events proved Morosini’s forecast to have been accurate.
-The council, however, decided upon a compromise: the army was to go
-into three separate winter quarters—at Corinth, Tripolitsa, and Nauplia—but
-first an attempt was to be made upon Athens, unless that city
-would pay a ransom of 50,000 to 60,000 reals<a id="FNanchor_764" href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a>. No time was lost in
-carrying out this decision. Most of the fleet under Venier was sent to
-the channel which separates Negroponte from the mainland, with the
-object of deluding the Turks into the belief that that island was the aim
-of Morosini’s forces. Meanwhile Morosini, with 9880 men (including one
-or two Scottish volunteers) and 870 horses, on September 21, 1687, cast
-anchor in the Piræus, Porto Leone, as it was then called from the statue
-of a lion which stood at its mouth. Thither a deputation of Athenian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_407"></a>[407]</span>
-notables, the brothers Peter and Demetrios Gaspari, Spyridon Peroules,
-the schoolmaster Dr Argyros Benaldes, and others hastened to make
-submission to Venice<a id="FNanchor_765" href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a>. Although Sir Paul Rycaut, as the result of
-eighteen years’ diplomatic experience in Turkey, wrote in that very
-year, that “the Greeks have an inclination to the Muscovite beyond any
-other Christian prince,” there was a special reason for the popularity of
-Venice at Athens. Many young Athenians had been educated at the
-Flangineion at Venice, and the recent outrage of the Turks upon the
-Athenian notable, Limponas, made the Greeks eager to welcome any
-Christians who would free them from their Moslem rulers.</p>
-
-<p>The Turks were not unprepared for the Venetian invasion. They had
-taken down the beautiful temple of Nike Apteros and out of its materials
-raised the walls of the Akropolis and built a battery. Fortunately,
-although there was a powder magazine underneath it, the venerable
-stones of this temple received no damage during the siege. When, in
-1836, the Bavarian architects reconstructed it, they found not a single
-block missing (except what Lord Elgin had carried off) nor a bullet-mark
-upon it<a id="FNanchor_766" href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a>. Within the Akropolis, thus strengthened, the Turkish
-inhabitants of Athens took refuge with their effects and ammunition,
-hoping that “the castle” would hold out until relief could arrive from
-Thebes. The Venetians were, therefore, able to occupy lower Athens
-unmolested. Col. Raugraf von der Pfalz with a body of Slav and
-Hanoverian troops was stationed in the town; Koenigsmark encamped
-in the olive-grove near the Sacred Way, along which the Turkish force
-might be expected to march through the pass of Daphni from Thebes.
-As the garrison of the Akropolis refused to surrender, it was decided to
-bombard that sacred rock. Archæologists and historians cannot but be
-horrified at this act of vandalism. But in our own day we have seen
-the “cultured” Germans bombarding the cathedral of Rheims, and the
-“gentlemanly” Austrians dropping grenades close to St Mark’s at
-Venice, while “military necessities” involved the firing of projectiles
-over the Parthenon by the Allies in the crisis of December, 1916. The
-Venetian engineers accordingly placed their batteries on the Mouseion
-hill, upon which stands the monument of Philopappos, on the Pnyx,
-and at the foot of the Areopagos, and on September 23 the bombardment
-began<a id="FNanchor_767" href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The officer in charge of the batteries, Mottoni, Count di San Felice,
-was a notoriously incompetent gunner, as he had already proved at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_408"></a>[408]</span>
-Navarino and Modon, and on this occasion his aim was so high that the
-bombs flew over the Akropolis and fell into the town beyond it, whose
-inhabitants claimed compensation for the damage to their houses. A
-fresh battery of two mortars was accordingly placed on the east and
-closer to the rock, while the miners attempted to drive a tunnel under
-the north wall and above the grotto of Aglauros. This attempt was,
-however, frustrated by the hardness of the rock, the fire of the besieged
-and the fatal fall of the miner’s captain from a cliff. The bombardment
-now, however, began to damage the buildings on the Akropolis. On
-the 25th a bomb exploded a small powder magazine in the Propylæa,
-and a deserter betrayed to the besiegers the fatal secret that the Turks
-had put all the rest of their ammunition in the Parthenon, then a
-mosque. Upon the receipt of this news the gunners concentrated their
-fire upon the famous temple; and, on the evening of the 26th, a lieutenant
-from Lüneburg fired a bomb into it. The explosion was so violent that
-fragments of the building were hurled into the besiegers’ lines, whence
-cries of joy in various languages rose at the destruction wrought in a
-moment to a masterpiece that had survived almost intact the vicissitudes
-of over twenty centuries. But even among the besiegers there were
-some who mourned the havoc wrought by the German gunner’s too
-accurate aim. Morosini, in his official report to his government, merely
-alludes to it as a “fortunate shot,” and his secretary remarks that the
-“ancient, splendid and marvellous temple of Minerva” was “ruined in
-some parts”; but a Swedish lady, Anna Akerhjelm<a id="FNanchor_768" href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a>, who accompanied
-Countess von Koenigsmark to Greece and was then at Athens, has told
-in her interesting correspondence “how repugnant it was” to Koenigsmark
-“to destroy the beautiful temple,” which “can never in this world
-be replaced.” So much did von Ranke feel this act of vandalism
-committed by one of his countrymen, that he tried to discredit the diary
-of the Hessian lieutenant, Sobiewolsky, which mentions the Lüneburg
-gunner’s fatal shot. For the moment it failed to attain even the practical
-effect of ending the siege. The Turks, expecting the arrival of their
-deliverer from Thebes, still held out; but when Koenigsmark went to
-meet the advancing army and its commander retired without a blow,
-when the fire, caused by the explosion, had blazed for two days on the
-Akropolis, where over 300 putrifying corpses, including those of their
-commander and his son, lay beneath the ruins of the Parthenon, they
-hoisted the white flag and sent five hostages to ask for a cessation of
-hostilities. Morosini’s official dispatch informs us that he was inclined<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_409"></a>[409]</span>
-to insist upon their unconditional surrender, but that Koenigsmark
-pointed out the importance of having possession of the Akropolis and
-the proved difficulty of taking so strong a position by force. Accordingly,
-he unwillingly granted them five days, at the end of which all the Turks
-were to evacuate the fortress with only what they could carry on their
-backs, leaving to the victors their horses, arms, Christian slaves, and
-Moors. To prevent their joining their comrades at Negroponte, they
-were to proceed to Smyrna at their own expense on board an English
-pink, then in the Piræus, three Ragusan, and two French vessels. These
-terms were settled on the 29th, the lion-banner of St Mark was at once
-hoisted on the Propylæa, and punctually, on October 4, about 3000
-Turks, including 500 soldiers, embarked. More than 300 others remained
-behind and were baptised Christians. Despite Morosini’s and Koenigsmark’s
-express orders the exiles were insulted by the officers and soldiers
-of the auxiliaries on their way down to the Piræus, and some of their
-women and children, as well as their bundles, were taken from them.
-Count Tomaso Pompei<a id="FNanchor_769" href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> was appointed governor of “the castle” with
-a Venetian garrison, while the rest of the Venetians and the auxiliaries
-were quartered in the town below. Morosini himself was anxious to
-attack Negroponte at once, while the Turks were still dismayed at the
-loss of Athens; but Koenigsmark argued that they had not sufficient
-forces to take that island. As the Morea was visited by a serious epidemic,
-it was decided to go back upon the plans fixed in the council at Corinth,
-and to pass the winter at Athens. To ensure communications with the
-sea, part of the famous Long Walls was sacrificed to build three redoubts
-on the way down to the Piræus, and a wall and ditch were drawn from
-Porto Leone to the bay of Phaleron, to serve as an entrenched camp in
-case of need. During these excavations ancient copper coins, vases, and
-lamps were discovered.</p>
-
-<p>Athens had, therefore, become for the third, the Akropolis for the
-second time, Venetian, for Venice had occupied both town and castle
-from 1394 to 1402 and the town in 1466, and it is interesting to see what
-impression the famous city made upon the captors. One of Morosini’s
-officers wrote that he “fell into an extasy” on gazing upon the magnificence
-of the Parthenon even in its ruin, and his secretary, Locatelli,
-devotes ten pages to the antiquities of Athens. Both he and two other
-officers mention some of the classic buildings by the popular names
-current for centuries—for we find some of them at the time of the
-Turkish, some even at that of the Frankish conquest. These descriptions,
-evidently based on the tales of the local guides, allude to the Temple of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_410"></a>[410]</span>
-Olympian Zeus, which then had seventeen columns standing, under the
-name of the “Palace of Hadrian,” the monument of Philopappos under
-that of the “Arch of Trajan,” the gate of Athena Archegetis under that
-of the “Temple of Augustus or Arch of Triumph,” the adjacent Porch
-of Hadrian under that of the “Temple of Olympian Zeus,” and the
-Pinakotheke under that of the “Arsenal of Lycurgus.” The Tower
-of the Winds figures as the “Gymnasium of Sokrates,” the choragic
-monument of Lysikrates as the “Lantern of Demosthenes.” The marble
-lion at the Piræus, they tell us, had been “transported there in honour
-of Leonidas,” while the statue of the tongueless lioness which stood
-towards the sea, commemorated Leaina, the mistress of Harmodios and
-Aristogeiton, who had bitten out her tongue rather than betray them
-under torture<a id="FNanchor_770" href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a>. These accounts are a curious contribution to the
-<i>Mirabilia</i> of Athens; but, despite this casual display of popular erudition,
-the army was not archæologically minded, the Germans less so than the
-more cultured Venetians. A Hessian ensign<a id="FNanchor_771" href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> wrote home to his mother
-mainly about food, regretting that the excellent fresh vegetables were
-over, wishing that he had a cask of German beer instead of a cask of
-Athenian wine, and telling her that he had drunk her health in “the
-temple of the celebrated Demosthenes” (the choragic monument of
-Lysikrates), which the Capuchins had bought eighteen years earlier and
-in which his colonel was lodged. He added that he had often dined at
-Corinth in the temple in which St Paul preached, and that Athens
-produced grapes of the size described in the Old Testament. Nor do we
-obtain much archæological information from the observant companion
-of Countess von Koenigsmark. She wrote that her mistress’s bad
-attack of measles had prevented her from making notes in her journal
-of the antiquities which she had seen. “Besides,” she added, “there are
-several descriptions of them,” and she specially alluded to the recent
-work of Spon and Wheler. As for the archæological knowledge of the
-Greek inhabitants, she wrote that “you cannot find any of them who
-know as much about their ancestors as foreigners do<a id="FNanchor_772" href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a>.” In justice to
-the Athenians it must be said that Romans are not always specialists
-upon the Forum, nor Londoners upon the Tower. She found, however,
-a local doctor to conduct her round the town: he told her that he
-belonged to the family of Perikles. Those of us who have travelled in
-Greece have been introduced to other descendants of the great Athenian
-statesman. The Swedish lady liked Athens. “The town,” she wrote,
-“is better than any of the others. There are some very pretty houses,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_411"></a>[411]</span>
-Greek as well as Turkish.” She remarked upon the hospitality of the
-Greeks, who regaled her mistress in their homes upon orangeade,
-lemonade, fresh almonds, pomegranates, and jams, just as their descendants
-do still. Our Hessian officer, too, liked the Athenians; “they
-are very respectable, good people,” he wrote, “only one cannot understand
-them, because they speak Greek.” The English consul, however,
-the same Frenchman, Giraud, who had acted as <i>cicerone</i> to Spon, spoke
-German and Italian, as well as Greek and Turkish, and hobbled about
-with the distinguished Swedes<a id="FNanchor_773" href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a>. Despite his trouble in his feet, he seems
-to have been still an active man, who sent two dispatches on the
-Venetian conquest to his ambassador at Constantinople before his
-French colleague had written a word about it. A Protestant from Lyons,
-but married to a daughter of the Athenian Palaiologoi, he was closely
-connected with the town.</p>
-
-<p>Morosini had converted into churches the mosques of every place
-that he had taken. At Athens he turned two mosques into Catholic
-churches, in addition to the already existing chapel of the Capuchins,
-and made his naval chaplain, D. Lorenzo Papaplis, priest of the church
-of Dionysios the Areopagite<a id="FNanchor_774" href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a>. For the use of his Lutheran auxiliaries
-he founded out of another mosque, that “of the Column,” near the
-bazaar, the first Protestant place of worship in Greece, which was
-inaugurated under the name of Holy Trinity on October 19 with a
-sermon by the minister Beithmann. While to the Venetian commander
-non-Catholics thus owe the introduction of their liturgy into Hellas, to
-his conquest of Athens military history is indebted for two views of
-the Akropolis and a general view of Athens at the moment of the
-explosion in the Parthenon, all sketched by the Venetian engineer,
-Verneda, another unofficial view of Athens, a plan of the Akropolis also
-by Verneda, and a plan of the town designed by him under the direction
-of Count di San Felice<a id="FNanchor_775" href="#Footnote_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a>. This last work has been called “the first serious
-plan of the town of Athens,” but its object was military rather than
-archæological—to explain to the council of war and the home government
-the extent and cost of the works necessary for the defence of
-Athens.</p>
-
-<p>Whether Athens could be defended, that was the question which its
-conquerors now had to decide. At a council of war, held at the Piræus
-on December 31, it was pointed out that it was impossible for the small
-Venetian forces to fortify the town, or even to leave a garrison there to
-defend its inhabitants, for all the available troops would be needed for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_412"></a>[412]</span>
-the attack upon Negroponte in the spring; while, even if it could be
-fortified, Athens, situated so far from the sea, could not be revictualled
-while the Turks were still about. The destruction of Athens was actually
-mooted, but the council decided to postpone that for the present, and
-to remove the Greek population, estimated at over 6000, besides the
-Albanians, into the Morea and grant to them lands in the new Venetian
-territory there as compensation for the loss of their old homes. A further
-council, held on January 2, 1688, decided, in view of the spread of the
-plague from the Morea to continental Greece and some of the islands,
-to accelerate the departure of the Athenians, so as to remove the army,
-and in the meanwhile to organise a sanitary administration of the town.
-The decision to remove the Athenians filled them with dismay; the
-“elders,” the <i>vecchiardi</i>, as they were styled in Italian, in vain offered
-to contribute 20,000 reals and to maintain the garrison at their own cost,
-if they were allowed to remain and men were left to defend “the castle<a id="FNanchor_776" href="#Footnote_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a>.”
-The plague and Turkish raids continued to harass the Venetians and the
-auxiliaries, while those mutual recriminations, usual among allies of
-various nationalities, so greatly disturbed the harmony of the expeditionary
-force that Morosini formed five companies of Albanians,
-who might enable him to dispense with his grumbling German troops.
-Koenigsmark on January 30 made another proposition—to leave a
-garrison of 300 men on the Akropolis with provisions for sixteen months,
-but Morosini calculated that this would involve the presence of another
-hundred servants, and that for all this force a large quantity of biscuit
-and wine would be needed. But the argument which weighed most with
-the decisive council of February 12 was the water-supply. The sixteen
-cisterns of the Akropolis, it was said, held water for only three months,
-and of these the great cistern under the Parthenon had probably been
-damaged by the explosion, and the still larger one in the theatre of
-Dionysos could easily be cut off, and the water-supply of “the castle”
-thereby reduced to what would suffice for only fifty days. It was,
-therefore, unanimously decided to leave “the castle” of Athens for the
-present as it was, with its walls intact, but to remove all the guns and
-munitions, trusting to Providence for its ultimate re-capture. The
-council justified its resolve to abandon the place by stating that the
-only object of attacking Athens had been to push back the enemy from
-the neighbourhood of the isthmus of Corinth.</p>
-
-<p>Morosini determined, however, to carry off to Venice some memorial
-of Athens which could vie with the four bronze horses, carried thither
-after the capture of Constantinople. He ordered the removal from the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_413"></a>[413]</span>
-western pediment of the Parthenon of the statue of Poseidon (whom
-Morosini thought to be Zeus) and the chariot of Victory (whom the
-Venetians mistook for Athena); but the recent explosion had disarranged
-the blocks of marble, so that the workmen no sooner touched
-them than these beautiful sculptures fell in pieces upon the ground.
-Morosini, coolly announcing this disaster in a dispatch to the senate,
-expressed satisfaction that none of the workmen had been injured, and
-announced his decision to carry off instead a marble lioness without a
-head; but the head, as he added in a sentence worthy of Mummius, “can
-be perfectly replaced by another piece.” His secretary, San Gallo,
-took away, however, the Victory’s head, which Laborde purchased in
-1840 from a Venetian antiquary, while other fragments were picked up
-from the ruins by other Venetian, Danish and Hessian officers. Morosini
-did not content himself with the headless lioness alone; he carried off
-the great lion, which had given to the Piræus its mediæval name, and
-a third lion which had stood near the temple of Theseus, where it was
-seen by Babin and Spon; a fourth, a lioness, which bears the inscription
-<i>Anno Corcuræ liberatæ</i>, did not reach Venice till 1716, the year of
-Schulenburg’s deliverance of Corfù, and, therefore, does not figure in
-Fanelli’s<a id="FNanchor_777" href="#Footnote_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a> previous plate of the lions before the arsenal, where they may
-still be seen. This done, the Venetian forces abandoned Athens on April 4
-and five days later the last detachment set sail for Poros. The nett
-result of the Venetian capture of Athens had been disastrous. It had
-done irreparable damage to the Parthenon without any permanent
-military or political gain; it had injured the inhabitants, who had been
-forced to leave their homes; it had spread disease and discontent among
-the allies. To set against these disadvantages Venice acquired four marble
-lions and Morosini the fame of having temporarily held the famous
-city. To us Verneda’s plans are the only satisfactory result of its siege.</p>
-
-<p>It remains to describe the fate of the exiled Athenians and of the
-conquerors of Athens. The unhappy natives had left on March 24, and
-some even earlier. Three boat-loads went to the Venetian island of
-Zante, others to the Venetian possessions in the Morea, especially to
-Nauplia, but most (under the leadership of the brothers Gaspari) to
-Ægina and, like their ancestors at the time of the Persian invasion,
-to Salamis (“Culuris,” as it was still called), where, as the famous
-<i>Fragments</i> from the monastery of the Anargyroi (SS. Cosmas and Damian)
-at Athens inform us<a id="FNanchor_778" href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a>, they built houses and churches at Ambelaki, while<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_414"></a>[414]</span>
-“Attica remained deserted for about three years” except for a few
-stragglers on the Akropolis and in some towers of the town. This is the
-passage upon which Fallmerayer based his theory of the desertion of
-Athens for nearly 400 years from the time of Justinian! The poorest
-went to Corinth, while the leading families were scattered about the
-Morea, the Benizeloi at Patras, the Limponai at Koron, Peroules at
-Nauplia, and Dousmanes at Gastouni in Elis. The last-named received
-for his services to Venice several grants of land and the title of <i>Cavaliere
-di San Marco</i>; his family subsequently became counts and migrated to
-Corfù, where fifty years ago one of them published an Italian account
-of Gladstone’s famous mission. To other Athenian notables, who had
-been specially useful to them, the Venetians also gave money or titles—a
-pension to the ex-metropolitan Jacob as compensation for his punishment
-by the patriarch, the title of count to the schoolmaster, Benaldes,
-to another scholarly Athenian, Joannes Macola, the translator of Ovid’s
-<i>Metamorphoses</i> and Justin’s <i>History</i>, to Taronites for his subsequent
-services at the siege of Nauplia, and to Venizelos Rhoïdes. Indeed, so
-well were these Athenian refugees treated, that a geographical shibboleth
-was devised to discriminate between the genuine and the pseudo-exiles
-from Athens<a id="FNanchor_779" href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a>. To the 662 Athenian families which entered the Morea,
-the Venetian authorities assigned lands, vineyards, olive-trees, houses,
-shops, and gardens in proportion to the supposed requirements of the
-four classes into which Athenian society was then divided. An official
-Venetian report of 1701 praises their industry in trade, but remarks that
-“not even the common folk among them were inclined to work on the
-land,” and extols their “subtle intelligence,” adding that they desired
-to return to Athens, although the town was once more under Turkish
-rule, while at the same time retaining their Moreote property<a id="FNanchor_780" href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Athens was the climax of Morosini’s Greek career. On board his
-galley at Poros he received the news of his election as doge, but his first
-ducal enterprise, the siege of Negroponte, not only failed, despite the
-rising of northern Greece against the Turks, but cost the lives of
-Koenigsmark by fever and of Peter Gaspari, leader of the Athenian
-volunteers. This was the last big event of the war. The German auxiliaries
-left Greece; Morosini, recalled home by fever and the duties of his new
-office, left to his successor, Cornaro, the task of completing the conquest
-of the Morea by starving out the impregnable rock of Monemvasia in
-1690; meanwhile a military revolution at Constantinople had placed a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_415"></a>[415]</span>
-weak Sultan on the throne and a strong minister, the third of the
-Kiuprili dynasty, in power. The latter’s first act was to conciliate the
-Christians, and to appoint a Mainate, Liberakes Gerakares, then a
-prisoner in the arsenal, as bey of Maina and leader against the Venetians.
-The “first Christian prince of Greece” had served as a youth in the
-Venetian fleet; he had then turned pirate, and had during the Cretan
-war acted as a Turkish instrument in his native land. He now addressed
-a proclamation to the Athenian exiles in Salamis and Ægina, bidding
-them return to their homes and telling them that he was authorised by
-the Sultan to grant them an amnesty, at the same time threatening those
-who disobeyed his orders with condign punishment at his hands<a id="FNanchor_781" href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a>.
-Under these circumstances they thought it best to come to terms with
-their former masters. The superstitious among them attributed the
-plague, the famine, the drought, and the Turkish raids upon their
-vineyards on the continent opposite Salamis, to the curse of the
-Œcumenical Patriarch. To him, therefore, they addressed an appeal,
-drawn up by the schoolmaster, Argyros Benaldes, describing in high-flown
-language their pitiable condition and imploring with deep humility
-his forgiveness<a id="FNanchor_782" href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a>. The patriarch relented, and, probably owing to his
-mediation, the Athenian refugees were allowed, in 1690, to return.
-Several of the principal families, however, remained in voluntary exile,
-and their property was put up to auction and bought by a group of
-leading Athenians; many Athenian Greeks stayed at Nauplia till its
-recapture by the Turks in 1715; nor did all the Athenian Turks, who
-had gone to Asia Minor, return; in 1705 the town contained only 300
-Turkish families. The population was, therefore, smaller and the material
-prosperity less than before the Venetian conquest. Great damage had
-been done during the “three years” of exile in Salamis; most of the
-houses had fallen, the raiders had burned the trees, and to their fires is
-attributed the blackening of Hadrian’s Porch. In order to facilitate the
-economic recovery of Athens, the Sultan allowed it to be free from taxes
-for three years; the fortifications of the Akropolis were repaired, as a
-pompous Turkish inscription on the old Turkish entrance, dated 1708,
-long testified, while a small mosque (which collapsed in 1842) was
-erected within the Parthenon out of the ruins caused by the besiegers’
-bomb<a id="FNanchor_783" href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a>. Greek education, which had languished at Athens since Benaldes
-had been appointed schoolmaster at Nauplia and then at Patras, was
-revived by the opening of a school in 1714, while the appointment of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_416"></a>[416]</span>
-learned geographer, Meletios, as metropolitan, gave to Athens a patron
-of culture. But the reinstated exiles fell to intriguing and quarrelling
-among themselves to such a degree over their metropolitan, that the
-Patriarch of Jerusalem—for the Holy Sepulchre had many possessions
-in Attica during the Turkish period and still possesses property near
-the so-called <i>Anaphiótika</i> at Athens—wrote to them, congratulating
-them on having so wise and noble a hierarch, and bidding them for the
-honour of their famous city cast out scandals from their midst<a id="FNanchor_784" href="#Footnote_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a>. Meletios
-was specially anxious to keep out of a quarrel between his flock and the
-representative of the <i>voivode</i>, at that time an absentee, whose exactions
-provoked an Athenian deputation to Constantinople in 1712, headed by
-Demetrios Palaiologos, a local notable skilled in Turkish—a rare
-accomplishment among the Athenian Christians, for most of their
-Turkish fellow citizens spoke Greek. The chief of the black eunuchs, to
-whom Athens still belonged, not only deposed his <i>voivode</i>, but, taking
-from his secretary’s girdle his silver ink-horn, handed it to Palaiologos
-with the words, “Take this ink-horn and from to-day I appoint thee
-<i>voivode</i> of Athens.” This was the first and last occasion on which a
-<i>rayah</i> was made <i>voivode</i> of Athens. The local Turks and the local
-Christian notables alike were furious at being governed by a Christian,
-and the former assassinated him in the house of his kinsman, Palaiologos
-Benizelos<a id="FNanchor_785" href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Monemvasia was the last durable acquisition of Venice during the
-war. In 1691 the island fortress of Grabusa, off the north-western
-extremity of Crete, was betrayed by two Neapolitan officers in the
-Venetian service; next year an attempt to take Canea was frustrated by
-the old Venetian fortifications, once erected against the Turks. Liberakes
-raided the Morea, but the Moreote Greeks did not rise, as he had led
-his Turkish patrons to expect, and the fear of being cut off by the disembarkation
-of a Venetian force at the isthmus made the raiders soon
-retire. In 1693 Morosini resumed the command, but his only acts were
-to re-fortify the castle of Ægina, which he had demolished during the
-Cretan war in 1655, the cost of upkeep being paid, as long as the war
-lasted, by the Athenians, and to place it and Salamis under Malipiero
-as governor<a id="FNanchor_786" href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a>. This led the Athenians to send him a request for the
-renewal of Venetian protection and an offer of an annual tribute. His
-death at Nauplia in 1694 caused the appointment of Zeno, then governor
-of the Morea, as his successor. Zeno easily accomplished the capture<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_417"></a>[417]</span>
-of the rich island of Chios, but in the following year the island was
-abandoned. The Greek population was more favourable to the Moslems
-than to the Catholic Venetians, especially as the presence of the
-Archbishop of Naxos on board the fleet was interpreted as an intention
-to interfere with the Orthodox Church. Those Catholic Chiotes, on the
-other hand, who did not emigrate to the Morea, were dismayed at the
-departure of the Italians, and paid dearly for their brief triumph when
-the Turks returned. Four were hanged, their religion was prohibited,
-and their cathedral (whose Archbishop was compensated by the
-Venetians with the titular see of Corinth) turned into a mosque<a id="FNanchor_787" href="#Footnote_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a>. This
-was the last important event of the war in Greece. A series of naval
-battles was fought in the Ægean; and, even after the Venetians had
-abandoned the idea of operations north of the Morea, the continental
-Greeks kept up a guerilla warfare on their own account with the aid
-of Slavonian troops. Unable to make head against their combined
-efforts, Liberakes went over to the Venetians, who showed their distrust
-of the “Bey of Maina” by imprisoning him at Brescia, where he ended
-his days. In 1699, thanks to English mediation, the war ended with
-the peace of Carlovitz, by which Venice retained possession of the Morea,
-Santa Maura, and Ægina, and ceased to pay tribute for Zante, but
-restored to the Sultan her continental Greek conquests, such as Lepanto.
-The castles of Prevesa and Rumeli, the classic Antirrhion, were to be
-demolished, but Venice did not recover Grabusa. Thus the end of this
-fifteen years’ costly war found her with a Greek dominion consisting of
-the seven Ionian Islands, Butrinto and Parga in Epeiros, the two Cretan
-forts of Spinalonga and Suda, Tenos and Ægina, and the “kingdom” of
-the Morea, the whole of which, in the Middle Ages, had never been hers.</p>
-
-<p>When the Venetians set to work to re-organise the Morea, they
-found their new conquest devastated and depopulated<a id="FNanchor_788" href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a>. Much of the
-land had gone out of cultivation, for there were not hands enough to
-till it, and the war and the plague had aggravated the evils engendered
-by the long period of Turkish rule. As early as 1687 they took the first<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_418"></a>[418]</span>
-step to improve the condition of their new colony by sending three
-commissioners with instructions to make a survey of the country, its
-mills, fisheries, mines and other resources, and in 1688 sent Cornaro
-as its first governor, or <i>provveditore generale</i>. He estimated the total
-population, exclusive of Maina and the district of Corinth, to be only
-86,468, as against 200,000, exclusive of garrisons and foreigners, before
-the war; Michiel, one of the three commissioners, puts it, without Maina,
-at 97,118, of whom 3577 were Turks converted to Christianity from
-interested motives, who required careful watching. Out of 2111
-villages the war and the plague had laid desolate 656, and Cornaro could
-not find a living soul between Patras and Kalavryta. Under the
-Venetian rule the population gradually rose to more than it had been
-in the Turkish time—to 116,000 in 1692, to 176,844 in 1701, to over
-250,000 in 1708. These figures were probably below the mark, owing to
-the characteristically oriental dislike of the natives to be numbered—a
-proceeding regarded as the prelude to that accurate taxation which
-has never been popular in the Near East. The increase was partly due
-to emigration from the neighbouring Turkish provinces and the Ionian
-Islands. Besides the Athenians, mostly congregated at Nauplia, there
-were the Chiote exiles at Modon, Thebans and Lepantines (after the
-peace), Cretans from Canea and even Bulgarians. Cornaro alone in his
-two years of office was successful in inducing 6000 emigrants to enter
-the Morea, where he gave them lands between Patras and Aigion and at
-Kalavryta, and promised them exemption from taxes. Ere long there
-was no one in the Morea who had not his house, his mill, and his bit
-of land—a thing very rare among the Christians of Turkey—and even
-the Athenians, the flower of the emigrants, were admittedly much better
-off than they had been at home. Only material welfare does not satisfy
-the whole nature of man, else <i>ubi bene, ibi patria</i> would have been an
-easy solution of many Balkan questions.</p>
-
-<p>The population during the Venetian occupation was mixed. The
-majority was, of course, overwhelmingly Greek, but there was considerable
-difference between the Greeks of the various districts, as in
-classical times. The Moreotes did not like “foreigners,” in which
-designation, like the modern Italian peasants, they included people of
-their own race from other parts of Greece. The natives of Elis were
-specially hostile to “strangers,” whereas their neighbours in Achaia,
-from their commerce with the Ionian Islands, tolerated “foreigners.”
-The Venetians did not give the Moreotes in general a very good character,
-but the faults which they attributed to them were not due to a double
-dose of original sin, but to the effects of long years of Turkish rule. They<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_419"></a>[419]</span>
-are described in the Venetian reports as suspicious, lazy, and inclined
-to speak evil of each other. Suspicion is a common quality of southern
-nations, and laziness was excusable under the Turkish system, when the
-industrious man was punished by being heavily mulcted in the fruits
-of his industry. With the Turkish dress the Greeks retained the Turkish
-maxims, but it was noticed that the women of Monemvasia had preserved
-from the previous Venetian occupation the old Venetian dress. The
-Arkadians were “rustics and truly Arkadian, but full of wiles,” and
-there was considerable polish at Kalamata. The Cretans were an
-exception; brought up under Venetian rule for centuries, they were
-very industrious. The Ionians were restless, but more cultured than the
-Moreotes, of whom the most civilised were the townsfolk of Mistra, who
-“dressed and lived with more splendour than the others, boasting to
-be the remnant of the true Spartan blood.” All the people of the country
-round Mistra were pure Greeks, but the town contained over 400 Jews,
-whose descendants Chateaubriand<a id="FNanchor_789" href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> found there in 1806, and whose
-compatriots’ funeral inscriptions I noticed in the museum there. The
-Jewish element in the Morea was, however, small—it was a poor country—and
-the only other Hebrew colonies were at Nauplia and Patras.
-Truth was not the strong point of the Naupliotes, but they were loyal
-to Venice, as were from the first the Mainates, who abhorred the very
-name of the Turks, of whom the other Greeks stood in awe, but had a
-rooted objection to paying taxes, always went armed, and “professed
-to observe still the institutes of Lycurgus,” of which the chief was
-apparently the blood-feud. Besides the Greeks and the Jews, both
-chiefly occupied with trade, there were the Albanians, mostly agriculturists
-and specially numerous in the province of Romania, men of fine
-physique but hating war. Indeed, with the exception of the Mainates
-and some of the emigrants from Northern Greece, the population was
-essentially pacific and relied upon its foreign rulers to defend it. It was,
-however, litigious, and this natural tendency was increased by a
-“hungry crowd of small lawyers, partly from the Ionian Islands, partly
-from the Venetian bar,” who became the curse of the Morea.</p>
-
-<p>The Venetians divided the peninsula at first into six provinces and
-seven fiscal boards, but the number of the provinces was reduced to
-four, viz. Romania (capital Nauplia), Lakonia (capital Monemvasia),
-Messenia (capital Navarino Nuovo), and Achaia (capital Patras). Each
-province had a <i>provveditore</i> for its administration and defence, a judicial
-official known as <i>rettore</i>, and a treasurer, or <i>camerlengo</i>. There were also
-<i>provveditori</i> in seven places which were not provincial capitals, viz.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_420"></a>[420]</span>
-Mistra, Kalavryta, Phanari, Gastouni, Koron, Modon and Zarnata.
-Above them all stood the <i>provveditore generale</i>. None of these officials,
-as we see from Hopf’s lists<a id="FNanchor_790" href="#Footnote_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a>, held office for more than two or three years,
-according to the usual Venetian system; but they were not new to the
-task of governing Greeks. The government was, therefore, experienced,
-but still wholly in foreign hands, although Morosini allowed a few
-communities to manage their local affairs, and Maina enjoyed practical
-independence. This liberal concession was not, however, altogether
-successful. “Every castle, almost every village, aspired to erect itself
-into a republic,” wrote one of the governors-general, and these petty
-communes begged Venice to send them a Venetian noble, in order that
-they might pose as the equals of the provincial capitals, even offering
-to pay his salary for the advantage conferred by his presence. Moreover,
-persons suddenly promoted from the status of Turkish <i>rayah</i> to be local
-magnates, were not always disposed to treat the Greek peasants upon
-democratic principles, but rather upon those by which they had been
-treated themselves. An emancipated slave is apt to be a slave-driver.</p>
-
-<p>One important privilege was granted to the communities from
-political motives—the election of the Orthodox bishops. Of all the
-difficulties, which Venice had to face, the greatest was the Œcumenical
-Patriarch, an official, who, being resident in the Turkish capital, was
-perforce a Turkish agent, and who, before this reform, had named the
-nineteen Moreote bishops and the abbots of the <i>stavropégia</i>—monasteries
-directly dependent upon him. These, in 1701, formed 26 out of the total
-of 158 (with 1367 monks). The Patriarch’s patronage had, therefore,
-been considerable, and his influence, even apart from Turkish pressure,
-was unlikely to be used in favour of a Catholic government. But this
-was not his only loss. Before the Venetian conquest, one-half of the
-Epiphany and Easter offerings of the priests and people—3 reals for
-every priest in the diocese and ¼ real for every household—had gone to
-the bishop, and one-half to the Patriarch. Morosini reduced these
-offerings, the <i>philótimo</i> as it was called, by about one-half, at the same
-time ordering that the whole of it should be given to the local bishop and
-nothing to the Patriarch. The Patriarch, thus injured in both his powers
-and his purse, threatened to excommunicate such communes as elected
-their own bishops. To this the Venetian governor-general, Grimani,
-retorted by forbidding the entry of the patriarchal exarch into the
-Morea; but his duties, mainly those of a tax-collector, were quietly
-undertaken by the Metropolitan of Patras, while the Patriarch became
-as anxious as the Turks to turn the Venetians out of the country.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_421"></a>[421]</span>
-Unfortunately, these disadvantages of a well-meant reform were not
-accompanied by corresponding benefits. Simony continued to be rife,
-and unsuitable persons were often chosen as bishops by the communities.
-Nor was the Patriarch the only external influence over the
-Moreote church, for there were some twenty-four <i>metóchia</i>, or “monastic
-farms” belonging to monasteries in Turkish territory, which not only
-sent money out of the country to swell the enemy’s revenues, but were
-centres of political propaganda and smuggling. These difficulties were
-not peculiar to the Venetians: they likewise faced the Bavarian regency.
-The Venetian official reports show a consciousness of the policy of
-conciliation towards the church of the vast mass of the people. For the
-Catholics, outside the Venetian garrison, were few, except at Nauplia
-and among the Chiote exiles at Modon. Indeed, the former Archbishop
-of Chios was the first Catholic Archbishop of the Venetian Morea; and
-his successor, Mgr. Carlini, whose see was Corinth but who resided at
-Nauplia, was the only Catholic prelate in the whole kingdom; even as
-late as 1714 the Morea contained only one Catholic bishop. We find,
-however, the Greeks sending their children to the friars’ school to learn
-Italian and the rudiments of Latin, and there was a scheme for founding
-a college at Tripolitsa. Unfortunately the ministers of religion, as
-Cornaro epigrammatically wrote, seemed sometimes to be sent to the
-Morea “rather as a punishment for their own sins than to correct the
-sins of others.”</p>
-
-<p>Materially, the Venetian administration marked an advance, as the
-foreign occupation of Turkish territory always does, but trade was
-handicapped by the selfish colonial policy of Venice. Upon the Morea,
-“a poor country without industries or manufacture,” the Turks had
-imposed thirteen taxes, of which five (the <i>haratch</i>, a further local
-capitation-tax, called <i>spenza</i>, the duty on horses’ shoes, the tax on
-absentee landlords, and the burden of providing and transporting food
-for the army at half price) fell upon the Christians alone, while the others
-(such as the tithe and the taxes on animals) were common to both them
-and the Turks. Thus, out of a total of 1,699,000 reals, the Christians
-paid 1,350,300, besides what was illegally extorted from them. The
-Venetians raised their revenue from tithes of all agricultural produce,
-taxes on wine, spirits, oil and tobacco, the usual Italian system of a salt
-monopoly, customs dues, and the Crown lands. Careful management
-and increased prosperity increased the revenue, only 280,000 reals in
-1689, to 500,501 in 1711. The farming of the tithes was entrusted to the
-communes, but the Mainates refused to pay tithes, consenting, however,
-to pay, although reluctantly, a fixed tribute called <i>mactù</i>. The salt<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_422"></a>[422]</span>
-monopoly was a hardship, because, although the price was low, a
-peasant living near the chief salt-pans at Thermisi was not allowed to
-buy his salt on the spot, but had to make a long journey to some distant
-magazine. Agriculture improved after the peace of Carlovitz and the
-fortification of Nauplia, when it became clear that Venice intended to
-stay and security of tenure was thus assured. But the customs dues
-yielded little, because the Republic forbade the creation of industries
-likely to compete with those of Venice, and compelled the Moreotes to
-send every article to that city. English merchants, therefore, found it
-cheaper to trade with Turkey, and the governors-general in vain pointed
-out the folly of this commercial policy, which caused the decline of such
-industries as that of silk at Mistra, until it was revived by the Chiote
-exiles at Modon. As the foreign garrison could not stomach the resinous
-wine, and began to import foreign vintages, efforts were made to extend
-and improve the local vineyards. The currant, which is now successfully
-cultivated along the Moreote shore of the Corinthian Gulf, had, indeed,
-been known in the peninsula as far back as the fourteenth century, when
-it is mentioned by Pegalotti<a id="FNanchor_791" href="#Footnote_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a>; but it was not till after the Turkish reconquest
-that it was grown and exported in large quantities for the
-consumption of northern races. Even with these drawbacks, however,
-and the burden of having to contribute to the maintenance of Cerigo
-and Ægina, both united administratively with the Morea since the peace,
-the peninsula not only paid all the expenses of administration but
-furnished a substantial balance to the naval defence of the Republic,
-in which it was directly interested. Land defence was a more difficult
-question. Of the natives only the Mainates wanted to be soldiers, nor
-could the Greeks be trusted with arms, while French consuls, anxious
-to weaken Venice, encouraged French mercenaries, as at Suda and
-Spinalonga<a id="FNanchor_792" href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a>, to desert her service.</p>
-
-<p>The fact was that, like Great Britain in the Ionian Islands and Cyprus,
-and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia and the Herzegovina, Venice had
-improved the administration, without winning the love of her alien
-subjects. Foreign domination, even under the most favourable circumstances,
-never succeeds in satisfying the Balkan races, whose
-national feelings are keenly developed. The Venetian governors, as their
-reports show, were well-meaning men, but they were aliens in race and
-religion to the governed. Even had their administration been perfect,
-that fact alone would have rendered it unpopular after the first feeling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_423"></a>[423]</span>
-of relief at the expulsion of the Turkish yoke was over. Liberated
-peoples, especially in the Near East, expect much from their western
-administrators, while, as we know in Egypt, the evils of the old corrupt
-rule are soon forgotten. It was so in the Morea. Thus, in 1710, the
-French traveller, De La Motraye<a id="FNanchor_793" href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a>, found the Greeks of Modon “praying
-for their return under Turkish domination, and envying the lot of those
-Greeks who still lived under it.” This was partly due to the lightness of
-the Turkish capitation-tax, and they added: “Venetian soldiers are
-quartered on us, their officers debauch our wives and daughters, their
-priests speak against our religion and constantly urge us to embrace
-theirs, which the Turks never did.” Besides, the Greeks had a feeling,
-justified by the result, that Turkey was stronger than Venice, and therefore
-desired to be on the winning side, and thus avoid reprisals. Even
-the rough-and-ready Turkish justice, which was administered with the
-stick, seemed to one Venetian governor to be more suited to the people
-than the interminable Venetian procedure, presided over by ignorant
-young nobles, assisted by venal clerks. Thus the poor suitor fared badly,
-for the governor-general could not be ubiquitous. Public safety,
-however, improved; as the local policeman was often a brigand, a local
-militia was organised by the communes, and a notoriously dangerous
-pass, like that of Makryplagi, through which the railway now descends
-to Kalamata, was guarded by the men of the neighbouring villages, who
-were authorised to levy a small toll from the travellers. Crime diminished,
-and it rarely became necessary to apply the penalty of death. With the
-Mainates, in particular, mildness and diplomacy were the only possible
-methods. Luxury, however, and moral depravation crept into Nauplia,
-the Venetian capital of the Morea, and the historian, Diedo<a id="FNanchor_794" href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a>, wrote that
-“in magnificence and pomp it had no cause to envy the most cultured
-capitals.” Sternly practical people, the Venetians did nothing for the
-classical antiquities of the Peloponnese; indeed, Grimani turned the
-amphitheatre of Corinth into a lazaretto; but the Venetian occupation
-spread abroad the names of the classic sites, and the various illustrated
-books upon the Morea and other parts of Greece, which were rapidly
-turned out from Coronelli’s “workshop,” were at once the result and
-the cause of the popular curiosity about this once famous land, which
-had emerged, thanks to Morosini’s victories, from Turkish darkness into
-the light of day.</p>
-
-<p>As early as 1711 the Venetian government had been warned that
-Turkey was eager to recover the Morea, the loss of which was severely
-felt; yet no preparations were made to meet the coming storm, but most<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_424"></a>[424]</span>
-of the fortresses were left in a bad condition. Nothing had been done
-since 1696 to protect the isthmus, and Palamedi at Nauplia alone had
-been fortified at immense cost with those splendid works which still
-remain, with an occasional abandoned cannon of 1685 on the “Fig Fort,”
-a memorial of the Venetian occupation. Each of its bulwarks bore the
-name of a famous Venetian—Morosini, Sagredo and Grimani—and an
-inscription over the gate contains the date—1712—of its completion<a id="FNanchor_795" href="#Footnote_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a>.
-There were not, however, sufficient men to defend it; indeed, when war
-was declared the total army in the Morea consisted of only 10,735 men,
-while the fleet consisted of only eleven galleys and eight armed ships.
-In 1714, after having defeated Russia and renewed their treaty with
-Poland, the Turks had their hands free to attack the enemy, against
-whom their own desire for revenge and French commercial jealousy
-urged them. The moment seemed favourable, with Russia not yet
-recovered from her late Turkish war and pledged not to make an alliance
-with Venice, with the Moreote Greeks “desirous to return” (so the war-party
-argued) “to their old obedience.” Both sides could rely, it was
-true, on spiritual help; but the support of Pope Clement XI was less
-valuable than the threat of the Œcumenical Patriarch to excommunicate
-all Greeks who fought for the schismatic Republic, which had curtailed
-his revenues and privileges. An excuse for war was easily found: Venice,
-it was pretended, had supplied the Montenegrins with arms and money
-and received their bishop, Danilo I, at Cattaro. In vain the Republic
-hoped for the Emperor’s mediation, and hastily sent munitions and
-provisions to the Morea. It was decided to abandon all places except
-Nauplia, Argos, Monemvasia, Modon, Koron, Kielefa, Zarnata, and the
-castle of the Morea—the corresponding castle on the opposite side of
-the Corinthian Gulf had been re-fortified by Turkey in defiance of the
-treaty of Carlovitz—and to demolish both Navarinos. It was, however,
-too late.</p>
-
-<p>The campaign of 1715 was an unbroken series of striking successes
-for the Turkish army of over 100,000 men and the large fleet. The first
-blow was the loss of Tenos, a Venetian colony since 1390, whose cowardly
-commander, Balbi, capitulated at the first summons of the Turkish
-admiral, subsequently expiating his conduct by imprisonment for life.
-Its naturally strong fortress of San Nicolo, which Tournefort<a id="FNanchor_796" href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> fifteen
-years before had found garrisoned by “fourteen ragged soldiers, of whom
-seven were French deserters,” contained abundant food and ammunition;
-the Teniotes, so predominantly Catholics, that the place was called
-“the Pope’s island,” were loyal to Venice and formed an excellent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_425"></a>[425]</span>
-militia, which had repulsed the Turkish admiral, Mezzomorto, in the
-late war; and this solitary Venetian island had been regarded as “a
-thorn in the centre of the Turkish empire.” The Turkish army, under
-Ali Kamurgi, aided by many Greek militia-men from the northern shores
-of the gulf, crossed the isthmus and besieged Corinth. Minotto, who
-“held in Corinth’s towers the Doge’s delegated powers,” resisted a five
-days’ bombardment, although the Greek non-combatants desired to
-save their property by surrender, before he capitulated on condition
-that the garrison was transported to Corfù. But an explosion in the
-fortress, ascribed by Byron in <i>The Siege of Corinth</i> to Minotto himself,
-but perhaps due to accident, led the Janissaries to massacre the Venetians
-and Greeks. Minotto was carried off as a slave to Smyrna, where he
-was ransomed by the wife of the Dutch consul<a id="FNanchor_797" href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a>; the Greek prisoners
-were sold “like cattle.” This frightened the Moreotes into submission
-and encouraged the Æginetans to invoke the aid of the Turkish admiral,
-to whom the commander, Bembo, surrendered the island without
-resistance. The fact that the Turkish general paid for provisions, while
-the Venetians had commandeered them, enlisted the interests, and
-therefore the sympathies, of the Moreote peasantry, and excited the
-surprise of the French interpreter, Brue, who has left a diary of his
-experiences in this campaign. Nauplia was the next objective of the
-invaders. The poet Manthos of Joannina, who was there when it fell,
-expressed the current belief of the Greeks (of whom, however, few could
-be induced even by high pay, to aid in the defence) that the strongly
-fortified capital of the Venetian Morea was betrayed by De La Salle
-(or Sala), a French officer in the Venetian service, who had sent the
-plans of Palamedi to Negroponte. Over a century later the traitor’s
-ruined house was pointed out to Emerson, the historian<a id="FNanchor_798" href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a>. It had been
-pulled down and an “anathema” of stones raised on the site, upon
-which no one dared to build till 1859; it was called “Sala’s threshing-floor”
-and used for drying clothes. After a brief resistance Palamedi,
-on which so much had been spent, was stormed, and the storming-party
-thence entered the town. The captors showed special fury against the
-Catholics, whose Archbishop, Carlini, was among the slain. The capture
-of Nauplia so greatly delighted Ahmed III, that he came to see the place,
-visiting Athens on his way—the first and last time that a Sultan set
-foot there since Mohammed II—and, according to a legend, presenting
-the gardens of Phaleron to his body-guard<a id="FNanchor_799" href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a>. The garrisons of Modon and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_426"></a>[426]</span>
-the castle of the Morea mutinied, and refused to defend those fortresses;
-worse still was the “ignominious surrender” of the strong and well-provisioned
-rock of Monemvasia by its boastful governor, Badoer,
-without firing a shot, at the first summons of the Turkish admiral, who
-subsequently admitted that he could not have taken it. Meanwhile the
-Venetian fleet remained inactive off Sapienza, because, as its admiral
-pleaded, he did not wish to add a defeat on sea to that on land! The
-Morea was now lost; even Maina submitted. But the commanders of
-the two surviving Cretan forts of Suda and Spinalonga were resolute men.
-Under the circumstances—for Suda’s defences were judged defective,
-and the French consul at Canea aided the Turkish admiral with his
-advice and local knowledge<a id="FNanchor_800" href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a>—the small garrison did well to hold out
-till September 25, when it honourably capitulated. Spinalonga then
-surrendered without a siege, and the last fragment of Venetian rule in
-Crete was gone. The Sultan was as much pleased at the taking of these
-two places as at the reconquest of the Morea. Cerigo and Cerigotto next
-hoisted the white flag, and Venice was so much alarmed for the safety
-of Corfù, that she blew up the recent fortifications of Santa Maura and
-temporarily abandoned that island. The Turks occupied Butrinto and
-threatened Corfù; but the bravery of Schulenburg defended the latter
-and recovered the former and Santa Maura in 1716, and took Prevesa
-and Vonitza in 1717. An alliance with the Emperor, alarmed at the
-effect of the Turkish successes upon his Hungarian subjects, saved
-Venice from further losses; Great Britain offered her mediation, and
-the peace of Passarovitz in 1718 gave her back Cerigo and Cerigotto, and
-allowed her to keep Butrinto, Santa Maura, Prevesa and Vonitza. The
-nett result of the two wars, in which she had kept and lost the Morea,
-was that, as against the loss of Tenos and the three Cretan forts, which
-she held in 1684, she had to set off the possession of Santa Maura and
-the two places on the Ambrakian gulf in 1718. She had “consolidated”
-her Levantine dominion: Cerigo was now her farthest possession. But
-in her case, as in that of Turkey in our own time, “consolidation”
-meant decline. From that date she ceased to count as a factor in Greek
-affairs, except in the Ionian Islands and their continental dependencies.</p>
-
-<p>The collapse of her power in the Morea in a hundred and one days
-proved that Venice was unable to defend the Greeks, whom she had
-never won over to her rule. But, although she had not gained their love,
-her administration had not been without some lasting benefits to them.
-The example of Venice, despite the venality of her judges, forced the
-Turks to treat their Greek subjects better, and agriculture and wine<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_427"></a>[427]</span>
-growing were improved. The Venetian occupation of the Morea had the
-same effect upon the Greeks as the twenty-one years’ Austrian occupation
-of Serbia from 1718 to 1739 upon the Serbs; it spread a higher
-degree of material civilisation. But even the most benevolent and most
-efficient government by foreigners—and a modern Greek historian has
-attributed both good intentions and efficiency to the Venetians—is
-bound to fail when national consciousness begins to awaken. After the
-Venetians went, the Greeks prepared to fight, not to substitute the rule
-of one foreign power for that of another but for independence, not for
-Venice, or Turkey, or Russia, but for Greece. The younger generations,
-which had grown up under Venetian auspices, were manlier and better
-than those which had only known Turkish rule. If Venice contributed
-thereby to preparing the way for the war of independence, it was her
-greatest service to the Greeks.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_428"></a>[428]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_429"></a>[429]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="VII_MISCELLANEA_FROM_THE_NEAR_EAST">VII. MISCELLANEA FROM THE NEAR EAST</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<h3 id="heading22">1. VALONA</h3>
-
-<p>The late Italian occupation of Valona has drawn attention to what
-has been called one of the two keys of the Adriatic. It may,
-therefore, be of interest to trace the history of this important strategic
-position, which has been held by no less than twelve different masters.</p>
-
-<p>The name αὐλών, “a hollow between hills,” was applied to various
-places in antiquity, and from the accusative of this word comes the
-Italian form “Valona,” or, as the Venetians often wrote it, “Avalona.”
-In antiquity there were, however, few allusions to this particular αὐλών,
-the probable date of its foundation being, therefore, fairly late, although
-the pitch-mine of Selenitza, three hours to the east, was worked by the
-Romans in the time of Ovid<a id="FNanchor_801" href="#Footnote_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a>, and Pliny the Elder<a id="FNanchor_802" href="#Footnote_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> knew the now famous
-island of Saseno, to which both Lucan<a id="FNanchor_803" href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> and Silius Italicus<a id="FNanchor_804" href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a> allude, as
-a pirate resort. But there is no mention of Valona till the second half
-of the second century <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, when Ptolemy<a id="FNanchor_805" href="#Footnote_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a> describes it as “a city and
-harbour.” It subsequently occurs several times in the Antonine,
-Maritime and Jerusalem Itineraries<a id="FNanchor_806" href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a>, and in the Synekdemos of
-Hierokles<a id="FNanchor_807" href="#Footnote_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a>; whereas Kanina, the little town on the hill above it, which
-may have been its akropolis, was “built,” according to Leake<a id="FNanchor_808" href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a>, “upon
-a Hellenic site,” and identified by Pouqueville<a id="FNanchor_809" href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> with Œneus, the fortress
-taken by Perseus during the third Macedonian war, and probably
-destroyed by Æmilius Paullus, which would thus explain its long disappearance
-from history.</p>
-
-<p>Despite the importance of its position as a port of transit between
-Rome and Constantinople, Valona is rarely named even by Byzantine
-historians before the eleventh century. Bishops of Valona, who were
-at different times suffragans of Durazzo or Ochrida, are mentioned in
-458, in 553, and in 519, when the legates sent by Pope Hormisdas to
-Constantinople were received by the then occupant of the See<a id="FNanchor_810" href="#Footnote_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a>. It was
-there that Peter, Justinian’s envoy, met those of Theodatus, the two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_430"></a>[430]</span>
-Roman Senators, Liberius and Opilio, and learnt what had befallen
-Amalasuntha, the prisoner of Bolsena<a id="FNanchor_811" href="#Footnote_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a>. Constantine Porphyrogenitus<a id="FNanchor_812" href="#Footnote_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a>
-merely enumerates it as one of the cities comprised in the Theme of
-Dyrrachium. Possibly it was one of the Byzantine harbours between
-Corfù and the Drin, which escaped temporary absorption in the
-Bulgarian Empire of Symeon (<i>c.</i> 917). But Kanina was included in that
-of the other great Bulgarian Tsar Samuel (976-1014), until Basil II,
-“the Bulgar-slayer,” overthrew that powerful monarch<a id="FNanchor_813" href="#Footnote_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a>, and it is,
-therefore, probable that Valona too was for a brief space a Bulgarian
-port. The Sicilian expeditions against Greece in the eleventh and twelfth
-centuries naturally brought Valona into prominence as a landing-place
-for troops. Anna Comnena<a id="FNanchor_814" href="#Footnote_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a> frequently mentions it. Thus, in 1081,
-Bohemund, son of Robert Guiscard, took and burnt Kanina, Valona,
-and Jericho, as the ancient harbour of Eurychos (the Porto Raguseo
-of the Italians) was then called; Robert was nearly shipwrecked in a
-storm off Cape Glossa, and later on spent two months in the haven of
-Jericho. When he left Albania in 1082 he bestowed Valona upon
-Bohemund, and when he made his second and fatal expedition in 1084
-it was to Valona that he crossed from Otranto. Trade privileges at
-Valona (renewed by subsequent Emperors in 1126, 1148 and 1187)
-formed part of the price which the Emperor Alexios I paid for the
-assistance of the Venetian fleet in this contest<a id="FNanchor_815" href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a>. It was there that the
-Greek Admiral Kontostephanos watched for Bohemund’s return, and
-shortly afterwards we find Michael Kekaumenos, Imperial governor of
-Valona, Jericho and Kanina. In 1149, after the capture of Corfù,
-Manuel II went to Valona, and encamped there several days before
-sailing for Sicily to punish King Roger for his attack upon Greece. He
-landed on the islet of Aeironesion (identified by Pouqueville and
-Professor Lampros with Saseno); but storms prevented his “punitive
-expedition,” so he left Valona by land for Pelagonia<a id="FNanchor_816" href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The fourth crusade, which led to the dismemberment of the Greek
-Empire, consequently affected the Adriatic coast. The partition treaty
-of 1204 assigned to Venice the province of Durazzo, which included
-Valona, as well as Albania, and in the following year the Venetian
-<i>podestà</i> at Constantinople formally transferred these possessions to the
-Republic, which sent Marino Valaresso with the title of “Duke” to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_431"></a>[431]</span>
-govern Durazzo. But meanwhile Michael I Angelos had established in
-western Greece the independent Hellenic principality known as the
-Despotat of Epeiros, which included both “Old” and “New” Epeiros
-(in the latter of which was Valona), extending from Naupaktos to
-Durazzo, and which he agreed in 1210 to hold as a nominal fief of Venice,
-from the river Shkumbi, south of Durazzo, to Naupaktos, paying a
-yearly rent, and promising to grant to the Venetian merchants a special
-quarter in every town of his dominions, freedom from taxes, and
-assistance in case of need against the Albanians<a id="FNanchor_817" href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a>. Thus Valona for fifty-three
-years formed an integral part of the Greek Despotat of Epeiros.</p>
-
-<p>The mutual rivalry of the two Greek states which had arisen out
-of the ruins of the Byzantine Empire—the Empire of Nicæa and the
-Despotat of Epeiros—suggested to the ill-fated Manfred of Sicily that
-he might recover the ephemeral conquests of the Sicilian Normans on
-the eastern shores of the Adriatic. In 1257, while Michael II of Epeiros
-was at war with the Nicene troops, he occupied Valona, Durazzo, Berat,
-the Spinarza hills (near the mouth of the Vojussa, or perhaps Svernetsi
-on the lagoon of Valona), and their appurtenances; and Michael, desirous
-of securing Manfred as an ally against his Greek rival, made a virtue
-of necessity by conferring these places together with the hand of his
-daughter Helen upon the King of Sicily on the occasion of their marriage<a id="FNanchor_818" href="#Footnote_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a>
-in 1259. Manfred wisely appointed as governor of his trans-Adriatic
-possessions a man with experience of the East, Filippo Chinardo, a
-Cypriote Frank, and his High Admiral. Indeed, when Manfred fell in
-battle at Benevento, fighting against Charles I of Anjou, in 1266,
-Chinardo, who married Michael II’s sister-in-law and received Kanina
-as her dowry, continued to hold his late master’s Epeirote dominions,
-but later in the same year was assassinated at the instigation of the
-crafty Despot<a id="FNanchor_819" href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a>. The latter had doubtless hoped, now that his son-in-law
-was no more, to re-occupy the places which had been his daughter’s and
-his sister-in-law’s dowries. But a new claimant now appeared upon the
-scene. The fugitive Latin Emperor of Constantinople, Baldwin II, by
-the treaty of Viterbo in 1267 ceded to Charles I of Anjou “all the land
-which the Despot Michael gave, handed over and conceded as dowry
-or by whatsoever title to his daughter Helen, widow of the late Manfred,
-formerly Prince of Taranto, and which the said Manfred and the late
-Filippo Chinardo (who acted as Admiral of the said realm) held during<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_432"></a>[432]</span>
-their lives<a id="FNanchor_820" href="#Footnote_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a>.” The Sicilian garrisons of Valona, Kanina and Berat held
-out, however, against both Michael II and Charles I, the latter of whom
-was for some years too much occupied with Italian affairs to intervene
-actively beyond the Adriatic. Accordingly, a devoted follower of
-Chinardo, Giacomo di Balsignano (near Bari), remained independent
-as castellan of Valona; but in 1269 Charles, having made this man’s
-brother a prisoner in Italy, declined to release him at the request of
-Prince William of Achaia, unless Valona were surrendered. Although
-he actually named one of his own supporters to take Balsignano’s place,
-that officer held out at Valona for four years more, when he handed over
-Valona, but was at once re-appointed castellan of both Valona and
-Kanina by Charles. Thus, in 1273, began the effective rule of the
-Angevins over Valona. In the following year, the Italian castellan
-received fiefs in Southern Italy in exchange for Valona and Kanina, and
-a Frenchman, Henri de Courcelles, was appointed in his stead<a id="FNanchor_821" href="#Footnote_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a>. Chinardo’s
-heirs, who had at first been allowed to live on at Valona, were imprisoned
-at Trani.</p>
-
-<p>The Angevins attached considerable importance to Valona, especially
-from a military point of view. Frequent mention is made of the castle
-in the Angevin documents; Greek fire was deposited there, its well is
-the subject of several inquiries, and it served as a base for Charles I’s
-designs upon the Greek Empire, which were cut short by the Sicilian
-Vespers. The chief Angevin officials were a castellan (usually a Frenchman,
-<i>e.g.</i> Dreux de Vaux), a treasurer, and more rarely a “captain” of
-the town, who was subordinate to the castellan, who was in his turn
-under the Captain and Vicar-General of Albania. The garrison sometimes
-consisted of Saracens from Lucera, and its fidelity could not always be
-trusted, for a commission was on one occasion sent over to inquire
-whether it had sold munitions to the Greek enemies of the Angevins.
-Nor was the harbour, which the Venetians frequented, free from pirates<a id="FNanchor_822" href="#Footnote_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a>.
-After the death of the vigorous Despot Michael II, it was not so much
-from his feeble successor, Nikephoros I of Epeiros, as from the able and
-energetic Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, that the Angevins had to
-fear attacks upon Valona, especially after the defeat of their army and
-the capture of its commander at Berat in 1281. There is no documentary
-evidence of the presence of any Angevin governor after 1284 at Valona,
-which, between that date and 1297, when we find a certain “Calemanus”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_433"></a>[433]</span>
-described as “Duke” of the Spinarza district, and, therefore, almost
-certainly of Valona also, must have been occupied by the Byzantines<a id="FNanchor_823" href="#Footnote_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a>.
-Nevertheless, the Angevins continued to regard the Epeirote lands of
-Manfred and Chinardo as theirs on paper. They are mentioned in the
-ratification of the treaty of Viterbo by the titular Latin Empress
-Catherine in 1294, by which they were confirmed to King Charles II,
-who in the same year transferred them to his son Philip of Taranto<a id="FNanchor_824" href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a>,
-then about to marry Thamar, daughter and heiress of the Despot
-Nikephoros I of Epeiros.</p>
-
-<p>The Byzantines evidently attached considerable importance to
-Valona and its district, for the successive Byzantine governors were
-men of family and position: Andronikos Asan Palaiologos, subsequently
-governor of the Byzantine province in the Morea, who was son of the
-Bulgarian Tsar, John Asên III, connected with the reigning imperial
-family, and father-in-law of the future Emperor John Cantacuzene;
-Constantine Palaiologos, son of Andronikos II; and a Laskaris<a id="FNanchor_825" href="#Footnote_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a>. Under
-these exalted personages were minor officials, such as George Ganza, a
-friend of the Despot Thomas of Epeiros, and his son Nicholas, who
-successively held the office of Admiral of Valona for over twenty years,
-while the latter on one occasion grandiloquently styles himself <i>protosevastos
-et protovestiarius et primus camerlengus</i> of the Emperor; the
-<i>sevastos</i> Theodore Lykoudas, and Michael Malagaris, prefect of the castle
-of Kanina<a id="FNanchor_826" href="#Footnote_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a>. During this second Byzantine period, when Valona was
-<i>civitas Imperatoris Grecorum</i> (as a document styles it), there was a
-considerable trade with both Ragusa and Venice, and a colony of
-resident Venetian merchants there. Occasionally, however, serious
-quarrels arose between the Ganza family and the Ragusans and
-Venetians, who demanded satisfaction from the Emperor, and on one
-occasion Ganza’s son was killed. That there was likewise traffic with the
-opposite Italian coast is clear from King Robert of Naples’ repeated
-orders to his subjects to export nothing to a place which belonged to the
-hostile Byzantine Empire, and to which the Angevins still maintained
-their claims. For as late as 1328 Philip of Taranto named a certain
-Raimond de Termes commander of Berat and Valona<a id="FNanchor_827" href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a>, and death alone
-prevented him and his brother, John of Gravina, who in 1332 received<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_434"></a>[434]</span>
-the kingdom of Albania with the town of Durazzo in exchange for the
-principality of the Morea, from prosecuting the Angevin claims. The
-Albanians, however, rose and attacked Berat and Kanina in 1335, but
-were speedily suppressed by Andronikos III, the first Emperor who had
-visited Albania since Manuel I<a id="FNanchor_828" href="#Footnote_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>But a more formidable enemy than Angevins or Albanians now
-threatened Valona. The great Serbian Tsar, Stephen Dushan, was now
-making Serbia the dominant power of the Balkan peninsula, and the
-value of the harbour of Valona and the castle of Kanina could scarcely
-escape the notice of that remarkable man. An entry in a Serbian psalter
-informs us that the Serbs took Valona and Kanina<a id="FNanchor_829" href="#Footnote_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a> in the last four
-months of 1345 or in the early months of 1346, and Serbian they
-remained till the Turkish conquest. Dushan, like the Byzantines,
-showed his appreciation of these places by appointing as governor of
-Valona, Kanina and Berat his brother-in-law, John Comnenos Asên,
-brother of the Bulgarian Tsar, John Alexander. This Serbian governor,
-a Bulgar by birth, married Anna Palaiologina, widow of the Despot
-John II of Epeiros, and mother of the last Despot of Epeiros, Nikephoros
-II, and became so far Hellenised as to take the name of Comnenos
-(borne by the Greek Despots of Epeiros, whose successor he pretended
-to be, and whose title of “Despot” he adopted), and to sign his name in
-Greek in the two Slav documents which he has bequeathed to us<a id="FNanchor_830" href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a>.
-Although, like his predecessors, he preyed upon Venetian and other
-shipping at Valona, for which the mighty Serbian Tsar paid compensation,
-he became a Venetian citizen<a id="FNanchor_831" href="#Footnote_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a>, and was allowed to obtain weapons
-in Venice for the defence of Cheimarra and its port of Palermo from
-Sicilian pirates<a id="FNanchor_832" href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a>. After the death of Dushan and in the confusion which
-ensued he embraced the cause of the latter’s half-brother, the Tsar
-Symeon, who had married his step-daughter, Thomais, against Dushan’s
-son, and he is last mentioned in 1363, when nearly all the Venetians at
-Valona died of the plague, and he perhaps with them<a id="FNanchor_833" href="#Footnote_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a>. Alexander,
-perhaps his son, followed him as “Lord of Kanina and Valona,” and
-allied himself with Ragusa<a id="FNanchor_834" href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a>, of which he became a citizen. The name of
-Porto Raguseo (Pasha Liman of the Turks), at the mouth of the Dukati<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_435"></a>[435]</span>
-valley on the bay of Valona, still preserves the memory of this connection,
-and was the harbour of the “argosies” of the South Slavonic Republic,
-whose merchants had their quarters half-way between Valona and
-Kanina.</p>
-
-<p>In 1371 those places came into the possession of the family of Balsha,
-of Serbian origin, which a few years earlier had founded a dynasty in
-what is now Montenegro. Balsha II, who with his two brothers had
-already taken Antivari and Scutari (“their principal domicile”), killed
-a certain George, perhaps Alexander’s son—for Alexander is thought
-to have perished by the side of Vukashin at the battle of the Maritza
-in 1371—and in a Venetian document of the next year is described as
-“Lord of Valona.” In consequence of his usurpation the inhabitants
-of Valona fled for refuge to the islet of Saseno in the bay, and placed
-themselves under the protection of Venice<a id="FNanchor_835" href="#Footnote_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a>. Under Balsha II Valona
-formed part of a considerable principality, for on the death of his last
-surviving brother, in 1378, the “Lord of Valona and Budua” had become
-sole ruler of the Zeta—the modern Montenegro—and then, by the
-capture of Durazzo from Carlo Topia, “Prince of Albania,” assumed the
-title of “Duke” from that former Venetian duchy. By his marriage
-with Comita Musachi, he became connected with a powerful Albanian
-clan<a id="FNanchor_836" href="#Footnote_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a>; but his ambition caused his death, for Carlo Topia begged the
-Turks to restore him to Durazzo, while Balsha, like other Christian rulers
-of his time, instead of concentrating all his forces against the Turkish
-peril, wasted them in fighting against Tvrtko I, the great King of Bosnia,
-for the possession of Cattaro. Consequently, when the Turks marched
-against him, he could raise only a small army to oppose them; he fell
-in battle on the Vojussa in 1385, and his head was sent as a trophy to
-the Sultan.</p>
-
-<p>Upon his death his dominions were divided; Valona with Kanina,
-Saseno, Cheimarra, and “the tower of Pyrgos<a id="FNanchor_837" href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a>” alone remained to his
-widow. Left with only a daughter, Regina, she felt unable to defend
-all these places from the advancing Turks; so, in 1386, she offered “the
-castle and town of Valona” to Venice on “certain conditions<a id="FNanchor_838" href="#Footnote_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a>.” The
-cautious Republic replied that her offer would be accepted, if she would
-hand over freely “the castle of Kanina with its district and the town of
-Valona with its district.” This shows that the Venetians, like their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_436"></a>[436]</span>
-recent Italian representatives, realised that Valona required Kanina
-for its defence, as well as a certain <i>Hinterland</i>. The reply went on to add
-that, in case she declined to accept this condition, Venice would be
-content to take over these places, paying her half their rents for her life,
-while she paid half their expenses. Under those circumstances, she could
-remain at Valona, or come to Venice, as she chose. But, if she would
-accept neither proposition, then Venice would be willing to take Kanina
-and the other places, giving her all the rents for her life, on condition
-that she paid all the expenses of their maintenance. Nothing came of
-this negotiation; but in 1389 her envoy agreed to furnish three rowers
-annually to the captain of the Venetian fleet in recognition of Venetian
-dominion over the islet of Saseno, which commanded the bay. Thus
-Venice, like the late Admiral Bettòlo, considered that the occupation
-of that islet was sufficient. In 1393 Dame Comita Balsha made Venice
-a second offer of Valona. But, in the meantime, the battle of Kossovo
-had been fought; the Serbian Empire had fallen, and it was obvious that
-the Turks had become the most powerful Balkan state. Thus, although
-Comita was ready to give Venice the men whom she had promised in
-recognition of Venetian rights over “the towers of Pyrgos and Saseno,”
-and disposed to cede Valona, her offer was declined with thanks, because
-“we Venetians prefer our friends to remain in their own dominions and
-govern them rather than we.” Two years later her envoy, the Bishop of
-Albania, made a third offer of all the four places which she held: Valona,
-Kanina, Cheimarra, and the tower of Pyrgos, provision being made for
-her and her son-in-law that they might go where they liked and live
-honourably there. This meant in cash 7000 ducats for their lives out of
-the 9000 which the bishop estimated as the total revenue of the above
-places. The Venetians ordered their Admiral to inquire into the state of
-the places and the amount which they produced, before deciding, and
-ere that Comita died<a id="FNanchor_839" href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>She was succeeded by her son-in-law, “Marchisa” (or Merksha)
-Jarkovich, “King of Serbia,” a near relative of her own by blood and
-a cousin of the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II. He must, therefore, have
-been a relative of the latter’s Serbian wife, who was a daughter of
-Constantine Dragash, Despot of part of Macedonia<a id="FNanchor_840" href="#Footnote_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a>. He at once, in
-1396, offered to cede Valona, Cheimarra, Berat, and the tower of Pyrgos
-to Venice, but was told that his offer could not be accepted till the
-Venetians had accurate information about them. He then turned to
-Ragusa, of which he became an honorary citizen with leave to deposit<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_437"></a>[437]</span>
-all his property there for safety. In 1398 he again applied to Venice,
-because he did not see how he could defend his lands against the Turks.
-Venice thought it undesirable that they should become Turkish, but
-decided first to send her Admiral to inquire into their revenues, cost,
-and condition, expressing a preference for leaving them in their present
-ruler’s hands. In 1400, as this inquiry had not yet been made, another
-envoy was sent from Valona to Venice, only to receive the same answer.
-Upon Merksha’s death, his widow sent yet another envoy to Venice in
-1415, with a like result, and was reminded of her late husband’s and her
-subjects’ debts to the Republic. Then the end came; a document of
-July 21, 1418, informs us that Valona had fallen into the hands of the
-Turks<a id="FNanchor_841" href="#Footnote_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a>. Consequently, lest they should attack the Venetian colony of
-Corfù or passing Venetian ships, the Venetian bailie, who was about to
-proceed to Constantinople, was instructed to endeavour to obtain its
-restitution with that of Kanina and its other appurtenances to Regina
-Balsha, whose husband had been, like herself, a Venetian citizen. If
-the Sultan refused, then the bailie was authorised to offer up to 8000
-ducats for Regina’s former possessions, and another offer was made in
-1424<a id="FNanchor_842" href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a>. The Turks, however, retained Valona continuously for 273 years,
-and, with one brief interval, for 495.</p>
-
-<p>There is little record of its history in the Turkish period. In June,
-1436, Cyriacus of Ancona spent two days there, and copied a Greek
-inscription which he found on a marble base at the Church of Georgios
-Tropæophoros<a id="FNanchor_843" href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a>. In 1466 Venice was alarmed at the repairs executed
-there by its new masters, which endangered Venetian interests owing to
-its proximity to the Republic’s colonies in that part of the world—Corfù
-and its dependencies, in the south, and Durazzo, Alessio, Dulcigno,
-Antivari, Dagno, Satti, Scutari and Drivasto, in the north—and to the
-quantity of wood for shipbuilding which it could furnish. Accordingly,
-the Republic suggested to Skanderbeg to attack it with his own forces,
-and with Venetian and colonial troops<a id="FNanchor_844" href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a>. Nothing came of this suggestion,
-but in 1472 a Corfiote, John Vlastos, offered to consign Valona and
-Kanina to Venice on condition of receiving a fixed sum down and an
-annuity; and the Republic instructed the Governor of Corfù to enter
-into negotiations with him<a id="FNanchor_845" href="#Footnote_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a>. This also failed, and Valona, in Turkish
-hands, became, as had been feared, a base for attack against the Ionian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_438"></a>[438]</span>
-Islands and even Italy. Thence, in 1479, the Turks moved against the
-remaining possessions of Leonardo III Tocco, Count of Cephalonia;
-thence, in the following year, they sailed to take Otranto<a id="FNanchor_846" href="#Footnote_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a>. In 1501,
-during the Turco-Venetian war, Benedetto Pesaro entered the bay of
-Valona with a flotilla of light vessels, but a sudden hurricane caused the
-death by drowning of all his men except those taken prisoners by the
-Turks<a id="FNanchor_847" href="#Footnote_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a>. In 1518 the Governor of Valona, a renegade Cheimarriote,
-succeeded, with the aid of Sinan Pasha, the Turkish Admiral, in compelling
-Cheimarra to accept Turkish suzerainty by the concession of
-large privileges. Sinan was so greatly pleased with Valona that he
-became its governor. In the same year two Turkish subjects attempted
-from Valona a <i>coup de main</i> upon Corfù, and it was there that the former
-of the two great Turkish sieges of that island, that of 1537, was decided
-upon by Suleyman I<a id="FNanchor_848" href="#Footnote_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a>. In 1570 a further descent was made from Valona,
-where the Turks had established a cannon-foundry, upon Corfù<a id="FNanchor_849" href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a>. In 1638
-the attack by the Venetian fleet upon certain Tunisian and Algerian ships
-off Valona nearly provoked war with Turkey, and led to a temporary
-prohibition of trade between the inhabitants of that and of other Turkish
-possessions and Venice<a id="FNanchor_850" href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Turco-Venetian war towards the close of the seventeenth century
-led at last to the Venetian occupation of Valona, then a place of 150
-houses surrounded by a low wall. The motives were the fertility of the
-district and the desire to expel the Barbary corsairs. Morosini’s successor,
-Girolamo Cornaro, accompanied by many Greeks, after being delayed
-two days by a storm off Saseno, landed at Kryoneri, a little to the south
-of the town, early in September, 1690, where he was joined by 500
-Cheimarriotes and Albanians. A Turkish attempt to prevent his landing
-was repulsed; Kanina, weakly fortified by crumbling walls, was forced
-to surrender, and its fall had as a natural consequence the capitulation
-of Valona without a blow. Cornaro, leaving Giovanni Matteo Bembo
-and Teodoro Cornaro as <i>provveditori</i> of Valona and Kanina, proceeded
-to attack Durazzo, but was forced by a storm to return to Valona, where,
-on October 1, he died<a id="FNanchor_851" href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a>. Venice intended at first to keep these two
-acquisitions. Carlo Pisani was ordered to remain at “Uroglia” (Gervolia
-opposite Corfù) with four galleys for their defence, while the
-fortifications of Kanina were repaired and cisterns made. But when the
-Capitan Pasha encamped on the banks of the Vojussa to intimidate the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_439"></a>[439]</span>
-Albanians, many of whom wished to join Venice, the garrisons began to
-suffer from lack of food and consequent desertions. Thereupon, Domenico
-Mocenigo, the new Venetian Captain-General, proposed and carried out
-the demolition of Kanina by mines, and wrote to the home government
-advocating the destruction of Valona on the ground that its preservation
-would cripple the campaign in the Morea. A debate upon its fate
-followed in the Senate. Francesco Foscari urged its retention on account
-of its geographical position at the mouth of the Adriatic and on a fine
-bay, well supplied with fresh water from Kryoneri (or “Acqua Fredda”).
-He alluded to the valuable oak forests in the neighbourhood, whose
-acorns furnished the substance known by the topical name of <i>valonea</i>
-to dyers, to the ancient pitch-mines, the salt-pans, and the fisheries.
-To these material considerations he added the loss of prestige involved
-in the surrender of a place whose capture had been celebrated with joy
-by Pope Alexander VIII and announced as an important event to the
-King of Spain, because it signified the destruction of the corsairs, so long
-the terror of the Papal and Neapolitan coast of the Adriatic. Besides,
-“Valona,” he concluded, “opens for us the door into Albania.” To him
-Michele Foscarini replied, proposing to leave the decision to the naval
-council, and this proposal was adopted. Mocenigo’s first idea had always
-been to abandon the place, and his resolve was confirmed by the advance
-of the Turkish troops under Chalil Pasha; but General Charles Sparre,
-a Swedish baron, who was sent to execute his orders, found that the
-rapid approach of the enemy made such an operation too dangerous.
-The Venetians accordingly burnt the suburb, but prepared to defend
-the town. But at the outset both Bembo and Sparre were killed by the
-Turkish artillery fire, and, though the garrison made a successful sortie,
-the Captain-General repeated his order to blow up Valona. Four cannon
-and one mortar were left there to deceive the Turks, and on March 13,
-1691, after a siege of forty days, they too were removed and Valona
-evacuated and destroyed. The Turks offered no opposition to the retreating
-Venetians, and the opinion was freely expressed that the place could
-have been defended. Thus, after six months, ended the Venetian
-occupation of Valona<a id="FNanchor_852" href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a>. When Pouqueville<a id="FNanchor_853" href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> visited it rather more than
-a century later, he saw the remains of the two forts blown up by the
-Venetians, and found that one street with porticoes recalled their former
-residence. In his time the population was 6000, including a certain
-number of Jews banished from Ancona by Paul IV. The place was then,
-as now, very unhealthy in summer, but he foretold a brilliant future
-for it, if the marshes were once drained.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_440"></a>[440]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Turks neglected Valona, as they neglected all their Albanian
-possessions. Sinan Pasha had been so good and popular a governor that,
-although a native of Konieh, he was nicknamed “the Arnaut,” and his
-descendants long held the appointment as almost a family fief; indeed,
-as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, the natives of Valona
-besieged and cut to pieces a certain Ismail Pasha, who had endeavoured
-to wrest the governorship of the town from one of Sinan’s descendants<a id="FNanchor_854" href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a>.
-A generation later, however, a sanguinary feud, which broke out
-between the members of this governing family, led the other notables
-of Valona to invoke the intervention of the famous Ali Pasha of Joannina,
-who had already cast covetous eyes on the place, then ruled by Ibrahim
-Pasha. But the treacherous “Lion of Joannina” carried off not only
-Ibrahim but also the notables of Valona to the dungeons of his lake-fortress,
-where they were subsequently put to death. Ibrahim, however,
-lingered on, and was forced to address a petition to the Turkish government
-begging it, in consideration of his age and infirmities, to bestow
-the governorship of Valona and Berat upon his gaoler’s eldest son,
-Mouchtar Pasha, who appointed a Naxiote Christian, Damirales, as his
-representative in the former town. In 1820 the Turkish authorities,
-resolved to crush the too-powerful satrap of Joannina, easily induced
-the people of Valona to drive out Mouchtar’s partisans. But the
-population repeatedly gave the Turks cause for alarm, and in 1828
-Rechid Pasha treacherously executed a powerful Bey of Valona, who
-had come to pay his respects to him at Joannina. Nevertheless the local
-people continued to resist any obnoxious Turkish authority<a id="FNanchor_855" href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>During the first Balkan war, on November 28, 1912, Albanian
-independence was proclaimed at Valona, and an Albanian government
-formed, of which Ismail Kemal Bey was President<a id="FNanchor_856" href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a>. But when an
-Albanian principality was created in the following year, and Prince
-William of Wied was chosen as its ruler, Valona recognised Durazzo
-as the capital. Meanwhile, Italy had intimated that she could not
-consent to the inclusion of Valona, to which she attached special
-importance, within the new Greek frontier; and insisted on the islet of
-Saseno, which had formed part of the Hellenic kingdom since 1864,
-being ceded to the Albanian principality. Greece complied with this
-demand, and on July 15, 1914, the Greek garrison abandoned Saseno
-at the order of the Venizelos Cabinet. When the European war broke
-out, Italy took the opportunity, on October 30, to occupy Saseno by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_441"></a>[441]</span>
-troops under the command of Admiral Patris, who found it inhabited
-by twenty-one persons, and re-christened the highest point “Monte
-Bandiera” from the Italian flag which was hoisted there<a id="FNanchor_857" href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a>. She had sent
-a sanitary mission to Valona itself and, on December 25, occupied that
-town. Then, as in 1690 and as in the days of Manfred and his successors,
-Kanina was likewise in Italian hands, while for the first time in its long
-history Valona has been connected with Great Britain, for the new jetty
-there was the work of the British Adriatic Mission, sent to rescue the
-retreating Serbian army. But, by the Tirana agreement of August 3,
-1920, Italy renounced Valona (assigned to her by the treaty of London
-in 1915), and now holds Saseno alone.</p>
-
-<h4>RULERS OF VALONA</h4>
-
-<table>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Byzantine Empire</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td><span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">-1081</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Normans of Sicily</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1081-4</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Byzantine Empire</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1084-1204</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Despotat of Epeiros</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1204-57</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Manfred</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1257-66</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Chinardo</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1266</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Giacomo di Balsignano</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1266-73</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Angevins of Naples</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1273-(?)97</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Byzantine Empire</td>
-    <td>(?)</td>
-    <td>1297-1345/6</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Serbs</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1345/6-1417</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Turks</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1417-1690</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Venetians</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1690-1</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Turks</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1691-1912</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Albanians</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1912-14</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Italians</td>
-    <td colspan="2">Dec. 25, 1914-Aug. 3, 1920</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td>Albanians</td>
-    <td></td>
-    <td>1920-</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-<h3 id="heading23">2. THE MEDIÆVAL SERBIAN EMPIRE</h3>
-
-<p>The late Professor Freeman once remarked during a great crisis in
-the Balkans, that it was the business of a Minister of Foreign Affairs
-“to know something of the history of foreign countries.” The demand,
-however unreasonable it may seem, derives special importance from
-the fact, that recent events have signally justified the forecasts of the
-eminent historian and signally falsified those of the Minister whom he
-was criticising. For in the Balkans, and especially in Greece and Serbia,
-history is not, as it is apt to be in some western countries, primarily
-a subject for examinations, but is, thanks to the popular ballads, an
-integral part of the national life and a powerful factor in contemporary
-politics. The glories of the Byzantine Empire exercise a continual
-fascination upon the Greeks; the conquests of the Tsar Stephen Dushan
-in Macedonia have been invoked as one of the Serbian claims to that
-disputed land; whereas no Englishman of to-day has been known to
-demand a large part of France on the ground that it belonged to the
-English Crown in the reign of Dushan’s contemporary, Edward III.</p>
-
-<p>But there is a further reason for the study of Balkan history by
-practical men. Our judgments of the Balkan peoples are often harsh and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_442"></a>[442]</span>
-unjust, because we do not realise the historic fact that they stepped
-straight out of the fifteenth century into the nineteenth (and in some
-cases into the twentieth), like Plato’s cave-dwellers who emerged
-suddenly from darkness into the full light of day. For the centuries of
-Turkish rule, interrupted in the case of Northern Serbia by the twenty-one
-years of Austrian rule between the treaties of Passarovitz and
-Belgrade in the eighteenth century, left them much as it found them—with
-their material resources undeveloped, their roads reduced to mule-tracks,
-their harbours undredged, their education neglected. Consequently,
-it was manifestly unfair to expect those who were practically contemporaries
-of our Wars of the Roses to enter the nineteenth century with
-the same ideas and the same culture as the gradually evolved states of
-Western Europe. The wonder rather is that so much progress has been
-accomplished in so short a time, especially when we remember that the
-eminent personages who direct the affairs of this world are apt to regard
-the Balkan peoples, with their deeply-rooted historical traditions and
-aspirations, and their extraordinarily keen sense of nationality,
-immensely stimulated by the victories of 1912-13, as pawns in a game,
-to be moved about the board as its exigencies demand. Let us Western
-Europeans, then, who have had no personal experience of Turkish rule,
-be less censorious of those who have lived under it for nearly four
-centuries at Semendria and for five at Skopje.</p>
-
-<p>In the following pages I propose to give a general sketch of mediæval
-Serbian history, emphasising those points which may help us to understand
-the events of the last few years, and referring those who desire
-further details to the great (if unpolished and unfinished) work of the
-late Constantin Jireček, who for the first time has placed the history
-of the Serbs in the Middle Ages upon the impregnable rock of contemporary
-documentary evidence.</p>
-
-<p>The Serbs, like the Bulgars, are not original inhabitants of the
-Balkan peninsula, where, at the dawn of history, we find three principal
-races—the Greeks, the Illyrians (who are perhaps the ancestors of the
-Albanians), and the Thracians. But a continuous residence of thirteen
-centuries qualifies the Serbs to be considered a Balkan people. The
-usually received account of their entry into the peninsula is that given
-by the Byzantine Emperor, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in his
-treatise “De Administrando Imperio,” written some three centuries
-later. He tells us that the Emperor Herakleios (610-41) gave them the
-territory which was later called “Serblia”—a country bounded in the
-time of Porphyrogenitus by Croatia on the north, Bulgaria on the
-south, the river Rashka near Novibazar on the east, and the present<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_443"></a>[443]</span>
-Herzegovina on the west. But a chain of historical facts proves that
-Herakleios merely gave to the Serbs what they had already taken.
-About a century before his time the Slavs, whose oldest home was in
-Poland, had begun to cross the Danube, and about 578 had actually
-appeared before Salonika. Herakleios, occupied with the war against
-the Persians in the East, could not defend the Western Balkans. So he
-made a virtue of necessity, just as, in our own day, governments have
-granted autonomy to lost provinces which they could no longer protect.
-The Danubian principalities, Bulgaria, Eastern Roumelia, Crete, and the
-Lebanon are examples.</p>
-
-<p>This arrangement suited both parties. The Byzantine Court could
-keep up a formal suzerainty, and Constantine Porphyrogenitus could
-point in proof of it to the quite unscientific etymology of the word
-“Serboi” from the Latin <i>servi</i>, because they had become the “slaves”
-of the Byzantine Emperor. This national name, which first occurs in the
-ninth century, when we find Eginhard, the biographer of Charlemagne,
-describing in 822 the “Sorabi” as “said to occupy a large part of
-Dalmatia,” is still applied not only to the Balkan Serbs but to those of
-Saxony, whose language, however, is so different that a Serb of Bautzen
-cannot understand a Serb of Belgrade. The later Byzantine historians, full
-of classical lore, sometimes call the Serbs Τριβαλλοί after the Thracian
-tribe, which occupied in antiquity part of modern Serbia, and the king
-of which is brought on the stage and made to talk broken Greek in
-the <i>Birds</i> of Aristophanes. Yet, despite this false etymology of their
-name, Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself admits what was doubtless
-the fact, that the Croats and Serbs were “subject to none.” “Thus,”
-in the words of Finlay<a id="FNanchor_858" href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a>, “the modern history of the eastern shores of
-the Adriatic commences with the establishment of the Sclavonian
-colonies in Dalmatia.” Of the two pre-existing elements in the population,
-the Romans, as Constantine Porphyrogenitus says, retired into
-the coast-towns, while the Illyrian aborigines were pushed southward
-into the country which since the eleventh century has borne the name
-of Albania from the district of Albanon near Kroja. Under the name of
-Ἀρβανῖται the Albanians are first mentioned in 1079.</p>
-
-<p>The history of mediæval Serbia falls naturally into three sections:
-(1) from the entry of the Serbs into the Balkan peninsula to the close
-of the twelfth century—a period during which the Byzantine Empire,
-after finally crushing the Bulgarians, dominated the Near East, and the
-Serbs, divided into two separate states, played a subordinate but restive
-part; (2) from the rise of the Nemanja dynasty towards the close of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_444"></a>[444]</span>
-twelfth century to the battle of Kossovo in 1389—a period which saw
-Serbia rise to be for a brief space by far the greatest state in the peninsula;
-(3) the decline, when Danubian Serbia existed at the pleasure of the
-Turks, till in 1459 she received her death-blow.</p>
-
-<p>During the first of these periods the only serious resistance to the
-Byzantine hegemony of the Balkan peninsula was offered by the
-Bulgarians—a Finnish, or, according to others, Tartar tribe, which
-entered it in 679, and became gradually absorbed in the Slavonic
-population, which it had conquered. The vanquished imposed their
-language upon the victors, but the victors, like the Angles in England,
-imposed their name upon the vanquished. Two powerful Bulgarian
-monarchs, Krum and the Tsar Symeon, in 813 and 913 threatened the
-very existence of Constantinople, as did the Tsar Ferdinand in 1913;
-and Krum was wont to pledge his nobles out of the silver-set skull of
-the Greek Emperor Nikephoros I, whom he had slain in battle. The
-Serbs, however, maintained friendly relations with these powerful
-neighbours till about the middle of the ninth century, when history
-registers the first of the long series of Serbo-Bulgarian wars, of which we
-have seen three in our own time. When the Serbs were united, they were
-able to defeat the Bulgars. But the rivalry of the hereditary princes,
-whom we find ruling over them at this period, led to the formation of
-pro-Bulgar and pro-Byzantine parties, so that the native ruler tended
-to become a Bulgarian or Byzantine nominee, while there was a
-pretender in exile at Prêslav or Constantinople only awaiting the
-opportunity to be restored by foreign aid. About 924, however, the
-Bulgarian Tsar Symeon, instead of placing a puppet of his own on the
-throne, carried away almost the whole Serbian people captive into
-Bulgaria. Serbia thus remained barren; and when, after Symeon’s
-death, the Serbian prince, Tchaslav, escaped from the Bulgarian court
-to Serbia, he found there only fifty men, and neither women nor
-children. By submitting to the Byzantine Emperor and with the latter’s
-help, he restored the scattered Serbs to their own country.</p>
-
-<p>For the rest of the tenth century Serbian history is a blank, save for
-the survival of the leaden seal with a Greek inscription belonging to a
-Prince of Diokleia, the country called after the town of Doclea, whose
-ruins still stand near Podgoritza. This was the time of the great
-Bulgarian Tsar Samuel, under whom Bulgaria stretched to the Adriatic;
-and Durazzo, the key of the Western Balkans, as Byzantine statesmen
-considered it, became a Bulgarian port. In his days there lived on the
-lake of Scutari a saintly Serbian prince, John Vladimir. Samuel carried
-off this holy man to his own capital on the lake of Prespa. But the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_445"></a>[445]</span>
-Tsar’s daughter, according to the story, was so greatly moved by his
-pious speeches and his beauty while engaged in washing his feet, that
-she begged her father to release him. The saint escaped prison but not
-matrimony; he married the love-sick Bulgarian princess; but not long
-after was murdered as he was leaving church by an usurper of the
-Bulgarian throne. His remains repose in the monastery of St John near
-Elbassan; his cross is still preserved in Montenegro and carried every
-Whitsunday in procession at dawn.</p>
-
-<p>The complete destruction of the first Bulgarian Empire by the
-Byzantine Emperor Basil II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” in 1018, removed the
-danger of a Bulgarian hegemony in the Balkans, and made the Danube
-again the frontier of the Byzantine dominions, which surrounded on
-three sides the Serbian lands. Manuel I added Σερβικός to the Imperial
-style; Serbian pretenders were kept ready at Constantinople or Durazzo,
-in case the Serbian rulers showed signs of independence, while high-sounding
-court titles rewarded their servility. The internal condition
-of the Serbian people favoured Byzantine policy. For them, as in our
-own day, there were two Serb states, and two national dynasties, one
-ruling over the South Dalmatian coast, the present Herzegovina, and
-Dioklitia, modern Montenegro, with Scutari and Cattaro for its capitals;
-the other governing the more inland districts from a central point in the
-valley of the Rashka (near Novibazar), whence Serbia obtained the name
-of “Rassia,” by which she was largely described in the West of Europe
-during the Middle Ages. Of these two dynasties the former assumed
-the royal title—Hildebrand addressed a letter to “Michael, King of the
-Slavs”—but the latter became the more important, although its head
-contented himself with the more modest designation of “Great <i>jupan</i>,”
-that is, the first among the <i>jupani</i>, or Counts (Serbian <i>jupa</i> = county).</p>
-
-<p>Whenever opportunity offered, however, the Serbs endeavoured to
-emancipate themselves from Byzantium. Kedrenos informs us that
-“after the death of the Emperor Romanos III (in 1034) Serbia threw
-off the yoke of the Greeks”; Stephen Vojislav, ruler of Dioklitia, not
-only seized a cargo of gold, which was thrown up on the Illyrian coast,
-but saw a Byzantine army perish in the difficult passes of his country.
-A second Imperial invasion, which started from Durazzo, met with the
-same fate as that which befell the Austrian “punitive expedition” in
-December 1914. The Serbs allowed the invaders to penetrate into the
-Zeta valley, occupied the heights and utterly routed them as they
-returned, laden with booty, through a narrow gorge. Michael, Vojislav’s
-son, made peace with the Emperor, and received the title of <i>protospathários</i>,
-or “sword-bearer,” at the Byzantine court, while he assumed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_446"></a>[446]</span>
-at home the title of king. But, after the crushing defeat of the Byzantines
-by the Seljuks in Asia at the battle of Manzikert in 1071, the temptation
-to rise was too strong for the Balkan Slavs to resist. Accordingly, at
-the invitation of the Bulgarians, Michael sent them a leader in the person
-of his son, Constantine Bodin, who was proclaimed at Prizren “Peter,
-Emperor of the Bulgarians.” Bodin was, however, captured by the
-Byzantines, but escaped and married the daughter of a citizen of Bari—the
-first example but not the last of a Serbo-Italian union. At his
-request Pope Clement III confirmed the rights of the Archbishopric of
-Antivari, the ancient See, which is mentioned as an Archbishopric so
-early as 1067, and on the holder of which Leo XIII in 1902 conferred the
-title of “Primate of Serbia.” But Bodin, bellicose and crafty as Anna
-Comnena describes him, fell again into the power of the Byzantines.
-Our countryman, Ordericus Vitalis, describes him as “treating in a
-friendly fashion” the Crusaders who passed through his territory.
-Usually, however, the Crusaders had difficulty with the Serbs; and
-William of Tyre tells how at Nish, then a “fortified town, filled with a
-valiant and numerous population,” certain “Germans, sons of Belial,”
-set fire to the mills, thus provoking the retaliation of the natives.</p>
-
-<p>The excellent Archbishop, who was sent in 1168 on an embassy to
-Monastir, remarks that Serbia was a country “of difficult access”; and
-that the Serbs, whose name he also derives from their supposedly original
-state of servitude, were “an uncultured and undisciplined people,
-inhabiting the mountains and forests, and not practising agriculture,
-but possessed of much cattle great and small.... Sometimes their <i>jupani</i>
-obey the Emperor: at other times all the inhabitants quit their mountains
-and forests ... to ravage the surrounding countries.” Yet the oldest piece
-of Serbian literature—a book of the Gospels in Cyrillic letters<a id="FNanchor_859" href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a>—dates
-from this very period; and a priest of Antivari composed in Latin a
-history of the rulers of Diokleia, who were gradually ousted by the
-“Great <i>jupani</i>” of Rascia, who in their turn were forced to submit to
-the chivalrous Byzantine Emperor, Manuel I. A court poet of the period,
-Theodore Prodromos, represents the Serbian rivers Save and Tara, red
-with blood and laden with corpses, addressing the conqueror, and the
-Serbian <i>jupani</i> trembling at the roar of the lion from the Bosporus.</p>
-
-<p>The death of Manuel I, in 1180, freed the Southern Slavs from
-Byzantine rule; and the following decade saw the foundation of the
-great Serbian state, which reached its zenith in the middle of the
-fourteenth century, and then fell before the all-conquering Turk. As<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_447"></a>[447]</span>
-has usually happened in Balkan history, this national triumph was
-the work of one man—Stephen Nemanja, the first great name in Serbian
-history.</p>
-
-<p>The founder of the Serbian monarchy was a native of what is now
-Podgoritza, whence he built up a compact Serbian state, comprising the
-Zeta (modern Montenegro), and the Land of Hum (the “Hill” country,
-now the Herzegovina), Northern Albania and the modern kingdom of
-Serbia, with a sea-frontage on the Bocche di Cattaro, whose municipality
-in 1186 passed a resolution describing him as “Our Lord Nemanja,
-Great <i>jupan</i> of Rascia.” Of the Serbian lands Bosnia alone evaded his
-sway, forming a separate state, which, first under <i>bans</i>, and then under
-kings, survived the Serbian monarchy till it, too, fell before the Turks;
-while in the land of Hum he set up his brother, Miroslav, as prince. Thus,
-he substituted for the aristocratic Serbian federation a single state,
-embraced the Orthodox faith, which was that of the majority of his
-people, and strove to secure its religious as well as ecclesiastical union
-by extirpating the heresy of the Bogomiles, or <i>Babuni</i> (whence the name
-of the Babuna pass near Monastir, so famous in the fighting of 1915),
-then rife in the Balkans. At the same time he sent presents to St Peter’s
-in Rome and St Nicholas’ at Bari.</p>
-
-<p>When Frederick Barbarossa stopped at Nish on the third Crusade
-in 1189, Nemanja met him with handsome gifts; but we may doubt
-the statement of a German chronicler that he did homage for his lands
-to the Teutonic ruler. No German Emperor ever set foot in Nish again
-till the recent visit of the Kaiser to King Ferdinand, when a modern
-chronicle, the <i>Wolffbureau</i>, revived the memory of Barbarossa’s presence
-there. In 1195 Nemanja retired from the world, at the instigation of
-his youngest son, who is known in Serbian history as St Sava; and he
-died in 1200 as the monk Symeon in the monastery of Chilandar on
-Mount Athos. He, too, received the honours of a saint; his tomb is still
-revered in the monastery of Studenitza, which he founded; and his life
-was written by his eldest son and successor Stephen, and by Stephen’s
-brother St Sava—the beginning of Serbian historical biography.</p>
-
-<p>Nemanja had never assumed the title of king, continuing to style
-himself as “Great <i>jupan</i>”; but Stephen won for himself the title of
-“the first-crowned king,” by obtaining, in 1217, a royal crown from
-Pope Honorius III. There were diplomatic reasons for the assumption
-of this title. The Byzantine Empire had now fallen before the Latin
-Crusaders; Frankish principalities had arisen all over the Near East;
-and the Latin ruler of Salonika had assumed the royal style. Bulgaria
-had arisen again, and her sovereigns had revived the ancient title of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_448"></a>[448]</span>
-Tsar; and the King of Hungary had presumed to call himself king of
-“Rascia” also. To show his connection with the former kings of Diokleia,
-Stephen added that country to his style; to complete the independence
-of his kingdom, he obtained through his saintly and diplomatic brother
-from the Œcumenical Patriarch at Nice the recognition of a separate
-Serbian Church under Sava himself as “Archbishop of all the Serbian
-lands.” Sava was buried in the monastery of Mileshevo in the old
-<i>sandjak</i> of Novibazar, whence his remains were removed and burned
-by the Turks near Belgrade in 1595. Many a pious legend has grown up
-around the name of the founder of the national Church; but, through
-the haze of romance and beneath the halo of the saint, we can descry
-the figure of the great ecclesiastical statesman, whose constant aim it
-was to benefit his country and the dynasty to which he himself belonged,
-and to identify the latter with the national religion.</p>
-
-<p>While Stephen’s successor was a feeble character, the second Bulgarian
-Empire reached its zenith under the great Tsar John Asên II, who
-boasted in a still extant inscription in his capital of Trnovo, then the
-centre of Balkan politics, that he had “conquered all the lands from
-Adrianople to Durazzo.” The next Serbian King Vladislav was his son-in-law;
-St Sava died as his guest. But the hegemony of Bulgaria
-disappeared at his death in 1241; there, too, the national resurrection
-had been the work of one man. The Greeks regained their influence in
-Macedonia, and in 1261 recaptured Constantinople from the Latins.</p>
-
-<p>We have an interesting description of life at the Serbian court in the
-time of the next King, Stephen Urosh I<a id="FNanchor_860" href="#Footnote_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a> (<i>c.</i> 1268), from the Byzantine
-historian Pachymeres. There was a project for a marriage between a
-daughter of the Greek Emperor, Michael VIII Palaiologos, and a son
-of Stephen Urosh. First, however, two envoys were sent to report, and
-the Empress specially charged one of them to let her know what sort
-of a family it was into which her daughter was about to marry. The
-pompous Byzantines were horrified to find “the great King,” as he was
-called, living the simple life in a way which would have disgraced a
-modest official of Constantinople, his Hungarian daughter-in-law working
-at her spindle in an inexpensive gown, and his household eating like
-a pack of hunters or sheep-stealers. The lack of security for travellers
-deepened the unfavourable impression of the envoys, and the marriage
-was broken off. Stephen Urosh II (1281-1321), surnamed Milutin (“the
-child of grace”), greatly increased the importance of Serbia. We have
-different pictures of this monarch from his Serbian and his Greek
-contemporaries. One of the former extols his qualities as a ruler, one<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_449"></a>[449]</span>
-of the latter portrays him as anything but an exemplary husband. But
-these characters are not incompatible, as we know from the case of
-Henry VIII, whom Stephen Urosh II resembled not only in the number
-of his wives, but in his opportunist policy. His chief object was to
-enlarge his dominions at the expense of Byzantium; he occupied Skopje,
-and established his capital there—the Serbian residence had hitherto
-fluctuated between Novibazar, Prishtina and Prizren—and so greatly
-impressed the Emperor Andronikos II with his advance towards Salonika
-that the latter sacrificed his only daughter, Simonis, to the already thrice-divorced
-monarch, giving as her dowry the territories which his son-in-law
-had already taken from him. Simonis, however, when she grew
-up—she was only a child at the time of her engagement—preferred
-Constantinople to the society of her husband; and nothing but his threat
-to come and take her by force induced her to return.</p>
-
-<p>Behind this marriage of convenience there lay the project of uniting
-the Greek and Serbian dominions under a Serbian sceptre—a project
-to which the national party was resolutely opposed. At the same time,
-he not only had—what all Serbian rulers have coveted—an outlet on
-the sea, but actually occupied for a few years the port of Durazzo, that
-much-debated spot, which during the Middle Ages was alternatively
-Angevin, Serbian, Albanian and Venetian, till in 1501 it became Turkish.
-Nor was this astute ruler only a diplomatist and a politician; he offered
-the Venetians to keep open and guard the great trade route which
-traversed his kingdom, and led across Bulgaria to the Black Sea. A
-munificent founder of churches, his generosity is evidenced in Italy
-by the silver altar, bearing the date 1319, which he gave to St Nicholas’
-at Bari, and on which he described himself as ruling from the Adriatic
-to the Danube; but his name is better known by the verses of Dante, who
-has given him a place in the <i>Paradiso</i> among the evil kings for his
-issue of counterfeit Venetian coin<a id="FNanchor_861" href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a>—a common offence in the Levant
-during the Middle Ages:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-  <div class="stanza">
-    <div class="verse indent4">e quel di Rascia</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Che male ha visto il conio di Vinegia.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>A disputed succession soon ended in the enthronement of the late
-King’s illegitimate son, Stephen Urosh III, known in history by the
-epithet “Detchanski” from the famous monastery of Detchani which
-he founded. He had been blinded for conspiring against his father; but
-on his father’s death he recovered his sight, which perhaps he had never
-entirely lost. His reign is one of the most dramatic in Serbian history,
-for it affords an example of those sudden alternations of triumph and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_450"></a>[450]</span>
-disaster characteristic of the Balkans, alike in the Middle Ages and in
-our own day. On June 28, 1330, he utterly routed the Bulgarians at
-Velbujd, as Köstendil was then called. Bulgaria became a vassal state
-of Serbia, which had thus won the hegemony of the Balkan peninsula.
-Next year, he was dethroned by his son, the famous Stephen Dushan,
-and strangled in the castle of Zvetchan near Mitrovitza. A contemporary,
-Guillaume Adam, Archbishop of Antivari, has left a description
-of Serbia during this period. The palaces of the King and his nobles were
-of wood, and surrounded by palisades; the only houses of stone were in
-the Latin coast-towns. Yet “Rassia” was naturally a very rich land,
-producing plenty of corn, wine and oil; it was well watered; its forests
-were full of game, while five gold mines and as many of silver were
-constantly worked.</p>
-
-<p>The reign of Stephen Urosh IV, better known as Stephen Dushan
-(1331-55), marks the zenith of Serbia. As a conqueror and as a lawgiver,
-he resembled Napoleon; and his Empire, like that of Napoleon, crumbled
-to pieces as soon as its creator had disappeared. In the former capacity,
-he aimed at realising the dream of his grandfather, Stephen Urosh II,
-of forming a great Serbian Empire on the ruins of Byzantium. The civil
-war between the young Emperor John V Palaiologos, aided by his
-Italian mother, Anne of Savoy, and the ambitious John Cantacuzene,
-whose history is one of the most interesting sources for this period, was
-Dushan’s opportunity. Both parties in the struggle made bids for his
-support at the unfortified village of Prishtina, which had been the
-Serbian capital. His price was nothing less than the whole Byzantine
-Empire west of Kavalla, or, at least, of Salonika. Anne of Savoy, less
-patriotic than her rival, offered him what he asked, if he would send her
-Cantacuzene, then his guest, either alive or dead. But the Council of
-twenty-four great officers of state, whom the Serbian Kings were wont
-to consult, acting on the Queen’s advice, repudiated the suggestion of
-assassinating a suppliant. Dushan allowed the rival Byzantine factions
-to exhaust themselves; and, while they fought, he occupied one place
-after another, till all Macedonia, except Salonika, was his.</p>
-
-<p>With little exaggeration he wrote from Serres to the Doge of Venice,
-which had conferred her citizenship upon him, styling himself “King
-of Serbia, Diokleia, the land of Hum, the Zeta, Albania and the Maritime
-region, partner in no small part of the Empire of Bulgaria, and lord of
-almost all the Empire of Romania.” But for the ruler of so vast a realm
-the title of King seemed insignificant, especially as his vassal, the ruler
-of Bulgaria, bore the great name of Tsar. Accordingly, on Easter Sunday
-1346, Dushan had himself crowned at Skopje, whither he had transferred<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_451"></a>[451]</span>
-his capital, as “Emperor of the Serbs and Greeks.” Shortly before, he
-had raised the Archbishop of Serbia to the dignity of Patriarch with
-his seat at Petch; and the two Slav Patriarchs, the Bulgarian of Trnovo
-and the Serbian of Petch, placed the crown upon his head. At the same
-time, on the analogy of the Western Empire with its “King of the
-Romans,” he had his son, Stephen Urosh V, proclaimed King. Byzantine
-emblems and customs were introduced into the brand-new Serbian
-Empire; the Tsar assumed the tiara and the double-eagle, and wrote to
-the Doge, proposing an alliance for the conquest of Constantinople. In
-the papal correspondence with Serbia we read of a Serbian “Sebastocrator,”
-a “Great Logothete,” a “Cæsar,” and a “Despot”; the governors
-of important Serbian cities, such as Cattaro and Scutari, were styled
-“Counts”; those of minor places, like Antivari, “Captains.” Thus it is
-easy to see why the whole Serbian world was thrilled when, in the first
-Balkan war of 1912, the Crown Prince Alexander entered Skopje, the
-coronation-city of Dushan—at the invitation of the Austrian Consul,
-“to restore order”!</p>
-
-<p>Dushan next extended his Empire to the south by the annexation
-of Epeiros and Thessaly; and assigned Ætolia and Akarnania to his
-brother, Symeon Urosh, and Thessaly and Joannina to the “Cæsar”
-Preliub. His dominions now stretched to the Corinthian Gulf, and he
-thought that it only remained to annex the independent Serb state of
-Bosnia, and to capture Constantinople, establishing what a poetic
-Montenegrin ruler of our day has called an “Empire of the Balkans.”
-This would have embraced all the races of the variegated peninsula, and
-perhaps kept the Turks—who, in 1353, had made their first permanent
-settlement in Europe, by crossing the Dardanelles and occupying the
-castle of Tzympe—beyond the Bosporus, and the Hungarians beyond
-the Save. On St Michael’s day, 1355, he assembled his nobles, and asked
-whether he should lead them against Byzantium or Buda-Pesth. To
-their answer, that they would follow him, whithersoever he bade them,
-his reply was “to Constantinople.” But on the way he fell ill of a fever,
-and at Diavoli, on Dec. 20, he died, aged 48. No Serbian ruler had ever
-approached so near the Imperial city; had he succeeded, and had
-another Dushan succeeded him, the Turkish conquest 98 years later
-might have been averted.</p>
-
-<p>Great as were his conquests, the Serbian Napoleon was no mere
-soldier. His code of law, the “Zakonik,” like the “Code Napoléon,” has
-survived the vast but fleeting Empire of its author. Dushan’s law-book
-is, indeed, largely based on previous legislation, such as the canon law of
-the Greek Church, the statutes of Budua and other Adriatic coast-towns,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_452"></a>[452]</span>
-and, in the case of trial by jury, on an enactment of Stephen Urosh II.
-For us, however, its chief value is the light which it throws upon Serbia’s
-political and social condition in the golden age of the Empire.</p>
-
-<p>Mediæval Serbia resembled neither of the Serb states of our day.
-It was not, even under Dushan, an autocracy, like Montenegro before
-1905, nor yet a democratic monarchy, like the modern Serbian kingdom;
-but the powers of the monarch were limited by the influence of the great
-nobles—a class stamped out at the Turkish conquest and never since
-revived. Society consisted of the Sovereign; the ecclesiastical hierarchy,
-ranging from the Patriarch to the village priest; the greater and lesser
-nobles; the peasants, some free, others serfs bound to the soil; slaves,
-servants for hire; and, at Cattaro and in a few inland places, small
-communities of burghers. But the magnates were the dominant section;
-on two occasions even Dushan had to cope with their rebellions, and
-they formed a privy council of twenty-four, which he consulted before
-deciding important questions of public policy. Their lands were
-hereditary; and they enjoyed the privilege of killing their inferiors with
-comparative impunity, for a graduated tariff (as in Saxon England)
-regulated the punishment for wilful murder—hanging for that of a
-priest or monk, burning for parricide, fratricide, or infanticide, the loss
-of both hands and a fine for that of a noble by a commoner, a simple
-fine for that of a commoner by a noble. But the law secured to the
-peasant the fruits of his labour; no village might be laid under contribution
-by two successive army-corps; but, if the peasant organised or even
-attended a public meeting, he lost his eyes and was branded on the face,
-while for theft or arson, the culprit’s village was held collectively
-responsible. Next to the nobles the Orthodox Church was the most
-influential class; indeed, the early Archbishops of Serbia were drawn
-from junior members of the Royal family, and their interests were
-consequently identical with those of the Crown, of which they were the
-apologists in literature, like the “official” journals of to-day.</p>
-
-<p>While the great Serbia of Dushan, like the smaller Serbia of our days,
-was pre-eminently an agricultural state, it possessed the enormous
-advantage of a coastline, which facilitated trade. Dushan allowed foreign
-merchants to circulate freely, and showed special favour to those of
-Ragusa whose argosies (or <i>ragusies</i>) were welcomed in his ports. He
-allowed a Saxon colony to work the silver-mines of Novo Brdo, and to
-burn charcoal. His bodyguard was composed of Germans, whose
-captain, Palmann, obtained great influence with him. He sent missions
-to foreign countries to obtain information; with Venice, of which he was
-a citizen, his relations were particularly close—as those of Italians and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_453"></a>[453]</span>
-Serbs ought by nature to be; while foreign ambassadors were favourably
-impressed with his hospitality by receiving free meals in every village
-through which they passed. Already—so Nikephoros Gregoras tells us—the
-Serbs had begun to commemorate the great deeds of their
-champions in their national ballads, which attained their full development
-after the fatal battle of Kossovo and have inspired the Serbian
-soldiers in their three last wars. We hear, too, of architects from Cattaro,
-which was the Serbian mint in the reigns of Dushan and his son. The
-Queen of Italy possesses a collection of the coinage of the mediæval
-Serbian monarchy.</p>
-
-<p>Dushan’s Empire crumbled away at his death. Like that of Napoleon,
-it had been made too fast to weld together the four races which it
-contained—Serbs, Greeks, Albanians and Koutso-Wallachs. The
-creation of a Serbian Patriarchate alienated the Greek Church, just
-as the creation of a Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870 sowed the seeds of
-disunion between Greeks and Bulgarians in Macedonia. Thus to the four
-different races there were added four different creeds—the Serbian
-Patriarchists, the Greek Patriarchists, the Albanian Catholics, and the
-Bogomile heretics, these last always ready to invoke a foreign invader
-against domestic persecution, even though that foreigner were a
-Mussulman. Even this strongest of Serbian monarchs, whose foot every
-one who entered his presence must kiss and who was “of all men of his
-time the tallest, and withal terrible to look upon,” as the papal legate
-called him, was barely equal to the task of checking the great nobles;
-and it was doubtless distrust of them which led him to surround himself
-with a foreign guard. The eminent Serbian historian and statesman,
-the late M. Novakovich, sums up the failure of Dushan to found a
-permanent state in the judgment: “Everything about his Empire was
-personal; the Serbian creations were only personal.”</p>
-
-<p>The dying Tsar had made his nobles swear to maintain the rights of
-his son, Stephen Urosh V, then a boy of nineteen. But the lad’s uncle,
-Symeon Urosh, the viceroy of Akarnania and Ætolia, disputed the
-succession; some nobles supported him, while others, availing themselves
-of the family quarrel, set up as independent princes in their particular
-satrapies. Symeon made Trikkala the capital of a brief Greco-Serbian
-Empire; and his son ended as abbot of the famous monastery of Meteoron.
-After four decades Serbian sway over Thessaly and Epeiros ceased to
-exist. An inscription at Trikkala and a church at Meteoron are now
-almost its only memories. Of the independent satraps the most important
-were the brothers Balsha (by some erroneously connected with the
-French house of Baux), who established themselves in the Zeta, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_454"></a>[454]</span>
-present Montenegro, with a seaboard on the Adriatic at Budua and
-Antivari, and with Scutari as their “principal residence”—“principale
-eorum domicilium,” as a Latin document of 1369 says. This is the
-historical basis of the Montenegrin claim to Scutari, where the Balsha
-family remained till (in 1396) it sold that city to Venice. The rest of
-Albania was occupied by native chiefs, the most famous of them being
-Carlo Topia at Durazzo, who boasted his descent from the Angevins—a
-fact commemorated by the French lilies on his still extant tomb near
-Elbassan—and from whom Essad Pasha Toptani derived his origin.</p>
-
-<p>Still more famous was Vukashin, guardian and cup-bearer of the
-young Tsar, who drove his master from the throne in 1366, and assumed
-the title of king, with the government of the specially Serbian lands and
-Prizren as his capital. A later legend makes the usurper murder his
-sovereign during a hunting-party on the plain of Kossovo. But it has
-now been proved that Stephen Urosh V survived his supposed murderer,
-who fell by the hand of his own servant, fighting against the Turks at
-the battle of the Maritza in 1371—the first great blow that Serbia
-received from her future conqueror. His son, Marko Kraljevich, “the
-King’s son, Marko,” that great hero of South Slavonic poetry, whose
-exploits were portrayed by M. Meshtrovich in the Serbian pavilion of
-the Rome exhibition in 1911, retained Prilip; and it is recorded that,
-when in 1912 the Serbian army attacked that place, their officers
-appealed to them in the name of the national hero to liberate his
-residence from the Turks. Two months after Vukashin Stephen Urosh V
-died also, and Lazar Grbljanovich, a connection of the Imperial family,
-ascended the throne of an Empire so diminished that he preferred the
-style of “Prince” to that of Tsar, which was conferred upon him in the
-ballads. Serbia was no longer the leading Slav state of the peninsula—for
-the great Bosnian ruler Stephen Tvrtko I (1353-91) had won the
-hegemony of the Southern Slavs, and in 1376 had himself crowned on
-the grave of St Sava at Mileshevo as “King of the Serbs, and of Bosnia,
-and of the coast.” To secure the latter, he founded the present fortress
-of Castelnuovo at the entrance of the Bocche di Cattaro; and in 1385
-Cattaro itself was his.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile the nation destined to destroy both the Serbian and the
-Bosnian Kingdoms was rapidly advancing. The Turks took Nish in 1386,
-and in 1389 Lazar set out, attended by all his paladins, from his capital
-of Krushevatz—for the Serbian royal residence had receded within the
-limits of Danubian Serbia—to do battle with Murad I on the fatal field
-of Kossovo.</p>
-
-<p>A Serbian ballad tells how on the eve of the battle the prophet<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_455"></a>[455]</span>
-Elijah in the guise of a falcon flew with a letter from the Virgin into
-Lazar’s tent, offering him the choice between the Empire of this world
-and the Heavenly kingdom, and how he chose the latter. The armies met
-on St Vitus’ day, June 15 (<span class="allsmcap">O.S.</span>), 1389. Seven nationalities composed that
-of the Christians; at least one Christian vassal helped to swell the smaller
-forces of the Turks. While Murad was arraying himself for the fight, a
-noble Serb, Milosh Kobilich<a id="FNanchor_862" href="#Footnote_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a>, presented himself as a deserter and begged
-to have speech of the Sultan. His request was granted, he entered the
-royal tent, and stabbed Murad to the heart, paying with his own life
-for this act, but gaining thereby immortality in Serbian poetry. None
-the less, the Turks went undismayed into battle. At first, the Bosniaks
-drove back one Turkish wing; but Bayezid I, the young Sultan, held his
-own on the other, and threw the Christians into disorder. A rumour of
-treachery increased their confusion; whether truly or no, it is still the
-popular tradition that Vuk Brankovich, Lazar’s son-in-law, betrayed
-the Serbian cause at Kossovo. Lazar was taken prisoner, and slain in the
-tent where the dying Murad lay, and with him fell the Serbian Empire.</p>
-
-<p>At first Christendom believed that the Turks had been defeated.
-A <i>Te Deum</i> was sung in Paris to the God of battles; Florence wrote to
-congratulate the Bosnian king, Tvrtko, on the supposed victory. But
-Lazar’s widow, Militza, as a ballad beautifully tells the tale, soon learnt
-the truth in her “white palace” at Krushevatz from the crows that had
-hovered over the battlefield. The name of Kossovo is remembered
-throughout the Serbian lands, as if it had been fought but yesterday.
-Every year the anniversary is kept, in 1916, for the first time in England;
-and it was the fact that the late Archduke Franz Ferdinand chose this
-day of all days to make his entry into Sarajevo, which perhaps contributed
-to his assassination. Although the battle of Kumanovo in 1912
-avenged Kossovo, yet the Montenegrins still wear a black band on their
-caps in sign of mourning for it; in many a lonely village the minstrel
-sings to the sound of the <i>gusle</i> the melancholy legend of Kossovo. On
-the field itself Murad’s heart is still preserved, while the Hungarian Serbs
-treasure in the monastery of Vrdnik the shroud of Lazar.</p>
-
-<p>A diminished Serbian principality lingered on for another seventy
-years. Bayezid recognised the late ruler’s eldest son, Stephen Lazarevich,
-with the title of “Prince” (exchanged in 1404 for that of “Despot,”
-thenceforth borne by the Serbian princes) on condition that he paid
-tribute and came every year with a contingent to join the Turkish<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_456"></a>[456]</span>
-troops, and gave him the hand of his youngest sister; while Vuk
-Brankovich received the reward of his treachery by holding the old
-capital of Prishtina as a vassal of the Sultan. For a time the Turkish
-defeat at Angora by the Tartars in 1402 enabled the Serbian Despot
-to play off one Turkish pretender against another, while he purchased
-domestic peace by making Brankovich’s son George his heir. Thus he
-could devote himself to organising his country and patronising literature
-in the person of Constantine “the Philosopher,” who repaid his hospitality
-by writing his biography. He appointed a species of Cabinet, with which
-he discussed affairs of state, founded the monastery of Manassia,
-obtained Belgrade by diplomacy from the Hungarians, fortified it and
-adorned it with churches. In his time Venice began her colonies in
-Albania and what is now Montenegro—at Durazzo in 1392, Alessio in
-1393, Drivasto and Scutari in 1396, Antivari and Dulcigno in 1421 (the
-former, however, not definitely till 1444), while in 1420 Cattaro placed
-herself under the protection of the Lion of St Mark, then master of most
-of the Dalmatian coast, save where the Ragusan Republic formed an
-enclave in his territory.</p>
-
-<p>Serbia under George Brankovich, who succeeded as “Despot” in
-1427, was thus practically a Danubian principality. The new Despot,
-a man of sixty years, was an experienced diplomatist; but there are
-times in the Balkans when force is more valuable than the subtlest
-diplomacy. A warlike Sultan, in the person of Murad II, sat on the
-Turkish throne; and he soon showed his intentions by demanding the
-whole of Serbia, and invading that country. Brankovich had to move
-his capital from Krushevatz to the bank of the Danube, where at
-Semendria he built the fine castle with the red brick cross in its walls
-which is still a memorial of Serbia’s past, while in order to secure himself
-an eventual refuge in Hungary, he handed over Belgrade to the Hungarian
-monarch, notwithstanding the protests and tears of its citizens. Brankovich
-in vain tried to purchase peace by giving his daughter with a regal
-outfit to the Sultan. Ere long, however, the Sultan, incited by a fanatic
-who accused him of sinning against Allah by allowing the Serbian
-unbeliever to bar the way to Hungary and Italy, demanded the surrender
-of Semendria. Brankovich fled to Hungary, thence to his last maritime
-possessions of Antivari and Budua, and thence to Ragusa; but the
-victories of John Hunyady, “the white knight of Wallachia,” induced
-Murad in 1444 to restore to the Despot the whole of Serbia, on
-payment of half its annual revenue.</p>
-
-<p>Brankovich by his “enlightened egoism” managed to maintain a
-precarious autonomy till after the capture of Constantinople (1453).<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_457"></a>[457]</span>
-Then, Mohammed II resolved to end what remained of Serbian independence,
-and to capture the famous silver mines of Novo Brdo, which,
-as his biographer, Kritoboulos, remarked, had not only largely contributed
-to the splendour of the Serbian Empire, but had also aroused the
-covetousness of its enemies. Indeed, the picture which the Imbrian
-writer draws of Serbia on the eve of the Turkish conquest is almost
-idyllic, with her “cities many and fair,” her “strong forts on the Danube,”
-her “productive soil, swine and cattle, and abundant breed of goodly
-steeds.” But the flower of the Serbian youth had been drafted into the
-corps of Janissaries to fight against their fellow-Christians, the prince
-was a man of ninety and a fugitive, while Mohammed, like the Germans
-of to-day, had marvellous artillery. Still Belgrade, then a Hungarian
-fortress, resisted, thanks to the skill of Hunyady and the fiery eloquence
-of the Franciscan Capistrano. But the nonagenarian Despot was
-wounded in a quarrel with the Hungarian governor, and on Christmas-eve,
-1456, died. Of his sons the two elder had been blinded by the late
-Sultan, so that his third son, Lazar III, succeeded him. His speedy
-death resulted, at this eleventh hour of Serbian history, in the union
-of both Serbia and Bosnia by the marriage of one of his daughters with
-the Bosnian Crown Prince, Stephen Tomashevich—an arrangement
-which even Dushan, in all his glory, had never achieved. The Bosnian
-Despot of Serbia took up his abode at Semendria; but the inhabitants,
-regarding their new master with disfavour, as a Catholic and
-a Hungarian nominee, opened their gates to the Turks; before the
-summer of 1459 was over, all Serbia had become a Turkish pashalik,
-except Belgrade, which remained a Hungarian fortress till 1521. Four
-years after the fall of Serbia her last Despot, then King of Bosnia,
-was beheaded at Jajce, and his kingdom annexed by the Turks.
-Twenty years after Bosnia, the Duchy of St Sava, the modern
-Herzegovina, met with the same fate.</p>
-
-<p>Thus the history of mediæval Serbia was closed. But members of
-the Brankovich family continued to bear the title of Despot in their
-Hungarian exile, whither many of their adherents had followed them,
-till the extinction of their house two centuries ago; the Serbian Patriarchate,
-abolished in 1459, but revived by the Turks in 1557, existed
-till 1767; but from the time of Mohammed II to that of Black George
-in 1804, when Danubian Serbia rose from her long enslavement, the
-noblest representatives of the Serbs maintained their freedom in the
-Republics of Ragusa, “the South Slavonic Athens,” and Poljitza, “the
-South Slavonic San Marino,” and among the barren rocks of free
-Montenegro.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_458"></a>[458]</span></p>
-
-<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4>
-
-<p class="hanging">1. <i>Geschichte der Serben.</i> Von Constantin Jireček, Erster Band (Bis 1371);
-Zweiter Band, erste Hälfte (1371-1537). Gotha: Perthes, 1911, 1918.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">2. <i>Serbes, Croates et Bulgares.</i> Par Louis Leger. Paris: Maisonneuve, 1913.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">3. <i>Les problèmes serbes.</i> Par Stojan Novakovich. In <i>Archiv für slavische
-Philologie</i>, Bände <span class="allsmcap">XXXIII.-IV.</span> Berlin, 1912.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">4. <i>Listine.</i> By S. Ljubich. In <i>Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum
-Meridionalium</i>. Eleven vols. Agram, 1868-93.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">5. <i>Acta et Diplomata Res Albaniæ mediæ ætatis illustrantia.</i> Ed. L. de
-Thallóczy, C. Jireček, E. de Sufflay. Vol. <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> (344-1343); Vol. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> (1344-1406).
-Vindobonæ, 1913-18.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">6. <i>Poésies populaires serbes.</i> Tr. by A. Dozon. Paris, 1877.</p>
-
-<h4 id="heading24">APPENDIX<br />
-THE FOUNDER OF MONTENEGRO</h4>
-
-<p>The parentage of Stephen Crnojevich, the founder of the like-named
-Montenegrin dynasty, has hitherto rested merely on conjecture. The
-two oldest writers on South Slavonic history, Orbini<a id="FNanchor_863" href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> and Luccari<a id="FNanchor_864" href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a>,
-identified him with Stefano Maramonte, an adventurer from Apulia,
-who is known from Venetian sources<a id="FNanchor_865" href="#Footnote_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a> to have been a totally different
-person. Subsequent writers, such as Ducange<a id="FNanchor_866" href="#Footnote_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a>, Fallmerayer<a id="FNanchor_867" href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a>, Milakovich<a id="FNanchor_868" href="#Footnote_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a>,
-and Lenormant<a id="FNanchor_869" href="#Footnote_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a>, have usually adopted without question this identification;
-while the first native historian of Montenegro, the <i>Vladika</i> Vasilj
-Petrovich<a id="FNanchor_870" href="#Footnote_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a>, made him the son of a certain John Crnojevich, who was
-descended from the Serbian royal family of Nemanja. According to
-these respective theories, he first appeared in Montenegrin history in
-1419, 1421 or 1423. Hopf<a id="FNanchor_871" href="#Footnote_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a>, and Count de Mas Latrie<a id="FNanchor_872" href="#Footnote_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a>, who were far
-nearer the truth, asserted him to have been a son of Raditch Crnoje,
-who is described as “lord of the Zeta and Budua and of the other parts of
-Slavonia” in 1392, as “baron of the parts of the Zeta” in 1393, and as
-having fallen in battle in 1396, after having been a “very powerful
-man” and an honorary citizen of Venice<a id="FNanchor_873" href="#Footnote_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_459"></a>[459]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Venetian documents, published by Ljubich, prove beyond all
-doubt that Stephen Crnojevich was the son of George Jurash, or
-Jurashevich—a name first mentioned<a id="FNanchor_874" href="#Footnote_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a> in a Ragusan document of 1403.
-Three years later George Jurashevich and his brother Alexius dominated
-the Upper Zeta; in 1420 they were “barons of the Zeta” and were
-promised the possession of Budua<a id="FNanchor_875" href="#Footnote_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a>—the very same places that Raditch
-Crnoje had held. These facts might have suggested that they were his
-next-of-kin, not, as Hopf<a id="FNanchor_876" href="#Footnote_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> and Miklosich<a id="FNanchor_877" href="#Footnote_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> supposed, members of a
-distinct clan. The identity of the two families is proved by a document<a id="FNanchor_878" href="#Footnote_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a>
-of 1426, which mentions for the first time <i>Stefaniza fiol del Zorzi Juras</i>,
-while subsequent documents prove conclusively that this Stefaniza was
-none other than Stephen Crnojevich. He had three brothers, one “lately
-dead” in 1443, and in the next year mention is made of the three
-survivors as <i>Jurassin, Stefanice, et Coicini, fratrum de Zernoievich</i><a id="FNanchor_879" href="#Footnote_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The exact relationship of Stephen’s father, George Jurashevich, to
-Raditch Crnoje can only be surmised. We know however that Raditch
-had several brothers<a id="FNanchor_880" href="#Footnote_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a>; if we assume that one was called George, or
-Jurash, this man’s son would then be called Jurashevich; thus Stephen
-would be Raditch’s grand-nephew—a degree of relationship which would
-correspond with his death<a id="FNanchor_881" href="#Footnote_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a> in 1466, two generations after that of his
-great-uncle. As the legitimate heirs of Raditch, the Jurashevich naturally
-reverted to the more distinguished surname of Crnojevich, a name found
-in that region in 1351, while Crnagora, the Serb name for Montenegro,
-occurs in a Ragusan document<a id="FNanchor_882" href="#Footnote_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a> of 1362. There is a tradition<a id="FNanchor_883" href="#Footnote_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a> that the
-family came originally from Zajablje in the Herzegovina.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_460"></a>[460]</span></p>
-
-<h3 id="heading25">3. BOSNIA BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST<a id="FNanchor_884" href="#Footnote_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a></h3>
-
-<h4>I. <span class="smcap">The History of Bosnia down to 1180.</span></h4>
-
-<p>The earliest known inhabitants of Bosnia and the Herzegovina
-belonged to that Illyrian stock which peopled the western side of the
-Balkan peninsula at the close of the fifth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> At that period
-we find two Illyrian tribes, the Ardiæi and the Autariatæ, in possession
-of those lands. The former occupied West Bosnia, while the latter
-extended to the south and gave their name to the river Tara, which
-forms for some distance the present frontier between Montenegro and
-the Herzegovina. Few characteristics of these remote tribes have been
-preserved by the Greek and Roman writers, but we are told that the
-Ardiæi were noted even among the Illyrians for their drunken habits,
-and that they were the proprietors of a large body of slaves, who
-performed all their manual offices for them. Of the Autariatæ we know
-nothing beyond the fact of their power at that epoch.</p>
-
-<p>But the old Illyrian inhabitants had to acknowledge the superiority
-of another race. About 380 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> the Celts invaded the peninsula, and,
-by dint of continual pushing, ousted the natives of what is now Serbia,
-and so became neighbours of the Ardiæi. Their next step was to drive
-the latter southward into the modern Herzegovina, and to seize their
-possessions in North Bosnia. Instead of uniting against the Celtic
-invaders the Illyrian tribes fell to quarrelling among themselves over
-some salt springs, which were unfortunately situated at the spot where
-their confines met. This fratricidal struggle had the effect of so weakening
-both parties that they fell an easy prey to the common foe. The victorious
-Celts pursued their southward course, and by 335 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> both Bosnia and
-the Herzegovina were in their power, and the Illyrians either exiles or else
-subject to the Celtic sway. This is the first instance of that fatal tendency
-to disunion which has throughout been the curse of these beautiful lands.
-The worst foes of Bosnia and the Herzegovina have been those of their
-own household.</p>
-
-<p>The Celtic supremacy left few traces behind it. While in the south
-a powerful Illyrian state was formed, which offered a stubborn resistance
-to Rome herself, the Celtic and Illyrian inhabitants of Bosnia and the
-Herzegovina remained in the happy condition of having no history.
-But when the South Illyrian state fell before the Romans, in 167 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_461"></a>[461]</span>
-and the legionaries encamped on the river Narenta, upon which the
-present Herzegovinian capital stands, the people who dwelt to the north
-felt that the time had come to defend themselves. One of their tribes
-had already submitted to the Romans, but the others combined in a
-confederation, which had its seat at Delminium, a fortress near the
-modern town of Sinj, in Dalmatia, from which the confederates took the
-common name of Dalmatians. The first struggle lasted for nearly a
-century, in spite of the capture and destruction of Delminium by Scipio
-Nasica in 155 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, and it was reserved for Caius Cosconius in 78 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> to
-subdue the Dalmatian confederates and bring Bosnia and the Herzegovina
-for the first time beneath the Roman sway. Those lands were then
-merged in the Roman province of Illyricum, which stretched from the
-Adriatic to the western frontier of modern Serbia and from the Save
-into North Albania. But the spirit of the brave Dalmatians was still
-unbroken, and they never lost an opportunity of rising against their
-Roman masters. Aided by their winter climate, they resisted the armies
-of Cæsar’s most trusted lieutenants, and the Emperor Augustus was
-twice wounded in his youthful campaign against them. One of their
-revolts in the early years of the Christian era was, in the words of
-Suetonius, “the greatest danger which had threatened Rome since the
-Punic wars.” Under their chiefs Bato and Pines they defied the legions
-of Tiberius for four long years, and it was only when their last stronghold
-had fallen, and Bato had been taken captive, that they submitted. Their
-power as an independent nation was broken for ever, their country
-was laid waste, and in <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 9 finally incorporated with the Roman
-Empire. North Bosnia became part of the province of Pannonia; the
-Herzegovina and Bosnia south of a line drawn from Novi through
-Banjaluka and Doboj to Zvornik, were included in the province of
-Dalmatia. The Romans divided up the latter in their usual methodical
-manner into three districts, grouped round three towns, where was the
-seat of justice, and whither the native chieftains came to confer with
-the Roman authorities. Thus Salona, near Spalato, once a city half as
-large as Constantinople, but now a heap of ruins, was made the centre
-of government for South Bosnia, while the Herzegovina fell within the
-jurisdiction of Narona, a fortress which has been identified with Vid,
-near Metkovich.</p>
-
-<p>The Roman domination, which lasted till the close of the fifth
-century, has left a permanent mark upon the country. The interior, it
-is true, never attained to such a high degree of civilisation as the more
-accessible towns on the Dalmatian coast, and no such magnificent
-building as the palace at Spalato in which Diocletian spent the evening<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_462"></a>[462]</span>
-of his days adorned the inland settlements. But the conquerors
-developed, much as the Austrians have done in our own time, those
-natural resources which the natives had neglected. Three great Roman
-roads united Salona and the sea with the principal places up country.
-One of these highways skirted the beautiful lake Jezero, traversed the
-now flourishing town of Banjaluka, which derives its modern name,
-“the Baths of St Luke,” from the ruins of a Roman bath, and ended
-at Gradishka, on the Save. Another connected Salona with the plain of
-Sarajevo, even then regarded as the centre of the Bosnian trade, and
-the valley of the Drina, while a branch penetrated as far as Plevlje,
-in the <i>sandjak</i> of Novibazar, then a considerable Roman settlement.
-The third, starting also from Salona, crossed the south of the Herzegovina,
-where traces of it may still be seen. Then, too, the mineral wealth of
-Bosnia was first exploited—the gold workings near the source of the
-river Vrbas and the rich deposits of iron ore in the north-west. The
-natives, hitherto occupied in fighting or farming, were now forced to
-work at the gold diggings. Roman authors extolled the Bosnian gold,
-the “Dalmatian metal” of Statius, of which as much as 50 lbs. were
-obtained in a single day, and a special functionary presided at Salona
-over the administration of the Bosnian gold mines. The salt springs of
-Dolnja Tuzla, now a busy manufacturing town, were another source of
-wealth, and the numerous coins of the Roman period discovered up and
-down the country show that a considerable amount of money was in
-circulation there. Many a Roman colonist must have been buried in
-Bosnian soil, for numbers of tombstones with Latin inscriptions have
-been found, and the national museum at Sarajevo is full of Roman
-cooking utensils, Roman vases, and Roman instruments of all kinds.
-Most important of all, it was during the Roman period that the first
-seeds of Christianity were sown in these remote Balkan lands. The exact
-date of this event, which was to exercise paramount influence for evil
-as well as good upon the future history of Bosnia, is unknown, but we
-may safely assume that the Archbishopric of Salona was the seat of the
-new doctrine, from which it rapidly spread throughout the Dalmatian
-province. Several bishoprics, which are mentioned as subordinate to
-the archiepiscopal See of Salona in the sixth century, are to be found in
-Bosnia, and one in particular, the bishopric of Bistue, lay in the very
-heart of that country.</p>
-
-<p>But the power of Rome on the further shore of the Adriatic and in
-the mountains behind it did not long survive the break-up of the Western
-Empire in 476. Bosnia and the Herzegovina experienced the fate of the
-provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia, of which they had so long formed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_463"></a>[463]</span>
-a part. Twenty years earlier Marcellinus, a Roman general, had carved
-out for himself an independent principality in Dalmatia, and his nephew
-and successor, Julius Nepos, maintained his independence there for a
-short space after the fall of the Empire. But Odoacer soon made himself
-master of the old Roman province, and in 493 the Ostrogoths under
-Theodoric overran the country, and for the next forty years Bosnia and
-the Herzegovina owned their sway. This change of rulers made little
-difference in the condition of the people. The Ostrogoths did not
-interfere with the religious institutions which they found already in
-existence. Under their government two ecclesiastical councils were held
-at Salona, and two new bishoprics founded, bringing the total number
-up to six. Theodoric, like the Romans before him, paid special attention
-to the mineral wealth of Bosnia, and a letter is extant in which he
-appoints an overseer of “the Dalmatian iron ore mines.” But in 535
-began the twenty years’ war between the Ostrogoths and the Emperor
-Justinian. These lands at once became the prey of devastating armies,
-the battle-field of Gothic and Byzantine combatants. In the midst of
-the general confusion a horde of new invaders appeared, probably at
-the invitation of the Gothic King, and in 548 we hear of the Slavs for
-the first time in the history of the country. Further Slavonic detachments
-followed in the next few years, and before the second half of the
-sixth century was far advanced there was a considerable Slav population
-in the western part of the Balkan peninsula. Even when the war
-had ended with the overthrow of the Gothic realm, and Bosnia and the
-Herzegovina had fallen under the Byzantine sway, the inroads of the
-Slavs did not cease. Other savage tribes came too, and the Avars in
-particular were the terror of the inhabitants. This formidable race,
-akin to the Huns, whom they rivalled in ferocity, soon reduced the
-once flourishing province of Dalmatia to a wilderness. During one of
-their marches through Bosnia they destroyed nearly forty fortified
-places on the road from the Save to Salona, and finally reduced that
-prosperous city to the heap of ruins which it has ever since remained,
-while the citizens formed out of Diocletian’s abandoned palace the town
-which bears the name of Spalato, or the Palace, to this day. But the
-Avars were not to have an unchallenged supremacy over the country.
-In the first half of the seventh century the Emperor Herakleios
-summoned to his aid two Slavonic tribes, the Croats and Serbs, and
-offered them the old Illyrian lands as his vassals if they would drive out
-the Avars. Nothing loth they at once accepted the invitation, and, after
-a fierce struggle, subdued the barbarians, whose hands had been as
-heavy upon the Slavonic as upon the Roman settlers. The Croats, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_464"></a>[464]</span>
-came somewhat earlier than the Serbs, took up their abode in what is
-still known as Croatia, and in the northern part of Dalmatia, as far as
-the river Cetina; the Serbs occupied the coast line from that river as
-far south as the present Albanian town of Durazzo, and inland the whole
-of modern Serbia (as it was before 1912), Montenegro, Bosnia, the
-Herzegovina, and the <i>sandjak</i> of Novibazar. From that time onwards
-these regions have, under various alien dominations, never lost their
-Slavonic character, and to this day even the Bosniaks who profess the
-faith of Islâm, no less than their Orthodox brothers, are of Serbian stock.</p>
-
-<p>The history of Bosnia and the Herzegovina from this Slavonic
-settlement in the first half of the seventh down to the middle of the
-tenth century is very obscure. We have few facts recorded, and nothing
-is gained by repeating the names of mythical rulers, whose existence
-has been disproved by the researches of critical historians. But it is
-possible to form some general idea of the state of the country during this
-period of transition. Nominally under the suzerainty of the Byzantine
-Empire, much in the same sense as modern Bulgaria was till 1908 under
-that of the Sultan, Bosnia and its neighbouring lands were practically
-independent and formed a loose agglomeration of small districts, each
-of which was called by the Slavonic name of <i>jupa</i> and was governed by
-a headman known as a <i>jupan</i>. The most important of these petty chiefs
-was awarded the title of great <i>jupan</i>, and the various districts composed
-a sort of primitive confederation under his auspices. Two of the districts
-received names which attained considerable importance in subsequent
-history. The Slavonic settlers in the valley of the Upper Bosna adapted
-the Latin designation of that river, Basante, to their own idiom by
-calling the stream Bosna and themselves Bosniaks, and the name of the
-river was afterwards extended to the whole country, which from that
-time onwards was known as Bosnia—a term first found in the form
-“Bosona,” of Constantine Porphyrogenitus<a id="FNanchor_885" href="#Footnote_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a>. Similarly Mount Hum,
-above the present town of Mostar, gave its name to the surrounding
-district, which was called the Land of Hum, or Zahumlje, until in the
-middle of the fifteenth century it was re-christened the “Land of the
-Duke,” or the Herzegovina, from the German <i>Herzog</i>. These derivations
-are much more probable than the alternatives recently offered, according
-to which Bosnia means the “land of salt” in Albanian, and the
-Herzegovina means the “land of stones” in Turkish<a id="FNanchor_886" href="#Footnote_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Slavs, with the adaptability of many other conquerors, soon
-accepted the religion which they found already established in these
-countries. The Serbs, who settled at the mouth of the Narenta, alone<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_465"></a>[465]</span>
-adhered to paganism, and erected on the ruins of the old Roman town
-of Narona a shrine of their god Viddo, from whom the modern village
-of Vid derives its name. Here heathen rites were celebrated for more
-than two hundred years, and as late as the beginning of the last
-century the inhabitants of Vid cherished ancient idols, of which the
-original significance had long passed away.</p>
-
-<p>The political history of Bosnia was determined for many generations
-by its geographical position on the boundary line between the Croatian
-and Serbian settlements. It was here that these two branches of the
-Slavonic race met, and from the moment when two rival groups were
-formed under Croatian and Serbian auspices Bosnia became the coveted
-object of both. That country accordingly submitted to Croatian and
-Serbian rulers by turns. Early in the tenth century it seems to have
-acknowledged the sway of Tomislav, first King of the Croats, and was
-administered as a dependency by an official known as a <i>ban</i>, the
-Croatian name for a “governor,” which survived to our own day. A
-little later the Serbian Prince Tchaslav incorporated it in the confederation
-which he welded together, and defended it against the Magyars,
-who now make their first appearance in its history. Under a chieftain
-named Kés these dangerous neighbours had penetrated as far as the
-upper waters of the river Drina, where the Serbian Prince inflicted a
-crushing defeat upon them. But, in his zeal to carry the war into the
-enemy’s country, he perished himself, and with his death his dominions
-fell asunder, and Bosnia became for a brief period independent. But
-Kreshimir, King of the Croats, recovered it in 968, and for the next
-half-century it belonged to the Croatian crown. But about 1019 the
-Emperor Basil II restored for a time the dormant Byzantine sovereignty
-over the whole Balkan peninsula. After the bloody campaigns which
-earned him the title of “the Bulgar-slayer” and ended in the destruction
-of the first Bulgarian Empire, he turned his arms against the Serbs and
-Croats, forcing the latter to receive their crown from Constantinople
-and reducing Bosnia to more than nominal subjection to his throne.</p>
-
-<p>Meanwhile the Herzegovina, or the “Land of Hum,” as it was then
-called, had had a considerable history of its own. Early in the tenth
-century, at the time when the Croatian King Tomislav was extending
-his authority over Bosnia, we hear of a certain Michael Vishevich, who
-ruled over the sister land and held his court in the ancient fortress of
-Blagaj, above the source of the river Buna. Vishevich was evidently
-a prince of considerable importance. The Pope addressed him as “the
-most excellent Duke of the people of Hum”; the Byzantine Emperor
-awarded him the proud titles of “proconsul and Patrician.” The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_466"></a>[466]</span>
-Republic of Ragusa paid him an annual tribute of thirty-six ducats for
-the vineyards of her citizens which lay within his territory. His fleet,
-starting from the seaport of Stagno, then the seat of a bishopric as well
-as an important haven, ravaged the Italian coast opposite, and made the
-name of “Michael, King of the Slavs,” as a chronicler styles him, a
-terror to the inhabitants of Apulia. The great Bulgarian Tsar Symeon
-was his ally, and on two occasions during his struggle with the Byzantine
-Empire he received aid or advice from him. We find him seconding
-Tomislav’s proposal for summoning the famous ecclesiastical council
-which met at Spalato in 925 and prohibited the use of the Slavonic
-liturgy. In short, nothing of importance occurred in that region during
-his reign in which he had not his say<a id="FNanchor_887" href="#Footnote_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a>. But after his death his dominions
-seem to have been included, like Bosnia, in the Serbian confederation
-of Tchaslav; and, when that collapsed, they were annexed by the King
-of Dioklitia, whose realm derived its name from the town of Doclea in
-what is now Montenegro, and took its origin in the valley of the Zeta,
-which divides that kingdom in two. About the end of the tenth century
-however, the powerful Bulgarian Tsar Samuel established his supremacy
-over the Kingdom of Dioklitia, and the treacherous murder of its King
-a few years later completed the incorporation of Dioklitia, and consequently
-of the Herzegovina, in the Bulgarian Empire. But its
-connexion with Bulgaria was short-lived. When Basil “the Bulgar-slayer”
-destroyed the sovereignty of the Bulgarian Tsars he added the
-Herzegovina as well as Bosnia to his own domains. Thus the twin
-provinces fell at the same moment beneath the Byzantine sway, and
-from 1019 remained for a space parts of that Empire, governed sometimes
-by imperial governors, sometimes by native princes acting as
-imperial viceroys. Bosnia was the first to raise the standard of revolt,
-and no sooner was the Emperor Basil II dead than it regained its
-independence under <i>bans</i> of its own, who raised it to an important
-position among the petty states of that time. The Herzegovina, less
-fortunate, only exchanged the sovereignty of the Emperor at Constantinople
-for that of the King of Dioklitia, who in 1050 made himself
-master of the land. For exactly a century it remained an integral portion
-of that kingdom, and had therefore no separate history. Even Bosnia
-succumbed a generation later to the monarchs of Dioklitia, for about
-1085 all the three neighbouring lands, Serbia, Bosnia and the Herzegovina,
-had to accept governors from King Bodin of the Zeta, and thus
-a great Serb state existed under his sceptre.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_467"></a>[467]</span></p>
-
-<p>But in the early years of the twelfth century a new force made itself
-felt in South Slavonic lands, a force which even in our own day has till
-lately exercised a powerful influence over the fortunes of the Balkan
-peninsula. Since their unsuccessful incursion in the time of Tchaslav
-the Hungarians had never abandoned their cherished object of gaining
-a foothold there. But it was not till the union of Croatia in 1102, and of
-Dalmatia in 1105, with the Hungarian Crown by Koloman, that this
-object was attained. The Hungarian Kings thus came into close contact
-with Bosnia, and were not long in extending their authority over that
-country. So far from meeting with opposition they were regarded by
-the people as valuable allies in the common struggle against the Byzantine
-Emperors of the family of the Comnenoi, who aimed at restoring the past
-glories and dimensions of their realm. Accordingly in 1135 we find an
-Hungarian King, Béla II, for the first time styling himself “King of
-Rama”—the name of a river in Bosnia, which Magyar chroniclers
-applied first to the surrounding district and then to the whole country.
-From that time onward, whoever the actual possessors of Rama, or
-Bosnia, might be, it was always included among the titles of the
-Hungarian monarchs, and, till our own time, the Emperor Francis
-Joseph in his capacity of King of Hungary called himself also “King of
-Rama.” In his case the phrase had certainly a more practical significance
-than it possessed in earlier centuries.</p>
-
-<p>The precise manner in which this close connexion between Hungary
-and Bosnia was formed is obscure. According to one theory Béla
-received the country as the dowry of his Serbian wife; according to
-another the Bosnian magnates, seeing the increasing power of Hungary
-and the revived pretensions of the Byzantine Emperors, decided to seek
-the protection of the former against the latter. At any rate a little later
-Béla assigned Bosnia as a duchy to his second son, Ladislaus, leaving,
-however, the actual government of that land in the hands of native <i>bans</i>.
-It is now that we hear the name of one of these rulers for the first time.
-Hitherto the Bosnian governors have been mere shadowy figures,
-flitting unrecognised and almost unnoticed across the stage of history.
-But <i>ban</i> Borich, who now comes into view, is a man of flesh and blood.
-In the wars between the Emperor Manuel Comnenos and the Hungarians
-he was the staunch ally of the latter, and when a disputed succession
-to the Hungarian throne took place he aspired to play the part of a
-king-maker and supported the claims of Ladislaus, the titular “duke”
-of Bosnia. But he made the mistake of choosing the losing side and,
-after being conquered by the troops of the successful candidate, disappeared
-mysteriously in 1163. Short, however, as was his career, he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_468"></a>[468]</span>
-had extended the eastern borders of Bosnia to the river Drina, and we
-learn from the contemporary Greek historian Cinnamus<a id="FNanchor_888" href="#Footnote_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> that his
-country was “independent of Serbia and governed in its own fashion.”
-Three years after his disappearance from the scene Bosnia shared the
-fate of Croatia and Dalmatia, and fell into the hands of Manuel
-Comnenos. But upon the death of that powerful Emperor in 1180 the
-fabric which he had laboriously erected collapsed; the Balkan peoples
-had nothing more to fear from the Byzantine Empire, and Bosnia under
-her famous <i>ban</i> Kulin attained to greater freedom and prosperity than
-she had yet enjoyed. But the same period which witnessed this political
-and material progress witnessed also the development of that ecclesiastical
-schism which was one day destined to cause the loss of all freedom and
-the suspension of all progress by facilitating the Turkish conquest of
-the land.</p>
-
-<h4>II. <span class="smcap">The Great Bosnian Bans (1180-1376).</span></h4>
-
-<p>Kulin is the first great figure in Bosnian history. By nature a man
-of peace, he devoted his attention to the organisation of the country,
-which in his time was a ten days’ journey in circumference, the development
-of its commerce, and the maintenance of its independence. He
-allowed foreigners ready access to his dominions, employed two Italian
-painters and goldsmiths at his court, and gave liberal mining concessions
-to two shrewd burghers of Ragusa, which during the middle ages was
-the chief emporium of the inland trade. He concluded in 1189 a treaty
-of commerce with that city—the earliest known Bosnian document—in
-which he swore to be its “true friend now and for ever, and to keep
-true peace and genuine troth” with it all his life. Ragusan merchants
-were permitted to settle wherever they chose in his territory, and no
-harm was to be done them by his officials. Agriculture flourished under
-his rule, and years afterwards, whenever the Bosnian farmer had a
-particularly prosperous year, he would say to his fellows, “The times
-of Kulin are coming back again.” Even to-day the people regard him
-as a favourite of the fairies, and his reign as a golden age, and to “talk
-of <i>ban</i> Kulin” is a popular expression for one who speaks of the remote
-past, when the Bosnian plum-trees always groaned with fruit and the
-yellow corn-fields never ceased to wave in the fertile plains. Kulin’s
-position was strengthened too by his powerful connections; for his sister
-was the wife of Miroslav, Prince of the Herzegovina, which, as we have
-seen, had formed part of the Kingdom of Dioklitia down to 1150, when
-it was conquered by the Serbian great <i>jupan</i>, Desa. Some twenty years<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_469"></a>[469]</span>
-later Stephen Nemanja made his brother Miroslav its prince, and thus
-was closely connected with Kulin. The latter, like Nemanja in Serbia,
-threw off all ties of allegiance to the Byzantine Empire on the death of
-Manuel Comnenos, and at the same time ignored the previous relations
-which had existed between the Kings of Hungary and the Bosnian <i>bans</i>.</p>
-
-<p>But it was Kulin’s ecclesiastical policy which rendered his reign most
-memorable in the after history of Bosnia. In the tenth century there
-had appeared in Bulgaria a priest named “Bogomil,” or the “Beloved
-of God,” who preached a mystical doctrine, peculiarly attractive to the
-intellect of a Slavonic race. From the assumption that there existed in
-the universe a bad as well as a good deity the Bogomiles, as his
-disciples were called, deduced a complete system of theology, which
-explained all phenomena to their own satisfaction. But the Bogomiles
-did not content themselves with metaphysics alone. They descended
-from the serene atmosphere of abstract reasoning to the questions of
-ritual and the customs of society. Appropriating to themselves the title
-of “good Christians,” they regarded the monks as little short of idolators,
-set at naught the authority of bishops, and defied the thunders of the
-popes. Their worship was characterised by extreme simplicity and often
-conducted in the open air, while in their lives they aimed at a plain and
-primitive ideal. A “perfect” Bogomile, one who belonged to the
-strictest of the two castes into which they were divided, looked upon
-marriage as impure and bloodshed as a deadly sin; he despised riches,
-and owned allegiance to no one save God alone, while he had the
-quaker’s objection to an oath. No wonder that popes, trembling for
-their authority, branded them as heretics and pursued them with all the
-horrors of fire and sword; no wonder that potentates found them
-sometimes intractable subjects, and sometimes useful allies in a struggle
-against ecclesiastical pretensions.</p>
-
-<p>The Bogomiles appear to have entered Bosnia about the middle of
-the twelfth century, and speedily gained a hold upon the country.
-Kulin at first remained uninfluenced by their teachings. Thus, in 1180,
-we find the papal legate writing to him in the most courteous terms,
-and addressing him as the “noble and powerful man, the great <i>ban</i> of
-Bosnia.” The legate sends him a letter and the Holy Father’s blessing,
-and begs him to give him in return, as a token of his devotion, “two
-servants and marten skins.” But Kulin found it politic later on to
-secede from the Roman Church. For some time past the rival Archbishoprics
-of Spalato and Ragusa had striven for ecclesiastical supremacy
-over Bosnia. Béla III, King of Hungary, who had now time to devote
-to his ambitious schemes against that country, warmly supported the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_470"></a>[470]</span>
-claims of the See of Spalato, to which he had appointed a creature of
-his own. Kulin was naturally on the side of Ragusa, and was encouraged
-by his sister, whose late husband, Miroslav, Prince of the Herzegovina,
-had had a similar contest with the Archbishop of Spalato, and had
-concluded a treaty with the Ragusans. The Pope took the part of
-Spalato, and Kulin retorted by defying him, as Miroslav had done before.
-The latter had probably been a Bogomile for some time before his death;
-the former now formally abandoned the Roman Church, with his wife,
-his sister, his whole family, and ten thousand of his subjects. The force
-of so potent an example was at once felt. The Bogomile or Patarene
-heresy, as it was called by the Bosniaks of other creeds, now spread
-apace, not only over Bosnia, but in the neighbouring lands. The two
-Italian painters, whom we have mentioned as residing at Kulin’s court,
-carried it to Spalato, where it extended to the other Dalmatian coast
-towns; and the destruction of Zara by the crusaders in 1202 was
-regarded by pious chroniclers as a judgment upon that city for its
-heretical opinions.</p>
-
-<p>King Béla III was not slow to make Kulin’s defection the excuse
-for posing as defender of the true faith. But his death and the quarrels
-between his heirs gave Kulin a little breathing space, and it was not
-till 1200 that he was in actual danger. By that time Béla’s sons,
-Emerich and Andrew, had established themselves respectively as King
-of Hungary and Duke of the Herzegovina, and accordingly threatened
-Bosnia from two sides. Emerich, following his father’s policy, endeavoured
-to induce the Pope to preach a crusade against the Bosnian
-heretics, and Innocent III, who then occupied the chair of St Peter,
-hailed the King of Hungary as overlord of Bosnia, and bade him
-summon Kulin to recant, or if the latter remained obdurate invade
-Bosnia and occupy it himself. Thus menaced by a combination of the
-spiritual and the temporal power, Kulin bowed before the storm. He
-felt that at all costs Hungarian intervention must be avoided, so he
-made the rather lame excuse that he had “regarded the Patarenes not
-as heretics, but as Catholics,” and begged the Pope to send him some
-safe adviser, who should guide his erring feet into the right way.
-Innocent, pleased at Kulin’s submission, sent two ecclesiastics to Bosnia
-to inquire into the religious condition of the country and to bring back
-its ruler to the true fold. The mission was temporarily successful. Early
-in the spring of 1203 the <i>ban</i>, his great nobles, and the heads of the
-Bogomile community met in solemn assembly in the “white plain,” or
-Bjelopolje, on the river Bosna, confessed their errors, and drew up a
-formal document embodying their recantation. “We renounce the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_471"></a>[471]</span>
-schism of which we are accused”—so runs the deed—“we promise to
-have altars and crosses in all our churches, to receive the sacrament
-seven times a year, to observe the fasts ordained by the church, and
-to keep the festivals of the saints. Henceforth we will no more call
-ourselves ‘Christians,’ but ‘brothers,’ so as not to cast a slur upon other
-Christians.” The oath thus taken was renewed by representatives of the
-Bogomiles in the presence of the King of Hungary, who bade Kulin
-observe his promises for the future. The cloud had passed away, but
-with its disappearance Kulin too disappears from the scene. An
-inscription, said to be the oldest in the country and ascribed to the year
-1203-04, which was found in 1898 at Muhashinovichi, on the river
-Bosna, refers to a church erected by him to prove the sincerity of
-his re-conversion, and prays God to grant health to him and his wife,
-Voyslava. We hear no more of him after 1204; but his memory was not
-soon forgotten<a id="FNanchor_889" href="#Footnote_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a>. Two centuries later a Bosnian King desired to have
-confirmed to him all the “customs, usages, privileges and frontiers,
-which existed in the time of Kulin,” and the rich Bosnian family of
-Kulenovich of our own time (whose ancestral castle of Jaskopolje may
-be seen near Jajce, almost on the spot where, in 1878, the great fight
-between the Austrians and the insurgents took place) is said to derive
-its name and lineage from him.</p>
-
-<p>But the recantation of Kulin did not check the growth of the
-Bogomile heresy. Under his successor, Stephen, the numbers of the
-sect increased, and the efforts of Pope Honorius III and his legate to
-preach a crusade against the heretics remained fruitless. The Holy Father
-might exclaim that “the unbelievers in Bosnia, just as witches in a cave
-nourish their offspring with their bare breasts, publicly preach their
-abominable errors, to the great harm of the Lord’s flock”; but even
-this mixture of metaphors failed to stimulate the flagging zeal of the
-Hungarian Catholics. Even when the King of Hungary had pacified
-his rebellious nobles by the golden bull, and was therefore able to turn
-his attention to Bosnian affairs, the proposed crusade fell flat. The King
-worked upon the cupidity of the Archbishop of Kalocsa by granting him
-spiritual authority over Bosnia; but the only result was to stiffen the
-backs of the recalcitrant Bosniaks. Imitating their neighbours in the
-Herzegovina, who had lately made a Bogomile their Prince, they deposed
-the weak-kneed Stephen and put Matthew Ninoslav, a Bogomile by
-birth and education, in his place. The new <i>ban</i> proved, however, more
-pliant than his poorer subjects. Alarmed at the threatening attitude<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_472"></a>[472]</span>
-of the King of Hungary, he recanted, as Kulin had done before him, and
-placed his country under the protection of St Peter. But the conversion
-of their Prince had little effect upon the masses. The monks of the
-Dominican order might boast that they had converted, if not convinced,
-Ninoslav, but it was felt that stronger measures must be taken against
-his people. In 1234 a crusade was at last organised, and for the next five
-years the Bogomiles of Bosnia experienced all those horrors of fire and
-sword which their fellows, the Albigenses, had suffered in the south of
-France. Under different names and in widely different spheres the two
-bodies of heretics had adopted similar doctrines. Indeed, the Albigenses
-had looked to the Bogomile “pope,” or primate, of Bosnia for spiritual
-instruction and advice, and accepted their “vicar” at his hands. But
-while historians and poets of renown have cast lustre upon the struggles
-and sufferings of the martyrs of Provence the probably equally heroic
-resistance of the Bosnian Bogomiles has made little impression upon
-literature. Yet it is clear that they possessed all the stubborn valour
-of our own puritans. In spite of the conquest of both Bosnia and the
-Herzegovina in 1237 by the Hungarian King’s son, Koloman, who
-received the former country from the King and the Pope as the reward
-of his labours, in spite of the erection of forts and a Catholic Cathedral
-to keep the unruly passions and heretical inclinations of the people in
-order, the spirit of the Bogomiles remained unbroken. Ninoslav, furious
-at the arbitrary substitution of Koloman for himself, once more
-appeared as their champion, and the great defeat of the Hungarians
-by the Tartars in 1241 not only rid him of his rival, Koloman, but freed
-his land from all fear of Hungarian intervention for some time to come.
-Even the incursion of the Tartars into Bosnia was a small disadvantage
-as compared with the benefits which that country had derived from their
-previous victory over its foes. Ninoslav now felt himself strong enough
-to assist Spalato in its struggle against the King of Hungary and to
-offer an alliance to Ragusa against the growing power of the Serbian
-monarchy. A second crusade in Bosnia in 1246 was not more successful
-than the first, and the Pope in placing the Bosnian See under the
-authority of the Archbishop of Kalocsa, expressly gave as his reason
-“the utter hopelessness of a voluntary conversion of that country to
-the true faith.” Even the papal permission to use the Slavonic tongue
-and the Glagolitic characters in the Catholic service did not win over
-the Bogomiles to Rome. Crusades and concessions had alike failed<a id="FNanchor_890" href="#Footnote_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_473"></a>[473]</span></p>
-
-<p>Ninoslav passes out of sight in 1250, and the next two generations
-are, with the exception of the Turkish supremacy, the gloomiest period
-of Bosnian history. Religious differences and a disputed succession
-made the country an easy prey to the ambitious designs of the Hungarian
-monarchs, who, after a brief support of Ninoslav’s relative, the Catholic
-Prijesda I, in 1254 subdued not only Bosnia but the Herzegovina
-beneath their sway. While the latter about 1284 fell under Serbian
-influence the former was split up into two parts. The Upper, or hill-country,
-Bosnia properly so-called, was allowed to retain native <i>bans</i>—Prijesda
-I and his sons<a id="FNanchor_891" href="#Footnote_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a>, Prijesda II and Stephen Kotroman, till 1302;
-Lower Bosnia, <i>i.e.</i> the “salt” district of Soli (the modern Tuzla) with
-Usora, for the sake of greater security, was at first entrusted to
-Hungarian magnates, and then combined with a large slice of northern
-Serbia, known as Matchva, in a compact duchy, which was conferred
-upon near relatives of the Hungarian King. During this period the
-history of this distracted land is practically a blank. Beyond the names
-of its successive rulers we have little handed down to us by the
-chroniclers. “A sleep as of death,” in the words of a Croatian writer,
-“had fallen upon the country. The whole national and religious life of
-Bosnia had perished beneath the cold blasts of the wind from beyond the
-Save.” Now and again we come upon traces of the old Bogomile spirit
-and the old zeal of the persecutors. Stephen Dragutin, who had been
-driven by lameness from the Serbian throne and had become under
-Hungarian auspices Duke of Matchva and Bosnia in 1284, was specially
-noted for his “conversion and baptism of many heretics,” and it was in
-answer to his request that the Franciscans, who have since played such
-an important part in Bosnian history, settled in the country. But still
-the Pope complained that “the churches were deserted and the priesthood
-uprooted.” Meanwhile two powerful families began to make their
-influence felt, the Croatian clan of Shubich and the race of Kotromanich,
-whose legendary founder (according to Orbini), a German knight, had
-entered Bosnia in the Hungarian service and was the ancestor of the
-Bosnian Kings. We now know, however, from a document of the great
-Tvrtko<a id="FNanchor_892" href="#Footnote_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a>, quoted by Pope Gregory XI, that Tvrtko’s uncle, Stephen
-Kotromanich, was grandson of “the great” Prijesda I. The latest
-authority on the subject<a id="FNanchor_893" href="#Footnote_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a> accordingly believed the Kotroman family to
-have sprung from Upper Bosnia and to have been very probably related
-to Borich and Kulin. The legend of its German, or Gothic, origin arose
-out of its matrimonial connections with great families of Central Europe.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_474"></a>[474]</span>
-The family of Shubich was at first in the ascendant, and became lords
-of part and then the whole of the land. In fact Paul Shubich, in 1299,
-styled himself “lord of Bosnia” and early in the fourteenth century
-his son, Mladen, ruled, under the title of “<i>ban</i> of the Croats and all
-Bosnia,” a vast tract of territory extending from the Save to the Narenta
-and from the Drina to the Adriatic. But in 1322 he fell before a combination
-of rivals, and young Stephen Kotromanich, who had been his deputy
-in Bosnia, became independent and united both Upper and Lower
-Bosnia under his sway<a id="FNanchor_894" href="#Footnote_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Stephen Kotromanich proved himself to be the ablest ruler whom
-Bosnia had had since Kulin, and laid the foundations upon which his
-successor built up the Bosnian kingdom. His reign of over thirty
-years was marked by a series of successes. He began in 1325 by
-annexing the Herzegovina, which, as we have seen, had been under
-Serbian authority for the last two generations, as well as the sea-coast
-from the river Cetina as far south as the gates of Ragusa. Thus, for the
-first time in its history, Bosnia had gained an outlet on the sea, and was
-not entirely dependent upon foreigners for its imports. The Dalmatian
-coast with its fine harbours is the natural frontage of the country
-behind, which even under the Austrians touched the sea at only two
-small points. But in the first half of the fourteenth century Bosnia had
-gained a considerable coast-line. Kotromanich even coveted the islands
-as well, and specially Curzola, then under the overlordship of Venice.
-But here his plans failed, although the Ragusans were ready to lend him
-ships for the purpose. He rewarded them by confirming all their old
-trading rights in his country and granting them some territorial concessions
-near the mouth of the Narenta. He took an active, if somewhat
-insidious, part in the operations which King Charles Robert of Hungary
-and his successor, Louis the Great, conducted for the restoration of their
-authority in Croatia and Dalmatia. Charles Robert, who had bestowed
-upon Kotromanich a relative of his own wife in marriage, found him
-a useful ally; but in the war between Louis the Great and the Venetians
-for the possession of Zara the Bosnian ruler was desirous of standing
-well with both sides. At the famous siege of Zara in 1345 and the
-following year he went, at the bidding of Louis, to rescue the town from
-its Venetian besiegers. But the crafty Venetians knew their man. They
-gave him a heavy bribe, and offered him a much heavier one if he would
-persuade Louis to abandon the relief of the beleaguered city. The money
-was well spent. At a critical moment of the siege, when it had been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_475"></a>[475]</span>
-arranged that the Hungarian and Bosnian army should support the
-besieged in a sally from the gates, Kotromanich and his Bosniaks hung
-back and the Venetians won the day. The quaint chronicle of this
-famous siege expressly ascribes the defeat of the allies to the perfidy of
-“that child of Belial, Stephen, <i>ban</i> of Bosnia,” and it was largely owing
-to his subsequent mediation that Zara ultimately surrendered to Venice.
-But Kotromanich soon found that he required the good offices of Venice
-himself. While he had been engaged in the west of the Balkan peninsula
-there had grown up in the east under the mighty auspices of Stephen
-Dushan the great Serbian Empire, which threatened at one moment to
-swallow up Constantinople itself. Dushan is the greatest name in the
-whole history of the peninsula, a name cherished to this day by every
-patriotic Serb. But just as the restoration of Dushan’s Empire, the
-daydream of Serbian enthusiasts, jeopardised the existence of Austrian
-Bosnia, so the conquests of the great Serbian Tsar alarmed the Bosnian
-ruler of that day. For the first half of his reign Dushan was too much
-occupied with his eastern conquests and his law reforms to interfere
-with his western neighbour. But he had not forgotten that the
-Herzegovina, which Kotromanich had annexed, had once belonged to
-the Serbian monarchy, and, as soon as he had leisure, he pressed his
-claims. Both parties accepted the mediation of Venice, and for a time
-peace was preserved. But in 1349 Kotromanich assumed the offensive,
-invaded Dushan’s dominions, and penetrated as far south as the
-beautiful town of Cattaro, at that time part of the Serbian Empire and
-now at last restored to its natural owners, the Southern Slavs. Dushan
-retaliated next year by descending upon Bosnia and laying siege to the
-strong castle of Bobovatz, the residence of many Bosnian rulers. As has
-usually happened in the history of the country, the persecuted Bogomiles
-flocked to the standard of the invader, and Bosnia seemed to be at his
-feet. But the walls of Bobovatz, behind which lay the lovely daughter
-of the <i>ban</i>, whom Dushan had demanded in marriage for his son,
-resisted his attacks, and he marched away southward through the
-Herzegovina to Cattaro. Next year the hostilities ceased, and as a
-further security Kotromanich found a husband for his daughter in
-King Louis the Great of Hungary, his old ally.</p>
-
-<p>The internal condition of Bosnia was less fortunate, however, in the
-hands of Kotromanich than its external relations. The power of the
-Bogomiles had greatly increased before his accession; they had a
-complete organisation—a spiritual head called <i>djed</i>, or “grandfather,”
-with a seat at Janjichi, and twelve “teachers” under him—while there
-was not a single Catholic bishop living in the country. Moreover the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_476"></a>[476]</span>
-rival orders of Dominicans and Franciscans had begun to fight for the
-exclusive privilege of applying the tortures of the Inquisition to the
-Bosnian heretics—a conflict which naturally favoured the growth of
-that heresy. Under these circumstances Kotromanich began his reign
-by openly favouring the Bogomiles, who formed the bulk of his armies
-and were his best bulwark against foreign aggression so long as he was
-their protector. But in 1340, on the persuasion of the King of Hungary,
-he committed the political blunder of embracing the Catholic faith and
-thus making his Bogomile subjects look upon Stephen Dushan as their
-legitimate champion. The evil results of his ecclesiastical policy were
-apparent when the great Serbian Tsar invaded his dominions.</p>
-
-<p>Stephen Kotromanich, whose memory is preserved by his seal, the
-earliest Bosnian coins and seven documents issued in his name<a id="FNanchor_895" href="#Footnote_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a>, died
-in 1353, and his nephew Tvrtko succeeded him. Tvrtko is the greatest
-name in Bosnian history, and his long reign of nearly forty years, first
-as <i>ban</i> and then as first King of Bosnia, marks the zenith of that country’s
-power. Beginning his career under circumstances of great difficulty, and
-even driven at one moment from his throne, he lived to make himself
-King not merely of Bosnia, but of Serbia, Croatia and Dalmatia as well,
-and to unite beneath his sceptre a vast agglomeration of territory, such
-as no other Bosnian ruler has ever governed.</p>
-
-<p>The first seventeen years of his reign were spent in a desperate but
-successful struggle for the mastery of his own house. He was a mere boy
-at the death of his uncle, and his mother, who acted as regent, was too
-weak to cope with the disorders of the time. The magnates, many of
-whom were zealous Bogomiles, were contemptuous of one who was both
-a child and a Catholic, while they would have welcomed the great Serbian
-Tsar Dushan, had he found time to repeat his invasion of Bosnia. But
-the death of that monarch on his way to the siege of Constantinople in
-1355 broke up the Serbian Empire for ever and removed all fear of a
-Serbian occupation of Bosnia. But with the removal of this danger
-another arose. Louis the Great of Hungary had welcomed the growth
-and independence of Bosnia so long as the Serbian Empire existed as a
-menace to his own dominions; but, as soon as that Empire fell, he
-revived the ambitious designs of his predecessors upon the Bosnian
-realm. As the son-in-law of the late <i>ban</i> he had some claims to the
-succession, and accordingly set to work to humiliate Tvrtko and reduce
-him to a position of dependence upon the Hungarian crown. He
-compelled him to surrender the Herzegovina, as far as the Narenta, as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_477"></a>[477]</span>
-the dowry of the Hungarian queen, and to take a solemn oath that he
-would persecute the Bogomiles, that he would support Hungary in war,
-and that either he or his younger brother Stephen Vuk would always
-reside at the Hungarian court. In return he allowed him to remain
-Bosnian <i>ban</i>—a mere puppet without power. But the crafty Louis, in
-his desire to be absolute master of Bosnia overreached himself. Determined
-to be doubly sure of his vassal, he incited the Bosnian magnates
-to revolt against their chief. But those proud nobles, who had never
-regarded their <i>ban</i> as anything more than the first of their order, had
-no intention of exchanging his easy sway for the iron hand of the
-Hungarian King. Louis saw his mistake, and supported Tvrtko against
-the barons and the Bogomiles. But the rebels would not recognise the
-authority of one who relied upon Hungarian swords to enforce it. Aided
-by his brother they deposed and drove out Tvrtko in 1365, and it cost
-him a desperate struggle to recover his power. Bosnia was given up to all
-the horrors of civil war, and, to crown all, a terrible conflagration, the like
-of which had never been seen before, broke out and destroyed everything
-that came in its way. “At that time,” writes a chronicler, “the
-highest mountains, with the stones, birds, and beasts upon them, were
-consumed with fire, so that the hills became plains, where new corn is
-sown and many a village stands. And in these villages dwell Bogomiles,
-who boast that God set these mountains ablaze for their sake.” At last
-Tvrtko prevailed, and in 1370 he was undisputed master of the country
-and his brother an exile.</p>
-
-<p>Freed from all fear of Louis, whose eyes were turned northward
-to Poland, and master of his rebellious barons, Tvrtko began to extend
-his dominions. The decline of the Serbian Empire gave him the
-opportunity which he sought. Lazar, perhaps the most unfortunate
-name in Serbian history, governed a remnant of that realm, which was
-threatened by dissensions from within and the Turks from without.
-Tvrtko aided him against his domestic rivals and received in return
-large portions of Serbian territory, including a strip of coast as far as
-Cattaro and the famous castle and monastery of Mileshevo, in the
-modern <i>sandjak</i> of Novibazar, where lay the remains of St Sava, the
-apostle of the Serbs. In virtue of this territory, he considered himself
-the legitimate successor of the Serbian monarchs, and while Lazar
-contented himself with the modest title of <i>knez</i>, or “prince,” Tvrtko
-had himself crowned in 1376 on the grave of St Sava at Mileshevo with
-two diadems, that of Bosnia and that of Serbia. Henceforth he styled
-himself “Stephen Tvrtko, King of the Serbs and of Bosnia and of the
-coast.” All his successors retained the Serbian title which he could claim<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_478"></a>[478]</span>
-as great-grandson of Stephen Dragutin, and, like the Serbian monarchs,
-invariably adopted, as Tvrtko had done, the royal name of Stephen.
-Not a voice was raised against this assumption of kingly power. Ragusa,
-ever anxious to be on good terms with those in authority, was the first
-to recognise him as the legal successor of the Serbian sovereigns, and
-promptly paid him the annual tribute which she had rendered to them
-on the feast of St Demetrios, as well as a sum for trading privileges in
-Bosnia. Venice followed suit and addressed him as “King of Serbia,”
-and the King of Hungary was too busy to protest. Tvrtko proceeded to
-live up to his new dignities. He moved his residence from Srebrenik to
-Sutjeska and the strong castle of Bobovatz, the picturesque ruins of
-which still testify to the past glories of the first Bosnian King. Here
-Tvrtko organised a court on the Byzantine model, as the rulers of Serbia
-had done before him. Rough Bosnian barons held courtly offices with
-high-sounding Greek names, and privileges and honours were distributed
-from the throne. Hitherto Bosnian coins had been scarce, and Ragusan,
-Hungarian and Venetian pieces had fulfilled most purposes of trade.
-But now money, of which excellent specimens still exist, was minted
-bearing the proud title of “king” instead of that of <i>ban</i>, and displaying
-a visored helmet surmounted by a crown of fleurs-de-lis with a hop
-blossom above. Tvrtko took his new office very seriously as a King by
-the grace of God, animated, as he once wrote, “with the wish to raise
-up that which is fallen and to restore that which is destroyed<a id="FNanchor_896" href="#Footnote_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a>.”</p>
-
-<h4>III. <span class="smcap">The Kings of Bosnia (1376-1463).</span></h4>
-
-<p>Tvrtko’s first care was to provide himself with an heir to his kingdom,
-and he chose a Bulgarian princess as his queen, by whom he had a son,
-afterwards King Stephen Tvrtko II. But, not content with the dignity
-and the territory which he now possessed, the Bosnian monarch aspired
-to found a sea power. He had, as we have seen, already gained a long
-strip of seaboard from the mouth of the Cetina up to the walls of Cattaro.
-But Ragusa, with its harbour Gravosa, the gem of the whole coast, was
-not, and never seemed likely to be, his. He accordingly resolved, as he
-could not capture Ragusa, to found at the entrance of the lovely Bocche
-di Cattaro a new station, which should become its rival and the outlet
-of all the inland trade. The picturesque little town of Castelnuovo stands
-on the spot to-day, a place over which for a brief period in the last
-century there floated the British flag. Tvrtko next obtained from Venice
-an Admiral for his future fleet, and ordered galleys to be built there.
-And, amidst the confusion which followed the death of Louis the Great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_479"></a>[479]</span>
-of Hungary, he obtained from the little Queen Maria, as the price of his
-friendship, the ancient city of Cattaro, which, after having enjoyed the
-protection of the Serbian Tsars, had lately acknowledged the Hungarian
-rule. The finest fiord in Southern Europe was in his hands.</p>
-
-<p>But Tvrtko did not rest here. True to his policy of making profit
-out of the misfortunes of others, he availed himself of the disturbances
-which now broke out in Croatia to take the side of the Croats against
-their Queen and his friend Maria. Croatia was soon in his hands, and the
-Dalmatian towns began to surrender. Spalato and Traù, unable to
-obtain help from Hungary, agreed to submit to him by a certain day;
-but when that day arrived Tvrtko was occupied elsewhere. For on the
-same day on which Spalato was to have opened its gates, June 15, 1389,
-the battle of Kossovo was fought, that battle which decided for five
-centuries the fate of the Balkan peninsula. In that memorable conflict,
-the name of which will never be forgotten by the Southern Slavs, a
-Bosnian contingent aided the Serbian army against the Turks. It was
-not the first time that the Bosniaks had faced their future masters in
-battle. Two years earlier they had helped Prince Lazar to rout a Turkish
-force, and they hoped for the same result on the plain of Kossovo.
-Tvrtko himself was not present at the fight; but his trusty lieutenant
-Vlatko Hranich inflicted heavy losses on the left wing of the Turkish
-host, which was commanded by the Sultan’s second son. But, according
-to the traditional account, when the Serbian traitor Vuk Brankovich
-rode off the field the faithful Bosniaks gave way. All was lost, and the
-Turkish supremacy was assured. Tvrtko at first believed that his army
-had been successful. There is extant a letter in which the city of Florence
-congratulated him on the glad tidings of victory which he had sent.
-“Happy the kingdom of Bosnia,” says this document, “to which it was
-granted to fight so famous a fight, and happiest of all your majesty, for
-whom, as the victor, the true and eternal glory of the heavenly kingdom
-is appointed<a id="FNanchor_897" href="#Footnote_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>Even when he had discovered the terrible truth Tvrtko continued
-his Dalmatian campaign instead of concentrating all his energies upon
-the defence of his realm against the Turks. He used the brief respite
-which they gave his land to press on with his operations in the west.
-Here he was speedily successful. All the Dalmatian coast towns, except
-Zara and Ragusa, surrendered to him, as well as the large islands of
-Brazza, Lesina and Curzola. Overjoyed at their submission, he confirmed
-the privileges which they had previously enjoyed, and treated them with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_480"></a>[480]</span>
-the utmost consideration. Master of Dalmatia and Croatia in all but
-the name, he assumed in 1390 the title of King of those countries, just
-as fourteen years earlier he had proclaimed himself King of Bosnia and
-Serbia. Tvrtko had now reached the summit of his power. He had
-achieved the difficult feat of uniting Serbs and Croats under one sceptre;
-he had made Bosnia the centre of a great kingdom, which possessed a
-frontage on the Adriatic, from the Quarnero to Cattaro, save for the
-enclaves of Zara and Ragusa, which embraced the territory inland as
-far as the river Drina and included part of the modern <i>sandjak</i> of
-Novibazar, as well as other originally Serbian territories. The beginnings
-of a sea power had been formed under his auspices, and Dalmatia in
-union with Bosnia was no longer “a face without a head.” Even now
-Tvrtko’s ambition was not appeased. He was anxious to conclude a
-political alliance with Venice and a matrimonial alliance—for his wife
-had just died—with the great house of Habsburg. But death prevented
-the accomplishment of his designs. On March 23, 1391, the great Bosnian
-monarch expired without even being able to secure the succession for
-his son.</p>
-
-<p>It has been the fortune of each of the various Balkan races to produce
-some great man, who for a brief space has made himself the foremost
-figure of the peninsula. Bulgaria can point to her mighty Tsars Symeon
-and Samuel, Serbia cherishes the memory of Stephen Dushan, the
-Albanians have found a national hero in Skanderbeg, Bosnia attained
-her zenith under Tvrtko I. But in each case with the death of the great
-man the power which he had rapidly acquired as rapidly waned.
-Tvrtko’s realm was no exception to this rule. Its founder had not lived
-long enough to weld his conquests into an harmonious whole, to combine
-Catholic Croats with Orthodox Serbs, Bosnian Slavs with the Latin
-population of the Dalmatian coast towns, Bogomile heretics with zealous
-partisans of Rome. The old Slavonic law of succession, which did not
-recognise the custom of primogeniture, added to the difficulties by
-multiplying candidates; and thus foreign princes found an excuse for
-intervention and the great barons an excuse for independence. Deprived
-of his authority, the King was unable to cope with an enemy like the
-Turk, whose vast hosts were absolutely united in their obedience to the
-rule of one man, and the Kings of Hungary, instead of assisting their
-brothers of Bosnia against the common foe, turned their forces against
-a country which might have been the bulwark of Christendom.</p>
-
-<p>The evil effects of Tvrtko’s death were soon felt. His younger
-brother, or cousin<a id="FNanchor_898" href="#Footnote_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a>, Stephen Dabisha, who succeeded him, felt himself too<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_481"></a>[481]</span>
-feeble to govern so large a kingdom, and in 1393 ceded the newly won
-lands of Dalmatia and Croatia to King Sigismund of Hungary. The two
-monarchs met at Djakovo, in Slavonia, and concluded an agreement by
-which Sigismund recognised Dabisha as King of Bosnia, while Dabisha
-bequeathed the Bosnian crown after his death to Sigismund. A combination
-of Bosnian magnates and Croatian rebels, however, refused to
-accept these terms, and Dabisha himself broke the treaty which he had
-made. An Hungarian invasion of his Kingdom and the capture of the
-strong fortress of Dobor, on the lower Bosna, at once reduced him to
-submission, and a battle before the walls of Knin, in Dalmatia, finally
-severed the brief connection between that country and the Bosnian
-throne. To complete Dabisha’s misfortunes, the Turks, who had been
-in no undue haste to make use of their victory at Kossovo, invaded
-Bosnia for the first time in 1392, and gave that country a foretaste of
-what was to come.</p>
-
-<p>On Dabisha’s death in 1395 the all-powerful magnates, disregarding
-the treaty of Djakovo, made his widow, Helena Gruba, regent for his
-son. But they retained for themselves all real power, governing their
-domains as almost independent princes, maintaining their own courts
-and issuing charters, coining their own money and negotiating on their
-own account with foreign states, such as the Republics of Venice and
-Ragusa. One of their number, Hrvoje Vuktchich, towered above his
-fellows, and his career may be regarded as typical of his troublous times.
-For the next quarter of a century Bosnian history is little else than the
-story of his intrigues, and the neighbouring lands of Dalmatia and Croatia
-felt his heavy hand. Even Sigismund, King of Hungary, and his
-Neapolitan rival, Ladislaus, were bidding against one another for his
-support, and at the end of the fourteenth century he was “the most
-powerful man between the Save and the Adriatic, the pillar of two Kings
-and Kingdoms.” The shrewd Ragusans wrote to him that “whatsoever
-thou dost command in Bosnia is done”; the documents of the period
-style him <i>regulus Bosnensis</i>, or “Bosnian kinglet”; he called himself
-“the grand <i>voivode</i> of the Bosnian Kingdom and vicar-general of the
-most gracious sovereigns King Ladislaus and King Ostoja, the excellent
-lord, the Duke of Spalato.” The three great islands of Brazza, Curzola,
-and Lesina, and the city of Cattaro owned his overlordship, and his
-name will always be connected with the lovely town of Jajce, at the
-confluence of the Pliva and the Vrbas, the most beautiful spot in all
-Bosnia. Here, above the magnificent waterfall on the hill, for which in
-olden times the Bosnian <i>bans</i> and the Croatian Kings had striven, Hrvoje
-bade an Italian architect build him a castle. Whether the town of Jajce,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_482"></a>[482]</span>
-“the egg,” derives its name from the shape of the hill or from the fact
-that the castle was modelled on the famous Castello dell’ Uovo at
-Naples, is doubtful. But he is now regarded as the founder of the
-catacombs, which still bear his arms and were intended to serve as his
-family vault<a id="FNanchor_899" href="#Footnote_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a>. For his capital of Spalato he even issued coins, which
-circulated in Bosnia as freely as the currency of the puppet kings whom
-he put on the throne. What Warwick the king-maker is in the history
-of England, what the mayors of the palace are in the history of France,
-that is Hrvoje in the annals of mediæval Bosnia. An ancient missal has
-preserved for us the features of this remarkable man, whose gruff voice
-and rough manners disgusted the courtly nobles of the Hungarian court.
-But the uncouth Bosniak took a terrible revenge on his gentle critics.
-When a wit made fun of his big head and deep voice by bellowing at
-him like an ox, the company laughed at Hrvoje’s discomfiture. But when,
-a little later, the fortune of war put the jester in his power, Hrvoje had
-him sewn into the skin of an ox and thrown into the river, with the
-words, “Thou hast once in human form imitated the bellowing of an ox,
-now therefore take an ox’s form as well.”</p>
-
-<p>The great Turkish invasion, which took place in 1398 and almost
-entirely ruined Bosnia, convinced the great nobles that a woman was
-unfitted to rule. Headed by Hrvoje, they accordingly deposed Helena
-Gruba, and elected Stephen Ostoja, probably an illegitimate son of
-Tvrtko, as their King. So long as Ostoja obeyed the dictates of his
-all-powerful vassal he kept his throne. Under Hrvoje’s guidance he
-repulsed the attack of King Sigismund of Hungary, who had claimed
-the overlordship of Bosnia in accordance with the treaty of Djakovo,
-and endeavoured to recover Dalmatia and Croatia for the Bosnian crown
-under the pretext of supporting Sigismund’s rival, Ladislaus of Naples.
-But the latter showed by his coronation at Zara as King of both those
-lands that he had no intention of allowing them to become Bosnian
-possessions, as in the days of Tvrtko. Ostoja at this changed his policy,
-made his peace with Sigismund, and recognised him as his suzerain.
-But he had forgotten his maker. Hrvoje, aided by the Ragusans, laid
-siege to the royal castle of Bobovatz, where the crown was preserved,
-and when Sigismund intervened on behalf of his puppet summoned an
-“assembly” or “congregation of the Bosnian lords” in 1404 to choose
-a new King. This great council of nobles, at which the <i>djed</i>, or primate
-of the Bogomile church, and his suffragans were present, is frequently
-mentioned at this period, and contained in a rude form the germs of
-those representative institutions which in our own country sprang from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_483"></a>[483]</span>
-a like origin. Hrvoje easily persuaded the council to depose Ostoja and
-elect Tvrtko II, the legitimate son of Tvrtko I, in his place. But
-Sigismund was not so lightly convinced. After a first futile attempt he
-sought the aid of the Pope in a crusade against “the renegade Arians
-and Manichæans” and marched into Bosnia in 1408 at the head of a
-large army. Tvrtko II met him beneath the walls of Dobor, on the same
-spot where, fourteen years before, another great battle had been fought.
-Once again the Bosnian forces were defeated. Sigismund took Tvrtko
-as his prisoner to Buda-Pesth, after beheading 126 captive Bosnian
-nobles and throwing their bodies into the yellow waters of the Bosna.
-The victory had decisive results. Hrvoje humbled himself before the
-King of Hungary, and Ladislaus of Naples sold all his rights to Dalmatia
-to the Venetians in despair. But the national party in Bosnia was not
-so easily dismayed. Nothing daunted by the defeat of Tvrtko and the
-desertion of Hrvoje, they restored Ostoja to the throne. Utter confusion
-followed. Sigismund dismembered the country, placing Usora and Soli
-again under Hungarian <i>bans</i>, bestowing the valuable mining district of
-Srebrenitza upon the Despot of Serbia to be an apple of discord between
-the two Serb states, and leaving Ostoja the Herzegovina and South
-Bosnia alone, while even there every one did what was right in his own
-eyes, and members of the royal family lived by highway robbery. Well
-might the Ragusans complain that “our people travel among the Turks
-and other heathen, yet nowhere have they met with so much harm
-as in Bosnia.” Yet one step lower was Ostoja to fall. Hard pressed
-by the Hungarians and his released rival Tvrtko, he summoned in 1415
-the Turks to his aid, and thus set an example which was ultimately fatal
-to his country.</p>
-
-<p>Since their great invasion in 1398 the Turks had not molested
-Bosnia. Their struggle with Timour the Tartar in Asia and the confusion
-which followed his great victory at Angora had temporarily checked
-their advance in Europe, and it was not till their reorganisation under
-Mohammed I that they resumed their plans. They were accordingly
-free to accept the invitation of Ostoja and Hrvoje, who was now in
-opposition to the Hungarian court, and aided them to drive out the
-Hungarian army. The decisive battle was fought near the fortress of
-Doboj, the picturesque ruins of which command the junction of the
-rivers Bosna and Spretcha. A stratagem of the Bosniaks, who cried
-out at a critical moment, “The Magyars are fleeing,” won the day. But
-they could not rid themselves of their Turkish allies so easily. In the
-very next year Mohammed appointed his general Isaac governor of the
-castle of Vrhbosna (“the source of the Bosna”), which stood in the heart<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_484"></a>[484]</span>
-of the country, on the site of the present capital of Sarajevo, and even
-great Bosnian nobles were not ashamed to hold their lands by grace of
-the Sultan and his governor. Under Ostoja’s son, Stephen Ostojich,
-who succeeded as King in 1418, the country obtained a brief respite from
-the Turkish garrison, which quitted Vrhbosna. But three years later
-the restoration of Tvrtko II, after further years of exile, gave the Sultan
-another opportunity for intervention. For Tvrtko’s title was disputed
-by Ostoja’s bastard son, Radivoj, who called in the Turks to his aid,
-and was seen by the traveller, De la Brocquière<a id="FNanchor_900" href="#Footnote_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> as a suppliant of the
-Sultan at Adrianople in 1433. Tvrtko purchased a temporary peace by
-the surrender of several towns to them; but the fatal secret had been
-divulged that the Sultan was the arbiter of Bosnia, and to him two other
-enemies of the King turned, the Despot of Serbia and Sandalj Hranich,
-a great Bosnian magnate of the house of Kosatcha, who was all-powerful
-in the Herzegovina, so that Chalkokondyles calls it “Sandalj’s country<a id="FNanchor_901" href="#Footnote_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a>.”
-The two partners bought the Bosnian Kingdom from the Sultan for
-hard cash, and Tvrtko was once more an exile. In 1436 the Turks again
-occupied Vrhbosna, which from that time became a place of arms, from
-which they could sally forth and ravage the land, and when Tvrtko
-returned in the same year it was as a mere tributary of the Sultan
-Murad II, who received an annual sum of 25,000 ducats from his vassal,
-and issued charters as the sovereign of the country. Soon Murad
-overran Serbia, and occupied the former Bosnian towns of Zvornik and
-Srebrenitza, which the Serbian Despot still held, so that it seemed as if
-the independence of Bosnia was over. Tvrtko knew not which way to
-turn. He implored the Venetians, who twenty years before had taken
-the former Bosnian haven of Cattaro under their protection, and were
-now masters of nearly all Dalmatia, to take over the government of
-his Kingdom too. But the crafty Republic declined the dangerous
-honour with many complimentary phrases. With Ladislaus IV of
-Hungary he was more fortunate. He did not, indeed, survive to see
-the fulfilment of the Hungarian King’s promise, for he was murdered
-by his subjects in 1443. But the help of John Hunyady, the great
-champion of Christendom, enabled his successor to stave off for
-another twenty years the final blow which was to annihilate the
-Bosnian Kingdom.</p>
-
-<p>With Tvrtko II the royal house of Kotromanich was extinct, and
-the magnates elected Stephen Thomas Ostojich, another bastard son
-of Ostoja, as their King. Ostojich, whose birth and humble marriage<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_485"></a>[485]</span>
-diminished his influence over his proud nobles, came to the conclusion
-that it would enhance his personal prestige, and at the same time
-strengthen his Kingdom against the Turks, if he embraced the Roman
-Catholic faith. His father and all his family had been Bogomiles, like
-most Bosnian magnates of that time, but Tvrtko II was a Catholic
-and a great patron of the Franciscans, who had suffered severely from
-the Turkish inroads. The conversion of Ostojich was full of momentous
-consequences for his Kingdom; for, although he was personally disinclined
-to persecute the sect to which he had belonged, and which had practically
-become the established church of the land, the pressure of his protector
-Hunyady, the Franciscans, and the Pope soon compelled him to take
-steps against it. He was convinced that by so doing he would drive the
-Bogomiles, who formed the vast majority of the people, into the arms
-of the Turks, and the event justified his fears. But he had little choice,
-for the erection of Catholic churches did not satisfy the zeal of the
-Franciscans. Accordingly in 1446 an assembly of prelates and barons
-met at Konjitza, the beautiful town on the borders of the Herzegovina,
-through which the traveller now passes on the railway from Sarajevo to
-Mostar. The document embodying the resolutions of this grand council
-has been preserved, and bears the name and seal of the King<a id="FNanchor_902" href="#Footnote_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a>. It
-provided that the Bogomiles “shall neither build new churches nor restore
-those that are falling into decay,” and that “the goods of the Catholic
-Church shall never be taken from it.” No less than 40,000 of the
-persecuted sect emigrated to the Herzegovina in consequence of this
-decree, and found there a refuge beneath the sway of the great magnate
-Stephen Vuktchich, of the house of Kosatcha, who had succeeded his
-uncle Sandalj in 1435, made himself practically independent of his liege
-lord of Bosnia and was at the same moment on good terms with the
-Turks and a strong Bogomile. Thus the old Bosnian realm was practically
-divided in two; Stephen Vuktchich, by posing as a defender of the
-national faith, received a considerable accession of subjects, and the
-Emperor Frederick III bestowed upon him in 1448 the title of <i>Herzog</i>,
-or Duke, of St Sava, from which his land gradually derived its present
-name of Herzegovina<a id="FNanchor_903" href="#Footnote_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a>. But both Bosnia and the sister land were soon
-to feel the hand of the Turk.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_486"></a>[486]</span></p>
-
-<p>The accession of Mohammed II to the Turkish throne in 1451 was
-the beginning of a new era for the Balkan peoples. Since the battle of
-Kossovo the Sultans had been content to allow the Serbs the shadow of
-independence under Despots of their own, while Bosnia had bought off
-invasion by a tribute, more or less regularly paid, according to the
-vicissitudes of the Ottoman power. But the new Sultan resolved to bring
-the whole peninsula under his immediate sway, and lost no time in
-putting his plans into execution. The capture of Constantinople startled
-the whole of Christendom, and the great victory of Hunyady before
-the walls of Belgrade was small compensation for that hero’s death.
-There was no one left to champion the cause of the Balkan Christians,
-who were still occupied with their own miserable jealousies. Bosniaks
-and Serbs were disputing the possession of the frontier towns, which the
-Kings of Hungary had long ago made an apple of discord between them,
-and Duke Stephen of the Herzegovina was invoking the aid of the Turks
-at the very moment when all religious and racial enmities should have
-been silenced in the presence of the common foe. But it has been the
-misfortune of the Balkan peoples to have, like the Bourbons, learnt
-nothing and forgotten nothing in their centuries of suffering. They have
-never, save during the Balkan war of 1912-13, learnt the lesson of their
-mutual jealousies, and have never forgotten their historic aspirations
-from which those jealousies spring.</p>
-
-<p>The King of Bosnia in this extremity sought aid from the west of
-Europe. As an obedient son of the Roman Church, he had a right to
-expect the help of the Pope; as a friend of the Venetians, he felt entitled
-to the support of the Doge. But he met with little response to his
-appeals. Venice, selfish as ever, was not anxious to embroil herself in
-Bosnian affairs, and the Pope contented himself with proclaiming a new
-crusade, addressing the King as the “warrior of Christ,” and promising
-him “a glorious victory,” in which no one else seemed desirous to share.
-Under these circumstances Ostojich had no alternative but to pay the
-tribute, which he had refused in the first flush of Hunyady’s victory at
-Belgrade. The one bright speck on the dark horizon was the possibility
-of the union of Bosnia and Serbia under one ruler by the marriage of
-Stephen Tomashevich, eldest son of Ostojich, with the eldest daughter
-of the Serbian Despot<a id="FNanchor_904" href="#Footnote_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a>. On the latter’s death in 1458, the King of
-Hungary acknowledged Stephen Tomashevich as Despot of all Serbia
-as far as the river Morava, and it seemed for the moment as if the ancient
-jealousies of the two neighbouring States had been finally settled and
-a new bulwark erected against the Turks. But the aggrandisement of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_487"></a>[487]</span>
-the Bosnian royal family only increased its responsibilities. The important
-town of Semendria, which the Despot George Brankovich had founded
-on the Danube years before as a refuge from his enemies, and the two-and-twenty
-square towers of which still stand out defiant of all the
-ravages of Turks or Time, was strongly fortified, but its inhabitants
-regarded their new master, a zealous Catholic and a Hungarian
-nominee, as a worse foe than the Sultan himself. It is not, therefore,
-necessary to assume, with Pope Pius II and the King of Hungary, that
-Bosnian treachery betrayed them. When Mohammed II arrived at their
-gates they surrendered without a blow. The other Serbian towns followed
-the example of Semendria, and in 1459 Serbia had ceased to exist as a
-State and became a Pashalik of the Turkish Empire. It was the turn of
-Bosnia next. But Ostojich was spared the spectacle of his country’s fall.
-Two years later he fell in an obscure quarrel in Croatia by the hands of
-his brother Radivoj and his own son, Stephen Tomashevich, who
-succeeded to the sorry heritage of the Bosnian throne, of which he was
-to be the last occupant.</p>
-
-<p>Stephen, son of Thomas, lost no time in seeking the aid of the Pope
-against the impending storm. “I was baptized as a child,” he said
-through the mouths of his envoys, “and have learnt to read out of Latin
-books. I wish, therefore, that thou wouldst send me a crown and holy
-bishops as a sign that thou wilt not forsake me. I pray thee also to bid
-the King of Hungary to go with me to the wars, for so alone can Bosnia
-be saved. For the Turks have built several fortresses in my kingdom and
-are very friendly to the peasants, to whom they promise freedom; and
-the limited understanding of the peasant observes not their deceit, for
-he believes that this freedom will last for ever. And Mohammed’s
-ambition knows no bounds; after me, he will attack Hungary and the
-Dalmatian possessions of Venice, and then march by way of Carniola
-and Istria into Italy, which he means to subdue; even of Rome he
-ofttimes speaks, and yearns to have it. But I shall be his first victim.
-My father foretold to thy predecessor and the Venetians the fall of
-Constantinople, and now I prophesy that if ye help me I shall be saved;
-but if not, I shall fall, and others with me.” To this eloquent appeal,
-which so exactly depicted the position of affairs, the Pope replied by
-sending his legates to the coronation—the first and last instance of a
-Bosnian King receiving his crown from Rome. The ceremony took place
-in the lovely citadel of Jajce, Hrvoje’s ancient seat, whither the new
-King had transferred his residence from Bobovatz for greater security.
-The splendour of that day and the absolute unanimity of the great nobles
-in support of their lord cast a final ray of light over the last page of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_488"></a>[488]</span>
-Bosnia’s history as a Kingdom. Tomashevich made peace with all his
-own and his father’s enemies—with the King of Hungary, with his stepmother,
-Queen Catherine, and with her father, the proud Duke Stephen
-Vuktchich of the Herzegovina, now seriously alarmed at the advance of
-the Turks, who had placed a governor at Fotcha and had carved what
-was called the “Bosnian province” out of the district round it. The King
-assumed all the pompous titles of his predecessors—the sovereignty of
-Serbia, Dalmatia and Croatia—at a time when he could not defend his
-own land, and made liberal grants of privileges to Ragusa at the moment
-when he was imploring the Venetians to grant him a castle on the coast
-as a place of refuge.</p>
-
-<p>The storm was not long in breaking. Mohammed II, learning that
-Tomashevich had promised the King of Hungary to refuse the customary
-tribute to the Turk, sent an envoy to demand payment. The Bosnian
-monarch took the envoy into his treasury and showed him the money
-collected for the tribute. “I do not intend,” he said, “to send the
-Sultan so much treasure and so rob myself of it. For should he attack
-me, I shall get rid of him the easier if I have money; and, if I must flee
-to another land, I shall live more pleasantly by means thereof<a id="FNanchor_905" href="#Footnote_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a>.” So
-the envoy returned and told his master, and his master vowed vengeance
-upon the King. In the spring of 1463 he assembled a great army in
-Adrianople for the conquest of Bosnia. Alarmed at the result of his own
-defiant refusal Tomashevich sent an embassy at the eleventh hour to
-ask for a fifteen years’ truce. Konstantinovich, a Serbian renegade, who
-was an eye-witness of these events, has fortunately preserved the
-striking scene of Mohammed’s deceit. Concealed behind a money-chest
-in the Turkish treasury, he heard the Sultan’s two chief advisers decide
-upon the plan of campaign. “We will grant the truce,” said one of them,
-“and forthwith march against Bosnia, else we shall never take it, for
-it is mountainous, and besides, the King of Hungary and the Croats
-and other princes will come to its aid.” So Mohammed granted the
-envoys the truce which they desired, and they prepared to return and
-tell the good news to the King. But early next day the eavesdropper
-went and warned them that in the middle of the next week the Turkish
-army would follow on their heels. But they laughed at his tale, for they
-believed the word of the Sultan. Yet, sure enough, four days after their
-departure, Mohammed set out. One detachment of his army he sent
-to the Save to prevent the King of Hungary from effecting a junction
-with the Bosniaks, while the rest he led in person to Sjenitza, on the
-Bosnian frontier. His march had been so rapid and so secret that he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_489"></a>[489]</span>
-encountered little or no resistance, until he reached the ancient castle
-of Bobovatz, which had stood so many a siege in Bosnia’s stormy
-history. The fate of this old royal residence was typical of that of the
-land. Its governor, Prince Radak, had been converted by force from
-the Bogomile faith to Catholicism. He could have defended the fortress
-for years even against the great Turkish army, if his heart had been in
-the cause. But he was, like so many of his countrymen, a Bogomile first
-and a Bosniak afterwards. On the third day of the siege he opened the
-gates to Mohammed, who found among the inmates the two envoys,
-whom he had so lately duped. Radak met with the fitting reward of his
-treachery. When he claimed from Mohammed the price for which he
-had stipulated, the conqueror asked him how he could keep faith with
-a Turk when he had betrayed his Christian master, and had him
-beheaded. The giant cliff of Radakovitza served as the scaffold, and still
-preserves the name, of the traitor.</p>
-
-<p>The fall of the virgin fortress filled the Bosniaks with dismay. At
-the news of Mohammed’s invasion, Stephen Tomashevich had withdrawn
-with his family to his capital of Jajce, hoping to raise an army and get
-help from abroad while the invader was expending his strength before
-the walls of Bobovatz. But its surrender left him no time for defence.
-He fled at once towards Croatia, closely followed by the van of
-Mohammed’s army. At the fortress of Kljuch (rightly so-called, as being
-a “key” of Bosnia) the pursuers came up with the fugitive. The secret
-of the King’s presence inside was betrayed to the Turks; and their
-commander, anxious to avoid a lengthy siege, promised Tomashevich
-in writing that, if he surrendered, his life should be spared. The King
-relied upon the pardon and gave himself up to Mohammed’s lieutenant,
-who brought him as his prisoner to the Sultan at Jajce. Meanwhile, the
-capital, like the King, had thrown itself upon the mercy of the conqueror,
-and thus, almost without a blow, the three strongest places in Bosnia
-had fallen. Tomashevich himself helped the Sultan to complete his
-conquest. He wrote, at his captor’s direction, letters to all his generals
-and captains, bidding them surrender their towns and fortresses to the
-Turk. In a week more than seventy obeyed his commands, and before
-the middle of June, 1463, Bosnia was a Turkish Pashalik, and Mohammed,
-with the captive King in his train, set out for the subjection of the
-Herzegovina. But the “heroic Herzegovina” offered greater obstacles
-to the invader than “lofty Bosnia.” Against those bare limestone rocks
-the Turkish cavalry was useless, while the natives, accustomed to every
-cranny of the crags, harassed the strangers with a ceaseless guerilla
-warfare. Duke Stephen and his son, Vladislav, who in better days had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_490"></a>[490]</span>
-wasted their energies in civil war, now joined hands against the common
-foe, and Mohammed, after a fruitless attempt to capture his capital of
-Blagaj, withdrew to Constantinople. But before he left he resolved to
-rid himself of that encumbrance, the King of Bosnia, who could now be
-no longer of use to his conqueror. Mohammed was bound by the solemn
-promise of his lieutenant to spare his prisoner’s life. But, as soon as
-his wishes were known, a legal excuse was invented for his inexcusable
-act of treachery. A learned Persian in his camp, Ali Bestami by name,
-pronounced the pardon to be invalid because it had been granted without
-the previous consent of the Sultan. Mohammed thereupon summoned
-Tomashevich to his presence on the “Emperor’s meadow,” near Jajce,
-whereupon the lithe Persian drew his sword, and, with a spring in the
-air, cut off the head of the last Bosnian King. According to another
-version, Tomashevich was first flayed alive. By the command of the
-Sultan, the <i>fetva</i>, in which Ali Bestami had composed the captive
-monarch’s sentence, was carved on the gate of Jajce, where as late as
-the middle of the last century could be read the words, “The true
-believer will not allow a snake to bite him twice from the same hole,”
-an allegory by which the pliant Persian strove to excuse his master’s
-treachery by representing his victim as the traitor. The body of
-Tomashevich was buried by order of the Sultan at a spot only just
-visible from the citadel of Jajce. In 1888 Dr Truhelka, the distinguished
-archæologist and custodian of the museum of Sarajevo, discovered on
-the right bank of the river Vrbas the skeleton of the King, the skull
-severed from the trunk just as history had said, with two small silver
-Hungarian coins, current in Bosnia in the fifteenth century, on the
-breast-bones. When the present writer visited Jajce, he found the
-skeleton set up in the Franciscan church there—a sad memorial of
-Bosnia’s past greatness. His portrait adorns the Franciscan monastery
-of Sutjeska. His uncle, Radivoj, and his cousin were executed after him;
-his half-brother and half-sister carried off as captives, and his widow,
-Maria, became the wife of a Turkish official<a id="FNanchor_906" href="#Footnote_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, after an existence of eighty-seven years, fell the Bosnian
-Kingdom. Mainly by the faults of her people and the mistakes of her
-rulers, mediæval Bosnia lost her independence. The country is naturally
-strong, and under the resolute government of one man, uniting all creeds
-and all classes beneath his banner, might have held out, like Montenegro,
-against the Turkish armies. But the jealousies of the nobles, and the
-still fiercer rivalries of the Roman Catholics and the Bogomiles, prepared<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_491"></a>[491]</span>
-the way for the invader, and when he came the persecuted heretics
-welcomed him as a deliverer, preferring “the mufti’s turban to the
-cardinal’s hat.” This lesson of Bosnia’s fall is full of meaning for our
-own time, and those who meditate on her future destinies should not
-forget her past mistakes. She is perhaps the best and the saddest
-example of what boundless mischief religious persecution can accomplish.</p>
-
-<p>Bosnia had entered upon her four centuries of submission to the
-Turks. Her King was dead, his consort and his step-mother, Queen
-Catherine, in exile, and his people at the mercy of the conqueror. Many
-of them were enlisted in the Turkish corps of Janissaries; many more
-fled to Croatia, Istria and the Dalmatian towns; a few took to the
-mountains, like the more or less mythical hero Toma, the Robin Hood
-of the Bosnian ballads, and lived as brigands and outlaws; most of the
-Bogomiles embraced the faith of Islâm, and became in the course of
-generations more fanatical than the Turks themselves. It seemed as if
-they would be left in sole possession of the land, but the earnest appeal
-of a Franciscan monk induced Mohammed to grant the Christians the
-free exercise of their religion and thus stay the tide of emigration from
-the country. But, though Bosnia could not defend herself, the Turks
-were not allowed undisturbed possession. Matthias Corvinus, King of
-Hungary, had been outwitted by the rapid march of Mohammed, but
-in the autumn of the very year in which Bosnia fell he set out to her
-rescue. The campaign was successful, and, aided by Duke Stephen’s
-eldest son Vladislav<a id="FNanchor_907" href="#Footnote_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a>, and a Herzegovinian contingent, the Hungarians
-recovered Jajce, Banjaluka, and about twenty-five other towns. Even
-the return of Mohammed in the next spring failed to secure the second
-surrender of Jajce. Such was the terror of the Hungarian arms that
-the mere report of the King’s approach made him throw his cannon into
-the Vrbas and raise the siege. Matthias Corvinus now organised the
-part of Bosnia which he had conquered from the Turks into two Duchies
-or <i>banats</i>, one of which took its name from Jajce and the other from
-Srebrenik. Over these territories, which embraced all Lower Bosnia, he
-placed Nicholas of Ilok, a Hungarian magnate, with the title of King.
-Thus, under Hungarian rule, two portions of the old Bosnian Kingdom
-remained free from the Turks for two generations more, serving as a
-“buffer State” between the Ottoman Power and the Christian lands of
-Croatia and Slavonia.</p>
-
-<p>The Herzegovina, which had repulsed the conqueror of Bosnia, did
-not long survive the sister state. The great Duke Stephen Vuktchich died
-in 1466 and his three sons Vladislav, Vlatko and Stephen, divided his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_492"></a>[492]</span>
-possessions between them. The eldest, however, whose quarrels with
-his father had wrought such infinite harm to his country, did not long
-govern the northern part of the Herzegovina, which fell to his share.
-He entered the Venetian service, and thence emigrated to Croatia, where
-he died. The second brother, Vlatko, assuming the title of Duke of
-St Sava re-united for a time the remains of the Duchy under his sole
-rule, relying now on Venetian, now on Neapolitan aid, but only secure
-as long as Mohammed II allowed him to linger on as a tributary of
-Turkey. In 1481 he ventured to invade Bosnia, but was driven back to
-seek shelter in his stronghold of Castelnuovo. Two years later Bayezid II
-annexed the Herzegovina, whose last reigning Duke died on the island
-of Arbe. The title continued, however, to be borne by Vladislav’s son,
-Peter Balsha, as late as 1511. The youngest embraced the creed and
-entered the service of the conqueror. Under the name of Ahmed Pasha
-Herzegovich<a id="FNanchor_908" href="#Footnote_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a>, or, “the Duke’s son,” he gained a great place in Turkish
-history, and after having governed Anatolia and commanded the
-Ottoman fleet, attained to the post of Grand Vizier. His name and origin
-are still preserved by the little Turkish town of Hersek, on the Gulf of
-Ismid, near which he was buried.</p>
-
-<p>All Bosnia and the Herzegovina, with the exception of the two newly
-formed <i>banats</i> of Jajce and Srebrenik, were now in the hands of the
-Turks. On the death of Nicholas of Ilok the meaningless title of “King
-of Bosnia” was dropped, and his successors contented themselves with
-the more modest name of <i>ban</i>, which had already been so familiar in
-Bosnian history. But the Turks did not allow the Hungarian viceroys
-undisturbed possession of their lands. Jajce became the great object of
-every Turkish attack, and against its walls the armies of Islâm dashed
-themselves again and again in vain. But after the capture of the <i>banat</i>
-of Srebrenik in 1520, it was clear that the doom of Jajce could not be
-long delayed. Two great feats of arms, however, shed lustre over the
-last years of the royal city. Usref, the Turkish governor of Bosnia, who
-will always be remembered as the founder of the noble mosque which is
-the chief beauty of Sarajevo, had vowed that he would succeed where
-his predecessors had failed. So he collected a large army and invested
-Jajce. But, finding force useless, he pretended to raise the siege, so as
-to take the place unawares. But Peter Keglevich, who was at that time
-its <i>ban</i>, easily outwitted his crafty assailant. He bade the wives and
-daughters of the garrison sally forth and dance and sing—for it was the
-eve of a festival—on the “King’s meadow” outside the walls. Deceived
-by this feint, the Turks made a night attack upon the town. As they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_493"></a>[493]</span>
-came near, they heard the sound of the <i>gusle</i> and saw the feet of the
-maidens dancing in the moonlight on the green sward. The sight was
-more than they could bear. Casting their scaling ladders aside, they
-rushed upon the damsels instead of climbing the walls. At that moment
-Keglevich charged at the head of his men, while at the sound of the
-cannon a second detachment, which he had sent out into the woods,
-attacked the besiegers in the rear. Even the women bore their part in
-the fight, and not a Turk left the field alive. Once again Keglevich held
-his capital against the foe. Usref reappeared with a new army and laid
-siege to the city for a year and a half. Hunger began to make its
-appearance, even horse-flesh was unprocurable, and one mother threw
-her child into the Vrbas rather than see it die a lingering death; it
-seemed as if the garrison must surrender or starve. But Keglevich
-managed to despatch a trusty messenger to Buda-Pesth, where, in
-Count Frangipane he found a ready listener. Backed up by King Louis II
-of Hungary and the Pope, he raised an army and relieved the town, after
-a great battle. Frangipane received from the delighted King the title
-of “Defender and Protector of the Kingdoms of Dalmatia, Croatia, and
-Slavonia” in return for this signal service. But next year King Louis fell
-in the fatal battle of Mohács at the hands of the Turks, and from that
-moment Hungary was unable to protect her Bosnian outpost. Keglevich,
-weary of warfare and old in years, gave up the <i>banat</i> of Jajce to King
-Ferdinand I, who put a German garrison into the capital. But the
-German soldiers had had no experience of Turkish warfare, and their
-new commanders lacked the spirit of old Keglevich. Usref saw that the
-moment had come to redeem his former failures. Hungary and Croatia
-were in the throes of civil war, and not a hand was stretched out to save
-the doomed city. A ten days’ siege by the allied forces of Usref and his
-colleague, the Vizier of Serbia, was sufficient to make Jajce surrender.
-Banjaluka held out a little longer, and its brave governor set fire to the
-town rather than give it up to the enemy. With its fall, in 1528, all
-Bosnia was in the possession of the Turks, and for the next 170 years
-the German Emperors, who were now also Kings of Hungary, could
-make no effort to substantiate the old Hungarian claims to the lands
-south of the Save. Bosnia served as the starting-point from which
-Turkish armies ravaged their adjoining territories, and until the Ottoman
-power began to wane at the end of the seventeenth century, the Habsburgs
-had quite enough to do in defending their own land.</p>
-
-<p>Left to themselves, the Turks organised the conquered provinces,
-without interfering with the feudal system, which had struck its roots
-so deep in Bosnian soil. A Turkish governor, called at first by the title<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_494"></a>[494]</span>
-of <i>sandjak beg</i> and then by those of Pasha and <i>Vali</i>, represented the
-majesty of the Sultan, and moved his residence according to the
-requirements of Turkish policy. In the early days his seat was at
-Vrhbosna, round which the city of Sarajevo grew up; but, as the Turkish
-arms advanced further, Banjaluka was chosen as the official capital,
-while, when they receded at the close of the seventeenth century, the
-Pasha moved to Travnik, whence he issued his proclamations as “<i>Vali</i>
-of Hungary.” But, however high-sounding his titles, the Turkish
-governor was often, as the Bosnian Kings had been, the mere figure-head,
-while all real power was in the hands of the great nobles, who gradually
-became hereditary headmen or <i>capetans</i> of the forty-eight divisions of
-the province. So strong was their influence that they long resisted all
-attempts to transfer the Turkish headquarters from Travnik back to
-Sarajevo, and permitted the Pasha to visit the present capital only on
-sufferance and to remain there no more than forty-eight hours. It was
-not till 1850 that Omar Pasha put down all resistance and re-established
-the seat of government at Sarajevo, where it has since remained. But
-throughout the Turkish period the native aristocracy of Bosnia merely
-tolerated the Sultan’s representatives, of whom there were no less than
-214 in 415 years, or an average of one every twenty months, and at
-times even flatly refused to obey orders from Constantinople itself. In
-a word, Bosnia under the Turks was an aristocratic republic, with
-a titular foreign head.</p>
-
-<p>The social condition of the country changed, indeed, very little with
-the change of government. The Bogomiles, who had formed the bulk of
-the old Bosnian aristocracy, hastened to embrace the faith of Islâm
-upon the Turkish invasion. They had preferred to be conquered by the
-Sultan than converted by the Pope; and, when once they had been
-conquered, they did not hesitate to be converted also. The Mussulman
-creed possessed not a few points of resemblance with their own despised
-heresy. It conferred, too, the practical advantage upon those who
-embraced it of retaining their lands and their feudal privileges. Thus
-Bosnia presents us with the curious phenomenon of an aristocratic caste,
-Slav by race yet Mohammedan by religion. Hence the country affords
-a striking contrast to Serbia. There the Mohammedans were never
-anything more than a foreign colony of Turks; here the Mohammedans
-were native Slavs, men of the same race as the Christians, whom they
-despised. But, while the Bosnian nobles, henceforth styled <i>begs</i> or <i>agas</i>
-according as they were of greater or less distinction, never forgot that
-they were Bosniaks, they displayed the customary zeal of converts, and
-out-Ottomaned the Ottomans in their religious fanaticism. On the one<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_495"></a>[495]</span>
-hand, they carefully preserved the heirlooms of their Bogomile forefathers,
-the Serb speech, and the old Glagolitic script; on the other,
-they were keener in the cause of Islâm than the Commander of the
-Faithful himself. The iron of papal persecution had entered into their
-ancestors’ souls, and the legacy thus inherited influenced the whole
-future of Bosnia. The Turks were not slow to recognise the merits of
-these new allies. It soon became a maxim of state that “one must be
-the son of a Christian renegade to attain to the highest dignities of the
-Turkish Empire.” In the long list of Pashas of Bosnia, we notice several
-who were called “the Bosniak” from their race. As early as 1470 we
-find mention of a native governor, Sinan Beg, who built the mosque
-at Tchajnitza, his birth-place. Just a century later a Herzegovinian
-renegade became Grand Vizier, and his successor was a member of the
-famous Bosnian family of Sokolovich, to whom tradition ascribes the
-foundation of Sarajevo. The natural aptitude of the Bosniaks for
-managing their own countrymen led the Sultans to choose their
-representatives from among them; for, in a highly aristocratic community
-like Bosnia, the head of an old family enjoyed far more respect, even
-though he were poor, than an upstart foreigner, who had nothing to
-commend him but his ostentation and his office. Now and again we hear
-of a Turkish governor like Usref, the conqueror of Jajce, whose word is
-supreme, and whose religious endowments are “richer than those in any
-other province of the Empire.” But the general rule is that the native
-nobles are the repositories of power, while the Sultan’s representative
-is a mere fleeting figure, here to-day and gone to-morrow.</p>
-
-<p>While most of the Bogomiles had gone over to Islâm, there still
-remained some who adhered to the ancient doctrines of that maligned
-sect. The question has been much discussed as to the existence of these
-sectaries in Bosnia to-day. That some of them were still to be found in
-the beginning of the seventeenth century is clear from the report of
-a traveller of that period. A century and a half later the Franciscans
-asserted that the sect was extinct. This sweeping assertion does not,
-however, accord with later discoveries. There are parts of the Herzegovina,
-almost inaccessible till the construction of the railway from
-Sarajevo to Mostar, where traditions of the Bogomiles still linger. Thus,
-in the neighbourhood of Jablanitza, a region covered with Bogomile tombstones,
-the women, although Mohammedans, go unveiled—a custom all
-the more remarkable because the Mussulmans of Bosnia are, as a rule, far
-more particular about veiling than their co-religionists at Constantinople.
-It is, therefore, thought that this may be an old Bogomile observance,
-and it is stated by a recent ecclesiastical historian that only a few<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_496"></a>[496]</span>
-years before the Austrian occupation a family named Helej, living near
-Konjitza, abandoned the “Bogomile madness” for the Mohammedan faith.</p>
-
-<p>Bosnia, “the lion that guards the gates of Stambûl,” as the Turkish
-annalists called her, had to bear the full brunt of the struggle between
-Christendom and Islâm, as soon as the power of the Turks was beaten
-back from before the walls of Vienna, and driven out from within the
-walls of Buda-Pesth. The tide of Ottoman invasion began to ebb at the
-close of the seventeenth century from Hungary, Croatia and Slavonia,
-and the rivers Save and Una once more formed the boundaries between
-the domains of the Crescent and the Cross. Not without reason did the
-Bosniaks talk of “going to Europe” when they traversed the Save.</p>
-
-<p>And now, after more than a century and a half of forgetfulness, the
-House of Habsburg remembered the ancient claims of the Hungarian
-Crown to the old Bosnian Kingdom. Henceforth, from being the
-starting-point of every Turkish attack upon the Hungarian dominions,
-Bosnia became the object of every expedition from beyond the Save
-and the Una. Ten times did the Imperial troops enter the country
-without permanent results, until at last in our own days the Austro-Hungarian
-forces occupied it with the consent of Europe. The first
-expedition, led by Prince Louis of Baden in 1688, entered Bosnia from
-the east, captured Zvornik, but collapsed before the strong fortifications
-of Banjaluka. Two years later an Imperial general beat the Turks near
-Dolnja Tuzla, and took back a number of Catholic Bosniaks with him
-to Croatia. In that year, indeed, the condition of the country was most
-miserable. Famine and pestilence raged unchecked, and the quaint old
-Franciscan monk who wrote a chronicle of that time, tells us how
-“blood-red snow fell upon the mountains,” and how the devil went about
-with bow and arrows to slay the people. One memorial of that <i>année
-terrible</i> still remains in the shape of a Turkish copper coin, which was
-minted in Sarajevo to defray the expenses of the Turkish army, and is
-almost the only example of a separate Turkish currency for Bosnia. A
-third invasion from the side of Croatia in 1693, although fairly successful,
-pales beside the daring exploit of Prince Eugène in 1697. This twenty
-days’ campaign has never been forgotten, and it is all the more interesting,
-because the dashing Prince of Savoy took the same route which was
-followed by the main body of the Austro-Hungarian army in 1878.
-Crossing the Save at Brod with 6000 men, the Prince went straight up
-the valley of the Bosna, along the course of the present railway to
-Sarajevo, capturing on his way Doboj, Maglaj, Jeptche and the
-picturesque Vranduk, rightly named in Turkish “the gate” of the
-country. Sarajevo itself seemed at his mercy, but the Bosnian Christians<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_497"></a>[497]</span>
-did not respond to his appeals, there was no rising of the <i>rajah</i> in his
-favour, and he retired with an immense booty and 40,000 Christian
-refugees, whom he settled in Slavonia. The peace of Carlovitz two years
-later ratified the old boundaries of the Turk and Christendom.</p>
-
-<p>But the war between the Emperor and the Sultan, which broke out
-in 1716, and was terminated by the peace of Passarovitz, had favourable,
-if only temporary, results for Bosnia as well as for Serbia. The military
-efforts of the Imperial troops in Bosnia were unsuccessful, but at the
-peace, just as Belgrade and half Serbia were rescued from the Turk, so
-also north Bosnia was transferred to the Emperor in his capacity of King
-of Hungary and Croatia. But the disastrous peace of Belgrade in 1739
-restored all that had been gained at Passarovitz in 1718. The strategy
-of the Duke of Hildburghausen and Baron Raunach, the Imperial
-commanders in Bosnia, utterly failed before Ostrvitza and Banjaluka,
-and the Save and the Una once more became the frontiers. No Imperial
-army crossed them again for half a century, and even then it merely
-crossed to return empty-handed. The peace of Sistova in 1791 ratified
-that of Belgrade, and Bosnia remained, in spite of Austrian victories,
-a Turkish province, in fact till 1878, in name till 1908.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading26">4. BALKAN EXILES IN ROME</h3>
-
-<p>Those of us who are students of <i>Punch</i> may remember a caricature,
-which appeared in 1848, the year of almost universal revolution. Two
-distinguished foreigners were represented as arriving at Claridge’s Hotel
-and asking for accommodation. “I regret,” replied the manager, “that I
-cannot oblige you; my hotel is entirely occupied by dethroned monarchs,
-all except one single-bedded room, and that I am reserving, in case of
-necessity, for His Holiness the Pope!” What London was to the royal
-refugees of western Europe in 1848, that was Rome to the Balkan exiles
-of the second half of the fifteenth century. The Pope was then their
-generous host, and the Borgo their Claridge’s Hotel. In the words of
-Pius II’s biographer, “he summoned to Rome almost all those whom
-the Turks had ejected from their homes, and contributed money for
-their maintenance<a id="FNanchor_909" href="#Footnote_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>There has never been a period in the history of the Near East, when
-such a clean sweep has been made of principalities and powers. When
-Pope Nicholas V celebrated the mid-century Jubilee, the Balkan peninsula
-and the Levant were still largely occupied by a long series of Christian
-States, which had existed there for well-nigh 250 years. The romantic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_498"></a>[498]</span>
-Duchy of Athens was still standing under the Acciajuoli of Florence;
-the Morea was divided between the two brothers Thomas and Demetrios
-Palaiologos; their more famous brother, the Emperor Constantine, had
-just left his Peloponnesian palace at Mistra, the Sparta of the Middle
-Ages, to ascend the throne of all the Cæsars at Constantinople. The
-Italian family of Crispo, from whom the greatest Italian statesman of
-our time traced his descent, still ruled from their castle at Naxos over
-the far-flung Duchy of the Archipelago. Another Italian clan, the Gattilusj
-of Genoa, in whose veins flowed both the Imperial blood of the Greek
-Emperors and that of the House of Savoy, were still governing the
-island of Lesbos and the city of Ænos in Thrace, with their respective
-dependencies. A Genoese syndicate, the <i>Maona</i> of the Giustiniani, the
-forerunner of the Chartered Companies of our time, managed the rich
-mastic-plantations of the island of Chios. The picturesque Kingdom of
-Cyprus, with which were united the long-empty titles of King of
-Jerusalem and King of Armenia, was still in the hands of the French
-family of Lusignan, to which our Richard Cœur-de-Lion had sold it
-more than two-and-a-half centuries earlier; but the most important
-Cypriote harbour, that of Famagosta, where the Lusignans had been
-wont to be crowned Kings of Jerusalem, had passed into the possession
-of the Genoese Bank of St George, that famous institution, whose palace,
-lately restored, is now the seat of the Genoese Harbour Board. The
-family of Tocco, whose ancestors had migrated to Greece from Benevento,
-had just lost almost the last fragment of its possessions on the Greek
-mainland, but still retained the County Palatine of Cephalonia, which
-embraced four of the Ionian Islands and included the mythical realm
-of Odysseus. Venice was still the Queen of the Adriatic. The whole of
-the Dalmatian coast was Venetian, save where the commercial Republic
-of Ragusa maintained that independence, of which the recently erected
-statue of Orlando was the symbol and still is the memorial. From the
-southern extremity of Dalmatia, a chain of Venetian harbours—Antivari,
-Dulcigno and Durazzo—names familiar to modern diplomacy—united
-the northern territories of Venice with her colony of Corfù. Far to the
-south she held Crete; off the east coast of Greece she occupied the long
-island of Eubœa. In the north of the Balkan peninsula, Serbia was still
-a Christian Principality, and the riches of its Prince, derived from the
-Serbian mines, were almost fabulous. Montenegro, under the first of its
-“Black Princes,” had started on its career of independence; Albania was
-still largely unconquered, owing to the heroic resistance of the great
-national hero, Skanderbeg; while its capital, Scutari, was still a Venetian
-colony. The mediæval Kingdom of Bosnia with its elaborate feudal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_499"></a>[499]</span>
-system, still survived; the sister-land of the Herzegovina, then known
-as Hum, was ruled by a great Slav magnate, Stephen Vuktchich, who
-had lately received the title of Duke of St Sava, from which, in its
-German form of <i>Herzog</i>, his former Duchy to-day retains the name of
-the Herzegovina. Beyond the Danube, the two Roumanian principalities
-of Moldavia and Wallachia were, the former still independent, the latter,
-if tributary, still restive. And far away on the shores of the Black Sea,
-the Greek Empire of Trebizond still lingered under the family of Grand-Komnenos—whose
-Princesses were the most beautiful women, whose
-Princes the most tragic figures of their time.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the map of the Near East in 1450, on the eve of the
-accession of the greatest of the Sultans, Mohammed II. With his advent
-ancient Empires and mediæval Principalities disappeared as by magic,
-and a political earthquake shook the thrones of the Levant to their
-foundations. In 1453 the last Byzantine Emperor fell at his post on the
-walls of Constantinople; the oldest political institution in the world
-came to an end, and the Turkish capital was moved from Adrianople
-to the Bosporus. In 1456 Moldavia was made to pay tribute, the
-Gattilusj were driven from Ænos and the Acciajuoli from the city of
-Athens; in 1459 Serbia, in 1460 the Morea and the rest of the Duchy of
-Athens ceased to exist. Next year the Empire of Trebizond was incorporated
-with Turkey, the year following the Gattilusj no longer ruled
-over Lesbos. In 1463 the last native King of Bosnia was beheaded in
-the presence of the great Sultan on the meadow opposite the lovely city
-of Jajce; in 1468 the death of Skanderbeg deprived Albania of her brave
-defender. Two years later Venice lamented the loss of Eubœa, the
-greatest blow that had ever befallen the Republic. In 1479 the Tocchi
-were driven from their island county; by 1483 the Herzegovina was
-wholly Turkish. The rulers and nobles of most of these countries sought
-refuge in Rome, and thus the epilogue of the long and tragic drama of
-Balkan history was played here. Italy was their nearest land of refuge;
-it had been the cradle of many of their ancestors; and the Pope was
-the head of Western Christendom, to whom some of them had appealed
-in their distress.</p>
-
-<p>The most notable of these distinguished exiles was the Despot Thomas
-Palaiologos, who sailed from Corfù for Ancona towards the end of 1460,
-accompanied by most of his magnates, and bearing the head of St Andrew,
-which had long been preserved at Patras. The relic was known to be
-a valuable asset in the dethroned Despot’s balance-sheet, although
-Amalfi already possessed a portion of the saint’s remains. Many Princes
-offered large sums for it, and its fortunate possessor had accordingly no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_500"></a>[500]</span>
-difficulty in disposing of it to the Pope in return for an annuity. The
-precious relic was deposited for safety in the castle of Narni, while
-Thomas proceeded to Rome, where Pius II bestowed upon him the
-Golden Rose, the symbol of virtues which he had scarcely displayed in
-his long career of intrigue, a lodging in the Santo Spirito hospital, and
-an allowance of 300 gold pieces a month, to which the Cardinals added
-200 more—a sum which his too numerous followers considered barely
-enough for his maintenance and certainly not for theirs. Venice, however,
-contributed a further sum of 500 ducats to his treasury, but the
-cautious Republic begged him not to return to Corfù or any of her other
-colonies, so as not to embarrass her then rather delicate relations with
-the Turks. Meanwhile, on April 12, 1462, the day after Palm Sunday,
-Pius II received the head of St Andrew at the Ponte Milvio, on the spot
-where the little chapel of that Apostle with its commemorative inscription
-now stands. A recent visit to the chapel, which has been
-completely isolated, and is now standing alone in a network of tramlines
-and roads, suggests the melancholy reflection that ere long it too
-may be sacrificed to that <i>civile progresso</i>, which has cost this city so
-many interesting mediæval monuments. Thomas’ fellow-countryman,
-the famous Cardinal Bessarion, handed the case containing the head to
-the Pope, who bade the sacred skull welcome among its relatives, the
-Romans, “the nephews of St Peter”—a ceremony depicted on the tomb
-of Pius II in Sant’ Andrea della Valle. Shortly afterwards, upon the
-death of his wife, whom he had left behind in Corfù, Thomas summoned
-his two sons, Andrew and Manuel, and his daughter Zoe to join him in
-Rome. But before they arrived, he died, on May 12, 1465, and was
-buried in the crypt of St Peter’s, where all efforts to find his grave have
-proved fruitless. But every visitor to Rome unconsciously gazes upon
-his features, for on account of his tall and handsome appearance he
-served as a model for the statue of St Paul, which still stands at the
-steps of St Peter’s.</p>
-
-<p>Misfortunes make strange bedfellows, and a common disaster had
-brought together as exiles in Rome, condemned to live upon the papal
-charity, the former Greek Despot of the Morea and his enemy, the
-natural son of the last Frankish Prince of Achaia. After two centuries of
-conflict, the Greeks had succeeded, at the eleventh hour, in extinguishing
-the rule of the Franks in the peninsula, only to fall themselves before
-the all-conquering Turk. To consecrate the Greek conquest, Thomas
-Palaiologos had married the heiress of Centurione II Zaccaria, the last
-Frankish ruler, and the last legitimate descendant of a famous Genoese
-family, which had made a fortune out of the alum-mines of Phocæa on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_501"></a>[501]</span>
-the coast of Asia Minor, become lords of the rich island of Chios in the
-days before the Chartered Company, and had at last attained to the
-throne of Achaia. But Centurione had left a natural son, Giovanni Asan,
-who had raised the standard of revolt against the Greeks. Imprisoned
-by Thomas in the splendid castle of Chlomoutsi, or Castel Tornese,
-the mint of the Morea, whose ruins still stand on a tortoise-shaped
-eminence which overlooks the fertile plain of Elis and the flourishing
-harbour of Zante, he had escaped a lingering death by hunger, rallied
-his old adherents, and actually received the congratulations of the King
-of Naples and the Venetian Republic upon his release and their
-recognition of his title. Thomas had, however, suppressed this rebellion
-with Turkish aid, and the pretender had fled first to one of the Venetian
-colonies, and thence to Naples, whence we find him writing for aid to
-the Bank of St George in his ancestral city of Genoa<a id="FNanchor_910" href="#Footnote_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a>. In 1459 a Genoese
-document reveals him begging the Genoese government to recommend
-him to the generosity of Pius II. Genoa was at that time under French
-rule, and the Duke of Calabria, who was the royal lieutenant, accordingly
-wrote to Pius II and to Cardinal Lodovico Scarampi, the Patriarch of
-Aquileia, who was the Pope’s Chamberlain, recommending to their
-notice “the magnificent lord Centurione Zaccaria, not long ago Prince
-of the Morea.” I think that there was a special reason for the activity
-of the Genoese government on the exile’s behalf. There is in the Cathedral
-of Genoa a splendid relic, known as “the cross of the Zaccaria,” and
-consisting of a piece of the true cross, encased in gold and studded with
-precious stones. This is said to have been brought by St John the
-Evangelist to Ephesus, captured by the Turks when they took that
-place, and pawned by them at Phocæa, which then belonged, as we saw,
-to the Zaccaria family. In 1307, in consequence of a quarrel between
-two of its members over the accounts of the alum-mines, Tedisio
-Zaccaria begged the famous Catalan chronicler, Ramon Muntaner, who
-was then encamped with the Catalan Grand Company at the Dardanelles,
-to assist him in sacking the town. Muntaner informs us that his share
-of the booty was this cross, and the problem has hitherto been to find
-when and how it was brought to Genoa. Now, as there is no mention
-of the cross at Genoa before 1466, I have no doubt whatever that it was
-this last scion of the Zaccaria who brought it from Greece, just as his
-brother-in-law, Thomas Palaiologos, had brought the head of St Andrew,
-and disposed of it to the city of Genoa for a valuable consideration, of
-which one portion was a letter of introduction to the Pope.</p>
-
-<p>Until recently there was no trace of the “Prince of the Morea’s”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_502"></a>[502]</span>
-sojourn in Rome. I noticed, however, in a book by a German scholar,
-Gottlob, on the subject of papal finance, an allusion to a certain “Prince
-of Sani.” There being no such place, it seemed to me that the learned
-German must have misunderstood the name of Giovanni Asani.
-Examination of the original documents in the “Archivio di Stato” proved
-this surmise to be correct. The <i>Liber depositarii Sancte Cruciate</i> contains
-numerous entries of twenty florins a month paid to <i>domino Johanni
-Zaccarie olim Amoree principi</i>, beginning with September, 1464, and
-ending with December 31, 1468, after which there is no more mention
-of the pension, and the pensioner was therefore probably deceased.
-These sums, which Paul II, and after him Sixtus IV, gave to Oriental
-potentates in distress, were derived from the proceeds of the alum-mines,
-discovered at Tolfa in 1462 by another exile from the Near East,
-Giovanni de Castro, who had been engaged in the dyeing trade at
-Constantinople, had fled to Rome after the Turkish conquest, and had
-been appointed treasurer of the patrimony of the Church. Genoese
-workmen, formerly employed in the alum-mines of Phocæa, were
-summoned to Tolfa, the Pope declared that the discoverer deserved a
-statue, Court poets wrote more or less excellent verses in his honour, and
-Pius told the world that the alum of Tolfa had been given by Providence
-as the sinews of war against the Infidels, and bade all good Christians
-deal exclusively with the papal alum factory. Thus, by a curious
-coincidence, the last of the Zaccaria kept body and soul together by a
-pittance derived from the sale of that mineral, which had formed in
-happier days the foundation of his forefathers’ fortunes.</p>
-
-<p>In 1461 another very distinguished relative of the dethroned Imperial
-family of Constantinople arrived in Rome—Queen Charlotte of Cyprus.
-There are few more remarkable figures even in the romantic history of
-the Latin Orient than this brave and masculine woman, the offspring
-of France and Byzantium. Queen Charlotte was the only daughter and
-heiress of King Jean II de Lusignan by his marriage with Helen
-daughter of Theodore II Palaiologos, Despot of Mistra, and she was
-therefore grand-niece of Thomas Palaiologos. Succeeding to the throne
-of Cyprus in 1458, at the age of 18, she was already both an orphan and
-a widow—for her first husband, a son of the King of Portugal, was dead—and
-she therefore hastened to conclude a second marriage with her
-cousin, Louis, Count of Geneva, second son of Louis, Duke of Savoy.
-Her consort had already been engaged to a daughter of Robert III of
-Scotland, and those of us who are of Scottish descent will learn with a
-flush of pride that our business-like ancestors demanded a huge sum
-as damages for this breach of promise. Possibly the young scion of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_503"></a>[503]</span>
-House of Savoy would have done better to establish himself in Scotland
-rather than Cyprus; for his Cypriote bride in the year after her marriage
-was driven from the greater part of her realm by her late father’s
-illegitimate son James, aided by the Sultan of Egypt. The castle of
-Cérines, or Kyrenia, however, which overlooks the sea to the north of
-the island, and of which a full description has recently been published
-by the British authorities, held out; and there the royal pair took refuge.
-During an interval in the siege, the intrepid Queen and her feeble husband
-journeyed to Rhodes on board a galley of the Knights, which lay in the
-harbour, to ask for aid. The Grand Master, Jacques de Milly, received
-them politely; but their journey had no practical results, beyond the
-gift of some money, corn and cannon, and after their return the Queen
-accordingly resolved to leave her husband at Cérines, and seek assistance
-in the West. On this journey, however, between Cyprus and Rhodes, her
-galley was stopped and pillaged by the Venetians, while some Mameluke
-prisoners, who were on board, cut the rigging and nearly murdered the
-Queen. Even thirty years later the Republic had not paid the damages
-due for this high-handed act of piracy<a id="FNanchor_911" href="#Footnote_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a>. At last, under the escort of
-Sor de Naves, the Sicilian governor of Cérines, the Queen arrived at
-Ostia in the second half of October, 1461, and proceeded up the Tiber
-till she reached St Paul-outside-the-walls. There she landed, and was
-met by the Cardinals, who escorted her to the city, where she took up
-her temporary residence at San Ciriaco<a id="FNanchor_912" href="#Footnote_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a>, the church mentioned by the
-British visitor of 1450, Capgrave, recently introduced to our notice, and
-which was the predecessor of Sta Maria degli Angeli in the Baths of
-Diocletian. We have in the <i>Commentaries</i><a id="FNanchor_913" href="#Footnote_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> of Pius II an interesting
-description of the royal suppliant on the occasion of her first audience
-with the Pope. She appeared to be twenty-four years of age, she was of a
-mediocre height, and dressed like a Frenchwoman, her eyes sparkled with
-fire, and her tongue was “like a torrent.” It seems possible, however, that
-the Holy Father may have exaggerated her volubility, owing to the fact
-that she spoke in a language which was not his own. For to the end of
-her days, Queen Charlotte, although she could write French, Italian, and
-perhaps Latin, was unable to speak French and always used Greek, the
-language of her mother. Indeed, in the most important business
-transactions of her life, she resorted to an interpreter, whom we may be
-surprised to find a man of English extraction—not the last occasion, I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_504"></a>[504]</span>
-fear, on which treaties relating to the Eastern question have been
-negotiated by persons imperfectly acquainted with the language in
-which they were negotiating. The Queen humbly kissed the Pope’s feet,
-and on the next day delivered a set speech to him through the medium
-of a translator. She began by firing off a well-worn tag from the <i>Æneid</i>,
-which doubtless tickled the palate of the classical Æneas Sylvius, whom
-she saw before her. “My first husband,” she said, “is dead; my second
-is besieged: whether he be alive or dead, I do not know. Cérines is our
-only refuge; on the way hither the Venetians have robbed me. I can
-stand no more voyages by sea; I have neither horses nor money for a
-journey by land.”</p>
-
-<p>The Pope, who had refused to receive officially the envoys of her
-rival, bade the Queen be of good cheer, for he would not desert her.
-“You are expiating,” he replied, “the faults of your father-in-law, who
-declined to offer Us aid against the Turks, and of your husband, who
-would not even take the trouble to meet Us when We were at Mantua.
-So We said, ‘the House of Savoy despises the Church’”—a remark
-which might have been taken from a clerical newspaper of our own day.
-Pius II concluded by the promise of horses and money for the journey
-to her father-in-law’s Court in Savoy. She remained on this occasion
-some ten days more in Rome, until she had seen the chief churches and
-had had four or five audiences with the Pope, who gave her much corn
-and wine for revictualling Cérines and twelve horses and 200 ducats for
-her journey. On November 5 she wrote from San Ciriaco to the Florentine
-Republic, stating that her business with the Pope was terminated, and
-asking for a passport for the dominions of Florence. On the 20th she
-reached Bologna, where she was lodged gratis at the “Osteria del Leone<a id="FNanchor_914" href="#Footnote_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a>,”
-and whence she proceeded by way of Venice and Milan to Savoy. The
-Duke of Milan and the Council of Geneva gave her a good reception; but
-her father-in-law told her plainly that the connection with Cyprus had
-“exhausted” his Duchy, and complaint was afterwards made of the
-expense of entertaining her for nearly four months at Lausanne and
-Thonon, where the Court then was. Her appeals to the King of Aragon
-and to Pierre-Raymond Zacosta, the new Grand Master, were in vain;
-so, after bequeathing the Crown of Cyprus to the House of Savoy in the
-event of her death without heirs, the indomitable Queen returned in
-September of 1462 to her island, and shut herself up once more in the
-royal apartments at Cérines. Having obtained so little from the Christian
-Powers, she sent the Count of Jaffa to ask the aid of Mohammed II,
-offering to pay tribute and to surrender a city of the island to the Turks—a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_505"></a>[505]</span>
-fact, which is probably the origin of the erroneous statement of the
-Greek historian, Phrantzes<a id="FNanchor_915" href="#Footnote_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a>, that Mohammed II rendered Cyprus
-tributary. The Sultan’s reply was to order her envoy to be sawn asunder.
-Meanwhile, her craven husband had abandoned Cérines and fled to
-Rhodes, whence he returned to Savoy in 1464. At last, when the
-garrison of Cérines was reduced to eat the cats that prowled along the
-battlements, the Queen likewise sought refuge in Rhodes, whither many
-of her knights and vassals accompanied her. Sor de Naves surrendered
-the castle to her relentless enemy, who thus, in October, 1463, was King
-of all Cyprus, save where the Banca di San Giorgio still held Famagosta.</p>
-
-<p>The heroic Queen did not despair of recovering her Kingdom. She
-wrote from Rhodes a year later to her husband, urging him to send
-assistance, and telling him that her poverty alone prevented her from
-reconquering it. But Louis had had enough of both his consort and his
-castles, as the Italian chronicler<a id="FNanchor_916" href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a> tells us, and remained for the rest
-of his life, which ended in 1482, in his native land, without occupying
-himself with either. Queen Charlotte continued to reside for several
-years in Rhodes, whence she could watch Cypriote politics and where
-she received a monthly allowance from the Order. The Holy See
-continued to recognise her as lawful sovereign of Cyprus; and in 1471,
-when the usurper sent the Archbishop of Nicosia to Rome to ask the
-Pope to crown him King and to give him in marriage the hand of
-Princess Zoe, daughter of Thomas Palaiologos and then a young widow,
-living there under the care of Cardinal Bessarion, His Holiness refused
-both requests. This is the version of the contemporary Greek chronicler;
-but the Italian annalist cynically remarks that the Pope agreed to crown
-him if he would marry the Holy Father’s niece, but that when the King
-of Cyprus saw the lady’s portrait and heard her habits, he declined
-the crown on such terms. Instead, he married the famous Catherine
-Cornaro, who in 1489 brought the Kingdom of Cyprus to Venice.</p>
-
-<p>Upon the death of the bastard in 1473, we find Queen Charlotte
-renewing her attempts to recover the island. She then waited at Rhodes,
-and endeavoured to negotiate with the Sultan of Egypt, who arrested
-her envoy, and with the Venetian Admiral then in the Levant, who
-plainly told her that he marvelled at her ignorance of the fact that
-kingdoms were obtained by might not by right, and that Catherine
-Cornaro was the adopted daughter of his government. A plot to deliver
-Cérines to her failed; and, although there was a party in the island
-favourable to her, most of the Cypriotes preferred the Venetians, as
-being better able to protect them. Venice ordered her exclusion from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_506"></a>[506]</span>
-the coveted kingdom, many of her followers abandoned her, when they
-found that all chance of a restoration was over, and in 1475 she settled
-at Rome in the Palazzo Spinola, or dei Convertendi, in the Piazza Scossa
-Cavalli, where from September, 1476, Sixtus IV gave her a monthly
-allowance of 200 ducats. But in her Roman exile she did not abandon
-her schemes for the recovery of Cyprus. She had adopted Alonzo, son
-of Ferdinand I, King of Naples, and her plan was to proceed to Cairo
-on a Genoese galley, and thence, with the aid of the Sultan of Egypt,
-to recapture her throne. The Sultan actually invested her with the
-crown, and Venice was so much alarmed that a Venetian envoy was
-authorised to proceed to Rome, and offer her an annuity of 5000 ducats,
-if she would consent to reside on Venetian territory. Her schemes
-failed; she returned to Rome in 1482, and continued to be the honoured
-pensioner of the Pope. Such was the honour which he showed her, that
-in November, 1483, on the occasion of an audience, she was granted a
-seat “neither less distinguished nor lower than the chair of the Pontiff”—a
-mark of attention, so the contemporary diarist<a id="FNanchor_917" href="#Footnote_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> remarks, “which
-was not approved by some.” On February 25, 1485, she ceded the
-Kingdom of Cyprus to her nephew Charles, Duke of Savoy, whose
-descendants, the present Italian dynasty, have thus inherited from her
-the titles of Kings of Cyprus, Jerusalem and Armenia. This document
-was executed in the presence of several Cardinals, of her Cypriote
-confessor, and of her councillor, James Langlois, who acted as interpreter.
-In return for this act of cession, the Duke agreed to pay to his
-aunt, as long as she remained in Rome, an annual pension of 4300 florins
-and to provide her with a residence worthy of her rank. A subsequent
-deed charged this pension upon the rates of Nice. The Queen did not
-long enjoy this annuity; on July 16, 1487, she died at her Roman
-residence of paralysis, and was buried in St Peter’s “near the chapel
-of St Andrew and St Gregory,” and not far from the spot, where, eleven
-years before, her faithful Chamberlain, Hugh Langlois, lord of Beirût,
-had been laid to rest. Eleven Cardinals were present at the mass held
-in St Peter’s for the repose of her soul; but her body was not allowed to
-rest permanently where it had been placed. In 1610, at the time of the
-destruction of the old basilica by Paul V, her tomb was opened, when
-it was found to contain the remains of a woman of moderate height, a
-few pieces of black silk, and some gilded buckles<a id="FNanchor_918" href="#Footnote_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a>. These remains were
-then re-interred in their present resting-place in the crypt of St Peter’s,
-where a slab in the pavement bears the simple inscription: “Karola Hierlm̅<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_507"></a>[507]</span>
-Cipri et Armenie Regina obiit XVI Julii an D. MCCCCLXXXVII.”
-Other memorials of the exiled Queen of Cyprus still exist in Rome. One
-of the pictures (no. XXXI) in the Santo Spirito hospital represents her
-as kneeling before Sixtus IV, and the inscription below describes how
-“Charlotte, Queen of Cyprus, despoiled of her kingdom and her fortune,
-flees as a suppliant to Sixtus IV, and is received by him with the utmost
-benignity and munificence.” Torrigio adds, that on this occasion the
-voluble Queen felt unequal to the task of expressing her admiration for
-and gratitude to her benefactor. I think it is possible to identify the
-personages who are depicted behind the kneeling Queen. The two divines
-are probably John Chafforicios, her confessor, and Lodovico Podochatoro,
-a member of a well-known Cypriote family, who became secretary of
-Alexander VI and a Cardinal, and whose monument is still admired in
-Sta Maria del Popolo. The laymen are, I would suggest, Hugh Bousat
-and his wife, Charlotte Cantacuzene de Flory, daughter of the Count
-of Jaffa, who were her pensioners and who were in receipt of a small
-papal allowance as late as 1513, and Philip Langlois, who lived about
-40 years in Rome, and was granted an annuity of 15 ducats from
-Julius II, increased to 20 in that year. The vestments, altar cloths, and
-the four lbs. of silver, which the Queen bequeathed to St Peter’s, have
-disappeared, but another proof of her piety is to be found in her entry,
-recorded in Latin by her own hand, into the Confraternity of the Santo
-Spirito on March 27, 1478. An example of the seal, which she used in
-Rome, is preserved in Turin, and reproduces the streamers of the
-Cypriote Order of the Sword, while her two rare coins are, I believe,
-in the King of Italy’s collection. Her little band of courtiers lingered on
-for many years here; Innocent VIII recommended them to the charity
-of the Duke of Savoy as distinguished by lineage and virtue; and one
-of them, Giorgio Flatro, by marrying his daughter to Pietro Aldobrandini,
-became the ancestor of Clement VIII. As late as January 1520, Leo X
-assigned 70 ducats out of the alum-mines of Tolfa to two other Cypriotes
-of the lineage of Lusignan—Eugène and John, natural sons of Queen
-Charlotte’s rival, whom the cautious Venetian Republic had removed
-from Cyprus with their mother and sister in 1477, and had imprisoned
-in the castle of Padua, lest they should embarrass Catherine Cornaro<a id="FNanchor_919" href="#Footnote_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a>.
-This is another example of papal generosity, which contrasts with the
-selfish conduct of the Venetian Republic, and incidentally disproves the
-statement of Count Mas Latrie<a id="FNanchor_920" href="#Footnote_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a>, that the two illegitimate sons of James II
-died at Padua, where their sister is buried.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_508"></a>[508]</span></p>
-
-<p>Another exiled Queen was living in Rome at the same time as
-Charlotte of Cyprus, and, like her, died and was buried here. Most
-visitors to this city have seen the tomb of the Queen Dowager Catherine
-of Bosnia in Ara Cœli; but perhaps her story is less familiar, because
-the very interesting history of Bosnia is little known. Queen Catherine
-was the daughter of Stephen Vuktchich, the Duke of St Sava, from
-whom the Herzegovina derives its name, and boasted her descent through
-her mother Helen from the mediæval Princes and Tsars of Serbia. Like
-her father and most of the Bosnian rulers and nobles of the fifteenth
-century, she belonged to the Bogomile or Patarene heresy, which
-corresponded with the Albigensian heresy of Provence, which coloured
-several centuries of Bosnian history, largely contributed to the Turkish
-conquest of that country, and survived there in the case of one family
-down to the memory of persons still living. Owing, however, to the efforts
-of the papal legate, the young Princess was converted to Catholicism
-probably at the time of her marriage in 1445, or 1446, to King Stephen
-Thomas of Bosnia. A Slav poet has commemorated her beauty and sung
-of her wedding; but her fate was hard, and many a tragedy was in store
-for her. To marry her, Stephen Thomas had put away his first wife, a
-woman of obscure birth, whom his proud barons would not accept as
-their Queen, and it was the discarded consort’s son, Stephen Tomashevich,
-who murdered him to obtain the crown on July 10, 1461, assassination
-or abdication being the usual alternative of Balkan monarchs. Thus, at
-the age of 37, Catherine was left a widow, with two children of her own,
-Sigismund and Catherine. In view, however, of the political situation,
-the stepmother and the stepson agreed to bury the past, and the Queen
-Dowager remained in Bosnia till the fall of the Kingdom in 1463. Both
-her children were then captured by the Turks and forced to embrace
-Islâm, while she managed to escape to the Republic of Ragusa, where
-the authorities offered her an annual rent for the land and houses of her
-late husband, and where she presented “marvellous choral books,”
-destroyed by fire in 1667, to the Franciscan convent. Thence she crossed
-the Adriatic and came to Rome, where we find her in receipt of a monthly
-pension of 100 ducats from 1466. In addition to this, Pope Paul II paid
-to one Jacopo Mentebone, a Roman citizen, a sum of 20 ducats a month
-from October, 1467, “for the rent of a house let with all the necessary
-utensils to the Queen of Bosnia.” At the time of her death, she was
-residing “near the Church of San Marco de Urbe in the Rione Pigna,”
-surrounded by a considerable court of faithful Slavs, and she was a
-personage of importance, figuring for example at the wedding of Zoe
-Palaiologina in 1472. She had, however, bitter disappointments. Her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_509"></a>[509]</span>
-father, the Duke of St Sava, who died in 1466, cut her out of his will;
-the Duke of Milan, Galeazzo Maria Sforza, whom she begged to lend her
-money for ransoming her children, declined to assist her. After a twelve
-years’ residence here, she felt her end approaching, and on October 20,
-1478, made her last testament, a very curious document of great political
-interest. After directing that she should be buried in the church of
-Ara Cœli, she expressed the hope, that one day the Kingdom of Bosnia
-would once more submit to Christian rule—an aspiration accomplished
-in October, 1908. Meanwhile, mindful of the munificence of the Holy See
-and of the benefits which she had received from Paul II and Sixtus IV,
-who had always treated her hospitably, helping her according to her
-royal dignity with an annual pension and provision sufficient for her
-necessities, she bequeathed her kingdom in trust to the Holy See, until
-such time as her son or her daughter should return “from the vomit of
-Mahomet” to the true faith. Should they, however, remain Mohammedans,
-then Bosnia was to be at the absolute disposition of the Pope and his
-successors. It was this clause which prompted a well-known Slavonic
-journalist in Rome to announce immediately after the Austro-Hungarian
-annexation of Bosnia in 1908, that the Emperor Francis Joseph would
-receive the Bosnian crown, as the last native King of Bosnia had received
-it, from the hands of the Pope. Having thus disposed of her phantom
-kingdom, Catherine proceeded to bequeath the rest of her real and
-personal property to the three faithful ladies-in-waiting, Paola Mirkovich,
-Helena Sempovich and Maria Misglenovich, who had shared her Roman
-exile. To the first she also left a legacy of 50 ducats, a dress of black satin
-lined with squirrel, and another of black cloth lined with lynx; to the
-second 25 ducats and a long gown of black cloth with a lining of marten-skin;
-to the third 30 ducats and a long, simple gown of black cloth. To
-her major-domo, Radich Klesich, she left 50 ducats, a scimitar inlaid
-with silver, and a Turkish dress of red silk woven with gold, as well as
-a sum of 38 ducats, which she had borrowed from him; to her servants,
-George Zubravich and Abraham Radich, respectively 50 and 30 ducats.
-To her son Sigismund she bequeathed his father’s sword, inlaid with
-silver; but, if he remained an infidel, the precious heirloom was to pass
-to her nephew Balsha, whom we find thirty years later as titular “Duke
-of St Sava.” To both her children she also left a silver dagger, two cups
-and two tankards of silver, with lids inlaid with emeralds. To the church
-of Ara Cœli she devised her royal mantle of cloth of gold and a silk
-dossal of divers colours for the altar, which had been used in her private
-chapel; to the hospital of San Gerolamo degli Schiavoni all the furniture
-and sacred vessels of the latter. The relics in her possession she bequeathed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_510"></a>[510]</span>
-to the Franciscan church of St Catherine at Jajce—a church in which
-she had always been deeply interested. In 1458, at her request, and
-again in 1462, Pius II had granted indulgences to all who visited this
-church, which was believed to contain the body of St Luke, brought
-thither from the castle of Rogus in Epeiros<a id="FNanchor_921" href="#Footnote_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a>, and of which a beautiful
-Italian <i>campanile</i> still remains. Finally, after naming her executors, she
-directed that her will, together with the royal sword, should be presented
-to the Cardinal bishop of Porto, the vice-chancellor of the Church, then
-Rodrigo Borgia, afterwards Pope Alexander VI.</p>
-
-<p>Five days later the testatrix died, and was buried in Ara Cœli, as
-she had directed. It is said that over her grave was placed a Slavonic
-inscription, which ran as follows: “To the Bosnian Queen Catherine,
-daughter of Stephen, Duke of St Sava, and of the race of Helen of
-the house of Tsar Stephen, and wife of the Bosnian King Thomas, who
-lived 54 years and died in Rome October 25, 1478, this Monument was
-erected by her own written orders.” This Slavonic inscription has,
-however, long ago disappeared. It was fortunately copied by Palatino<a id="FNanchor_922" href="#Footnote_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a>
-in 1535 as an example of Slavonic writing from the monument in Ara
-Cœli, with an accurate Latin version. Casimiro Romano<a id="FNanchor_923" href="#Footnote_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a>, the historian
-of that church, states that the monument of Queen Catherine, with that
-of Cardinal Alibret, was moved from the floor of the presbytery in front
-of the high altar in 1590 to its present position on a pillar behind an
-ambon to the left as one faces the altar. The Slavonic inscription was
-probably then lost and the present Latin inscription substituted. This
-latter corresponds with neither the Slavonic text nor the truth; for it
-describes how “To Catherine, the Bosnian Queen, <i>sister</i> of Stephen,
-Duke of St Sava, born of the race of Helen and of the house of Prince
-Stephen, wife of Thomas, King of Bosnia, who lived 54 years and fell
-asleep at Rome on October 25, 1478, this monument was erected by her
-own written orders.” This inscription was obviously composed by someone
-ignorant of her genealogy, for she was the daughter, not the “sister” of
-Duke Stephen, and the word <i>sorori</i> is probably a misunderstanding of
-the Slav <i>poroda</i> (“race”). On either side of her head is a coat of arms,
-that of her husband and that of her father. The latter is so greatly worn,
-that it can no longer be distinguished, but the former, which I examined
-from a ladder, still shows, on a close inspection, the two crowns and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_511"></a>[511]</span>
-the two horsemen, but not the mailed arm with the sword, which was in
-the centre, as may be seen from the representation of this monument
-in Ciacconius’ <i>Lives and Acts of the Popes and Cardinals</i>. The two crowns
-in the quarterings are those of Bosnia and Serbia, for from 1376 the
-Bosnian Kings always styled themselves also Kings of Serbia; the arm
-with the sword represents Primorje, or “the Coastland”—also a part
-of the Bosnian royal title; the two horsemen are the Kotromanich
-emblem. Considering the worn appearance of the actual monument, and
-the sharply cut lettering of the Latin inscription, I think that the latter
-can never have been placed on the floor of the church, but was a later
-addition, cut at a time when the Slavonic inscription was misunderstood,
-or perhaps even mislaid. It is said by Luccari<a id="FNanchor_924" href="#Footnote_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a>, the old historian of
-Ragusa, that another portrait of Queen Catherine exists in Rome, and
-is to be found in the Sala di Costantino in the Vatican, where a woman
-in the foreground may perhaps be the Queen.</p>
-
-<p>The Pope did not forget the household of the testatrix. From the
-next month after her death her three ladies, Paola, Helena, and Maria,
-with a fourth named Praxina, received 14 ducats monthly from the
-papal treasury. Her will did not, however, prevent him from recognising
-another person as King of Bosnia. One of the paintings (No. 27) in
-the Santo Spirito hospital represents the visit of “the King of Bosnia
-and Wallachia” to the Pope, and the inscription adds how this monarch
-“although exhausted by age visits the thresholds of the Apostles and
-submissively venerates Sixtus IV by kissing his feet.” It does not seem
-to have occurred to anyone to ask who this mysterious personage was,
-although the last native King of Bosnia had been killed eight years
-before the accession of Sixtus IV, and the conjunction of the crowns of
-Bosnia and Wallachia is curious. It is not difficult, however, to identify
-this sovereign. One of the old books, which alludes to the picture,
-calls him “N.” which is the initial of Nicholas of Ilok on the Danube
-(the place where Prince Odescalchi’s Hungarian castle is situated). This
-great magnate, when the Hungarians temporarily captured Jajce from
-the Turks, received from Matthias Corvinus in 1471 the title of “King
-of Bosnia”—by which he is described in papal documents<a id="FNanchor_925" href="#Footnote_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a> of 1475-6.
-As he was also <i>voivode</i> of Transylvania, whose inhabitants were Wallachs,
-he is called also “King of Wallachia” in the inscription. His visit to
-Rome may be fixed from a letter of Sixtus IV, dated May 2, 1475, in
-which he is stated as having been “lately present.” Doubtless, he came<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_512"></a>[512]</span>
-for the Jubilee of that year, and this is the explanation of Wadding’s
-erroneous statement, that Queen Catherine did not come to Rome till
-1475.</p>
-
-<p>Another Slavonic sovereign sought refuge in Rome. This was Stephen
-Brankovich, Despot of Serbia, who had been blinded by Murad II years
-before, and who, after the fall of his country had sought a refuge with
-Skanderbeg, the heroic champion of the Albanians. There he married
-Angelina, sister-in-law of Skanderbeg and daughter of Giorgio Arianiti,
-a great Albanian chieftain. As the struggle in Albania became more
-and more desperate, Skanderbeg, at the end of 1465, came to Rome
-to ask the aid of Paul II, who received him with extraordinary honours,
-due to one who was “the first soldier of Jesus Christ.” A memorial
-of his stay here is the Vicolo Scanderbeg, where the house, No. 116,
-bears his portrait over the door with the following inscription: “Geor.
-Castriota A. Scanderbeg Princeps Epiri ad fidem iconis rest. an. Dom.
-MDCCCXLIII.” Thence, at the end of January, 1466, he returned to
-defend his fortress of Kroja, where two years later he died, and Albanian
-independence with him. Before that event the Serbian Despot had left
-him for Rome, for from December, 1467, he was drawing a papal pension
-of 40 ducats a month, continued to his widow from December, 1479.
-Here, too, her brother Costantino Arianiti found a living, becoming
-protonotary apostolic under Sixtus IV, who gave him a monthly pension
-of 32 ducats from October, 1476, increased to 40 from November, 1479—not,
-indeed, much to keep up the position of one who styled himself
-“Prince of Macedonia.”</p>
-
-<p>The Turkish annexation of the County Palatine of Cephalonia in
-1479 brought another band of Oriental exiles to Rome. The Tocco family,
-however, which had ruled over the dominions of Ulysses for more than
-a century, had gone from Benevento to Greece, and Leonardo III was,
-therefore, merely returning to the land of his forebears. On February
-29, 1480, he arrived in Rome with his son Carlo and his brothers
-Giovanni and Antonio. A man so well connected was sure of a good
-reception—for he had married a niece of King Ferdinand of Naples,
-while the Pope’s nephew had married his sister-in-law, and he was
-himself related to the Imperial houses of both Byzantium and Serbia.
-Accordingly, the Cardinals’ servants met him outside the Lateran Gate
-and escorted him to the house which he had hired between the Via
-Pellicciaria and the Botteghe Oscure. Sixtus IV, whose predecessor had
-already given him periodical sums of 1000 to 1200 ducats from 1466,
-gave him 1000 gold pieces and promised him 2000 a year—an event
-commemorated by another of the paintings in the Santo Spirito hospital,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_513"></a>[513]</span>
-where we are shown how the Pope “nourished with his royal bounty the
-rulers of the Peloponnese and of Epeiros, Andrew Palaiologos and
-Leonardo Tocco.” After staying rather more than a month here, he
-returned to Naples, leaving his natural son, Ferdinando, behind him—a
-spirited youth, who once said in the hearing of the diarist, Volaterranus,
-“though we have lost our rings, we have still got our fingers entire.”
-Leonardo received valuable fiefs in the south of Italy, but died in Rome
-under the pontificate of Alexander VI owing to the collapse of his house.
-His son Carlo III lived in the Via S. Marco, where, after enjoying a
-monthly pension, he died under Leo X, and we find that Pope paying
-monthly pensions of 60 and 32 ducats respectively to two other members
-of the family, Carlo’s sister Raymunda, Contessa de Mirandola, and his
-son and heir (Giovanni) Leonardo IV, Despot of Arta, and a small sum
-to Giovanni’s widow, Lucrezia<a id="FNanchor_926" href="#Footnote_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a>. The family of Tocco has only lately
-become extinct by the deaths of the Duca della Regina in 1908 and of
-his only son, the Duca di S. Angelo, in the motor accident near Cassino
-in 1907. At Naples in the Corso Vittorio Emanuele may still be seen a
-collection of the family portraits in the fine old Palazzo del Santo Piede
-(now Troise) so-called, from the foot of St Anna, which Leonardo III
-brought with him from Greece.</p>
-
-<p>The heirs of the Palaiologoi were less fortunate than those of
-Leonardo Tocco. Upon the death of Thomas, Cardinal Bessarion drew
-up a scheme of education for his children, to whom the Pope continued
-his allowance. He laid it down, that they must not have an expensive
-retinue, like their father, but that they must be brought up by Latin
-priests as Latins. They were allowed a Greek doctor, one Kritopoulos,
-but were to dress like Franks and to show the utmost reverence to the
-Cardinals. They were to be taught to walk with dignity, to speak in a
-soft voice, not to stare about them, not to boast of their Imperial lineage
-but to remember that they were exiles and strangers, forced to live on
-charity. They were to learn by heart a humble address to the Pope, to
-talk little, never to laugh, and to acquire the art of kneeling with
-elegance. In short, they were to be perfect prigs. The result of Bessarion’s
-educational programme was what might have been expected. Zoe, or
-Sophia, indeed, soon escaped his tutelage by marrying a Caracciolo,
-after being regarded as a suitable bride for James II of Cyprus. The
-historian Phrantzes, an old and tried friend of the family, who was then
-in Rome on a visit, speaks with enthusiasm of the generosity of the
-bridegroom. Soon left a widow, and again wooed by the Cypriote King,
-she married by proxy in St Peter’s in 1472 the Grand Duke Ivan III of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_514"></a>[514]</span>
-Russia—a ceremony commemorated by the above-mentioned painting
-in the Santo Spirito hospital, in which, besides relieving Leonardo Tocco,
-Sixtus IV is described as presenting “Sophia, daughter of Thomas
-Palaiologos, married to the Duke of the Ruthenians, with a dowry of
-6000 gold pieces and other gifts<a id="FNanchor_927" href="#Footnote_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a>.” These latter included 4400 ducats for
-her travelling expenses to Russia, whither many of the family’s retainers
-followed her, and where, in consequence of her Imperial origin, her
-husband took the title of Tsar. But her brother Andrew, who remained
-all his life a hanger-on of the papal court, profited little by Bessarion’s
-precepts. Falling into dissolute habits, he married a disreputable woman
-named Catherine; his garments moved the pity or contempt of the
-Romans; his allowance was reduced, he was relegated to a back seat
-at papal functions; and, after ceding all his rights to Charles VIII of
-France at San Pietro in Montorio, he died at Rome in 1502 in such misery
-that his widow had to beg his funeral expenses from the Pope. His
-portrait is supposed to be represented in a lunette of the third room of
-the Borgia apartments, where is also that of the Turkish Prince Djem,
-younger son of Mohammed II, and so long the prisoner of the Vatican.
-Thus the son of the conqueror of Constantinople and the nephew of its
-gallant defender are both depicted in the same room.</p>
-
-<p>Besides these exiled Princes, a number of Greek authors found a
-permanent or temporary home in Rome, whither their famous fellow-countryman,
-Bessarion of Trebizond, had preceded them. Created a
-Cardinal in 1439 for his services to the Union of the Churches, he had
-shortly afterwards settled in a house to the right of the church of the
-SS. Apostoli, which gave him his title, and his abode became a literary
-centre, where Greeks and Italians alike congregated. Theodore Gazes of
-Salonika, George of Trebizond, and Nicholas Saguntino of Eubœa
-frequented his house, and another Greek man of letters, Andronikos
-Kallistos, lived with him, till poverty forced him to migrate to Florence
-and thence to England, where he died. But with the exception of
-Bessarion, who rose to be titular Archbishop of Nice and Latin Patriarch
-of Constantinople, as well as bishop of Tusculum, and who narrowly
-missed being elected Pope on the death of Paul II, these learned fugitives
-met with the usual fate of scholars. Sometimes their misfortunes were
-their own fault. Thus George of Trebizond, a man who could not endure
-criticism, quarrelled with his patron over the rival merits of Plato and
-Aristotle, with Gazes over their respective translations of the <i>maestro di
-color che sanno</i>, and with Valla over the pre-eminence of Cicero over
-Quintilian; at last, this cantankerous old man, the scourge of all authors<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_515"></a>[515]</span>
-except Aristotle, crept about Rome in rags supported by a stick, till
-he found near his humble abode a rest in the church of Sta Maria sopra
-Minerva, where the inscription on his tomb has long been illegible. His
-adversary Gazes, for whom Bessarion had obtained a benefice in Magna
-Græcia, retired thither in disgust, because Sixtus IV paid him only
-50 gold pieces for his translation of Aristotle’s <i>Natural History of Animals</i>.
-Of Bessarion we have still several memorials: the tomb which he erected
-during his lifetime in the monastery of the SS. Apostoli, the cup which
-now belongs to the Greek monastery of Grottaferrata, of which he was
-Abbot commandatory; the beautiful little house, called the <i>casino di
-Bessarione</i> on the Via Appia within the city near the church of SS. Nereus
-and Achillios. This “vineyard within the walls of the city <i>in loco qui
-dicitur S. Cæsarii in Turri sub proprietate ejusdem monasterii S. Cæsarii</i><a id="FNanchor_928" href="#Footnote_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a>,”
-he bequeathed in 1467 with his property at “<i>Cecchignola nova extra portam
-Appii</i>,” on the right of the Via Ardeatina, to the chapel of S. Eugenia in
-the SS. Apostoli. When the <i>Zona archeologica</i> was being made in 1910, it
-was proposed to destroy this picturesque house, then an inn, but now
-deserted; but it was happily spared, after a protest. Argyropoulos, the
-translator of Aristotle, who died here in 1486, has been immortalised by
-Ghirlandajo in the Sistine Chapel, where he is the original of the
-bearded old man in the scene of the calling of the first disciples, and also
-in the Cancelleria<a id="FNanchor_929" href="#Footnote_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a>. The list of these literary wanderers may fitly close
-with Janus Laskaris, the Greek grammarian, founder of a Greek school
-at the foot of the Quirinal, whose tomb lies not far from the heart of
-O’Connell in S. Agata in Subura, where a touching epitaph expresses the
-mingled joys and sorrows of a Roman exile.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading27">5. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM, 1099-1291</h3>
-
-<p>No event of the late war was so dramatic, or has made such a
-powerful appeal to the imagination, as the liberation of Jerusalem on
-December 9, 1917, after a Moslem occupation of 673 years. While the
-name of Athens is full of meaning for the cultured alone, and many
-excellent citizens are not quite sure “whether the Greeks or the Romans
-came first,” that of Jerusalem is known in every peasant’s cottage of
-Christendom and represents the aspirations of an ancient race scattered
-all over the globe. But to us Anglo-Saxons the redemption of the Holy
-City has special significance, because a British general at the head of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_516"></a>[516]</span>
-a force gathered from every part of the British Empire, and aided by
-our French and Italian allies, has repeated the achievement of Godfrey
-of Bouillon and the Crusaders, among them a brother of the King of
-England, and Edgar Etheling, the descendant of our Saxon line, in
-1099, and has accomplished what even our lion-hearted monarch failed
-to do in 1192, and our soldierly Prince Edward in 1271. Thus the
-aspiration of the poet of <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>,</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-  <div class="stanza">
-    <div class="verse indent0">Sottrare i Cristiani al giogo indegno;</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Fondando in Palestina un novo regno (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 23),</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="noindent">has been realised by Britons from lands whose very existence was
-unknown at the time of the Crusades.</p>
-
-<p>The present essay is not intended to be a drum-and-trumpet
-history of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem and its almost constant wars,
-but an account of the organisation and social life of the Crusading
-kingdom. First, as to its extent. The Kingdom of Jerusalem attained its
-zenith at the end of the reign of Baldwin II in 1131, when it stretched
-from the Egyptian frontier at El-ʿArîsh, “the river of Egypt” of the
-Book of Numbers, on the south-west, and from Aila, the modern ʿAkaba
-(on the gulf of the same name), the Eloth of the First Book of Kings,
-and the site of Solomon’s Red Sea naval station, on the south-east, to
-the stream now called Nahr Ibrahîm, which flows into the sea between
-Beirût and Giblet, the modern Jebeil—about 300 miles as the crow
-flies. To the east the kingdom rarely overstepped the Jordan except at
-the triangle of Banias, the ancient Cæsarea Philippi; indeed, in the north
-it was only thirteen miles broad, but in the Dead Sea region it attained a
-breadth of 100 miles. This did not, however, comprise the whole of the
-Latin territory. To the north of the above-mentioned stream stretched
-the county of Tripolis, of which the foundations were laid by Count
-Raymond of Toulouse in 1102, to the rivulet, now called Wâdi-Mehika,
-between Maraclée and Valénia (the modern Bâniyâs), which flowed at
-the foot of the castle of Margat—a further distance of about 100 miles.
-From that rivulet began the Principality of Antioch, whose first Prince
-was, in 1098, Bohemond of Taranto, and which at one time extended
-almost to Aleppo in the east and embraced a large slice of the Kingdom
-of Armenia almost as far west as Tarsus, but latterly extended no farther
-north than a little beyond Alexandretta. On the north-east it was
-bounded until 1144 by the County of Edessa, the modern Urfa, founded
-by Baldwin I in 1098, which began at the forest of Marris and extended
-eastward beyond the Euphrates; but, owing to the permanent state of
-war, in which the forty-six years of its existence were passed, it never<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_517"></a>[517]</span>
-had any fixed boundaries. Thus, a Syrian writer could truly say that,
-in 1129, “everything was subject to the Franks, from Mardîn and
-Schabachtana to El ʿArîsh,” far more than the “Dan to Beersheba” of
-the Israelites<a id="FNanchor_930" href="#Footnote_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The first diminution of the Crusading States was the loss of the
-County of Edessa in 1144. In 1170, at the other extremity, they were
-cut off from the Red Sea by the capture of Aila. Jerusalem and most
-of the kingdom, except Tyre and a few fortresses, fell before Saladin in
-1187, after the battle of Hattin, which the Crusaders identified with the
-site of the Sermon on the Mount, and the greater part of the Principality
-of Antioch and of the County of Tripolis in the next year. By the treaty
-of 1192, the Christians obtained the coast from Tyre to Jaffa; and
-Frederick II, by the so-called “bad peace” of 1229, recovered the Holy
-City, except two mosques, the two other towns—Bethlehem and Nazareth—most
-closely associated with the life of our Lord, and all the chief
-pilgrimage roads. Fifteen years later, however, the Kharezmians, a
-Turkish tribe, finally captured Jerusalem, murdered the Latin
-Christians, and desecrated the Holy Sepulchre and the tombs of the
-Latin Kings. Saladin, in 1187, had treated Jerusalem as an English
-gentleman would; the Kharezmians treated it in the German fashion.</p>
-
-<p>The battle of Gaza completed the disaster of 1244. From that time
-the recovery of Jerusalem was manifestly impossible. The Crusade of
-the saintly Louis IX was a failure; that of our Prince Edward was
-weakly supported, ended in a separate peace, concluded by the people
-of Acre against his will, and was only remarkable for one of the most
-beautiful stories of conjugal devotion in English history. Meanwhile
-Antioch had fallen in 1268 before Beibars, the Mameluke Sultan of
-Egypt; and Jaffa had entered upon the long captivity from which our
-armies at last redeemed it on November 17, 1917. The Kingdom of
-Jerusalem was thenceforth a mere phantom of its former self. Kings of
-Cyprus were crowned Kings of Jerusalem at Tyre, with all the pomp
-and splendour of the Middle Ages; Acre continued to be, as it had been
-since its recapture by Cœur-de-Lion, the capital of Frankish Palestine,
-where even on the eve of its fall, as a traveller<a id="FNanchor_931" href="#Footnote_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a> tells us, dwelt “the
-richest merchants under Heaven, gathered from all nations, where
-resided the King of Jerusalem and many members of his family, the
-Princes of Galilee and Antioch, the lords of Tyre, Tiberias and Sidon,
-the Counts of Tripolis and Jaffa, all walking about the squares with their
-golden coronets on their heads.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_518"></a>[518]</span></p>
-
-<p>There, too, were the headquarters of the Military Orders, the
-Templars, the Knights of St John, the Brothers of the German House,
-and the Masters and Brothers of St Thomas of Canterbury. But the
-end of this carnival of Kings and Princes in exile was at hand. Since
-the second capture of Jerusalem, the kingdom had been slowly but
-surely dying, as its inhabitants knew full well. Signs and wonders
-foretold to the pious the coming catastrophe; shrewd business men
-hastened to sell their property in the doomed country. Tripolis followed
-the fate of Antioch in 1289; Acre, Tyre, Sidon and Beirût were taken
-by Melik-el-Aschraf, the Sultan of Egypt, in 1291; and, with the fall
-of the last two strongholds of the Templars, Tortosa and Château
-Pèlerin, ended the rule of the Franks in Palestine. In Gibbon’s phrase,
-“A mournful and solitary silence prevailed along the coast which had
-so long resounded with the world’s debate.”</p>
-
-<p>Let us now see how Frankish Palestine was organised. At the head
-of the Latin Kingdom stood the King. During the first three reigns the
-monarchy was elective; and it was not till 1131 that it became hereditary,
-as Baldwin II was the first sovereign who left progeny. When the
-Crusaders entered Jerusalem, the election of their first ruler was by
-means of an examination, from which few of us would emerge unscathed.
-The electors questioned the servants of the various candidates about
-their masters’ morals and characters. Godfrey’s attendants stated that
-their master’s chief defect was, that he would linger on in church, after
-the service was over, asking questions about the images and pictures,
-and thereby making his household late for meals, “which thus lost all
-their relish<a id="FNanchor_932" href="#Footnote_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a>.” But this interest in ecclesiastical archæology, which
-seemed such a drawback to the hungry men-at-arms, was counted as a
-recommendation by the pious electors, and Godfrey was elected. He
-declined, however, to take the title of King, preferring that of “Protector
-of the Holy Sepulchre,” and refusing to wear a golden crown in the city
-where Our Lord had worn a crown of thorns<a id="FNanchor_933" href="#Footnote_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a>. His modesty was also
-probably due to a tactful desire to disarm the opposition of the clergy,
-who had desired that Jerusalem should not have a lay ruler. He died,
-however, next year, and Baldwin I, Count of Edessa, his brother, who
-was elected his successor, then took the title of King, but salved his
-conscience by being crowned not in Jerusalem, but at Bethlehem.
-Baldwin II’s daughter, Mélisende, and her husband, Fulk, were the
-first to be crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem,
-where was also the royal mausoleum. Adelaide, Baldwin I’s Queen, is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_519"></a>[519]</span>
-buried at Patti. During the Moslem occupation of Jerusalem the King
-was crowned at Tyre; and, when the whole of the Holy Land was lost,
-the Kings of Cyprus, who were titular Kings of Jerusalem, assumed the
-former crown at Nicosia and the latter at Famagosta. From Queen
-Charlotte of Cyprus, in 1485, the title passed to Duke Charles of Savoy,
-and thus to the present Italian dynasty.</p>
-
-<p>The Latin sovereigns of Jerusalem were mostly above the average
-in character and intelligence. Bravery and piety were essential to their
-position as chiefs of a crusading colony in the midst of a hostile country.
-Godfrey “excelled his contemporaries in the handling of arms and in all
-the exercises of chivalry”; Baldwin I was described in his epitaph as
-“a second Judas Maccabæus”—a comparison confirmed by his warlike
-achievements; of Baldwin II we are told, that “his memory was blessed
-by all, because of the excellence of his faith and the glorious deeds which
-ennobled his reign.” Baldwin III was also a lover of literature and a
-graceful speaker, of whom a Moslem rival said that “there was not such
-another king in the world.” His brother, Amaury I, prompted Archbishop
-William of Tyre to compose his valuable history, and both these
-sovereigns possessed considerable legal knowledge. The Archbishop’s
-pupil, Baldwin IV, was unfortunately a leper, and Baldwin V died in his
-boyhood. Fulk was generous and experienced in warfare, but signally
-lacked the common royal faculty of remembering faces. Queen
-Mélisende, who was the real ruler in her husband’s lifetime, was an
-excellent woman of business, of whom it was said that “she had in her
-bosom the heart of a man<a id="FNanchor_934" href="#Footnote_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a>”; indeed, so masterful was she, that on one
-occasion her son had to besiege her in the Tower of David. Unfortunately,
-Guy de Lusignan, who was King at the moment of Saladin’s fatal attack,
-was notoriously inferior to the task of saving his wife’s kingdom. Had
-he not been so good-looking and so irresistible to Princess Sibylla, the
-fall of Jerusalem might have been at least postponed.</p>
-
-<p>Society was constructed by the crusaders on feudal lines. According
-to the thirteenth century edition of the <i>Assises de la Haute Cour</i>, by
-Jean d’Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, one of Godfrey’s first acts was to appoint
-a commission to enquire from men of various nationalities then in
-Jerusalem the usages of their respective countries. From the report of
-this commission were drawn up the usages and assizes of the Kingdom
-of Jerusalem, including a High Court, presided over by the King, for
-the nobility; a “Court de la Borgesie,” presided over by an officer
-styled the “Vicomte,” for the middle class; and a third court, under an
-official, called “rays,” for the Syrians. As time went on, these usages<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_520"></a>[520]</span>
-were modified; and, at the arrival of each large batch of new crusaders,
-the King used to assemble the Patriarch and other notables at Acre,
-and enquire from the newcomers about their laws, while occasionally
-special missions of investigation were sent abroad. The written original
-of the <i>Assises</i> was called the <i>Letres dou Sepulcre</i>, because it was
-deposited in a large chest in the Holy Sepulchre; and, whenever a moot
-point arose, this chest was opened in the presence of nine persons,
-including the King, or his deputy, and the Patriarch, or the Prior of the
-Holy Sepulchre<a id="FNanchor_935" href="#Footnote_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a>. The <i>Assizes of Jerusalem</i>, of which the <i>Assises de la
-Cour des Bourgeois</i> have also been preserved, are the most endurable
-monument of the Franks in Palestine, and not in Palestine alone; for
-they formed the basis of the <i>Assizes of Cyprus</i>, and of the feudal organisation
-of the Principality of Achaia.</p>
-
-<p>William of Tyre expressly tells us<a id="FNanchor_936" href="#Footnote_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a> that the Counts of Tripolis were
-always lieges of the King of Jerusalem. But the Princes of Antioch
-(which had its own code) and the Counts of Edessa seem to have merely
-recognised him as <i>primum inter pares</i> by virtue of his possession of the
-Holy City, and the Princes of Antioch, beginning with Bohemond
-himself, were at times reluctantly forced to confess themselves vassals
-of the Greek Emperor. Thus, the existence of four practically independent
-states, instead of one centralised government, and the
-consequent lack of what the Italians would call a <i>fronte unico</i> against
-the Infidels, formed one cause of the collapse of Frankish rule, notably
-in the case of Edessa, sacrificed to the jealousy of the Prince of Antioch.
-Moreover, feudal regulations impeded the exercise of the royal power.
-Not only were the lieges not obliged to perform military service outside
-the realm; not only had the King to consult a great council of magnates
-on all important questions—for we hear of Parliaments held in the
-Patriarch’s palace at Jerusalem, in a church at Acre, and at Tyre,
-Nâbulus and Bethlehem—but Baldwin I was forced to revoke an
-ordinance for the cleaning of the streets of Jerusalem, because he had
-omitted to ask the consent of the citizens. Thus, Frankish Jerusalem
-was a limited monarchy, and its King really only the first of the barons—a
-system unsuited to a state of almost constant war.</p>
-
-<p>The kingdom proper contained four great baronies—the County of
-Jaffa and Ascalon, which comprised the fertile plain of Sharon; the
-<i>seigneurie</i> of Krak and Montréal, which lay in the biblical land of Moab
-to the east and south-east of the Dead Sea, and dominated the caravan-route
-from Syria to Egypt; the Principality of Galilee, of which the
-capital was Tabarie (the Tiberias of St John); and the <i>seigneurie</i> of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_521"></a>[521]</span>
-Sidon, or Sagette. Besides these great baronies, upon which in turn
-smaller tenures depended, it also included twelve lesser fiefs, likewise
-directly dependent on the Crown, of which the most curious was that
-of St Abraham, the mediæval name of Hebron, and the most important
-that of Toron, founded by a member of the great crusading family of
-St Omer, which succeeded Tancred in the Principality of Galilee, but
-played an even more conspicuous part in Frankish Greece than in
-Frankish Palestine. The romantic title of Prince of Galilee survived at
-the Cypriote Court after the loss of the Holy Land; and a Lusignan
-bearing that scriptural name intervened in the tortuous politics of the
-Morea in the fourteenth century. Nazareth was naturally included in
-the Principality of Galilee; it was the See of an Archbishop, and was
-governed by a “Viscount.”</p>
-
-<p>As in Greece, the Latin barons erected castles over the country; and
-the remains of some of these, particularly Krak de Montréal and Krak
-des Chevaliers, are among the finest specimens extant of mediæval
-military architecture, while others, notably that of the famous family
-of d’Ibelin at Beirût, were decorated with paintings and mosaics by
-Syrian and Greek artists. We may infer from the description of the castle
-of St Omer at Thebes in the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>, that the subject
-of these paintings may sometimes have been the Frankish Conquest of
-the Holy Land, in which the baronial family had taken part.</p>
-
-<p>Each great feudatory presided over the high court of justice of his
-fief; and the <i>Assizes</i> enumerate twenty of them, besides the King and
-the Archbishop of Nazareth, who possessed the right of coinage.
-M. Schlumberger has published a number of these coins, among them
-those of Jerusalem, bearing a representation of the Holy Sepulchre, the
-Tower of David, or the Cupola of the Temple. The inscriptions on the
-coins of Edessa and on some of those of Antioch are in Greek—a proof
-of the preponderance of the Greek population there. Ecclesiastically,
-the Latin states of Syria were organised under two Patriarchs—those
-of Jerusalem and Antioch; and the first Archbishop of the kingdom was
-he of Tyre, whose function it was to crown the King in the Patriarch’s
-absence.</p>
-
-<p>The Salic law did not obtain in the Holy Land; and as, by some
-mysterious law of population, common also to Frankish Greece, many
-noble families consisted of daughters only, women played an important
-part in the crusading states. On two occasions, the election of the
-Patriarch of Jerusalem (Amaury in 1159 and Heraclius in 1180) was due
-to female influence, and, on the second occasion the personal predilection
-of the Queen-Mother Agnes prevailed (to the great detriment of Church<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_522"></a>[522]</span>
-and State alike) over the disinterested advice of William of Tyre, who
-urged the election of a candidate from beyond the sea, and recalled an
-old prophecy that, as the Emperor Heraclius had brought the true cross
-to Jerusalem, so in the time of another Heraclius would it be lost—a
-prophecy verified at the battle of Hattin<a id="FNanchor_937" href="#Footnote_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a>. This was the Patriarch who
-visited London in 1185 to seek aid from Henry II, and consecrated the
-Priory of St John of Jerusalem at Clerkenwell, where a thanksgiving for
-the deliverance of the Holy City was recently held.</p>
-
-<p>The competition for the hands of noble heiresses was another result
-of the extinction of families in the male line, and frequently caused
-serious political complications and encouraged penniless adventurers,
-like Guy de Lusignan, whose success aroused the jealousy of less
-fortunate rivals. Thus, the great disaster of Hattin, which led to the
-fall of Jerusalem in 1187, was indirectly due to the revenge of an Englishman,
-Girard de Rideford, for his failure as a suitor. He had come to the
-Holy Land as a knight-errant to make his fortune; and Count Raymond II
-of Tripolis had promised him the hand of his ward, the wealthy heiress
-of Boutron. A rich Pisan, however, arrived with a weighing-machine,
-placed the lady (probably an opulent beauty) in one scale and his
-money-bags in the other, and gave the Count her weight in gold. The
-baffled Briton became a Templar and rose to be Seneschal and Master
-of the Order, but never forgot how he had been cheated<a id="FNanchor_938" href="#Footnote_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a>, and persuaded
-the weak monarch to reject Raymond’s strategy on the eve of Hattin.</p>
-
-<p>An even more romantic but equally fatal example was that of
-Renaud de Châtillon, who, coming to Palestine as a younger son to seek
-his fortune in the suite of Louis VII of France at the time of the second
-crusade, married the widowed Princess-Regent of Antioch, and governed
-the Principality for his stepson. Local gossips, and especially the
-Patriarch, criticised this <i>mésalliance</i>, whereupon the audacious Frenchman
-had the Patriarch stripped, smeared with honey, and exposed, a
-feast for the flies, during a long summer day. A born soldier of fortune,
-he put his sword at the disposal of the Greek Emperor for an attack on
-an Armenian baron, and when a little difference arose as to the payment
-of the costs of the expedition, paid himself by ravaging the then Greek
-province of Cyprus. We next find him begging the Emperor’s pardon
-in his shirt-sleeves, with a rope round his neck. Then he was captured
-by the Saracens in the course of a cattle-lifting expedition, and kept for
-fifteen years a prisoner at Aleppo. Finding, on his liberation, that his
-wife was dead and his stepson reigning at Antioch, he looked out for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_523"></a>[523]</span>
-a second heiress, and found one in the widowed baroness of Montréal.
-There, in the land beyond Jordan, he was in his element. His next
-enterprise was, indeed, a bold one. He constructed a flotilla at Krak—“the
-stone of the Desert,” as it was picturesquely called—conveyed it
-on camel-back to the Gulf of ʿAkaba, and sailed down into the Red Sea
-with the object of plundering Mecca and Medina, and conquering the
-Hedjaz and the Yemen. For this daring attempt, and for intercepting,
-in time of peace, the Moslem caravan, Saladin swore twice to kill him
-with his own hand. The second of these acts provoked the invasion which
-led to the capture of Jerusalem, and in Saladin’s tent, as a captive after
-the battle of Hattin, the adventurous Frenchman, who declared that,
-to Princes, treaties were “scraps of paper,” was beheaded. His seal with
-the gateway of Krak upon it still survives as a memorial of his strange
-career. The love affairs of the nobles were also sometimes fatal to the
-interests of the state. Thus the charms of a beautiful Armenian were
-partly responsible for the loss of Edessa, and an attractive Italian widow
-was a prominent figure in the last days of Jerusalem.</p>
-
-<p>The middle class was a far more important body than in either the
-England or the France of that day. Palestine during the Crusades was
-not visited exclusively for religious or military reasons. Besides being
-a goal of pilgrimage, it was also what California or Australia was in the
-middle of the last century—a place where shrewd men of business could
-make money rapidly. Long before the first Crusade, there had been an
-Italian colony from Amalfi at Jerusalem, in the capture of which a
-Genoese detachment had assisted; colonies from Venice, Genoa, Pisa
-and Marseilles followed; in the monastery of La Cava is a deed of
-Baldwin IV, granting the ships of the monks access to the Syrian coast;
-we even find an “English quarter” at Acre<a id="FNanchor_939" href="#Footnote_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a>. Owing to the small
-numbers of the nobility, and the constant need of recruiting its ranks
-after its losses in battle, it was easy for the wealthy members of the
-middle class to enter the aristocracy, while, from the nature of its
-occupations, it was thrown into much closer contact with the natives.
-Mixed marriages were consequently commoner among the <i>bourgeoisie</i>,
-although Baldwin I and II and Josselin I of Edessa married Armenians,
-and Baldwin III and Amaury I Greeks.</p>
-
-<p>The issue of these mixed marriages was known as the <i>Poulains</i><a id="FNanchor_940" href="#Footnote_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a>.
-These half-castes, who corresponded to the Γασμοῦλοι of Frankish
-Greece, are not depicted in flattering terms by contemporary writers.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_524"></a>[524]</span>
-Jacques de Vitry<a id="FNanchor_941" href="#Footnote_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a>, the Bishop of Acre, describes them as “nourished in
-delights, soft and effeminate, more accustomed to baths than to battles,
-given to uncleanliness and luxury, dressed in soft garments like women,
-slothful and idle, cowardly and timid, little esteemed by the Saracens,”
-with whom they were ready to make peace, and from whom they were
-prone to accept assistance against their fellow Christians in their
-internecine quarrels. They were, alike by nature and interest, opposed
-to the arrival of fresh bodies of Crusaders, because war interfered with
-their business and interrupted their commercial relations with the
-Moslems, whose family life they imitated, veiling their wives, shutting
-them up in Oriental seclusion, and allowing them to go out thrice a week
-to the baths, but only once a year to church. This undue preference of
-cleanliness to godliness had disastrous effects, for it led the ladies to
-intrigue all the more to get out.</p>
-
-<p>The worthy Bishop, speaking doubtless from personal experience,
-adds that the <i>Poulains</i> swindled the ingenuous pilgrims by overcharges
-at inns, by exorbitant prices in shops, and by giving them poor
-exchange. Worse still, they despised these Christian “boxers” and exiles,
-calling them fatuous idiots for their pains—for to the <i>Poulains</i> the Holy
-Land had no halo. They wore flowing robes, as even the first King of
-Jerusalem had done, while a coin of Tancred of Antioch represents him
-with a turban; and their whole outlook was Oriental rather than
-European. Indeed, Foucher, Baldwin I’s chaplain, remarked quite early
-how soon the Westerner became an Easterner in Palestine, and how the
-Crusader who married an Armenian or a Syrian soon forgot the land of
-his birth, adopting the comfortable maxim—“ubi bene, ibi patria.”
-Hence the marked contrast between the Frankish residents, and still
-more the <i>Poulains</i>, and the newly-arrived Crusaders. Hence, too, the
-often far too harsh judgments passed by the latter, especially after the
-second crusade in 1148. Like the Philhellenes, who went to Greece in
-the War of Independence, expecting to find the Peloponnese peopled by
-the superhuman heroes of Plutarch, instead of by men like themselves,
-they did not realise that poor human nature, even under conditions far
-more favourable, could not have possibly shone resplendent in the
-tremendous setting of the Holy Land. Consequently, they were often
-disillusioned, whereas men like William of Tyre, born and living in the
-country, were far fairer in their judgments, because they measured the
-Holy Land by the standard of other and more prosaic lands and not by
-the unattainable perfection of the greatest figure in all history, with whom
-it must ever be associated.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_525"></a>[525]</span></p>
-
-<p>Society in the Crusading States was, it must be remembered, even
-apart from the <i>Poulains</i>, an extraordinary mixture of races. Even an
-Austrian army did not contain so many nationalities as the Crusaders.
-The Franks, as they were generically called, included Normans (at first
-the dominant race), French (who ousted the Normans, and thenceforth
-maintained their influence, culture and language, as they did nearly
-two centuries later at the Court of Athens), English, Welsh, Irish, Scots,
-Flemings, Italians, Germans (these not very numerous), and Scandinavians.
-Jacques de Vitry considered the Italians as the most satisfactory.
-He describes them as “prudent, temperate in eating and drinking, ornate
-and prolix in speaking, but circumspect in counsel, diligent in managing
-their own public affairs, and a very necessary element in the country,
-not only in battle, but at sea and in business, especially in the import
-trade. Since they are sober in food and drink, they live longer than
-other Western nations in the East”; and “they would be very formidable
-to the Saracens, if they would cease fighting among themselves.”
-Unfortunately, the rivalries between Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans
-were even more serious than the feuds between the Normans and the
-French; and the possession of the Church of St Saba at Acra (two pillars
-of which are now outside St Mark’s Venice) led to an Italian colonial
-war, in which we may find one cause of the final loss of the Holy Land.
-These Italian colonies, indeed, formed practically an <i>imperium in
-imperio</i>. Their respective quarters in the Syrian towns were the property
-of their governments, which appointed their officials (called “Consuls”
-in the Genoese and Pisan colonies, “Bailies” in the Venetian), often
-from among the most celebrated families of the Venetian Republic.
-Venice had also what we should call a Consul-General, a “Bailie” for
-all Syria; and both she and Genoa received a large portion of the
-harbour dues at Tyre and Acre. The Italian colonies had their own
-tribunals, like the consular courts in Turkey in our own day. Thus,
-Italian interests in the Holy Land were considerable and mainly commercial.
-To Venice and Genoa foreign affairs were—the affairs of their
-merchants.</p>
-
-<p>The French and the English settlers were “less composed and more
-impetuous, less circumspect in action and more full of superfluity in
-food and drink, more lavish in expense and less cautious in talk, hasty
-in counsel, but more fervent in almsgiving, and more vehement in battle,
-and most useful for the defence of the Holy Land, and very formidable
-to the Saracens.”</p>
-
-<p>Besides these various elements among the Crusaders, Palestine
-contained a large variety of indigenous races. Of these the native<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_526"></a>[526]</span>
-Christians of Arab speech, collectively known as Syrians, were the most
-favoured. Baldwin I gave them marked privileges at Jerusalem, and
-they could give evidence on oath. But they were of little use in war,
-except as archers; and are accused by Jacques de Vitry of betraying
-the secrets of the Christians to the Saracens, whose customs they largely
-imitated. The Maronites of the Lebanon were, however, noted for their
-military prowess and for the help which they rendered to the Franks.</p>
-
-<p>Next to the Syrians came the Armenians, reckoned the best fighters
-of the Orientals, who, from the proximity of the Kingdom of Lesser
-Armenia to the County of Edessa, often assisted the Frank Counts, and
-copied their feudal arrangements. It is noticeable that the <i>Assizes of
-Antioch</i> have come to us through the Armenian, and that the Court of
-Sis, like that of Jerusalem, had its seneschal, its marshal, and its
-constable. The Greeks were regarded as opponents of the Latins; and,
-when Saladin took Jerusalem, he allowed them to remain. But we could
-scarcely expect them to view with sympathy the annexation of the
-Greek states of Edessa (still governed by a Greek official at the time of
-the Latin conquest) and Antioch, which only fourteen years before had
-been nominally a part of the Greek Empire. And Anna Comnena
-describes her father’s alarm at the march of large armies of foreigners
-across his rich and peaceful dominions who might (and in 1204 did)
-say with the Roman centurion: <i>Hic manebimus optime!</i></p>
-
-<p>Historians of the Moslem Arabs admit that, except in war time,
-Christians and Moslems lived together in harmony. There are examples
-of friendship, and even of adopted brotherhood, between Frank barons
-and Moslem emirs, who used to grant each other mutual permits to
-hunt. Every reader of <i>The Talisman</i> knows of the mutual courtesies
-between Richard I and Saladin, who sent medical aid to a sick opponent,
-but even more curious was the action of Guy de Lusignan, whose first
-act, on exchanging the Kingdom of Jerusalem for that of Cyprus, was
-to ask his former captor how to keep the island. Many Franks spoke
-Arabic; and it was even found necessary for commercial purposes to
-coin money bearing in Arabic characters the name of Mohammed and
-the date of the Moslem era! The merchants of Tyre and Acre, where
-these heretical coins were minted, protested that “business is business”;
-but the Papal Legate, who accompanied Louis IX on the sixth crusade,
-was so scandalised that he reported the matter to Pope Innocent IV,
-who excommunicated all who coined them. The wily merchants,
-however, circumvented his prohibition by minting similar coins with
-Christian inscriptions and the year of our Lord, both in Arabic, and
-with a cross in the centre of the coin. Of this hybrid currency, which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_527"></a>[527]</span>
-began in 1251, there are several specimens. Like Frederick II in Sicily,
-the later Princes of Antioch and Counts of Tripolis had Saracen guards;
-and, under the name of <i>Turcoples</i>, given originally to Turks born of
-Greek mothers, Moslems entered the Christian armies as light cavalry.
-Of actual Turks there were few, for they had overrun Syria too short
-a time before the Crusades to take root in Palestine. Like the Franks,
-and like the Turks in the Balkans, they were only a garrison.</p>
-
-<p>Special interest attaches to the Jews, at this period only a small
-section of the population, and, as usual, exclusively urban. Benjamin
-of Tudela, who visited Palestine about 1173, found two hundred Jews
-in the ghetto at Jerusalem beneath the Tower of David, where they had
-a monopoly of the dyeing trade, and twelve, all dyers, at Bethlehem.
-The largest Jewish colonies were, as was natural, in the great commercial
-towns, Tyre and Acre; and the total in the whole of the Latin states was
-only 7000 to 8000. They could not hold land, and were classed below the
-Moslems, but practised successfully as doctors and bankers, and had
-their own judges. Many had come from the south of France. A few
-Samaritans still survived at Nâbulus, the biblical Shechem, and at
-Cæsarea.</p>
-
-<p>Below all these freemen came the slaves, including Christians, partly
-prisoners of war and partly imported. The <i>Assizes of Jerusalem</i> contain
-special regulations for the slave-trade (largely in Venetian and Genoese
-hands), but the legislators felt some scruples about allowing a Christian
-slave to be sold to a Moslem. There was one other very undesirable
-element in the population—persons who had left their country for their
-country’s good; for it was not unusual to pardon criminals on condition
-that they made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and never returned. The
-Bishop of Acre complains of this practice of making the Holy Land a
-convict station, just as some of our colonies did in the first half of the
-last century; and he quotes the Horatian tag, that people, who cross
-the sea, change the climate, but not their character. Nor does he
-approve of the tourist, who came from mere curiosity and not from
-devotion.</p>
-
-<p>Among this heterogeneous mass the smallness of the Frankish forces
-makes us marvel that the Latin Kingdom lasted for 99 years at Jerusalem
-and for nearly 200 at Acre. The <i>Assizes</i><a id="FNanchor_942" href="#Footnote_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a> inform us that the paper strength
-of the royal army was only 577 knights and 5025 foot-soldiers, to which
-we must add the contingents of the two great Military Orders and the
-<i>Turcoples</i>. At no time, in actual warfare, did the total armed forces of
-the four Crusading States much exceed 25,000; at Hattin—the Hastings<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_528"></a>[528]</span>
-of the Holy Land—Guy de Lusignan had only some 21,000 men under
-his command; Baldwin I crossed the Euphrates with only 80 knights
-to take Edessa; and some of the great battles of Tancred were fought
-by only 200 knights. William of Tyre<a id="FNanchor_943" href="#Footnote_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a>, writing a few years before the
-catastrophe of 1187, explains the greater success of the Franks in the
-earlier years of the kingdom by their piety and courage as contrasted
-with the immorality and diminished martial spirit of his contemporaries.
-Other causes were the lack of military skill of the Moslems of that
-generation, and the disunion of their chiefs. When, however, Saladin
-united Syria and Egypt in his strong hand, the fate of the little Frankish
-colony was sealed. Disunion of allies neutralised the splendid courage
-of our Richard I in his attempt to restore what had been lost; Frederick II
-was a Crusader <i>malgré lui</i>; and in the thirteenth century many Franks,
-realising that the end was at hand, left for the Lusignan Kingdom of
-Cyprus, or for Armenia, leaving as the most important factors in the
-Latin population the Italian colonies and the Religious Orders.</p>
-
-<p>The Knights of St John, who originally took their name from St John
-the Merciful<a id="FNanchor_944" href="#Footnote_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a>, a Cypriote who became Patriarch of Alexandria, arose
-at the time of the conquest in connection with the hospital, founded at
-Jerusalem a generation earlier by a citizen of Amalfi. Their first aim was
-to tend and nourish the sick, then to guard pilgrims up from the coast,
-and next to fight against the Infidels. They never forgot their original
-object, and pilgrims were enthusiastic in their praise. Indeed, Saladin
-is said to have gained admission to their hospital at Acre as a patient
-to see whether all that he heard about their beneficence was true.
-Gradually, as the feudal barons found it harder to defend their castles,
-they handed them to the Knights, who specially chose difficult frontier
-positions. Margat, Krak des Chevaliers, Chastel-Rouge, Gibelin and
-Belvoir were their chief fortresses; and Mount Tabor was one of their
-possessions.</p>
-
-<p>The Templars, founded in 1118 to protect the pilgrims on their way
-from the coast, enjoyed a less enviable reputation. William of Tyre<a id="FNanchor_945" href="#Footnote_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a>
-remarks, that “for a long time they maintained their original object,
-but subsequently forgot the duty of humility.” They were accused of
-greed and selfishness, and of being too anxious to stand well with Moslem
-Princes, with whom they sometimes made a separate peace, to the
-detriment of Christendom. Thus they warned a Moslem chief of an
-intended raid by our Prince Edward. Their treachery to the sect of the
-Assassins scandalised the Court of Jerusalem and immensely damaged
-Christian interests. The chief of that terrible community, the “Old<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_529"></a>[529]</span>
-Man,” as he was called, whose territory was separated from the County
-of Tripolis by boundary stones, marked on the Christian side with a cross,
-on that of the Assassins with a knife, had sent an envoy to King Amaury I,
-offering to embrace Christianity, on condition that the Templars
-consented to forego the tribute paid to them by the Assassins. All had
-been arranged, and the diplomatist was on his way home, when the
-Templars assassinated the Assassin<a id="FNanchor_946" href="#Footnote_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The Templars’ vow of poverty contrasted ill with their immense
-wealth, which enabled them, in 1191, to buy Cyprus from Richard I,
-and to lend a large sum to our Henry III. They acted as bankers; and
-through their hands passed the money collected in the West for future
-crusades. They were suspected, too, of heretical opinions, and were
-accused of initiating their novices with pagan rites. They possessed
-eighteen fortresses, of which Tortosa was the most important; but the
-Order did not long survive the loss of the Holy Land, being abolished
-by Clement V in 1312.</p>
-
-<p>Less important were the Teutonic Knights, the <i>Brüder vom deutschen
-Hause</i> of Freytag’s well-known historical novel—an off-shoot of the
-Hospitallers—because the Germans contributed little towards the
-foundation of the Frankish states, and their distinct Order was not
-founded till after the first capture of the Latin capital. Their principal
-sphere of activity was not in Palestine but in Prussia, where they
-laboured to civilise the barbarous Prussians—a task in which they do
-not appear to have been altogether successful. A lasting memorial of
-their activity is the former Prussian fortress of Thorn—a name said to be
-derived from the castle of Toron in the Holy Land, once their possession.
-To us a more interesting Order is that of the Hospital of “the Master
-and Brothers of St Thomas of Canterbury,” at Acre, founded in 1191,
-in which Edward I showed interest, and which was transferred after the
-fall of Acre to Cyprus, where it still existed in 1350. A hospital for poor
-British pilgrims was also founded at Acre in 1254<a id="FNanchor_947" href="#Footnote_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Palestine was a fruitful land during the Frankish period, although
-we hear much of the plagues of locusts and field-mice. Contemporary
-visitors wrote enthusiastically about the gardens of Jericho and the
-fertile plains of Jezreel and Tripolis, with its vineyards, its olive-yards,
-and its sugar plantations, whence the cane was taken to the factory at
-Tyre. The wines of Engaddi were as noted as in the Song of Solomon;
-and the vintages of Bethlehem and Jerusalem were highly esteemed.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_530"></a>[530]</span>
-Jericho produced grapes so huge that “a man could scarcely lift a bunch
-of them”—a statement which shows that the vines had not degenerated
-since the days when the spies of Moses “cut down” from the brook of
-Eschcol “one cluster of grapes, and bare it between two upon a staff.”
-Even the silent waters of the Dead Sea were then traversed by fruit
-barges; and in the so-called “Valley of Moses” to the south of it the
-olive-trees formed “a dense forest.” There was more wood than now, and
-consequently more water, but corn had to be imported, for the harvests
-of Moab, Hebron, Bethlehem (“the house of bread”), and Jericho did
-not suffice to feed the population. The Sea of Galilee was as full of fish
-as in the time of Our Lord, and boats plied upon its waters. But, owing
-to the general insecurity of the open country, few of the cultivators of
-the soil were Franks; and, where we find Latin peasants, they are usually
-not far from the shelter of fortified towns. Of manufactures the most
-important were those of silk at Tripolis, Tiberias, and Tyre, dyeing, and
-pottery; the glass of Tyre is specially praised by its Archbishop, and the
-goldsmiths had a street all to themselves at Jerusalem.</p>
-
-<p>Civilisation, so far as comfort was concerned, had reached a high
-level. Every castle had its baths; and minstrels and dancers appeared
-at the entertainments of the barons, while we read of theatrical performances
-at a coronation. A considerable amount of gambling went
-on in royal circles. Baldwin III was devoted to dice; the Prince of
-Antioch and the Count of Edessa were so busy with their dice-boxes
-during a campaign, that they demoralised many of their officers; the
-Count of Jaffa was so deeply engrossed in a game of dice that he was
-playing in the street of the Tanners at Jerusalem, that he allowed
-himself to be assassinated. Hunting with the falcon, and, in Arab
-fashion, with the cat-like animal known as the <i>carable</i>, were favourite
-amusements. It seems strange that nothing was done to encourage
-horse-breeding; and, as the Moslems were loth to sell horses to be used
-against themselves, the Franks usually imported their steeds from
-Apulia. Every spring it was the custom of the Frankish chivalry to take
-their horses to feed on the rich grass at the foot of Mt Carmel; and there,
-by the brook Kishon, where Elijah slew the prophets of Baal, tournaments
-were held, in which Saracen chiefs sometimes took part, and after
-which the combatants refreshed themselves with sherbet, made from
-the snows of Lebanon.</p>
-
-<p>We must not expect a military colony, always fighting for its
-existence, to be very productive of literature. But perhaps the best
-specimen of mediæval history, the great work of William of Tyre, was
-produced by a Frank born in the Holy Land. The author possessed the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_531"></a>[531]</span>
-two greatest qualities for writing the history of his own times: personal
-acquaintance with the principal actors in the drama by reason of his
-high official position, and at the same time fearless love of truth. He
-tells us that he was well aware of the perils to which he thus exposed
-himself; and, if it be true that he was poisoned in Rome by order of a
-rival whom he had denounced, his forebodings were only too accurate.
-Having been a diplomatist, a prelate, a royal tutor, and chancellor of
-the kingdom, he possessed an unrivalled experience of men and affairs;
-and, as is usual with such persons, he was much more moderate in his
-judgments of human frailty than purely literary or monastic chroniclers.
-The abrupt close of his work in 1183 has been ascribed to the desire of
-powerful enemies to suppress the facts about the last years of Jerusalem—a
-further proof of his dreaded influence.</p>
-
-<p>A lesser luminary was Renaud, baron of Sagette, who amazed the
-pundits of Saladin by his Oriental scholarship; and the cult of French
-novels was diffused among the nobles of the Holy Land, whose legal
-knowledge was considerable. Philip of Navarre<a id="FNanchor_948" href="#Footnote_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a>, the celebrated pleader,
-who has left a treatise showing how to make the worse cause appear the
-better in the feudal courts, tells us that he owed his knowledge of legal
-practice to the accident of being appointed reader of romances to the
-Seneschal of Jerusalem, who in return taught him law. The pleader, who
-also composed a historical work, and a treatise on the four ages of man,
-and was an opponent of the higher education of women, is described
-by Florio Bustron, the Cypriote historian, as a “huomo universale.”</p>
-
-<p>In estimating the architectural results of the Frankish rule, we must
-remember the short time available—so far as all but the coast towns were
-concerned. But a traveller, who visited the country in 1185, tells us
-that the Franks had done much for the mural decoration of their
-churches, of which, beginning with Tancred’s church on Mt Tabor in
-1111, they erected a number down to the catastrophe of Hattin. William
-of Tyre specially mentions the munificence of Queen Mélisende in
-founding a church and convent at Bethany, of which her youngest sister
-was Superior, and her splendidly bound copy of the Gospels is in the
-British Museum. In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and in the
-Cathedral and Castle of Tortosa, still linger traces of the Crusaders. It
-has been remarked that in their architecture more than in aught else
-the Franks of Palestine remained Westerners.</p>
-
-<p>In conclusion we may ask how Frankish society in Palestine compares
-with Frankish society in Cyprus and in the Latin Principalities of the
-present Greek Kingdom. Very different from either Frankish Palestine<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_532"></a>[532]</span>
-or Frankish Greece was the condition of the Kingdom of Cyprus, created
-by a mere accident of the Crusades, which nominally continued the
-tradition of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. While the reason of the latter’s
-existence was war, Cyprus was essentially a commercial state, to which
-the loss of Acre was a blessing in disguise. So long as the Kings of Cyprus,
-in their capacity of Kings of Jerusalem, had territory on the opposite
-coast of Syria, they were necessarily involved in continental wars, and
-could not devote themselves to the development of their own island;
-as was the case of the Kings of England, so long as they held the <i>damnosa
-hereditas</i> of the Plantagenets in France. Cyprus was, like England,
-defended by the sea; like England, she became one of the marts of the
-world, in an age when the crusading spirit had died away, and trade was
-the attraction that led men to the East. The Popes, by prohibiting trade
-with the Saracens after the loss of the Holy Land, procured for Cyprus
-a monopoly; and Famagosta surpassed Constantinople, Venice and
-Alexandria. Moreover, warned by the example of Jerusalem, the Kings
-of Cyprus cut down the privileges of the nobles, who were denied the
-right of coinage and jurisdiction over the middle class. Consequently,
-the Cypriote monarchy was more independent, and continued to prosper
-until it allowed—and this should be to us a warning—foreign competitors,
-under the guise of commerce, to creep into its cities and
-ultimately to dictate its policy.</p>
-
-<p>All the Latin states in the East, whether in Jerusalem, Cyprus, or
-Greece proper, presented examples of that difficult political experiment—the
-rule of a small alien minority over a large native majority of a
-different religion, an experiment worked most successfully in those
-states, like Lesbos under the Genoese Gattilusj, where the Latin rulers
-became assimilated with the ruled. But in Frankish Greece the feudal
-states were not commercial; and the Venetian and Genoese colonies
-were, except in Negroponte, quite distinct from them. The Frank
-conquerors of Greece did not go thither with the noble aims which led
-some of the leaders of the first Crusade to the Holy Land; on the
-contrary, they turned aside from the recovery of the Holy City to
-partition a Christian Empire. Yet the moral standard of the Franks
-in Greece was much higher than that of their predecessors in Palestine,
-or their contemporaries in Cyprus. Possibly, the reason was that they
-lived healthier lives, and had fewer temptations. Big maritime
-commercial towns, like Tyre and Acre, and Famagosta, did not exist,
-and country life was more developed. Certainly, the <i>Chronicle of the
-Morea</i> is more edifying reading than the <i>Letters</i> of Jacques de Vitry
-on the condition of Acre at the time of his appointment as its bishop in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_533"></a>[533]</span>
-1216. But in one respect Frankish Palestine and Frankish Greece
-present the same strange phenomenon—that union of antiquity with
-the Middle Ages, of the biblical and the classical with the romantic,
-which inspired the second part of <i>Faust</i>. To find the feudal system
-installed at Hebron and Athens, at Shechem and Sparta, at Tiberias
-and Thebes, to read of Princes of Galilee and of Princes of Achaia, causes
-surprise only surpassed by that which we should have felt in August,
-1914, had we been told that before four Christmases had passed,
-Australians and New Zealanders would have shared in the taking of
-Jerusalem.</p>
-
-<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4>
-
-<p class="hanging">1. <i>Recueil des Historiens des Croisades.</i> Seventeen vols. Paris: Imprimerie
-Nationale, 1841-1906.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">2. <i>Gesta Dei per Francos.</i> Ed. J. Bongars. Two vols. Hanover, 1611.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">3. <i>Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem, 1100-1291.</i> Von R. Röhricht.
-Innsbruck: Wagner, 1898.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">4. <i>Regesta Regni Hierosolimitani, 1097-1291</i>, and <i>Additamentum</i>. Von R.
-Röhricht. Œniponti: Lib. Acad. Wagneriana, 1893-1904.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">5. <i>Les Colonies franques de Syrie aux xiiᵐᵉ et xiiiᵐᵉ siècles.</i> Par E. Rey.
-Paris: Picard, 1883.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">6. <i>Numismatique de l’Orient Latin, avec Supplément.</i> Par G. Schlumberger.
-Paris: Leroux, 1878-82.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">7. <i>Renaud de Châtillon, prince d’Antioche.</i> Par G. Schlumberger. Paris:
-Plon, 1898.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">8. <i>Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge.</i> Von H. Prutz. Berlin: Siegfried, 1883.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">9. <i>Revue de l’Orient Latin.</i> Eleven vols. Paris: Leroux, 1893-1908.</p>
-
-<h3 id="heading28">6. A BYZANTINE BLUE STOCKING: ANNA COMNENA</h3>
-
-<p>One of the differences between classical and modern literature is the
-rarity of female writers in the former and their frequency in the latter.
-While we have lady historians and poets in considerable numbers, while
-the fair sex has greatly distinguished itself in fiction, including that
-branch of it which is called modern journalism, ancient Greek letters
-contain the names of few celebrated women except Sappho; Myrtis and
-Corinna, the competitors of Pindar; Erinna, whose poetic fancy her
-mother strove to restrain by chaining her to her neglected spinning-wheel;
-and Elephantis, whose poetry was considered too realistic for
-display upon drawing-room tables. Novels were in those days chiefly
-written by bishops—a class of men not now usually associated with
-light literature. In Latin literature, although Juvenal has drawn a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_534"></a>[534]</span>
-picture of the learned lady weighing in the critical balance the respective
-claims of Homer and Virgil, the poem attributed to Sulpicia is almost
-the sole surviving example of female composition. It has been reserved
-for Byzantine literature to present us with the rare phenomenon of a
-first-class lady historian—first-class, that is to say, according to the
-standards of that day—in the person of the Imperial Princess, Anna
-Comnena, a writer better known to the general public than are most
-Byzantine authors owing to the fact that Sir Walter Scott introduced
-her as one of the characters in <i>Count Robert of Paris</i>, and based one of
-the chief episodes of that novel upon a historical event recorded in her
-life of her father.</p>
-
-<p>Since Scott’s time, novelists and dramatists have done something
-to popularise Byzantine history. Neale, in his <i>Theodora Phranza</i>,
-daughter of the last Byzantine historian, has described the capture of
-Constantinople by the Turks; Sardou produced on the stage a far more
-famous Theodora, the consort of Justinian, whom Prokopios so virulently
-besmirched in his <i>Secret History</i>. Mr Frederic Harrison has portrayed
-in <i>Theophano</i> the ambitious and unscrupulous wife and widow of the
-Emperors Romanos II and Nikephoros Phokas. Jean Lombard in
-<i>Byzance</i> depicted, with immense erudition, the games and ceremonial
-of the Imperial city and court in the time of the Iconoclast Emperor,
-Constantine V Copronymos, and endeavoured to solve the Balkan
-question by marrying and placing on the throne the Slav Oupravda and
-the Greek Eustokkia; while Marion Crawford gave us in <i>Arethusa</i> a
-story from a much later period, the year 1376, based upon the struggle
-at the Court of John V between the Venetian adventurer, Carlo Zeno,
-and the Genoese, for the possession of the isle of Tenedos, the key of the
-Dardanelles.</p>
-
-<p>Anna Comnena was born in 1083 at an interesting moment in the
-history not only of the Greek Empire, but of Christendom. It was the
-time when the Mediæval West and the Mediæval East first met; when
-the Normans, after their recent conquest of England and Southern Italy,
-first crossed the Adriatic and Ionian seas to attack the Greek Empire,
-soon to be followed by the hosts of the First Crusade. Just as, with the
-accession of William the Conqueror fifteen years earlier, a new order of
-things had begun in Northern Europe, so with the accession of her
-father, the Emperor Alexios I Comnenos, in 1081, two years before her
-birth, a new era, and practically a new dynasty—though Alexios was
-not the first of the family to seize the throne—had begun at Byzantium.
-From 1025, the end of the long and glorious reign of Basil II, whom the
-Greeks of to-day still admire as the “Bulgar-slayer,” the destroyer of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_535"></a>[535]</span>
-the first Bulgarian Empire on those self-same battlefields of Macedonia
-where King Constantine defeated the Bulgarians in the second Balkan
-war of 1913, the Byzantine throne had been occupied by no less than
-twelve sovereigns, whose consecutive reigns filled a period scarcely
-longer than that embraced by the single reign of the great Basil. After
-the death of his brother and successor, Constantine VIII, there began
-a period of palace intrigues and female influence, for Constantine’s
-two mature daughters, Zoe and Theodora, assigned the throne to
-whomsoever they chose; and the successive marriages of the elderly Zoe
-furnished Psellos with a <i>chronique scandaleuse</i> of the Imperial Court and
-boudoir, and MM. Schlumberger and Diehl with their brilliant modern
-paraphrases of the contemporary writer. When, with the death of
-Theodora, the Macedonian dynasty came to an end in the person of its
-last representative, revolution succeeded revolution. Every general of
-aristocratic birth was justified in believing that he carried in his baggage
-the red boots which were the peculiar mark of the Imperial dignity,
-and a female regency enabled the Empress Eudokia to bestow the
-Empire with her hand. At last, the ablest and astutest of the Byzantine
-commanders, Alexios Comnenos, deposed the feeble old voluptuary,
-Nikephoros Botaneiates, whose Slavonic ministers had discredited his
-authority by their “barbarous” pronunciation and foreign origin, and
-placed himself and his descendants upon the throne for 100 years.</p>
-
-<p>These internal dissensions had naturally injured the external
-prestige of the Empire and contracted its frontiers. It was then that
-there came the final separation between the Eastern and the Western
-Churches; it was then, too, that, by the loss of Bari, Brindisi, and
-Otranto, the Byzantine Empire forfeited its last Italian possessions.
-Meanwhile, the advance of the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor had pushed
-back the Greek frontier in a second continent close to the capital; and
-Anna Comnena<a id="FNanchor_949" href="#Footnote_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a> declares that, on her father’s accession, “the Bosporus
-was the eastern, and Adrianople the western, limit of the Greek sceptre.”
-Alexios, she proudly adds, “widened the circle of the Empire, and made
-the Adriatic its western, the Euphrates and the Tigris its eastern,
-border.”</p>
-
-<p>Yet, as she truly says, her father had to contend all the time against
-enormous difficulties, alike domestic and foreign. At the outset of his
-reign, his throne was surrounded with possible pretenders. Both his
-immediate predecessors were alive, although the one was a bishop, the
-other in a monastery, besides four sons of dethroned Emperors who had
-received the Imperial title during their fathers’ reigns, and several<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_536"></a>[536]</span>
-persons who had endeavoured unsuccessfully to seize and keep the
-crown. There were constant conspiracies against Alexios so long as he
-sat on the throne, while the eternal theological questions, which were
-the favourite mental distraction of Byzantium, caused him constant
-anxiety, for there, as in the Balkans to-day, theology and politics were
-inextricably mingled. From abroad there came, too, the menace of
-invasion on all sides—from the wild tribes of the Patzinaks and Cumans
-on the north, from the Normans on the west, from the Turks on the
-east. And, worse than all, the unhappy Alexios was suddenly called
-upon to cope with the hurricane of the First Crusade, and to find his
-Empire overrun by swarms of fierce warriors, whose motives he suspected
-and whose intentions he judged from their acts to be predatory.</p>
-
-<p>Alexios owed his crown to a successful insurrection; but he was no
-vulgar upstart. He belonged to a rich family of Paphlagonia, where the
-Comnenoi held property at Kastamon, the modern Kastamouni, the place
-known in contemporary history as the exile for nearly thirty years of
-the late Mirdite Prince, Prenk Bib Doda. The Comnenoi had first come
-into prominence about a century earlier under Basil II; and one of the
-clan, the distinguished general, Isaac Comnenos, had occupied the
-throne from 1057 to 1059. Anna’s father was this man’s nephew, and,
-in spite of his uncle’s brief reign, the real founder of the dynasty. For
-the Emperor Isaac, in a moment of discouragement and disillusionment,
-not only abdicated but failed to induce his brother John, the father of
-Alexios, to accept the heavy burden of the crown. It was not, however,
-to his timorous and unambitious father, but to his energetic mother,
-Anna Dalassene, that Alexios owed his success. She was resolved that
-her son should be Emperor, and during four intervening reigns, she was
-waiting and intriguing for the diadem which her husband had allowed
-to go out of his family. A great lady herself, the daughter of an eminent
-official and soldier, whose skill in never failing to kill his man had earned
-him the nickname of “Charon,” she belonged, like the Comnenoi, to a
-powerful Asiatic family, one of whose members had been at first thought
-by Constantine VIII as worthy to succeed him, and had subsequently
-been regarded as a possible husband for the old Empress Zoe. Like
-many eminent Byzantine personages, she had known the reverses of
-fortune, and had at one time been exiled to Prinkipo. Such was the
-esteem which the Emperor Alexios felt for the mother, who had
-constantly encouraged and facilitated his ambition, that when, at the
-outset of his reign, he was compelled to leave his capital to fight against
-the Normans in Albania, he entrusted to her the absolute authority over
-the Empire during his absence. This is only one of many instances<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_537"></a>[537]</span>
-proving the influence of women in the Byzantine system. Thus, the
-mother of Alexios made history, his daughter wrote it; his mother made
-him Emperor, his daughter preserved the memory of his reign. Such
-were the origin and parents of the hero of the <i>Alexiad</i>. Let us now look
-at its author.</p>
-
-<p>The literary Princess has given us in her history of her father a
-considerable amount of autobiographical information. Anna Comnena
-was not at all disposed to hide her light under a bushel, nor did she ever
-forget that she had been born in the purple chamber—the room to
-which an Empress was always removed when her confinement was
-imminent. Like most members of the reigning Imperial family, she
-received an excellent literary education. “I am not destitute of letters,”
-she writes in her preface, “but have thoroughly studied classical Greek”;
-and she adds that she had applied herself diligently to the mathematical
-quadrivium, to rhetoric, the philosophy of Aristotle, and the dialogues
-of Plato. In another passage she alludes to her knowledge of geometry.
-Her quotations show a wide range of reading. Her history contains
-citations from, or allusions to, Homer, Sappho, Sophokles, Euripides,
-Aristophanes, Herodotus, Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, Demosthenes,
-the <i>Tactics</i> of Ælian, and the astronomer Eudoxos, while she repeats
-a whole sentence from Polybios and another from John of Epiphania,
-and shows, as Byzantine writers always do, great familiarity with the
-Bible. Niketas summed her up as “acquainted with every art.”</p>
-
-<p>Nor need we, who have in our own history a similarly learned lady of
-royal lineage, Lady Jane Grey, wonder at the erudition of this Byzantine
-blue stocking. There had been a recrudescence of literary culture in the
-eleventh century at Byzantium<a id="FNanchor_950" href="#Footnote_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a>, as in the sixteenth century in London.
-Shortly before Anna’s birth the Imperial Court had been the scene of
-the many-sided activities of that remarkable man, Michael Psellos, “the
-Prince of Philosophers,” as he was called by his contemporaries, the
-Voltaire of mediæval Greek literature, at once philosopher, historian,
-lawyer, monk, courtier and prime minister, who demonstrated, as other
-learned statesmen have proved in our own time, that great intellectual
-attainments may coincide with a poor character and political ineptitude.
-Another writer, the historian Michael of Adalia, or Attaleiates, who had
-gained by his legal abilities the favour of successive sovereigns, dedicated
-his history of his own time to the Emperor Nikephoros Botaneiates, and
-made a sufficient fortune out of speculations in real estate to found an
-almshouse for his less fortunate fellows. But in the time of Psellos and
-Attaleiates learning had disciples on the throne, as well as in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_538"></a>[538]</span>
-lecture-hall. The Imperial family of Doukas was noted for its devotion
-to literature; the collection of genealogies of gods and heroes, known
-under the title of <i>Ionia</i> (or <i>Violarium</i>), has been by some ascribed
-to the ambitious Empress Eudokia, wife of Constantine X Doukas and
-of his successor; while the Emperor Michael VII Doukas, who had been
-a pupil of Psellos and is known in history by the nickname of “Parapinakes,”
-or the “Peck-filcher,” from his fraudulent manipulation of the
-corn-monopoly, spent his time in composing iambics and anapæsts quite
-in the fashion of our classically-educated eighteenth century statesmen,
-who lost us the American colonies and were stronger at Greek verses
-than at political economy. Even the old <i>roué</i> Botaneiates, was, if we
-believe his panegyrist Attaleiates, a lover of books. When Alexios
-succeeded him, he further encouraged literature; one of his physicians,
-Kallikles, was a writer of epitaphs, not always on his own patients; and
-the historian, John Skylitzes, who was a captain of the bodyguard,
-dedicated some legal treatises to this Emperor.</p>
-
-<p>It was not, therefore, remarkable that Alexios’ daughter was highly
-educated, nor that her husband, Nikephoros Bryennios, was, like herself,
-a historian, although, like Julius Cæsar, he modestly described his work
-as merely supplying “the materials for those who wished to write
-history.” A soldier by profession, the son of the pretender of the same
-name who had revolted against Michael VII, and had been crushed by
-Alexios, he defended Constantinople against Godfrey of Bouillon in
-1097, and fought against the Sultan of Ikonium in 1116. Taking
-Xenophon, another literary soldier, as his model, he possessed, like
-Attaleiates, a much simpler and more straightforward style than his
-learned consort, and his soldierly prose is, although a glorification of his
-father-in-law, pleasing to read.</p>
-
-<p>But the cultured Anna, unlike her husband, had other besides
-literary ambitions, of which her distracted account of her father’s
-death-bed shows no trace. We learn, however, from the later historian,
-Niketas, of the mundane designs which agitated the bosoms of the
-Empress and her daughter at that solemn moment, of the efforts made
-by Irene to induce her expiring husband to disinherit his son in favour
-of his son-in-law, and how, when the dying Emperor lifted up his hands
-to heaven with a forced smile on his pallid cheeks, his wife bitterly
-reproached him with the words: “Husband, all thy life thou hast been
-versed in every kind of deceit, saying one thing and thinking another;
-and now that thou art dying, thou art true to thine old ways.” Gibbon
-has summed up the remark in the caustic sarcasm: “You die as you have
-lived—a hypocrite.” Nor was the virtuous Anna inclined to acquiesce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_539"></a>[539]</span>
-in the accession of her brother John II. She had been, till his birth, the
-heiress-presumptive, and as such had been betrothed as a child to the
-son of the dethroned Emperor, Michael VII, the young Constantine
-Doukas, who died, however, before their marriage. She had thus missed
-the throne once, and was determined not to miss it again.</p>
-
-<p>Scott, in his novel, has completely misrepresented the character of
-her husband by representing him as plotting to seize the throne, even
-during the lifetime of Alexios. Such a conception of the honest Bryennios
-is quite erroneous. For Anna’s plot was entirely frustrated by the
-sluggish indifference and greater humanity of her consort. So greatly
-annoyed was his wife at his reluctance to accept the crown by killing
-or blinding his brother-in-law, that she bitterly reproached nature in a
-phrase which must be left in the obscurity of the original language, for
-having made the mistake of creating her a woman and him a man. The
-conspiracy was discovered; but the Emperor treated his sister with more
-mercy than she deserved, contenting himself with bestowing her richly
-furnished palace upon his favourite and faithful minister. Even this
-punishment, at the instance of the minister himself, was rescinded; her
-palace was restored to the princess; her husband held office under the
-new Emperor and accompanied him in the Syrian campaign of 1137;
-but her pride was wounded by her brother’s magnanimity. She retired
-in Byzantine fashion to the convent of Our Lady of Grace, founded by
-her mother, the ex-Empress Irene, whose charter has been preserved.</p>
-
-<p>At the age of thirty-five her career at Court was over; her old friends,
-courtier-like, turned away from her to worship the rising sun; her mother,
-her favourite brother, her husband, whom, despite his weakness of character
-and unwillingness to reign, she loudly praises in her history and
-regarded with obvious affection<a id="FNanchor_951" href="#Footnote_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a>, successively passed away. Their son,
-Alexios, who took his mother’s surname, held office under her nephew,
-the Emperor Manuel, as Lord High Admiral. She bitterly complains,
-with her customary rhetorical exaggeration, of her hard lot since her
-eighth year, when her brother John was associated with his father in
-the Imperial dignity; to enumerate her sufferings and her enemies, she
-exclaims, “requires the Siren eloquence of Isokrates, the deep voice of
-Pindar, the vehemence of Polemon, the muse of Homer, the lyre of
-Sappho.” For twenty-nine years she had not seen or spoken with any
-of her father’s friends, of whom many were dead, and many were afraid
-to visit her. She compares herself with Niobe, and introduces into her
-history transparent allusions to her treatment by “the great,” and to
-the folly of her father’s successors—both monarchs of distinction<a id="FNanchor_952" href="#Footnote_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_540"></a>[540]</span>
-Under these circumstances, she endeavoured to console herself with the
-composition of her history—a work written mostly, as she tells us, under
-the reign of her nephew, Manuel I, who ascended the throne in 1143.
-By 1148, at the age of 65, she had finished her work; the date of her
-death is unknown.</p>
-
-<p>The princess had set herself the filial task of writing a biography of
-her father from 1069 to his death in 1118, thus covering the whole of
-his reign and twelve years before it. Her history thus formed a continuation
-of those composed by Attaleiates and by her husband, the
-former of whom had narrated the events of the years 1034 to 1079, the
-latter those of the years 1070 to 1079. As it had been the object of
-the former to glorify the still living Botaneiates, so it was the aim of the
-latter to whitewash Alexios, representing him as a legitimate sovereign,
-who had merely renounced the throne, once occupied by his uncle.</p>
-
-<p>She begins her history by describing her father’s exploits during
-the three previous reigns, the “three labours of Hercules<a id="FNanchor_953" href="#Footnote_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a>,” as she
-characteristically calls his suppression of the rebellions of Oursel Bailleul,
-or Russell Balliol, a member of the family which founded Balliol College
-(whom Scott has, by a pardonable anachronism, represented as a fellow-prisoner
-of Count Robert of Paris in the dungeon), and his victory over
-the two pretenders from Durazzo, her husband’s father, Nikephoros
-Bryennios, and Basilakios. She then proceeds to trace the career of the
-famous Norman leader, Robert Guiscard, and the causes of his war
-against the Byzantine Empire, the first attack of the Latin West against
-the Greek East and the forerunner of the Fourth Crusade. The second
-book is devoted to her father’s revolt against the Emperor Nikephoros
-Botaneiates and his seizure of the throne. With the third book begins
-his reign. She describes the Norman invasion, how Guiscard crossed the
-Adriatic, besieged and took Durazzo, the historic town which has played
-so large a part in the Balkan history of the last seven years, and which
-was then the western gate of the Byzantine Empire, just as in the days
-of Catullus and Plautus it had been the “tavern of the Adriatic.” In
-the sixth book we have Guiscard’s second expedition and death at the
-Cephalonian village, which, under the name of Phiskardo, still recalls
-the end of that famous Norman leader. Here is related the legend that
-in the opposite island of Ithake there was a ruined city, called Jerusalem;
-and thus was fulfilled the prophesy that Guiscard should die when he
-had reached Jerusalem. Similar prophecies were similarly accomplished
-in the case of Pope Silvester II, who died after celebrating mass in the
-Church of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, and in that of our King Henry IV,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_541"></a>[541]</span>
-dying, as Shakespeare has narrated, in the Jerusalem chamber. Next
-follow the military operations in Asia Minor and against the Cumans, or
-“Scythians,” as the classically-educated writer calls them, in Europe.
-Then, after some account of the affairs of Crete and Cyprus and of the
-Dalmatian revolt, the tenth book treats of the heresy of Neilos, and
-introduces us to the First Crusade.</p>
-
-<p>At this point the chief interest of this history for modern readers
-begins, for Anna Comnena is writing of a movement of world-wide
-importance, and her descriptions of the Crusading chiefs are those of an
-eyewitness. The eleventh book deals with the progress of the Crusaders
-in Asia—the capture of Nice, the foundation of the Principality of
-Antioch and of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the accession of Baldwin I,
-the quarrel of Alexios and Bohemond about Antioch and Laodicea, and
-Bohemond’s strangely contrived journey to Italy in a coffin with the
-odorous carcase of a dead cock. Books twelve and thirteen describe his
-second invasion of Albania, his siege of Durazzo, and his second pact of
-vassalage with Alexios, who gave him Antioch as a fief for life with the
-County of Edessa. The fourteenth book records his death, the siege of
-Tyre and the Turkish war, and gives an interesting account of the
-Bogomile heretics at Philippopolis. The last book is also partly occupied
-with their treatment by the Emperor, and ends with a somewhat
-mutilated description of the death of Alexios. Thus, as a later Greek
-epigram expressed it, the <i>Alexiad</i> ended when Alexios died.</p>
-
-<p>As its name implies, the <i>Alexiad</i> is a biography rather than a history,
-with the Emperor as the central figure, placed in what his admiring
-daughter regarded as the most favourable light, but what, according to
-modern ideas, is sometimes quite the reverse. The Imperial biographer
-was well aware that she would be accused of partiality, and is at
-considerable pains to repudiate in advance the charge of filial prejudice.
-She specially pleads her unbiased judgment in dealing with her father’s
-career, declares that she does not like to praise her relatives or to repeat
-scandal, adapts Aristotle’s famous saying about Plato by averring that,
-if her father is dear to her, truth is dearer, and sums up her aim as
-“love of her father and love of truth<a id="FNanchor_954" href="#Footnote_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a>.” She admits that he had some
-defects, that he stammered<a id="FNanchor_955" href="#Footnote_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a> and found difficulty in pronouncing the
-letter R; and she candidly avows that he was merely an instrument in
-the hand of his mother, Anna Dalassene, an excellent woman of business,
-when he first ascended the throne<a id="FNanchor_956" href="#Footnote_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a>. But she is apt to forget her precept
-of impartiality when she comes to describe his achievements. With
-characteristic exaggeration she exclaims that, “not even if another<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_542"></a>[542]</span>
-Demosthenes and all the chorus of the orators, not even if all the Academy
-and all the Stoic philosophers combined together to extol the services of
-Alexios, could they attain unto them”; and in another passage she asks,
-“what echo of Demosthenes or whirling words of Polemon, why, not all
-the muses of Homer, could worthily hymn his successes; I should say
-that not Plato himself, nor all the Porch and Academy combined
-together could have philosophised in a manner such as befitted his
-soul<a id="FNanchor_957" href="#Footnote_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>She tells us that her father hated not only lying but the appearance
-of lying; yet, she naïvely applauds his sharp practice in sending letters
-to Bohemond’s officers, in which he thanked them for letters to himself
-which they had never written, in order to compromise them with their
-chief; she acknowledges without a blush how he deceived the Crusaders
-at the taking of Nice; and she describes with admiration how he invited
-the Bogomile heretic, Basil, to a private colloquy, telling him that he
-admired his virtue and urging him to make a full statement of his
-doctrine, while all the time a secretary, concealed behind a curtain, took
-down the statements which fell from the unsuspecting heresiarch’s
-mouth and which were used as evidence against him to send him to the
-stake. Such tactics only evoke from the complaisant daughter the
-laudatory comment, that her father’s theological skill in dealing with
-heretics like the Manichæans should earn him the title of “the thirteenth
-apostle<a id="FNanchor_958" href="#Footnote_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a>.” Modern readers will agree with Finlay that “even Anna’s
-account makes the Bogomilian a noble enthusiast, and her father a mean
-traitor.”</p>
-
-<p>Yet Alexios was, in spite of these moral defects, a brave soldier, who,
-however, usually followed the plan of gaining a victory by craft, if craft
-were possible. His character was a combination, not uncommon in the
-Near East, of courage and intrigue; he was no coward, but he was a born
-schemer, rather than a statesman. Like many Byzantine rulers, he had
-a weakness for theology—a dangerous taste in an autocrat—and his
-daughter describes with admiration how he lectured the heretic Neilos
-on the doctrine of the Trinity, and how he ordered a monk named
-Zygavenos to compile a list and refutation of all the heresies, under the
-title of “A Dogmatic Panoply.” He had the politician’s love for an
-immediate success, rather than for a lasting benefit, although he was,
-as his daughter tells us, fond of playing chess, in which immediate
-success counts for less than a far-seeing plan. Thus, to obtain the
-temporary advantage of securing the aid of the Venetian fleet against
-the Normans, he gave the Venetians enormous commercial concessions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_543"></a>[543]</span>
-throughout his Empire, which were one of the causes, 120 years later,
-of the Latin capture of Constantinople. The policy of Alexios Comnenos
-has had disciples in Southern and South-Eastern Europe in our own
-day; but the most successful Greek statesman of our time attained his
-wonderful triumphs by frankness and honesty of purpose, to which the
-Byzantine Emperor was a stranger.</p>
-
-<p>But Anna’s partiality is not limited to her father; it extends to
-other members of her family, except, of course, her brother, the Emperor
-John II, who was, in reality, an excellent sovereign. Although she
-despised her husband’s weakness in not seizing the throne, she praises
-in Homeric language his skill as an archer, and devotes a long passage
-to the learning and wisdom, the strength and physical beauty, which
-made “my Cæsar,” as she affectionately calls him, what Achilles was
-among the Homeric Greeks. Like Achilles, he was a fine soldier, but,
-like not a few soldiers of Byzantium, he was also a student and a writer,
-who composed his history at the command of that “most learned mind
-and intelligence” as he called his wife’s mother, the Empress Irene<a id="FNanchor_959" href="#Footnote_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a>. Of
-that lady her daughter writes with enthusiasm, comparing her with
-Athena, and praising her for her zealous study of the branch of science
-which was most appreciated at the Byzantine Court—dogmatic theology.
-The Empress, so her daughter tells us, did not like publicity; she
-preferred to stay at home and read religious books; and, when she was
-obliged to perform any Court function, she blushed like a girl<a id="FNanchor_960" href="#Footnote_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>Of her <i>fiancé</i>, the young Constantine, the Princess writes with an
-enthusiasm which seems to come from the heart. She describes him as
-“a living statue,” and says that “if any one merely looked at him, he
-would speak of him as a descendant of the fabled age of gold”; and she
-confesses that after all these years the memory of this youth filled her
-eyes with tears. To the beauty of his mother, the Dowager-Empress
-Maria, by whom she was in part educated, she has dedicated a glowing
-passage, in which she likens her to a cypress in stature, with a skin
-white as snow—in short, a statue such as neither Phidias nor Apelles
-ever produced, “for such a harmony of all the members was never yet
-seen in any human body.” Thus, the Court circle of the reign of Alexios
-Comnenos, if we may believe his daughter, was a galaxy of that beauty
-which modern society journals assume to be the attribute of royal ladies.</p>
-
-<p>It must not, however, be imagined that Anna Comnena, because she
-wrote like a Princess and a daughter, is not a valuable historian. She
-possessed a first-hand knowledge of the events of a large part of her
-father’s reign; and, as she tells us, she drew her information about the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_544"></a>[544]</span>
-events, of which she had not been an eyewitness, largely from her
-father’s fellow-comrades in war, men like George Palaiologos, the
-defender of Durazzo, as well as from her father himself. Writing in the
-reign of Manuel I, when no one was interested in flattering the long-dead
-Alexios, she could claim, like Tacitus, that the time had arrived
-to describe his distant reign “sine irâ et studio.” From her birth and
-position, she possessed what mere scribes in all ages lack, an intimate
-acquaintance with the men who are really making history. She knew
-courts, and, a princess of the blood royal herself, she made the frank
-admission that even her father, against whom there were constant
-plots, was no exception to the rule that subjects usually dislike their
-sovereigns<a id="FNanchor_961" href="#Footnote_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>She had access to State papers, which to the ordinary literary man
-would have remained inaccessible for generations. Thus, she gives us
-the <i>ipsissima verba</i> of the golden bull appointing the Empress-mother,
-Anna Dalassene, regent in the absence of her son, and the text of her
-father’s letter to the Emperor Henry IV, his “most Christian brother,”
-urging him to attack Guiscard in Southern Italy, offering him money,
-and suggesting a marriage between one of Henry’s daughters and his
-own nephew. These curious pieces are of interest as a specimen of the
-Byzantine Chancery’s epistolary style; and we note the care with which
-the Byzantine Emperor, who regarded himself as the sole heir of all the
-Cæsars, avoided giving the Imperial title to this Western “brother,”
-whom Anna describes by the Latinised form <i>rex</i>, while reserving for
-her father the more dignified title of <i>basileús</i><a id="FNanchor_962" href="#Footnote_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a>. She gives, too, the full
-text of the lengthy agreement made between Alexios and Bohemond in
-1108, which she probably had from her husband, who negotiated that
-treaty—a document of much value for the historical geography of the
-Holy Land during the Latin domination<a id="FNanchor_963" href="#Footnote_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a>. She has apparently used for
-her account of Guiscard a now lost Latin Chronicle, perhaps the work
-of the Archdeacon John of Bari, which was employed by William the
-Apulian as material for his Latin poem on that Norman chief, for she
-quotes the envoy of the Bishop of Bari as having described to her an
-incident in the campaign of Guiscard, at which he was present<a id="FNanchor_964" href="#Footnote_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>She had access, also, to the simple and unvarnished memoirs of
-retired veterans, and was therefore well posted in military affairs. Her
-accurate use of technical military terms would do credit to a war-correspondent
-of the scientific school, while the glowing rhetoric of some
-of her descriptions would win the admiration of the modern descriptive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_545"></a>[545]</span>
-writer, who, not being allowed to see anything of the operations, has to
-fall back upon the scenery. As examples of her military phraseology<a id="FNanchor_965" href="#Footnote_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a>
-may be cited the words ἐξώπολον for the circle outside the camp, κοπός
-(or σκοπός) used in soldiers’ slang to designate their “fatigue parties,”
-and ἀρχοντόπουλοι, a term originally applied to the corps of soldiers’
-sons first formed by her father, but extended in modern Greek to mean
-the children of any notables. She twice uses the technical term for a
-galley, and gives an elaborate description of the cross-bow, then an
-unknown weapon to the Greeks. More interesting still, she allows us to
-read, imbedded in her severely literary Greek, occasional specimens of
-the vulgar idiom used by the ordinary people in their conversation.
-Thus, she has preserved the popular lines about the successful conspiracy
-which placed her father on the throne; she cites a satiric verse about him
-during the Cuman war, and alludes to the comic song, sung in the
-vernacular, during the conveyance to execution of Michael Anemas,
-who had tried to kill him<a id="FNanchor_966" href="#Footnote_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a>. She so far forgets the dignity of historical
-narrative as to perpetrate two atrocious puns.</p>
-
-<p>We find in her pages, too, some of the modern geographical names
-which had already, in popular speech, replaced the classical denominations
-for various Balkan mountains, rivers and towns. Thus, like her
-husband, she uses the modern name “Vardar” for the famous Macedonian
-river, instead of the classical “Axios”; she calls the Homeric “Ossa” by
-its present title of “Kissavos”; she describes the poetic “Peneios” as the
-“Salamvrias,” and uses the contemporary term “Dyrrachion” (whence
-comes the modern Italian “Durazzo” and the modern Serbian “Dratch”),
-as well as the older form “Epidamnos.” She apologetically asks no one
-to blame her for using such a vulgar name as “Vojussa,” with which
-the war has made us so familiar, for the classic river “Aoos<a id="FNanchor_967" href="#Footnote_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a>.”</p>
-
-<p>As a rule she adopts an exaggeratedly lofty style. Just as it was said
-of Dr Johnson, that he would have made “little fishes talk like whales,”
-so the learned Princess makes a man address a crew of boatmen in the
-language of Homer<a id="FNanchor_968" href="#Footnote_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a>. Her contemporary, the annalist Zonaras, says of
-her that “she employed an accurately Attic Greek style,” and that “she
-had applied herself to books and to learned men and did not merely hold
-incidental converse with them.” But she frequently descends to quite
-every-day words, with which students of such mediæval Greek works
-as the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i> and of the ordinary language of to-day
-are familiar. Thus, she describes an army, just as the Chronicler described
-it, as φοσσάτον; the French forms “liege” and “sergeants” are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_546"></a>[546]</span>
-scarcely disguised under her Greek renderings λίζιος and σεργέντιοι.
-The classic word for “plains” (πεδία) becomes, in her prose, κάμπαι; the
-poetic τέμπη assume (as in Attaleiates) the guise of κλεισούραι, while
-κουλᾶ thrice displaces the classic ἀκρόπολις; φάμουσα, the vulgar word
-for “libels,” has crept into her pages; and πιγκέρνης has supplanted
-οἰνοχόος as the term for the court butler<a id="FNanchor_969" href="#Footnote_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a>. She remarks that those
-who led a nomadic life were called in “the common dialect, ‘Vlachoi’”;
-she quotes the popular Byzantine <i>mot</i>, that “the Scythians (<i>i.e.</i>
-Cumans) missed seeing May by a single day,” because they were
-defeated on April 29, and makes her father, when Bohemond at first
-rejected his presents, humorously apply to himself the current
-saying, “Let a bad thing return to its own master” (αὐθέντην)<a id="FNanchor_970" href="#Footnote_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>One of the most interesting features of Anna Comnena’s history is
-the aspect which the First Crusade assumes in her pages. To Western
-historians the Crusades appeared as, on the whole, a great material
-benefit to Europe, quite apart from their religious and moral motives
-and results. But we learn from this Byzantine Princess, herself an eye-witness
-of the Crusaders’ arrival in her father’s capital, how this religious
-movement struck the Eastern Christians. The incursion of vast masses
-of more or less undisciplined soldiers into the Byzantine Empire naturally
-inspired alarm in the mind of its ruler, who feared—and the diversion
-of the Fourth Crusade from the redemption of the Holy Land to the
-capture of Constantinople three generations later justified his fears—that
-the pilgrims might be tempted to occupy his territories on the way.
-East and West rarely thoroughly understand one another; and the
-mutual reproaches of bad faith, which Greek historians have flung at
-the Crusaders and Latin historians at Alexios, were probably largely due,
-as is usually the case when two different nationalities quarrel, to a
-misunderstanding of one another’s mentality.</p>
-
-<p>Alexios could scarcely feel reassured, when he heard that one of the
-Crusading chiefs was that same Bohemond who had fought against him
-in Thessaly, and whose father had sought a shadowy pretext to invade
-his Empire and capture Durazzo, “the Metropolis of Illyricum<a id="FNanchor_971" href="#Footnote_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a>.” Anna
-tells us what were the Emperor’s feelings when he first heard the news
-of the forthcoming Crusade and the approaching advent of vast Frankish
-armies. “He feared,” she wrote, “their attack, knowing their unrestrainable
-dash, their changeable and easily influenced minds, and all
-the other qualities, or concomitant attributes, of the French character....
-For the French race is extremely hot-blooded and keen, and whenever<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_547"></a>[547]</span>
-it has once started on any course, impossible to check.” She accused
-the Crusaders of treating treaties like “scraps of paper” and of inordinate
-love of lucre; “for the Latin race,” she wrote, “is in other respects most
-devoted to money.” In her eyes these “barbarians,” as she called them
-in the contemptuous language of a highly cultivated Greek, were
-actuated by motives very different from the ostensible aim of freeing
-the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidels. “In appearance,” she remarked,
-“they were on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but in truth they wanted to
-oust the Emperor from his throne and seize the capital.” She noticed
-the sudden ups and downs of the French character, rapidly going from
-one extreme to the other, and pathetically described how one cause of
-her father’s rheumatism in his feet was the constant exertion to which
-they subjected that patient monarch, by worrying him with their
-requests all day and all night, so that he could not even find time to
-take his meals<a id="FNanchor_972" href="#Footnote_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a>!</p>
-
-<p>In these circumstances, it was perhaps hardly to be expected that
-he should be very enthusiastic about taking an active part in the Crusade,
-although he more than once ransomed captured Crusaders. Nor was his
-enthusiasm increased by such acts of spoliation as the erection into a
-Latin County and a Latin Principality respectively of Edessa, still
-governed at the time of the Latin conquest by a Greek governor, and
-of Antioch, which only fourteen years earlier had been nominally a part
-of the Greek Empire. Again, no sovereign, and not least the ceremonious
-Emperor of Byzantium, could have been expected to put up with such
-an affront as that described by Sir Walter Scott after Anna Comnena,
-when a boorish Crusading noble seated himself on the Emperor’s seat.
-Yet Alexios took this unwarranted act of rudeness with great tact and
-dignity, even though it had been accompanied by an insulting remark
-about “a yokel remaining alone seated while so many nobles were
-standing in his presence.” Indeed, he not only deigned to ask who this
-unmannerly churl might be, but gave him some excellent advice,
-derived from long personal experience, of the safest way to wage war
-against the Turks. The arrogant Frank paid with his life at the battle
-of Dorylæum for his neglect of the Emperor’s well-meant warning<a id="FNanchor_973" href="#Footnote_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a>.</p>
-
-<p>The literary Princess was not, however, so far led away by her
-national prejudices as to see no good in the Crusaders. She said of a
-very good Greek horseman, that “one would have thought him to be
-not a Greek, but of Norman origin,” so well did he ride. Indeed, the
-incapacity of the French to fight on foot struck her so forcibly that she<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_548"></a>[548]</span>
-remarked: “A Frenchman on horseback is unrestrainable and would
-ride through the walls of Babylon, but once dismounted he is at the
-mercy of the first comer.” For that reason her father bade his archers
-kill the horses of the Western cavaliers, for then the riders would be
-helpless<a id="FNanchor_974" href="#Footnote_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a>. She specially eulogises the honesty of the Comte de St Gilles,
-Isangeles, as she calls him, who “differed in all things from all the Latins,
-as much as the sun differs from the stars<a id="FNanchor_975" href="#Footnote_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a>.” While she expresses the
-horror felt by her fellow-countrymen at the Church militant as represented
-by the fighting Latin clergy, armed with shield and spear<a id="FNanchor_976" href="#Footnote_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a>, in
-her character of Guiscard, who did so much harm to her father, she
-praises his courage and strategic ability, and her description of
-Bohemond’s personal appearance is so detailed and so flattering that
-it may have been prompted by a very feminine motive. “No such man,
-whether barbarian or Greek,” she wrote of him, “was ever seen in the
-land of the Greeks (for he was a marvel to behold and a wonder to be
-narrated)<a id="FNanchor_977" href="#Footnote_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a>.” Of the warlike wife of Guiscard, Gaïta, she says with mixed
-admiration and alarm, that “she was a Pallas, but not an Athena,”
-skilled in battle but not in arts, and terrible when armed with her lance
-and piercing voice.</p>
-
-<p>Students of Balkan geography are no less indebted to Anna Comnena
-than are historians of the First Crusade. Her pages are full of the names
-of places, rendered household words to us by the events of the last seven
-years. On this subject she had access to a very high authority, her
-father, who possessed a minute knowledge of both coasts of the Adriatic
-with their harbours, a list of which he sent to his Admiral, and with the
-prevailing winds of that turbulent sea. Alexios was, in fact, an Adriatic
-specialist, as he would be described in the jargon of to-day. No writer
-on the historical geography of Durazzo could afford to neglect our author,
-who minutely describes the origin, topography, and contemporary
-condition of that famous town. She tells us that at that time most of
-the inhabitants were colonists from Amalfi and Venice; and she describes
-the walls of that now squalid little Albanian town as at that time so
-broad that more than four horsemen could safely ride abreast along them,
-while there stood a bronze equestrian statue over the eastern gate. She
-talks of the old Bulgarian capitals of “Pliskova” and “Great Pristhlava”
-(Pliska and Prêslav); she narrates the origin of Philippopolis, where she
-herself had lived for some time; and she makes one interesting allusion
-to the comparatively recent Norman Conquest of England in the
-passage, in which she says that Bohemond was aided in his second<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_549"></a>[549]</span>
-invasion of Albania by men from “Thule” (Britain)<a id="FNanchor_978" href="#Footnote_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a>, which she also
-mentions as furnishing the Varangian guard. We know from a contemporary
-British historian how glad the English exiles were to fight
-in Greece against the Normans, and how Alexios built a town for them
-at Civetot, the modern Guemlek, on the Asiatic coast near Constantinople.
-We hear, too, how 300 of them defended Kastoria.</p>
-
-<p>She uses the correct word <i>jupan</i> (or “count”) for the Serbian
-chieftains<a id="FNanchor_979" href="#Footnote_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a>, but designates both King Michael (who was the first ruler
-of Dioklitia to bear the royal title and whose dominions included
-Scutari, Montenegro, the Herzegovina and the coast), and his son and
-co-regent, Bodin, as Exarchs of the Dalmatians<a id="FNanchor_980" href="#Footnote_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a>. She mentions also the
-contemporary “great” <i>jupan</i> of the other and inland Serbian state of
-Rascia, the modern <i>sandjak</i> of Novibazar, Vukan, describing him as
-“wielding the entire authority over the Dalmatians,” of whom she says
-that, “although they were Dalmatians, still they were Christians.” It
-is interesting to find in this passage that one of his nephews already bore
-the name of Urosh, so famous in the later Serbian dynasty of Nemanja,
-which etymologists derive from the Magyar word <i>úr</i>, meaning “lord.”
-The identification of the Serbians with “Dalmatians” would tend to
-prove the predominantly Serbian character of Southern Dalmatia in the
-eleventh and twelfth centuries. She was acquainted, too, with the
-pirates, who infested the mouth of the river Narenta, and whom she
-twice mentions under the name of “Vetones.”</p>
-
-<p>The name of the Albanians was known to Anna Comnena, as to her
-predecessors, Attaleiates and Skylitzes, the first Byzantine authors who
-applied it to that mysterious race. She notices the exclusive admiration
-felt by the Albanians, as by the modern British school-boy, for physical
-prowess, and remarks that in that country bodily strength and size were
-the principal requirements that made a man a suitable candidate for
-the purple and the diadem<a id="FNanchor_981" href="#Footnote_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a>. In the case, however, of that tall but inane
-guardsman, Prince William of Wied, gigantic size was not sufficient to
-ensure the loyalty of the Albanians. Anna Comnena is also the first
-writer who mentions the existence of the Wallachs<a id="FNanchor_982" href="#Footnote_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a> in Thessaly, soon to
-be called “Great Wallachia” by her successor Niketas, and “Wallachia”
-by Benjamin of Tudela, at a place called Ezeva near Mount Ossa. Notices
-of this kind are what make her history valuable to us rather than the
-classical reminiscences, which to her and her contemporaries were
-doubtless its chief merit. She complained of having to insert “barbarous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_550"></a>[550]</span>
-names<a id="FNanchor_983" href="#Footnote_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a>,” which “befouled” her historical style, in her polished narrative,
-just as some modern imitators of Cicero objected to employing
-words for recent inventions unknown to the Roman orator. She cited
-as an excuse the example of Homer, who disdained not to mention
-the Bœotians and certain barbarous islands for the sake of historical
-accuracy. Fortunately, the more plastic Greek language is usually quite
-equal to this difficulty, and even the uncouth names of French Crusaders
-and Serbian <i>jupani</i> are admitted to the honours of the Greek declensions
-by this skilled writer, of whom a contemporary said that, if the ancients
-had known her, “they would have added a fourth Grace and a tenth
-Muse.”</p>
-
-<p>The time has come when it is no longer the fashion to decry Byzantine
-history and to deny the name of literature to the writings of the
-mediæval Greeks. Finlay rehabilitated the Byzantine Empire from the
-contempt which Gibbon had thrown upon it; in Greece a succession of
-modern writers, beginning with Paparregopoulos, in his great <i>History of
-the Hellenic Nation</i>, have reminded his countrymen that Greek history
-is a whole, and that contemporary Hellas owes as much, or more, to
-the great figures of the Middle Ages as to the heroes of classical antiquity;
-in France MM. Schlumberger and Diehl have combined, in truly French
-fashion, great erudition with great literary skill in dealing with the
-“Byzantine epic” of the tenth and eleventh centuries, and with the
-female figures that in various ages filled the Court of Constantinople.
-Of these Anna Comnena is perhaps the most curious. We are too much
-accustomed to regard Byzantine personages as merely so many stained-glass
-portraits, all decorations and angles, instead of men and women
-of like passions with ourselves. Anna Comnena was, in her loves and
-her dislikes, her vanities and her ambitions, very much a woman.
-Beneath her Attic prose, acquired by study and polished by art, there
-transpire the feminine feelings, which lend a peculiar turn to her history.
-Among the sovereigns, lawyers, statesmen, soldiers, and ecclesiastics who
-form the <i>corpus</i> of the Byzantine historians, she is the only woman.</p>
-
-<h4>AUTHORITIES</h4>
-
-<p class="hanging">1. <i>Nicephori Bryennii Commentarii.</i> Bonn: Weber, 1836.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">2. <i>Michaelis Attaliotæ Historia.</i> Bonn: Weber, 1853.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">3. <i>Annæ Comnenæ Porphyrogenitæ Alexias.</i> Two vols. Leipzig: Teubner,
-1884.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">4. <i>Princesses Byzantines.</i> Par Paul Adam. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1893.</p>
-
-<p class="hanging">5. <i>Figures Byzantines.</i> Par Charles Diehl. Deuxième Série. Paris: Armand
-Colin, 1908.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="footnotes">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> <span class="allsmcap">XL.</span> 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> Plutarch, <i>Sulla</i>, 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> Two Athenian inscriptions (Böckh, C.I.G., <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 409) allude to this restoration.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Plutarch, <i>Pompey</i>, 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> <i>Epist.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 2, 45.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> <i>Epistolæ ad Diversos</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 5, 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (ed. 4), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 440, inclines however
-to the view that their enfranchisement was of earlier date.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> Juvenal, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 73, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 170. Tacitus, <i>Annales</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 53-55, 85; <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 38, 63, 69; <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 13,
-30, 43; <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> Mustoxidi, <i>Delle Cose Corciresi</i>, pp. 403, 404, xi.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> In 1888 an inscription, containing this proclamation, was found at the
-Bœotian Karditza. Karolides, note 31 to Paparregopoulos, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 448.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Suetonius, <i>Nero</i>, 19, 22-24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Tacitus, <i>Historiæ</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 8, 9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Pausanias, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Eusebius, <i>Hist. Eccl.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 4; <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 23; <i>Liber Pontificalis</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 125, 131, 155.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> The passages of Zosimos (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 29), who says Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν τοῦ τείχους ἐπεμελοῦντο
-μηδεμιᾶς, ἐξότε Σύλλας τοῦτο διέφθειρεν, ἀξιωθέντος φροντίδος, and of Zonaras (<span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 23)
-seem to support Finlay’s view that this was not a new wall. Paparregopoulos, <i>op.
-cit.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 490, agrees with it.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Hertzberg: <i>Die Geschichte Griechenlands unter der Herrschaft der Römer</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 79.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Ἄλλος μετά τινος σαφηνείας Θουκυδίδης, μάλιστά γε ἐν ταῖς Σκυθικαῖς ἱστορίαις.—Photios,
-Cod. 82.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> <i>Historici Græci Minores</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 186-89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Zonaras, <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Trebellius Pollio, <i>Gallien</i>, 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> <i>Historici Græci Minores</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 438-40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> A Greek inscription alluding to Jovian may still be read over the west
-door, but Mustoxidi (<i>Delle Cose Corciresi</i>, pp. 406-7) differs from Spon and
-Montfaucon in thinking that some other Jovian is meant.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> <i>In Eutropium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 212 <i>et seq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Procopios, <i>De bello Vand.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> ch. 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Hertzberg thinks it was the bronze statue of Athena Promachos which was
-carried off. But Gregorovius’ view (<i>Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 49), that given in the text, seems more probable.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Agathias, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> chs. 30, 31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 217 (ed. Bonn).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Menander in <i>Hist. Gr. Min.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 98.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> <i>Hist. Eccles.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Leunclavius, <i>Jus Græco-Romanum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 278.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> The latest study of this Chronicle is by N. A. Bees in Βυζαντίς, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 57-105.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 36-72; Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 41-46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Schlumberger, <i>Sigillographie de l’Empire Byzantin</i>, 172.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 53.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Neroutsos, Χριστιανικαὶ Ἀθῆναι in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑταιρίας, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Constantine Porphyrogenitus, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 217-20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 220-24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Kedrenos (ed. Bonn), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 170.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Mustoxidi, <i>Delle Cose Corciresi</i>, 409.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Constantine Porphyrogenitus, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 243.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> The two large tombs in the crypt at Hosios Loukas are according to tradition
-those of Romanos II and Theophano who is known to English readers as the
-eponymous heroine of Mr Frederic Harrison’s novel. Leo Diakonos (p. 49) calls
-her “the Laconian”; some say she was of low origin, others of a noble family of
-Constantinople. I noticed a great number of Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra,
-near Sparta.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Kedrenos, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 475, 482, 516, 529; Zonaras (ed. Leipzig), <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 123; <i>Early Travels
-in Palestine</i>, 32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> An absolutely historical fact, because the Princes of Achaia claimed to be
-suzerains of the two Dukes of Athens and Naxos.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> G. de Vinsauf, <i>Itin. Ricc. I</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> <i>Athenische Mitteilungen</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXXIV.</span> 234-36.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> <i>Niketas Choniates</i> (ed. Bonn), pp. 840-42.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Geoffroy de Villehardouin, <i>La Conquête de Constantinople</i> (ed. Bouchet),
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 226-32.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Pitra, <i>Analecta sacra et classica</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 90, 93.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Marino Sanudo <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, p. 101.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Μόνη ἔμβασις, Monemvasia.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Marino Sanudo <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, p. 102.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> <i>The Chronicle of the Morea</i>, p. 296.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Sanudo <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, p. 108.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Βυζαντινὰ χρονικά, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 427.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Μοῦλος is still Moreote Greek for “a bastard”; in the first part of the word
-we perhaps have the French <i>gars</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> <i>Cantacuzene</i> (ed. Bonn), bk. <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> ch. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> Mazaris <i>apud</i> Boissonade, <i>Anecdota Græca</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 164-78.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 267; Ersch und Gruber, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 131-33; Rev. F. Vyvyan
-Jago in the <i>Archæologia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 83 <i>sqq.</i> I am indebted to the courtesy of the
-Rev. S. Gregory, the present rector of Landulph, for the following copy of the
-brass plate there:</p>
-
-<p class="center">Here lyeth the body of Theodoro Paleologus<br />
-of Pesaro in Italye, descended from ye Imperyall<br />
-lyne of ye last Christian Emperors of Greece,<br />
-being the Sonne of Camilio ye Sonne of Prosper<br />
-the Sonne of Theodoro the Sonne of John ye<br />
-Sonne of Thomas, second brother to Constantine<br />
-Paleologus the 8th of that name, and last of<br />
-yt lyne yt raygned in Constantinople until subdewed<br />
-by the Turkes; who married with Mary<br />
-ye daughter of William Balls of Hadlye in<br />
-Souffolke gent, and had issue 5 children: Theodoro,<br />
-John, Ferdinando, Maria, and Dorothy &amp; departed<br />
-this lyfe at Clyfton ye 21st January, 1636.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> <i>Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters</i>, in Ersch und Gruber’s
-<i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXV.</span> 212, 321, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> <i>Voyaige d’Oultremer</i>, p. 89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> <i>Geschichte Griechenlands</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 138.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 338, note.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 300 (4th ed.).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 155-61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> L. 8096.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> P. 275.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> L. 8469.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> P. 160.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> The form <i>Abarinos</i> does not occur in the French, Italian, and Aragonese
-versions of the <i>Chronicle</i>, because the Franks always called the place <i>port de Junch</i>,
-or <i>Zonklon</i>, from the rushes which grew there—a name very frequent, in a more or
-less corrupt form, in the Venetian documents of the thirteenth century, <i>e.g.</i> in that
-locus classicus for Frankish names the list of depredations by pirates in Greece
-drawn up in 1278 (Tafel und Thomas, <i>Fontes Rerum Austriacarum</i>, Abth. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> B.
-<span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 237).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Pp. 61, 66, 68 (ed. Burckhardt).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> <i>Geogr.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> <i>Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 188.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Buchon, <i>Nouvelles Recherches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 332.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Ed. Predelli, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 231, 248.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Tafel und Thomas, <i>Fontes Rer. Austr.</i> pt. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> vol. <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 464-88.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Albericus Trium Fontium, <i>Chronicon</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 439.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> A. Dandolo, <i>Chronicon Venetum</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>Rerum Italicarum Scriptores</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 335; L. de Monacis, <i>Chronicon</i>, p. 143; Magno, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>,
-p. 179.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> <i>Innocentii III Epistolæ</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 111-113, 238, 240, 252, 256.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Henri de Valenciennes (ed. Paulin Paris), ch. 35.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Sanudo, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, p. 136.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8071-8092.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Schlumberger, <i>Numismatique de l’Orient latin</i>, p. 382.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Sathas in <i>Annuaire des études grecques</i>, vol. <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 122-133.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> D’Arbois de Jubainville, <i>Voyage paléographique dans le département de l’Aube</i>,
-pp. 332-340.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Muntaner, ch. 240; Thomas, <i>Diplomatarium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 111; Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 198.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> <i>Hist. de’ suoi Tempi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Raynaldi, <i>Annales ecclesiastici</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 22, 23.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> Thomas, <i>Dipiomatarium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 120-122.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> Çurita, <i>Anales de la Corona de Aragon</i>, bk. <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> ch. 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8086-8092; <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>, pp. 1, 274.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Rubió y Lluch, <i>Los Navarros en Grecia</i>, p. 309, <i>n.</i> 2; a much more probable
-explanation, derived from the word <i>bort</i> (“bastard”), than that of Ducange (note
-to Cinnamus, p. 392), who says that he was so called because our Black Prince had
-conferred on him the freedom of Bordeaux.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Rubió in <i>Anuari de l’Institut</i> (1907), 253.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> <i>La Grèce continentale</i>, 217; <i>Recherches historiques</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 409.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 409-10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> St Genois, <i>Droits primitifs ... de Haynaut</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 337.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 215.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> <i>Mélanges historiques: choix de Documents</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 240</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> <i>Lettere di Collegio</i> (ed. Giomo), p. 66.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 178.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> <i>Idem, apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXV.</span> 321, 360.
-Cf. <i>J. H. S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 238.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 166.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Lampros, Ἔγγραφα (<i>Documents</i>), pp. 305, 324-27.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Lampros, Ὁ τελευταῖος κόμης τῶν Σαλώνων (<i>The Last Count of Salona</i>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Gregorovius, <i>Briefe</i>, pp. 309, 310.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> “Nicolai de Marthono Liber,” in <i>Revue de l’Orient Latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 657.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> The earlier fourteenth-century traveller, Ludolf von Suchem, who mentions
-Athens, did not actually visit it.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας (<i>Report of the Historical and
-Ethnological Society</i>), v. 827.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 309.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Cornelio Magni, <i>Relazione</i>, pp. 14, 49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Buchon, <i>Nouvelles Recherches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 276.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Michael Laskaris, the Athenian patriot of the fourteenth century, in K. Rhanghaves’
-play, <i>The Duchess of Athens</i>, is unhappily a poetic anachronism.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (<i>Memorials of Greek History</i>), <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 427.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (<i>Greek Remembrancer</i>), new series, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 55.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> The anonymous traveller (?Domenico of Brescia) who describes Athens about
-1466 speaks of the city as “ultimamente murata.” (<i>Mitteilungen des K. deutschen
-Arch. Instituts</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> 74.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> Tozzetti, <i>Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in ... Toscana</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 439, 440. This letter,
-dated “Kyriaceo die, iv Kal. Ap.,” fixes the year of the second visit, because
-March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and we know from another letter, written
-before June 1444, that Cyriacus left Chalkis for Chios, where the letter about
-Athens was written, on “v Kal. Mart.” of that year.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> <i>Jahrbuch der K. preussischen Kunstsammlungen</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 81.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> <i>Studi e documenti di Storia e di Diritto</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 337.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Jorga in <i>Revue de l’Orient Latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 78.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα (<i>Memorials</i>), <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 141. The legend places the scene
-in a still more romantic spot than Megara—the monastery of Daphni, the mausoleum
-of the French dukes.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> A contemporary note in <span class="allsmcap">MS.</span>, No. 103 of the Liturgical section of the National
-Library at Athens, fixes the date as “May 4, 1456, Friday”; but in that year
-June 4, not May 4, was on a Friday, which agrees with the date of June 1456 given
-by Phrantzes, the <i>Chronicon breve</i>, the <i>Historia Patriarchica</i>, and Gaddi.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> <i>Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 203.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> De Rossi, <i>Inscriptiones Christianæ Urbis Romæ</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 374.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> Spon, <i>Voyage</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 155, 172.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (<i>Greek Remembrancer</i>), new series, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 216-18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> The portraits of the six Florentine Dukes of Athens in Fanelli’s <i>Atene Attica</i>
-are unfortunately imaginary. On the other hand, the figure of Joshua in one of the
-frescoes at Geraki in Lakonia seems to be intended to portray one of the Frankish
-barons of that Castle.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Ἱστορία τῆς Πόλεως Ἀθηνῶν κατὰ τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας (Ἐν Ἀθήναις, Κ. Μπὲκ’
-1904-6.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Barcelona, <i>L’Avenç</i>, 1906. Cf. <i>Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans</i>
-(1907-8, 1911, 1913-14). <i>Estudis Universitaris Catalans</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> (1915).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> Vols. <span class="allsmcap">XXVII.</span> 3-93, 380-456, 555-634, 771-852; <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 154-212.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Lampros, <i>op. cit.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 729; Παρνασσός, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 23.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Cod. Palat. 226, f. 122; Lampros, <i>op. cit.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 421, note.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Pressutti, <i>Regesta Honorii III</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 304; <i>Les Registres d’Urbain IV</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 426;
-Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 28; <i>Les Registres de Clément IV</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span>
-214, 245.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Lampros, <i>op. cit.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 119.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> <i>Catalunya a Grecia</i>, pp. 42, 53.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> <i>Catalunya a Grecia</i>, pp. 50, 91.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> “Geschichte Griechenlands,” in Ersch und Gruber’s <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 18, 19; <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, p. 475; <i>Anuari</i> (1911).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Lampros, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 344.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 234-6, 238.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 344.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 279, 350.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 335.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 283.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 315.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 240, 282, 330.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> <i>Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 156, note 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> Rubió y Lluch, <i>Los Navarros en Grecia</i>, p. 476.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, pp. 82-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 824-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient Latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 647-53, 656.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> <i>Catalunya a Grecia</i>, pp. 57, 63.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 206, 208; Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, p. 229; Buchon,
-<i>Nouvelles Recherches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 257; Gregorovius, <i>Briefe aus der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli,”</i>
-p. 308; Chalkokondyles, pp. 145, 213.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> <i>Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVII.</span> 430-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 747-52; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 43-56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 407-9; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 216-24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> <i>Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 203.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 153.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> p. 385.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> p. 520.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> p. 124.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> <i>Elogiographus</i>, 300-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Loysii Neroczi de Pictis nomine Neroczi eius patris pro venditione cuiusdam
-domus.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> R. Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Aul. della Repubblica, Balie, no. 29 c. 67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Buchon, <i>Nouvelles Recherches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 292.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> p. 38.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> <i>Apud</i> Pagnini, <i>Della Decima</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 251.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> V. 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Sauger, <i>Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs</i>, p. 65.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> See <i>The Mad Duke of Naxos</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> See <i>The Last Venetian Islands in the Ægean</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> <i>Geschichte Griechenlands</i>, <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 166; <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, p. 482; <i>Veneto-Byzantinische Analekten</i>,
-p. 414.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> <i>Les Ducs de l’Archipel</i>, p. 13, in the Venetian <i>Miscellanea</i>, vol. <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> Sanuto, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 328, 337, 355, 366.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 393, 394, 705.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 701.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Hopf, <i>Gozzadini</i>, <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <i>op. cit.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXVI.</span> 425; <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 166.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> Sanuto, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 22, 175, 503.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> Sanuto, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 450, 525, 748; <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 175; <span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> 354, 356, 376.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 35.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> 380, 384, 387-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> 467, 596, 645; <span class="allsmcap">XXV.</span> 158, 185.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> Stavrakes, Στατιστικὴ τοῦ πληθυσμοῦ τῆς Κρήτης, 183 <i>sqq.</i>; Pashley, <i>Travels in
-Crete</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 326.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 3. Cf. Gerland, <i>Histoire
-de la Noblesse crétoise au Moyen Age</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> Cf. Gerola, <i>La dominazione genovese in Creta</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>, vol. 85, pp. 221-2,
-241-3, 312-4; Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 52.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> Cf. Gerola, <i>Per la Cronotassi dei vescovi cretesi all’ epoca veneta; Monumenti
-veneti nell’ isola di Creta</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 64, 67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> See Pashley, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 11-17, on this point. He identifies the two places, like Gerola
-(<i>Mon. ven.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 17), who derives the name of Canea from λαχανιά (“vegetable
-garden”), the first syllable being mistaken for the feminine of the article.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> Zinkeisen, <i>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 611 <i>et sqq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> Cornelius, <i>Creta Sacra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 355.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> Pashley, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 150-156.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> Zinkeisen, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 629-723.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Pashley, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 285.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> <i>The totall discourse</i> (ed. 1906), pp. 70-83.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> Zinkeisen, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 789, 808. Like the British Government in 1819, the Turks did
-not know what Parga was.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> To this period belongs the fountain at Candia, described by Pashley (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 203),
-and still standing. An inscription on it states that it was erected by Antonio
-Priuli in 1666, “when the war had been raging for four lustres.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> Zinkeisen, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 992.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 552.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> <i>Childe Harold</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Von Hammer, <i>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 573, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 182; Tournefort,
-<i>Voyage du Levant</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Stavrakes, 138 <i>sqq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> Pashley, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 150-156.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 54.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span>, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, 222-300; Κρητικὸν Θέατρον,
-which includes a comedy, a pastoral tragi-comedy, a tragedy and an imitation of
-Simeon’s <i>Zeno</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 636-38.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> Stavrakes, 139-41.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Mustoxidi, <i>Delle Cose Corciresi</i>, pp. 399 and vi.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 401.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Mustoxidi, p. 441. Aleman belonged to a family from Languedoc, which
-received the barony of Patras after the Frank conquest of the Morea, and whose
-name is still borne by the bridge near Thermopylæ, the scene of the heroic fight of
-1821.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 68. There is, however, a
-document of Philip II of Taranto in favour of the Greek clergy: Marmora, <i>Della
-Historia di Corfù</i>, p. 223.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας, Mustoxidi, pp. 443-50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Mustoxidi, p. 452.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> Mustoxidi, pp. 456-64, lx-lxxii.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 62; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 315.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> This mediæval name, “the black saint,” applied first to a fortress, then to a
-chapel on the site of the fortress, then (like Negroponte) to the whole island, is said
-by Saint-Sauveur (<i>Voyage Historique, Littéraire et Pittoresque</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 339) to have come
-in with the Tocchi, and to be derived from the black image of the Virgin in the
-cathedral at Toledo. It occurs, however, in a Neapolitan document of 1343, a
-Venetian document of 1355, and a Serbian golden bull of 1361 and is mentioned in
-the French version of the <i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>, probably written between 1333
-and 1341. It has now been officially superseded by the classic Levkas.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 168.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Marmora, <i>Della Historia di Corfù</i>, p. 253.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> “Celsam Buthroti accedimus urbem,” <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 293.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> Cicero <i>ad Atticum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 8 <i>a</i>; Marmora, p. 431.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> Marmora, p. 387.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 396; Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 345.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Marmora, p. 420.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Viscount Kirkwall, <i>Four Years in the Ionian Islands</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> Marmora, p. 312.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Lounzes, Περὶ τῆς πολιτικῆς καταστάσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ Ἑνετῶν, pp. 188-90;
-Hopf, <i>ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 186.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> The words are quoted in the Ὁδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας (1902).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> Mustoxidi, p. lxvi.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> Marmora, pp. 394, 419, 445.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> Lounzes, p. 101.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 15-21.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> Marmora, p. 369.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> Idromenos, p. 87.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 22-31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Marmora, p. 430.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> Lounzes, pp. 178-82; Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας; Pinkerton’s
-<i>Collection of Travels</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 4; Marmora, pp. 255, 286, 370, 430, 437. The last writer
-approvingly says about the Jews, <i>loro non conviene di stabile, che il sepolcro</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> Viaro Capodistria, <i>Remarks respectfully submitted to the Consideration of the
-British Parliament</i>, p. 64.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> Marmora, p. 433; Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (4th ed.),
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 644.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 530.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 90, and the same author’s essay
-Περὶ τῆς ἐν ταῖς Ἰονίοις νήσοις ἐκπαιδεύσεως.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 635; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 127; Νεοελληνικὴ
-Φιλολογία, pp. 138, 165.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Quirini, <i>Primordia Corcyræ</i>, pp. 167, 168; Mustoxidi, <i>Illustrazioni Corciresi</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 10, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> Marmora, p. 425.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 284-5; Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp. 91-3; Paparregopoulos,
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 645-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 112, 140, 199, 260, 268, 277.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Jervis, <i>History of the Island of Corfù</i>, p. 125.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> Marmora, p. 389.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Hopf, <i>ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 186. Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> p. xxxvii; Ἑλληνικὰ
-Ἀνέκδοτα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 157-93.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Quoted by Lounzes, p. 63 <i>n.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 8, 91. When, in the sixteenth century, the Cephalonians
-claimed precedence over Zante, they quoted to the Venetians, in support of their
-claim, the fact that in the Homeric catalogue the people of Zakynthos are only
-cited as the subjects of Odysseus (Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> p. iv).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Hopf, <i>ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 186; Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 201.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Andreades, Περὶ τῆς οἰκονομικῆς διοικήσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ Βενετοκρατίας (1914).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> Lounzes, pp. 83-5; Hopf, <i>ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 160, 186; Grivas, Ἱστορία τῆς
-νήσου Ἰθάκης.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Lounzes, p. 77; Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 351.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 239-48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> Mrs Dawes, <i>Saint Spiridion</i>, translated from L. S. Brokines’s work Περὶ τῶν
-ἐτησίως τελουμένων ἐν Κερκύρᾳ λιτανειῶν τοῦ Ἁγίου Σπυρίδωνος. See also Marmora,
-pp. 261-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 333.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> Marmora, pp. 301-12; M. Mustoxidi, Ἱστορικὰ καὶ Φιλολογικὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, 24-44,
-83-97; Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 667; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, 112-18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp. 24, 80, 94; Marmora, p. 414;
-<i>Anagrafi dell’ Isola di Corfù</i>, 1761; Daru, <i>Histoire de Venise</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 213; Saint-Sauveur,
-<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 154.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> One plan is in Jervis, <i>History of the Island of Corfù</i>, p. 126, the other in
-Marmora, pp. 364-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Marmora, p. 345.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 85-6; Marmora, pp. 348-50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Marmora, p. 370.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Pinkerton’s <i>Collection of Travels</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> Marmora, pp. 389-91; Mrs Dawes, <i>Saint Spiridion</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 672. A Latin inscription of 1684 at Santa Maura
-bears Morosini’s name.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Viscount Kirkwall, <i>Four Years in the Ionian Islands</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 29-30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> Zinkeisen, <i>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 501-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> Jervis, <i>History of the Island of Corfù</i>, p. 132.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> A recent Greek writer in the Ὀδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας states, I know not on
-what authority, that, as a reward for their bravery, Schulenburg called Mt
-Abraham at Corfù after the patriarch. The name occurs in Marmora long before
-Schulenburg’s time.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> Leake, <i>Travels in Northern Greece</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 464.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> <i>Leben und Denkwürdigkeiten Johann Mathias Reichsgrafen von der Schulenburg</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">II</span>; Zinkeisen, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 520-31; Daru, <i>Histoire de Venise</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 145-53; Greek
-chronicle of Epeiros printed by Pouqueville, <i>Voyage de la Grèce</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 294-9; Idromenos,
-Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία, pp. 81-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> Two plans, one of the siege, one of the works executed by Schulenburg, are
-in the British Museum, and are reproduced by Jervis, pp. 139, 145.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> Daru, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 159, 171.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 99, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 251-3; Andreades, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 278.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 148. I copied down the dates 1759 and 1778 from two of
-the ruins there.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 686; Daru, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 198-9; Jervis, p. 153.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 701; Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 288.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 150-3; Hazlitt, <i>The Venetian Republic</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 311; Romanin,
-<i>Storia documentata di Venezia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 289-99; Legrand, <i>Bibliothèque grecque
-vulgaire</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 332-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 199-206.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Romanin, <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 134-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Daru, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 221; Saint-Sauveur, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 38-49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> Daru, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> Saint-Sauveur (an eye-witness), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 63 <i>et sqq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Romanin, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 240-5; Rodocanachi, <i>Bonaparte et les Îles Ioniennes</i>, pp. 24, 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> Πολιορκία καὶ ἄλωσις τῆς Μονεμβασίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῷ 1821. Ἀθήνησι, 1874.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> p. 398.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 287; Dorotheos
-of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 397.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Lampros, Μιχαὴλ Ἀκομινάτου, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 137; Niketas, 97, 581-92.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 2065.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> ll. 2630, 2644.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> ll. 2765-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> ll. 2891-6; Romanos, Γρατιανὸς Ζώρζης, 136. The French version of the
-<i>Chronicle</i> omits the Naxian and Cephalonian contingents.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> <i>Epistolæ</i>, vol. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> p. 622; <i>Les Registres d’Innocent IV</i>, vol. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 306, 397.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> <i>La Grèce Continentale</i>, p. 412; Sir T. Wyse, <i>Excursion into the Peloponnesus</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 6. Cf. Tozer in <i>J.H.S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 233-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 1306; <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>, p. 27.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> <i>Les Registres d’Urbain IV</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 100, 341; Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 4534,
-4547, 4580, 4584, 4643, 5026, 5569, 5576.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> <i>Fontes Rerum Austriacarum</i>, Abt. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> B. <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 164, 192-3, 204, 215, 220, 226,
-248.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> <i>Antique Memorie di Cerigo</i>, <i>apud</i> Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 301.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> Sanudo, <i>Istoria del Regno</i>, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 127; <i>Fontes
-Rerum Austriacarum</i>, Abt. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> B. <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 181; Sansovino, <i>Cronologia del Mondo</i>, fol.
-185; Hopf <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXV.</span> 310.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 155-61; Phrantzes, 399, 400; Dorotheos of
-Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν, 400.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>, 363; <i>Libro de los Fechos</i>, 107; Muntaner, <i>Cronaca</i>,
-ch. 117; Bartholomæus de Neocastro and Nicolaus Specialis <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>Rer.
-Ital. Script.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 1185; <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 959.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> Chs. 199, 201.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Thomas, <i>Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 127.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> Phrantzes, 57; Manuel Palaiologos, <i>Theodori Despoti Laudatio Funebris</i>, <i>apud</i>
-Migne, <i>Patrologia Græca</i>, <span class="allsmcap">CLVI.</span> 228-9; Chalkokondyles, 80.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> Hopf, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 79: see <a href="#Appendix1">Appendix</a>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 269; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 181.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> Montfaucon, <i>Palæographia Græca</i>, 81, 89; Ἑλληνομνήμων, 336-46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 171-4; Παρνασσός, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 472-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 258.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> P. 447.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Chalkokondyles, 476, 485; Phrantzes, 396-7; Spandugino (ed. 1551), 44-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Magno, <i>Annali Veneti</i>, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 203-4; <i>Pii II.
-Commentari</i>, 103-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> Phrantzes, 415; Magno, 204; Sathas, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 95; Chalkokondyles, 556. Regina,
-fol. 52, 56 (for a copy of which I am indebted to Mr Horatio F. Brown: see
-Appendix). The actual date is uncertain; Phrantzes and Magno give 1464, and the
-Venetian document above quoted points to that year; but Malatesta’s secretary
-in his account of the war (Sathas, <i>l.c.</i>) puts it in 1463, before the siege of
-Corinth.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> Sanudo, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 703.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 228-30, 238-9, 241; Miklosich und Müller, <i>op. cit.</i>
-<span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 293-309.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 230; Sanudo, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXIX.</span> 482.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Feyerabend, <i>Reyssbuch des Heyligen Lands</i>, fol. 182; Faber, <i>Evagatorium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span>
-314. The name was so long preserved that a wine-shop in Venetian dialect was
-called “Malvasia.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> Sanudo, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 714; <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 536; <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> 669; <span class="allsmcap">XXV.</span> 64; <span class="allsmcap">XXIX.</span> 402; <span class="allsmcap">XXXI.</span>
-227; <span class="allsmcap">XXXV.</span> 363; <span class="allsmcap">XLIV.</span> 475; <span class="allsmcap">LV.</span> 296; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> Sanudo, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 349; <span class="allsmcap">XXXIII.</span> 366; Sathas, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 224, 227, 229, 234;
-Lamansky, <i>Les Secrets de l’État de Venise</i>, p. 659; Feyerabend, <i>op. cit.</i> fol. 112.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 236, 238.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> Paruta, <i>Historia Venetiana</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 451-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> Lami, <i>Deliciæ Eruditorum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 203; Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 310-3, 320-1, 335,
-344, 377-8, 441-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 342, 413, 450, 454.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 396; Meliarakes, Οἰκογένεια Μαμωνᾶ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Litta, <i>Le famiglie celebri italiane</i>, vol. v. Plate XIV.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> <i>Epistolæ Innocentii III</i> (ed. Baluze), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 477.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> <i>Fontes Rerum Austriacarum</i>, Abt. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> B. <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 201, 213, 218, 222; <i>Recueil des
-Historiens des Croisades</i>. <i>Documents Arméniens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 508.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 1559, 3187; <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>, 102; <i>Libro
-de los Fechos</i>, 25, 26; <i>Cronaca di Morea</i>, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 424;
-Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 461; Sanudo, <i>Istoria
-del Regno di Romania</i>, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>op. cit.</i> 100.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> Canciani, <i>Barbarorum Leges Antiquæ</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 507; Muntaner, <i>Cronaca</i>, ch. 261.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> <i>Archivio storico italiano</i>, Ser. IV. <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 433.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> Rubió y Lluch, <i>Los Navarros en Grecia</i>, 482.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> <i>Epistolæ Innocentii III</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 265.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> Rubió y Lluch, <i>op. cit.</i> 481.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> Cairels <i>apud</i> Buchon, <i>Histoire des Conquêtes</i>, 449; Henri de Valenciennes <i>apud</i>
-Buchon, <i>Recherches et Matériaux</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 203, 205-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> <i>Epistolæ Innocentii III</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 261-2, 264, 477, 835-7; <i>Honorii III Opera</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span>, 414.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> Raynaldi <i>Annales Ecclesiastici</i> (ed. 1747), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 492.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> <i>Regesta Honorii III</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 96, 167, 207, 333.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 478; and <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <i>Allgemeine
-Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXV.</span> 276.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 3196-3201, 3295-6, 4613; <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>,
-119, 160; <i>Cronaca di Morea</i>, 438-9; <i>Libro de los Fechos</i>, 56, 75.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> <i>Fontes Rerum Austriacarum</i>, Abt. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> B. <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 201, 213, 218, 222.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> Litta, <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 7915; <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>, 260.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> Hopf, <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXV.</span> 321. The
-original document has now been rendered illegible by the damp.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> <i>Le Livre de la Conqueste</i>, 465; <i>Libro de los Fechos</i>, 114.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 120; Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 177; Sanudo, <i>op. cit.</i> 125.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> D’Arbois de Jubainville, <i>Voyage paléographique dans le Département de l’Aube</i>,
-337.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> Sanudo, <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> <i>Archivio Veneto</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> 87, 89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> Raynaldi <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 95; Thomas, <i>Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span>
-120-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> <i>Archivio Veneto</i>, <i>l.c.</i>; Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> f. 97tᵒ. (See <a href="#Appendix2">Appendix</a>.)</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> Rubió y Lluch, <i>l.c.</i>; Çurita, <i>Anales de la Corona de Aragon</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> f. 537.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> f. 71; <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> f. 10; <span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> ff. 37tᵒ, 40; <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> ff. 26, 30tᵒ, 46tᵒ; <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span>
-53tᵒ, 63, 102tᵒ, 103 (see <a href="#Appendix2">Appendix</a>); Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> p. 153.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> <i>Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 160; Predelli,
-<i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 181; Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XXVII.</span> f. 3; <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> f. 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> Orbini, <i>Regno degli Slavi</i>, 271.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> Raynaldi <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 224; Jauna, <i>Histoire générale des royaumes de Chypre,
-etc.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 882.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> Rubió y Lluch, <i>op. cit.</i> 436, 482; Çurita, <i>l.c.</i>; Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XXXIV.</span> f. 88tᵒ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 230.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XLI.</span> f. 58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a> Thomas and Predelli, <i>Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 292; <i>Revue de
-l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 295, 302.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 210.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> p. 310 (given in full by Lampros, Ἔγγραφα
-ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, 399).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 145.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 119; Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 431; <i>Monumenta spectantia
-historiam Slavorum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 90-91; Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XLVIII.</span> ff. 143, 148.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 513; Thomas and Predelli, <i>op. cit.</i> 203.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 119; Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> 430-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 270-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> Sanudo and Navagero, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>S.R.I.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 890, <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 1080; Cronaca
-di Amadeo Valier (Cod. Cicogna, N. 297), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> f. 259; <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 546.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Sanudo and Navagero, <i>ibid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 911, <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 1081; <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 196.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 429-30; Hopf, <i>Dissertazione documentata sulla storia di
-Karystos</i> (tr. Sardagna, 91-5).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> <i>La Grèce continentale et la Morée</i>, 286.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> <i>Sigillographie</i>, 177.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> Γεωγραφία τοῦ νομοῦ Κεφαλληνίας, pp. 153, 190.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> Pertz, <i>Monumenta Germaniæ historica</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> <i>Gesta Regis Ricardi</i>, Rolls Series, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 197-200, 203-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> <i>Libro de los fechos</i> (Aragonese version of “The Chronicle of the Morea”),
-pp. 53-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> A. Dandolo <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>Rer. Ital. Script.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 336; <i>Misti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> fol. 17, quoted
-in <i>Archivio Veneto</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> 93.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> Albericus Trium Fontium, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 558.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 44.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> Tafel und Thomas, <i>Fontes Rerum Austriacarum</i>, Abt. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> B. <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> p. 215.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> Riccio, <i>Saggio di Codice Diplomatico, Supplemento</i>, pt <span class="allsmcap">I.</span>, p. 87; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων,
-<span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 415.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 139.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> Hopf, <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> <i>Dell’ Origine dei Principi Turchi</i> (ed. 1551), pp. 12, 26, 27, 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> Buchon, <i>Nouvelles Recherches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> i. 319; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 351, 352; Magno <i>apud</i> Hopf,
-<i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, p. 196.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> p. 57 (ed. Sinner).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> Jorga, “Notes et Extraits pour servir à l’Histoire des Croisades,” in <i>Revue de
-l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 84.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> <i>Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum</i>, p. v.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> Hopf, <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 160; Meliarakes, <i>op. cit.</i> 150.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a> Lunzi, <i>Della condizione politica delle Isole Ionie</i>, p. 190.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 215-6; cf. Lunzi, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 197.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 157; Meliarakes, <i>op. cit.</i> 191; Sanudo, <i>Diarii</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 883, 1009.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> Karavias, Ἱστορία τῆς νήσου Ἰθάκης ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαιοτάτων χρόνων μεχρὶ τοῦ 1849.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 285.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> De la Ville, <i>Napoli Nobilissima</i> (1900), xii. 180-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> <i>Geschichte Griechenlands</i> in Ersch und Gruber’s <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 170, 173, 177, and 179; <i>Geschichte der Insel Andros</i>, p. 128.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> <i>Geschichte Griechenlands</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 26, 39, 190.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 14; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 145, 163, 168, 178; <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 181.
-Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 278, 354.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> Library of St Mark, Venice, <span class="allsmcap">MS.</span> Ital. Cl. <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 286, vol. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> ff. 94, 95.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> Predelli, <i>Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 236, 238.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> Lamansky, <i>Secrets de l’État de Venise</i>, p. 58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 451.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 245.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> <i>Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs de l’Archipel</i>, p. 296.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> Lamansky, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 641-2, 651 <i>et sqq.</i>; Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 310-40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> <i>M. C. Scrutinio alle voci</i>, vols. <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> and <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, pp. 373-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> <i>L’Isole le più famose del Mondo</i>, p. 77.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a> P. 206.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> <i>Relatione della Rep. Venetiana</i>, pp. 18-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a> <i>Voyage de Levant</i>, pp. 348-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> <i>Viaggio di Levante</i> (Ital. tr.), p. 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> <i>Relation d’un Voyage</i>, p. 196.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> <i>L’Archipelago</i>, p. 42.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> Vol. <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> p. 687.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> <i>Voyage</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 145-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> <i>Journey into Greece</i>, pp. 62-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> <i>Viaggio all’ Arcipelago</i>, p. 68.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> <i>The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago</i>, pp. 14-20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> <i>L’Egeo Redivivo</i>, pp. 331-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> <i>Naukeurige Beschryving</i> (French tr.), pp. 267, 354.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> <i>Voyage du Levant</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 108.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> Vols. <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> to <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> Delle <i>Notizie Storiche della Lega</i>, p. 41.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> Greek mediæval scholars, owing to the disturbed political conditions, have
-scarcely had time since Salonika became Greek to continue the historical studies of
-Tafel, Papageorgiou, and Tafrali—for even the last composed his two valuable
-treatises on the topography of Salonika and its history in the fourteenth century
-early in 1912, therefore before the reconversion of the mosques into churches and
-while the city was still Turkish. But the well-known mediævalist. Professor
-Adamantiou, has already written a handbook on Byzantine Thessalonika, Ἡ Βυζαντινὴ
-Θεσσαλονίκη (Athens, 1914); M. Risal has popularised the story of this “Coveted
-City,” <i>La Ville convoitée</i> (3rd ed., Paris, 1917); K. Zesiou, the epigraphist, has
-examined the Christian monuments; the late Professor Lampros published “eight
-letters” of its Metropolitan Isidore, who flourished towards the end of the fourteenth
-century; and K. Kugeas has edited the note-book of an official of the archbishopric
-who was at Salonika between 1419 and 1425, a few years before its conquest by the
-Turks. See Πρακτικὰ τῆς ... Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ 1913, pp. 119-57; Νέος
-Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 343-414; <i>Byz. Zeitschr.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 144-63.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> Migne, <i>Patr. Gr.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">CXVI.</span> 1116, 1169, 1173, 1185 (where “Maximian Herculius”
-of the text is corrected to Galerius, the younger Maximian).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> Akropolites (ed. Teubner), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 82.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> Adamantiou, 49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> <i>A History of the Eastern Empire</i>, pp. 381-401, 485-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> ii. 451.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 529, 531-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> Migne, <i>Patr. Gr.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">CX.</span> 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> Kameniates, pp. 491, 519; Theodore Studita, in Migne, <i>Patr. Gr.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XCIX.</span> 917.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> An inscription found in 1874 confirms Kameniates: <i>Byz. Zeitschr.</i> <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 151-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> Schlumberger, <i>Sigillographie</i>, pp. 102-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> Ellissen, <i>Analekten</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 46-53.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> Tafel, <i>De Thessalonica</i>, p. 474.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> Eustathios (ed. Bonn), p. 449.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> Eustathios, p. 452.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> Niketas, pp. 384-401, 471.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> Salonika was still Lombard in May 1223: Pitra, <i>Analecta sacra et classica</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 335-8, 577.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a> <i>Mission au Mont Athos</i>, p. 64; Wroth, <i>Catalogue of the Coins of the Vandals</i>,
-pp. 193-203; Schlumberger, <i>Mélanges d’Archéologie byzantine</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> Migne, <i>Patr. Gr.</i> <span class="allsmcap">CIX.</span> 644.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 234, 393, 568-82; Nikephoros Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 673-5, 740, 795; Kydones, in
-Migne, <i>Patr. Gr.</i> <span class="allsmcap">CIX.</span> 649; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> pp. viii-xxxvi.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> Müller, <i>Byz. Analekten</i> in <i>Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 394;
-Chalkokondyles, pp. 47, 174; Phrantzes, p. 47; Doukas, pp. 50, 199; <i>Diplomatarium
-Veneto-Levantinum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 291; Βυζαντίς, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 234.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> Doukas, p. 197; Phrantzes, pp. 64, 122; Chalkokondyles, p. 205; Sathas,
-Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 133-50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 257.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> Perhaps the name is a reminiscence of the bishop of Samaria, to whom Mount
-Athos belonged from 1206 to 1210: Innocent III, Epp. <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 192.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> p. 235; Anagnostes; Phrantzes, pp. 90, 155; Doukas, pp. 199-201; <i>Byz.
-Zeitschr.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 148, 152; Ν. Ἑλλ., <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 369-91.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> Nikephoros Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 29; Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et Diplomata</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 125.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> <i>Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 227-9; <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 791-809;
-Dandolo, <i>Chronicon</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 370.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 371; M. da Canal, <i>La Cronique des Veneciens</i>, in <i>Archivio Storico
-Italiano</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 488; <i>Annales Januenses</i>, <i>apud</i> Pertz, <i>M.G.H. Script.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 245.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 500-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> Ogerii Panis, <i>Annales</i>, <i>apud</i> Pertz, <i>ibid.</i> 119; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 805.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> <i>Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Documents Arméniens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 747; Lanfranci
-Pignolli, etc. <i>Annales</i>, <i>apud</i> Pertz, <i>ibid.</i> 249.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> Pachymeres, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 420; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 558; Nikephoros Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 526; Sanudo, <i>Istoria del
-Regno di Romania</i>, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 146; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXXI.</span> ii. 37 n²;
-M. Giustiniani, <i>La Scio Sacra del rito Latino</i>, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> Doukas, 161-2; Friar Jordanus, <i>Mirabilia descripta</i> (tr. H. Yule), 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> Genoese document of April 25, 1288, in Pandette Richeriane, fogliazzo <span class="allsmcap">II.</span>
-fasc. 25, cp. Appendix.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> Sanudo, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>op. cit.</i> 133; <i>Documents Arméniens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 789; Carini,
-<i>Ricordi del Vespro</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 4; Ptolomæi Lucensis <i>Historia Ecclesiastica</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori,
-<i>R.I.S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 1186.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> J. Aurie <i>Annales Januenses</i>, <i>apud</i> Pertz, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 307-8, 312, 315-8,
-322-4, 336-7, 340, 344; <i>Documents Arméniens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 745-54; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 795-6, 801-2, 827;
-<i>Liber Jurium Reipublicæ Genuensis</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 275; <i>Notices et extraits des Manuscripts de la
-Bibliothèque du Roi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 41-52.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> Mas Latrie, <i>Histoire de l’Île de Chypre</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 129.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> J. a Varagine <i>Chronicon Genuense</i>; F. Pipini <i>Chronicon</i>; and R. Caresini
-<i>Continuatio</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 56, 743; <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 406.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> Sanudo, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>op. cit.</i> 146.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> Raynaldi <i>Annales Ecclesiastici</i> (ed. 1749), <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 319; <i>Les Registres de Boniface
-VIII</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 290-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> Pachymeres, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 436, 510, 558; Muntaner, <i>Cronaca</i>, ch. 117; <i>Le Livre de la
-Conqueste</i>, 362; <i>Libro de los Fechos</i>, 107; B. de Neocastro <i>Historia Sicula</i>, <i>apud</i>
-Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 1186.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 370; N. Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 438.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> Muntaner, <i>op. cit.</i> ch. 234; J. Aurie <i>Annales</i>, <i>apud</i> Pertz, <i>M.G.H.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 315;
-<i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXXI.</span> ii. p. xxxvii. n¹.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 73-5; <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 322; <i>Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia e Belle Arti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span>
-361-2; B. Senaregae <i>De Rebus Genuensibus Commentaria</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i>
-<span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> 559.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> Muntaner, <i>l.c.</i>; Pachymeres, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 638; Giomo, <i>Lettere di Collegio</i>, p. 96.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 371.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a> G. Adae <i>De modo Sarracenos extirpandi</i>, in <i>Documents Arméniens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 531-3,
-537, 542, who makes them “sons of Paleologo”; <i>Jean XXII, Lettres Communes</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 302.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> <i>Secreta Fidelium Crucis</i> and <i>Epistolæ</i>, <i>apud</i> Bongars, <i>Gesta Dei per Francos</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 30, 298.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> Brocardus, <i>Directorium ad passagium faciendum</i>, in <i>Documents Arméniens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span>
-457-8, makes Martino “nephew of the late Benedetto.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> Schlumberger, <i>Numismatique de l’Orient latin</i>, 413-5; <i>Supplément</i>, 16; Pls.
-XIV, XXI; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα τῶν ἀδελφῶν Μαρτίνου καὶ Βενεδίκτου Β’ Ζαχαρίων,
-δυναστῶν τῆς Χίου, 1314-1329, pp. 9-13; <i>ibid.</i> Μεσαιωνικὰ νομίσματα τῶν δυναστῶν τῆς
-Χίου, 6-11, Pl. I; Promis, <i>La Zecca di Scio</i>, 34-6, Pl. I.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> <i>Libro de los Fechos</i>, 137.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> Minieri Riccio, <i>Saggio di Codice diplomatico</i>. <i>Supplemento</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 75-7, where the
-year “<span class="allsmcap">MCCCXV</span>” will not tally with “Indictionis octavæ” (= 1325). Gittio (<i>Lo
-Scettro del Despota</i>, 18) gives both correctly.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> Raynaldi <i>Annales Ecclesiastici</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 95; <i>Archivio Veneto</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> 87, 89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> Schlumberger, <i>op. cit.</i> 326, 415-6, Pls. XII-XIII; Promis, <i>La Zecca di Scio</i>,
-36-7, Pl. I; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα, 13-15; Μεσαιωνικὰ νομίσματα, 12-14, Pl. I;
-Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα καὶ μολυβδόβουλλα τῶν κατὰ τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας δυναστῶν τῆς Ἑλλάδος,
-31-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 370-91; N. Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 438-9; Phrantzes, 38; Chalkokondyles,
-521-2; Friar Jordanus, <i>op cit.</i> 57; Ludolphi <i>De Itinere Terræ Sanctæ</i>, 23-4;
-<i>Continuazione della Cronaca di Jacopo da Varagine</i>, in <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 510; Brocardus, <i>l.c.</i>;
-<i>Archives de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 274.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> <i>Benoît XII, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 182-3; Ludolphi <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> <i>Clément VI, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 150, 171, 182, 431-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> Raynaldi <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 342-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 582-3; Caresini <i>op. cit.</i>; Cortusii Patavini duo; G. Villani,
-<i>Historie Fiorentine</i>, and Stellae <i>Annales Genuenses</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 417,
-914; <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 918; <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 1081; Folieta, <i>Clarorum Ligurum Elogia</i>, 90.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> Doukas, 162-3; Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 388-90, 476-95; N. Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 525-31,
-534-5, 553; Phrantzes, 38; Chalkokondyles, 521; Friar Jordanus, <i>op. cit.</i> 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> P. Lampros, Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα, 69-70, 72.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> Jerosme Justinian, <i>La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios, ou Chios</i>,
-part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 19; part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 166; Boschini, <i>L’Arcipelago</i>, pp. 72, 74; Piacenza, <i>L’Egeo
-Redivivo</i>, pp. 200, 216; Coronelli, <i>Isola di Rodi</i>, p. 360. To this occupation of Ikaria
-refers the ballad in <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 293-300.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> G. Stellae <i>Annales Genuenses</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>Rer. Ital. Script.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 1086-90;
-Uberti Folietæ <i>Historiæ Genuensis Libri xii</i> (Genoa, 1585), fo. 137-8ᵛ; 313ᵛ;
-Ag. Giustiniani, <i>Castigatissimi Annali della eccelsa &amp; Illustrissima Republi. di
-Genoa</i> (Genoa, 1537), <span class="allsmcap">CXXXIIⱽ-IVⱽ</span>; P. Interiano, <i>Ristretto delle Historie Genovesi</i>
-(Genoa, <i>s.a.</i>), fo. 107ᵛ-8ᵛ; <i>Documenti</i>, <i>apud</i> Pagano, <i>Delle Imprese e del Dominio
-dei Genovesi nella Grecia</i>, pp. 261-70; Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 583-4; Nikephoros Gregoras,
-<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 765-7; Chalkokondyles, p. 522.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> Comte de Mas Latrie, <i>Histoire de l’Île de Chypre</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 366-70; Promis, <i>La Zecca
-di Scio</i>, 14 n². <i>Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXXV.</span> 52, 210; Rhodokanakes,
-Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 8-9, n. 15; J. Justinian, part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 143; <i>Araldica e
-Diritto</i> (Jan. 1915), p. 46.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> <i>Documenti</i>, <i>apud</i> Pagano, pp. 271-85; <i>Liber Iurium Reipublicæ Genuensis</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span>
-(<i>Historiæ Patriæ Monumenta</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span>), 558-72, 1498-1512.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> Promis, p. 39.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> <span class="allsmcap">XIX.</span> 140-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> Schlumberger, <i>Numismatique de l’Orient latin</i>, pp. 422 f. and Plate XIV, 19,
-25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> <i>Liber Iurium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 714-20; <i>Documenti</i>, <i>apud</i> Pagano, 285-91.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> Stella, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 1217-20; Folieta, <i>op. cit.</i> fo. 531; Ag. Giustiniani. <i>op. cit.</i>
-<span class="allsmcap">CLXXIIⱽ.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> <i>Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 81-4; Nikephoros Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 842, 851.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> Vlastos, Χιακά, 228-31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> G. Stella, p. 1091; Raphayni Caresini <i>Continuatio Chronicorum Andreæ Danduli</i>,
-<i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>Rer. Ital. Script.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 420-1; Sanudo, <i>Vite de’ Duchi di Venezia</i>,
-<i>ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 621-2; Matteo Villani, <i>Istorie</i>, <i>ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 117-18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> <i>Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 198; J. Justinian, part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 165;
-J. Stellae, <i>Annales Ianuenses</i>, in <i>Rer. Ital. Script.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 1307-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> Chalkokondyles, p. 519.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 20, 353-4; <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 222, 231, 260-2, 996-7; Doukas, p. 314.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> Doukas, pp. 322-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> Veneroso, <i>Genio Ligure risvegliato, Prove</i>, p. 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 94-6, 480-7; <i>The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua</i>
-(transl. Bialloblotzky), p. 289.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 761, 767.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> <i>Annual of the Brit. School at Athens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> (1909-10) 154-5; Χιακὰ Χρονικά.
-(Athens, 1914), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 127.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> Thuani, <i>Historiarum sui temporis Libri cxxxviii.</i> (ed. 1620), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 368-70; Bosio,
-<i>Dell’ Istoria della Sacra Religione et illᵐᵃ Militia di San Giovanni Gierosolimitano</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 757-9; Luccari, <i>Copioso Ristretto degli Annali di Rausa</i>, p. 147; A. Mauroceni,
-<i>Historia Veneta</i>, p. 335; Rhodokanakes, facing <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 359.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> Vlastos, Χιακά, 232-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> <i>Ann. of Brit. School at Athens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> 146.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> F. W. Hasluck, <i>ibid.</i> pp. 137-84.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> J. Justinian, part <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 116-18.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> P. Belon du Mans, <i>Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses memorables</i>
-(Paris, 1588), pp. 185-7; N. de Nicolay, <i>Les navigations, peregrinations et
-voyages, faicts en la Turquie</i> (Antwerp, 1576), pp. 66-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 76.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> Belon, p. 186.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a> N. de Nicolay, p. 67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> Targioni Tozzetti, <i>Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse parti della Toscana</i>
-(ed. 2), <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 436; J. Justinian, part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 71-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> Pp. 43-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> Published by G. Porro-Lambertenghi in <i>Miscellanea di Storia Italiana</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span>
-541-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> Tozzetti, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 454.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> Thevet in <i>Ann. of Brit. School at Athens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> 183-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> J. Justinian, part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 34-7; M. Giustiniani, <i>La Scio Sacra del Rito Latino</i>, pp.
-15-16, 78-88; E. Alexandrides in Χιακὰ Χρονικά (Athens, 1911), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 10-17;
-Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 90-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 260-4; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 563-8; J. Justinian, part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span>
-82.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> J. Justinian, part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 31-3; part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 170-1; Thevet in <i>Ann. of Brit. School at
-Athens</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> 183</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> <i>Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 296; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 1, 396; <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 343; <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span>
-241-51; <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> 522, 543, 545-50, 805-6; <span class="allsmcap">XXXIV.</span> 157, 253, 268, 322, 326, 345; <i>Les
-Registres de Boniface VIII</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 222-3; <i>Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia e Belle
-Arti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 218; <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 3-13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> Doukas, 40-3, 46; Nikephoros Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 554; Chalkokondyles, 520;
-Kritoboulos: lib. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> c. 13; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 39; M. Villani, <i>Istorie</i>,
-and G. Stellae, <i>Annales Genuenses</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 447; <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 1094;
-Pii II <i>Commentarii</i>, 245; Ag. Giustiniano, <i>Annali della Repubblica di Genova</i> (ed.
-1854), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 95; P. Bizari, <i>Senatus populique Genuensis ... historiæ</i>, 134; U. Folietæ,
-<i>Historiæ Genuensium libri XII</i> (ed. 1585), 141-2; <i>Clarorum Ligurum Elogia</i> (ed.
-1573), 97-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> Servion, <i>Gestez et chroniques de la Mayson de Savoye</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 138-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> M. Villani, <i>Istorie</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 447.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> N. Gregoras, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 503-4, 565.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> Servion, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 138-9, 143.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> Phrantzes, 48.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> Misti, <span class="allsmcap">XXVIII.</span> f. 73 (Doc. of Sept. 20, 1358).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> Predelli, <i>I Libri Commemoriali della Repubblica di Venezia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 266; <i>Giornale
-Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 84-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> Predelli, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 156 (Documents of Jan. 11, 14, 1382).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> Raynaldi <i>Annales ecclesiastici</i> (ed. 1752), <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 19, 172; Innocentii VI
-Epistolæ secretæ, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> f. 164 (Reg. Vat. 238). Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 474-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> Raynaldi <i>op. cit.</i> 224. The invitation to Francesco, otherwise practically
-identical with that to John V, contains the important variant, that the Turkish
-race “tam potenter tamque fortiter <i>terram tuam ... obsidet</i>.” Gregorii XI Secret.
-Anno <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> ff. 85-6 (Reg. Vat. 268). Jauna, <i>Histoire générale des roiaumes de Chypre ...
-etc.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 882.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> Raynaldi <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 249; Wadding, <i>Annales Ordinis Minorum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 289;
-Gregorii XI Secret. Anno <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> f. 63 (Reg. Vat. 270).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 433, 513, 531;
-<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 129-30, 159, 212, 250, 252-3, 255-6, 264-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> Libri Bullarum, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> (1365-6), f. 270ᵛ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> Chalkokondyles, 520-1; Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> c. 13</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 86-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> Hasluck in <i>B.S.A.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 262; Conze, <i>Reise auf der Insel Lesbos</i>, 5; Newton,
-<i>Travels and Discoveries in the Levant</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 115.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 39-40, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 144, 344; <i>Narrative of the Embassy of
-Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, at Samarkand</i>, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1403-6 (tr.
-Markham), 23; Bondelmonti, <i>Liber Insularum Archipelagi</i> (ed. de Sinner), 115.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 169, 953-67.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> Bauyn, <i>Mémoires du voiage fait en Hongrie</i>, f. 351-2; Froissart, <i>Chroniques</i>
-(ed. K. de Lettenhove), <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 345, 347. The relationship was as follows:</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
-  <img class="w100" src="images/tree4.jpg" alt="" />
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> <i>Le Livre des faicts du bon Messire Jean le Maingre dit Boucicaut</i> (ed. Paris,
-1825), part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> ch. 28; Delaville le Roulx, <i>La France en Orient au XIVᵉ siècle</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 33
-(Doc. of April 15, 1397).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 34-5, 48, 91-3; Froissart, <i>Chroniques</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> 38, 40, 261 (Doc. of June
-24, 1397); Doukas, 52-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> Bauyn, <i>Mémoires du voiage</i>, f. 35; Froissart, <i>Chroniques</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> 41-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> <i>Le Livre des faicts</i>, part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> ch. 28; Froissart, <i>Chroniques</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> 46, 48-50. Le
-Roulx, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 43-5 (Doc. of Aug. 10, 1397).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 248-51.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> <i>Le Livre des faicts</i>, part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> ch. 31; <i>Narrative</i>, 24.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 93; Constantine the Philosopher, <i>Life of Stephen
-Lazarevich</i> in <i>Glasnik</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XLII.</span> 279; <i>Archiv für slavische Philologie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 429.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> Doukas, 75-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> <i>Narrative</i>, 23-4; <i>Mélanges historiques. Choix de documents</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 174.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> <i>Le Livre des faicts</i>, part <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> chs. 14, 31; Le Roulx, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 484 n¹; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 189.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> <i>Narrative</i>, 22-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> Gioffredo, <i>Storia delle Alpi Marittime</i>, in <i>Monumenta Historiæ Patriæ</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span>
-1001-2, 1077.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 89-90, 217.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 219.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> <i>Bibliotheca Carmelitana</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 943; Fontana, <i>Sacrum Theatrum Dominicanum</i>,
-238; Sp. P. Lampros, <i>Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts on Mount Athos</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 305.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 140, 234, 338.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> Noiret, <i>Documents inédits pour servir à l’histoire de la domination vénitienne en
-Crète de 1380 à 1485</i>, pp. 107, 127.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 40; <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 341. From <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 219, it
-has been assumed that he was still alive on May 25, 1409; but the Greek is confirmed
-by Noiret, <i>Documents</i>, 161, where Nicolò is described as regent on April 4,
-1405, and by Libri Bullarum, <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> (1409-16) f. 194ᵛ, where Jacopo is addressed
-as “lord of Mytilene” on April 12, 1409.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> Bondelmonti, <i>Liber Insularum</i>, 115.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> Noiret, <i>Documents</i>, p. 161; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 127;
-<i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 279-80, 282.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> Innocent VII. Ann. <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> Lib. Mist. ff. 53-4. Bened. XIII. Avin. t. <span class="allsmcap">XL.</span> ff. 157-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> Probably between April 12 and May 25. <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 217-9; Libri
-Bullarum, <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> Inscription at Ænos, <i>B.S.A.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 251, 254: Χριστιανικῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας
-Δελτίον, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 16.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> Lib. <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> c. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 43-4; <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 24-5; Noiret, <i>Documents</i>, 230-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 176, 188, 315.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571" class="label">[571]</a> Libri Bullarum, <span class="allsmcap">XXIV.</span> (1409-16).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572" class="label">[572]</a> Doukas, 106, 108; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 118-20; <i>Revue</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 574; <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 193.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573" class="label">[573]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 219-20.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574" class="label">[574]</a> Between March 13, 1426 (probably after May 11, 1428) and October 14, 1428.
-<i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 219-20; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 86-7. Hopf’s assumption that it was Jacopo
-who was killed in the fall of the tower must be wrong, because Bondelmonti,
-writing in 1422, speaks of that event as having occurred <i>meis diebus</i>. The allusion
-to the lord of Foglia Vecchia as a distinct person in the document of May 11, 1428,
-indicates that Jacopo was still alive.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575" class="label">[575]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 40, 492; <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 95; Gioffredo, <i>op. cit.</i> 1077; Anselme,
-<i>Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la Maison de France</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 501.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576" class="label">[576]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 114.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577" class="label">[577]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 347; Bertrandon de la Brocquière, <i>Le Voyage d’Outremer</i>
-in <i>Recueil de Voyages et de Documents</i> (ed. Ch. Schefer), <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 173-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578" class="label">[578]</a> <i>B.S.A.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 258.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579" class="label">[579]</a> <i>B.S.A.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 254-6; Χρ. Ἀρχ. Ἑτ. Δελτίον, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 13, 16-7, 19-20, 29-30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580" class="label">[580]</a> <i>l.c.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581" class="label">[581]</a> Conze, <i>Reise auf den Inseln des Thrakischen Meeres</i>, 55-6; Pl. II. 7, 8; <i>Athenische
-Mitteilungen</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXXIV.</span> 26-7; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 341.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582" class="label">[582]</a> Tozzetti, <i>Relazioni d’alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse parti della Toscana</i> (ed. 1773),
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 452.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583" class="label">[583]</a> <i>Joannis Canabutzæ magistri ad principem Æni et Samothraces in Dionysium
-Halicarnassensem commentarius</i>, 2, 14; <i>B.S.A.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> 256.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584" class="label">[584]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 44.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585" class="label">[585]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 220-1; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 86-9; <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 314-5; <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 371-2; <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 96.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586" class="label">[586]</a> <i>Documenti diplomatici tratti dagli Archivj Milanesi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 49 n¹.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587" class="label">[587]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 90-3, 292-6, 313-4, 316; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 265; <i>Revue de
-l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 112.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588" class="label">[588]</a> Chalkokondyles, 462; Pero Tafur, <i>Andanças é viajes</i> in <i>Colleccion de libros
-españoles raros ó curiosos</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 159, 187; <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 292-3; Lampros,
-<i>Catalogue</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 305. A Genoese document (<i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 67), proves that
-Alexios IV died in 1429, not, as usually assumed, <i>c.</i> 1445.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589" class="label">[589]</a> Phrantzes, 191.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590" class="label">[590]</a> Stefano Magno <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 199.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591" class="label">[591]</a> Phrantzes, 193-5; Chalkokondyles, 306; <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 75;
-<i>Ekthesis Chronica</i>, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592" class="label">[592]</a> <i>Description des Îles de l’Archipel</i> (ed. Legrand), 92; Phrantzes, 96; <i>Ath. Mitt.</i>
-<span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 119 n³.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593" class="label">[593]</a> Conze, <i>Reise auf den Inseln</i>, 37, Pl. III, 4; Libri Bullarum, <span class="allsmcap">XXXIV.</span> (1432-3),
-f. 112.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594" class="label">[594]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 24-5; Tozzetti, <i>Relazioni</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 436.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595" class="label">[595]</a> Tozzetti, <i>Relazioni</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 449, 451; De Rossi, <i>Inscriptiones Christianæ Urbis
-Romæ</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 372 n⁴; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 983.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596" class="label">[596]</a> Tozzetti, <i>Relazioni</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 435-6, 447, 451-2; Pero Tafur, in <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 134, 187.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597" class="label">[597]</a> Colucci, <i>Delle Antichità Picene</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> pp. cxxxiii, cxxxvii-cxli; Codex Vat.
-lat. 5250, ff. 11-13, 15-17 (mostly published in <i>Ath. Mitt.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 115-7); Ciriaci
-Anconitani codex (in Biblioteca Capitolare of Treviso), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 138, f. 152ᵛ <i>et seqq.</i></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598" class="label">[598]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> f. 152 <i>et sqq.</i>; Colucci, <i>Delle Antichità</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XV.</span> p. cxxxii; Tozzetti, <i>Relazioni</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 459; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 341-2; De Rossi, <i>Inscriptiones</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 370 n¹;
-<i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 53, 384.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599" class="label">[599]</a> Conze, Hauser und Niemann, <i>Archaeologische Untersuchungen auf Samothrake</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 1 n¹, 2, 16, Pls. IV-VIII, LXII; vol. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> Pl. IX; Conze, <i>Reise auf den Inseln</i>, 62,
-Pl. XII; Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 14; <i>Annali dell’ Instituto</i> (1842), <span class="allsmcap">XIV.</span> 141 and <i>tav.
-d’agg.</i> p. 3, where the date should be, ͵ϛϡξγʹ = 1454/5; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span>
-94; <i>Ath. Mitt.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXXIV.</span> 28.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600" class="label">[600]</a> Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 11, published by Ziebarth, <i>Eine Inschriftenhandschrift
-der Hamburger Stadtbibliothek</i>, 15; <i>Ath. Mitt.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 361; <span class="allsmcap">XXXI.</span> 405-8; Conze, <i>Reise
-auf den Inseln</i>, 82, Pl. III, 5, 9, 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601" class="label">[601]</a> Tozzetti, <i>Relazioni</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 435; Moschides, Ἡ Λῆμνος, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 168.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602" class="label">[602]</a> Leonardi Chiensis, <i>De vera nobilitate</i>, 55; <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 427.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603" class="label">[603]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 54; <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 347-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604" class="label">[604]</a> Chalkokondyles, 519. But Ænos was described in 1457 as <i>semper in servitute
-Teucrorum</i> (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 366).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605" class="label">[605]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 295-6; <i>Revue</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 43.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606" class="label">[606]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 350; <i>Revue</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 29, 65; Chalkokondyles, 519. Folietæ
-<i>Clarorum Ligurum Elogia</i> (ed. 1573), 97-8; B. Campofulgosi <i>Exemplorum, hoc est,
-dictorum factorumque memorabilium ... lib. IX</i> (ed. Bâle), 328 (who makes her the
-wife of Luchino); Æneæ Sylvii, <i>Opera ... omnia</i>, 355-6 (who calls the heroine a
-virgin, and who heard the story told in 1455 by the bishop of Caffa, who had heard
-it in Lesbos). Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 317-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607" class="label">[607]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 247.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608" class="label">[608]</a> Phrantzes, 327.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609" class="label">[609]</a> Doukas, 266.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610" class="label">[610]</a> Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> cc. 74-5; Doukas, 314, 328; Magno <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>,
-198-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611" class="label">[611]</a> Pp. 321-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612" class="label">[612]</a> Doukas, 326, 328-35; Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> c. 5; Campofulgosi <i>Exemplorum</i>,
-526; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, 26; Ag. Giustiniani, <i>Annali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 384;
-<i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 354.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613" class="label">[613]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 349-50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614" class="label">[614]</a> Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> cc. 11-16; <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 24; Doukas, 335; Chalkokondyles, 469;
-Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 25; <i>Ecthesis Chronica</i>, 17-18. Sa’d al-Dīn (tr. Bratutti),
-<i>Chronica dell’ origine e progressi di casa Ottomana</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 168; Hadji Khalfa, <i>Cronologia
-historica</i> (tr. Carli), 130; Hammer, <i>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches</i> (ed. 1828),
-<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 20 nᵃ; Conze, <i>Reise auf den Inseln</i>, 82, Pl. III, 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615" class="label">[615]</a> Doukas, 335-7; Chalkokondyles, 469.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616" class="label">[616]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 353-5; Raynaldi <i>Annales</i>, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 56, 59, 61-2; Reg. Vat.
-443, f. 140.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617" class="label">[617]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 231.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618" class="label">[618]</a> Guglielmotti, <i>Storia della Marina Pontificia</i>, 260 n; Æneæ Sylvii <i>Opera ...
-omnia</i> (ed. Bâle), 370.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619" class="label">[619]</a> Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> c. 23; Doukas, 338; Chalkokondyles, 469; the two last
-say that Imbros was also captured in 1456—a statement contradicted not only by
-Kritoboulos, but by the omission of Imbros from the list of papal islands in <i>Atti</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 937-8 and in Raynaldi <i>Annales</i>, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 88, which shows that the capture of the
-other three took place before Dec. 31, 1456. Pius II’s letter (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων,
-<span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 113) shows that Imbros was “still under the rule of the infidels” in 1459.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620" class="label">[620]</a> Doukas, 338; Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> c. 10; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 800; Raynaldi, <i>Annales</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 111; Chalkokondyles, 519; Letter of Scarampi to Gaetani of Sept. 15, 1457, <i>apud</i>
-Guglielmotti, <i>Storia della Marina Pontificia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 280; Reg. Vat. 443, f. 113.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621" class="label">[621]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 313-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622" class="label">[622]</a> Doukas, 346; Chalkokondyles, 520, 528; Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> c. 2; Æneæ
-Sylvii, <i>Opera ... omnia</i> (ed. Bâle), 355; Ag. Giustiniani, <i>Annali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 384; Magno,
-<i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, 201.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623" class="label">[623]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 363-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624" class="label">[624]</a> J. Paulides, Μαρία Γατελούζη in Ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὴν Βάρβιτον. Rhodokanakes,
-Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 115 n. 101; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 107.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625" class="label">[625]</a> Raynaldi <i>Annales</i>, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 179-80.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626" class="label">[626]</a> Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> cc. 14, 15, 17, 18, 24; Chalkokondyles, 469-70, 483, 494;
-Æneæ Sylvii <i>Opera</i>, 370; Magno, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, 200 (confused); Phrantzes,
-413-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627" class="label">[627]</a> Raynaldi, <i>Annales</i>, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 285-6; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 113-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628" class="label">[628]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 180-1 n; <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 352-3, 355-61, 363; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 429; Rymer,
-<i>Fœdera</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 418, 441.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629" class="label">[629]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 77-8, 108; <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 364-6; Doukas, 341.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630" class="label">[630]</a> Βυζαντίς, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 266; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 342-3; <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 94-5, 361.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631" class="label">[631]</a> S. Cali (Καλή, the Greek equivalent of “Bonne”).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632" class="label">[632]</a> Leonardi Chiensis <i>De Lesbo a Turcis capta</i>, <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, 359-66
-(an eye-witness); Magno, <i>ibid.</i> 201-2; Doukas, 345-6, 512; Chalkokondyles, 518-21,
-523-9, 553; Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> cc. 11-14; Phrantzes, 94; Malipiero, <i>Annali
-Veneti</i>, in <i>Archivio Storico Italiano</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 11; Pii II <i>Commentarii</i>, 244; <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span>
-159-60, 190; <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 366-7; Sabellici <i>Historiæ Rerum Venetarum</i>
-(ed. 1556), 867, 873; Cambini and Spandugino <i>apud</i> Sansovino, <i>Historia Universale
-dell’ Origine et Imperio de’ Turchi</i> (ed. 1573), ff. 156, 191; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 26;
-Bosio, <i>Dell’ Historia della sacra religione di San Giovanni</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 196; <i>The Chronicles of
-Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua</i> (tr. Bialloblotzky), 289.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633" class="label">[633]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> part <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 227, 242, 244.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634" class="label">[634]</a> Sabellici <i>op. cit.</i> 883; Malipiero in <i>Arch. Stor. It.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 28; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span>
-93, 97; Magno <i>apud</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, 204; Chalkokondyles, 565; Phrantzes, 415.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635" class="label">[635]</a> Sabellici <i>op. cit.</i> 885-6; Malipiero, <i>l.c.</i>; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 244, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 98;
-Phrantzes, <i>l.c.</i>; Sanudo and Navagiero <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 1170; <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span>
-1123, 1132; Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> c. 7; Sa’d al-Dīn, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 223; Cepio, <i>De P. Mocenigi
-rebus gestis</i>, 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636" class="label">[636]</a> Sathas, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 99; Malipiero, 37; Sabellicus, 890; Navagiero, 1125;
-Secreta, <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> f. 186; Magno, 204.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637" class="label">[637]</a> Malipiero, 50; Sanudo and Navagiero in <i>R.I.S.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 1190, <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 1128;
-Magno, 206; Phrantzes, 448.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638" class="label">[638]</a> Magno, 205, 208; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 48; Malipiero, 50, 59, 67, 107, 121;
-Sanudo, 1190, 1210; Kritoboulos, lib. <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> c. 15; Miklosich und Müller, Acta, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 297;
-Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 299-318.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639" class="label">[639]</a> Malipiero, 44; Sabellicus, 895; Cambini <i>apud</i> Sansovino, f. 158; Phrantzes,
-447; Sa’d al-Dīn, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 244; Hammer, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 98 nᵃ; Piacenza, <i>L’Egeo Redivivo</i>, 439.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640" class="label">[640]</a> <i>Giornale Ligustico</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 370-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641" class="label">[641]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 367-70.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642" class="label">[642]</a> Gottlob, <i>Aus der Camera Apostolica</i>, 293.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643" class="label">[643]</a> <i>Revue de l’Orient latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 537-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644" class="label">[644]</a> Anonymous, Οἱ Γατελοῦζοι ἐν Λέσβῳ, 70 n¹.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645" class="label">[645]</a> <i>Atti</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXXIV.</span> 322, 326, 345.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646" class="label">[646]</a> P. 521.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647" class="label">[647]</a> Schlumberger, <i>Numismatique de l’Orient latin</i>, 436-43; <i>Supplément</i>, 18-19;
-Pls XVI, XVII, XXI; Lampros, <i>Catalogue</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 305; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 41,
-491-2; <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 87-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648" class="label">[648]</a> Fontana, <i>Sacrum Theatrum Dominicanum</i>, 81; <i>Scriptores Ordinis Prædicatorum</i>
-(ed. Echard), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 816-7; Rovetta, <i>Bibliotheca Provinciæ Lombardiæ Sacri
-Ordinis Prædicatorum</i>, 76; <i>Bullarium Ordinis Fr. Prædicatorum</i> (ed. Bremond).
-<span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 210-11, 236, 336.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649" class="label">[649]</a> <i>De vera nobilitate</i>, 53, 55, 82-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650" class="label">[650]</a> Reg. Vat. 443, ff. 111-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651" class="label">[651]</a> Jireček, <i>Geschichte der Bulgaren</i>, 449.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652" class="label">[652]</a> Zinkeisen, <i>Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 132, 319.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653" class="label">[653]</a> Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s <i>Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 189.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654" class="label">[654]</a> Rycaut in Knolles, <i>Turkish History</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 87 (ed. 1687).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655" class="label">[655]</a> Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 339. Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 575.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656" class="label">[656]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 11.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657" class="label">[657]</a> P. 308.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658" class="label">[658]</a> <i>Historia Patriarchica</i>, 102-7; Cobham, <i>The Patriarchs of Constantinople</i>;
-Paparregopoulos, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 502-36; Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 130-49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659" class="label">[659]</a> The Serb Patriarchate of Ipek was practically removed to Carlovitz in 1738,
-and ceased to exist even in name in 1766. The Bulgarian Patriarchate of Ochrida
-was formally abolished in 1767.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660" class="label">[660]</a> Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 128.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661" class="label">[661]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 471.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662" class="label">[662]</a> Rycaut, in Knolles, <i>op. cit.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 90. Ranke, <i>Fürsten u. Völker von Süd. Europa</i>,
-p. 69, says that it ceased between 1630 and 1650. Paparregopoulos (<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 471) puts
-the date of its abolition in 1638; Finlay (<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 163-4) at 1676.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663" class="label">[663]</a> Paparregopoulos says that “all but one” were Greeks; but he includes the
-Albanian family of Ghika and the Kallimachai, who came, as their latest biographer,
-M. Jorga, has shown, from Moldavia. See my notice in <i>The English Historical
-Review</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 577. Blancard, <i>Les Mavroyéni</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664" class="label">[664]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 21, 31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665" class="label">[665]</a> Zinkeisen, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 360.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666" class="label">[666]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 489.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667" class="label">[667]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 494.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668" class="label">[668]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> pp. liv-lxi; and vols. <span class="allsmcap">VII.-IX.</span>, which contain documents
-relating to them from 1464 to 1570, some of their literary productions, and a
-picture of one of them fully armed.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669" class="label">[669]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 122</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670" class="label">[670]</a> Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">XIII.</span> 273-317.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671" class="label">[671]</a> Θρήνος τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, l. 354 <i>apud</i> Ellissen, <i>Analekten</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672" class="label">[672]</a> Gregorovius, <i>Storia della Città di Roma nel medio evo</i> [ed. 1901], <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 826;
-<span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 207, 240; Pastor, <i>Geschichte der Päpste</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 382; Lanciani, <i>Wanderings in the
-Roman Campagna</i>, 217.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673" class="label">[673]</a> Paruta, <i>Storia della Guerra di Cipro</i>, 79-80.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674" class="label">[674]</a> <i>Op. cit.</i> 294.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675" class="label">[675]</a> <i>Memorie istoriche dei Monarchi Ottomani</i>, 401.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676" class="label">[676]</a> Paruta, 299-300. <i>Négociations de la France dans le Levant</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 191.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677" class="label">[677]</a> pp. 212-214.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678" class="label">[678]</a> Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 171.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679" class="label">[679]</a> Paruta, 391.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680" class="label">[680]</a> Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 175, where the dates of their deaths,
-given in his Χρονικὸν Ἀνέκδοτον Γαλαξειδίου, p. 153, are corrected; Philadelpheus,
-Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681" class="label">[681]</a> Zinkeisen, <i>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 529.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682" class="label">[682]</a> Crusius, <i>Turco-Græcia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 10, 19; Laborde, <i>Athènes aux xvᵉ, xviᵉ et xviiᵉ
-siècles</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 55-60.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683" class="label">[683]</a> It is headed Περὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς and has last been published and annotated by my
-friend K. Philadelpheus, in his excellent Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 189-92. He assigns to it the date 1628.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684" class="label">[684]</a> Philadelpheus, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 202-8; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (ed. 2), pp. 447-50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685" class="label">[685]</a> Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων (ed. 2), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 191, 336.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686" class="label">[686]</a> Konstantinides thinks his figures much too high (<i>op. cit.</i> 442-7).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687" class="label">[687]</a> Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 77-83. Konstantinides (pp. 421-2)
-relying on a statement of Sanuto that the governor of Athens, even before 1470,
-was styled only <i>subashi</i>, thinks that all the time down to 1610 Athens was merely
-a district of a <i>sandjak</i>. Philadelpheus (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 287-90) agrees with the latter view, but
-extends the duration of this arrangement to 1621 or even later.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688" class="label">[688]</a> Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, pp. 178-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689" class="label">[689]</a> See the Greek history of Epeiros given in Pouqueville, <i>Voyage dans la Grèce</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 82-90.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690" class="label">[690]</a> Finlay, <i>History of Greece</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 57, 90-1, 94, 96, 101, 108.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691" class="label">[691]</a> Dapper, <i>Description des Îles de l’Archipel</i>, p. 224.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692" class="label">[692]</a> Spon, <i>Voyage</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 23 (ed. 1679).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693" class="label">[693]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 108, 114.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694" class="label">[694]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 67-70. An Austrian archæologist has suggested that the Hermes,
-Paris, or Perseus, of Antikythera, discovered some 20 years ago, and now at
-Athens, was part of the spoil of a vessel bound for England which foundered in
-1640 off that island.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695" class="label">[695]</a> His genealogy is given in Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 197, n. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696" class="label">[696]</a> Sathas, p. 209.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697" class="label">[697]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> pp. 197-210.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698" class="label">[698]</a> Nani, <i>Istoria della R. Veneta</i>, pt. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> p. 134.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699" class="label">[699]</a> Randolph, <i>The Present State of the Morea</i>, p. 9; Guillet, <i>Athènes ancienne et
-nouvelle</i>, pp. 28-38. It must be added, however, that the Capuchins of Athens,
-upon whose notes this book was based, may from theological bias have exaggerated
-the misdeeds of the Orthodox clergy. On this ground the local historian, Alexandrakos,
-in his Ἱστορία τῆς Μάνης, p. 18, indignantly rejects these accusations. But
-in 1894 I heard in Athens a similar story about a Thessalian priest, implicated in
-a celebrated case of brigandage.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_700" href="#FNanchor_700" class="label">[700]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 116-7; Spon, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 123; Sathas, pp. 308-10; Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία
-τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 493; Leake, <i>Travels in the Morea</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 450.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_701" href="#FNanchor_701" class="label">[701]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 63; Philadelpheus (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 184, 187) puts his visit in 1621. The passage
-about Athens is in his <i>Voyage de Levant</i> (ed. 1645), pp. 473-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_702" href="#FNanchor_702" class="label">[702]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 75, 201; Guillet, p. 223.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_703" href="#FNanchor_703" class="label">[703]</a> His <i>Relation d’État présent de la ville d’Athènes</i> is reprinted in full in Laborde’s
-book.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_704" href="#FNanchor_704" class="label">[704]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 176; Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 104, n. 2; Ray’s <i>Collection of Curious Travels and
-Voyages</i>, vol. <span class="allsmcap">II.</span>; Randolph, <i>The Present State of the Morea</i>; Magni, <i>Relazione della
-città d’Atene</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_705" href="#FNanchor_705" class="label">[705]</a> Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 135.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_706" href="#FNanchor_706" class="label">[706]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 358, 363. The Venetian report, given in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν.
-Ἑτ. <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 226, says the <i>borgo</i> in 1687 contained “4000 and more houses.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_707" href="#FNanchor_707" class="label">[707]</a> Gregorovius, <i>Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 417 n.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_708" href="#FNanchor_708" class="label">[708]</a> <i>Ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 187.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_709" href="#FNanchor_709" class="label">[709]</a> There is a picture, taken from Stuart, of this Παναγία στὴν πέτρα in Kampouroglos,
-Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 280. See his Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 93. It was destroyed by Hadji Ali,
-to provide materials for the defences of Athens against the Albanians in 1778.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_710" href="#FNanchor_710" class="label">[710]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 126 n.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_711" href="#FNanchor_711" class="label">[711]</a> In the third volume of Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_712" href="#FNanchor_712" class="label">[712]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 180. Even now there is no synagogue in Athens.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_713" href="#FNanchor_713" class="label">[713]</a> <i>E.g.</i> the thief who pillaged the king’s study at Tatoi in 1902 was an Albanian
-from Markopoulo, between Athens and Laurion. Many of the names of the Attic
-villages—<i>e.g.</i> Tatoi, Liosia and Liopesi—are Albanian.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_714" href="#FNanchor_714" class="label">[714]</a> Printed by Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 238-43.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_715" href="#FNanchor_715" class="label">[715]</a> Guillet, who tells the story, upon which Spon casts doubt, places this under
-Ahmed I. Spon says the boon was granted about 1645.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_716" href="#FNanchor_716" class="label">[716]</a> Ἄρχοντες, νοικοκυραῖοι, παζαρῖται, ξωτάρηδες.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_717" href="#FNanchor_717" class="label">[717]</a> Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 102.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_718" href="#FNanchor_718" class="label">[718]</a> <i>The Present State of the Morea</i>, p. 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_719" href="#FNanchor_719" class="label">[719]</a> Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 120.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_720" href="#FNanchor_720" class="label">[720]</a> Ἐπῆραν τὰ παιδιὰ ἀπὸ τὴν Ἀθήνα [<i>sic</i>] are the words. This chronicle, which is
-dated 1606, has been re-published by Kampouroglos in his Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 89-90, and
-by Lampros, <i>Ecthesis Chronica and Chronicon Athenarum</i>, 85-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_721" href="#FNanchor_721" class="label">[721]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 103.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_722" href="#FNanchor_722" class="label">[722]</a> Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 33; Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 597.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_723" href="#FNanchor_723" class="label">[723]</a> The θρῆνος for him is published in Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 7-27, and by
-Legrand, <i>Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 123-47.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_724" href="#FNanchor_724" class="label">[724]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 208.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_725" href="#FNanchor_725" class="label">[725]</a> Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 174.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_726" href="#FNanchor_726" class="label">[726]</a> Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 120.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_727" href="#FNanchor_727" class="label">[727]</a> Vernon, in Ray’s <i>Collection of Curious Travels and Voyages</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_728" href="#FNanchor_728" class="label">[728]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 194; Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 645. Philadelpheus has treated exhaustively
-of the Athenian schools in the Turkish period (<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> ch. <span class="allsmcap">XIX.</span>).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_729" href="#FNanchor_729" class="label">[729]</a> In Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, vol. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_730" href="#FNanchor_730" class="label">[730]</a> Kampouroglos, (Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 37) thinks that it had been the metropolitan
-church of Athens during the whole Frankish period. Philadelpheus (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 178, 273,
-312) agrees with him. When I visited it I could see not only that it had been a
-mosque, but that it might easily have been a church. There are old pillars inside it,
-a continuation of those in the Roman market outside.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_731" href="#FNanchor_731" class="label">[731]</a> Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 275, 304. Philadelpheus, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 273. This identification is conclusively
-proved not only by tradition among very old Athenians, but by an entry in a
-Gospel found at Ægina with the words τοῦ Καθολικοῦ τῆς Ἀθήνας τοῦ Ἁγίου Παντελεήμονος.
-This church stood in the square where the public auctions are still held.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_732" href="#FNanchor_732" class="label">[732]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 155, 172. “Deli-Dagh” is a translation of “Monte Matto,” the
-Italian version of Hymettos. Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 50.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_733" href="#FNanchor_733" class="label">[733]</a> Babin in Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 188 n.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_734" href="#FNanchor_734" class="label">[734]</a> Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 100.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_735" href="#FNanchor_735" class="label">[735]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 192-4; Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 163.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_736" href="#FNanchor_736" class="label">[736]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 81, 198; Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 121.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_737" href="#FNanchor_737" class="label">[737]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 122.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_738" href="#FNanchor_738" class="label">[738]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 107-8; Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 81.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_739" href="#FNanchor_739" class="label">[739]</a> Babin, in Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 199.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_740" href="#FNanchor_740" class="label">[740]</a> Randolph, <i>The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago</i>, p. 5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_741" href="#FNanchor_741" class="label">[741]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 179.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_742" href="#FNanchor_742" class="label">[742]</a> The Greeks call any large beast a δράκος.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_743" href="#FNanchor_743" class="label">[743]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 211, 213, 220, 223, 230; Randolph, <i>Present State of the Morea</i>, p. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_744" href="#FNanchor_744" class="label">[744]</a> Vernon, <i>ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 22, 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_745" href="#FNanchor_745" class="label">[745]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 16, 23, 28, 41, 51, 57-62, 65, 73, 232, 246; Finlay, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 100; Vernon,
-<i>ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 27.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_746" href="#FNanchor_746" class="label">[746]</a> Paparregopoulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 590.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_747" href="#FNanchor_747" class="label">[747]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 219, 270-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_748" href="#FNanchor_748" class="label">[748]</a> Randolph, <i>The Present State of the Morea</i>, p. 4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_749" href="#FNanchor_749" class="label">[749]</a> Pègues, <i>Histoire ... de Santorin</i>, 591-619.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_750" href="#FNanchor_750" class="label">[750]</a> Spon, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 149.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_751" href="#FNanchor_751" class="label">[751]</a> Randolph, <i>The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago</i>, 8-14.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_752" href="#FNanchor_752" class="label">[752]</a> Sanger, <i>Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs</i>, 305-24; Sathas, Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία,
-345; Dowling, <i>Hellenism in England</i>, 46-7, 80-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_753" href="#FNanchor_753" class="label">[753]</a> Hopf, <i>ubi supra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 172-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_754" href="#FNanchor_754" class="label">[754]</a> Hopf, <i>Veneto-byzantinische Analekten</i>, pp. 422-6; and in Ersch und Gruber,
-<span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 177.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_755" href="#FNanchor_755" class="label">[755]</a> <i>Racconto historico della Veneta Guerra in Levante</i> (Colonia, 1691), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 62, 65.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_756" href="#FNanchor_756" class="label">[756]</a> Laborde, <i>Athènes aux xvᵉ, xviᵉ et xviiᵉ siècles</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 74-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_757" href="#FNanchor_757" class="label">[757]</a> Ἡμερολόγιον Μάτεση <i>apud</i> Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 198; Chiotes, Ἱστορικὰ
-Ἀπομνημονεύματα, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 281, 318.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_758" href="#FNanchor_758" class="label">[758]</a> <i>La Morea combattuta dall’ armi Venete</i> (Venetia, 1686), pp. 180-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_759" href="#FNanchor_759" class="label">[759]</a> Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 151, 161, 167, 174, 213.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_760" href="#FNanchor_760" class="label">[760]</a> Mateses <i>apud</i> Sathas, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 210; Jireček, <i>Geschichte der Serben</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 139; Locatelli,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 263, 276.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_761" href="#FNanchor_761" class="label">[761]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 338.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_762" href="#FNanchor_762" class="label">[762]</a> <i>Journal d’Anna Akerhjelm</i>, <i>apud</i> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 307.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_763" href="#FNanchor_763" class="label">[763]</a> Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 348.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_764" href="#FNanchor_764" class="label">[764]</a> Morosini’s dispatches <i>apud</i> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 121-31.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_765" href="#FNanchor_765" class="label">[765]</a> Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_766" href="#FNanchor_766" class="label">[766]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 116-17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_767" href="#FNanchor_767" class="label">[767]</a> Morosini’s dispatch <i>apud</i> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 158; Chandler, <i>Travels in Asia Minor
-and Greece</i> (ed. 1825), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 111.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_768" href="#FNanchor_768" class="label">[768]</a> <i>Apud</i> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 277; Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 3; Ranke, “Die Venezianer in Morea,”
-in <i>Sämmt. Werke</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XLII.</span> 297.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_769" href="#FNanchor_769" class="label">[769]</a> Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 8; Morosini’s dispatch <i>apud</i> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 162.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_770" href="#FNanchor_770" class="label">[770]</a> Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑταιρίας, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 222-7: Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 24-34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_771" href="#FNanchor_771" class="label">[771]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 358.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_772" href="#FNanchor_772" class="label">[772]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 279.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_773" href="#FNanchor_773" class="label">[773]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 279, 313.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_774" href="#FNanchor_774" class="label">[774]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 179, 317.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_775" href="#FNanchor_775" class="label">[775]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 150, 172, 176, 180, 182; Fanelli, <i>Atene Attica</i>, pp. 113, 308, 317.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_776" href="#FNanchor_776" class="label">[776]</a> Laborde, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 90; Mateses <i>apud</i> Sathas, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 216.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_777" href="#FNanchor_777" class="label">[777]</a> <i>Atene Attica</i>, p. 344.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_778" href="#FNanchor_778" class="label">[778]</a> Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 43; Philadelpheus, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 315;
-Δελτίον, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 545.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_779" href="#FNanchor_779" class="label">[779]</a> Mateses, <i>loc. cit.</i>; Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 50; Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 189, 296; Ἱστορία,
-<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 343; <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 256.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_780" href="#FNanchor_780" class="label">[780]</a> Δελτίον, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 457; Lampros, Ἱστορικὰ Μελετήματα, p. 217.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_781" href="#FNanchor_781" class="label">[781]</a> Locatelli, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 109, 164, 247; Garzoni, <i>Istoria della Repubblica di Venezia</i> (ed.
-1720), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 365.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_782" href="#FNanchor_782" class="label">[782]</a> Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 34-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_783" href="#FNanchor_783" class="label">[783]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 211; Philadelpheus, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 62.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_784" href="#FNanchor_784" class="label">[784]</a> Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 339; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, p. 494,
-n. 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_785" href="#FNanchor_785" class="label">[785]</a> J. Benizelos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν <i>apud</i> Philadelpheus, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 273.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_786" href="#FNanchor_786" class="label">[786]</a> Garzoni, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 432-4, 509-10; Δελτίον, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 525.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_787" href="#FNanchor_787" class="label">[787]</a> Garzoni, I. 622, 629; Tournefort, <i>Relation d’un voyage du Levant</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 141.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_788" href="#FNanchor_788" class="label">[788]</a> Authorities, the reports of the Venetian governors, used by Ranke for his
-essay “Die Venezianer in Morea” (<i>Sämmt. Werke</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XLII.</span> 277-361), and by Zinkeisen
-(<i>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 473-89), have since been published by the
-late Professor Lampros in his Ἱστορικὰ Μελετήματα, pp. 199-220, and in Δελτίον τῆς
-Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 282-317, 686-710; <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 228-51, 425-567,
-605-823. For the campaign of 1715 Brue, <i>Journal de la campagne</i>; Diedo, <i>Storia
-della Repubblica di Venezia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 73-107; the Greek poem by Manthos of Joannina
-(an eye-witness), “Conquête de la Morée par les Turcs” in Legrand, <i>Bibliothèque
-grecque vulgaire</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 280-331; Ferrari, <i>Delle notizie storiche della lega ... contra ...
-Acmet III</i>, pp. 41-69; <i>Chronique de l’expédition des Turcs en Morée</i>, 1715, <i>attribuée
-à Constantin Dioikétès</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_789" href="#FNanchor_789" class="label">[789]</a> <i>Itinéraire</i> (ed. 1826), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 80-2; Lampros, p. 209.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_790" href="#FNanchor_790" class="label">[790]</a> <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, pp. 385-90.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_791" href="#FNanchor_791" class="label">[791]</a> Buchon, <i>Nouvelles Recherches</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 99, 102, which disprove the statement that
-it was introduced from Naxos about 1580.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_792" href="#FNanchor_792" class="label">[792]</a> French Consular dispatches <i>apud</i> Zinkeisen, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 486, n. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_793" href="#FNanchor_793" class="label">[793]</a> <i>Voyages</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 462.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_794" href="#FNanchor_794" class="label">[794]</a> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 83.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_795" href="#FNanchor_795" class="label">[795]</a> Lamprynides, Ἡ Ναυπλία, 230-40.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_796" href="#FNanchor_796" class="label">[796]</a> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 138.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_797" href="#FNanchor_797" class="label">[797]</a> Δελτίον, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 802; Ferrari, p. 44.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_798" href="#FNanchor_798" class="label">[798]</a> <i>History of Modern Greece</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 242 n.; Depellegrin, <i>Relation du voyage dans la
-Morée</i>, p. 14; Lamprynides, p. 284.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_799" href="#FNanchor_799" class="label">[799]</a> Philadelpheus, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 69.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_800" href="#FNanchor_800" class="label">[800]</a> Zinkeisen, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 499 n.; Gerola, <i>Monumenti Veneti nell’ Isola di Creta</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> ii. 535.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_801" href="#FNanchor_801" class="label">[801]</a> <i>Art. Am.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 658; <i>Epist. ex Ponto</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> xiv. 45.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_802" href="#FNanchor_802" class="label">[802]</a> <i>H. N.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_803" href="#FNanchor_803" class="label">[803]</a> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 627; <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 650.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_804" href="#FNanchor_804" class="label">[804]</a> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 480.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_805" href="#FNanchor_805" class="label">[805]</a> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 12, § 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_806" href="#FNanchor_806" class="label">[806]</a> Ed. Wesseling, 323, 329, 332, 489, 497, 549, 608, 611-12.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_807" href="#FNanchor_807" class="label">[807]</a> Ed. Teubner, p. 13.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_808" href="#FNanchor_808" class="label">[808]</a> <i>Travels in Northern Greece</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_809" href="#FNanchor_809" class="label">[809]</a> <i>Voyage dans la Grèce</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 284.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_810" href="#FNanchor_810" class="label">[810]</a> <i>Acta et Diplomata res Albaniæ mediæ ætatis illustrantia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 4, 5, 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_811" href="#FNanchor_811" class="label">[811]</a> Procopius (ed. Teubner), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> p. 23.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_812" href="#FNanchor_812" class="label">[812]</a> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 56.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_813" href="#FNanchor_813" class="label">[813]</a> Jireček, <i>Geschichte der Bulgaren</i>, 167, 191, 202 n.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_814" href="#FNanchor_814" class="label">[814]</a> Ed. Teubner, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 49-50, 126, 132, 137, 161, 177, 187, 193-94; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 168-69, 189,
-194, 197; <i>Recueil des historiens des Croisades: Historiens occidentaux</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 177.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_815" href="#FNanchor_815" class="label">[815]</a> <i>Fontes Rerum Austriacarum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> xii. 118, 184.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_816" href="#FNanchor_816" class="label">[816]</a> Niketas, 118-19.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_817" href="#FNanchor_817" class="label">[817]</a> <i>Font. Rer. Aust.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> xii. 472, 570.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_818" href="#FNanchor_818" class="label">[818]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <i>Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 240; M. Sanudo,
-<i>ap.</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques gréco-romanes</i>, 107; Ughelli, <i>Italia Sacra</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 774.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_819" href="#FNanchor_819" class="label">[819]</a> Del Giudice, <i>Codice Diplomatico del Regno di Carlo Iᵒ e IIᵒ d’Angiò</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 308;
-Pachymeres, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 508.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_820" href="#FNanchor_820" class="label">[820]</a> Buchon, <i>Recherches et Matériaux</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_821" href="#FNanchor_821" class="label">[821]</a> Del Giudice, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 239; <i>Act. et Dip. Alb.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 73, 84, 85, 93, 94.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_822" href="#FNanchor_822" class="label">[822]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 106, 115, 117, 127, 139; <i>Archivio Storico Italiano</i>, ser. <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> ii. 355; <i>Font.
-Rer. Aust.</i> ii. xiv. 226, 243.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_823" href="#FNanchor_823" class="label">[823]</a> <i>Act. et Dip. Alb.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 146, 157.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_824" href="#FNanchor_824" class="label">[824]</a> Ducange, <i>Histoire de l’Empire de Constantinople</i> (ed. 1729), <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> <i>Recueil</i>, 21, 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_825" href="#FNanchor_825" class="label">[825]</a> <i>Act. et Dip. Alb.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 159; <i>Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 150, 233;
-Miklosich und Müller, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 109.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_826" href="#FNanchor_826" class="label">[826]</a> <i>Dip. Ven.-Lev.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 135, 161; <i>Act. et Dip. Alb.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 214, 215, 220, 237; <i>Archivio
-Veneto</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> 94.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_827" href="#FNanchor_827" class="label">[827]</a> <i>Dip. Ven.-Lev.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 125, 130, 136-38, 147-49, 154, 159-62, 191; <i>Arch. Ven.</i>
-<span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> 92; <i>Act. et Dip. Alb.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 217, 245.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_828" href="#FNanchor_828" class="label">[828]</a> Cantacuzene, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 495.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_829" href="#FNanchor_829" class="label">[829]</a> <i>Starine</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 29; Jireček, <i>Geschichte der Serben</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 385 (thus disproving Hopf’s
-statement, for which there is no authority, that Valona became Serbian in 1337).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_830" href="#FNanchor_830" class="label">[830]</a> <i>Spomenik</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 29, 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_831" href="#FNanchor_831" class="label">[831]</a> <i>Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 176; Predelli,
-<i>I Libri Commemoriali</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> p. 307.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_832" href="#FNanchor_832" class="label">[832]</a> Hopf <i>apud</i> Ersch und Gruber, <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXV.</span> 458ᵇ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_833" href="#FNanchor_833" class="label">[833]</a> <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_834" href="#FNanchor_834" class="label">[834]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXVII.</span> 264; Miklosich, <i>Monumenta Serbica</i>, 178.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_835" href="#FNanchor_835" class="label">[835]</a> Orbini, <i>Il regno degli Slavi</i>, 289; <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 100-103. For the
-history of Saseno cp. Lampros in Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 57-93.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_836" href="#FNanchor_836" class="label">[836]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 145; <i>Historia della casa Musachia</i> <i>ap.</i> Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, 290.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_837" href="#FNanchor_837" class="label">[837]</a> From <i>turri del Prego, turris Pirgi</i>, Hopf has evolved Parga, which in 1320
-formed part of the Despotat of Epeiros (<i>Dip. Ven.-Lev.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 170), and became
-Venetian in 1401. Pyrgos was at the mouth of the Semeni (<i>Act. et Dip. Alb.</i>
-<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 107, III).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_838" href="#FNanchor_838" class="label">[838]</a> <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 226.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_839" href="#FNanchor_839" class="label">[839]</a> <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 263, 266, 308, 349.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_840" href="#FNanchor_840" class="label">[840]</a> Miklosich und Müller, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 230; Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, <i>l.c.</i>; Chalkokondyles, 251.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_841" href="#FNanchor_841" class="label">[841]</a> <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 384, 412, 423; <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 81, 120; <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 198, 199, 263; Gelcich,
-<i>La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi</i>, 204.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_842" href="#FNanchor_842" class="label">[842]</a> Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 173.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_843" href="#FNanchor_843" class="label">[843]</a> <i>Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum</i>, p. <span class="allsmcap">XXI.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_844" href="#FNanchor_844" class="label">[844]</a> <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 372.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_845" href="#FNanchor_845" class="label">[845]</a> Hopf <i>ap.</i> Ersch und Gruber, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 159ᵃ.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_846" href="#FNanchor_846" class="label">[846]</a> Sathas, Μνημ. <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 135, 137, 139, 173, 218.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_847" href="#FNanchor_847" class="label">[847]</a> Sathas, Μνημ. <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 174.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_848" href="#FNanchor_848" class="label">[848]</a> A. Mauroceni, <i>Historia Veneta</i> (ed. 1623), 172.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_849" href="#FNanchor_849" class="label">[849]</a> Sathas, Μνημ. <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 218; Paruta, <i>Storia della guerra di Cipro</i>, 225.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_850" href="#FNanchor_850" class="label">[850]</a> Predelli, <i>Commem.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> pp. 190-93.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_851" href="#FNanchor_851" class="label">[851]</a> Garzoni, <i>Istoria della Repubblica di Venezia</i> (ed. 1720), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 365-71.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_852" href="#FNanchor_852" class="label">[852]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 390-407; <i>Epirotica</i>, 254.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_853" href="#FNanchor_853" class="label">[853]</a> <i>Voyage</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 285.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_854" href="#FNanchor_854" class="label">[854]</a> Aravantinos, Χρονογραφία τῆς Ἠπείρου, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 190-92, 248-49.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_855" href="#FNanchor_855" class="label">[855]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 261, 288, 306, 311, 319, 328-29, 383, 400-1, 409-10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_856" href="#FNanchor_856" class="label">[856]</a> <i>Diplomatische Aktenstücke</i> (Wien, 1914), p. 71.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_857" href="#FNanchor_857" class="label">[857]</a> <i>Il Messaggero</i>, Oct. 31, 1914.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_858" href="#FNanchor_858" class="label">[858]</a> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 333.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_859" href="#FNanchor_859" class="label">[859]</a> Lost in 1903, but recently re-discovered at Corfù. See <i>Morning Post</i>, July 25,
-1916.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_860" href="#FNanchor_860" class="label">[860]</a> <i>Ur</i> = “Prince” in Hungarian.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_861" href="#FNanchor_861" class="label">[861]</a> Justly, as <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 131 show.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_862" href="#FNanchor_862" class="label">[862]</a> Jireček (<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 120 n. 2) has shown that the form “Obilich” was substituted in
-the eighteenth century, because “Kobilich” (= “son of a mare”) was considered
-vulgar.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_863" href="#FNanchor_863" class="label">[863]</a> <i>Il Regno degli Slavi</i>, p. 294.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_864" href="#FNanchor_864" class="label">[864]</a> <i>Copioso Ristretto degli Annali di Rausa</i>, pp. 85, 132.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_865" href="#FNanchor_865" class="label">[865]</a> <i>Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXI.</span> 123.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_866" href="#FNanchor_866" class="label">[866]</a> <i>Historia Byzantina</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 347.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_867" href="#FNanchor_867" class="label">[867]</a> <i>Abhandlungen der historischen Classe der k. bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften</i>,
-<span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> 698.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_868" href="#FNanchor_868" class="label">[868]</a> <i>Istorija Crne Gore</i>, p. 43.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_869" href="#FNanchor_869" class="label">[869]</a> <i>Turcs et Monténégrins</i>, pp. 20, 30, 33.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_870" href="#FNanchor_870" class="label">[870]</a> <i>Istorija o Černoj Gorê</i>, Italian translation by Ciàmpoli, pp. 23, 25, 29-30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_871" href="#FNanchor_871" class="label">[871]</a> In Ersch und Gruber, <i>Allgemeine Encyklopädie</i>, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 101; <i>Chroniques
-gréco-romanes</i>, p. 534.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_872" href="#FNanchor_872" class="label">[872]</a> <i>Trésor de Chronologie</i>, p. 1773.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_873" href="#FNanchor_873" class="label">[873]</a> <i>Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 301, 305, 372, 377.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_874" href="#FNanchor_874" class="label">[874]</a> Gelcich, <i>La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi</i>, p. 226.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_875" href="#FNanchor_875" class="label">[875]</a> <i>Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 68; <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 36.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_876" href="#FNanchor_876" class="label">[876]</a> Ersch und Gruber, <span class="allsmcap">LXXXVI.</span> 42-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_877" href="#FNanchor_877" class="label">[877]</a> <i>Die serbischen Dynasten Crnojević</i>, p. 61.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_878" href="#FNanchor_878" class="label">[878]</a> <i>Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXI.</span> 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_879" href="#FNanchor_879" class="label">[879]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXI.</span> 164-5, 167-8, 202, 205, 382, 384.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_880" href="#FNanchor_880" class="label">[880]</a> Miklosich, <i>Monumenta Serbica</i>, p. 566.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_881" href="#FNanchor_881" class="label">[881]</a> Between May 2 and November 11: <i>Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXII.</span> 364, 383.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_882" href="#FNanchor_882" class="label">[882]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXVII.</span> 212.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_883" href="#FNanchor_883" class="label">[883]</a> <i>Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 229.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_884" href="#FNanchor_884" class="label">[884]</a> I have drawn largely for this essay from the <i>Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen
-aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina</i>, of which twelve volumes were published during
-the Austro-Hungarian occupation, and which throw new light on many points of
-Bosnian history. I have also visited all the chief places of historic interest in the
-occupied territory and the <i>sandjak</i> of Novibazar.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_885" href="#FNanchor_885" class="label">[885]</a> P. 159 (ed. Bonn).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_886" href="#FNanchor_886" class="label">[886]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 333, 434.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_887" href="#FNanchor_887" class="label">[887]</a> Constantine Porph. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 156, 160.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_888" href="#FNanchor_888" class="label">[888]</a> Pp. 104, 131-32 (ed. Bonn).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_889" href="#FNanchor_889" class="label">[889]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> 215-20; Miklosich, <i>Monumenta Serbica</i>, 1; Theiner, <i>Vetera
-Monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium historiam illustrantia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 6, 12-13, 15, 19-20, 22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_890" href="#FNanchor_890" class="label">[890]</a> Miklosich, <i>Mon. Serb.</i>, 24, 28-30, 32-34; Theiner, <i>Vetera Monumenta historica
-Hungariam sacram illustrantia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 31-32, 55-56, 72, 113, 120, 128-30, 133, 137, 147,
-162-63, 168-73, 201-06; Thomas Archidiaconus in <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">XXVI.</span> 91,
-103, 105, 113, 121, 195.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_891" href="#FNanchor_891" class="label">[891]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 260, 262.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_892" href="#FNanchor_892" class="label">[892]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 278; Orbini, <i>Il Regno degli Slavi</i>, 350.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_893" href="#FNanchor_893" class="label">[893]</a> L. v. Thallóczy in <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 268-73 (reprinted in his <i>Studien zur
-Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im Mittelalter</i>, 7-75).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_894" href="#FNanchor_894" class="label">[894]</a> Miklosich, <i>Mon. Serb.</i> 42, 44, 60, 69; Theiner, <i>Mon. Hung.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 230, 273-76, 303,
-348, 359-60, 364, 375-78, 395, 403, 456, 458, 463; <i>Mon. Slav.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 135.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_895" href="#FNanchor_895" class="label">[895]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 184, 235, 239-44; Miklosich, <i>Mon. Serb.</i> 101-03, 105-07;
-Thallóczy, <i>op. cit.</i>, 273.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_896" href="#FNanchor_896" class="label">[896]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 324-42; Miklosich, <i>Mon. Serb.</i> 187.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_897" href="#FNanchor_897" class="label">[897]</a> Makuscev, <i>Monumenta historica Slavorum Meridionalium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 528; Doukas
-(Italian version), 354 (ed. Bonn).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_898" href="#FNanchor_898" class="label">[898]</a> Jireček, <i>Geschichte der Serben</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 126.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_899" href="#FNanchor_899" class="label">[899]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 94-124; <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 390-93; <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 284-90; Thallóczy, <i>op. cit.</i>, 303.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_900" href="#FNanchor_900" class="label">[900]</a> <i>Recueil de Voyages et de Documents</i> (Paris, 1892), <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 195; Thallóczy, <i>op. cit.</i>,
-79-109.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_901" href="#FNanchor_901" class="label">[901]</a> P. 249; <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 125-51.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_902" href="#FNanchor_902" class="label">[902]</a> Farlati, <i>Illyricum Sacrum</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 68.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_903" href="#FNanchor_903" class="label">[903]</a> Another theory is that he received the ducal title from the Pope in 1449,
-when he turned Catholic, or the King of Aragon, or that he took it with the
-agreement of the Sultan. (<i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 503-09; <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 103 n.; Thallóczy, <i>Studien
-zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im Mittelalter</i>, 146-59.) But he is styled <i>dux
-terre Huminis</i> as early as Aug. 23, 1445 (<i>Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Mer.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XXI.</span> 226), “Duke
-of St Sava” in 1446 (Farlati, <i>l.c.</i>), and “Duke” in a dubious inscription of that year
-(<i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 502).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_904" href="#FNanchor_904" class="label">[904]</a> Chalkokondyles, 459; Kritoboulos, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> ch. 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_905" href="#FNanchor_905" class="label">[905]</a> Chalkokondyles, 532; Kritoboulos, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> ch. 15.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_906" href="#FNanchor_906" class="label">[906]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 496; <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 384; Hopf, <i>Chroniques</i>, 333; <i>Historia Politica</i>, 33;
-Chalkokondyles, 535-44; Makuscev, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 309, 532; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 25.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_907" href="#FNanchor_907" class="label">[907]</a> Kritoboulos, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> chs. 4-6.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_908" href="#FNanchor_908" class="label">[908]</a> <i>Wiss. Mitth.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 395; <i>Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 114, 126; <span class="allsmcap">XXV.</span> 386; Orbini, 388.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_909" href="#FNanchor_909" class="label">[909]</a> Campani <i>Vita Pii II, apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> pt ii. 981.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_910" href="#FNanchor_910" class="label">[910]</a> <i>Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria</i>, <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> 648-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_911" href="#FNanchor_911" class="label">[911]</a> <i>Mélanges historiques</i>, <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 395.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_912" href="#FNanchor_912" class="label">[912]</a> Her stay in Rome on this occasion may be dated approximately by two letters
-which she wrote there on October 23 and November 5 (<i>Mon. Pat. Script.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 115;
-Mas Latrie, <i>Histoire de l’île de Chypre</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 114). Capgrave, <i>Ye Solace of Pilgrimes</i>,
-138.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_913" href="#FNanchor_913" class="label">[913]</a> P. 179 (Ed. 1614).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_914" href="#FNanchor_914" class="label">[914]</a> <i>Cronaca di Bologna</i>, <i>apud</i> Muratori <i>R.I.S.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XVIII.</span> 742.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_915" href="#FNanchor_915" class="label">[915]</a> P. 94.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_916" href="#FNanchor_916" class="label">[916]</a> <i>Mélanges historiques</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 411.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_917" href="#FNanchor_917" class="label">[917]</a> Volaterranus <i>apud</i> Muratori, <i>R.I.S.</i> (ed. 1904), <span class="allsmcap">XXIII.</span> 87, 127, 148.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_918" href="#FNanchor_918" class="label">[918]</a> Torrigio, <i>Le sagre grotte Vaticane</i> (ed. 1675), 285-6, 288-9, 299; J. Burchardi,
-<i>Diarium</i> (ed. 1883), <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 272-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_919" href="#FNanchor_919" class="label">[919]</a> <i>Archivio storico italiano</i>, Ser. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> iii. 226, 234-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_920" href="#FNanchor_920" class="label">[920]</a> <i>Histoire de l’île de Chypre</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 346-7, 408, 412-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_921" href="#FNanchor_921" class="label">[921]</a> Theiner, <i>Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 318,
-373-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_922" href="#FNanchor_922" class="label">[922]</a> <i>Libro nel qual s’ insegna a scriver ogni sorte lettera</i> (ed. 1578) f. 55; (ed. 1553)
-f. 54.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_923" href="#FNanchor_923" class="label">[923]</a> <i>Memorie Istoriche della Chiesa e Convento di S. Maria in Araceli</i>, 129, 148 (which
-give the Slavonic inscription, taken from Palatino).</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_924" href="#FNanchor_924" class="label">[924]</a> <i>Copioso ristretto degli Annali di Ragusa</i>, 10; Thallóczy, <i>op. cit.</i>, 110-20, 309-10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_925" href="#FNanchor_925" class="label">[925]</a> Theiner, <i>Vet. Mon. Hung.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 442, 447, 452; Makuscev, <i>Monumenta historica
-Slavorum Meridionalium</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 95.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_926" href="#FNanchor_926" class="label">[926]</a> <i>Arch. stor. ital.</i> Ser. <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> iii. 229; Gottlob, <i>Aus der Camera Apostolica</i>, 292-4.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_927" href="#FNanchor_927" class="label">[927]</a> Mas Latrie, <i>Histoire</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> 174; Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 474.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_928" href="#FNanchor_928" class="label">[928]</a> Migne, <i>Patrologia Græca</i>, <span class="allsmcap">CLXI.</span> pp. lxxxvi-vii.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_929" href="#FNanchor_929" class="label">[929]</a> Steinmann, <i>Die Sixtinische Kapelle</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 386; Abb. 25; Schrader, <i>Mon. Ital.</i>
-<span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> 216.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_930" href="#FNanchor_930" class="label">[930]</a> William of Tyre, Bk <span class="allsmcap">XVI.</span> 29; Jacques de Vitry (ed. Bongars), 1068-9,
-Röhricht, <i>Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem</i>, 191.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_931" href="#FNanchor_931" class="label">[931]</a> Ludolphi, <i>De Itinere Terræ Sanctæ</i>, 40-1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_932" href="#FNanchor_932" class="label">[932]</a> William of Tyre, Bk <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_933" href="#FNanchor_933" class="label">[933]</a> <i>Recueil des Hist., Lois</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 22; Jacques de Vitry, 1116.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_934" href="#FNanchor_934" class="label">[934]</a> William of Tyre, Bk <span class="allsmcap">XVII.</span> 1.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_935" href="#FNanchor_935" class="label">[935]</a> <i>Recueil des Hist., Lois</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 22-26.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_936" href="#FNanchor_936" class="label">[936]</a> Bk <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> 10.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_937" href="#FNanchor_937" class="label">[937]</a> <i>Recueil des Hist., Hist. Occid.</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 47, 58; <i>Morning Post</i>, Jan. 11, 1918.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_938" href="#FNanchor_938" class="label">[938]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 36, 50; <i>Archives de l’Orient Latin</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 663-8.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_939" href="#FNanchor_939" class="label">[939]</a> Röhricht, <i>Regesta Regni Hieros.</i>, pp. 285, 321, 325.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_940" href="#FNanchor_940" class="label">[940]</a> From <i>pullus</i>, a “colt,” and probably of the same origin as the Moreote
-termination -όπουλος.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_941" href="#FNanchor_941" class="label">[941]</a> Pp. 1088-9.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_942" href="#FNanchor_942" class="label">[942]</a> <i>Lois</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 426-7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_943" href="#FNanchor_943" class="label">[943]</a> Bk <span class="allsmcap">XXI.</span> 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_944" href="#FNanchor_944" class="label">[944]</a> Jacques de Vitry, p. 1082.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_945" href="#FNanchor_945" class="label">[945]</a> Bk <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> 7.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_946" href="#FNanchor_946" class="label">[946]</a> William of Tyre, Bk <span class="allsmcap">XX.</span> 29-30; Jacques de Vitry, p. 1063.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_947" href="#FNanchor_947" class="label">[947]</a> Radulfus de Diceto, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 80-1; <i>Annales de Dunstapliâ</i>, 126; Röhricht,
-<i>Regesta</i>, pp. 321, 361; <i>Geschichte</i>, 965; Mas Latrie, <i>Hist. de l’Île de Chypre</i>, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span>
-81-2, 213.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_948" href="#FNanchor_948" class="label">[948]</a> Mas Latrie, <i>Histoire de l’Île de Chypre</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 200, 256.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_949" href="#FNanchor_949" class="label">[949]</a> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 214-5.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_950" href="#FNanchor_950" class="label">[950]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 178-82; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 54.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_951" href="#FNanchor_951" class="label">[951]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 231.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_952" href="#FNanchor_952" class="label">[952]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 230, 253-54, 316-17.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_953" href="#FNanchor_953" class="label">[953]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 34.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_954" href="#FNanchor_954" class="label">[954]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 151; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 252, 273.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_955" href="#FNanchor_955" class="label">[955]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 30.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_956" href="#FNanchor_956" class="label">[956]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 113.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_957" href="#FNanchor_957" class="label">[957]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 18, 58.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_958" href="#FNanchor_958" class="label">[958]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 106, 186, 259, 296.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_959" href="#FNanchor_959" class="label">[959]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 230-1; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 89-90.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_960" href="#FNanchor_960" class="label">[960]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 101, 181; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 149.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_961" href="#FNanchor_961" class="label">[961]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 204; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 149, 253.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_962" href="#FNanchor_962" class="label">[962]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 109-11, 120-3.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_963" href="#FNanchor_963" class="label">[963]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 209-22.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_964" href="#FNanchor_964" class="label">[964]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 128.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_965" href="#FNanchor_965" class="label">[965]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 220, 227, 246; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 82, 83, 169.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_966" href="#FNanchor_966" class="label">[966]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 69, 240; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 162.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_967" href="#FNanchor_967" class="label">[967]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 28, 55, 169, 174; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 81.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_968" href="#FNanchor_968" class="label">[968]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 89.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_969" href="#FNanchor_969" class="label">[969]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 13, 26, 60, 71, 104, 114, 115, 138, 176, 204, 209.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_970" href="#FNanchor_970" class="label">[970]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 8, 15, 97.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_971" href="#FNanchor_971" class="label">[971]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 27.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_972" href="#FNanchor_972" class="label">[972]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 199; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 76, 78, 86, 205, 241-2.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_973" href="#FNanchor_973" class="label">[973]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 94, 111.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_974" href="#FNanchor_974" class="label">[974]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 65, 199.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_975" href="#FNanchor_975" class="label">[975]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 99.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_976" href="#FNanchor_976" class="label">[976]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 84.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_977" href="#FNanchor_977" class="label">[977]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 206.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_978" href="#FNanchor_978" class="label">[978]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 84, 128-9, 154, 179, 183, 197; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 170, 256.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_979" href="#FNanchor_979" class="label">[979]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 53.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_980" href="#FNanchor_980" class="label">[980]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 57.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_981" href="#FNanchor_981" class="label">[981]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 27, 153, 202.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_982" href="#FNanchor_982" class="label">[982]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 169.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_983" href="#FNanchor_983" class="label">[983]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> 222; <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> 81, 194.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_551"></a>[551]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2>
-
-</div>
-
-<ul>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Abarinos, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Abdul Hamid II, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Abraham, Mount, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Academy, the, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Acciajuoli, family of (dukes of Athens), <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Angelo, cardinal, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Antonio I, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Antonio II, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Donato, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesca, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Franco, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nerio I, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nerio II, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Achaia, <a href="#Page_7">7 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Achaian League, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Acheron, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Achilleios, St, Thessalian archbishop, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Achilles, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Achilles, Romance of</i>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Achmet Pasha, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">son of Turakhan, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Achsah, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Acre, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Acts of the Apostles, The</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Adalia, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael of, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Adam, Guillaume, archbishop of Antivari, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Adamantiou, Prof., <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Adelaide, queen of Baldwin I of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_518">518</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Admetos, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Adorno, Gabriele, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Adrianople, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Adriatic Sea, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ædepsos, baths of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ægean Islands, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ægean Sea, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ægeopelagos, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ægina, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Footnote_731">394 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aeironesion, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ælian, <i>Tactics</i>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Æneas of Gaza, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Æneid</i>, the, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ænos, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Æschylus, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Agamemnon</i> of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ætolia, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Africa, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aga, Isouf, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Agallianos, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Agamemnon, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aglauros, grotto of, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Agnes, queen-mother of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_521">521</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Agora, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Agrippa, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ahmed I, sultan, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, sultan, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aigion, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aigle, Guillaume de l’, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Aila">Aila (ʿAkaba, Eloth), <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aivan Serai, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">ʿAkaba, <i>see</i> <a href="#Aila">Aila</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">ʿAkaba, gulf of, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Akamir, Slav chieftain, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Akarnania, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Akerhjelm, Anna, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Akominatos, Michael, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Akova, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the lady of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Akrocorinth, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Akropolis, the, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aktian festival of Augustus, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Aktian games,” <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aktion, battle of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alaric, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Albanians"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_552"></a>[552]</span>Albania, and the Albanians, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Footnote_709">388 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Albanon, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Albigenses, the, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alcestis, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aldobrandini, the, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pietro, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aldoin, count of Acerra, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aleman, Guillaume, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aleppo, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alessio, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alexander V, pope, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Alexander_VI">VI, pope, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII, pope, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">crown prince of Serbia, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Trebizond, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Great, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the name of, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Severus, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alexandrakos, historian, <a href="#Footnote_699">383 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alexandretta, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alexandria, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Alexiad</i>, the, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alexios IV, emperor of Trebizond, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">nephew of Manuel I, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alfonso V, king of Aragon, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V, king of Portugal, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alfred, king of England, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Algerines, the, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Algiers, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ali, pasha of Joannina, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Turkish admiral, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alibret, cardinal, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alikianou, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alkinoös, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alkmaion, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Almiro, gulf of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alonzo of Naples, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alpheios, valley of the, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Alps, the, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Al Rashid, Haroun, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Altavilla, family of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amalasuntha, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amalfi, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amari, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amaury I, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ambelaki, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ambelokepoi, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ambrakian gulf, the, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ambrose, St, archbishop of Milan, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amedeo of Savoy, pretender to Achaia, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V of Savoy, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI of Savoy, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII of Savoy, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">America, and the Americans, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ammiraglio, ponte dell’, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amoiroutses, George, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amorgos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amphiktyonic Council, the, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Amphissa, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ampurias, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anacletos, bishop of Rome, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anæa, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anand, Col. Thomas, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Anaphiótika</i>, the, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anargyroi, monastery of the, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anastasios II, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anatolia, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ancona, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Andravida">Andravida, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Norman arch of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Andreville, <i>see</i> <a href="#Andravida">Andravida</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Andrew, St, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, head of, <a href="#Page_499">499 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">duke of the Herzegovina, <a href="#Page_470">470</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Andronikos, the Syrian, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Andros, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Androusa, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Androutsos, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anemas, Michael, <a href="#Page_545">545</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anephorites, pass of, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Angelos, family of (despots of Epeiros), <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Helene, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Isaac II, emperor, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuel, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael I, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael II, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nikephoros I, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nikephoros II, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Theodore, emperor of Salonika, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Thomas, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Angevins, the, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Angles in England, the, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Angora, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anguillara, count of, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anjou, house of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Charles I of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Charles II of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anna, St, foot of, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lady, of Epeiros, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anne of Savoy, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anoe, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anopaia, pass of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antelme of Clugny, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Antikyra">Antikyra (Aspra Spitia), <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antikythera, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cerigotto">Cerigotto</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antioch, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">George of, admiral, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marie of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antiparos, island of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anti-Paxo, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antirrhion, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antivari, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antonine, Maritime and Jerusalem Itineraries, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antonines, the, <a href="#Page_14">14 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antonius, Caius, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antony, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Antwerp, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_553"></a>[553]</span>Aoos, <i>see</i> <a href="#Vojussa">Vojussa</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Apelles, <a href="#Page_543">543</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Apellikon, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Apollo, statue of, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Apollonios of Tyana, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Apollos, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Apostoles, Arsenios, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Apulia, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aquileia, patriarch of, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aquinas, St Thomas, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arabs, the, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aragon, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arangio, family of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arbe, island of, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Arcadia">Arcadia (Mesarea), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arcadius, son of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arch of Trajan, <i>see</i> <a href="#Philopappos">Philopappos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Archipelago, duchy of the, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Archivio di Stato, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Archon_Eponymos">Archon Eponymos of Athens, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ardiæi, the, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Areopagos, the, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aretousa, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arezzo, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Argives, the, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Argolis, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Argos, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Argostoli, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Argyroi, family of the, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Argyropoulos, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ariadne, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arian controversy, the, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">monks, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arianiti, Angelina, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Costantino, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giorgio, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ariobarzanes II, king of Cappadocia, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aristarchos, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aristides, philosopher, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aristion, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aristogeiton, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aristophanes, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the <i>Birds</i>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the School of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aristotle, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">study of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Natural History of Animals</i>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arius, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arkadia (Kyparissia), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Armeni, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Armenia, and the Armenians, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arnauts, the, <i>see</i> <a href="#Albanians">Albanians</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arsenios, metropolitan of Corfù, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arta, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Arundel, earl of, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Asan, Alexander, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuel, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Matthew, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ascalon, <a href="#Page_520">520</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Asên, Alexander, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">George, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, John, of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, John, of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John Alexander, of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John Comnenos, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Asia, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Minor, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Minor, king and despot of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Asian Diocese, the, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Asklepios, shrine of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aspra Spitia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Antikyra">Antikyra</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Assassins, sect of the, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Assicurati</i>, the, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois</i>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Assizes of Antioch</i>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>of Cyprus</i>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>of Jerusalem</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>of Romania</i>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Assos, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Atalante, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">channel, the, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Athanasios, metropolitan, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Athena, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">goddess, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">statue of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Athena_Archegetis">Archegetis, gate of (Temple of Augustus), <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Promachos, statue of, <a href="#Footnote_26">30 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Athenais, <i>see</i> <a href="#Eudokia">Eudokia, empress</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Athenion, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Athens">Athens, <a href="#Page_1">1 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Footnote_699">383 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishops of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">castle of, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">cathedral of Our Lady of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Christian Archæological Museum, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">church of St Mary of, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">convent of St Andrew, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">dukes and duchy of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">first bishop of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">National Library at, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Olive Grove, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the <i>Sindici</i> of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Sire of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_554"></a>[554]</span>university of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>also see</i> <a href="#Churches">Churches</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Athos, Mount, <a href="#Footnote_448">281 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Attaleiates, <i>see</i> <a href="#Michael_of_Adalia">Michael of Adalia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Attica, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Atticus (<i>also see</i> <a href="#Herodes_Atticus">Herodes Atticus</a>), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Augerinos, <i>see</i> <a href="#Molivos">Molivos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Augustin, St, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Augustus, temple of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Athena_Archegetis">Athena Archegetis</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Aktian festival of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Augustus">(Octavian), emperor, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aurelian, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aurelius, Marcus, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Australia, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Australians, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Austria, and the Austrians, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Austria-Hungary, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Autariatæ, the, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Avars, the, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Avarinos, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Avesnes, Jacques d’, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Axios, river, <i>see</i> <a href="#Vardar">Vardar</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Baal, prophets of, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Babin, jesuit, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Babuna, pass of, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Babylon, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baden, Prince Louis of, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Badoer, governor, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baffo, family of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bairam, the season of, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Balbi, commander, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baldaja, Lope de, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Balduini, Antonelli, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baldwin I, Latin emperor, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, Latin emperor, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Balkans, the, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ballester, archbishop of Athens, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Balliol, Russell (Oursel Bailleul), <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Balsha, family of, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Balsha">Dame (Comita Musachi), <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Peter, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Regina, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">titular duke of St Sava, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Balsignano, Giacomo di, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baltaoghli, admiral, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baltos, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Banca, Paolo, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bandiera, Monte, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Banias, the triangle of, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bâniyâs, <i>see</i> <a href="#Valenia">Valénia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Banjaluka, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baphius, <i>De Felicitate Urbis Florentiæ</i>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Barbarossa, Frederick, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Khaireddîn, admiral, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Barbary, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Barberini manuscript, the, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Barcelona, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Barcelona</i>, the <i>Customs of</i>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bargello of Florence, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bari, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Nicholas of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Barozzi, the, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Basante, river, <i>see</i> <a href="#Bosna">Bosna</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Basil I, emperor, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” emperor, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Basil, heretic, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Basilakios, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Basilike, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Basingstoke, Master John of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bassano, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bato, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baudrand, <i>Geographia</i>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bautzen, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Baux, family of, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Jacques de, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bayezid I, sultan, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, sultan, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Beaufort, duc de, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Henry, bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Beaumont, John, viscount, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bees, N. A., <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Beibars, sultan of Egypt, <a href="#Page_517">517</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Beirût, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Beithmann, minister, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Béla II, king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Belgrade, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bellarbe, Romeo de, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Belvoir, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bembo, commander, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanni Matteo, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Benaldes, Dr Argyros, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Benedict, archbishop of Patras, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Peterborough, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XII, pope, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Benevento, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Benizelos, family of, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Angelos, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Demetrios, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Joannes, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Palaiologos, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Benizelou, Philothee, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Benjamin of Tudela, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bentley, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bérard, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Berat, <a href="#Page_431">431 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bergikios, Joannes, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_555"></a>[555]</span>Bergotes, K., <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Berlin, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Museum, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Berre, Louis Cossa of, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Beshik, lake, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bessarion, Cardinal, of Trebizond, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bestami, Ali, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bethany, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bethlehem, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Béthune, Conon de, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bettòlo, admiral, <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Biandrate, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bistue, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bjelopolje, <a href="#Page_470">470</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Black Cape, <i>see</i> <a href="#Karaburun">Karaburun</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Mountain, the, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Prince, <a href="#Footnote_93">128 n.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sea, the, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Blagaj, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bobovatz, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boccaccio, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>History of the King of Scotland and the Queen of England</i>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boccanegra, Simone, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bocche di Cattaro, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Bodin_Constantine">Bodin, Constantine (Peter of Bulgaria), king of the Zeta, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bodleian Library, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bœotia, and the Bœotians, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bœthius, <i>Consolation of Philosophy</i>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Bogomiles">Bogomiles (Patarenes), the, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bohemond of Taranto, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bologna, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bonaparte, <i>see</i> <a href="#Napoleon_I">Napoleon I</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bondelmonti, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boniface of Montferrat, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Verona, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII, pope, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bonne of Savoy, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Book of Guido</i>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bordeaux, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bordo de San Superan, Pedro, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Borgia, Rodrigo, <i>see</i> <a href="#Alexander_VI">Alexander VI, pope</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Borgo, the, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Borich, <i>ban</i> of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boris of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boschini, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Bosna">Bosna (Basante), river, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bosnia, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bosporos, the, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Botaneiates, Nikephoros, emperor, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boua, family of, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Peter, “the lame,” <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Grivas, family of, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boubounistra gate, the, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bouchart, William, jouster, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boucicault, Marshal, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Boudonitza">Boudonitza (Mendenitza), bishop of, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">marquesses and the marquisate of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boulgaris, family of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boulgaris, Eugenios, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boulogne, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bouniales, poet, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bourbons, the, <a href="#Page_486">486</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bourbon, Marie de, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bousat, Hugh, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boutron, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Boyl, bishop of Megara, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bracciolini, Poggio, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Branas, Alexios, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Theodore, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brankovich, George, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lazar III, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Maria, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vuk, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brazza, island of, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brenthe, the Hellenic, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brescia, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Domenico of, <a href="#Footnote_116">148 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brienne, family of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Hugh de, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Isabelle de, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Walter I de, <a href="#Page_118">118 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Walter II de, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brindisi, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Margaritone of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bristol, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">British, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Adriatic Mission, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Museum, <a href="#Footnote_272">226 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">School at Athens, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brod, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brokines, L. S., <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brown, Mr Horatio F., <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Footnote_314">239 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brue, interpreter, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brunswick, duke of, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Prince Maximilian William of, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brusa, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Brutus, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bruyères, Geoffroy de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Hugues de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bryennios, Nikephoros, <a href="#Page_538">538 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Buchon, historian, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Buckingham, duke of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_556"></a>[556]</span>Buda-Pesth, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Budua, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bulgaria, and the Bulgarians, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Buna, river, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Buondelmonti, <i>Liber Insularum</i>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Burgundy, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">duke of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Louis of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bury, Professor, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bustron, Florio, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Butrinto, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Byron, Lord, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Corsair</i>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>The Siege of Corinth</i>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Byzantinische Zeitschrift</i>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Byzantium, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Cæsar, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cæsarea, <a href="#Page_527">527</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Philippi, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caffa, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caffaro, historian, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Liberatio Orientis</i>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cairo, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caius Antonius, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Calabria, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">duke of, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Calbo, Antonio, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Calemanus, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caligula, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caliph, the, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Calixtus III, pope, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Calvi, Francesco, secretary, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cambrai, bishop of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Camogli, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Campi, Andriolo, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanni, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Campo-fregoso, Gian Galeazzo de, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ludovico de, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Canaia (Panaia), island, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Canale, Nicolò da, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cancelleria, the, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Candia, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Canea, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caneto, Nicolò de, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cantacuzenes, the, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cantacuzene, John, emperor, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuel, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Matthew, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Cantacuzene_Michael">Michael (Saïtan Oglou), <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">de Flory, Charlotte, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Canterbury, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Thomas of, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caopena, family of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cape Colonna (Cape Sunium), <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Matapan, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Capello, Vettor, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Capgrave, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Capistrano, franciscan, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Capitan Pasha, the, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Capodistria, Count Viaro, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Capsulum, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Capuchins, the, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caracalla, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caracciolo, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cargèse, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Carlini, archbishop, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Carlo, duke of Regina, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Carlone, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Carlovitz, and treaty of, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Footnote_659">361 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Carmel, Mt, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Carniola, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Carrey, Jacques, painter, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Casa dei Mercanti</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Casape, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cassino, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cassius, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Castello dell’ Uovo, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Castelnuovo, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Castel Rosso, <i>see</i> <a href="#Karystos">Karystos</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tornese, <i>see</i> <a href="#Chlomoutsi">Chlomoutsi</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Castile, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Castro, Giovanni de, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Catalan Chronicle, the, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Grand Company, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Catalans, the, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cataluña, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Catherine of Austria, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">queen of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">daughter of Stephen Thomas of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Savoy, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Valois, Latin empress, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">wife of Andrew Palaiologos, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cattaneo, family of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Andriolo, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Domenico, <a href="#Page_294">294 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Luchino, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cattaro, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Catullus, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Caumont, de, traveller, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ceba, commander, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Celts, the, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cephalonia, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">counts of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Cerigo"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_557"></a>[557]</span>Cerigo (Kythera), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Cerigotto">Cerigotto (Antikythera), <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Footnote_694">381 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cérines (Kyrenia), <a href="#Page_503">503 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cerone, Signor, <i>Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Certosa, the, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cetina, river, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chafforicios, John, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chaironeia, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chalandritza, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chalcedon, the council of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chalil Pasha, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chalkidike, peninsula of, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chalkis, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Footnote_117">148 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Chalkokondyles">Chalkokondyles, family of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Laonikos, historian, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Demetrios, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">father of the historian, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chalouphes, Nikephoros, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chamaretos, Joannes, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Champagne, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">count of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Champlitte, Guillaume de, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Robert de, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chandak, the, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Charbon</i>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Charkondyles, <i>see</i> <a href="#Chalkokondyles">Chalkokondyles</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Charles IV, emperor, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V, emperor, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I of Anjou-Naples, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Anjou-Naples, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III of Durazzo, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I of England, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V of France, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI of France, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VII of France, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII of France, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Navarre, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Savoy, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XII of Sweden, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Taranto, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Robert of Hungary, <a href="#Page_474">474</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Charlotte of Cyprus, <a href="#Page_502">502 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Charvati, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chases, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chastel-Rouge, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Châtaignier, M., consul, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Château Pèlerin, <a href="#Page_518">518</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chateaubriand, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Châtillon, Renaud de, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chaucer, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>The Knight’s Tale</i>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cheimarra, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cherson, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chian Chartered Company, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chilandar, monastery of, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chinardo, Filippo, admiral, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chios, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Chlomoutsi">Chlomoutsi (Castel Tornese), <a href="#Page_78">78 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Choniates, Niketas, historian, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chortatzai, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chosroes, king of Persia, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Choumnos, Nikephoros, rhetorician, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Chronicle of Galaxidi</i>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Chronicle of Monemvasia</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Chronicle of the Morea</i>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Morea">Morea</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Chronicon Breve</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chrysostom, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Churches">Church of</li>
-<li class="isub1">Ara Cœli, Rome, <a href="#Page_508">508 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Georgios Tropæophoros, Valona, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">La Martorana (Sta Maria dell’ Ammiraglio), <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Landulph, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Our Lady, Athens (<i>also see</i> <a href="#Parthenon">Parthenon</a>), <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Andrew, Salonika, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Arsenios, Corfù, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Athanasios, Kastro, Thasos, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Catherine, Jajce, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Salonika, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Demetrios, Salonika, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">the Bombardier, Athens, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Elias, Salonika, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St George, Salonika, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St James, Compostella, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St John Baptist, Lesbos, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St John Baptist, Salonika, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Mark, Venice, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Martin, Tours, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Mary’s-on-the-rock, Athens, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Nicholas, Ænos, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Panteleemon, Athens, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Salonika, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Peter, Rome, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Saba, Acra, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Sophia, Salonika, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Constantinople, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Monemvasia, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Spiridion, Corfù, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Theodore, Patras, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">SS. Jason and Sosipater, Corfù, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">SS. Nereus and Achillios, Rome, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">SS. Peter and Paul, Naples, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">San Ciriaco, Rome, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">San Clemente, Salonika, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">San Giacomo, Sestri Ponente, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">San Pietro in Montorio, Rome, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sant’ Andrea della Valle, Rome, <a href="#Page_500">500</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_558"></a>[558]</span>Sant’ Antonio, Naxos, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sta Maria de Clusurio, Boudonitza, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">della Pace, Rome, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">della Passione, Milan, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">del Popolo, Rome, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">sopra Minerva, Rome, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Archangels, Athens, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Chrysopege, Ænos, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Holy Apostles, Athens, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Panagia Gorgoepekoos, Athens, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Prophet Elias, Athens, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the SS. Apostoli, Rome, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Twelve Apostles, Salonika, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Virgin, Corfù, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Salonika, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ciacconius, <i>Lives and Acts of the Popes and Cardinals</i>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cicero, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cicon, Agnes de, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sibylle de, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cilicia, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cinnamus, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cistercians, the, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Civetot, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Claudius, emperor, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Clement III, pope, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V, pope, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI, pope, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VII, pope, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII, pope, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IX, pope, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XI, pope, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, relics of, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cleopatra, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Clerkenwell, priory of St John of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Clermont, castle of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Clugny, Antelme of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cocco, Constantine, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Colomboto, Spineta, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Colonna, Marcantonio, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Columbus, Christopher, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Commemoriali</i>, the, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Communio, abbey of, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Comnena, Anna, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Comnenos">Comnenos, family of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Alexios I, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_539">539</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">III, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Andronikos I, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">David, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Isaac I, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John, father of Alexios I, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John II, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuel I, emperor, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Compar, Fale (Valle) de, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Compostella, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Condocalli, Cristofalo, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Conqueste, Le Livre de la</i>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Conquistadors, the, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Conrad III, king of the Romans, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Conradin, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Constance, daughter of Duke of Athens, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Constans I, emperor, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, emperor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Constantine I the Great, emperor, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V Copronymos, emperor, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VII Porphyrogenitus, emperor, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII, emperor, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">X Doukas, emperor, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XI, emperor, <i>see</i> <a href="#Palaiologos">Palaiologos</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">king of Greece, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">“the Philosopher,” <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">(Cyril), Slavonic apostle, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Constantinople, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the patriarch of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">university of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Constantius II, emperor, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Contarini, Bartolommeo, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Conversano, count of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Conybeare, Mr F. C., <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Copaic basin, the, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Copronymos, Constantine V, emperor, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Coquerel, Mahiot de, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cordoba, Gonsalvo de, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Corfù, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Footnote_859">446 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Old Fortress, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">San Rocco, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Corinna, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Corinth, <a href="#Page_1">1 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">baron of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_559"></a>[559]</span>gulf of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Corinth, isthmus of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Corinthians, Epistles to the</i>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cornaro, admiral, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Andrea, baron of Skarpanto, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">governor of Crete, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li>
-<li class="isub2"><i>Historia di Candia</i>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Catherine, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Girolamo, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vincenzo, <i>Erotokritos</i>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Corogna, Januli da, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Coron, <i>see</i> <a href="#Koron">Koron</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Coronelli, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Coronello, Francesco, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cornaro, Teodoro, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Correr, Pietro, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Corsica, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Coruña, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Corvinus, Matthias, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cosconius, Caius, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cossa, Louis, lord of Berre, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Costa, Alamanno, count of Syracuse, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Coucy, Enguerrand VI de, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VII, de, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Courcelles, Henri de, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Courtenay, Emperor Peter of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crawford, Marion, <i>Arethusa</i>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crécy, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cremona, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crete, and the Cretans, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Creticus” (Quintus Metellus), <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Creveliers, Hugues, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crimea, the, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crispi, Francesco, Italian prime minister, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crispo, family of (dukes of Naxos), <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Elisabetta, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco I, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">III, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giacomo I, “The Pacific,” <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">IV, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanni III, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">IV, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crispus, Sallustius, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crnoje, Raditch, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crnojevich, John, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crnojevich, Stephen, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Croatia, and the Croats, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crusade, the first, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the fourth, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crusaders, the, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Crusius, Martin, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kraus">Kraus</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Culuris, <i>see</i> <a href="#Salamis">Salamis</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cumans (Scythians), the, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Curzola, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cybo, Kalojanni, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cyclades, the, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cyclopean stones, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cydonia, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cyprus, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cyriacus of Ancona, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cyril (Constantine), Slavonic apostle, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cyrillic alphabet, the, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Dabisha, Stephen, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Da Corogna, family of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dadi, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dagno, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Daimonoyannes, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">family of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dalassene, Anna, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">dalle Carceri, family of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Maria, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicolò II, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ravano, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Realdo, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dalmatia, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">dal Verme, Luchino, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Damala, baron of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Damaris, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Damascus, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dambira, Father, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Damestre, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Damietta, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Damirales, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dandolo, Andrea, historian, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Enrico, doge, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Leonardo, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marino, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Danegeld, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Danielis of Patras, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Danilo I, bishop of Montenegro, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dante, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Paradiso</i>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Purgatorio</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Danube, river, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Daphni, abbey of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Footnote_121">150 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">pass of, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dardanelles, the, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">David, the tower of, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dead Sea, the, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Decameron</i>, the, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">De Cigalla, family of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_560"></a>[560]</span>Dr (Dekigallas), <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Decius, emperor, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Decuriones</i>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Defensor</i>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Deffner, Dr, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dei, Benedetto, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">de la Brocquière, Bertrandon, traveller, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">de la Motraye, traveller, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">de la Roche, family of (dukes of Athens), <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guillaume (William), <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guy I, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guy II, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Jacqueline, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Othon, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">de la Salle (Sala), <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">de la Trémouille, Audebert, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Delenda, family of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Deli-Dagh, <i>see</i> <a href="#Hymettos">Hymettos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">della Valle, Pietro, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Delminium, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Delos">Delos (Le Sdiles), <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">confederacy of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Delphi">Delphi (Kastri), <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">oracle of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Delyannes, M., Greek prime minister, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Demakes, Michael, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dematra, castle of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Demetrias, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Demetrios, St, <a href="#Page_269">269 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Demetrius, king of Salonika, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Demetsana, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Demosthenes, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">lantern of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Lysikrates">Lysikrates</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">De Novelles, family of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dentuto, Cristoforo, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Denys, St, of France, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Derben-aga</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dervenaki, pass of, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Desa, <i>jupan</i>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Desimoni, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Deslaur, Roger, <a href="#Page_119">119 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Deslaurs, the, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Detchani, monastery of, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Detchanski, Stephen, <i>see</i> <a href="#Urosh_III">Urosh III of Serbia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Devon, earls of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dexippos, historian, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dezia, Jacomo, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diakonos, Leo, <a href="#Footnote_42">47 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diakophto, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diana, temple of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diavoli, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diedo, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diehl, M., <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Digby, Sir Kenelm, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diocletian, emperor, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diogenes, Constantine, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diokleia or Dioklitia, <a href="#Page_444">444 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Diolkos</i>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dionysios, archbishop of Trikkala, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Halikarnassos, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Areopagite, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dionysos, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">theatre of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Diplovatatzes, George, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Djakovo, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Djem, prince of Turkey, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Djouneïd of Aïdin, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Doboj, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dobor, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Doclea, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dodekannesos, the, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dodona, ruins of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">shrine of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Doge’s Palace, the, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dolnja Tuzla, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Domenico of Brescia, <a href="#Footnote_116">148 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dominicans, the, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Domitian, emperor, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Domoko, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Don Quixote</i>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">D’Oria, family of, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Andrea, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Corrado, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Domenico, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lanfranchino, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marco, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Orietta, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Valentina, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dorians, the, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dorotheos, the <i>Chronicle</i> of, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dorylæum, battle of, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Doukas, family of, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Constantine X, emperor, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">son of Michael VII, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael VII, emperor, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">historian, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dousmanes, family of, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">General, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">George, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Doxapatres, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dragash, Constantine, <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dragutin, Stephen, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drakos, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drapperio, Francesco, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dratch, <i>see</i> <a href="#Durazzo">Durazzo</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drin, Albanian river, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drina, Bosnian river, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drivasto, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drizzacorne, Lanfranco, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dromokaïtes, George, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Droungários</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drusus, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drymalia, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ducange, historian, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Duchesne, Monsignor, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_561"></a>[561]</span>Dukati, the, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dulcigno, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Durazzo">Durazzo, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Charles III of, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dushan, Stephen (Urosh IV of Serbia), <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dushmani, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dyme, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Echinades islands, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Edessa">Edessa (Urfa), <a href="#Page_516">516 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Edrisi, Arabian geographer, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Edward I of England, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III of England, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eginhard, biographer of Charlemagne, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Egypt, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eichstätt, bishop of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">El-ʿArîsh, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Elateia, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Elbassan, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">monastery of St John, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Elena, St, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Elephantis, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eleusinian mysteries, the, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eleusis, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Elgin, Lord, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">marbles, the, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“El Greco” (Theotokopoulos, Domenicos), <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Elijah, the prophet, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Elis, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eloth, <i>see</i> <a href="#Aila">Aila</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Emerich, king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_470">470</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Emerson, historian, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Emo, Angelo, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Engaddi, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Enghien, the house of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marie d’, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sohier d’, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Walter d’, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">England, and the English, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Enrique III of Castile, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eparchos, Antonios, <i>Lament for the Fall of Greece</i>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Epeiros, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Old, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the lady of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Epeirotes,” “king of the”, <i>see</i> <a href="#Tocco_Carlo">Tocco, Carlo II</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ephesus, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">council of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ephors, the, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Epidamnos, <i>see</i> <a href="#Durazzo">Durazzo</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Epidauros, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Hieron of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Limera, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Epimenides, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Epiphania, John of, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Epitome of Strabo’s Geography</i>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eponymos Archon, <i>see</i> <a href="#Archon_Eponymos">Archon Eponymos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Erastus, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Erechtheion, the, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eregli, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eresos, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Erinna, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eros, statue of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Erotokritos</i>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eschcol, brook of, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eschive, lady of Beyrout, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Estañol, Beranger, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Este, Azzo VII d’, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Estives, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Thebes">Thebes</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Etheling, Edgar, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Etna, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eubœa, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Negroponte">Negroponte</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Eudokia">Eudokia, empress, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eudoxos, astronomer, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eugène, prince of Savoy, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eumolpidæ, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Euphrates, river, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Euphrosyne, empress, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Euripides, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Euripos, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eurotas, the, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eurychos, harbour, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eusebius, historian, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eustathios, archbishop of Salonika, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Eustokkia, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Evagrios, historian, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Evrenos Beg, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Exarch, the Bulgarian, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Exedra, the, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Exoe, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ezerits, the, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ezeva, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Faber, Father, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fadrique, family of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Don Alfonso, <a href="#Page_123">123 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fair Havens, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fallmerayer, Professor, <a href="#Page_34">34 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Famagosta, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fanelli, <i>Atene Attica</i>, <a href="#Footnote_127">154 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ferdinand of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I of Hungary, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_562"></a>[562]</span>of Majorca, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I of Naples, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Spain, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Feredchik, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ferrara, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ferrari, historian, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Fethijeh Jamisi</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Fiammengo, Antonio</i>, <i>see</i> <a href="#le_Flamenc">le Flamenc</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fiesole, Mino da, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Finlay, George, historian, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Flangineion, school, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Flangines, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Flatro, Giorgio, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Flavian dynasty, the, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Flemings, the, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fleuri, Marquis de, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Flor, Roger de, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Florence, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Certosa, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">gonfaloniere of, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">National Museum at, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Florenz of Hainault, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Floriano, Colonel, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Foglia">Foglia Nuova, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Phocaea">Phocæa</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vecchia, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351 ff.</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Phocaea">Phocæa</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Folco of Forlì, Benedetto, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fontana, Giovanni, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Forbin, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Forneto, Pasquale, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Raffaelle di, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fortune, temple of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Forum, the (Salonika), <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Foscari, the, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Foscarini, Giacomo, <a href="#Page_187">187 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michele, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fotcha, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Foucher, chaplain, <a href="#Page_524">524</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Foucherolles, family of, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">France, and the French, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">France, king of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Denys of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Louis of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Francis Joseph, emperor of Austria, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Franciscans, the, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Frangipane, count, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Franks, the, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Franz Ferdinand, archduke, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Frederick II, emperor, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, emperor, <a href="#Page_485">485</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, king of Sicily, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, king of Sicily, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Randazzo, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Free Laconians, the, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Freeman, Prof., <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Frères Prêcheurs, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Froissart, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fulk, son-in-law of Baldwin II, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Furies, the, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Gaddi, <a href="#Footnote_122">151 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gagliano, battle of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gaidaronisi, islet of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gaius, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Galata, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Galates, family of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Galatians, Epistles to the</i>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Galaxidi, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Galaxidi, Chronicle of</i>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Galen, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Galerius, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Galilee, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gallienus, emperor, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gallio, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gallipoli, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ganza, George, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gardiki, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Garibaldi, Francesco, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Garzoni, Antonio, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giulio de, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gasmoûloi, the, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gaspari, Demetrios, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Peter, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stamati, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gastouni, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gattilusio, Andronico, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Baptista, <a href="#Page_342">342</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Caterina, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Costanza, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Domenico, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Dorino I, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Eugenia, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco I, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313 ff.</a>, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub2" id="Francesco_II_Jacopo">II (Jacopo), <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">III, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ginevra, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giorgio, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giuliano, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Hector, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Helene, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_563"></a>[563]</span>Jacopo (Francesco II), <a href="#Francesco_II_Jacopo"><i>see above</i></a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Jacopo, son of Francesco II, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Luchetto, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Luchino, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Maria, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicolò I, <a href="#Page_296">296 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Oberto, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Palamede, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stefano, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gattilusj, the, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gautier III, titular duke of Athens, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gavi, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gaza, Æneas of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">battle of, <a href="#Page_517">517</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gazes, Theodore, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Geneva, the Council of, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Geneva, Count Louis of, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Robert of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gennadios II, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Genoa, and the Genoese, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Genseric, king of the Vandals, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gentili, general, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">George of Antioch, admiral, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">count of Corinth, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I, king of England, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">king of Greece, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Trebizond, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, head of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Georgians, the, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Georgirenes, archbishop of Melos, <i>A Description of the present state of Samos, Nicaria, Patmos and Mount Athos</i>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gerace, marquess of, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gerakares, Liberakes, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Geraki, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Footnote_127">154 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Germanicus, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Germanos, archbishop, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Germany, and the Germans, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gerola, Prof., <i>Venetian Monuments in the island of Crete</i>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gerovolia (Uroglia), <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ghika, family of, <a href="#Footnote_663">365 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ghirlandajo, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ghisi, the, <a href="#Page_164">164 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Bartolommeo II, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">George I, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">III, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gibbon, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gibelin, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Giblet (Jebeil), <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Giorgio, family of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Zorzi">Zorzi</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Giovanni of Novara, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gipton, <i>see</i> <a href="#Lamia">Lamia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Giraud, M., consul, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gislenus, St, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Giustiniani, Alessandro Rocca, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Andriolo Banca, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Gerolamo Garibaldi, <i>La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios, ou Chios</i>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Leonardo, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Timoteo, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vincenzo, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Negri, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Banca, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the <i>Maona</i> of the, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Palazzo, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Giustiniano, Orsato, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gladstone, Rt Hon. W. E., <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Glagolitic alphabet, the, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Glarentza, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Glossa, Cape, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Godfrey of Bouillon, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Goethe, <i>Faust</i>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Golden Book, the, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Rose, the, <a href="#Page_500">500</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gonzaga, Charles, duc de Nevers, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gonzalez de Clavijo, Ruy, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gorgon’s head, story of the, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gortyna, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gortys, the, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Goths, the, <a href="#Page_18">18 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gottlob, German scholar, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Govino, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gozzadini, Giacomo I, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Bologna, the, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Grabusa, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gradenigo, family of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marco, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tito, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gradishka, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Graikoi,” <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Grand-Komnenos, family of, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Granvali, corsair, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gravia, pass of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gravina, John of, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gravosa, harbour, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Grbljanovich, Lazar, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Militza, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Great Britain, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Greco-Turkish war of 1897, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Greek Church, the, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gregoras, Nikephoros, historian, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gregorian Calendar, the, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gregorovius, <a href="#Footnote_26">30 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gregory, metropolitan of Corinth, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, pope, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VII, pope, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XI, pope, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Nazianzos, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Rev. S., <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_564"></a>[564]</span>Greveno, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Grifon</i>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Grimaldi, family of, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Bonne de’, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Carlo de’, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanni de’, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Oberto de’, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pietro de’, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Grimani, bishop, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">admiral, <a href="#Page_383">383</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">governor-general, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gritzena, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Grivas, Theodore Boua, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Grottaferrata, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gruba, Helena, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Guemlek, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Guillet, author, <a href="#Page_386">386 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Guiscard, Bohemond, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Gaïta, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Robert, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gyaros, island, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Habsburg, family of, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hadji Ali, <a href="#Footnote_709">388 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hadrian, <a href="#Page_13">13 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">palace of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Olympian_Zeus">Olympian Zeus</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the arch, porch, stoa of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hagia Laura, monastery of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hagiostephanitai, family of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hainault, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Florenz of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Matilda of, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hajji Kalifeh, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Halil, son of the sultan Orkhan, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Halmyros, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hamilton, the duke of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hamza, admiral, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hardrada, Harold, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Harmodios, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Harold, king of England, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Haroun Al Rashid, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Harrison, Frederic, <i>Theophano</i>, <a href="#Footnote_42">47 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hasân-Babâ, pirate, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hattin, battle of, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hayes, Louis des, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Hebraïká</i>, the, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Hebron">Hebron (St Abraham), <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hedjaz, the, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Helej, family of, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Helen of Serbia, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Helikon, the muses of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Helios, sun-god, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Helladikoi,” the, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Hellenotamias,” <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Helots, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Henry IV, emperor, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">emperor of Romania, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, king of England, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, king of England, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV, king of England, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI, king of England, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII, king of England, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hera, temple of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Heraclius, patriarch of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Herakleios, emperor, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Heredia, grand-master of the knights of St John, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hermoniakos, Constantine, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hermonymos, George, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Herod, king of the Jews, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Herodes_Atticus">Herodes Atticus, the Odeion of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Herodotus, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hersek, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hertzberg, <a href="#Footnote_26">30 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Heruli, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Herzegovich, Ahmed Pasha, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Herzegovina">Herzegovina (duchy of St Sava, the land of Hum or Zahumlje), <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hesychasts (or Quietists), the, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hethum II of Armenia, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hexamilion, the, <a href="#Page_98">98 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hide, Sir H., consul, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hierokles, the <i>Synekdemos</i>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hildburghausen, duke of, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hildebrand, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hippocrates, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hippodrome, the, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Historia Patriarchica</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hobson, Launcelot, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Holland, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Holy House of the Hospital, the, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Holy Land, the, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sepulchre, the, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hombergk, Hessian officer, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Homer, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the <i>Iliad</i>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the <i>Odyssey</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Honorius, son of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, pope, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hopf, Dr, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Horace, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hormisdas, pope, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hosios Loukas, <a href="#Footnote_42">47 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hospital, knights of the, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hranich, Sandalj, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vlatko, <a href="#Page_479">479</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hugues, duke of Burgundy, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hum, the land of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Herzegovina">Herzegovina</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Mt, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Humbert II, dauphin of Vienne, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Humphry, duke of Buckingham, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_565"></a>[565]</span>Hungary, and the Hungarians, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Huns, the, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hunyady, John, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hydra, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hyginos, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Hymettos">Hymettos (Deli-Dagh), <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hypatia, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Iatraioi, the, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Iatropoulos, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Iatros, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ibelin, family of d’, <a href="#Page_521">521</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Jean d’, <i>Assises de la Haute Cour</i>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ibrahim I, sultan, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pasha, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Iconium (Ikonium), bishop of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">sultan of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ikaria, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ilissos, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Illyricum, and the Illyrians, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Imbros, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Indictions, cycle of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Innocent III, pope, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV, pope, <a href="#Page_526">526</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI, pope, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VIII, pope, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XI, pope, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Ionia"><i>Ionia</i> (<i>Violarium</i>), <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ionian Islands, the, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sea, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Ipek">Ipek, Serb patriarchate of, <a href="#Footnote_659">361 n.</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Petch">Petch</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ipsala, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ipsili, monastery of, <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ipso, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Irene, empress, wife of Leo IV, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Irene, empress, wife of Alexios I, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Irish, the, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Isaac, governor of Vrhbosna, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, Greek emperor, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Isabella, marchioness of Boudonitza, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Spain, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Isidore, metropolitan of Athens, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">of Salonika, <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ismael, admiral, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ismaïdi, mosque, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ismail Kemal Bey, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pasha, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ismid, gulf of, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Isokrates, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Isthmian games, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Istria, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Italy, and the Italians, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Itea, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Ithake">Ithake, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ivan III, grand duke of Russia, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ivry, Galeran d’, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Jablanitza, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jacob, metropolitan, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jacobus, physician, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jacques I of Cyprus, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jaffa, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">count of, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jagellon, Alexander, of Poland, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jajce, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jala Göl, lake, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">James II of Aragon, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Cyprus, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of England, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, of Compostella, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Janissaries, the, <a href="#Page_362">362 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Janjichi, <a href="#Page_475">475</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Janus, king of Cyprus, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">statue of, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jarkovich (“Marchisa” or Merksha), <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jaskopolje, castle of, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jason, bishop of Tarsus, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jean, count of Lecce, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jebeil (Giblet), <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jeptche, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jeremiah, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jericho, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jerome, St, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Jerusalem, Assizes of</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jerusalem, patriarch of, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jesuits, the, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jews, the, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jezero, lake, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jezreel, plain of, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jireček, Constantin, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Footnote_862">455 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Joanna I, queen of Naples, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Joannina, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">John V, emperor, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI, emperor, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VII, emperor, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">hagiographer, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XXII, pope, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I of Aragon, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Austria, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Bari, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Basingstoke, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">count of Cephalonia, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_566"></a>[566]</span>king of England, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, despot of Epeiros, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Epiphania, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Gravina, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Randazzo, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV of Trebizond, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, the Evangelist, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, the Merciful, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Reader, historian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jolanda of Montferrat, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jonson, Ben, <i>The Fox</i>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jordan, river, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jorga, M., <a href="#Footnote_663">365 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Joseph I, patriarch, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Joshua, <a href="#Footnote_127">154 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Josselin I of Edessa, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jove, baths of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jovian, emperor, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Julian the Apostate, emperor, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Julius II, pope, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Junch, port de, <a href="#Footnote_70">108 n.</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Navarino">Navarino</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Junis, admiral, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jupiter Cassius, altar of, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jurashevich (Jurash), George, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Alexius, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Justin, St, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>History</i>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Justinian, emperor, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Juvenal, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Kabasilas, Neilos, theologian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicholas, theologian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Simeon, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kadmeia, the, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kaïkos, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kainepolis, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Kaisariane">Kaisariane (Syriane), monastery of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kakè Skála, the, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalamata, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalamos, islet, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Kalavryta">Kalavryta (La Grite), <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kallergai, the, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kallerges, Alexios, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kallikles, physician, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kallimachai, the, <a href="#Footnote_663">365 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kallirrhoe, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kallistos, Andronikos, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kallone, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalochairetes, priest, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalocsa, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalopheros, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalophrenas, priest and copyist, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalothetos, John, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Leon, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kameniates, John, historian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kampouroglos, D. G., <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kamurgi, Ali, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kamytzes, Manuel, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kanaboutzes, John, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kanina, <a href="#Page_429">429 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kapnikarea, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kapsi, Joannes, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Karaburun">Karaburun (the “Black Cape”), <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kara-Djouneïd, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kara Mustapha Pasha, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Karavias, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Karditza, inscription on church at, <a href="#Footnote_10">11 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Karlili, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Karyatides, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Karydi, battle of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Karytaina, castle of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Karystos">Karystos (Castel Rosso), <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kassander, king of Macedon, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kassandra, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kassimié mosque, the, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kassim Pasha, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kassopo, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kastamouni (Kastamon), <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kastoria, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kastos, islet, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kastrades, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kastri, <i>see</i> <a href="#Delphi">Delphi</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kastritza, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kastro, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Katalianos, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Katsones, Lampros, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kavalla, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kedrenos, historian, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Keglevich, Peter, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kehr, Professor, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kekaumenos, Michael, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kenchreæ, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kendal, duchess of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Keos, island of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kephissia, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kephissos, the, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kerpine, village, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kés, Magyar chieftain, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kharezmians, the, <a href="#Page_517">517</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Khoja, Janum, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kielapha (Kielefa), <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kimolos, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Kirjath-sepher,” <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kishon, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kissavos (Ossa), <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Kleidion,” <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Kleisourárches</i>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kleonides, palace of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Klepsydra fountain, the, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Klesich, Radich, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kljuch, <a href="#Page_489">489</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Knights of St John, Rhodes, and Malta, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of St Mary of Bethlehem, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Santo Stefano, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Templars, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Teutonic, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Knin, <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_567"></a>[567]</span>Knossos, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kobilich, Milosh, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Koenigsmark, Otto William von, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kokkinos, castle, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kolchis, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Koloman, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kommagene, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Konieh, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Konjitza, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Konstantinides, K., <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Konstantinovich, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kontostephanos, admiral, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Köprili, Ahmed, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Koraes, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Koran, the, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Koron">Koron (Korone, Coron), <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Koronos, castle of, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Korydalleus, <a href="#Page_393">393</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kos, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kosatcha, house of, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kosmas, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kossovo, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Kostendil">Köstendil (Velbujd), <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kostobokes, the, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kotroman, Stephen, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kotromanich, family of, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen, <a href="#Page_473">473 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen Tvrtko I, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Koundoura, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Koutso-Wallachs, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Krak, de Montréal, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">des Chevaliers, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kraljevich, Marko, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Kraus">Kraus (Crusius), Martin, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kreshimir, king of the Croats, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kritoboulos, Hermodoros Michael, historian, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kroja, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Krum of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Krumbacher, Prof., <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>History of Byzantine Literature</i>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Krushevatz, <a href="#Page_454">454 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kryoneri (Acqua Fredda), <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kugeas, K., <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kulenovich, family of, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kulin, <i>ban</i> of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_468">468 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kumanovo, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kydones, Demetrios, essayist, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kydonia, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kyparissia (or Arkadia), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kyrenia (Cérines), <a href="#Page_503">503 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kythera, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cerigo">Cerigo</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kythnos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Laborde, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">La Cava, monastery of, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Lacedaemonia">Lacedæmonia (La Crémonie), and the Lacedæmonians, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laconia (Lakonia), and the Laconians, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laconians, the Free, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">La Crémonie, <i>see</i> <a href="#Lacedaemonia">Lacedæmonia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Ladies’ Parliament,” <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ladislaus, duke of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV, king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">king of Naples, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">La Grite, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kalavryta">Kalavryta</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">La Guilletière, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lake Copais Company, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">La Martorana, church of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Lamia">Lamia (Gipton or Zeitounion), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lampros, Professor, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lampsakos, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Landulph, church of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Langlois, Hugh, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">James, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Philip, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Languedoc, <a href="#Footnote_209">200 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laodicea, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">La Patre, <i>see</i> <a href="#Neopatras">Neopatras</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laranda, Pedro de, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Larissa, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Larissa of Argos, the, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Larmena, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Larsa, Guglielmo de, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lasithi, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laskaris, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Chrysanthos, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Janus, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Joannes, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuel, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">La Sole, <i>see</i> <a href="#Salona">Salona</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Latin Church, the, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laudisio, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laurence, St, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laurentios of Megara, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Laurion, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Footnote_713">389 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lazar (prince) of Serbia, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III of Serbia, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lazarevich, Stephen, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leaina, mistress of Harmodios, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leake, Col., <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lebanon, the, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lecce, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="le_Flamenc">le Flamenc, Antoine, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Jean, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leicester, archdeacon of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lemnos, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lenormant, historian, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leo I the Great, emperor, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_568"></a>[568]</span>III the Isaurian, emperor, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV, emperor, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI, emperor, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III of Armenia, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">X, pope, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XIII, pope, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">mathematician, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">metropolitan, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leonardo of Chios, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Treatise concerning true nobility against Poggio</i>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leondari, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leonidas, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leonidi, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tzakones of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leontios, emperor, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">professor, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Leopold I of Austria, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Lepanto">Lepanto, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <i>also see</i> <a href="#Naupaktos">Naupaktos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Lesbos">Lesbos, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <i>also see</i> <a href="#Mytilene">Mytilene</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Bonne’s, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Nicholas’, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Le Sdiles, <i>see</i> <a href="#Delos">Delos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lesina, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Le Tenedee, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Letres dou Sepulcre</i>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Levkas, <i>see</i> <a href="#Santa_Maura">Santa Maura</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Levkimo, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Libanios, sophist, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Liberius, senator, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Licario, admiral, <a href="#Page_164">164 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Licinius, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ligurian Republic, the, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">traders, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lille de Charpigny, Hugues de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Limehouse, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Limponas, family of, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Liopesi, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Liosia, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lithgow, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Livadia, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Livadostro (Rive d’Ostre), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ljubich, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lluria, Roger de, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Locatelli, historian, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Loir, du, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lombards, the, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">London, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Crown Street, Soho, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Greek Street, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Hog Lane, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Longinus, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Longo, Paride Giustiniani, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tommaso, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Loredano, Antonio, admiral, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lucrezia, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Luigi, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Taddea, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Louis, prince of Baden, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Burgundy, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VII of France, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IX (St Louis) of France, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">XIV of France, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">count of Geneva, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Great, king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_474">474 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Savoy, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Louvre, the, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Loverdo, Gerasimos, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lucan, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lucca, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Luccari, historian, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lucera, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lucian, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Luke, baron, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, the younger, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lüneburg, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli, the, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lusignan, family of, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Charlotte de (queen of Cyprus), <a href="#Page_502">502 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Eugène de, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guy de, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">James de, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Jean II de, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John de, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lyceum, the, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lycurgus, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">arsenal of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Pinakotheke">Pinakotheke</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lykabettos, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lykoudas, Theodore, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Lysikrates">Lysikrates, choragic monument of (Lantern of Demosthenes), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Macedon, Philip of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Macedonia, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Machiavelli, family of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicolò, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Macola, Joannes, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Macrinus, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Magistros, Thomas, grammarian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maglaj, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Magni, Cornelio, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Magno, Stefano, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Magyars, the, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mahmûd Pasha, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maina, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maisy, Jean de, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Majorca, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ferdinand of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Makarios, Greek metropolitan, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, head of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Makryplagi, pass of, <a href="#Page_423">423</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_569"></a>[569]</span>Malagaris, Michael, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malamos, <a href="#Page_379">379</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malatesta, <a href="#Footnote_314">239 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malaxos, <i>Patriarchal History</i>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malea, Cape, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malerba, family of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maliac gulf, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malipiero, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Malmsey">Malmsey, the <i>Podestà</i> of, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">wine, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malta, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">count of, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malvasia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Monemvasia">Monemvasia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mamonades, the, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mamonas, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Paul, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Manassia, monastery of, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mandoukio, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mandrachi, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Manfred of Sicily, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Manthos, poet, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mantineia, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mantua, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Manuel I, Greek emperor, <i>see</i> <a href="#Comnenos">Comnenos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Manzikert, battle of, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maraclée, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maramonte, Stefano, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marathon, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marcellinus, general, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Marchesopoulo,” the, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Marchesotto,” the, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marcus Aurelius, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mardîn, <a href="#Page_517">517</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Margaret of Montferrat, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Margaritone, Sicilian admiral, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Margat, castle of, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maria, dowager-empress, <a href="#Page_543">543</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">duchess of Athens, <i>see</i> <a href="#Melissene_Maria">Melissene, Maria</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">queen of Hungary, <a href="#Page_479">479</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">queen of Sicily, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giorgio, privateer, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marie, princess of Antioch, <a href="#Page_76">76</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">de Bourbon, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maritza, battle of the, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">river, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Markopoulo, <a href="#Footnote_713">389 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Markos II, patriarch, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marmara, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marmora, Andrea, historian, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Footnote_269">224 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marmora, sea of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marris, forest of, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marseilles, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Martin I, pope, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Martoni, Nicolò da, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marulla of Verona, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Lemnos, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marullus, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mas Latrie, count de, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Matagrifon, barony of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Matapan, Cape, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Matchva, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Matilda of Hainault, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maurice, emperor, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mavrogenes, family of, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Maximian Herculius, <a href="#Footnote_426">270 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mazarin, cardinal, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mazaris, satirist, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mecca, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Medici, family of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Cosimo I de’, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lorenzo de’, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Medina, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Meerbeke, William of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Megalopolis, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Meganisi, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Megara, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Megarid, the, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Megaskyr, the, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Megaspelæon, monastery of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Melanoudion, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Meletios, geographer, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">monk, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Meliarakes, Antonios, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Melik-el-Aschraf, sultan of Egypt, <a href="#Page_518">518</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Melings, the, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mélisende, daughter of Baldwin II, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Melissene_Maria">Melissene, Maria, duchess of Athens, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Melissenos, family of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Melos, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mendenitza, <i>see</i> <a href="#Boudonitza">Boudonitza</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Menelaos, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Meniates, Elias, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mentebone, Jacopo, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Merbaka, Argive church of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Merksha (Jarkovich), <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mesarea, <i>see</i> <a href="#Arcadia">Arcadia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mesembria, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Meshtrovich, M., <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mesolonghi, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Messe, the Homeric, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Messenia, and the Messenians, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Messina, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Metaxas, family of, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nikodemos, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Metellus, Quintus, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Meteoron, monastery of, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Methodios, Slavonic apostle, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Methone, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <i>also see</i> <a href="#Modon">Modon</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Methymna, <i>see</i> <a href="#Molivos">Molivos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Metkovich, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mezzomorto, admiral, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Miani, admiral, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Michael II, the Stammerer, emperor, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, emperor, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Michael_of_Adalia">of Adalia (Attaleiates), <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">king of Dioklitia, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Michiel, Venetian commissioner, <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_570"></a>[570]</span>Miklosich, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Milakovich, historian, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Milan, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mileshevo, monastery of, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Milly, Jacques de, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Miltiades, palace of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Milton, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Milutin, Stephen, <i>see</i> <a href="#Urosh_II">Urosh II of Serbia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Minotaur, the, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Minotto, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Miquez, João (Joseph Nasi), <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mirandola, Contessa de, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mirkovich, Paola, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Miroslav, prince of the Herzegovina, <i>see</i> <a href="#Nemanja">Nemanja family</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Misglenovich, Maria, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Misti, <a href="#Page_258">258 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mistra, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Hebrew inscriptions at, <a href="#Footnote_42">47 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mithridates, king of Pontus, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mithridatic war, the first, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mitrovitz, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mitrovitza, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mnesikles, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Moab, land of, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Moawyah, caliph, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mocenigo, admiral, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Domenico, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Modène, Raimond de, <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Modon">Modon, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mœsian Diocese, the, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mohács, battle of, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mohammed I, sultan, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, sultan, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV, sultan, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Moldavia, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Molivos">Molivos (Augerinos, Methymna), <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Monaco, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">cathedral of, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Monastir, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Moncada, Matteo de, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Monemvasia">Monemvasia, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">wine-trade at, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>also see</i> <a href="#Malmsey">Malmsey wine</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mongols, the, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Monopoli, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Monoyannes, Paul, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Montenegro">Montenegro (the Zeta), <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Monte Santangelo, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Montferrat, Jolanda of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">William of, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Montona, Matteo de, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Montréal, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Moors, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Morava, river, <a href="#Page_486">486</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Moravia, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Morea">Morea, the, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Footnote_209">200 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Morea, Chronicle of the</i>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Footnote_215">203 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Morlachs, the, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Morlay, Guillaume de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Morocco, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Morokampos</i>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Morosini, Andrea, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Footnote_265">223 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ruggiero, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Moses,” “Valley of,” <a href="#Page_530">530</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Mosque of the Conqueror,” <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mostar, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mota, Bertranet, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mottoni, count di San Felice, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mouchli, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mouchtar Pasha, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mouseion hill, the, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mousouros, Markos, scholar, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Muazzo, Venetian governor, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Zuan Zorzo, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Muhashinovichi, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Muktar, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mummius, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Muntaner, Ramon, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Murad, Turkish governor of Ænos, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I, sultan, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, sultan, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, sultan, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Murmures,” the, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Musa, sultan, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Musachi, Comita, <i>see</i> <a href="#Balsha">Balsha, Dame C.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Museo Correr, Venice, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mustapha Pasha, Kara, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mycenæ, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mykonos, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Myrtis, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Mytilene"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_571"></a>[571]</span>Mytilene, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <i>also see</i> <a href="#Lesbos">Lesbos</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst" id="Nabulus">Nâbulus (Shechem), <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nahr Ibrahîm, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Naples, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Naples, Castel dell’ Uovo of, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Napoleon_I">Napoleon I (Bonaparte) of France, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III of France, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Narenta, river, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Narni, castle of, <a href="#Page_500">500</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Narona, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nasi, the, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Joseph (João Miquez), <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nasica, Scipio, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Natale, Bernardo, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Naupaktos">Naupaktos, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <i>also see</i> <a href="#Lepanto">Lepanto</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nauplia, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nausikaa, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Navailles, duc de, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Navarino">Navarino (Zonklon), <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Navarre, and the Navarrese, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Philip of, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Navarrese Company, the, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Naves, Sor de, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Navigajosi, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Naxos, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nazareth, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Neale, J. M., <i>Theodora Phranza</i>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Negro, Lucchino, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Negroponte">Negroponte, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Footnote_215">203 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Neilos, heretic, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Nemanja">Nemanja, family of, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Miroslav, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St Sava, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen I, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Neopatras">Neopatras, <a href="#Page_115">115 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Neophytos, bishop of Maina, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nepos, Julius, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Neptune, temple of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Neri, donkey-driver, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nero, <a href="#Page_10">10 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Neroutsos, historian, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Neuilly, Jean de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nevers, comte de, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">duc de, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“New France,” <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nice (Nicæa), <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">council of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Greek emperor of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nicholas V, pope, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of Thebes, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">bishop of Methone, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">canon of Athens, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Ilok, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the patriarch, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nicomedia, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Nicopolis Actiaca,” <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nicosia, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Niger, Pescennius, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Nika</i> sedition, the, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nike Apteros, temple of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nikephoros I, emperor, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II Phokas, emperor, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I, despot of Epeiros, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, despot of Epeiros, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Chalouphes, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Niketas of Chonæ, historian, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nikli, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nikon, monk and saint, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nikopolis, <a href="#Page_6">6 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">battle of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nikouses, Panagiotes, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ninoslav, Matthew, <a href="#Page_471">471 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nio, lady of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Niobe, <a href="#Page_539">539</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nish, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nitardus, bishop of Thermopylæ, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nivelet, Guy de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Nizam-djedid</i>, the, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nointel, marquis de, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Normans, the, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Norwegians, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Noukios, secretary, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Novakovich, M., <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Novara, Giovanni of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Novelles, family of de, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ermengol de, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Novello, Jacopo di, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Novi, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Novibazar, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Footnote_884">460 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Novo Brdo, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nymphæum, treaty of, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Obilich, <a href="#Footnote_862">455 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ochrida, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Bulgarian patriarchate of, <a href="#Footnote_659">361 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Octavian, emperor, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_572"></a>[572]</span>Octavian, <i>see</i> <a href="#Augustus">Augustus</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Oddo, bishop of Verdun, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Odeion of Herodes Atticus (Serpentzes), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Perikles, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Odescalchi, prince, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Odoacer, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Œcumenical Patriarch, the, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Œneus, fortress, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Œnoussai, the, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Œta, Mount, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Oliverio, Giovanni, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pietro, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Olympia, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Olympiads, the, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Olympian_Zeus">Olympian Zeus, temple of (Palace of Hadrian), <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Olympic games, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Olympos, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Omar, son of Turakhan, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Beg of Aïdin, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pasha, <a href="#Page_494">494</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Opilio, senator, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Opuntian Lokris, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Orbini, historian, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Orchan (Orkhan), sultan, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Orchomenos, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Orient, prefecture of the, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Origen, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Orlando, statue of, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Oropos, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Orsini, family of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John I, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Matthew (Maio, Majo, Matteo), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Richard, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Orthodox Church, the, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ossa (Kissavos), <a href="#Page_545">545</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ostia, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ostoja, Stephen, of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_482">482 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ostojich, Radivoj, of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen, of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen Thomas, of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_484">484 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ostrogoths, the, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ostrvitza, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Otranto, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Oupravda, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ovid, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Metamorphoses</i>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Oxford, Balliol College, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lincoln College, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Pachymeres, historian, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pachys, St, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Padua, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palaiokastrizza, monastery, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palaiokastro, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palaiologina, Anna, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">gate of, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Eudokia, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Palaiologos">Palaiologos, family of, <a href="#Page_102">102 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Andrew, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Andronikos II, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">III, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291 ff.</a>, <a href="#Footnote_544">320 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">IV, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Asan, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Constantine XI, <a href="#Page_100">100 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Constantine, son of Andronikos II, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Demetrios, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">George, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Graitzas, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Helen, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John V, emperor, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">VI, emperor, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John, despot of Selymbria, <a href="#Page_321">321 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuel II, emperor, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuel, governor of Monemvasia, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">son of Thomas, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Maria, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael VIII, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Mohammed, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Simonis, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Theodore I, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Thomas, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Zoe (Sophia), <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palaiopolis, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palamas, Gregorios, theologian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palamedi, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palazzo del Santo Piede, Naples, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paleochora, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palermo, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palestine, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pallantion, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pallavicini, family of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Alberto, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guglielma, <a href="#Page_250">250 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guido, marquess, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Isabella, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Mabilia, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manfredo, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marulla, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Rubino, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tommaso, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ubertino, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Palmann, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_573"></a>[573]</span>Panaia (Canaia), <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pannonia, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pantheon, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Papadopouloi, family of the, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Papageorgiou, <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Papamichalopoulos, K., <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Papaplis, D. Lorenzo, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paparregopoulos, K., historian, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paphlagonia, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Parga, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paris, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Footnote_694">381 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Matthew, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Robert of, count, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Parma, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Parnassos, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paros, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Parthenon">Parthenon (Our Lady of Athens), <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Parthian war, the, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paruta, historian, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pashalik of Thessaly, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Passarovitz, peace and treaty of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Passau, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Passavâ, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Patarenes, <i>see</i> <a href="#Bogomiles">Bogomiles</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pateroi, family of the, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pateropouloi, family of the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Patesia, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Patras, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishops of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Patrikios, Petros, historian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Patris, admiral, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Patti, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Patzinaks, the, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pau, Don Pedro de, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paul, metropolitan, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, pope, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, pope, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV, pope, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V, pope, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Paul_St">St, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paula, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paullus, Æmilius, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pausanias, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pavia, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paxo, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Paynim, the, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pedemontano, Francesco, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pedro IV of Aragon, <a href="#Page_127">127 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Cruel of Castile, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pegalotti, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peisistratos, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pelagonia, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pellestello (Cape Sunium), <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peloponnese, the, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Morea">Morea, the</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peña y Farel, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peneios (Salamvrias), <a href="#Page_545">545</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pentele, monastery of, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pera, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Perikles, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Odeion of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peroules, family of, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Spyridon, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Perseus, <a href="#Footnote_694">381 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Persia, and the Persians, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peruzzi, the, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pesaro, Antonio da, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Benedetto, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pescatore, Enrico, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pescennius Niger, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Petalas, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Petch">Petch, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ipek">Ipek</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peter, envoy of Justinian, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Aragon, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Bulgaria, <i>see</i> <a href="#Bodin_Constantine">Bodin, Constantine</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Courtenay, emperor, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Sicily, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">chair of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Thomas, St, bishop, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peterborough, Benedict of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Petrarch, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Petrovich, Vasilj, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Petty, William, <a href="#Page_381">381</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phaidros, archon, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phaleron, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phanar, the, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phanari, <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phaneromene, monastery of, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pharsala (-os), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pharygæ, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pheræ, the ancient, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phidias, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philaras, Leonardos, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philip IV of France, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">VI of France, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philip of Macedon, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Navarre, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Savoy, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Spain, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">I of Taranto, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Taranto, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philippi, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philippicus, emperor, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philippopolis, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Philopappos">Philopappos (Arch of Trajan), <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Antiochos, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Philopator, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phiskardo, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Phocaea"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_574"></a>[574]</span>Phocæa, <a href="#Page_285">285 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500 ff.</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Foglia">Foglia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phokas, Nikephoros, emperor, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phokis, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pholegandros, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pholoe, Mt, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phrantzes, George, historian, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Footnote_122">151 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phthiotis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Phyle, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Piacenza, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pialì Pasha, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Piedmont, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pieri, Mario, historian, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pikermi, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Pinakotheke">Pinakotheke (arsenal of Lycurgus), the, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pindos, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pinerolo, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pines, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Piraeus">Piræus (Porto Leone or Porto Drako), <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pisa, and the Pisans, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pisani, admiral, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pisani, Carlo, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Piso, emperor, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pitti, family of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Laudamia, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nerozzo, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pius, Antoninus, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, pope, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V, pope, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Plaka, <a href="#Page_394">394</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Platæa, battle of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Plato, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Plethon, George Gemistos, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Plevlje, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pliny, the elder, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pliska, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pliskova, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pliva, river, <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Plotinos, hagiographer, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Plutarch, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pnyx, the, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Podgoritza, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Podochatoro, Lodovico, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Poitiers, battle of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Poland, and the Poles, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Polemon, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Poli, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Polinos, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Poljitza, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pollux, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Polybios, historian, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Polydoros, tomb of, <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Polygnotos, painter, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pompei, Count Tomaso, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pompey, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ponte dell’ Ammiraglio, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ponte Molle, the, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Porcacchi, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Poros, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Porphyrogenitus, Constantine VII, emperor, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Porte, the, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Porto, bishop of, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">delle Quaglie, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Drako, <i>see</i> <a href="#Piraeus">Piræus</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Leone, <i>see</i> <a href="#Piraeus">Piræus</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Raguseo, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Portugal, and the Portuguese, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Poseidon, statue of, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">temple of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Potamo, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Pou_Pedro_de">Pou, Pedro de (Petrus de Puteo), <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Poulains</i>, the, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pouqueville, traveller, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Footnote_271">225 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Pozzi</i>, the, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prætorians, the, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prato, Jacopo da, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ludovico da, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Praxagoras, historian, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Praxina, lady, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Predelli, Signor, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Preliub, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Premarini, family of, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prenk Bib Doda, Mirdite prince, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prêslav, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prespa, lake of, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prevesa, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prijesda I, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prilip, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Primorje, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prinkipo, island, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prishtina, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pristhlava, Great, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Priuli, Antonio, <a href="#Footnote_196">195 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prizren, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prodromos, Theodore, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Proklos, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prokopios, <i>Secret History</i>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Propylæa, the, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Protimo, Nicolò, of Eubœa, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Protonotários</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Provence, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Prussia, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Psara">Psara (Santa Panagia), island, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Psaromelingos, Michael, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Psellos, Michael, philosopher, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pteleon, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ptolemy, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pulati, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_575"></a>[575]</span>Pulcheria, sister of Theodosius, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Puteo, Petrus de, <i>see</i> <a href="#Pou_Pedro_de">Pou, Pedro de</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pylos, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Navarino">Navarino</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pyrgos, the tower of, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pyrrha, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Quarnero, the, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Quartus, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Quietists (Hesychasts), <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Quintilian, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Quintus Metellus, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Quirini, the, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicolò, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Radak, prince, <a href="#Page_489">489</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Radakovitza, cliff of, <a href="#Page_489">489</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Radich, Abraham, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Radivoj Ostojich of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Raffaele of Quarto, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ragusa, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ralles, Demetrios, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Michael, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rama, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rampano, castle of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Randazzo, Frederick of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">John of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Randolph, traveller, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rapallo, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rashka, river, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rassia, or Rascia (<i>also see</i> <a href="#Serbia">Serbia</a>), <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Raugraf von der Pfalz, Col., <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Raunach, baron, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ravenna, exarchate of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ravenika, parliament of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Raymond of Toulouse, count, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Tripolis, count, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Recanelli, Pietro, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rechid Pasha, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Red Sea, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Regina, duke of, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Renaud, baron of Sagette, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rendi, Demetrios, notary, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Maria, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Renier, Sebastiano, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rethymno, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rhanghaves, K., <i>The Duchess of Athens</i>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Footnote_113">146 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rheims, cathedral of, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rhiza, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rhodes, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rhoïdes, Venizelos, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rhoka, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rhyndakenos, Joannes Laskaris, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Richard I “Cœur-de-Lion” of England, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Richard, count of Acerra, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Richelieu, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Richeriane, Pandette, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rideford, Girard de, <a href="#Page_522">522</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Risal, M., <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rive d’Ostre (Livadostro), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Robert of Geneva, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">king of Naples, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">count of Paris, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III of Scotland, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Taranto, prince of Achaia, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rocaforte, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roger, king of Sicily, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rogus, castle of, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roman church, the, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">civil wars, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">conquest, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">senate, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Romania, empire of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Romania, Assizes of</i>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Book of the Customs of the Empire of</i>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Romano, Casimiro, historian, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Romanos II, emperor, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">III, emperor, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Romans, empress of the, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Romans, Epistle to the</i>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rome, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Borgo, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Botteghe Oscure, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Chapel of S. Eugenia in the SS. Apostoli, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lateran gate, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Palazzo Spinola, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Piazza Scossa Cavalli, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ponte Milvio, <a href="#Page_500">500</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Quirinal, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">S. Agata in Subura, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Santo Spirito hospital, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Via Appia, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Via Ardeatina, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Via Pellicciaria, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Via S. Marco, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vicolo Scanderbeg, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>also see</i> <a href="#Churches">Churches</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roquebrune, village, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rosso, Castel, <i>see</i> <a href="#Karystos">Karystos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roumania, and the Roumanians, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roumelia, Eastern, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roupel, fort, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roussillon, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roustavéli, Chota, poet, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rozières, Gautier de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rubió y Lluch, Don Antonio, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rumeli, castle of, <a href="#Page_417">417</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rumili, <i>beglerbeg</i> of, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Russia, and the Russians, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ruthenians, duke of the, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_576"></a>[576]</span>Rycaut, Sir Paul, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Sacred Way, the, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saewulf, Icelandic pilgrim, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sagette, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sagredo, historian, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saguntino, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Said Achmet Pasha, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Abraham, <i>see</i> <a href="#Hebron">Hebron</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Achilleios, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Andrew, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">S. Angelo, duca di, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Bartholomew, chapel of, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Basil, lake, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Dionysios, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St George, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">bank of, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">banner of, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">church of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">harbour of, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">order of, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">seal of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Gilles, comte de, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Jerome, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St John the Evangelist, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Merciful, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Hunter, monastery of, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">knights of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Luke, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">the younger, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Mark, the lion-banner of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Martin of Tours, church of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Mary of Bethlehem, knights of, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Nicholas of Bari, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Nikon, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">monastery of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Omer, castle of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">family of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Jacques de, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicholas I de, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicholas II de, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Othon de, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">tower at Thebes, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Paul, <i>see</i> <a href="#Paul_St">Paul, St</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Peter, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Thomas, bishop, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saint-Sauveur, M., consul, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Sava, duke of, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Serbia, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Spiridion, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Theodora, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Theodore, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Thomas of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">St Willibald, bishop of Eichstätt, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">SS. Apostoli, monastery of the, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">SS. Theodores, castle of the, <a href="#Page_348">348 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saïtan Oglou, <i>see</i> <a href="#Cantacuzene_Michael">Cantacuzene, Michael</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sala (De La Salle), <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saladin, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Salamis">Salamis (Culuris), <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Salamvrias (Peneios), <a href="#Page_545">545</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Salic law, the, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sallust, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Salmenikon, castle of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Salona">Salona (La Sole), <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Thomas of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Salonika, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">king of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">“The Triangle,” <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Vardar gate, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the “White Tower” or “the Tower of Blood,” <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Samareia tower, the, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Samaria, bishop of, <a href="#Footnote_448">281 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Samarkand, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Samos, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Samothrace (Sanctus Mandrachi), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Samuel, tsar of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Ciriaco, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Felice, count di, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Gallo, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Gerolamo degli Schiavoni, hospital of, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Giorgio, Banca di, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Michele di Murano, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Nicolo, fortress of, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Pietro, Montorio, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Rocco, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">San Salvatore, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sancho IV of Castile, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sangallo, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sant’ Andrea della Valle, <a href="#Page_500">500</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sant’ Angelo, castle of, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sant’ Ippolito, family of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sta Maria degli Angeli, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sta Maria del Popolo, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">di Castello, district of, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Santa_Maura">Santa Maura (Levkas), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Santa Panagia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Psara">Psara</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Santameri, castle of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">mountains, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">tower at Thebes, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Santo Stefano, knights of, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Santorin, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sanudo, family of (dukes of Naxos), <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Angelo, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Dandolo, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Fiorenza, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanni I, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guglielmo, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marco I, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Maria, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_577"></a>[577]</span>Marino, historian, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicolò I, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II “Spezzabanda” 169, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sanuto, <i>Diarii</i>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sapienza, island of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sappho, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_539">539</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saraceno, Pietro, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saracens, the, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sarajevo, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sarantaporon, battle of, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saronic gulf, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sarpi, Fra Paolo, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saru-Khan, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saseno, island, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sathas, historian, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Satines">Satines (Sethines, Setines, Sithines, Sythines), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>also see</i> <a href="#Athens">Athens</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Satti, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sauger, historian, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Save, river, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Savona, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Savoy, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Saxony, <a href="#Page_443">443</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scandinavians, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scarampi, Lodovico, cardinal, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scaramuccia, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Schabachtana, <a href="#Page_517">517</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Schlumberger, M., <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Schmitt, Dr, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scholarios, Georgios, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Schulenburg, Count John Matthias von der, <a href="#Page_223">223 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scio, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scotland, and the Scots, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scott, Sir Walter, <a href="#Page_539">539</a>, <a href="#Page_540">540</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Count Robert of Paris</i>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>The Talisman</i>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scutari, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scythian wars, the, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Scythians (Cumans), <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sebastiani, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Secundus, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Selenitza, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Selim II, sultan, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Selino, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Seljuks, the, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Selymbria, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Semendria, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sempovich, Helena, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Seneca, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sepolia, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Septimius Severus, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Serbia">Serbia (Rassia), and the Serbs, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sergeant, family of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sergius, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Seriphos, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Serpentzes (Odeion of Herodes Atticus), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Serres, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sestri Ponente, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sethines, <i>see</i> <a href="#Satines">Satines</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sette Pozzi, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Severus, Alexander, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Septimius, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sforza, Francesco, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Galeazzo Maria, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sgouros, clan of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Leon, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Shakespeare, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>A Midsummer Night’s Dream</i>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sharon, <a href="#Page_520">520</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Shechem, <i>see</i> <a href="#Nabulus">Nâbulus</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Shishman, John, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Shubich, family of, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Mladen, <a href="#Page_474">474</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Paul, <a href="#Page_474">474</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sibylla, princess, <a href="#Page_519">519</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sicily, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Side, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sidon, <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Siena, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sigismund, emperor, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">king of Hungary, <a href="#Page_481">481 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">son of Stephen Thomas of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sikinos, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sikyon, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Silas, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Silius Italicus, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Silvester II, pope, <a href="#Page_540">540</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Simeon, <i>Zeno</i>, <a href="#Footnote_204">198 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Simokatta, Theophylact, historian, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Simon, archbishop of Thebes, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Simonides, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Simplikios, philosopher, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sinan Beg, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pasha (the Arnaut), admiral, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sinj, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Siphnos, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sirmium, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sis, court of, <a href="#Page_526">526</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Siscar, Raymond de, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sistova, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sixtus II, pope, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV, pope, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sjenitza, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skanderbeg, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skaramangka, Mount, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skaramangkou torrent, the, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skarpanto, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_578"></a>[578]</span>Skiathos, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skironian cliffs, the, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skleros, poet, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skopelos, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skopje (Skoplje), <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skordiloi, the, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skorta, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skouphos, <i>Rhetoric</i>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skylitzes, John, historian, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Skyros, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Slavesians, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Slavochorio, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Slavonia, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Slavs, the, <a href="#Page_33">33 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Smyrna, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sobieski, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sobiewolsky, Hessian lieutenant, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sofia, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sokolli, Mohammed, <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sokolovich, family of, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sokrates, gymnasium of, school of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Tower_of_the_Winds">Tower of the Winds</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Soli">Soli (Tuzla), <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Solomon, king, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Song of, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Solon, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sommaripa, family of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Crusino, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Euphrosyne, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanfrancesco, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sonetti, Bartolomeo dalli, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sophianos, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sophocles, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sosipater, bishop of Ikonium, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Soter, Arsinöe, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ptolemy, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spain, and the Spaniards, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spalato, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spandugino (Spandounis), Theodore, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spantounes, tomb of, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sparre, Charles, general, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sparta, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spata, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spercheios, river, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spetsai, island, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spetsopoulo (Sette Pozzi), <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sphakia, and the Sphakiotes, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spinalonga, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spinarza, hills and district of, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spinola, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spinula, Percivalis, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spiridion, St, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spon, Dr, traveller, <a href="#Footnote_23">24 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sporades, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Spretcha, river, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Srebrenik, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Srebrenitza, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stadion, the, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stagno, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stambûl, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stamford Bridge, battle of, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stampalia, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Standia, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Statius, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Staurakios, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Steel, Mr D., <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stephanas, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stephanopouloi, the, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stephen, <i>ban</i> of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">captain of the “Helladikoi,” <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">doctor, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ostoja of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_482">482 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ostojich of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Thomas Ostojich of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_484">484 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tomashevich of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stilicho, general, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stiris, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stoa Poikile, the, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Strabo, geographer, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stradioti, the, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Strategós</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stratia, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stromoncourts, the, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stromoncourt, Thomas de, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Struma, river, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stuart, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>, <a href="#Footnote_709">388 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Studenitza, monastery of, <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Studita, Theodore, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stylida, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stylites, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stymphalos, lake, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Suda, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">bay, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Suetonius, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Suidas, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Suli, rock of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Suleyman, son of Bayezid I, sultan, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Magnificent, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sulla, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sulpicia, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sunium, Cape (Pellestello or Cape Colonna), <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Superan, Pedro Bordo de, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sutjeska, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Svernetsi, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sweden, Charles XII of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sykaminon, barony and castle of, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sylvius, Æneas, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Symeon, tsar of Bulgaria, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">liturgical writer, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Synesios, philosopher, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Syra, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_579"></a>[579]</span>Syracuse, count of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Syria, and the Syrians, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Syriane, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kaisariane">Kaisariane</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Tabarie, <i>see</i> <a href="#Tiberias">Tiberias</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tabor, Mt, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tacitus, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">emperor, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tafel, <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tafrali, <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tafur, Pero, traveller, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tagliacozzo, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Talmud, the, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tancred of Antioch, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Taphians, the pirate, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tara, river, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Taranto, house of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Bohemond of, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Charles of, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manfred of, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Philip I of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Robert of, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Taronites, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tarsus, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Tartarin</i> of the Zaccaria, the, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tartaro, Arrigo, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tartars, the, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tasso, <a href="#Page_368">368</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tatoi, <a href="#Footnote_713">389 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Taygetos, Mt, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tchajnitza, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tchaslav, prince of Serbia, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tegea, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Temenos, fortress, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tempe, the vale of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Templars, Knights, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Temple of Nike Apteros, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tenedos, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tenos, island of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Teodoro, Nicolò di S., <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pietro di S., <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Terciers</i>, the, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Termes, Raimond de, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tertius, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Teutonic Knights, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thamar, daughter of Nikephoros I, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thasos, island, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theagenes, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Thebes">Thebes (Estives), and the Thebans, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">archbishop of, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">congress of, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Themes, military districts, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Themistokles, the haven of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the palace of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodatus, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodora, consort of Justinian, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">daughter of Constantine VIII, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">relics of, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodore, St, the Warrior, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">relics of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodoric, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodoricus, actor, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodosian Code, the, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodosios, deacon, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theodosius I, emperor, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, emperor, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theophano, empress, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theophilos, emperor, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theophrastos, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theotokes, Nikephoros, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theotokopoulos, Domenicos (“El Greco”), <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Therasia, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thermia, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thermisi, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_422">422</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thermopylæ, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Footnote_209">200 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Theseus, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thespiæ, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Thessalonians, Epistles to the</i>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thessalonike, wife of Kassander, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thessaly, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_546">546</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Pashalik of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thévenot, <a href="#Page_267">267</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thomais, wife of Symeon Urosh, <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thomas, despot of Epeiros, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Salona, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">St, of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thorn, Prussian fortress of, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thou, de, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thourion, the, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thrace, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thracian sea, the, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thrasyllos, monument of, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thucydides, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Thule (Britain), <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tiber, river, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Tiberias">Tiberias (Tabarie), <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tiberius, emperor, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tiepolo, duke of Crete, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tigris, river, <a href="#Page_535">535</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Timarion</i>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Timotheos, archbishop of Eubœa, <a href="#Page_378">378</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Timotheus, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Timour the Tartar, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Timourtash, Turkish commander, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tirana, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tiryns, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tithe, count of the, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_580"></a>[580]</span>Titus, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tocco, family of, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Antonio, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Tocco_Carlo">Carlo I, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">III, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ferdinando, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanni, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Leonardo I, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">III, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">IV (Giovanni), <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Lucrezia, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Raymunda, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Tokmak Hissari,” <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Toledo, <a href="#Footnote_215">203 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tolfa, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Toma, <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tomashevich, Stephen, of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tomislav, king of the Croats, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Topia, Carlo, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Toptani, Essad Pasha, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Toron, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Torrigio, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tortosa, <a href="#Page_518">518</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Totila, king of the Ostrogoths, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tournai, siege of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tournay, Othon de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tournefort, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tours, church of St Martin at, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Tower_of_the_Winds">Tower of the Winds (School or Gymnasium of Sokrates), <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tozer, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trachinian plain, the, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trajan, emperor, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">arch of, <i>see</i> <a href="#Philopappos">Philopappos</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trani, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Transylvania, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Traù, <a href="#Page_479">479</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Traversari, Ambrogio, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Travnik, <a href="#Page_494">494</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trebizond, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Triangle, the,” <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Triboles, Jacobo, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trieste, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trikkala, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tripoli, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tripolitsa, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Triptolemos, temple of, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_388">388</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Triumvirs, the, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trnovo, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Troad, the, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Troy, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Truhelka, Dr, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tsaoush-Monastir, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tübingen, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tudela, Benjamin of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tunis, and the Tunisians, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Turakhan, Turkish commander, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Turcoples</i>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Turin, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">treaty of, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Turkey, and the Turks, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tuscany, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">grand duke of, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tusculum, bishop of, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tuzla, <i>see</i> <a href="#Soli">Soli</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tvrtko I, Stephen, of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II, Stephen, of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tyre, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_517">517 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_541">541</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">William of, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tzakones of Leonidi, the, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tzakonia, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tzympe, castle of, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Una, river, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">University of Athens, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Bologna, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Urban IV, pope, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V, pope, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Urfa, <i>see</i> <a href="#Edessa">Edessa</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Uroglia (Gerovolia), <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Urosh I, Stephen, of Serbia, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Urosh_II">II (Stephen Milutin) of Serbia, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li>
-<li class="isub1" id="Urosh_III">III (Stephen “Detchanski”) of Serbia, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">IV (Stephen Dushan) of Serbia, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">V, Stephen, of Serbia, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Symeon, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Uscocs of Dalmatia, the, <a href="#Page_380">380</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Üsküb, the pasha of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Isa of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Usora, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Usref, governor of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Uzes, the, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Valaincourt de Mons, Matthieu de, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valaresso, Marino, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Val di Compare, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261 ff.</a>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ithake">Ithake</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vale of Tempe, the, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valencia, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Valenia">Valénia (Bâniyâs), <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valens, emperor, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valentinian I, emperor, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valerian, emperor, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_581"></a>[581]</span>Valéry, Erard de, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valideh, sultan, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valla, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valle, Pietro della, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valois, Catherine of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Valona, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vandals, the, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vaqueiras, Rambaud de, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Vardar">Vardar (Axios), river, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">gate, the, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Varna, battle of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vatatzes, emperor, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vathi, harbour, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vatican, the, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Sala di Costantino, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vatika, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Velbujd, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kostendil">Köstendil</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Velestino, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Veligosti, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Venice, and the Venetians, <a href="#Page_47">47 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Venier, family of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">admiral, <a href="#Page_406">406</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tito, lord of Cerigo, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Venizelos, M., <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Venus, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Verdun, bishop Oddo of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Verneda, engineer, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vernon, traveller, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Verona, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Boniface of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marulla of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ravano dalle Carceri of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Verres, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Verus, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vespasian, emperor, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vespers, the Sicilian, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vetones (pirates), <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vetrano, pirate, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Via Egnatia, the, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Viaro, family of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vicolo Scanderbeg, the, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Victory, statue of, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vid, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Viddo, god, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vido, islet, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vienna, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vienne, the dauphin of, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vignoso, Simone, <a href="#Page_299">299 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Villani, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Villehardouin arms on church at Athens, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">chronicler, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">family of (princes of Achaia), <a href="#Page_95">95 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Geoffroy I de, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II de, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Guillaume (William) de, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Isabelle de, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Marguérite de, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Matilda of Hainault, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95 ff.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><i>Violarium</i>, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ionia"><i>Ionia</i></a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Visconti, Filippo Maria, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vishevich, Michael, <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vitalis, Ordericus, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Viterbo, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">treaty of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vitry, Jacques de, bishop of Acre, <a href="#Page_524">524 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vitturi, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vitylos, port of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vlachoi, dialect, <a href="#Page_546">546</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vladimir, John, of Serbia, <a href="#Page_444">444</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vladislav, king of Serbia, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vlastos, John, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vojislav, Michael, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Vojussa">Vojussa (Aoos), river, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Volaterranus, diarist, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Volo, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">gulf of, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Voltaire, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_537">537</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Voltri, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">von der Pfalz, Col. Raugraf, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vonitza, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">von Katzenellenbogen, Berthold, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Koenigsmark, Countess, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">Otto William, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Ranke, <a href="#Page_408">408</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Suchem, Ludolf, <a href="#Footnote_108">140 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vostitza (Aigion), <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Voyslava, wife of Kulin of Bosnia, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vranduk, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vrbas, river, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vrdnik, monastery of, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vrhbosna, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vuk, Stephen, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vukan, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vukashin of Serbia, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vuktchich, Hrvoje, <a href="#Page_481">481 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Stephen, duke of St Sava, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">(Ahmed Pasha Herzegovich), son of Duke Stephen, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vladislav, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Vlatko, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Wadding, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wâdi-Mehika, <a href="#Page_516">516</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_582"></a>[582]</span>Wallachia, and the Wallachs, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Welsh, the, <a href="#Page_525">525</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wheler, Sir George, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Widman, Venetian governor of Corfù, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">William, canon of Athens, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">II of Sicily, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Meerbeke, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Montferrat, marquess, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Tyre, archbishop, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">of Wied, prince, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">son of Frederick II of Sicily, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Apulian, <a href="#Page_544">544</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">the Conqueror, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Willibald, St, bishop of Eichstätt, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wilpert, Monsignor, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Winchelsea, Lord, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Winchester, bishop of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wine-trade at Monemvasia (<i>also see</i> <a href="#Malmsey">Malmsey wine</a>), <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wyse, Sir T., <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Xanthopoulos, Nikephoros Kallistos, historian, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Xeromeros, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Xystos (Pope Sixtus II), <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Yemen, the, <a href="#Page_523">523</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Yenidjé-Vardar, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">York, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_345">345</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">duke of, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>
-
-<li class="ifrst">Zabarella, biographer, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zaccaria, family of, <a href="#Page_283">283 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Bartolommeo, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Benedetto I, <a href="#Page_284">284 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_289">289 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Caterina, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Centurione, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Clarisia, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">cross of the, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Fulcho, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giovanni Asan, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Leonardo, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manfred, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Manuele, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Martino, <a href="#Page_289">289 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicolino, <a href="#Page_287">287 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Odoardo, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Paleologo, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Tedisio (Ticino), <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zachias, sultan, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zacosta, Pierre-Raymond, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zagan Pasha, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zahumlje, <i>see</i> <a href="#Herzegovina">Herzegovina</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zajablje, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Zakonik,” the, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zante (Zakynthos), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214 ff.</a>, <a href="#Footnote_249">216 n.</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zara, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_482">482</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zarnata, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zealots, the, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zehn, German officer, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zeitounion, <i>see</i> <a href="#Lamia">Lamia</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zemenos, bishopric of, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zeno, doge, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">governor of the Morea, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Carlo, <a href="#Page_534">534</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Pietro, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zesiou, K., <a href="#Footnote_425">269 n.</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zeta, <i>see</i> <a href="#Montenegro">Montenegro</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zeus, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">statue of, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Olympios, temple of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Panhellenios, temple of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zia, island of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zichna, district of, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zlatica, village, <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zoe, daughter of Constantine VIII, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_536">536</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zonaras, <a href="#Page_545">545</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zonklon, <i>see</i> <a href="#Navarino">Navarino</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx" id="Zorzi">Zorzi (Giorgio), family of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Chiara, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Francesco, <a href="#Page_252">252 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Giacomo, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
-<li class="isub1">Nicolò I, <a href="#Page_251">251 ff.</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">II, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
-<li class="isub2">son of Giacomo, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zubravich, George, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zvetchan, castle of, <a href="#Page_450">450</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zvornik, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zygavenos, monk, <a href="#Page_542">542</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zygomalas, Theodosios, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li>
-<li class="isub1"><i>Political History of Constantinople from 1391 to 1578</i>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a></li>
-
-</ul>
-
-<p class="titlepage">CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. B. PEACE, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.</p>
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