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If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Essays on the Latin Orient - -Author: William Miller - -Release Date: September 21, 2022 [eBook #69026] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS ON THE LATIN -ORIENT *** - - - - - - -ESSAYS ON THE LATIN ORIENT - - CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS - C. F. CLAY, MANAGER - LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4 - - [Illustration] - - NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. - BOMBAY } - CALCUTTA } MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD. - MADRAS } - TORONTO: THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. - TOKYO: MARUZEN·KABUSHIKI·KAISHA - - ALL RIGHTS RESERVED - - - - - ESSAYS - ON - THE LATIN ORIENT - - BY - WILLIAM MILLER, M.A. (OXON.) - HON. LL.D. IN THE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF GREECE: CORRESPONDING - MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF GREECE: - AUTHOR OF _THE LATINS IN THE LEVANT_ - - CAMBRIDGE - AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS - 1921 - - - - - “You imagine that the campaigners against Troy were the only - heroes, while you forget the other more numerous and diviner - heroes whom your country has produced.” - - PHILOSTRATUS, _Life of Apollonius of Tyana_, III. 19. - - - - -PREFACE - - -This volume consists of articles and monographs upon the Latin Orient -and Balkan history, published between 1897 and the present year. For -kind permission to reprint them in collected form I am indebted to -the editors and proprietors of _The Quarterly Review_, _The English -Historical Review_, _The Journal of Hellenic Studies_, _Die Byzantinische -Zeitschrift_, _The Westminster Review_, _The Gentleman’s Magazine_, and -_The Journal of the British and American Archæological Society of Rome_. -All the articles have been revised and brought up to date by the light -of recent research in a field of history which is no longer neglected in -either the Near East or Western Europe. - - W. M. - -36, VIA PALESTRO, ROME. - -_March, 1921._ - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAP. PAGE - - I. THE ROMANS IN GREECE 1 - - II. BYZANTINE GREECE 29 - - III. FRANKISH AND VENETIAN GREECE 57 - - 1. THE FRANKISH CONQUEST OF GREECE 57 - - 2. FRANKISH SOCIETY IN GREECE 70 - - 3. THE PRINCES OF THE PELOPONNESE 85 - - APPENDIX: THE NAME OF NAVARINO 107 - - 4. THE DUKES OF ATHENS 110 - - APPENDIX: THE FRANKISH INSCRIPTION AT KARDITZA 132 - - 5. FLORENTINE ATHENS 135 - - APPENDIX: - - NOTES ON ATHENS UNDER THE FRANKS 155 - - THE TURKISH CAPTURE OF ATHENS 160 - - 6. THE DUCHY OF NAXOS 161 - - APPENDIX: THE MAD DUKE OF NAXOS 175 - - 7. CRETE UNDER THE VENETIANS (1204-1669) 177 - - 8. THE IONIAN ISLANDS UNDER VENETIAN RULE 199 - - 9. MONEMVASIA 231 - - 10. THE MARQUISATE OF BOUDONITZA (1204-1414) 245 - - 11. ITHAKE UNDER THE FRANKS 261 - - 12. THE LAST VENETIAN ISLANDS IN THE ÆGEAN 265 - - 13. SALONIKA 268 - - IV. THE GENOESE COLONIES IN GREECE 283 - - 1. THE ZACCARIA OF PHOCÆA AND CHIOS (1275-1329) 283 - - 2. THE GENOESE IN CHIOS (1346-1566) 298 - - 3. THE GATTILUSJ OF LESBOS (1355-1462) 313 - - V. TURKISH GREECE (1460-1684) 355 - - VI. THE VENETIAN REVIVAL IN GREECE (1684-1718) 403 - - VII. MISCELLANEA FROM THE NEAR EAST 429 - - 1. VALONA 429 - - 2. THE MEDIÆVAL SERBIAN EMPIRE 441 - - APPENDIX: THE FOUNDER OF MONTENEGRO 458 - - 3. BOSNIA BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST 460 - - 4. BALKAN EXILES IN ROME 497 - - 5. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM (1099-1291) 515 - - 6. A BYZANTINE BLUE STOCKING: ANNA COMNENA 533 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - PLATE FIGS. TO FACE PAGE - - I. 1 & 2. THE CHURCH OF ST GEORGE AT KARDITZA 134 - - II. 1. MONEMVASIA FROM THE LAND 234 - - 2. MONEMVASIA. ENTRANCE TO KASTRO 234 - - III. 1. MONEMVASIA. Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα 235 - - 2. MONEMVASIA. Ἁγία Σοφία 235 - - IV. MONEMVASIA. KASTRO 240 - - V. 1. MONEMVASIA. TOWN WALLS AND GATE 241 - - 2. MONEMVASIA. MODERN TOWN AT BASE OF CLIFF 241 - - VI. 1. BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE WEST 246 - - 2. BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE EAST 246 - - VII. 1. BOUDONITZA. THE KEEP AND THE HELLENIC GATEWAY 247 - - 2. BOUDONITZA. THE HELLENIC GATEWAY 247 - - ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT - - Fig. 1. INSCRIPTION ON THE CHURCH AT KARDITZA 133 - - ” 2. ARMS ON WELL-HEAD IN THE CASTLE AT MONEMVASIA 242 - - MAP - - THE NEAR EAST IN 1350 BETWEEN PAGES 282 AND 283 - - - - -I. THE ROMANS IN GREECE - - -From the Roman conquest in 146 B.C. Greece lost her independence for a -period of nearly two thousand years. During twenty centuries the country -had no separate existence as a nation, but followed the fortunes of -foreign rulers. Attached, first to Rome and then to Constantinople, it -was divided among various Latin nobles after the fall of the Byzantine -Empire in 1204, and succumbed to the Turks in the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries. From that time, with the exception of the brief Venetian -occupation of the Peloponnese, and the long foreign administration of -the Ionian Islands, it remained an integral part of the Turkish Empire -till the erection of the modern Greek kingdom. Far too little attention -has been paid to the history of Greece under foreign domination, for -which large materials have been collected since Finlay wrote his great -work. Yet, even in the darkest hours of bondage, the annals of Greece can -scarcely fail to interest the admirers of ancient Hellas. - -The victorious Romans treated the vanquished Greeks with moderation, and -their victory was regarded by the masses as a relief from the state of -war which was rapidly consuming the resources of the taxpayers. Satisfied -to forego the galling symbols, provided that they held the substance, -of power in their own hands, the conquerors contented themselves with -dissolving the Achaian League, with destroying, perhaps from motives of -commercial policy, the great mart of Corinth, and with subordinating the -Greek communities to the governor of the Roman province of Macedonia, -who exercised supreme supervision over them. But these local bodies were -allowed to preserve their formal liberties; Corfù, the first of Greek -cities to submit to Rome, always remained autonomous, and Athens and -Sparta enjoyed special immunities as “the allies of Rome,” while the -sacred character of Delphi secured for it practical autonomy. A few years -after the conquest the old Leagues were permitted to revive, at least in -name; and the land tax, payable by most of the communities to the Roman -Government, seemed to fulfil the expectation of the natives that their -fiscal burdens would be diminished under foreign rule. The historian -Polybios[1], who successfully pleaded the cause of his countrymen at -this great crisis in their history, has contrasted the purity of Roman -financial administration with the corruption of Greek public men, and -has cited a saying current in Greece soon after the conquest: “If we had -not perished quickly, we should not have been saved.” While this was the -popular view, the large class of landed proprietors was also pleased by -the recognition of its social position by its new masters, and the men -who were entrusted with the delicate task of organising the conquered -country at the outset of its new career wisely availed themselves of -the disinterested services of Polybios, who enjoyed the confidence of -both Greeks and Romans. Even Mummius himself, the destroyer of Corinth, -if he carried off many fine statues to deck his triumph, left behind -him the memory of his gentleness to the weak, as well as that of his -firmness to the strong, and might have been taken as the embodiment of -those qualities which Virgil, more than a century later, held up to the -imitation of his countrymen. - -The _pax Romana_, which the Roman conquest seemed likely to confer -upon the jealous Greeks, was occasionally broken in the early decades -of the new administration. The sacred isle of Delos, which was then -subordinate to Athens, and which had become the greatest mart for -merchandise and slaves in the Levant since the destruction of Corinth, -and the silver-mines of Laurion, which had of old provided the sinews -of naval warfare against the Persian host, were the scenes of servile -insurrections such as that which about the same time raged in Sicily, and -a democratic rising at Dyme not far from Patras called for repression. -But the participation of many Greeks in the quarrel between Rome and -Mithridates, King of Pontus, entailed far more serious consequences -upon their country. While the warlike Cretans, who had not bowed as yet -beneath the Roman yoke, sent their redoubtable archers to serve in his -ranks, the Athenians were seduced from their allegiance by the rhetoric -of their fellow-citizen, Athenion, or Aristion, a man of dubious origin, -who had found the profession of philosopher so paying that he was now -able to indulge in that of a patriot. Appointed captain of the city, -he established a reign of terror, and included the Roman party and his -own philosophic rivals in the same proscription. He despatched the -bibliophile Apellikon, who had purchased the library of Aristotle, with -an expedition against Delos, which failed; but a similar attempt by the -Pontic forces was successful, and the prosperity of the island was almost -ruined by their ravages. When the armies of Mithridates reached the -mainland, there was a great rising against the Romans, and for the second -time the plain of Chaironeia witnessed a battle, which on this occasion, -however, was indecisive. A great change now took place in the fortunes of -the war. Sulla arrived in Greece, routed the Athenian philosopher and -his Pontic colleague in a single battle, cowed most of the Greeks by the -mere terror of his name, and laid siege to Athens and the Piræus, which -offered a vigorous resistance. The groves of the Academy and the Lyceum -furnished the timber for his battering rams; the treasuries of the most -famous temples, those of Delphi, Olympia and Epidauros, provided pay for -his soldiers; the remains of the famous “long walls,” which had united -Athens with her harbour, were converted into siegeworks. The knoll near -the street of tombs, on which a tiny church now stands, is supposed to be -part of Sulla’s mound, and the bones found there those of his victims. -An attempt to relieve the besieged failed; and, as their provisions -grew scarce, the Athenians lost heart and sought to obtain favourable -terms from the enemy. In the true Athenian spirit, they prayed for -consideration on the ground that their ancestors had fought at Marathon. -But the practical Roman replied that he had “not come to study history, -but to chastise rebels[2],” and insisted on unconditional surrender. -In 86 B.C. Athens was taken by assault, and many of the inhabitants -were butchered; but, in spite of his indifference to the glories of -Marathon, the conqueror consented to spare the fabric of the city for -the sake of its ancient renown. The Akropolis, where Aristion had taken -refuge, still held out, and the Odeion of Perikles, which stood at the -south-east corner of it, perished by fire in the siege. Want of water at -last forced the garrison to surrender, and the evacuation of the Piræus -by the Pontic commander made Sulla master of that important position -also. To the Piræus he showed as little mercy as Mummius had shown to -Corinth. While from Athens he carried off nothing except a few columns -of the temple of Zeus Olympios, a large sum of money which he found in -the treasury of the Parthenon, and a fine manuscript of Aristotle and -Theophrastos, he levelled the Piræus with the ground, and inflicted -upon it a punishment from which it did not recover till the time of -Constantine. Then he marched to Chaironeia, where another battle ended in -the rout of the Pontic army, and the Thebans atoned for their rebellion -by the loss of half their territory, which the victor consecrated to the -temples of Delphi and Olympia as compensation for what he had taken from -them. A fresh Pontic defeat at Orchomenos in Bœotia ended the war upon -Greek soil, but the struggle long left its mark upon the country. Athens -still retained her privileges, and the Cappadocian King Ariobarzanes -II, Philopator and his son, restored the Odeion of Perikles[3], but -many of her citizens had died in the siege, and the rival armies had -inflicted enormous injuries on Attica and Bœotia, the chief theatre of -the war. Some small towns never recovered, and Thebes sank into a state -of insignificance from which she did not emerge for centuries. - -The pirates continued the work of destruction, which the first -Mithridatic war had begun. The geographical configuration of the Ægean -coasts has always been favourable to that ancient scourge of the Levant, -and the conclusion of peace between Rome and the Pontic king let loose -upon society a number of adventurers, whose occupation had ceased with -the war. The inhabitants of Cilicia and Crete excelled above all others -in the practice of this lucrative profession, and many were their -depredations upon the Greek shores and islands. One pirate captain -destroyed the sanctuaries of Delos and carried off the whole population -into slavery; two others defeated the Roman admiral in Cretan waters. -This last disgrace resulted in the conquest of that fine island by the -Roman proconsul Quintus Metellus, whose difficult task fully earned -him the title of “Creticus.” The islanders fought with the desperate -courage which they have evinced in all ages. Beaten in the open, they -retired behind the walls of Kydonia and Knossos, and when those places -fell, a guerilla warfare went on in the mountains, until at last Crete -surrendered, and the last vestige of Greek freedom in Europe disappeared -in the guise of a Roman province. Meanwhile, Pompey had swept the pirates -from the seas, and established a colony of those marauders at Dyme, the -scene of the previous rebellion[4]. Neither before nor since has piracy -been put down with such thoroughness in the Levant, and Greece enjoyed, -for a time at least, a welcome immunity from its ravages. - -But the administration of the provinces in the last century of the Roman -Republic often pressed very heavily upon the unfortunate provincials. -Even after making due deduction for professional exaggeration from the -charges brought by Cicero against extortionate governors, there remains -ample evidence of their exactions. The notorious Verres, the scourge -of Sicily, though he only passed through Greece, levied blackmail upon -Sikyon and plundered the treasury of the Parthenon, and bad governors of -Macedonia, like Caius Antonius and Piso, had greater opportunities for -making money at the expense of the Greeks. As Juvenal complained at a -later period, even when these scoundrels were brought to justice on their -return home, their late province gained nothing by their punishment, -and Caius Antonius, in exile on Cephalonia, treated that island as if -it were his private property. The Roman money-lenders had begun, too, -to exploit the financial necessities of the Greeks, and even so ardent -a Philhellene as Cicero’s correspondent, Atticus, who owed his name to -his long sojourn at Athens and to his interest in everything Attic, lent -money to the people of Sikyon on such ruinous terms that they had to sell -their pictures to pay off the debt. Athens, deprived of her commercial -resources since the siege by Sulla, resorted to the sale of her coveted -citizenship, much as some modern States sell titles, and subsisted -mainly on the reputation of her schools of philosophy. It became the -fashion for young Romans of promise to study there; thus Cicero spent six -months there and revisited the city on his way to and from his Cilician -governorship, and Horace tells us that he tried “to seek the truth among -the groves of Academe[5].” Others resorted to Greece for purposes of -travel or health, and the hellebore of Antikyra (now Aspra Spitia) on -the Corinthian Gulf and the still popular baths of Ædepsos in Eubœa were -fashionable cures in good Roman society. Moreover, a tincture of Greek -letters was considered to be part of the education of a Roman gentleman. -Cicero constantly uses Greek phrases in his correspondence, and Latin -poets borrowed most of their plumes from Greek literature. - -The two Roman civil wars which were fought on Greek soil between 49 and -31 B.C., were a great misfortune for Greece, whose inhabitants took sides -as if the cause were their own. The struggle between Cæsar and Pompey -was decided at Pharsalos in Thessaly, and most of the Greeks found that -they had chosen the cause of the vanquished, whose exploits against the -pirates and generous gift of money for the restoration of Athens were -still remembered. But Cæsar showed his usual magnanimity towards the -misguided Greeks, with the exception of the Megareans, whose stubborn -resistance to his arms was severely punished. Most of the survivors of -the siege were sold as slaves, and one of Cæsar’s officials, writing -to Cicero a little later, says that as he sailed up the Saronic Gulf, -the once flourishing cities of Megara, the Piræus and Corinth lay in -ruins before his eyes[6]. It was Cæsar, however, who in 44 B.C., raised -the last of these towns from its ashes. But the new Corinth, which he -founded, was a Roman colony rather than a Greek city, whose inhabitants -were chiefly freedmen, and whose name was at first associated with -a lucrative traffic in antiquities, derived from the plunder of the -ancient tombs. Had he lived, Cæsar had intended to dig a canal through -the Isthmus—a feat reserved for the reign of the late King George. On -Cæsar’s death, his murderer, Brutus, was enthusiastically welcomed by -the Athenians, who erected statues to him and Cassius besides those -of the ancient tyrannicides, Harmodios and Aristogeiton. The struggle -between him and the Triumvirs was decided at Philippi in Greek Macedonia, -near the modern Kavalla, but had little effect upon the fortunes of -Greece, though there were Greek contingents on either side. After the -fall of Brutus, Antony spent a long time at Athens, where he flattered -the susceptible natives by wearing their costume, amused them by his -antics and orgies on the Akropolis, gratified them by the gift of Ægina -and other islands, and scandalised them by the presence of Cleopatra, -upon whom he expected them to bestow the highest honours. When the war -broke out between him and Octavian for the mastery of the Roman world, -Greece for the second time became the theatre of her masters’ fratricidal -strife. At no previous time since the conquest had the unhappy country -suffered such oppression as then. The inhabitants were torn from their -homes to serve on the ships of Antony, the Peloponnese was divided into -two hostile camps according to the sympathies of the natives, and in the -great naval battle of Aktion the fleeing ship of Cleopatra was pursued -by a Lacedæmonian galley. The geographer Strabo, who passed through -Greece two years later, has left us a grim picture of the state of the -country. Bœotia was utterly ruined; Larissa was the only town in Thessaly -worth mentioning; many of the most famous cities of the Peloponnese were -barren wastes; Megalopolis was a wilderness, Laconia had barely thirty -towns; Dyme, whose citizens had taken to piracy again, was falling into -decay. The Ionian Islands and Tegea formed pleasant exceptions to the -general misery, but as an instance of the wretched condition of the -Ægean, the islet of Gyaros was unable to pay its annual tribute of £5. -The desolation of Greece impressed Octavian so deeply that he founded -two colonies for his veterans on Hellenic soil, one in 30 B.C. on the -spot where his camp had been pitched at the battle of Aktion, which -received the name of Nikopolis (“City of victory”) in memory of that -great triumph, the other at Patras, a site most convenient for the -Italian trade. In both cases the numbers of the Roman colonists were -augmented by the compulsory immigration of the Greeks who inhabited the -neighbouring cities and villages. This measure had the bad effect of -increasing the depopulation of the surrounding country, but it imparted -immediate prosperity to both Patras and Nikopolis, and the factories of -the former gave employment to numbers of women, while the celebration of -the “Aktian games” at the latter colony attracted sight-seers from other -places. Augustus, as Octavian was now called, made an important change in -the administration of Greece, separating it from the Macedonian command, -with which it had hitherto been combined, and forming it in 27 B.C. into -a separate senatorial province of Achaia, which was practically identical -with the boundaries of the Greek kingdom before 1912, and of which -Cæsar’s recently founded colony of Corinth was made the capital. But this -restriction of the limits of the province did not affect the liberties of -the different communities, though here and there Augustus altered their -respective jurisdictions. Thus, in order to give Nikopolis a share in -the Amphiktyonic Council, he modified the composition of that ancient -body, and he enfranchised the Free Laconians who inhabited the central -promontory of the Peloponnese, from Sparta; thus founding the autonomy -which that rugged region has so often enjoyed[7]. But Athens and Sparta -both continued to be “allies of Rome,” Augustus made a Spartan Prince of -the Lacedæmonians, and honoured them by his own presence at their public -meals. If he forbade the Athenians to sell the honour of citizenship, -he allowed himself to be initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries, and his -friend, Agrippa, presented Athens with a new theatre. As a proof of -their loyalty and gratitude, the Athenians dedicated a temple on the -Akropolis “to Augustus and Rome,” a large fragment of which may still be -seen, and erected a statue of Agrippa, the pedestal of which is still -standing in a perilous position at the approach to the Propylæa. It was -in further honour of the master of the Roman world, that an aqueduct -was constructed from the Klepsydra fountain to the Tower of the Winds, -which the Syrian Andronikos had built at a somewhat earlier period of the -Roman domination. The adjoining gate of Athena Archegetis was raised out -of money provided by Cæsar and Augustus, a number of friendly princes -proposed to complete the temple of Olympian Zeus, while an inscription -still preserves the generosity of another ruler, Herod, King of the Jews, -towards the home of Greek culture. - -The land now enjoyed a long period of peace, and began to recover from -the effects of the civil wars. A further boon was the transference of -Achaia from the jurisdiction of the Senate to that of the Emperor soon -after the accession of Tiberius, who, whatever his private vices may -have been, was most considerate in his treatment of the provincials. He -sternly repressed attempts at extortion, kept his governors in office -for long terms, and, when an earthquake injured the city of Aigion on -the gulf of Corinth, excused the citizens from the payment of taxes for -three years. The restriction of the much-abused right of asylum in -various temples, such as that of Poseidon on the island of Tenos, and -the delimitation of the Messenian and Lacedæmonian boundary, showed the -interest of the Roman Government in Greek affairs; and the cult of the -Imperial family, which was now developed in Greece, was perhaps due to -gratitude no less than to the natural obsequience of a conquered race. -The visit of the Emperor’s nephew, Germanicus, to Athens delighted the -Athenians and scandalised Roman officialdom by the Imperial traveller’s -disregard of etiquette; and it was insinuated by a prejudiced Roman -even at that early period that these voluble burgesses, who talked so -much about their past history, were not really the descendants of the -ancient Greeks, but “the offscourings of the nations.” So deep was -the impression made by the courtesy of Germanicus that, several years -later, an impostor, who pretended to be his son Drusus, found a ready -following in Greece, which he traversed from the Cyclades to Nikopolis. -It became the custom, too, to banish distinguished Romans, who had -incurred the Emperor’s displeasure, to an Ægean island, and Amorgos, -Kythnos, Seriphos, and Gyaros were the equivalent of Botany Bay. The -last two islets in particular were regarded with intense horror, and -Juvenal has selected them as types of the worst punishment that could -befall one of his countrymen[8]. Caligula, less moderate than Tiberius -in his treatment of the Greeks, carried off the famous statue of Eros -from Thespiæ, for which his unaccomplished plan of cutting the Isthmus of -Corinth was no compensation. Claudius restored the stolen statue, and in -44 A.D. handed over the province of Achaia to the Senate—an arrangement -which, with one brief interval, continued to be the practice of the Roman -Government for the future. Meanwhile, alike under Senatorial and Imperial -administration, the Greeks had acquired Roman tastes and had even adopted -in many cases Roman names. If old-fashioned Romans complained that Rome -had become “a Greek city,” where glib Hellenic freedmen had the ear of -the Emperor and starving Greeklings were ready to practise any and every -profession, the conservatives in Greece lamented the introduction of such -peculiarly Roman sports as the gladiatorial shows, of which the remains -of the Roman amphitheatre at Corinth are a memorial. The conquering and -the conquered races had reacted on one another; the Romans had become -more literary; the Greeks had become more material. - -It was at this period, about 54 A.D., that an event occurred which -profoundly modified the future of the Greek race. In, or a little -before, that year St Paul arrived at Athens, and, stirred by the -idolatry of the city, delivered his famous speech in the midst of the -Areopagos. The unvarnished narrative of the Acts of the Apostles does -not disguise the failure of the great teacher’s first attempt to convert -the argumentative Greeks, to whom the new gospel seemed “foolishness.” -But “Dionysios the Areopagite and a woman named Damaris, and others -with them,” believed, thus forming the small beginnings of the Church -which grew up there in later days. From Athens the Apostle proceeded -to Corinth, where he stayed “a year and six months.” The capital of -Achaia and mart of Greece was a fine field for his missionary labours. -The Roman colony, which had now been in existence almost a century, had -become the home of commerce and the luxury which usually accompanies -it. The superb situation, commanding the two seas, had attracted a -cosmopolitan population, including many Jews, and the vices of the East -and the West seemed to meet on the Isthmus—the Port Said of the Roman -Empire. We may trace in the language of the two Epistles, which the -Apostle addressed to the Corinthians later on, the main characteristics -of the seat of Roman rule in Greece. The allusions to the fights with -wild beasts, to the Isthmian games, to the long hair of the Corinthian -dandies, to the easy virtue of the Corinthian women, all show what was -the daily life of the most flourishing city of Greece in the middle -of the first century. Yet even at Corinth many were persuaded by the -arguments of the tent-maker, and a Christian community was founded at -the port of Kenchreæ on the Saronic Gulf. At the outset the converts -were of humble origin, like “the house of Stephanas, the first fruits -of Achaia”; but Gaius, Tertius, Quartus, and “Erastus, the chamberlain -of the city,” were persons of better position. That a man like Gallio, -the brother of Seneca the philosopher and uncle of Lucan the poet, a -man whom the other great poet of the day, Statius, has described as -“sweetness” itself, was at that time governor of Achaia, shows the -importance attached by the Romans to their Greek province. St Paul had -not the profound classical learning of the governor’s talented family, -but the two Epistles to the Thessalonians, which he wrote during this -first stay at Corinth, have conferred an undying literary interest on -the capital of Roman Greece. Silas and Timotheus joined the Apostle at -that place; and after his departure the learned Alexandrian, Apollos, -carried on the work of Christianity among the Corinthians. But the germs -of those theological parties, which were destined later on to divide -the Greek Christians, had already been planted in the congenial soil -of Achaia. The Christian community of Corinth, with the fatal tendency -to faction which has ever marked the Hellenic race, was soon split up -into sections, which followed, one St Paul, another Apollos, another the -supposed injunctions of St Peter, another the simple faith of Christ. -Even women, and that, too, unveiled, like the Laises of Corinth, had -taken upon themselves to speak at Christian gatherings, and drinking and -the other sensual crimes of that luxurious city had proved temptations -too strong for some of the new converts. This state of things provoked -the two Epistles to the Corinthians and the second visit of the Apostle -to the then Greek capital, where he remained three months, writing on -this occasion also two Epistles from Greece—that to the Romans and that -to the Galatians. For the sake of the greater security which the land -route afforded, he returned to Asia through Northern Greece, accompanied -among others by St Luke, whose traditional connection with Greece may -be traced in the wax figure of the Virgin, said to be his work, in the -monastery of Megaspelæon, and in the much later Roman tomb venerated as -his, at Thebes. With the exception of his delay at Fair Havens on the -south coast of Crete, we are not told by the writer of the Acts that St -Paul ever set foot on Greek territory again; but he left Titus in that -island “to ordain elders in every city,” and contemplated spending a -winter at Nikopolis. A tradition, unsupported, however, by good evidence, -has been preserved to the effect that he was liberated from his Roman -imprisonment, and it has been supposed that he employed part of the time -that remained before his death in revisiting Corinth and Crete. His -“kinsmen,” Jason and Sosipater, bishops of Tarsus and Ikonium, preached -the Word at Corfù, where one of them was martyred, and where one of the -two oldest churches of the island still preserves their names[9]. The -Greek journey of the pagan philosopher, Apollonios of Tyana, who tried to -restore the ancient life of Hellas and to check the Romanising tendencies -of the age, took place only a few years after the first appearance of the -Apostle of the Gentiles in Greece. - -Another visitor of a very different kind next arrived in the classic -land. Nero had already displayed his taste for the fine arts by -despatching an emissary to Greece with the object of collecting statues -for the adornment of his palace and capital. Delphi, Olympia and Athens, -where, in the phrase of a contemporary satirist, “it was easier to meet -a god than a man,” furnished an ample booty, and the Thespians again -lost, this time for ever, the statue of Eros. But Nero was not content -with the sculpture of Greece; he yearned to display his manifold talents -before a Greek audience, “the only one,” as he said, “worthy of himself -and his accomplishments.” Accordingly, in 66, he crossed over to Kassopo -in Corfù, and began his theatrical tour by singing before the altar -of Zeus there. Such was the zeal of the Imperial pot-hunter, that he -commanded all the national games to be celebrated in the same year, so -that he might have the satisfaction of winning prizes at them all in -the same tour. In order to exhibit his musical gifts, he ordered the -insertion of a new item in the time-honoured programme at Olympia, where -he built himself a house, and at Corinth broke the Isthmian rules by -contending in both tragedy and comedy. As a charioteer he eclipsed all -previous performances by driving ten horses abreast, upsetting his car -and still receiving the prize from the venal judges; as a victor, he -had the effrontery to proclaim his own victory, and the number of his -wreaths might have done credit to a royal funeral. In return for their -compliance, the Greeks were informed by the voice of the Emperor himself -on the day of the Isthmian games that they were once more free from the -jurisdiction of the Senate and exempt from the payment of taxes[10]. The -name of freedom and the practical advantage of fiscal immunity appealed -with force to the patriotic and commercial sides of the Greek character, -and outweighed the extortions of the Emperor and his suite to such a -degree that Nero became a popular hero, in whose honour medals were -struck and statues erected. To signalise yet further his stay in Greece, -he bade the long projected canal to be dug across the Isthmus. This -time the work was actually begun, and a prominent philosopher, who had -incurred the Imperial displeasure, was seen digging away with a gang of -other convicts. Nero himself dug the first sod with a golden spade, and -carried away the first spadefuls of earth in a basket on his shoulders. -But the task, of which traces may still be seen, was soon abandoned, and -the dangers which threatened his throne recalled the Emperor to Italy. -But first he consulted the Oracle of Delphi, which fully maintained its -ancient reputation for obscurity and accuracy, but was bidden henceforth -to be dumb. The two most celebrated seats of Greek antiquity, Athens and -Sparta, he left, however, unvisited—Sparta, because he disapproved of its -institutions; Athens, because he, the matricide, feared the vengeance of -the Furies, whose fabled shrine was beneath the Areopagos[11]. - -The civil war, which raged in Italy between the death of Nero and the -accession of Vespasian, had little influence upon Greece, except that it -gave an adventurer, who bore a striking resemblance to the late Emperor -and shared his musical tastes, the opportunity of personating him. But -this pretender, who had made himself master of the island of Kythnos, was -soon suppressed[12], and Vespasian, as he visited Greece on his way from -the East to Rome, could calmly study the condition of that country. The -stern old soldier, who, in spite of his Greek culture, had fallen asleep -during Nero’s recitations, had no sympathy with Greek antiquities, and -maintained that the Hellenes did not know how to use their newly-restored -freedom, which had involved the impoverished Roman exchequer in the loss -of the Greek taxes. He accordingly restored the organisation and fiscal -arrangements which had been in force before Nero’s proclamation, only -that the province of Achaia under the Flavian dynasty no longer included -Thessaly, Epeiros, and Akarnania. For a long time Greece had no political -history; but we know that Domitian, like Tiberius, was as considerate -towards the provincials as he was tyrannical to the Roman nobles; that he -cherished a special cult for the goddess Athena; and that he deigned to -allow himself to be nominated as Archon Eponymos of Athens for the year -93—an instance which shows the continuance of an institution which had -been founded nearly eight centuries earlier. Trajan’s direct connection -with Greece was limited to a stay at Athens on the way to the Parthian -war, but he counted among his friends the most celebrated Greek author of -that age, the famous Plutarch, who passed a great part of his time in the -small Bœotian town of Chaironeia, where his so-called “chair,” obviously -the end seat of one of the rows in the theatre, may still be seen in the -little church. Like Polybios in the first period of the Roman conquest, -Plutarch served as a link to unite the Greeks and their masters. At once -an Hellenic patriot and an admirer of Rome, he combined love of the past -independence of his country with a shrewd sense of the advantages of -Roman rule in the existing circumstances. True, the Greece of his time -was very different from that of the Golden Age. While the single city -of Megara had sent 3000 heavy armed men to the battle of Platæa, the -whole province of Achaia could not raise a larger number in his days. -Depopulation was going on apace; Eubœa was almost desolate, and the -inland towns of the mainland were mostly losing their trade, which was -gravitating to the coasts. The expenditure of the Greek taxes at Rome led -to the want of funds for public objects, and the Roman system of making -immunity from taxation a principle of Roman citizenship divided the -Greeks into two classes, the rich and the poor. The former led luxurious -lives, built expensive houses, added acre to acre, and fell into the -hands of the foreign money-lenders of Corinth or Patras. The latter sank -lower and lower in the social scale, and it was noticed that, while the -Greek women had become more beautiful, the classic grace of Hellenic -manhood had declined. But Greece continued to exercise her perennial -charm on the cultured traveller. In spite of the Thessalian brigands, -tourists journeyed to see the Vale of Tempe, and a race of loquacious -guides arose, whose business it was to explain the history of Delphi. Men -of the highest rank were proud to be made Athenian citizens, and one of -them, Antiochos Philopappos, grandson of the last king of Kommagene, was -commemorated in the last years of Trajan by the monument which is to-day -one of the most conspicuous in all Athens. - -The reign of Hadrian was a very happy period for the Greeks. A lover of -both ancient and contemporary Hellas, which he visited several times, -the Imperial traveller left his mark all over the country. We may gather -from Pausanias, whose own wanderings began at this period, that there -was scarcely a single Greek city of importance which had not received -some benefit from this Emperor. Coins of Patras describe him as “the -restorer of Achaia,” Megara regarded him as her “second founder,” -Mantineia had to thank him for the restoration of her classical name. -Alive to the want of through communication between the Peloponnese and -Central Greece, he built a safe road along the Skironian cliffs, where -now the tourist looks down on the azure sea from the train that takes -him from Megara to Corinth. He provided the latter city with water by -means of an aqueduct from Lake Stymphalos, and began the aqueduct at -Athens which was completed by his successor. But this was only one of -his many Athenian improvements. His affection for Athens, where he lived -as a Greek among Greeks and had held the office of Archon Eponymos, like -Domitian, led him to assign the revenues of Cephalonia to the Athenian -treasury, to regulate the oil-trade, that important branch of Attic -commerce, his edict about which may still be read on the gate of Athena -Archegetis, to repair the theatre of Dionysos, and to present the city -with a Pantheon, a library, contained within the Stoa which still bears -his name and of which part is still standing, and a gymnasium. He also -built there a temple of Hera, and completed that of Zeus Olympios, which -had been begun by Peisistratos more than six centuries before and had -provided Sulla with spoil. The still standing columns of this magnificent -building formed the nucleus of the “new Athens,” which he founded outside -“the old city of Theseus,” and to which the Arch of Hadrian, as the -inscriptions upon it show, was intended as the entrance. With another -of his foundations, the temple of Zeus Panhellenios, was connected the -institution of the Panhellenic festival, which represented the unity of -the Greek race and, like the more ancient games, had a religious basis. -Hadrian called into existence a synod of “Panhellenes,” composed of -members of the Greek communities on both sides of the Ægean, who met at -Athens and whose treasurer was styled “Hellenotamias,” or “steward of -the Hellenes”—a title borrowed from the classical Confederacy of Delos. -In name, indeed, the golden age of Athens seemed to have returned, and -the enthusiastic Athenians heaped one honour after another upon the head -of the great Philhellene. They adored him as a god, and the President of -the Panhellenic synod became his priest; his statues rose all over the -city, his name was bestowed upon one of the months, a thirteenth tribe -was formed and called after him, and the thirteen wedges of the repaired -theatre of Dionysos contained each a bust of Hadrian; even an unworthy -favourite of the Emperor was dubbed a deity with the same ease that we -convert a charitable tradesman into a peer. - -Hadrian’s two immediate successors continued his Philhellenic policy. -Antoninus Pius erected new buildings for the use of the visitors to that -fashionable health-resort, the Hieron of Epidauros; and in graceful -recognition of the legend, according to which the founders of the first -settlement on the Palatine were emigrants from Pallantion in Arkadia, -raised that village to the rank of a city, with the privileges of -self-government and immunity from taxes. Marcus Aurelius seemed to have -realised the Utopian ideal of Plato, that philosophers should be kings -or kings philosophers. The Imperial author of the _Meditations_ wrote -in Greek, had sat at the feet of Greek teachers, and greatly admired -the products of the Greek intellect. But his reign was disturbed by -warlike alarms, and it is noteworthy that at this period the first of -those barbarian tribes from the North, which inflicted so much injury -upon Greece in later centuries, penetrated into that country. The Greeks -showed, however, that they had not in the long years of peace, forgotten -how to defend themselves. At Elateia the Kostobokes—such was the name of -the marauders—received a check from a local force and withdrew beyond the -frontier[13]. In spite of his distant campaigns, Marcus Aurelius found -time to visit Athens, restored the temple at Eleusis, was initiated into -the Eleusinian mysteries, and founded in 176 the Athenian University. -It was, indeed, the heyday of Academic life, and Athens was under the -Antonines the happy hunting-ground of professors, who received salaries -from the Imperial exchequer, and enjoyed the privilege of exemption from -costly public duties. One of their number, Herodes Atticus of Marathon, -has, by his splendid gifts to the city, perpetuated his fame to our own -time. His vast wealth, united to his renown as a professor of rhetoric, -not only made him the most prominent man in Athens, where he held the -post of President of the new Panhellenic synod, but gained him the Roman -consulship, the friendship of Hadrian, and the honour of instructing -the early years of Marcus Aurelius. When Verus, the colleague of the -latter in the Imperial dignity, visited Athens, it was as the guest of -the sophist of Marathon; when the University was founded, it was Herodes -who selected the professors. The charm of his villas at Kephisia, then, -as now, the suburban pleasaunce of the dust-choked Athenians, and in -his native village, has been extolled by one of his pupils, while the -Odeion which still bears his name was erected by him to the memory of -his second wife[14]. He also restored the Stadion, which had been built -by Lykourgos about five centuries earlier, and within its precincts his -body was interred. There still exist remains of his temple of Fortune, -a goddess of whom he had varied experiences. For his vast wealth and -the sense of their own inferiority caused the Athenians to revile their -benefactor, and as many of them owed him money, he was naturally regarded -as their enemy until his death. Many other Greek cities benefited by -his liberality; he built a theatre at Corinth and restored the bathing -establishment at Thermopylæ; and he was even accused of making life too -easy for his fellow-countrymen because he provided Olympia with pure -water by means of an aqueduct, of which the Exedra is still visible. - -It was at this period, too, that the traveller Pausanias wrote his famous -_Description of Greece_, a work which gives a faithful account of that -country as it struck his observant eyes. Compared with what it had been -in Strabo’s time, the land seemed prosperous in the age of the Antonines, -though some districts had never recovered from the ravages of the Roman -wars. Much of Bœotia was still in the desolate state in which Sulla had -left it; Ætolia had not been inhabited since Octavian carried off its -population to Nikopolis; the lower town of Thebes was quite deserted, and -the ancient name was then, as now, confined to the ancient Akropolis, -while the sole occupants of Delos were the Athenians sent to guard the -temple. But Delphi was in a flourishing condition, the Roman colonies of -Patras and Corinth continued to prosper, and among the ancient cities of -the Peloponnese, Argos and Sparta still held the foremost rank, while the -much more modern Megalopolis, upon which such high hopes had been built, -shared the fate of Tiryns and Mycenæ. Moreover, despite the robbery of -statues by Romans from Mummius to Nero, Pausanias found a vast number -of ancient masterpieces all over the country, and even the paintings, -with which Polygnotos had adorned the Stoa Poikile at Athens, were still -visible. As for the relics of classical lore and prehistoric legend, -they abounded in every city that could boast of a hero, and the remark -of Cicero was as true in the time of Pausanias, that in a Greek town one -came upon the traces of history at every step. In the second century, -too, good Doric was still spoken by the Messenians; and, if the pure -Attic of Plato had been somewhat corrupted at Athens by the presence of -many foreign students, it was still preserved in all its glory by the -peasants of Attica. The writings of Lucian at this period show how even -a Syrian could, by long residence at Athens, acquire a masterly gift of -Attic prose. The illusion of a classical revival was further kept up -by the continuance of ancient institutions, even though they had lost -the reality of power. Pausanias mentions the existence, and describes -the composition, of the Amphiktyonic Council in his time, when it was -still the guardian of the Delphic oracle. The Court of the Areopagos -preserved its ancient forms at Athens; the Ephors and other Spartan -authorities had survived the disapproval of Nero; the Confederacy of the -Free Laconians, though reduced in size, still included eighteen cities; -Bœotia and Phokis enjoyed the privilege of local assemblies. The great -games still attracted competitors and spectators; the great oracles still -found some believers, who consulted them; and the old religion, if it -had little moral force, was, at least in externals, still that of the -majority, though philosophers regretted it and enlightened persons like -Pausanias inclined to a rational interpretation of the myths, and told -stories of bribes administered to the Pythian priestess. Christianity -had made little progress in Greece during the three generations that -had elapsed since the last visit of St Paul. Mention is, indeed, made -by the Christian historian, Eusebius, of large communities at Larissa, -Sparta, and in Crete; but Corinth still remained the chief seat of the -new faith, and the Corinthian Christians still retained that factious -spirit which St Paul had rebuked. Athens, as the home of philosophy, was -little favourable to the simplicity of the Gospel; but the celebrated -Athenian philosopher, Aristides, was not only converted to Christianity, -but presented an Apology for that creed to Hadrian during his residence -in the city; while another Athenian, Hyginos, was chosen Pope in the age -of the Antonines. Anacletos, the second (or, in other lists, fourth) -Bishop of Rome after St Peter, is said to have been a native of Athens, -and a third, Xystos, perished, as Pope Sixtus II, in the persecution -of Valerian. The tradition that Dionysios the Areopagite, became first -Bishop of Athens[15], and there gained the crown of martyrdom, and that -St Andrew suffered death at Patras, has been cherished, and in the case -of Patras has had a considerable historical influence. - -With the death of Marcus Aurelius the series of Philhellenic Emperors -ended, and the Roman civil wars in the last decade of the second century -occupied the attention of the Empire. Without taking an active part in -the struggle, Greece submitted to the authority of Pescennius Niger, one -of the unsuccessful candidates, and this temporary error of judgment -may have induced the Emperor Septimius Severus to inflict a punishment -upon Athens, the cause of which is usually ascribed to a slight which -he suffered during his student days there. His successor, Caracalla, by -extending the Roman citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Empire, -gave the Greeks an opportunity, of which they were not slow to avail -themselves. From that moment the doors of the Roman administration -were thrown open to all the races of the Roman dominions, and the -nimble-witted Greeks so obtained a predominance in that department such -as they acquired much later under Turkish rule. From that moment, too, -they considered themselves as “Romans,” and the name stuck to them long -after the Roman Empire had passed away. But Caracalla, while he thus made -them the equals of the Romans in the eyes of the law, increased the taxes -which it had long been the privilege of Roman citizens to pay, while he -continued to exact those which the provincials had paid previous to their -admission to the citizenship. The reductions made by his successors, -Macrinus and Alexander Severus, were to a large extent neutralised by -the great depreciation of the currency, which began under Caracalla and -continued for the next half century. The Government paid its creditors -in depreciated money, but took good care that the taxes were paid in -good gold pieces. The worst results followed: officials were tempted, -like the modern Turkish Pashas, to recoup themselves by extortion for -the diminution in their salaries; trade with foreign countries became -uncertain, even the specially thriving Greek industries of marble and -purple dye must have been affected, and possessors of good coin buried -it in the ground. Amid this dismal scene of decay, Athens continued to -preserve her reputation as a University town. Though no longer patronised -by cultured Emperors, she still attracted numbers of pupils to her -lecture rooms; and the name of Longinus, author of the celebrated -treatise, _On the Sublime_, adorns the scanty Athenian annals of this -period. That the drama was not neglected is clear from the inscription -which records the restoration of the theatre of Dionysos by the Archon -Phaidros during this period. But the philosophers and playgoers of Athens -were soon to be roused by the alarm of an invasion such as their city had -not experienced for many a generation. - -Hitherto, with the unimportant exception of the raid of the Kostobokes -as far as Elateia, Greece had never been submitted to the terrors of a -barbarian inroad since the Roman Conquest, The Roman Empire had protected -Achaia from foreign attack, and even the least friendly of the Emperors -had allowed no one to plunder the art treasures of the Greek cities -except their own occasional emissaries. Hence the Greece of the middle of -the third century preserved in many respects the same external appearance -as that of the same country four hundred years earlier. But this blessing -of peace, which Rome had conferred upon the Greeks, had had the bad -effect of training up a nation which was a stranger to the arts of war. -Caracalla, indeed, had raised a couple of Spartan regiments; but the -local militia of the Greek cities had had no experience of fighting, and -the fortifications of the country had been allowed to fall into ruin. -Such was the state of the Greek defences when in 250 the Goths crossed -the Balkans and entered what is now South Bulgaria. Measures were at once -taken to defend the Greek provinces. Claudius, afterwards Emperor, was -ordered to occupy the historic pass of Thermopylæ, but his forces were -small and most of them had been newly enrolled. The death of the Emperor -Decius, fighting against the Goths, increased the alarm, and the siege of -Salonika thoroughly startled the Greeks. No sooner had Valerian mounted -the Imperial throne, than they signalised his reign by repairing the -walls of Athens, which had been neglected since the siege of Sulla[16], -and it was perhaps at the same time that a fort and a new gate were -erected for the defence of the Akropolis[17]. As a second line of defence -the fortifications across the Isthmus were restored, and occupied, just -as by Peloponnesian troops of old on the approach of the Persian host. -But these preparations did not long preserve the country from the attacks -of the Goths. Distracted by the rival claims of self-styled Emperors, -Valens in Achaia, and Piso in Thessaly, who had availed themselves of -the general confusion to declare their independence, and visited by a -terrible plague which followed in the wake of the Roman armies, the -Greeks soon had the Gothic hosts upon them. A first raid was repulsed, -only to be repeated in 267 on a far larger scale. This time the Goths -and fierce Heruli arrived by sea, and, after ravaging the storied island -of Skyros, captured Argos, Sparta, and the lower city of Corinth. Athens -herself was surprised by the enemy, before the Emperor Gallienus, whose -admiration for the ancient city had been shown by his initiation into -the Eleusinian mysteries and his acceptance of the Athenian citizenship -with the office of Archon Eponymos, could send troops to her assistance. -But at this crisis in her history, Athens showed herself worthy of her -glorious past. At that time one of her leading citizens was the historian -Dexippos, whose writings on the Scythian wars, preserved now only in -fragments, were favourably compared by a Byzantine critic with those of -Thucydides[18]. But Dexippos, if a less caustic writer, was a better -general, than the historian of the Peloponnesian war. He assembled a -body of Athenians, addressed them in a fiery harangue, a fragment of -which still exists[19], and reminded them that the event of battles -was usually decided by bravery rather than by numbers. Marshalling his -troops in the Olive Grove, he accustomed them little by little to the -noise of the Gothic war cries and the sight of the Gothic warriors. The -arrival of a Roman fleet effected a timely diversion, and the barbarians, -taken between two hostile forces, abandoned Athens and succumbed to -the Emperor’s arms on their march towards the North. Fortunately they -seem to have spared the monuments of the city during their occupation, -and we are told that the Athenian libraries were saved from the flames -by the deep policy of a shrewd Goth, who thought that the pursuit of -literature would unfit the Greeks for the art of war[20]. Dexippos, who -proved by his own example the compatibility of learning with strategy, -has been commemorated in an inscription, which praises his merits as a -writer, but is silent about his fame as a maker, of history—known to us -from a single sentence of the Latin biographer of Gallienus[21]. Yet at -that moment Greece needed men of action rather than men of letters. For -another Gothic invasion took place two years later, and from Thessaly to -Crete the vessels of the barbarians harried the coasts. But the interval -had been used to put the defences of the cities into repair; and such -was the ill-success of the invaders, who could not take a single town, -that they did not renew the attack. For more than a century the land -was spared the horrors of a fresh Gothic war. The great victory of the -Emperor Claudius II over the Goths at Nish and the abandonment of what -is now Roumania to them by his successor Aurelian secured the peace -of Achaia. Although the three invasions had resulted in the loss of a -considerable amount of moveable property and of many slaves, who had -either been carried off as captives or had escaped from their Greek -masters to the Gothic ranks, the recovery of Athens and Corinth seems to -have been so rapid that seven years after the last raid they were among -the nine cities of the Empire to which the Roman Senate wrote announcing -the election of the Emperor Tacitus and bidding them direct any appeals -from the Proconsul to the Prefect of the City of Rome—a clear proof of -their civic importance. - -But the Greeks soon looked for the fountain of justice elsewhere than on -the banks of the Tiber. With the reign of Diocletian began the practice -of removing the seat of Government from Rome, and that Emperor usually -resided at Nicomedia. His establishment of four great administrative -divisions of the Empire really separated the two Eastern, in which Greece -was comprehended, from the two Western, and prepared the way for the -foundation of Constantinople by Constantine and the ultimate division -of the Eastern and Western Empires. Diocletian’s further increase in -the number of the provinces, several of which were grouped under one -of the Dioceses, into which the Empire was split up for administrative -purposes, had the double effect of altering the size of the Greek -provinces, and of scattering them over several Dioceses. Thus Achaia, -Thessaly, “Old” Epeiros (as the region round Nikopolis was now called), -and Crete, formed four separate provinces included in the Mœsian Diocese, -the administrative centre of which was Sirmium, the modern Mitrovitz. -The Ægean islands, on the other hand, composed one of the provinces of -the Asian Diocese. The province of Achaia had, however, the privilege of -being administered by a Proconsul, who was an official of more exalted -rank than the great majority of provincial governors. Side by side with -these arrangements, the currency reform of Diocletian and the edict by -which he fixed the highest price of commodities cannot fail to have -affected the trade of Greece, while his love of building benefited the -Greek marble quarries. - -After the abdication of Diocletian the Christians of Greece were visited -by another of those persecutions, of which they had had experience under -the Emperor Decius half a century earlier. But on neither occasion -were the martyrdoms numerous, except in Crete, and it would appear that -Christianity in Greece was less prosperous, or less progressive, than -the same creed in the great cities of the East, where the victims were -far more numerous. Constantine’s toleration made him as popular with -the Greek Christians as his marked respect for the Athenian University -made him with the Greek philosophers, and it is, therefore, no wonder -that in his final struggle against his rival, Licinius, he was able to -collect a Greek fleet, which mustered in the harbour of the Piræus, then -once more an important station, and forced for him the passage of the -Dardanelles. But the reign of Constantine, although he found a biographer -in the young Athenian historian, Praxagoras[22], was not conducive to -the national development of Greece. Adopting the administrative system -of Diocletian, he continued the practice of dividing the Empire into -four great “Prefectures,” as they were now called, each of which was -subdivided into Dioceses, and the latter again into provinces. The four -Greek provinces of Thessaly, Achaia (including some of the Cyclades and -some of the Ionian Islands), Old Epeiros (including Corfù and Ithake), -and Crete (of which Gortyna was the capital), formed part of the -Diocese of Macedonia in the Prefecture of Illyricum, whereas the rest -of the Greek islands composed a distinct province of the Asian Diocese -in the Prefecture of the Orient. Thus, the Greek race continued to be -split into fragments, while at the same time the levelling tendency of -Constantine’s administration gradually swept away those Greek municipal -institutions, which had hitherto survived all changes, and thus the -inhabitants of different parts of the country began to lose their -peculiar characteristics. A few time-honoured vestiges of ancient Greek -freedom existed for some time longer; thus the Areopagos and the Archons -of Athens and the provincial assembly of Achaia may be traced on into -the fifth century. But their place was taken by the new local senates, -composed of so-called _Decuriones_, who were chosen from the richest -landowners, and who had to collect, and were held personally responsible -for, the amount of the land-tax. This onerous office was made hereditary, -and there was no means of escaping it except by death or flight to a -monastic cell; even a journey outside the country required a special -permit from the governor, and the rich _Decurio_, like the mediæval serf, -was tied down to the land which he was so unfortunate as to own. Even an -Irish landlord’s lot seems happy compared with that of a Greek _Decurio_, -nor was the provincial who escaped the unpleasant privilege of serving -the State in that capacity greatly to be envied. The exaction of taxes -became at once more stringent and more regular—a combination peculiarly -objectionable to the Oriental mind—and the re-assessment of their burdens -every fifteen years led the people to calculate time by the “Indictions,” -or edicts in which, with all the solemnity of purple ink, the Emperor -fixed the amount of the imposts for this new cycle of taxation. That -the ruler himself became conscious of the inequalities of his subjects’ -contributions was evident half a century later when Valentinian I -allowed the citizens of each municipality to elect an official, styled -_Defensor_, whose duty it was to defend his fellow-citizens before the -Emperor against the fiscal exactions of the authorities. - -The transference of the capital to Constantinople, enormous as its -ultimate results have proved to be, was at first a disadvantage to the -inhabitants of Greece. We are accustomed to look on the centre of the -Byzantine Empire as a largely Greek city, but it must be remembered -that, at the outset, it was Roman in conception and that its language -was Latin. Almost immediately, however, it began to drain Greece of its -population, attracted by the prospects of work and the certainty of -“bread and games” in the New Rome. In the days of Demosthenes Byzantium -had been the granary of Athens; now Attica, always unproductive of -wheat, began to find that Constantine’s growing capital had to import -bread-stuffs for its own use, and the Athenians were thankful for an -annual grant of corn from the Emperor. The founder wanted, too, Greek -works of art to adorn his city, and 427 statues were placed in Sta -Sophia alone; the Muses of Helikon were carried off to the palace of the -Emperor; the serpent column, which the grateful Greeks had dedicated at -Delphi after the battle of Platæa, was set up in the Hippodrome, where -one of its three heads was struck off by the battle-axe of Mohammed II. - -The conversion of Constantine to Christianity had the natural effect of -bringing within the Christian ranks those lukewarm pagans who took their -religious views from the Emperor. But the comparative immunity from -persecution which the Christians of Greece had enjoyed under the pagan -ascendancy led them to treat their opponents with the same mildness. -There was no reaction, because there had been no revolution, and the -devotees of the old and the new religion went on living peaceably side -by side. The even greater temptation to the subtle Greek intellect to -indulge in the wearisome Arian controversy, which so long convulsed a -large part of the Church in the East, was rejected owing to the fortunate -unanimity of the bishops who were sent from Greece to attend the Council -of Nice. Their strong and united opposition to the heresy of Arius was -re-echoed by their flocks at home, and the Church, undivided on this -crucial question, became more and more identified with the people. After -Constantine’s death the harmony between the pagans and the Christians -was temporarily disturbed. Under Constantius II the public offerings -ceased, the temples were closed, the oracles fell into disuse; under -Julian the Apostate a final attempt was made to rehabilitate the ancient -religion. Julian seemed, indeed, to the conservative party in Greece to -have restored for two brief years the silver age of Hadrian, if not the -golden age of Perikles. The jealousy of Constantius, by sending him in -honourable exile to Athens, had made him an enthusiastic admirer of not -only the literature but the creed of the old Hellenes. It was at that -time that he abjured Christianity and was initiated into the Eleusinian -mysteries, and when he took up arms against Constantius it was to the -Corinthians, Lacedæmonians, and Athenians that he addressed Apologies for -his conduct. These manifestoes, of which that to the Athenians is still -extant among the writings of Julian, had such an effect upon the Greeks, -flattered no doubt by such an attention, that they declared in his -favour, and on his rival’s death they had their reward. The temples were -re-opened, the altars once more smoked with the offerings of the devout, -the great games were revived, including the Aktian festival of Augustus, -which had fallen into decline with the falling fortunes of Nikopolis. -Julian restored that city and others like it, and the Argives did not -appeal in vain for a rehearing of a wearisome law-suit with Corinth to -an Emperor who was steeped to the lips in classic lore. At Athens he -purged the University by excluding Christians from professorial chairs, -Christian students were often converted, like the Emperor, by the genius -of the place, and the University became the last refuge of Hellenism in -Greece, when Julian’s attempted restoration of the old order of things -collapsed at his death. Throughout this period, indeed, the University of -Athens was not only the chief intellectual centre of the Empire—for Rome -had ceased, and the newly founded University of Constantinople had not -yet begun, to attract the best intellects—but it was the all-absorbing -institution of the city. Athenian trade had gone on decaying, and under -Constans, the son of Constantine, the people of Athens were obliged to -ask the Emperor for the grant of certain insular revenues, which he -allowed them to devote to the purchase of provisions. So Athens was now -solely a University town, and the ineradicable yearning of the Greeks for -politics found vent, in default of a larger opening, in such academic -struggles as the election of a professor or the merits of the rival -corps of students. These corps, each composed as a rule of students -from the same district, kept Athens alive with their disputes, which -sometimes degenerated into pitched battles calling for the intervention -of the Roman governor from Corinth. So keen was the competition between -them, that their agents were posted at the Piræus to accost the sea-sick -freshman as soon as he landed and enlist him in this or that corps. Each -corps had its favourite professor, for whose class it obtained pupils, by -force or argument, and whose lectures it applauded whenever the master -brought out some fresh conceit or distorted the flexible Greek language -into some new combination of words. The celebrated sophist Libanios, -and the poetic divine, Gregory of Nazianzos, respectively the apologist -and the censor of Julian, have left us a graphic sketch of the student -life in their time at Athens, when the scarlet and gold garments of the -lecturers and the gowns of their pupils mingled in the streets of the -ancient city, which still deserved in this fourth century the proud title -of “the eye of Greece.” - -The triumph of paganism ceased with the death of Julian; but his -successor Jovian, though he ordered the Church of the Virgin to be -erected at Corfù out of the fragments of a heathen temple opposite the -royal villa[23], proclaimed universal toleration. His wise example was -followed by Valentinian I, who repealed Julian’s edict which had made -the profession of paganism a test of professorial office at Athens, and -allowed his subjects to approach heaven in what manner they pleased. -The Greeks were specially exempted from the law forbidding nocturnal -sacrifices because it would “make their life unendurable.” The Eleusinian -mysteries were permitted to be celebrated, and Athens continued to -derive much profit from those festivals. It was fortunate for the Greeks -that, at the partition of the Empire between him and Valens in 364, the -Prefecture of Illyricum, which included the bulk of the Greek provinces, -was joined to the Western half, and thus fell to his share. His reign -marked the last stage of that peaceful development which had gone on in -Greece since the Gothic invasion of the previous century. A few years -after his death the Emperor Theodosius I publicly proclaimed the Catholic -faith to be the established creed of the Empire, and proceeded to stamp -out paganism with all the zeal of a Spaniard. The Oracle of Delphi was -closed for ever, the temples were shut, and in 393 the Olympic games, -which had been the rallying point of the Hellenic race for untold -centuries, ceased to exist. As a token of their discontinuance the -statue of Zeus, which had stood in the temple of the god at Olympia, was -removed to Constantinople, and the time-honoured custom of reckoning -time by the Olympiads was definitely replaced by the prosaic cycle of -Indictions. Yet Athens still remained a bulwark of the old religion, and -the preservation of that city from the great earthquake which devastated -large parts of Greece in 375 was attributed to the miraculous protection -of the hero Achilles, whose statue had been placed in the Parthenon by -the venerable hierophant of the Eleusinian mysteries. - -But a worse evil than earthquakes was about to befall the Greeks. After -more than a century’s peace, the Goths crossed the Balkans and defeated -the Emperor Valens in the battle of Adrianople. The Greek provinces, -entrusted for their better defence to the strong arm of Theodosius, -escaped for the moment with no further loss than that caused by a Gothic -raid in the North and by the brigandage which is the natural result of -every war in the Balkan Peninsula. But, on the death of that Emperor -and the final division of the Roman Empire between his sons, Honorius -and Arcadius, in 395, the Goths, under their great leader, Alaric, -attacked the now divided Prefecture of Illyricum. The evil results of the -complete separation of the Eastern from the Western Empire were at once -felt. The Greek provinces, which had just been attached to the Eastern -system, might have been saved from this incursion if the Western general, -Stilicho, had been permitted by Byzantine jealousy to rout the Goths in -Thessaly. As the arm of that great commander was thus arrested in the act -of striking, Alaric not only was able to penetrate into Epeiros as far -as Nikopolis, which at that time almost entirely belonged to St Jerome’s -friend, the devout Paula, but he marched over Pindos into Thessaly, -defeated the local militia, and turned to the South upon Bœotia and -Attica. The last earthquake had laid many of the fortifications in ruins, -the Roman army of occupation was small, and its commander unwilling to -imitate the conduct of Leonidas at Thermopylæ. The monks facilitated the -inroad of a Christian army. The famous fortifications of Thebes had been -restored, but they did not check the course of the impetuous Goth, who, -leaving them unassailed, went straight to Athens. A later pagan historian -has invented the pleasing legend that Pallas Athena and the hero Achilles -appeared to protect the city from the invaders. But the Goths, who were -not only Christians but Arian heretics, would have been little influenced -by such an apparition. Athens capitulated, and Alaric, who bade spare the -holy sanctuaries of the Apostles when, fifteen years later, he entered -Rome, abstained from destroying the artistic treasures of which Athens -was full. But the great temple of the mysteries at the town of Eleusis, -and that town itself, so intimately associated with that ancient cult, -were sacrificed either to the fanaticism of the Arian monks who followed -the Gothic army, to the cupidity of the troops, or to both. The last -hierophant seems to have perished with the shrine, of which he was the -guardian, and a pagan apologist saw in his fall the manifest wrath of -the gods, angry at the usurpation of that high office by one who did not -belong to the sacred family of the Eumolpidæ. Henceforth the Eleusinian -mysteries ceased to exist, and the home of those great festivals is now a -sorry Albanian village, where ruins still mark the work of the destroyer. -Megara shared the fate of Eleusis, the Isthmus was left without -defenders, and Corinth, Argos, and Sparta were sacked. Those who resisted -were cut down, their wives carried off into slavery, their children made -to serve a Gothic master. Even a philosopher died of a broken heart at -the spectacle of this terrible calamity. Fortunately, Alaric’s sojourn -in the Peloponnese was shortened by the arrival of Stilicho with an -army in the Gulf of Corinth. The Goths withdrew to the fastnesses of -Mount Pholoe, between Olympia and Patras, and it seemed as if Stilicho -had only to draw his lines around them and then wait for hunger to do -its work. But from some unexplained cause—perhaps a court intrigue at -Constantinople, perhaps the negligence of the general—Alaric was allowed -to escape over the Gulf of Corinth into Epeiros. After devastating -that region he was rewarded by the Government of Constantinople with -the office of Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial forces in the Eastern -half of Illyricum, which comprised the scenes of his recent ravages. -The principle of converting a brigand into a policeman has often proved -successful, but there were probably many who shared the indignant -feelings of the poet Claudian[24] at this sudden transformation of “the -devastator of Achaia” into her protector. But Alaric could not rebuild -the cities, which he had destroyed; he could not restore prosperity to -the lands, which he had ravaged. We have ample evidence of the injury -which this invasion had inflicted upon Greece in the legislation of -Theodosius II in the first half of the next century. Two Imperial edicts -remitted sixty years’ arrears of taxation; another granted the petition -of the people of Achaia that their taxes might be reduced to one-third of -the existing amount on the ground that they could pay no more; while yet -another relieved the Greeks from the burden of contributing towards the -expenses of the public games at Constantinople. There is proof, too, in -the pages of a contemporary historian, as well as in the dry paragraphs -of the Theodosian Code, that much of the land had been allowed to go out -of cultivation and had been abandoned by its owners. Athens, however, had -survived the tempest which had laid waste so large a part of the country. -True, we find the philosopher Synesios, who visited that seat of learning -soon after Alaric’s invasion, writing sarcastically to a correspondent, -that Athens “resembled the bleeding and empty skin of a slaughtered -victim,” and was now famous for its honey alone. But the disillusioned -visitor makes no mention of the destruction of the buildings, for which -the city was renowned. Throughout the vicissitudes of the five and a -half centuries, which we have traversed since the Roman Conquest, one -conqueror after another had spared the glories of Athens, and even after -the terrible calamity of this Gothic invasion she remained the one bright -spot amid the darkness which had settled down upon the land of the -Hellenes. - - - - -II. BYZANTINE GREECE - - -The period of more than a century which separated Alaric’s invasion from -the accession of Justinian was not prolific of events on the soil of -Greece. But those which occurred there tended yet further to accelerate -the decay of the old classic life. Scarcely had the country begun to -recover from the long-felt ravages of the Goths, than the Vandals, -who had now established themselves in Africa, plundered the west and -south-west coasts of Greece from Epeiros to Cape Matapan. But at this -crisis the Free Laconian town of Kainepolis showed such a Spartan spirit -that the Vandal King Genseric was obliged to retire with considerable -loss. He revenged himself by ravaging the beautiful island of Zante, -and by throwing into the Ionian Sea the mangled bodies of 500 of its -inhabitants[25]. Nikopolis was held as a hostage by the Vandals till -peace was concluded between them and the Eastern Empire, when their raids -ceased. Seven years afterwards, in 482, the Ostrogoths under Theodoric -devastated Larissa and the rich plain of Thessaly. In 517 a more serious, -because permanent enemy, appeared for the first time in the annals of -Greece. The Bulgarians had already caused such alarm to the statesmen -of Constantinople that they had strengthened the defences of that city, -and it was probably at this time that the fortifications of Megara were -restored. On their first inroad, however, the Bulgarians penetrated no -further into Greece than Thermopylæ and the south of Epeiros. But they -carried off many captives, and, to complete the woes of the Greeks, one -of those severe earthquakes to which that country is liable laid Corinth -in ruins. - -The final separation of the Eastern and Western Empires tended to -identify the interests of the Greeks with those of the Eastern Emperors, -to make Greek the language of the Court, and to encourage the Greek -nationality. But from that period down to the Latin conquest of -Constantinople, the Imperial city grew more and more in importance at the -expense of the old home of the Hellenes, and Greece became more and more -provincial. But it seems an exaggeration to say with Finlay that during -those eight centuries “no Athenian citizen gained a place of honour in -the annals of the Empire.” To Athens, at least, belongs the honour of -having produced the Empress Eudokia, wife of Theodosius II, whose acts -of financial justice to her native land she may have prompted, such as -that which, in 435, reduced the tribute of the dwellers in Greece by -two-thirds, while she is said to have founded twelve churches in her -native city, among them the quaint little Kapnikarea, so conspicuous a -feature of modern Athens, if we may trust the belief embodied in the -inscription inside. The daughter of an Athenian professor, Leontios, -celebrated alike for her beauty and accomplishments, she went to -Constantinople to appeal against an unjust decision which had enriched -her brothers but had left her almost penniless. She lost her case, but -she won the favour of Pulcheria, the masterful sister of Theodosius, -and was appointed one of her maids of honour. She used this favourable -position to the best advantage, gained the heart of the young Emperor, -who was seven years her junior in age and many more in knowledge of the -world, and had no scruples about exchanging paganism and the name of -Athenais for Christianity and the baptismal title of Eudokia. She showed -her Christian charity by forgiving and promoting her brothers; she kept -up her literary accomplishments by turning part of the Old Testament -into Greek verse; but she was accused of ambition and infidelity, the -latter charge being substantiated by a superb apple, which the Emperor -had presented to his wife, which she in turn had sent to her lover, and -he, like an idiot, had placed on the Emperor’s table! She died in exile -at Jerusalem, a striking example of the vicissitudes of human fortunes. -Yet even in the time of her power, she could not, perhaps would not, -prevent her husband’s persecution of the religion which she had abjured. -His orders to the provincial authorities to destroy the temples or to -consecrate them to Christian worship were not always carried out, it is -true. But the pictures of Polygnotus, which Pausanias had seen in the -Stoa Poikile at Athens, excited the covetousness of an Imperial governor, -and the gold and ivory statue of Athena by Phidias vanished from the -Parthenon for ever[26]; the temple of Zeus at Olympia was destroyed by -an earthquake or by Christian bigotry, the shrine of Asklepios on the -slope of the Akropolis was pulled down, while the heathen divinities -became gradually assimilated with the Christian saints, in whom they -finally merged. Thus Helios, the sun-god, was converted into Elias, whose -name is so prominent all over the map of modern Greece; the wine-god -Dionysos became a reformed character in the person of St Dionysios, and -the temples of Theseus and Zeus Olympios at Athens were dedicated to St -George and St John. By a still more striking transformation the Parthenon -was consecrated as a church of the Virgin during the sixth century, -and was thenceforth regarded as the Cathedral of Athens. The growth of -Christianity is observable, too, from the lists of Greek sees represented -at the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, while the importance of Corinth -as the seat of the Metropolitan of Achaia is shown by the synod which -was held there to settle a point of Church discipline in 419. In spite, -however, of its political separation from Rome, we find Greece making -appeals to the Pope when grave theological questions arose. At this -period the Archbishop of Salonika was regarded as the official head of -all the Greek provinces in Europe, yet when he seemed to the orthodox -Epeirotes to be affected with heresy, they sent in their adhesion to Rome. - -Theodosius II was not content with the destruction of temples; he -desired the final disappearance of such vestiges of municipal freedom -as Constantine had spared. In the same spirit of uniformity in which -he codified the law, he swept away the remains of Lycurgus’ system -at Sparta and the Court of Areopagos. Yet, as institutions usually -survive their practical utility in a conservative country, we are not -surprised to find the name of an Eponymos Archon as late as 485. And the -University of Athens still lived on, fighting the now hopeless battle -of the old religion with all the zeal of the latest Neo-Platonic school -of philosophy. The endowments of that school and the patriotism of rich -Athenians, like Theagenes, one of the two last Archons, and known as -the wealthiest Greek of his day, made up for the withdrawal of Imperial -subsidies, and the bitter tongue of Synesios could still complain of -the airs which those who had studied at Athens gave themselves ever -afterwards. “They regard themselves,” wrote the philosopher, “as -demi-gods and the rest of mankind as donkeys.” But the university -received a severe blow when, in 425, Theodosius enlarged and enriched the -University of Constantinople with a number of new professorial chairs. -If his institution of fifteen professors of the Greek language and -literature gave that tongue an official position in what had hitherto -been mainly a Latin city, it also attracted the best talent—men like -Jacobus, the famous physician of the Emperor Leo the Great—from Greece to -Constantinople, which thus acted as a magnet to the aspiring provincials, -just as Paris acts to the rest of France. The last great figure of the -Athenian University, Proklos, whose commentaries on Plato are still -extant, was engaged in demonstrating by the purity of his life and his -doctrines that a pagan could be no less moral and more intellectual than -a Christian. The old gods, deposed from their thrones, seemed to favour -their last champion; so, when the statue of Athena was removed from the -Akropolis, the goddess appeared to the philosopher in a dream and told -him that henceforth his house would be her home. The famous Bœthius, -whose _Consolation of Philosophy_ was translated by our King Alfred, -is thought to have studied at Athens in the last years of Proklos, and -earlier in the fifth century the charming Hypatia, whom Kingsley has -immortalised for English readers, may be numbered among the ladies who -at that time sought higher education at Athens and softened by their -presence the rough manners of the masculine students. But, with the death -of Proklos, the cause of polytheism and the prosperity of the university -declined yet more. The shrewd young Greeks saw that there was no longer -a career for pagans; even the rich benefactor of Athens, Theagenes, was -converted to Christianity. Justinian dealt the university its death-blow -in 529 by decreeing that no one should teach philosophy at Athens, and by -confiscating the endowments of the Platonic school. Seven philosophers, -of whom the most celebrated was Simplikios, the Aristotelian commentator, -resolved to seek under the benevolent despotism of Chosroes, King of -Persia, that freedom of speech which was denied to them by Justinian. -They believed at a distance that the barbarian monarch had realised the -ideal of Plato—a philosopher on the throne; they went to his court and -were speedily disillusioned. Home-sick and heart-broken, they begged -their new patron to let them return to die in Greece. Chosroes, who was -at the time engaged in negotiating a treaty of peace with Justinian, -inserted a clause allowing the unhappy seven “to pass the rest of their -days without persecution in their native land,” and Simplikios was thus -enabled, in the obscurity of private life, to compose those commentaries -which are still studied by disciples of Aristotle[27]. Thus perished the -University of Athens, and with it paganism vanished from Greece, save -where, in the mountains of Laconia, it lingered on till beyond the middle -of the ninth century. The ancient name of “Hellenes” was now exclusively -applied to the remnant which still adhered to the old religion, so much -so that Constantine Porphyrogenitus[28] in the tenth century called the -Peloponnesian Greeks “Graikoi,” because “Hellenes” would have still meant -idolaters. All the subjects of Justinian were collectively described as -“Romans,” while those who inhabited Greece came gradually to be specified -as “Helladikoi.” - -The reign of Justinian marked the annihilation of the ancient life in -other ways than these. He disbanded the provincial militia, to which -we have several times alluded, and which down to his time furnished a -guard for the Pass of Thermopylæ. This garrison proved, however, unable -to keep out the Huns and Slavs who invaded Greece in 539, and, like the -Persians of old, marched through the Pass of Anopaia into the rear of -the defenders. The ravages of these barbarians, who devasted Central -Greece and penetrated as far as the Isthmus, led Justinian to repair -the fortifications of Thermopylæ, where he placed a regular force of -2000 men, maintained out of the revenues of Greece. He also re-fortified -the Isthmus, and put such important positions as Larissa, Pharsalos, -Corinth, Thebes, and Athens, with the Akropolis, in a state of proper -defence. But these military measures involved a large expenditure, -which Justinian met by appropriating the municipal funds. The effect -of this measure was to deprive the municipal doctors and teachers of -their means of livelihood, to stop the municipal grants to theatres -and other entertainments, to make the repair of public buildings and -the maintenance of roads—the greatest of all needs in a country with -the geographical configuration of Greece—most difficult. The old Greek -life had centred in the municipality, so that from this blow it never -recovered; fortunately, the Church was now sufficiently well organised -to take its place, and henceforth that institution became the depository -of the national traditions, the mainstay in each successive century -of the national existence. Yet another loss to Greece was that of the -monuments, which were taken to Constantinople to make good the ravages -of the great conflagration, caused by the _Nika_ sedition. The present -church of Sta Sophia, which Justinian raised out of the ashes of the -second, was adorned with pillars from Athens as well as marble from -the Greek quarries, and thus once again, as St Jerome had said, other -cities were “stripped naked” to clothe Constantinople. Earthquakes, which -shook Patras, Corinth, and Naupaktos to their foundations, completed the -destruction of much that was valuable, and the bubonic plague swept over -the country, recalling those terrors of which Thucydides and Lucretius -had left such a striking description in their accounts of the pestilence -at Athens in the days of Perikles. The King of the Ostrogoths, Totila, -after twice taking Rome, sent a fleet to harry Corfù and the opposite -coast of Epeiros, plundered Nikopolis and the ancient shrine of Dodona. -It was in consequence of this and similar raids that the Corfiotes -finally abandoned their old city and took refuge in the present citadel, -called later on in the tenth century from its twin peaks (Κορυφοί) Corfù, -instead of Corcyra. The Bulgarians, a few years later, made a fresh raid -as far as Thermopylæ, where they were stopped by the new fortifications. -In short, the ambitious foreign policy of Justinian, the powers of -nature, and the increasing boldness of the barbarians, contrived to make -this period fatal to Greece. Yet the Emperor bestowed one signal benefit -upon that country. By the importation of silkworms he gave the Greeks the -monopoly, so far as Christendom was concerned, of a valuable manufacture, -which was not infringed till the Norman invasion six centuries later. - -The history of Greece becomes very obscure after the death of Justinian, -and the historian must be content to piece together from the Byzantine -writers such stray allusions as those chroniclers of court scandals make -to the neglected fatherland of the Greeks. The salient fact of this -period is the recurrence of the Slav invasions of Justinian’s time. -We learn that in 578 or 581 an army of 100,000 Slavonians “ravaged -Hellas” and Thessaly[29]; in 589, under the Emperor Maurice, the Avars, -according to the contemporary historian, Evagrios, “conquered all Greece, -destroying and burning everything[30].” This passage has given rise to a -famous controversy, which at one time convulsed not only the learned, but -the diplomatic world. In 1830 a German scholar, Professor Fallmerayer, -published the first volume of a _History of the Peninsula Morea during -the Middle Ages_, in which he advanced the astounding theory that the -inhabitants of modern Greece have “not a single drop of genuine Greek -blood in their veins.” “The Greek race in Europe,” he wrote, “has been -rooted out. A double layer of the dust and ashes of two new and distinct -human species covers the graves of that ancient people. A tempest, -such as has seldom arisen in human history, has scattered a new race, -allied to the great Slav family, over the whole surface of the Balkan -peninsula from the Danube to the inmost recesses of the Peloponnese. And -a second, perhaps no less important revolution, the Albanian immigration -into Greece, has completed the work of destruction.” The former of -these two foreign settlements in the Peloponnese, that of the Slavs and -Avars, was supposed by Fallmerayer to have taken place as the result -of the above-mentioned invasion of 589, and his supposition received -plausible confirmation from a mediæval document. The Patriarch Nicholas, -writing towards the end of the eleventh century to the Emperor Alexios I -Comnenos, alludes to the repulse of the Avars from before the walls of -Patras in 807, and adds that they “had held possession of the Peloponnese -for 218 years (_i.e._ from 589), and had so completely separated it from -the Byzantine Empire that no Byzantine official dared to set his foot in -it[31].” A similar statement from the _Chronicle of Monemvasia_[32]—a -late and almost worthless compilation—was also unearthed by the zealous -Fallmerayer, who accordingly believed that he had proved the existence -of a permanent settlement of the Peloponnese by the Slavs and Avars -between 589 and 807, “in complete independence of the Byzantine governors -of the coast.” It was in the coast-towns alone and in a few other -strongholds, such as Mt Taygetos, that he would allow of any survival of -the old Greek race, and he triumphantly pointed to the famous name of -“Navarino” as containing a fresh proof of an Avar settlement, while in -many places he found Slavonic names, corresponding to those of Russian -villages. Another evidence of this early Slavonic settlement seemed to -be provided by the remark of the very late Byzantine writer, Phrantzes, -that his native city of Monemvasia on the south-east coast, which used -to supply our ancestors’ cellars with malmsey, was separated from the -diocese of Corinth and raised to the rank of a metropolitan see about -this identical time, presumably because many Greeks had taken refuge -there from the Slavs, and were cut off from Corinth. Finally, a nun, who -composed an account of the pilgrimage of St Willibald, the Anglo-Saxon -Bishop of Eichstätt, in 723, stated that he “crossed to Monemvasia in -the Slavonian land,” an expression which Fallmerayer hailed as a proof -that at that period the Peloponnese was known by that name. It need not -be said that Fallmerayer’s theory was as flattering to Panslavism as -it was unpleasant to Philhellenes. But it is no longer accepted in its -full extent. No one who has been in Greece can fail to have been struck -by the similarity between the character of the modern and the ancient -Greeks. Many an island has its “Odysseus of many wiles”; every morning -and evening the Athenians are anxious to hear “some new thing”; and the -comedies of Aristophanes contain many personal traits which fit the -subjects of the present king. Nor does even the vulgar language contain -any considerable Slavonic element, although there are a certain number of -Slavonic place-names to be found on the map, including perhaps Navarino. -Moreover, the contemporary historian, Theophylact Simokatta, makes no -mention of the invasion of 589, though he minutely describes the wars -of that period. Yet, as we shall see later, there is no doubt that at -one time there was a great Slavonic immigration into Greece, but it took -place about 746, instead of in 589, and the incoming Slavs, so far from -annihilating the Greeks, were gradually assimilated by that persistent -race, as has happened to conquering peoples elsewhere. - -But Fallmerayer was not content with wiping out the Greeks from the -Peloponnese. He next propounded the amazing statement that the history -of Athens was a blank for four centuries after the time of Justinian, -and explained this strange phenomenon by a Slavonic inundation in that -Emperor’s reign. In consequence of this invasion, the Athenians were said -to have fled to Salamis, where they remained for 400 years, while their -city was abandoned to olive groves and utterly neglected. These “facts,” -which the learned German had culled from the chronicle of the Anargyroi -Monastery[33], which, however, distinctly says “three years,” and not -400, and refers to Albanians, not Slavs, have since been disproved, not -only by the obviously modern date of that compilation, which is now -assigned to the nineteenth century, and which refers to the temporary -abandonment of Athens after its capture by Morosini in 1687, but by the -allusions which may be found to events at Athens during this period of -supposed desertion. Thus, we hear of an heretical bishop being sent -there towards the end of the sixth century, and we have the seal of the -orthodox divine who was Bishop of Athens a hundred years later[34]. -An eloquent appeal was made by the Byzantine historian, Theophylact -Simokatta, to the city to put on mourning for the Emperor Maurice, who -died in 602, and sixty years later another Emperor, Constans II, landed -at the Piræus on his way to Sicily, spent the winter at Athens, and -collected there a considerable force of soldiers. Even some few traces -of culture may be found there in the century which followed Justinian’s -closing of the university. St Gislenus, who went as a missionary to -Hainault, and a learned doctor, named Stephen, were both born at Athens, -and the former is stated to have studied there. Finally, in the middle -of the eighth century, the famous Empress Irene first saw the light in -the city, which had already given one consort to an Emperor of the East. -Thus, if comparatively obscure, Athens was not a mere collection of ruins -in an olive grove, but a city of living men and women which had never (as -Zygomalas wrote to Crusius in the sixteenth century) “remained desolate -for about 300 years.” - -The attacks of the Slavs and of the newly-founded Arabian power marked -the course of the seventh century. In 623 the Slavs made an incursion -into Crete, and that island, of which we have heard little under the -Imperial rule, was also visited by the Arabs in 651 and 674. But though -the Cretans were forced to pay tribute to the Caliph, Moawyah, they -were treated with kindness by the politic conqueror. About the same -time as this second Arab invasion, and while the main Arab force was -besieging Constantinople, a body of Slavs seized the opportunity to -settle in the rich plain of Thessaly, and it is from one of their tribes -that the present town of Velestino, so often mentioned in the war of -1897, received its name. Yet this tribe soon became so friendly that it -assisted the Greeks in the defence of Salonika against a Slavonic army—a -further proof of the readiness with which the Slavs adopted the Greek -point of view. It is clear also that the command of the Imperial troops -in Greece was regarded as an important post, for we find it entrusted to -Leontios, who made himself Emperor. The Greek islands were still used as -places of detention for prisoners of position. Thus Naxos was chosen as -the temporary exile of Pope Martin I by the Emperor Constans II, and the -future Emperor Philippicus was banished to Cephalonia. - -A new era opened for the Empire with the accession of Leo the Isaurian -in 716. In the first place, that sovereign completed the reform of -the system of provincial administration, which had lasted more or -less continuously since the time of Constantine. In place of the old -provincial divisions, the Empire was now parcelled out into military -districts, called Themes—a name originally applied to a regiment and -then to the place at which the regiment was quartered. The choice of -such a title indicates the essentially military character of the new -arrangement, which implied the maintenance of a small division of troops -in each district as a necessary defence against the Avars, Slavs, and -Arabs, whose depredations had menaced provinces seldom exposed to -attack in the old times. Six out of the twenty-eight Themes comprised -Greece, as she was before the late Balkan wars. The Peloponnese, with -its capital of Corinth, formed one; Central Greece, including Eubœa, -formed another, under the name of Hellas, but its capital was Thebes, not -Athens; Nikopolis, which comprised Ætolia and Akarnania, and Cephalonia -(the latter created a separate Theme later on, and including all the -Ionian Islands) were two more; the Ægean Sea, popularly known as the -Dodekannesos, or “twelve islands,” composed one of the Asian Themes, and -Thessaly was a part of the Theme of Macedonia. Both the military and -civil authority in each Theme was vested in the hands of a Commander, -known as _strategós_, except in the case of the Ægean Islands, where -the post was filled by an Admiral, called _droungários_. Under the -_strategós_ were the _protonotários_ or “judge,” who was a judicial and -administrative authority, and two military personages, one of whom, the -_kleisourárches_, was so-called because he watched the mountain passes, -like the later Turkish _derben-aga_. So far as Greece is concerned, the -eclipse of Athens by Thebes, perhaps owing to the silk industry for which -the latter city was famous in the Middle Ages, is a very noticeable -feature of the new administration. - -Another reform of Leo the Isaurian aroused the intense indignation of -the inhabitants of Greece. We have seen that the spread of Christianity -in that country had been facilitated by the assimilation of pagan forms -of worship in the new ritual. It was natural that a race, which had -been accustomed for centuries to connect art with religion and to seek -the noblest statuary in the temples of the gods, should have regarded -with peculiar favour the practice of hanging pictures in churches. -When therefore Leo, whose Armenian origin perhaps made him personally -unsympathetic to the Greeks, issued an edict against image-worship, his -orders met with the most bigoted resistance in Greece. It may be that -a more searching census for the purposes of the revenue had already -rendered him unpopular; but to those who know how strong is the influence -of the Church in the East, and what fierce disputes an ecclesiastical -question kindles there, the edict of the Emperor will seem ample ground -for the Greek rising of 727. An eruption at the volcanic island of -Santorin was interpreted as a sign of divine displeasure at the doings -of the iconoclast sovereign; while Pope Gregory II addressed two violent -missives to the Emperor, and probably encouraged the agitation in -Greece, which still acknowledged him as spiritual head of the Church. -The “Helladikoi,” as they were now called, and the seamen of the -Cyclades fitted out a fleet under the leadership of a certain Stephen; -and, with the co-operation of Agallianos, one of the Imperial military -officials, set up an orthodox Emperor, named Kosmas, and boldly set sail -for Constantinople—a proof of the resources of Greece at this period. -But the result of this naval undertaking was very different from that -which Greece had equipped on behalf of Constantine. A battle was fought -under the walls of the capital between the two fleets. The Emperor Leo, -availing himself of the terrible invention of the Greek fire, which -had been used with such deadly effect in the recent Saracen siege of -Constantinople, annihilated his opponents’ vessels. Agallianos, seeing -that all was lost, leaped into the sea; Stephen and Kosmas fell by the -axe of the executioner. We are not told what punishment was meted out -to the Greeks, but, in consequence of the strong attitude of opposition -which the Papacy had taken up to the Emperor, Leo in 732 deprived the -Pope of all jurisdiction over Greece, and placed that country under the -ecclesiastical authority of the Patriarch of Constantinople. - -The next important event in the history of Greece was the great plague, -which broke out at Monemvasia in 746 and spread all over the Empire. The -political consequences of this visitation were far-reaching. For not -only was the population of Greece diminished by the increased mortality -there, but it was further lessened by emigration to Constantinople, -where there were openings for plasterers and other skilled workmen, -and where great numbers had died of the epidemic. The place of these -emigrants in the Peloponnese was taken by Slav colonists, and this is -the true explanation of the Slavonic colonisation, which Fallmerayer -placed so much earlier. In the celebrated words of the Imperial author, -Constantine Porphyrogenitus, “All the open country was Slavonised and -became barbarous, when the plague was devouring the whole world[35].” -It seems from the phrase “open country,” that such Greeks as remained -behind crowded into the towns, and that the rural districts were thus -left free for the Slavs to occupy. And this is confirmed by the _Epitome -of Strabo’s Geography_, compiled apparently about the end of the tenth -century, which states that at that time “All Epeiros and a large part -of Hellas and the Peloponnese and Macedonia were inhabited by Scythian -Slavs.” The memory of this Slavonic occupation has been preserved by the -Slavonic names of places, which Colonel Leake was the first to notice. -That the Slavs excited the alarm of the Byzantine government is clear -from the fact that in 783 Staurakios was despatched by the Empress Irene -to crush their efforts at independence. The Empress was actuated by -love of Greece as well as by motives of policy, for she was a native of -Athens, like her predecessor, Eudokia. At the age of seventeen she had -been selected by the Emperor Constantine Copronymos as the wife of his -son, Leo IV, and the premature death of her husband left her the real -mistress of the Empire, which she governed, first as Regent for her son -and then as sole ruler, for over twenty years. One of the earliest acts -of her Regency was to send the expedition against the Slavs. Those in -Thessaly and Central Greece were forced to pay tribute; those in the -Peloponnese yielded a rich booty to the Byzantine commander. But the -Slavs were not permanently subdued, as was soon evident. Irene, for the -greater security of her throne, had banished her five brothers-in-law -to Athens, which was, of course, devoted to her, and was at that time -governed by one of her kinsmen. But the five prisoners managed to -communicate with Akamir, a Slav chieftain who lived at Velestino, and a -plot was formed for the elevation of them to the throne. The plans of the -conspirators fell into the hands of Irene’s friends, and the prisoners -were removed to a safer place. Irene, however, was dethroned a little -later by Nikephoros I, and banished to Mitylene, where she died. In spite -of her appalling treatment of her son, whom she had dethroned and blinded -in order to gratify her greed of power, tradition states that she showed -her piety and patriotism by the foundation of several churches at Athens. -Some of her foundations disappeared in the storm and stress of the War -of Independence; others were removed to make way for the streets of the -modern town; but the Church of the Panagia Gorgoepekoos, or so-called old -Metropolis[36], which still stands, is ascribed to her, and the ruins of -the monastery which she built and where she at one time lived strew the -beautiful island of Prinkipo. Even with her death her native city did -not lose its connection with the Byzantine Court. Among her surviving -relatives at Athens was a beautiful niece, Theophano, who was married -to a man of position there. Nikephoros, anxious, no doubt, like all -usurpers, to connect his family with that of the Sovereign whom he had -deposed, resolved that the fair Athenian should become the consort of his -son, Staurakios. He accordingly snatched her from the arms of her husband -and brought her to Constantinople, where her second marriage took place. -But this third Athenian Empress did not long enjoy the reward of her -infidelity to her first husband. Staurakios survived his father’s death -at the hands of the Bulgarians a very few months, and his consort, like -Eudokia and Irene, ended her life in a monastery. - -The Slavs of the Peloponnese believed that their chance of obtaining -independence had come during the troubled reign of Nikephoros, when the -Saracens under Haroun Al Rashid and the growing power of the Bulgarians -menaced the Byzantine Empire. They accordingly rose, and, after -plundering the houses of their Greek neighbours, laid siege in 807 to -the fortress of Patras, which was the principal stronghold of the old -inhabitants in the north-west of the country. The Slavs blockaded the -city from the land side, while a Saracen fleet prevented the introduction -of supplies by sea. The besieged, knowing that the fate of Hellenism in -the Peloponnese depended on their efforts, held out against these odds -in the hope that they would thus give the Imperial commander at Corinth -time to relieve them. At last, when all hope of deliverance seemed to -have disappeared, they sent out a horseman to one of the hills in the -direction of Corinth to see if the longed for army of relief was in -sight. His orders were to gallop back as soon as he caught a glimpse of -the approaching Imperialists and to lower the flag which he carried, so -that his comrades in Patras might have the glad news at once. But his -eyes in vain searched the road along the Gulf of Corinth for the gleam -of weapons or the dust that would announce the march of soldiers. Sadly -he turned his horse towards Patras, when, at a spot where he was in full -view of the walls, his steed stumbled and the flag fell. The besieged, -believing that help was at hand, were inspired with fresh courage, and, -sallying from the gates, inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Slavs, -which was followed up after the arrival of the relieving force three days -later by the restoration of the Imperial authority along the west coast. -At that age so great a victory was naturally ascribed to superhuman aid. -St Andrew, the patron-saint of Patras, who, as we have seen, was believed -to have suffered martyrdom there, and whose relics were then preserved -there, had caused the scout’s horse to stumble and had been seen on a -milk-white steed leading the citizens in their successful onslaught on -the Slavs[37]. The gratitude, or policy, of the government showed itself -in the dedication of the spoil and captives to the service of the church -of St Andrew, and the Slavonic peasants of the neighbourhood became its -tenants and paid it a yearly rent. The Archbishop of Patras, who had -hitherto been dependent upon Corinth, was raised by Nikephoros to the -rank of a Metropolitan, and Methone, Korone and Lacedæmon, were placed -under his immediate jurisdiction. The political object and result of -this step, which was ratified by later Emperors, was to hellenise the -vanquished Slavs by means of the Greek clergy. Moreover, the policy -of Nikephoros in organising Greek military colonies round the Slav -settlements in Greece, tended to check Slavonic raids. Public lands were -bestowed on these colonists whose establishment contributed much to the -ultimate fusion of the two races. Thus, the defeat of the Slavs before -Patras and the wise measures of Nikephoros prevented the Peloponnese -from becoming a Slavonic State, like Servia or Bulgaria, and from that -date the tide, which had at one time threatened to submerge the Greek -nationality there, began to ebb. Of this phenomenon we shall be able to -watch the progress. - -A generation elapsed without a renewal of the Slav agitation in the -Peloponnese; but about 849 a fresh rising took place. On this occasion -the appearance of a Byzantine commander in the field soon caused the -collapse of the rebels. Two Slavonic tribes, however, the Melings -and Ezerits, which inhabited the slopes to the west, and the plain -to the east of Mount Taygetos, were enabled by the strength of their -geographical position to make terms with the Byzantine government, and -agreed to pay a small tribute which was assessed according to their -respective means[38]. The Church continued the work of the soldiers by -building monasteries in the Slavonic districts, and from the middle -of the ninth century the Greek element began to recover lost ground. -Nearly all the Slavs and the last of the Hellenic pagans in the south -of Taygetos were then converted, and the adoption of Christianity by -the Bulgarians cannot have failed to affect the Slavonic settlers in -the Byzantine Empire. Of the revived prosperity of Greece we have two -remarkable proofs. In 823 that country raised a fleet of 350 sail for -the purpose of intervening in the civil war then raging between the -Emperor Michael the Stammerer and a Slavonic usurper, and this implies -the possession of considerable resources. Still more striking is the -story of the rich widow, Danielis of Patras. About the time of the -Byzantine expedition against the Slavs of Taygetos, the future Emperor, -Basil I, then chief groom in the service of a prominent courtier, was at -Patras in attendance on his master, who had been sent there on political -business. One day, as the comely groom was entering the church of St -Andrew, a monk stopped him and told him that he should become Emperor. -Shortly afterwards he fell ill of a fever, which, by detaining him at -Patras after his master’s departure, proved to be a blessing in disguise. -Moved by philanthropy or the prophecy of the monk, Danielis took the sick -groom into her house, bade him be a brother to her son, and, when he had -recovered from his illness, provided him with a train of thirty slaves -to accompany him to Constantinople, and loaded him with costly presents. -When, in 867, the monk’s forecast was fulfilled, and Basil mounted the -Imperial throne, he did not forget his benefactress. He not only promoted -her son to a high position in his court, but invited the aged lady to -Constantinople. In spite of her age and infirmities, Danielis travelled -in a litter, accompanied by 300 slaves, who took in turns the duty of -carrying their mistress. As a gift to the Emperor, she brought 500 more, -as well as 100 maidens, chosen for their skill in embroidery, 100 purple -garments, 300 linen robes, and 100 more of such fine material that each -piece could easily be packed away in a hollow cane. Every kind of gold -and silver vessel completed the list of presents, which would not have -disgraced a brother sovereign. When she arrived, she was lodged like -a queen and addressed as “mother” by her grateful _protégé_. Basil’s -gratitude was rewarded by fresh favours. Danielis called for a notary -and made over to the Emperor and her own son a part of her landed estates -in the Peloponnese. Finding that Basil had tried to atone for the murder -of his predecessor, which had given him the throne, by the erection of a -church, she had a huge carpet manufactured by her own workmen to cover -the splendid mosaic floor. Once again, on the death of her favourite, -she journeyed to Constantinople to greet his son and successor. Her own -son was by that time dead, so she devised the whole of her property to -the young Emperor Leo VI. At her request, a high official was sent to -the Peloponnese to prepare an inventory of her effects. Even in these -days a sovereign would rejoice at such a windfall. Her loose cash, her -gold and silver plate, her bronze ornaments, her wardrobe, and her -flocks and herds represented a princely fortune. As for her slaves, they -were so numerous that the Emperor, in the embarrassment of his riches, -emancipated 3000 of them and sent them as colonists to Apulia, then part -of the Byzantine Empire. Eighty farms formed the real property of this -ninth century millionairess, whose story throws light on the position of -the Peloponnesian landed class, or _archontes_, at that period. Danielis -was, doubtless, exceptionally rich, and Patras was then, as now, the -chief commercial town in the Peloponnese. But the existence of such an -enormous fortune as hers presupposes a high degree of civilisation, -in which many others must have participated. Even learning was still -cultivated in Greece, for the distinguished mathematician Leo, who was -one of the ornaments of the Byzantine Court, is expressly stated to have -studied rhetoric, philosophy and science under a famous teacher, Michael -Psellos, who lectured at a college in the island of Andros, where his -pupil’s name is not yet forgotten[39]. - -But while the Greeks had thus triumphed in the Peloponnese, they had -lost ground elsewhere. Availing themselves of the disorders in the -Byzantine Empire, when the Greek ships were all engaged in the civil war -of 823, a body of Saracens, who had emigrated from the south of Spain -to Alexandria, descended on Crete, at that time recovering from the -effects of an earthquake, but still possessing thirty cities. Landing -at Suda Bay, they found the islanders mostly favourable, or at any rate -indifferent, to a change of masters. Reinforced by a further batch of -their countrymen, the Saracens resolved to settle there. A Cretan monk is -said to have shown them a strong position where they could pitch their -camp; so they burnt their ships and established themselves at the spot -indicated, the site of the present town of Candia, which derives its -Venetian name from the Chandak or “ditch” surrounding it. The conquest of -the island was soon accomplished—a clear proof of the islanders’ apathy -when we remember the heroic defence of the Cretans in more recent times. -Religious toleration reconciled many to the sway of the Saracens; in the -course of years a number of the Christians embraced the creed of their -conquerors, helping to man their fleets and sharing the profits of that -nefarious traffic in slaves of which Crete, as in former days Delos, -became the centre. One district, which we may identify with Sphakia, -was permitted to enjoy autonomy. For Greece the rule of the Saracens in -Crete was a serious misfortune. Cretan corsairs ably led by Christian -renegades, in quest of booty and slaves, ravaged the Cyclades and the -Ionian Islands, and menaced the coast towns of the mainland, whither the -terrified inhabitants of Ægina and similarly exposed spots migrated in -the hope of safety. The efforts of the Byzantine government to recover -“the great Greek island,” which was now a terror to the whole Levant, -were for more than a century unsuccessful, and during 138 years Crete -remained in the possession of the Saracens. Occasionally their fleet was -annihilated, as in the reign of Basil I, when the Byzantine admiral, -hearing that they meditated a descent upon the west coast of Greece, -conveyed his ships across the Isthmus in the night by means of the old -tram-road, or _diolkos_, which had been used by the contemporaries -of Thucydides, and has even now not entirely disappeared. By this -brilliant device he took the enemy by surprise in the Gulf of Corinth, -and destroyed their vessels. But new fleets arose as if by magic, and -Basil was obliged to strengthen the garrisons of the Peloponnese. His -successor, aroused to action by their daring attacks upon Demetrias and -Salonika, both flourishing cities which they devastated and plundered, -equipped a naval expedition, to which the Greek Themes contributed ships -and men, with the object of recapturing Crete. But neither that nor -the subsequent armada despatched by the Imperial author, Constantine -Porphyrogenitus, was destined to succeed. At last, in 961, the -redoubtable commander, Nikephoros Phokas, restored Crete to the Byzantine -Empire. But even at that early period, Candia began to establish the -reputation which it so nobly increased during the Turkish siege seven -centuries later. Its strong fortifications for seven long months resisted -the Byzantine general; but he patiently waited for a favourable moment, -and at last took the place by storm. The most drastic measures were -adopted for the complete reduction of the island. The broad brick walls -of Candia were pulled down; a new fortress called Temenos was erected on -the height of Rhoka some miles inland, to overawe the inhabitants. Some -of the Saracens emigrated, others sank into a state of serfdom. As usual -the missionary followed the Byzantine arms, and the island attracted many -Greek and Armenian Christians; the name of the latter still lingers in -the Cretan village of Armeni; among the former were some distinguished -Byzantine families, whose descendants furnished leaders to the -insurrections later on. In the conversion of the Cretan apostates back -to Christianity, an Armenian monk called Nikon, and nicknamed “Repent -Ye” from the frequency of that phrase in his sermons, found a fine field -for his labours. The Christian churches, for which Crete had once been -famous, rose again, and the reconquest of the island gave to Nikephoros -Phokas the Imperial diadem, to the deacon Theodosios the subject for a -long iambic poem, and to Nikon the more lasting dignity of a saint. But, -in spite of his efforts, not a few Arabs retained their religion, and the -Cretan Mussulmans of Amari are still reckoned as their descendants. - -The tenth century witnessed not only the recovery of Crete for the -Byzantine Empire and for the Christian faith, but also the spread of -monasteries over Greece. When Nikon had concluded his Cretan mission he -visited Athens, where he is said by his biographer to have enchanted the -people with his sermons, penetrated as far as Thebes, and then returned -to Sparta, where he founded a convent and established his headquarters. -Thence he set out on missionary journeys among the Slavonic tribes -of the Melings and Ezerits, who had again risen against the Imperial -authority and had again been reduced to the payment of a tribute. Those -wild clans continued, however, to harry the surrounding country, and the -monastery of St Nikon was only protected from their attacks by the awe -which the holy man’s memory inspired. Long after his death he was adored -as the guardian of Sparta, where his memory is still green, and the -Peloponnesian mariner, caught in a storm off Cape Matapan, would pray to -him, as his ancestors had prayed to Castor and Pollux. For Central Greece -the career of the blessed Luke the younger was as important as that of -St Nikon for the South. The parents of this remarkable man had fled from -Ægina, when the Cretan corsairs plundered that island, and had taken -refuge in Macedonia, where Luke was born. Filled with the idea that he -had a call to a holy life, the young Luke settled as a hermit on a lonely -Greek mountain by the sea-shore, where for seven long years he devoted -himself to prayer. A Bulgarian raid drove him to the Peloponnese, where -for ten years more he served as the attendant of another hermit, who, -like the famous Stylites of old, lived on a pillar near Patras. After -further adventures, he migrated to Stiris, between Delphi and Livadia, -where the monastery which bears his name now stands. - -The absorption of the Christianised Slavs by the Greeks was occasionally -interrupted by the Bulgarian inroads, which now became frequent. Since -the foundation of the first Bulgarian Empire towards the end of the -ninth century, the power of that race had greatly increased, and the -Byzantine sovereigns found formidable rivals in the Bulgarian tsars. -About 929 the Bulgarians captured Nikopolis, and converted it into a -Slavonic colony, which was only reconquered by considerable efforts. -Arsenios, Metropolitan of Corfù, who was canonised later on, and was -for centuries the patron saint of the island, where his festival is -still celebrated and his remains repose, fell into the hands of these -invaders, but was rescued by the valour of the islanders[40], and a -new tribe, called Slavesians, probably an offshoot of the Bulgarians, -made its way into the Peloponnese. The troublesome clans of Melings -and Ezerits seized this opportunity to demand the reduction of their -tribute, which had been raised after their last rising. The Government -wisely granted their demand, and so prevented a formidable insurrection. -Athens was also disturbed by a domestic riot. A certain Chases, a high -Byzantine official, had aroused the resentment of the people by his -tyranny and the scandals of his life. Alarmed at the threatening attitude -of the inhabitants, who had been joined by others from the country, he -took refuge at the altar in the Church of the Virgin on the Akropolis, -the ancient Parthenon. But the sanctuary did not protect him from the -vengeance of his enemies, who stoned him to death at the altar, thus -showing less reverence for the Virgin than the ancient Athenians had once -shown under somewhat similar circumstances for the goddess Athena. - -The Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who wrote about the middle of -the tenth century, has left us a favourable sketch of the Peloponnese -as it was in his day. Forty cities were to be found in that Theme, and -some idea of its resources may be formed from the statement that the -Peloponnesians excused themselves from personal service in an Italian -campaign by the payment of 7200 pieces of gold and the presentation of -1000 horses all equipped[41]. The purple, parchment, and silk industries, -as well as the shipping trade, must have yielded considerable profits -to those who carried them on, and the presence of many Jews at Sparta -in the time of St Nikon, who tried to expel them, shows that there was -money to be made there. His biography represents that city—of which -the contemporary Empress, Theophano, wife of Romanos II and Nikephoros -Phokas, was perhaps a native[42]—as possessing a powerful aristocracy, -and as having commercial relations with Venice. The reconquest of Crete, -by freeing the coast-towns from the depredations of pirates, naturally -increased the prosperity of Greece. Schools rose again at Athens and -Corinth, and from that time down to the beginning of the thirteenth -century the country improved, in spite of occasional invasions. Thus, -the Bulgarian Tsar Samuel captured Larissa and carried off many of -its inhabitants, as well as the remains of the Thessalian Archbishop, -St Achilleios, which had long been the chief relic of the place. His -standards were twice seen south of the Isthmus, and Attica was ravaged -by his forces. To this period we may refer the statement above quoted -that “all Epeiros and a large part of Hellas and the Peloponnese and -Macedonia were occupied by Scythian Slavs.” But when they arrived at -the river Spercheios on their return march, they were surprised by a -Byzantine army and utterly defeated. The Emperor Basil II, surnamed -“the Bulgar-slayer,” completed the destruction of the first Bulgarian -Empire, and on his triumphal progress through Northern and Central Greece -in 1019 found the bones of the slain still bleaching on the banks of -the Spercheios. After inspecting the fortifications of Thermopylæ, he -proceeded to Athens, which no Byzantine Emperor had visited since the -days of Constans II. The visit was an appropriate sequel to the campaign. -For the first time for centuries the Byzantine dominions extended from -the Bosporos to the Danube, and the Balkan peninsula once again was under -Greek domination. In the Church of the Virgin on the Akropolis, the very -centre and shrine of the old Hellenic life in bygone days, the victorious -Emperor offered up thanks to Almighty God for his successes, and showed -his gratitude by rich offerings to the church out of the spoil which he -had taken. The beauty of the building, which he seems to have enhanced -by a series of frescoes, traces of which are still visible, was justly -celebrated in the next generation, and one curiosity of that holy spot, -the ever-burning golden lamp, is specially mentioned by the author of the -so-called _Book of Guido_, and by the Icelandic pilgrim, Saewulf. Other -persons imitated the example of Basil, and the restoration or foundation -of Athenian churches was one of the features of the first half of the -eleventh century. Freed for the time from corsairs and hostile armies, -Greece was once more able to pursue the arts of peace unhindered. During -the great famine which prevailed at Constantinople in 1037, the Themes of -Hellas and the Peloponnese were able to export 100,000 bushels of wheat -for the relief of the capital. The chief grievance of the Greeks was the -extortion of the Imperial Government, which aroused two insurrections -after the death of Basil. The first of these movements took place -at Naupaktos, where the people rose against “Mad George,” the hated -representative of the Emperor, murdered him, and plundered his residence. -This revolt was suppressed with great severity, the archbishop, who had -been on the side of the people, being blinded, according to the prevalent -fashion of Byzantine criminal law. Some years later, the inhabitants of -the Theme of Nikopolis murdered the Imperial tax-collector, and called in -the Bulgarians, who had risen against fiscal extortion like themselves. -While Naupaktos held out in the West, the Thebans, then a rich and -flourishing community, abandoned their silk manufactories, and took the -field against the Bulgarians[43]. But they were defeated with great loss, -and it has even been asserted that the victors occupied the Piræus with -the connivance of the discontented Athenians. - -This surmise, which has, however, been rejected by the German historian -of mediæval Athens, rests upon one of the most curious discoveries that -have been made in connection with the place. Every visitor to Venice has -seen the famous lions which adorn the front of the arsenal. One of these -statues, brought home as a trophy by Morosini from the Piræus in 1688, -has upon it a runic inscription, which has been deciphered by an expert. -According to his version, the inscription commemorates the capture of -the Piræus at this period by the celebrated Harold Hardrada, whom our -King Harold defeated at Stamford Bridge, and who, in 1040, was commander -of the Imperial Guard at Constantinople. In consequence, it appears, -of an Athenian rising, Harold had been sent with a detachment of that -force, composed largely of Norwegians, to put down the rebellion. After -accomplishing their object, the Northmen, in the fashion of the modern -tourist, scrawled their names and achievements on the patient lion, which -then stood, like the lion of Lindau, at the entrance of the Piræus and -gave to that harbour its later name of Porto Leone. It would be difficult -to find a more curious piece of historical evidence than that a monument -in Venice should tell us of a Norwegian descent upon Athens. - -Dissension among the Bulgarians led to their collapse, and Greece enjoyed -a complete freedom from barbarian inroads for the next forty years, with -the exception of a passing invasion by the Uzes, a Turkish tribe, who -left no mark upon the country. Athens at this period was regarded by the -Byzantine officials who were sent there as the uttermost ends of the -earth, though at Constantinople Philhellenism had a worthy representative -in the historian and philosopher Psellos, who constantly manifested a -deep interest in “the muse of Athens.” A more curious figure, typical of -that monastic age, was the Cappadocian monk Meletios, who established -himself on the confines of Attica and Bœotia, and by means of his -miracles gained great influence there. We find him descending from his -solitary mountain to Athens to rescue a band of Roman pilgrims, who had -taken refuge there and had been threatened with death by the bigoted -Athenians. We hear of the convents which he founded in various parts of -Greece, and it was to him that the land was largely indebted for the -plague of monks, many of them merely robbers in disguise, which checked -civic progress and injured all national life in the next century. Worse -than this, the final separation of the Greek and Latin Churches in 1053, -by kindling a fanatical hatred between West and East, brought countless -woes upon the Levant, and was one of the causes of the Latin invasions -which culminated in the overthrow of the Byzantine Empire in 1204. - -There now appeared, for the first time in the history of Greece, that -vigorous race which in the same century conquered our own island. The -Normans of Italy, under their redoubtable leader, Robert Guiscard, -resolved to emulate the doings of William the Conqueror by subduing the -Byzantine Empire, which seemed to those daring spirits an easy prey. -They began by the annexation of the Byzantine provinces of Apulia and -Calabria, and then turned their eyes across the Adriatic to the opposite -coast. An excuse was easily found for this invasion. One of Guiscard’s -daughters had been engaged to the son of the Emperor Michael VII. But -the revolution, which overthrew Michael, sent his son into a monastery, -and thus provided Guiscard with an opportunity of posing as the champion -of the fallen dynasty. An impostor, who masqueraded as the deposed -Emperor, implored his aid in the cause of legitimacy, and the great -Pope, who then occupied the throne under the name of Gregory VII, bade -the godly help in the contest against the schismatic Greeks. After long -preparations Guiscard appeared in 1081 off Corfù, which surrendered to -the Norman invader, and then directed his forces against the walls of -Durazzo, now a crumbling Albanian fortress, then “the Western key of the -empire.” Menaced at the same moment by the Turks in Asia and the Normans -in Europe, the Emperor Alexios I made peace with the former and then -set out to the relief of Durazzo. But he did not trust to a land force -alone, and as the Byzantine navy, like the Turkish fleet in our own days, -had been neglected and the money intended for its maintenance had been -misappropriated, he applied for aid to the mercantile Republic of Venice. -The Venetians saw a chance of consolidating their trade in the Levant, -and, as the price of their assistance, obtained from the embarrassed -Emperor the right of free trade throughout the empire, where the Greek -cities of Thebes, Athens, Corinth, Nauplia, Methone, Korone, Corfù, -Euripos, and Demetrias are specially mentioned as their haunts. But -the aid of a Venetian fleet did not prevent the victory of the Normans -over Alexios on the plain near Durazzo, where Cæsar and Pompey had once -contended. The Emperor retreated to Ochrida, where, two generations -earlier, the Bulgarian Tsar Samuel had fixed his residence, while his -conqueror, after taking Durazzo, marched across Albania and captured the -city of Kastoria, which was defended by three hundred English, members of -the Imperial Guard. Recalled to Italy by troubles in his own dominions -and by the distress of his ally the Pope, Guiscard left the prosecution -of the campaign to his son Bohemond, who penetrated into Thessaly, that -historic battle-ground of the Near East. But the walls of Larissa and -the gold of Alexios proved too much for the strength of the Normans, and -Bohemond was forced to retire to Italy. He found his father fresh from -his triumph at Rome, which he had delivered to the Pope, and ready for -a second campaign against the Byzantine Empire. In 1084 Guiscard set -sail again; after three naval battles with the Greeks and their Venetian -allies, Corfù once more surrendered to the Normans, and their leader used -it as a stepping-stone to the island of Cephalonia. But he contracted a -fever there, which put an end to his life and to the expedition, of which -he had been the heart and soul. The village of Phiskardo has perpetuated -his name, thus marking this second attempt of the West to impose its sway -upon the East. - -Bohemond renewed, twenty-two years later, his father’s attacks upon the -Byzantine Empire. In the meanwhile, as the result of his share in the -first crusade, he had become Prince of Antioch—one of those feudal States -which now adjoined the immediate dominions of the Eastern Emperor and -exercised considerable social influence on the customs of his subjects. -Aided by the Pisans, whose fleet ravaged the Ionian Islands, Bohemond -seemed likely to repeat the early successes of his father; but Alexios -had learnt how to deal with the Latins, and the Normans’ second assault -on Durazzo ended in a treaty of peace, by which Bohemond swore fealty -to the Emperor. For the next forty years Greece had nothing to fear -from the Normans, but the evil results of the alliance with Venice now -became manifest. The Republic of St Mark had jealous commercial rivals -in Italy, who envied her the monopoly of the Levantine trade. When, -therefore, concessions were made to the Pisans and the previous charter -of the Venetians was not renewed, the Empire found itself involved in -a naval war with the latter, from which the defenceless Greek islands -suffered, and which was only ended by the renewal of the old Venetian -privileges. The mercantile powers of Italy had come to treat the -Byzantine possessions much as modern European States regard Turkey, as -a Government from which trading concessions can be obtained. But every -fresh grant offended some one and gave the favoured party more and more -influence in the affairs of the Empire. Fresh Venetian factories were -founded in Greece, and the increasing prosperity of that country had the -disadvantage of attracting the covetous foreigner. - -Such was the state of affairs when, in 1146, Guiscard’s nephew, King -Roger of Sicily, availing himself of an insult to his honour, invaded -Greece with far greater success than had attended his uncle. The Sicilian -Admiral, George of Antioch, occupied Corfù, with the connivance of the -poorer inhabitants, who complained of the heavy taxation of the Imperial -Government which in the twelfth century levied from that one Ionian -Island about 9,000,000 _dr._ of modern money, or more than the present -Greek Exchequer raises from all the seven, but was repulsed by the bold -inhabitants of the impregnable rock of Monemvasia; then, after plundering -the west coast, he landed his troops at the modern Itea, on the north of -the Gulf of Corinth, and thence marched past Delphi on Thebes, at that -time the seat of the silk manufacture. The city was undefended, but that -did not save it from the rapacity of the Normans. Alexander the Great -had, at least, spared “the house of Pindaros” when he took Thebes; but -its new conquerors left nothing that was of any value behind them. After -they had thoroughly ransacked the houses and churches they made the -Thebans swear on the Holy Scriptures that they had concealed nothing, and -then departed, dragging with them the most skilful weavers and dyers so -as to transfer the silk industry to Sicily. This last was a serious blow -to the monopoly of the silk trade which Greece had hitherto enjoyed so -far as Christian States were concerned. The secret of the manufacture -had been jealously guarded; and the fishers who obtained the famous -purple dye for the manufacturers were a privileged class, exempted from -the payment of military taxes. Roger was well aware of the value of his -captives; he established them and their families at Palermo, and at the -conclusion of the war they were not restored to their homes in Greece. -But the art of making and dyeing silk does not seem to have died out at -Thebes, which, fifteen years after the Norman invasion, had recovered -much of its former prosperity. When the Jewish traveller, Benjamin of -Tudela, visited it about 1161, he found 2000 of his co-religionists -there, among them the best weavers and dyers in Greece, and towards -the end of the century forty garments of Theban silk were sent as a -present by the Emperor to the Sultan of Iconium. Although there are no -silks now manufactured at Thebes and no mulberry-trees there, the plain -near the town is still called by the peasants _Morokampos_, from the -mulberry-trees which once grew upon it. From Thebes the Normans proceeded -to the rich city of Corinth, which fell into their hands without a blow. -Those who have ascended the grand natural fortress of Akrocorinth may -easily understand the surprise of the warlike Normans at its surrender by -the cowardly Byzantine commandant. “If Nikephoros Chalouphes”—such was -his name—“had not been more timid than a woman,” exclaimed the Sicilian -admiral, “we should never have entered these walls.” The town below -yielded an even richer booty than Thebes—for it was then, as under the -Romans, the great emporium of the Levantine trade in Greece—and laden -with the spoils of Thebes and Corinth and with the relics of St Theodore, -the Norman fleet set sail on its homeward voyage. Nineteen vessels fell -victims to privateers, but the surviving ships brought such a valuable -cargo into the great harbour of Palermo that the admiral was able to -build out of his share the bridge which is still called after him, Ponte -dell’ Ammiraglio. The Church of La Martorana as its older name of Sta -Maria dell’ Ammiraglio testifies, was also founded by him. The captives, -except the silk-weavers, were afterwards restored to their homes, and -Corfù was recaptured by the chivalrous Emperor, Manuel Comnenos, after a -siege, in the course of which he performed such prodigies of valour as to -win the admiration of the Norman commander. - -The revival of material prosperity in Greece after the close of this -conflict was most remarkable, and in the second half of the twelfth -century that country must have been one of the most flourishing parts of -the Empire. The Arabian geographer, Edrisi, who wrote in 1153, tells us -that the Peloponnese had thirteen cities, and alludes to the vegetation -of Corfù, the size of Athens, and the fertility of the great Thessalian -plain, while Halmyros was then one of the most important marts of the -Empire. Benjamin of Tudela tells us of Jewish communities in Larissa, -Naupaktos, Arta, Corinth, Patras, Eubœa, Corfù (consisting of one man), -Zante, and Ægina, as well as in Thebes, and this implies considerable -wealth. Like St Nikon, he found them in Sparta, and we may note as a -curious phenomenon the existence of a colony of Jewish agriculturists -on the slopes of Parnassos. Salonika, where the Hebrew element is now -so conspicuous, even then had 500 Jews. When we remember how rare are -Jews in Greece to-day, except there and at Corfù, their presence in such -numbers in the twelfth century is all the more strange. Nor were they all -engaged in money-making. The worthy rabbi met Jews at Thebes who were -learned in the Talmud, while the Greek clergy had also some literary -representatives. It was about this time that the biography of St Nikon -was composed; the philosophical and theological writings of Nicholas, -Bishop of Methone, and Gregory, the Metropolitan of Corinth, belonged -to the same epoch. Athens, after a long eclipse, had once more become a -place of study. Yet, in point of wealth, Athens was inferior to several -other Greek cities, and perhaps for that reason had no Jewish colony. We -have from the pen of Michael Akominatos, the last Greek Metropolitan of -Athens before the Latin conquest, who was appointed about 1175, a full -if somewhat pessimistic account of the condition of his diocese, which -then included ten bishoprics. Michael was a man of distinguished family, -a brother of the Byzantine statesman and historian, Niketas Choniates, -and a pupil of the great Homeric scholar, Eustathios, who was Archbishop -of Salonika. An ardent classical scholar, he had been enchanted at -the prospect of taking up his abode in the episcopal residence on the -Akropolis, of which he had formed the most glorified idea. But the -golden dream of the learned divine vanished at the touch of reality. It -was said of the Philhellenes, who went to aid the Greeks in the War of -Independence, that they expected to find the Peloponnese filled with -“Plutarch’s men”; finding that the modern Greeks were not ancient heroes -and sages, they at once put them down as scoundrels and cut-throats. The -worthy Michael seems to have experienced the same disillusionment and -to have committed the same error as the Philhellenes. Fallen walls and -rickety houses fringing mean streets gave him a bad impression as he -entered the city in triumphal procession. His cathedral, it is true, with -its frescoes and its offerings from the time of Basil the Bulgar-slayer, -with its eternal lamp, the wonder of every pilgrim, and with the noble -memories of the golden age of Perikles which clung round its venerable -structure, seemed to him superior to Sta Sophia in all its glory, a -palace worthy of a king. And what bishop could boast of a minster such -as the Parthenon? But the Athenians, “the off-spring of true-born -Athenians,” as he styled them in his pompous inaugural address, did not -appreciate, could scarcely even understand, the academic graces of his -style. The shallow soil of Attica had become a parched desert, where -little or no water was; the classic fountain of Kallirrhoe had ceased to -run, the olive-yards were withered up by the drought. The silk-weavers -and dyers, traces of whose work have been found in the Odeion of Herodes -Atticus, had disappeared. Emigration and the exactions of the Byzantine -officials completed the tale of woe, which Michael was ever ready to pour -into the ear of a sympathetic correspondent. In 1198, he addressed a -memorial to the Emperor Alexios Comnenos III, on behalf of the Athenians, -from which we learn that the city was free from the jurisdiction of the -provincial governor, who resided at Thebes, and who was not even allowed -to enter the city, which, like Patras and Monemvasia, was governed by its -own _archontes_. But it appears that the governor none the less quartered -himself on the inhabitants, and had thrice imposed higher ship-money on -Athens than on Thebes and Chalkis. Nor did the Metropolitan hesitate to -tell another Emperor, Isaac Angelos, that Athens was too poor to present -him with the usual coronation offering of a golden wreath. Yet, when the -Lord High Admiral came to Athens, he found merchantmen in the Piræus, -and the Government raised more out of the impoverished inhabitants than -out of Thebes and Eubœa. We must therefore not take too literally all -the rhetorical complaints of the archbishop, which are incompatible with -the great luxury of the Athenian Court under the French Dukes in the -next century. As a good friend of Athens, he was anxious to make the -city appear as poor as possible in the eyes of a grasping Government, -for in the East it has always been a dangerous thing to appear rich. As -a cultured man of the world, he exaggerated the “barbarism”—such is his -own phrase, which would have staggered the ancient Athenians—of the spot -where his lot had been cast. He derided the Attic Greek of his time as -a rude dialect, and told his classical friends that few of the historic -landmarks in Attica had preserved their ancient names pure and undefiled. -Sheep grazed, he said, among the remains of the Painted Porch. “I live -in Athens,” he wrote in a poem on the decay of the city, “yet it is not -Athens that I see.” Yet Athens was at least spared the horrors of the -sack of Salonika by the Normans of Sicily, whose great invasion in 1185 -touched only the fringe of Greece. - -Then, as in the war which broke out between Venice and the Empire some -years earlier, it was the islands which suffered. After the attack -by the mob on the Latin quarter of Constantinople, those Latins who -escaped revenged themselves by preying upon the dwellers in the Ægean, -whose flourishing state had been noted by Edrisi before that terrible -visitation. Cephalonia and Zante were now permanently severed from -the Byzantine sway, many Italians settled there, and after succumbing -to Margaritone, the Sicilian admiral, Corfù, then a very rich island, -became for some years the home of Vetrano, a Latin pirate, who was -soon the terror of the Greek coasts. As if this were not enough, Isaac -Angelos robbed many of the churches of their ornaments and pictures for -the benefit of his capital, such as the famous picture at Monemvasia -of Our Lord being dragged to the Cross, and extortion once more roused -an insurrection in the Theme of Nikopolis. His successor injured Greek -trade by granting most extensive privileges to the Venetians, who -secured the commercial supremacy in the Levant. The Byzantine State -was becoming visibly weaker every day, and the re-establishment of the -second Bulgarian Empire suggested to a bold official, Manuel Kamytzes, -the idea of carving out, with Bulgarian aid, a kingdom for himself in -Greece. His attempt failed, but the growth of feudalism had loosened the -old ties which bound that country to Constantinople. The power of the -landed aristocracy, the _archontes_, as they were called, had gone on -growing since the days of Danielis of Patras. Their rivalries threatened -the Greek towns with the scenes which disgraced the cities of mediæval -Italy, and some of them, like the great clan of Sgouros at Nauplia, were -hereditary nobles of almost princely position. Large estates, the curse -of ancient Italy, had grown up in Greece; the Empress Euphrosyne, for -example, was owner of a vast property in Thessaly, which included several -flourishing towns. Moreover, that province was no longer inhabited -by a mainly Greek population; in the twelfth century it had passed -so completely under Wallachian influence that it was known as Great -Wallachia, and its colonists were the ancestors of those Koutso-Wallachs, -who still pasture their herds in the country near the Thessalian -frontier, descending to Bœotia in the winter, and who, in the war of -1897, were on the Turkish side. Finally a debased currency pointed to the -financial decline of the Byzantine Government. In short, the Empire was -ripe for the Latin conquest. It was not long delayed. - - - - -III. FRANKISH AND VENETIAN GREECE - - -1. THE FRANKISH CONQUEST OF GREECE - -Professor Krumbacher says in his _History of Byzantine Literature_, that, -when he announced his intention of devoting himself to that subject, -one of his classical friends solemnly remonstrated with him, on the -ground that there could be nothing of interest in a period when the -Greek preposition ἀπό governed the accusative, instead of the genitive -case. I am afraid that many people are of the opinion of that orthodox -grammarian. There has long prevailed in some quarters an idea that, from -the time of the Roman conquest in 146 B.C. to the day when Archbishop -Germanos raised the standard of Independence at Kalavryta in 1821, the -annals of Greece were practically a blank, and that that country thus -enjoyed for nearly twenty centuries that form of happiness which consists -in having no history. Fifty years ago there was, perhaps, some excuse for -this theory; but the case is very different now. The great cemeteries -of Mediæval Greece—I mean the Archives of Venice, Naples, Palermo and -Barcelona—have given up their dead. We know now, year by year, yes, -almost month by month, the vicissitudes of Hellas under her Frankish -masters, and all that is required now is to breathe life into the dry -bones, and bring upon the stage in flesh and blood that picturesque -and motley crowd of Burgundian, Flemish and Lombard nobles, German -knights, rough soldiers of fortune from Cataluña and Navarre, Florentine -financiers, Neapolitan courtiers, shrewd Venetian and Genoese merchant -princes, and last, but not least, the bevy of high-born dames, sprung -from the oldest families of France, who make up, together with the Greek -_archons_ and the Greek serfs, the persons of the romantic drama, of -which Greece was the theatre for 250 years. - -The history of Frankish Greece begins with the Fourth Crusade. I need -not recapitulate the oft-told story of that memorable expedition, which -influenced for centuries the annals of Eastern Europe, and which forms -the historical basis of the Eastern question. We all know, from the -paintings of the Doge’s Palace, how the Crusaders set out with the -laudable object of freeing the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel, how -they turned aside to the easier and more lucrative task of overturning -the oldest Empire in the world, and how they placed on the throne of -all the Cæsars Count Baldwin of Flanders as first Latin Emperor of -Constantinople. The Greeks fled to Asia Minor, and there at Nice, the -city of the famous Council, and at Trebizond on the shores of the Black -Sea, founded two Empires, of which the latter existed for over 250 years. - -When the Crusaders and their Venetian allies sat down to partition the -Byzantine Empire among themselves, they paid no heed to the rights of -nationalities or to the wishes of the people whose fate hung upon their -decisions. A fourth part of the Byzantine dominions, consisting of the -capital, the adjacent districts of Europe and Asia, and several of the -islands, was first set aside to form the new Latin Empire of Romania. -The remaining three-fourths were then divided in equal shares between -the Venetian Republic and the Crusaders, whose leader was Boniface of -Montferrat in the North of Italy, the rival of Baldwin for the throne -of the East. The Greek provinces in Asia, and the island of Crete had -originally been intended as his share of the spoil; but he wished to -obtain a compact extent of territory nearer his own home and his wife’s -native land of Hungary, and accordingly sold Crete to the Venetians, -and established himself as King of Salonika with sovereignty over a -large part of Greece, as yet unconquered. The Venetians, with their -shrewd commercial instincts and their much more intimate knowledge of -the country, secured all the best harbours, islands and markets in the -Levant—an incident which shows that an acquaintance with geography may -sometimes be useful to politicians. - -In the autumn of 1204 Boniface set out to conquer his Greek dominions. -The King of Salonika belonged to a family, which was no stranger to the -ways of the Orient. One of his brothers had married the daughter of -the Greek Emperor Manuel I; another brother and a nephew were Kings of -Jerusalem—a vain dignity which has descended from them, together with the -Marquisate of Montferrat, to the present Italian dynasty. Married to the -affable widow of the Greek Emperor Isaac II, Boniface was a sympathetic -figure to the Greeks, who had speedily flocked in numbers to his side, -and several of whom accompanied him on his march through Greece. Among -these was the bastard Michael Angelos, of whom we shall hear later as -the founder of a new dynasty. With the King of Salonika there went too a -motley crowd of Crusaders in quest of fiefs, men of many nationalities, -Lombards, Flemings, Frenchmen and Germans. There were Guillaume de -Champlitte, a grandson of the Count of Champagne; Othon de la Roche, son -of a Burgundian noble; Jacques d’Avesnes, son of a Flemish crusader who -had been at the siege of Acre, and his two nephews, Jacques and Nicholas -de St Omer; Berthold von Katzenellenbogen, a Rhenish warrior who had -given the signal for setting fire to Constantinople; the Marquess Guido -Pallavicini, youngest son of a nobleman from near Parma, who had gone -to Greece because at home every common man could hale him before the -courts; Thomas de Stromoncourt, and Ravano dalle Carceri of Verona, -brother of the _podestà_ Realdo, whose name still figures on the _Casa -dei Mercanti_ there. Just as the modern general takes with him a band -of war-correspondents to chronicle his achievements, so Boniface was -accompanied by Rambaud de Vaqueiras, a troubadour from Provence, who -afterwards boasted in one of the letters in verse which he addressed to -his patron, that he “had helped him to conquer the Empire of the East and -the Kingdom of Salonika, the island of Pelops and the Duchy of Athens.” -Such were the men at whose head the Marquess of Montferrat marched -through the classic vale of Tempe, the route of so many armies, into the -great fertile plain of Thessaly. - -While the Crusaders are traversing the vale of Tempe, let us ask -ourselves for a moment, who were the races, and what was the condition, -of the country which they were about to enter? The question is important, -for the answer to it will enable us to understand the ease with which a -small body of Franks conquered, almost without opposition, nearly the -whole of Greece. The bulk of the inhabitants were, of course, Greeks; -for no one, except a few propagandists, now believes the theory, so -confidently advanced by Professor Fallmerayer 90 years ago, according -to which there is not a single drop of Hellenic blood in the Greek -nation, but the Kingdom of Greece is inhabited by Slavs and Albanians. -At the time of the Frankish conquest, the Slavonic elements in the -population, the survivals of the Slavonic immigrations of the dark -centuries, were confined to the mountain fastnesses of Arcadia and -Laconia, where Taygetos was known as “the mountain of the Slavs.” The -marvellous power of the Hellenic race for absorbing and hellenising -foreign nationalities—a power like that of the Americans in our own -day—had prevented the Peloponnese from becoming a Slav state, a Southern -Serbia or Bulgaria, though such Slavonic names as Charvati near Mycenæ -and Slavochorio still preserve the memory of the Slavonic settlements. -As for the Albanians, they had not yet entered Greece; had they done so, -the conquest would probably have been far less easy. Besides the Greeks -and the Slavs, there were Wallachs in Thessaly, who extended as far south -as Lamia, and who had bestowed upon the whole of that region the name, -which we find employed by the Byzantine historian Niketas, of “Great -Wallachia.” That the Wallachs are of Roman descent, scarcely admits of -doubt; at the present day the Roumanians claim them as their kinsmen; -and the “Koutso”—or “lame,” Wallachs, so-called because they cannot -pronounce _chinch_ (or _cinque_) correctly, form one of the most thorny -questions of contemporary diplomacy. The Jewish traveller, Benjamin of -Tudela, who visited Greece about 40 years before the Frankish conquest, -argued from their Scriptural names and from the fact that they called the -Jews “brethren,” that they were connected with his own race. They showed, -however, their “brotherly” love by merely robbing the Israelites, while -they both robbed and murdered the Greeks. - -In the south-east of the Peloponnese were to be found the mysterious -Tzakones, a race which now exists at Leonidi and the adjacent villages -alone, but which then occupied a wider area. Opinions differ as to the -origin of this tribe, which still retains a dialect quite distinct from -that spoken anywhere else in Greek lands and which was noticed as a -“barbarian” tongue by the Byzantine satirist, Mazaris, in the fifteenth -century. But Dr Deffner of Athens, the greatest living authority on -their language, of which he has written a grammar, regards them as the -descendants of the ancient Laconians, their name as a corruption of the -words Τοὺς Λάκωνας, and their speech as “new Doric.” Scattered about, -wherever money was to be made by trade, were colonies of Jews. - -The rule of the Franks must have seemed to many Greeks a welcome relief -from the financial oppression of the Byzantine Government. Greece was, at -the date of the Conquest, afflicted by three terrible plagues: the tax -collectors, the pirates, and the native tyrants. The Imperial Government -did nothing for the provinces, but wasted the money which should have -been spent on the defences of Greece, in extravagant ostentation at the -capital. Byzantine officials, sent to Greece, regarded that classic land, -in the phrase of Niketas, as an “utter hole,” an uncomfortable place of -exile. The two Greek provinces were governed by one of these authorities, -styled _prætor_, _protoprætor_, or “general,” whose headquarters were at -Thebes. We have from the pen of Michael Akominatos, the last Metropolitan -of Athens before the conquest and brother of the historian Niketas, a -vivid account of the exactions of these personages. Theoretically, the -city of Athens was a privileged community. A golden bull of the Emperor -forbade the _prætor_ to enter it with an armed force, so that the -Athenians might be spared the annoyance and expense of having soldiers -quartered upon them. Its regular contribution to the Imperial Exchequer -was limited to a land-tax, and it was expected to send a golden wreath -as a coronation offering to a new Emperor. But, in practice, these -privileges were apt to be ignored. The indignant Metropolitan complains -that the _prætor_, under the pretext of worshipping in the Church of -“Our Lady of Athens,” as the Parthenon was then called, visited the city -with a large retinue. He laments that one of these Imperial Governors -had treated the city “more barbarously than Xerxes,” and that the leaves -of the trees, nay almost every hair on the heads of the unfortunate -Athenians, had been numbered. The authority of the _prætor_, he says, -is like Medea in the legend; just as she scattered her poisons over -Thessaly, so it scatters injustice over Greece—a classical simile, which -had its justification in the hard fact, that it had long been the custom -of the Byzantine Empire to pay the Governors of the European provinces -no salaries, but to make their office self-supporting, a practice still -followed by the Turkish Government. The Byzantine Government, too, -following a policy similar to that which cost our King Charles I his -throne, levied ship-money, really for the purpose of its own coffers, -nominally for the suppression of piracy. - -Piracy was then, as so often, the curse of the islands and the deeply -indented coast of Greece. We learn from the English Chronicle ascribed -to Benedict of Peterborough, which gives a graphic account of Greece as -it was in 1191, that many of the islands were uninhabited from fear of -pirates, and that others were their chosen lairs. Cephalonia and Ithake, -which now appears under its mediæval name of Val di Compare—first used, -so far as I know by the Genoese historian, Caffaro, in the first half -of the twelfth century—had a specially evil reputation, and bold was -the sailor who dared venture through the channel between them. Near -Athens, the island of Ægina was a stronghold of corsairs, who injured -the property of the Athenian Church, and dangerously wounded the nephew -of the Metropolitan. Yet the remedy for piracy was almost worse than the -disease. Well might the anxious Metropolitan tell the Lord High Admiral, -that the Athenians regarded their proximity to the sea as the greatest of -their misfortunes. - -Besides the Byzantine officials and the pirates, the Greeks had a third -set of tormentors in the shape of a brood of native tyrants, whose feuds -divided city against city and divided communities into rival parties. -Even where the Emperor had been nominally sovereign, the real power -was in the hands of local magnates, who had revived, on the eve of the -Frankish conquest, the petty tyrannies of ancient Greece. Under the -dynasty of the Comneni, who imitated and introduced the ways of Western -chivalry, feudalism had already made considerable inroads into the East. -At the time of the Fourth Crusade, local families were in possession of -large tracts of territory which they governed almost like independent -princes. Of all these _archontes_, as they were called, the most -powerful was Leon Sgouros, hereditary lord of Nauplia, who had extended -his sway over Argos “of the goodly steeds,” and had seized the city and -fortress of Corinth, proudly styling himself by a high-sounding Byzantine -title, and placing his fortunes under the protection of St Theodore the -Warrior. The manners of these local magnates were no less savage than -those of the Western barons of the same period. Thus, Sgouros on one -occasion invited the Archbishop of Corinth to dinner, and then put out -the eyes of his guest, and hurled him over the rocks of the citadel. -The contemporary historian Niketas has painted in the darkest colours -the character of the Greek _archontes_, upon whom he lays the chief -responsibility for the evils which befell their country. He speaks of -them as “inflamed by ambition against their own fatherland, slavish men, -spoiled by luxury, who made themselves tyrants, instead of fighting the -Latins.” The Emperor and historian, John Cantacuzene, gives much the same -description of their descendants a century and a half later. - -Such was the condition of Greece, when Boniface and his army emerged from -the vale of Tempe and marched across the plain of Thessaly to Larissa. -He bestowed that ancient city upon a Lombard noble, who henceforth -styled himself Guglielmo de Larsa from the name of his fief. Velestino, -the ancient Pheræ, the scene of the legend of Admetos and Alcestis, -and the site of the modern battle, fell to the share of Berthold von -Katzenellenbogen, whose name must have proved a stumbling-block to his -Thessalian vassals. The army then took the usual route by way of Pharsala -and Domoko—names familiar alike in the ancient and modern history of -Greek warfare—down to Lamia and thence across the Trachinian plain to -Thermopylæ, where Sgouros was awaiting it. But the memories of Leonidas -failed to inspire the _archon_ of Nauplia to follow his example. Niketas -tells us that the mere sight of the Latin knights in their coats of mail -sufficed to make him flee straight to his own fastness of Akrocorinth, -leaving the pass undefended. Conscious of its strength—for Thermopylæ -must have been far more of a defile then than now—Boniface resolved to -secure it permanently against attack. He therefore invested the Marquess -Guido Pallavicini, nicknamed by the Greeks “Marchesopoulo,” with the -fief of Boudonitza, which commanded the other end of the pass. Thus -arose the famous Marquisate of Boudonitza, which was destined to play -an important part in the Frankish history of Greece, and which, after a -continuous existence of over two centuries, as guardian of the Northern -marches, has left a memory of its fallen greatness in the ruins of the -castle and chapel of its former lords, of whose descendants, the Zorzi -of Venice, there are still living—so Mr Horatio Brown informs me—some -thirty representatives in that city. Following the present carriage-road -from Lamia to the Corinthian Gulf, Boniface established another defensive -post at the pass of Gravia, so famous centuries afterwards in the War of -Independence, conferring it as a fief on the two brothers Jacques and -Nicholas de St Omer. At the foot of Parnassos, on the site of the ancient -Amphissa, he next founded the celebrated barony of Salona, which lasted -almost as long as the Marquisate of Boudonitza. Upon the almost Cyclopean -stones of the classic Akropolis of Amphissa, which Philip of Macedon had -destroyed fifteen centuries before, Thomas de Stromoncourt built himself -the fortress, of which the majestic ruins—perhaps the finest Frankish -remains in Greece—still stand among the cornfields on the hill above the -modern town. According to the local tradition, the name of Salona, which -the place still bears in common parlance, despite the usual official -efforts to revive the classical terminology, is derived from the King of -Salonika, its second founder. The lord of Salona soon extended his sway -down to the harbour of Galaxidi, and the barony became so important that -two at least of the house of Stromoncourt struck coins of their own, -which are still preserved. - -Boniface next marched into Bœotia, where the people, glad to be relieved -from the oppression of Sgouros, at once submitted. Thebes joyfully -opened her gates, and then the invaders pursued their way to Athens. The -Metropolitan thought it useless to defend the city, and a Frankish guard -was soon stationed on the Akropolis. The Crusaders had no respect for -the great Cathedral. To these soldiers of fortune the classic glories of -the Parthenon appealed as little as the sanctity of the Orthodox Church. -The rich treasury of the Cathedral was plundered, the holy vessels -were melted down, the library which the Metropolitan had collected was -dispersed. Unable to bear the sight, Akominatos quitted the scene where -he had laboured so long, and, after wandering about for a time, finally -settled down in the island of Keos, whence he could at least see the -coast of Attica. - -Thebes with Bœotia and Athens with Attica and the Megarid were bestowed -by the King of Salonika upon his trusty comrade in arms, Othon de la -Roche, who had rendered him a valuable service by assisting to settle a -serious dispute between him and the Emperor Baldwin, and who afterwards -negotiated the marriage between Boniface’s daughter and Baldwin’s brother -and successor. Thus, in the words of a monkish chronicler, “Othon de la -Roche, son of a certain Burgundian noble, became, as by a miracle, Duke -of the Athenians and Thebans.” The chronicler was only wrong in the -title which he attributed to the lucky Frenchman, who had thus succeeded -to the glories of the heroes and sages of Athens. Othon modestly styled -himself _Sire d’Athènes_, or _Dominus Athenarum_ in official documents, -which his Greek subjects magnified into “the Great Lord” (Μέγας κύρ), -and Dante, who had probably heard that such had been the title of the -first Frankish ruler of Athens, transferred it by a poetic anachronism -to Peisistratos. Half a century after the conquest, Othon’s nephew and -successor, Guy I, received, at his request, the title of Duke from -Louis IX of France—and Shakespeare in _A Midsummer Night’s Dream_ and -Chaucer in _The Knight’s Tale_ have by a similar anachronism conferred -the ducal title of the De la Roche upon Theseus, the legendary founder -of Athens. Contemporary accounts make no mention of any resistance to -the Lord of Athens on the part of the Greeks. Later Venetian authors, -however, actuated perhaps by patriotic bias, propagated a story, that the -Athenians sent an embassy to offer their city to Venice, but that their -scheme was frustrated “not without bloodshed by the men of Champagne -under the Lord de la Roche.” - -We naturally ask ourselves what was the appearance and condition of the -most famous city of the ancient world at the time of Othon’s accession, -and the voluminous writings of the eminent man who was Metropolitan at -that moment, which have been published by Professor Lampros of Athens, -throw a flood of light upon the Athens of the beginning of the thirteenth -century. The only Athenian manufactures were soap and the weaving of -monkish habits, but the ships of the Piræus still took part in the -purple-fishing off the lonely island of Gyaros, the Botany Bay of the -Roman Empire. There was still some trade at the Piræus, for the Byzantine -Admiral had found vessels there. It was then guarded by the huge lion, -now in front of the arsenal at Venice, which gave the harbour its -mediæval name of Porto Leone, and on which Harold Hardrada, afterwards -slain at Stamford Bridge, had scratched his name nearly two centuries -before. We may infer, too, from the mention of Athens in the commercial -treaties between Venice and the Byzantine Empire that the astute -Republicans saw some prospect of making money there. But the “thin soil” -of Attica was as unproductive as in the days of Thucydides, and yielded -nothing but oil, honey, and wine, the last strongly flavoured with resin, -as it still is, so that the Metropolitan could write to a friend that it -“seems to be pressed from the juice of the pine rather than from that of -the grape.” The harvest was always meagre, and famines were common. Even -ordinary necessaries were not always obtainable. Akominatos could not -find a decent carriage-builder in the place; and, in his despair at the -absence of blacksmiths and workers in iron, he was constrained to apply -to Athens the words of Jeremiah: “the bellows are burnt.” Emigration, -still the curse of Greece, was draining off the able-bodied poor, so that -the population had greatly diminished, and the city threatened to become -what Aristophanes had called “a Scythian wilderness.” - -Externally, the visitor to the Athens of that day, must have been struck -by the marked contrast between the splendid monuments of the classic age -and the squalid surroundings of the mediæval town. The walls were lying -in ruins, the houses of the emigrants had been pulled down, the streets, -where once the sages of antiquity had walked, were now desolate. But the -hand of the invader and the tooth of time had, on the whole, dealt gently -with the Athenian monuments. The Parthenon, converted long before into -the Cathedral of Our Lady of Athens, was almost as little damaged, as if -it had only just been built. The metopes, the pediments, and the frieze -were still intact, and remained so when, more than two centuries later, -Cyriacus of Ancona, the first archæologist who had ever visited Athens -during the Frankish period, drew his sketch of the Parthenon, which is -still preserved in Berlin and of which a copy by Sangallo may be seen in -the Vatican library. On the walls were the frescoes, traces of which are -still visible, executed by order of the Emperor Basil II, “the slayer -of the Bulgarians,” nearly two centuries earlier. Over the altar was a -golden dove, representing the Holy Ghost, and ever flying with perpetual -motion. In the cathedral, too, was an ever-burning lamp, fed by oil that -never failed, which was the marvel of the pilgrims. So widespread was the -fame of the Athenian Minster, that the great folk of Constantinople, in -spite of their supercilious contempt for the provinces and their dislike -of travel, came to do obeisance there. Of the other ancient buildings -on the sacred rock, the graceful temple of Nike Apteros had been turned -into a chapel; the Erechtheion had become a church of the Saviour, or -a chapel of the Virgin, while the episcopal residence, which is known -to have then been on the Akropolis, was probably in the Propylæa. The -whole Akropolis had for centuries been made into a fortress, the only -defence which Athens then possessed, strong enough to have resisted the -attack of a Greek magnate like Sgouros, but incapable of repulsing a -Latin army. Already strange legends and new names had begun to grow round -some of the classical monuments. The Choragic monument of Lysikrates -was already popularly known as “the lantern of Demosthenes,” its usual -designation during the Turkish domination, when it became the Capuchin -Convent, serving in 1811 as a study to Lord Byron, who from within -its walls launched his bitter poem against the filcher of the Elgin -marbles. But, even at the beginning of the thirteenth century, many of -the ancient names of places lingered in the mouths of the people. The -classically cultured Metropolitan was gratified as a good Philhellene, to -hear that the Piræus and Hymettos, Eleusis and Marathon, the Areopagos -and Kallirrhoe, Salamis and Ægina were still called by names, which -the contemporaries of Perikles had used, even though the Areopagos was -nothing but a bare rock, the plain of Marathon yielded no corn, and the -“beautifully-flowing” fountain had ceased to flow. But new, uncouth names -were beginning to creep in; thus, the partition treaty of 1204 describes -Salamis as “Culuris” (or, “the lizard”), a vulgar name, derived from the -shape of the island, which I have heard used in Attica at the present day. - -Of the intellectual condition of Athens we should form but a low -estimate, if we judged entirely from the lamentations of the elegant -Byzantine scholar whom fate had made its Metropolitan. Akominatos had -found that his tropes, and fine periods, and classical allusions were -far over the heads of the Athenians who came to hear him, and who talked -in his cathedral, even though that cathedral was the Parthenon. He wrote -that his long residence in Greece had made him a barbarian. Yet he was -able to add to his store of manuscripts in this small provincial town. -Moreover, there is some evidence to prove that, even at this period, -Athens was a place of study, whither Georgians from the East and English -from the West came to obtain a liberal education. Matthew Paris tells us -of Master John of Basingstoke, Archdeacon of Leicester in the reign of -Henry III, who used often to say, that whatever scientific knowledge he -possessed had been acquired from the youthful daughter of the Archbishop -of Athens. This young lady could forecast the advent of pestilences, -thunderstorms, eclipses, and earthquakes. From learned Greeks at Athens -Master John professed to have heard some things of which the Latins had -no knowledge; he found there the testaments of the twelve Patriarchs, and -he brought back to England the Greek numerals and many books, including a -Greek grammar which had been compiled for him at Athens. The same author -tells us, too, of “certain Greek philosophers”—that is, in mediæval Greek -parlance, monks—who came from Athens at this very time to the Court -of King John, and disputed about nice sharp quillets of theology with -English divines. It is stated, also, though on indifferent authority, as -Mr F. C. Conybeare of Oxford kindly informs me, that the Georgian poet, -Chota Roustavéli, and other Georgians spent several years at Athens on -the eve of the Frankish conquest. - -Othon de la Roche showed his gratitude to his benefactor, the King of -Salonika, by accompanying him in his attack upon the strongholds of -Sgouros in the Peloponnese. The Franks routed the Greek army at the -Isthmus of Corinth, and while Othon laid siege to the noble castle above -that town, Boniface proceeded to the attack on Nauplia. There he was -joined by a man, who was destined to be the conqueror and ruler of the -peninsula. - -It chanced that, a little before the capture of Constantinople, Geoffroy -de Villehardouin, nephew of the quaint chronicler of the Fourth Crusade, -had set out on a pilgrimage to Palestine. On his arrival in Syria, he -heard of the great achievements of the Crusaders, and resolved without -loss of time to join them. But his ship was driven out of its course by -a violent storm, and Geoffroy was forced to take shelter in the harbour -of Methone on the coast of Messenia. During the winter of 1204, which -he spent at that spot, he received an invitation from a local magnate -to join him in an attack on the lands of the neighbouring Greeks. -Villehardouin, nothing loth, placed his sword at the disposal of the -Greek traitor, and success crowned the arms of these unnatural allies. -But the Greek _archon_ died, and his son, more patriotic or more prudent -than his father, repudiated the dangerous alliance with the Frankish -stranger. But it was too late. Villehardouin had discovered the fatal -secret, that the Greeks of the Peloponnese were an unwarlike race, whose -land would fall an easy conquest to a resolute band of Latins. At this -moment, tidings reached him that Boniface was besieging Nauplia. He at -once set out on a six days’ journey across a hostile country to seek -his aid. In the camp he found his old friend and fellow-countryman, -Guillaume de Champlitte, who was willing to assist him. He described to -Champlitte the richness of the land which men called “the Morea”—a term -which now occurs for the first time in history, and which seems to have -been originally applied to the coast of Elis and thence extended to the -whole peninsula, just as the name Italy, originally a part of Calabria, -has similarly spread over the whole of that country. He professed his -readiness to recognise Champlitte as his liege lord in return for his -aid, and Boniface consented, after some hesitation, to their undertaking. -With a hundred knights and some men-at-arms, the two friends rode out -from the camp before Nauplia to conquer the peninsula. - -The conquest of the Morea has been compared with that of England by the -Normans. In both cases a single pitched battle decided the fate of -the country, but in the Morea, the conquerors did not, as in England, -amalgamate with the conquered. The Hastings of the Peloponnese was fought -in the olive-grove of Koundoura, in the North-East of Messenia, and -the little Frankish force of between 500 and 700 men easily routed the -over-confident Greeks, aided by the Slavs of Taygetos, who altogether -numbered from 4000 to 6000. After this, one place after another fell -into the hands of the Franks, who showed towards the conquered that tact -which we believe to be one of the chief causes of our own success in -dealing with subject races. Provided that their religion was respected, -the Greeks were not unwilling to accept the Franks as their masters, and -on this point the conquerors, who were not bigots, made no difficulties. -By the year 1212, the whole of the peninsula was Frankish, except where -the Greek flag still waved over the impregnable rock of Monemvasia, the -St Michael’s Mount of Greece, and where at the two stations of Methone -and Korone in Messenia Venice had raised the lion-banner of St Mark. -Insignificant as they are now, those twin colonies were of great value -to the Venetian traders, and there is a whole literature about them in -the Venetian Archives. All the galleys stopped there on the way to Syria -and Crete; pilgrims to the Holy Land found a welcome there in “the German -house,” founded by the Teutonic Knights, and as late as 1532 there was a -Christian Governor at Korone. The population was then removed to Sicily, -and of those exiles the present Albanian monks of Grottaferrata are the -descendants. - -I have now described the conquest of the mainland; it remains to speak -of the islands, which had mostly been allotted to Venice by the treaty -of partition. But the shrewd Government saw that its resources could -not stand the strain of conquering and administering the large group of -the Cyclades. It was, therefore, decided to leave to private citizens -the task of occupying them. There was no lack of enterprise among the -Venetians of that day, and on the bench of the Consular Court, as we -should now call it, at Constantinople, sat the very man for such an -enterprise—Marco Sanudo, nephew of “the old Doge Dandolo.” Sanudo -descended from the bench, gathered round him a band of adventurous -spirits, equipped eight galleys and was soon master of seventeen islands, -some of which he distributed as fiefs to his comrades. Naxos alone -offered any real resistance, and, in 1207, the conqueror founded the -Duchy of “the Dodekannesos” (or “Twelve Islands,” as the Byzantines -called it), which soon received the title of the “Duchy of Naxos,” or “of -the Archipelago”—a corruption of the name “Ægeopelagos,” which occurs -as early as a Venetian document of 1268. This delectable Duchy lasted, -first under the Sanudi, and then under the Crispi, till 1566, while the -Gozzadini of Bologna held seven of the islands down to 1617, and Tenos -remained in Venetian hands till it was finally taken in 1715 and ceded to -the Turks by the peace of Passarovitz in 1718. For persons so important -as the Dukes it was necessary to invent a truly Roman genealogy; -accordingly, the Paduan biographer, Zabarella, makes the Sanudi descend -from the historian Livy, while the Crispi, not to be beaten, claimed -Sallust as their ancestor, and may, perhaps, be regarded as the forbears -of the late Italian Prime Minister, Francesco Crispi. - -The two great islands of Crete and Eubœa had very different fortunes. -Crete, as we saw, was sold by Boniface to the Venetians, and remained a -Venetian colony for nearly five centuries. Eubœa, or Negroponte, as it -was called in the Middle Ages, was divided by Boniface into three large -baronies, which were assigned to three Lombard nobles from Verona, who -styled themselves the _terciers_, or _terzieri_. We have no English -equivalent for the word; perhaps, borrowing a hint from Shakespeare, -we may call them “the three Gentlemen of Verona.” But Venice soon -established a colony, governed by a bailie, at Chalkis, the capital of -the island, and the subsequent history of Negroponte shows the gradual -extension of Venetian influence over the Lombards. - -The seven Ionian Islands naturally fall into three divisions. Kythera -(or Cerigo) in the far South; the centred group, consisting of Zante, -Cephalonia, Ithake, and Levkas (or Santa Maura); and Corfù and Paxo -in the North. Of these divisions, the first fell to the share of a -scion of the great Venetian family of Venier—a family which traced its -name and descent from Venus, and naturally claimed the island, where -she had risen from the sea. Zante, Cephalonia and Ithake had a very -curious history—a history long obscure, but now well ascertained. They -belonged to Count Maio (or Matteo) Orsini, a member of the great Roman -family, who came, as the Spanish Chronicle of the Morea informs us, from -Monopoli in Apulia. This bold adventurer, half-pirate, half-crusader,—a -not unusual combination in those days—thus succeeded to the realm of -Odysseus, which was thenceforth known, from his title, as the County -Palatine of Cephalonia. Corfù with its appendage of Paxo, was at first -assigned to ten nobles of the Republic in return for an annual payment. -But, ere long, those two islands, together with Levkas, which is scarcely -an island at all, were included in the dominions of a Greek prince, -the bastard Michael Angelos, who had slipped away from the camp of -Boniface, and had established himself, by an opportune marriage with the -widow of the late Byzantine governor, as independent Greek sovereign -of Epeiros. His wife was a native of the country; his father had been -its governor; he thus appealed to the national feelings of the natives, -whose mountainous country has in all ages defied the attacks of invading -armies. A man of great vigour, he soon extended his sway from his capital -of Arta to Durazzo in the North, and to the Corinthian Gulf in the South, -and his dominions, known as the principality, or Despotat of Epeiros, -served as the rallying point of Hellenism—the only portion of Greece, -except Monemvasia, which still remained Greek. - -I would fain have said something of the inner life of Frankish Greece—of -its society, of its literature, and of the great influence which women -exercised in its affairs. But for these subjects there is no time left. -I would only add, in conclusion, that the Frankish conquest of Greece -affords the clue to one of the vexed problems of modern literature—the -second part of Goethe’s _Faust_, which an American scholar, Dr Schmitt, -has shown to have been inspired by the account given in the _Chronicle of -the Morea_, a work which was first printed by Buchon in 1825, at the time -when Goethe was engaged on that part of his famous tragedy. Its origin -is obvious from the following lines, which he puts into the mouth of his -hero: - - I hail you Dukes, as forth ye sally - Beneath the rule of Sparta’s Queen[44]! - Thine, German, be the hand that forges - Defence for Corinth and her bays: - Achaia, with its hundred gorges, - I give thee, Goth, to hold and raise. - Towards Elis, Franks, direct your motion; - Messene be the Saxon’s state: - The Norman claim and sweep the Ocean, - And Argolis again make great. - - -2. FRANKISH SOCIETY IN GREECE - -We saw in the last essay, how at the beginning of the thirteenth century -a small body of Franks conquered nearly the whole of Greece, and how, -as the result of their conquests, a group of Latin states sprang into -existence in that country—the Duchies of Athens and of the Archipelago, -the principality of Achaia, the County Palatine of Cephalonia, the three -baronies of Eubœa, and the Venetian colony of Crete, while at two points -alone—in the mountains of Epeiros and on the isolated rock of Monemvasia, -so well-known to our ancestors as the place whence they obtained their -Malmsey wine—the Greek flag still waved. In the present essay, I would -give some account of Frankish organisation, political and ecclesiastical, -of Frankish society, and of Frankish literature. - -The usual tendency of the desperately logical Latin intellect, when -brought face to face with a new set of political conditions, is to frame -a paper constitution, absolutely perfect in theory, and absolutely -unworkable in practice. But the French noblemen whom an extraordinary -accident had converted into Spartan and Athenian law-givers, resisted -this temptation, nor did they seek inspiration from the laws of Solon -and Lycurgus. They fortunately possessed a model, the _Assizes of -Jerusalem_ which had been drawn up a century before for that Kingdom, -and which, under the name of the _Book of the Customs of the Empire of -Romania_—a work still preserved in a Venetian version of 1452 drawn -up for the island of Eubœa—was applied to all the Frankish states in -Greece. This feudal constitution, barbarous as it may seem to our modern -ideas, seems to have worked well; at any rate, it was tried by the best -test, that of experience, and lasted, with one small amendment, for 250 -years. In Achaia, about which we have most information, a commission -was appointed, consisting of two Latin bishops, two bannerets, and five -leading Greeks, under the presidency of Geoffroy de Villehardouin, for -the purpose of dividing the Morea into fiefs and of assigning these to -the members of the conquering force according to their wealth and the -numbers of their followers, and the book, or “register” as the Chronicler -calls it, containing the report of this commission, was then laid before -a Parliament, held at Andravida, or Andreville, in Elis, now a small -village which the traveller passes in the train between Patras and -Olympia, but then the capital of the principality of Achaia. - -According to this Achaian Doomsday-book, twelve baronies, whose number -recalls the twelve peers of Charlemagne, were created, their holders, -with the other lieges, forming a High Court, which not only advised the -Prince in political matters but acted as a judicial tribunal for the -decision of feudal questions. In the creation of these twelve baronies -due regard was paid to the fact that the Franks were a military colony -in the midst of an alien, and possibly hostile, population, spread over -a country possessing remarkable strategic positions. Later on, after the -distribution of the baronies, strong castles were erected in each upon -some natural coign of vantage, from which the baron could overawe the -surrounding country. The main object of this system may be seen from the -name of the famous Arcadian fortress of Matagrifon, a name given also to -our Richard I’s castle at Messina[45], (“Kill-Greek,” the Greeks being -usually called _Grifon_ by the French chroniclers), built near the modern -Demetsana by the baron of Akova, Gautier de Rozières, to protect the rich -valley of the Alpheios. The splendid remains of the castle of Karytaina, -the Greek Toledo, which dominates the gorge of that classic river, which -the Franks called _Charbon_, still mark the spot where Hugues de Bruyères -and his son Geoffroy built a stronghold out of the ruins of the Hellenic -Brenthe to terrify the Slavs of Skorta, the ancient Gortys and the home -of the late Greek Prime Minister, Delyannes. The special importance -of these two baronies was demonstrated by the bestowal of 24 knights’ -fees upon the former and of 22 upon the latter. The castle-crowned hill -of Passavâ, so-called, not, as Fallmerayer imagined, from a Slavonic -Passau, but from the French war-cry _Passe Avant_, still reminds us how -Jean de Neuilly, hereditary marshal of Achaia and holder of four fiefs, -once watched the restless men of Maina; and, if earthquakes have left no -mediæval buildings at Vostitza, the classic Aigion, where Hugues de Lille -de Charpigny received eight knights’ fees, his family name still survives -in the village of Kerpine, now a station on the funicular railway between -Diakophto and Kalavryta. At Kalavryta itself Othon de Tournay, and at -Chalandritza to the south of Patras Audebert de la Trémouille, scion of -a family famous in the history of France, were established, with twelve -and four fiefs respectively. Veligosti near Megalopolis with four fell -to the share of the Belgian Matthieu de Valaincourt de Mons, and Nikli -near Tegea with six to that of Guillaume de Morlay. Guy de Nivelet kept -the Tzakones of Leonidi in check and watched the plain of Lakonia from -his barony of Geraki with its six fiefs—a castle which has been surveyed -by the British School at Athens—and Gritzena, entrusted to a baron -named Luke with four fiefs depending on it guarded the ravines of the -mountainous region round Kalamata. Patras became the barony of Guillaume -Aleman, a member of a Provençal family still existing at Corfù, and the -bold baron did not scruple to build his castle out of the house and -church of the Latin Archbishop. Finally, the dozen was completed by the -fiefs of Kalamata and Kyparissia (or Arkadia, as it was called in the -Middle Ages, when what we call Arcadia was known as Mesarea) which became -the barony of Geoffroy de Villehardouin. In addition to these twelve -temporal peers there were seven ecclesiastical barons, whose sees were -carved out on the lines of the existing Greek organisation, and of whom -Antelme of Clugny, Latin Archbishop of Patras and Primate of Achaia was -the chief. The Archbishop received eight knights’ fees, the bishops four -a piece, and the same number was assigned to each of the three great -Military Orders of the Teutonic Knights, the Knights of St John, and -the Templars. When, a century later, the Templars were dissolved, their -possessions went to the Knights of St John. In Elis was the domain of the -Prince, and his usual residence, when he was not at Andravida, was at -Lacedæmonia, or La Crémonie, as the Franks called it. - -After the distribution of the baronies came the assignment of military -service. All vassals were liable to render four months’ service in the -field, and to spend four months in garrison (from which the prelates -and the three Military Orders were alone exempted), and even during the -remaining four months, which they could pass at home, they were expected -to hold themselves ready to obey the summons of the Prince. After the -age of 60, personal service was no longer required; but the vassal must -send his son, or, if he had no son, some one else in his stead. Thus -the Franks were on a constant war footing; their whole organisation -was military—a fact which explains the ease with which they held down -the unwarlike Greeks, so many times their superiors in numbers. This -military organisation had, however, as the eminent modern Greek historian -Paparregopoulos has pointed out, the effect of making the Greeks, too, -imbibe in course of time something of the spirit of their conquerors. -It is thus that we may explain the extraordinary contrast between the -tameness with which the Greeks accepted the Frankish domination, and -their frequent rebellions against that of the Turks. All over the Levant -and even in Italy the Frankish chivalry of Achaia became famous. They -fought against the luckless Conradin at Tagliacozzo, and the ruse, which -won that battle and which Dante has ascribed to Erard de Valéry, is -attributed by the _Chronicle of the Morea_ to Prince William of Achaia. -Round the Prince there grew up a hierarchy of great officials with -high-sounding titles, to which the Greeks had no difficulty in fitting -Byzantine equivalents. The Prince himself bore a sceptre, as the symbol -of his office, when he presided over the sessions of the High Court. - -We learn from the _Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania_ -something about the way in which the feudal system worked in the -principality of Achaia. Society was there composed of six main -elements—the Prince, the holders of the twelve great baronies, the -greater and lesser vassals (among whom were some Greeks), the freemen, -and the serfs. The Prince and his twelve peers alone had the power of -inflicting capital punishment; but even the Prince could not punish any -of the barons without the consent of the greater vassals. If he were -taken prisoner in battle, he could call upon his vassals to become -hostages in his place, until he had raised the amount of his ransom. No -one, except the twelve peers, was allowed to build a castle in Achaia -without his permission, and without it any vassal, who left the country -and stayed abroad, was liable to lose his fief. Leave of absence was, -however, never refused if the vassal wished to claim the succession to -a fief abroad, to contract a marriage, or to make a pilgrimage to the -Holy Sepulchre, or to the Churches of St Peter and St Paul in Rome or -to that of St James at Compostella. But in such cases the vassals must -return within two years and two days. The vassals were of two classes, -the greater (or _ligii_) and the lesser (or _homines plani homagii_), -who took no part in the Council of the Prince. A liege could not sell -his fief without the Prince’s consent; but if the liege were a widow—for -the Salic Law did not obtain in Frankish Greece, and ladies often held -important fiefs—she might marry whom she pleased, except only an enemy of -the Prince. When a fief fell vacant, the successor must needs appear to -advance his claim within a year and a day if he were in Achaia, within -two years and two days if he were abroad. It was the tricky application -of this rule which led to the succession of Geoffroy de Villehardouin -to the throne of Achaia. Champlitte had been summoned away to claim a -fief in France, and had requested his trusted comrade in arms to act -as his viceroy till he had sent a relative to take his place. When the -news reached the Morea that a young cousin of Champlitte was on his way, -Geoffroy resolved to use artifice in order to prevent his arrival in -time. He accordingly begged the Doge to assist him, and the latter, who -had excellent reasons for remaining on good terms with him, managed to -entertain his passing guest at Venice for more than two months. When, at -last, young Robert de Champlitte put to sea, the ship’s captain received -orders to leave him ashore at Corfù, and it was with difficulty that he -managed to obtain a passage from there to the Morea. When he landed there -he had, however, a few days still in hand; but the crafty Villehardouin -managed by marching rapidly from one place to another to avoid meeting -him till the full term prescribed by the feudal pact had expired. He was -then informed that he had forfeited the principality, which thus fell -to Villehardouin by a legal quibble. The pious did not, however, forget -to point out later on, that the crime of the founder of the dynasty was -visited upon his family to the third and fourth generation, as we shall -see in the sequel. - -There was a great difference between feudal society in Achaia and in the -Duchy of Athens. While in the principality the Prince was merely _primus -inter pares_, at Athens the “Great Lord” had at the most one exalted -noble, the head of the great house of St Omer, near his throne. It is -obvious from the silence of all the authorities, that the Burgundians -who settled with Othon de la Roche in his Greek dominions were men of -inferior social position to himself—a fact further demonstrated by -the comparative lack in Attica and Bœotia of those baronial castles, -so common in the Morea. Indeed, it is probable that, in one respect, -the Court of Athens under the De la Roche resembled the Court of the -late King George, namely, that there was no one, except the members of -his own family, with whom the ruler could associate on equal terms. -But in Frankish, as in modern Athens, the family of the sovereign was -soon numerous enough to form a coterie of its own. The news of their -relative’s astounding fortune attracted to Attica several members of his -clan from their home in Burgundy; they doubtless received their share -of the good things, which had fallen to Othon; one nephew divided with -his uncle the lordship of Thebes, another more distant kinsman became -commander of the castle of Athens. Other Burgundians will doubtless have -followed in their wake, for in the thirteenth century Greece, or “New -France,” as Pope Honorius III called it, was to the younger sons of -French noble houses what the British colonies were fifty years ago to -impecunious but energetic Englishmen. The elder Sanudo, who derived his -information from his relatives, the Dukes of Naxos, specially tells us -that this was the case at the Achaian Court. He says of Geoffroy II of -Achaia, that “he possessed a broad domain and great riches; he was wont -to send his most confidential advisers from time to time to the Courts of -his vassals, to see how they lived, and how they treated their subjects. -At his own Court he constantly maintained 80 knights with golden spurs, -to whom he gave their pay and all that they required; so knights came -from France, from Burgundy, and above all from Champagne. Some came to -amuse themselves, others to pay their debts; others because of crimes -which they had committed at home.” - -There was another marked distinction between Attica and the Morea. -Niketas mentions no great local magnates as settled at Athens or Thebes -in the last days of the Byzantine domination, nor do we hear of such -during the whole century of Burgundian rule. Thus, whereas Crete, -Negroponte, and the Morea still retained old native families, which in -Crete headed insurrections, in Negroponte showed a tendency to emigrate, -and in the Morea held fiefs and even occasionally, as in the case of the -Sgouromallaioi, intermarried with the Franks, who usually, as Muntaner -tells us, took their wives from France and despised marriages with Greeks -even of high degree, Athens contained no such native aristocracy. It -is only towards the close of the fourteenth century that we hear of any -Greeks prominent there, and then they are not nobles, but notaries. Only -in the last two generations of Latin rule, is there a national party at -Athens, in which the famous family of Chalkokondyles, which produced -the last Athenian historian, was prominent. The Greeks of Attica were, -therefore, mostly peasants, whose lot was much the same as it was all -over the feudal world, namely that of serfdom. We have examples, too, -of actual slavery at Athens, even in the last decades of the Latin -domination. - -Othon’s dominions were large, if measured by the small standard of -classical Greece. Burgundian Athens embraced Attica, Bœotia, the Megarid, -the ancient Opuntian Lokris, and the fortresses of Nauplia and Argos, -which the “Great Lord” had received as a fief from the principality -of Achaia in return for his services at the time of their capture. -Thus situated, the Athenian state had a considerable coast-line and at -least four ports—the Piræus, Nauplia, the harbour of Atalante opposite -Eubœa, and Livadostro, or Rive d’Ostre, as the Franks called it, on -the Gulf of Corinth—the usual port of embarkation for the West. Yet -the Burgundian rulers of Athens made little attempt to create a navy, -confining themselves to a little amateur piracy. Venice was most jealous -of any other Latin state, which showed any desire to rival her as a -maritime power in the Levant, and in a treaty concluded in 1319 between -the Republic and the Catalans, who then held the Duchy of Athens, it was -expressly provided that they should launch no new ships in “the sea of -Athens” and should dismantle those already afloat and place their tackle -in the Akropolis. - -We are not told where the first Frankish ruler of Athens resided, but -there can be no doubt that, like his immediate successors, he fixed his -capital at Thebes—for it was not till the time of the Florentine Dukes -in the fifteenth century that the Propylæa at Athens became the ducal -palace. The old Bœotian city continued, under the Burgundian dynasty, to -be the most important place in the Athenian Duchy. The silk manufacture -still continued there; for it is specially mentioned in the commercial -treaty which Guy I of Athens concluded with the Genoese in 1240, and we -hear of a gift of 20 silken garments from Guy II to Pope Boniface VIII. -The town contained both a Genoese and a Jewish colony, and it was a nest -of Hebrew poets, whose verses, if we may believe a rival bard, were one -mass of barbarisms. But the great feature of Thebes was the castle, built -by Nicholas II de St Omer out of the vast fortune of his wife, Princess -Marie of Antioch. This huge building is described as “the finest baronial -mansion in all the realm of Romania”; it contained sufficient rooms -for an Emperor and his court, and the walls were covered with frescoes -illustrating the conquest of the Holy Land, in which the ancestors of -the Great Theban baron had played a prominent part. Unhappily, the great -castle of Thebes was destroyed by the Catalans in the fourteenth century, -and one stumpy tower alone remains to preserve, like the Santameri -mountains in the Morea, the name and fame of the great Frankish family of -St Omer. - -I have spoken of the political organisation of the two chief Frankish -states of Greece; I would next say something of their ecclesiastical -arrangements. The policy of the Franks towards the Greek Church was more -than anything else the determining factor of their success or failure -in Greece, for in all ages the Greeks have regarded their Church as -inseparably identified with their nationality, and even to-day the terms -“Christian” and “Greek” are often used as identical terms. Now, as that -fair-minded modern Greek historian, Paparregopoulos, has pointed out, -the Franks were confronted at the outset with an ecclesiastical dilemma, -from which there was no escape. Either they must persecute the Orthodox -Church, in which case they would make bitter enemies of the persecuted -clergy and of the Nicene and Byzantine Emperors; or they must tolerate -it, in which case their Greek subjects would find natural leaders in -the Orthodox bishops, who would sooner or later conspire against their -foreign rulers. This was exactly what happened as soon as the Franks -abandoned the policy of persecution for that of toleration. At first, -they simply annexed the existing Greek ecclesiastical organisation, which -had subsisted, with one or two small changes, ever since the days of the -Emperor Leo the Philosopher, ousted the Orthodox hierarchy from their -sees, and installed in their places Catholic ecclesiastics from the West. - -Thus, at Athens, a Frenchman, named Bérard, became the first Catholic -Archbishop of Athens, and thus began that long series which existed -without a break till the time of the Turkish conquest and was -subsequently renewed in 1875. Later on, however, when the Florentine -Dukes of Athens, at the end of the fourteenth century, permitted the -Greek Metropolitan to reside in his see, he at once entered into -negotiations with the Turks, and the same phenomenon meets us at Salona -and other places. As Voltaire has said, the Greek clergy “preferred the -turban of a Turkish priest to the red hat of a Roman Cardinal,” and -this strange preference contributed in great measure to the downfall -of Latin rule in the Levant. For, throughout the long period of the -Frankish domination, the Catholic Church made hardly any headway among -the Greeks. The elder Sanudo, who knew the Levant better than most of his -contemporaries, wrote to Pope John XXII, that the Western Powers might -destroy the Byzantine Empire but could not retain their conquests, for -the examples of Cyprus, Crete, the principality of Achaia, and the Duchy -of Athens showed that only the foreign conquerors and not the natives -belonged to the Roman faith. Even to-day, the Catholics of Greece come -mostly from those Italian families, whose ancestors emigrated to the -Levant in the Frankish period, and are mostly to be found just where -we should expect to find them—in the Ionian Islands and the Cyclades, -that is to say, in the two places where Latin rule lasted longest. -Moreover, the Catholic Church did not receive the consideration which it -might have reasonably expected from the Frankish rulers themselves. The -correspondence of Innocent III, who sat on the Chair of St Peter at the -time of the conquest, is full of complaints against the hostile attitude -of the Franks towards the Roman clergy. The Archbishop of Patras was not -safe even in his own palace, for the sacrilegious baron Aleman, who, as -we saw, had received that town as a fief, considered the Archiepiscopal -plan of fortifying the place against pirates as amateurish, carried the -Primate off to prison, cut off his representative’s nose, and converted -the palace and the adjacent church of St Theodore into the present -castle. Geoffroy I de Villehardouin neither paid tithes himself, nor -compelled his subjects to pay them; he forced the clergy to plead before -the secular tribunals, and exempted the Greek priests and monks from -the jurisdiction of the Catholic Archbishop. His son and successor, -Geoffroy II, went even farther in this secular policy. When the Latin -clergy refused to perform military service, on the ground that they owed -obedience to the Pope alone, he confiscated their fiefs and devoted the -funds which he thus obtained to building the great castle of Chlomoutsi, -or Clermont, near Glarentza in the West of Elis, the ruins of which -still remain a striking monument of the relations between Church and -State in Frankish Greece. This castle took three years to construct; -and, as soon as it was finished, Geoffroy laid the whole matter before -Pope Honorius III. He pointed out that if the Latin priests would not -help him to fight the Greeks, they would only have themselves to blame -if the principality, and with it their Church, fell under the sway of -those Schismatics. The Pope saw the force of this argument; the Prince -ceased to appropriate the revenues of the clergy; and peace reigned -between the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. It is interesting to -note, that, under the next Prince, the castle of Chlomoutsi became the -mint of the principality, whence coins known as _tournois_, or _tornesi_, -because they bore on them a representation of the Church of St Martin of -Tours, were issued for more than a century. Many thousands of these coins -have been found in Greece, specimens may be seen in the Doge’s Palace -and in the Museo Correr at Venice, and from this Achaian currency the -castle received its Italian name of Castel Tornese. The town and harbour -of Glarentza near it rose to be the chief port of the principality. -Boccaccio mentions Genoese merchantmen there in one of the novels of the -_Decameron_, in which a “Prince of the Morea” is one of the characters; -the famous Florentine banking house of the Peruzzi had a branch there, -and Pegalotti describes to us the weights, measures, and customs duties -of this flourishing commercial place. - -When we come to consider the social life of Frankish Greece, we are -struck by the prominent part which women played in it, and in political -life as well. The Salic law did not obtain in the Latin states of the -Levant, except at Naxos under the Crispi, and, without expressing any -opinion upon the thorny question of female suffrage, I do not think -that it can be denied that the participation of the weaker sex in the -government of a purely military community had disastrous effects. It -happened on two occasions that almost the entire baronage of Frankish -Greece was annihilated on the field of battle, and after the former -of these disasters—the battle of Pelagonia in 1259, in which Prince -William of Achaia was taken prisoner by the troops of the Greek Emperor -of Nice—the fate of the principality was decided by the votes of its -ladies. The Emperor Michael VIII was resolved to make the best use of -the advantage which the rashness of the Prince had placed within his -power, and demanded, as the price of his captive’s freedom, the cession -of the three great fortresses of Monemvasia, Mistra, and Maina, the -first of which had only recently been surrendered by the Greeks to the -Franks, while the other two had been erected by Prince William himself. -The question was submitted by Duke Guy I of Athens, who was then acting -as Regent of Achaia, to a Parliament, convened at Nikli in 1262. At this -“Ladies’ Parliament” there were only two other men present—for all the -men of mark were either in prison or had been slain at Pelagonia—and -their wives or widows had to take their place at the Council. Naturally, -an assembly so composed was guided by sentiment rather than by reasons -of high policy. In vain the statesmanlike Duke of Athens argued in -scriptural language, that “it were better that one man should die for the -people than that the other Franks of the Morea should lose the fruits -of their fathers’ labours”; in vain, to show his disinterestedness, he -offered to take the Prince’s place in prison or to pledge his own Duchy -to provide a ransom. The conjugal feelings of the ladies prevailed, -the three castles were surrendered, and from that day dates the gradual -recovery of the Morea by the Greeks. Two noble dames were sent, in strict -accordance with feudal law, as hostages for their lord to Constantinople, -and it is interesting to note the ingratitude with which one of them -was treated by him in the sequel. While she was still in prison on his -account, the great barony of Matagrifon, to which she was entitled as -next of kin, fell vacant. But the Prince, who wished to bestow it upon -one of his daughters, declined to invest her with it, on the technical -ground that she had permitted the period of time allowed by the feudal -code to elapse without appearing to claim the fief. Unable to obtain -justice, she resorted to matrimony with one of the powerful barons of -St Omer as the only means of compelling the Prince to give her what was -hers. In this she was partially successful; but the incident throws a -lurid light on the chivalry of the brave warrior, whom the author of the -_Chronicle of the Morea_ has made his hero. - -It would be interesting to present a few portraits of the leading women -of Frankish Greece. There were the two daughters of Prince William, -of whom the elder, Princess Isabelle, succeeded him and whose hand -was eagerly sought in marriage by three husbands; her younger sister, -Marguérite, died in the grim castle of Chlomoutsi, the prisoner of the -turbulent Moreote barons, who never forgave her for having married her -daughter without their approval. There was Isabelle’s daughter, Matilda, -who had already been twice a widow when she was only 23, and who was -left all alone to govern the principality, where every proud feudal -lord claimed to do what was right in his own eyes. Compelled by King -Robert “the Wise” of Naples to go through the form of marriage with his -brother, John of Gravina, a man whom she loathed, she was imprisoned -for her contumacity in the Castel dell’ Uovo of Naples. There were the -three Duchesses of Athens—Helene Angela, widow of Duke William, Regent -for her son, and the first Greek who had governed Athens for 80 years; -Maria Melissene, widow of Duke Antonio I, who tried to betray the Duchy -to her countrymen the Greeks; and most tragic of all, Chiara Giorgio, -a veritable villain of melodrama, widow of Nerio II, who fell in love -with a young Venetian noble, induced him by the offer of her hand and -land to poison the wife whom he had left behind in his palace at Venice, -and expiated her crime before the altar of the Virgin at Megara at the -hands of the last Frankish Duke of Athens, thus causing the Turkish -conquest. Of like mould was the Dowager Countess of Salona, whose evil -government drove her subjects to call in the Turks, and whose beautiful -daughter, the last Countess of that historic castle, ended her days -in the Sultan’s harem. Another of these masculine dames was Francesca -Acciajuoli, wife of Carlo Tocco, the Palatine Count of Cephalonia, the -ablest and most masterful woman of the Latin Orient, who used to sign -her letters in cinnabar ink “Empress of the Romans.” In her castles at -Sta Maura and at Cephalonia she presided over a bevy of fair ladies, and -Froissart has quaintly described the splendid hospitality with which she -received the French nobles, whom the Turks had taken prisoners at the -battle of Nikopolis on the Danube. “The ladies,” writes the old French -chronicler, “were exceeding glad to have such noble society, for Venetian -and Genoese merchants were, as a rule, the only strangers who came to -their delightful island.” He tells us, that Cephalonia was ruled by -women, who scorned not, however, to make silken coverings so fine, that -there was none like them. Fairies and nymphs inhabited this ancient realm -of Odysseus, where a mediæval Penelope held sway in the absence of her -lord! Yet another fair dame of the Frankish world, the Duchess Fiorenza -Sanudo of Naxos, occupied for years the astute diplomatists of Venice, -who were resolved that so eligible a young widow should marry none but -a Venetian, and who at last, when suitors of other nationalities became -pressing, had the Duchess kidnapped and conveyed to Crete, where she was -plainly told that, if she ever wished to see her beloved Naxos again, -she must marry the candidate of the Most Serene Republic. And finally, -we have the portrait of a more feminine woman than most of these ladies, -Marulla of Verona, a noble damsel of Negroponte, whom old Ramon Muntaner -describes from personal acquaintance as “one of the fairest Christians in -the world, the best woman and the wisest that ever was in that land.” - -Social life must have been far more brilliant in the hey-day of the -Frankish rule than anything that Greece had witnessed for centuries. -The _Chronicle of the Morea_ tells us, that the Achaian nobles in their -castles “lived the fairest life that a man can,” and has preserved the -account of the great tournament on the Isthmus of Corinth—a mediæval -revival of the Isthmian games—which Philip of Savoy, at that time Prince -of Achaia, organised in 1305. From all parts of the Frankish world men -came in answer to the summons of the Prince. There were Duke Guy II of -Athens with a brave body of knights, the Marquess of Boudonitza and the -three barons of Eubœa, the Duke of the Archipelago and the Palatine -Count of Cephalonia, the Marshal of Achaia, Nicholas de St Omer, with a -following of Theban vassals, and many another lesser noble. Messengers -had been sent throughout the highlands and islands of the Latin Orient -to proclaim to all and sundry, how seven champions had come from beyond -the seas and did challenge the chivalry of Romania to joust with them. -Never had the fair land of Hellas seen a braver sight than that presented -by the lists at Corinth in the lovely month of May, when the sky and the -twin seas were at their fairest. More than 1000 knights and barons took -part in the tournament, which lasted for twenty days, while all the fair -ladies of Achaia and Athens “rained influence” on the combatants. There -were the seven champions, clad in their armour of green taffetas covered -with scales of gold; there was the Prince of Achaia, who acquitted -himself right nobly in the lists, as a son of Savoy should, with all his -household. Most impetuous of all was the Duke of Athens, eager to match -his skill in horsemanship and with the lance against Master William -Bouchart, accounted one of the best jousters of the West. The chivalrous -Bouchart would fain have spared his less experienced antagonist; but -the Duke, who had cunningly padded himself beneath his plate armour, -was determined to meet him front to front; their horses collided with -such force that the iron spike of Bouchart’s charger pierced Guy’s steed -between the shoulders, so that horse and rider rolled in the dust. St -Omer would fain have met the Count John of Cephalonia in the lists; but -the Palatine, fearing the Marshal’s doughty arm, pretended that his horse -could not bear him into the ring, nor could he be shamed into the combat, -when Bouchart rode round and round the lists on the animal, crying aloud, -“This is the horse which would not go to the jousts!” So they kept high -revel on the Isthmus; alas! it was the last great display of the chivalry -of “New France”; six years later, many a knight who had ridden proudly -past the dames of the Morea, lay a mangled corpse on the swampy plain of -Bœotia, the victim of the knife of Aragon. Besides tournaments, hunting -was one of the great attractions of life in mediæval Greece; we hear, -too, of an archery match in Crete, at which the archers represented -different nations; we are told of great balls held in Negroponte, which -the gay Lombard society of that island attended; and mention is made -of the jongleurs who were attached to the brilliant Court of Thebes. -Muntaner, who knew Duke Guy II and had visited his capital, has given us -a charming account of the ceremony in the Theban Minster, when the last -De la Roche came of age and received the order of knighthood—“a duty -which the King of France or the Emperor himself would have thought it an -honour to perform, for the Duke was one of the noblest men in all Romania -who was not a King, and eke one of the richest.” The episode gives us -some idea of the wealth and splendour and open-handed generosity of the -Burgundian Dukes of Athens. - -In conclusion, I should like to say something about Frankish influence -on the language and literature of Greece. We are specially told that the -Franks of Achaia spoke most excellent French; but, at the same time, -there is direct evidence, that in the second generation, at any rate, -they also spoke Greek. The _Chronicle of the Morea_ describes how Prince -William of Achaia after the battle of Pelagonia addressed his captor -in that language, and Duke John of Athens, according to Sanudo, once -used a Greek phrase, which is a quotation from Herodotus. Later on, the -Florentine Dukes of Athens drew up many of their documents in Greek, just -as Mohammed II employed that language in his diplomatic communications. -The Venetian Governors of Eubœa, however, who held office for only two -years, had to employ an interpreter, who is specially mentioned in one -of the Venetian documents. While a number of French feudal and Italian -terms crept into the Greek language, as may be seen in the Cyclades at -the present day, and especially in the Venetian island of Tenos, the -Franks covered the map of Greece with a strange and weird nomenclature. -Thus, Lacedæmonia became “La Crémonie,” the first syllable being mistaken -for the definite article; Athens was known as “Satines,” or “Sethines,” -Thebes as “Estives,” Naupaktos as “Lepanto,” Zeitounion, the modern -Lamia, as “Gipton,” Kalavryta as “La Grite,” Salona as “La Sole,” Lemnos -as “Stalimene,” and the island of Samothrace as “Sanctus Mandrachi.” Most -wonderful transformation of all, Cape Sunium becomes in one Venetian -document “Pellestello” (πολλοὶ στῦλοι), from the “Many columns” of the -temple, which gave it its usual Italian name of “Cape Colonna.” - -The Franks have too often been accused of being barbarians, whereas there -is evidence that they were not indifferent to literature. Among the -conquerors were not a few poets. Conon de Béthune was a writer of poems -as well as an orator; Geoffroy I of Achaia composed some verses which -have been preserved; Rambaud de Vaqueiras, the troubadour of Boniface of -Montferrat, was rewarded for his songs by lands in Greece. Count John II -Orsini of Epeiros ordered Constantine Hermoniakos to make a paraphrase of -Homer in octosyllabic verse. We may say of this production, as Bentley -said of Pope’s translation of the _Iliad_, “it is a pretty poem, but you -must not call it Homer”; still it is interesting to find a Latin ruler -patronising Greek literature. The courtly poet was so delighted that he -tells us that his master was “a hero and a scholar,” and that the Lady -Anna of Epeiros “excelled all women that ever lived in beauty, wisdom, -and learning.” Historical accuracy compels me to add that the “heroic -and scholarly” Count had gained his throne by the murder of his brother, -while the “beautiful, wise and learned” Anna assassinated her husband! -Throughout a great part of the Frankish period, too, people were engaged -in transcribing Greek manuscripts. Several Athenians copied medical -treatises, William of Meerbeke, the Latin Archbishop of Corinth in 1280, -whose name survives in the Argive Church of Merbaka[46], translated -Hippocrates, Galen, Aristotle, and Proklos, and one of the Tocchi—the -Italian family which followed the Orsini as Counts of Cephalonia—employed -a monk to copy for him manuscripts of Origen and Chrysostom. Yet, in -1309, a Theban canon had to go to the West to continue his studies; and, -a century later, the Archbishop of Patras obtained leave to study at the -University of Bologna. - -But the chief literary monument of Frankish Greece is the _Chronicle of -the Morea_—the very curious work which exists in four versions, Greek, -French, Italian, and Spanish. The Italian version need not detain us, -for it contains no new facts and is merely an abbreviated translation of -the Greek, chiefly remarkable for the extraordinary, but characteristic, -mutilation of the proper names. The Spanish version, made in 1393 by -order of Heredia, the romantic Grand-Master of the Knights of St John, -and the French version, found in the castle of St Omer—another proof of -Frankish culture—are of great historic interest. But by far the most -remarkable of all the four versions is the Greek—a poem of some 9000 -lines in the usual jog-trot “political” metre of most mediæval and modern -Greek poetry, composed, in my opinion, by a half-caste lawyer, who -obviously had the most enthusiastic admiration for the Franks, to whom he -doubtless owed his place and salary. With the exception of a few French -feudal terms, this most remarkable poem may be read without the slightest -difficulty by any modern Greek scholar,—a striking proof that the vulgar -Greek spoken to-day is almost exactly the same as that in common use -in the first half of the fourteenth century, when the _Chronicle_ was -composed. As regards its literary merits, opinions differ. As a rule, -it is merely prose in the form of verse; but here and there, the author -rises to a much higher level, and his work is a store-house of social, -and especially legal information, even where his chronology and history -have been shown by documentary evidence to be inaccurate. - -The bright and chivalrous Frankish society has long passed away; but a -few Italian and Catalan families still linger in the Cyclades, there are -still Venetian names and titles in the Ionian Islands; the Tocchi were -till lately represented at Naples and the Zorzi still are at Venice; the -towers of Thebes and Paros, the Norman arch of Andravida, the noble -castles of Karytaina and Chlomoutsi, and the carvings and frescoes of -Geraki still remind us of the romance of feudal Greece, when every coign -of vantage had its lord, and from every donjon floated the banner of a -baron. - - -3. THE PRINCES OF THE PELOPONNESE - -It is satisfactory to note that, after a long period of neglect, the -great romance of mediæval Greek history is finding interpreters. Since -George Finlay revealed to the British public the fact that the annals of -Greece were by no means a blank in the Middle Ages, and that Athens was a -flourishing city in the thirteenth century, much fresh material has been -collected, by both Greek and German scholars, from the Venetian and other -archives, which throws fresh light upon the dark places of the Latin rule -in the Levant. Finlay’s work can never lose its value. Its author had -not the microscopic zeal for genealogies and minutiæ which distinguished -Hopf; but he possessed gifts and advantages of a far higher order. He -knew Greece and the Greeks as no other foreign scholar has known them; -he had a deep insight into the causes of political and social events; he -drew his picture, as the Germans say, _in grossen Zügen_, and he left a -work which no student of mediæval Greece can afford to ignore, and every -statesman engaged in Eastern affairs would do well to read. All that is -now wanted is for some one to do in England what Gregorovius did in so -agreeable a manner for the Germans—to make the dry bones of the Frank -chivalry live again, and to set before us in flesh and blood the Dukes -of Athens and the Princes of Achaia, the Marquesses of Boudonitza, the -Lords of Salona, the Dukes of the Archipelago, and the three barons of -Eubœa. Despite the vandalism of mere archæologists, who can see nothing -of interest in an age when Greeks were shaky in their declensions, and of -bigoted purists among the Greeks themselves, who strive to erase every -evidence of foreign rule alike from their language and their land, the -feudal castles of the Morea, of continental Greece, and of the islands, -still remind us of the days when classic Hellas, as Pope Honorius III -said, was “New France,” when armoured knights and fair Burgundian damsels -attended Mass in St Mary’s Minster on the Akropolis, and jousts were held -on the Isthmus of Corinth. - -Of the Frankish period of Greek history the _Chronicle of the Morea_ is -the most curious literary production, valuable alike as an historical -source—save for occasional errors of dates and persons, especially in -the earlier part—and as a subject for linguistic study. The present -edition, the fruit of many years’ labour, is almost wholly devoted to -the latter aspect of the _Chronicle_, about which there is much that is -of interest. Versions exist in French, in Italian, and in Aragonese, -as well as in Greek; and the question as to whether the Greek or the -French was the original has been much discussed. The present editor, -differing from Buchon and Hopf, believes that the French _Livre de la -Conqueste_ could not have been the original. In any case, the Greek -_Chronicle_ is of more literary interest than the French, because it -throws a strong light on modern Greek. Any person familiar with the -modern colloquial language could read with ease, except for a few French -feudal terms, this fourteenth century popular poem, many of whose phrases -might come from the racy conversation of any Greek peasant of to-day, -and is very different from the classical imitation of the contemporary -Byzantine historians. Its poetic merits are small, nor does the jog-trot -“political” metre in which it is composed tend to lofty flights of -poetry. We know not who was its author; but, on the whole, there seems to -be reason for believing that he was a Gasmoulos—one of the offspring of -mixed marriages between Greeks and Franks—probably employed, as his love -of legal nomenclature shows, in some clerkly post. Unpoetical himself, he -has at least been the cause of noble poetry in others; for, as Dr Schmitt -shows, the second part of Goethe’s _Faust_ has been largely inspired -by its perusal; and the hero of that drama finds his prototype in the -chivalrous builder of Mistra. - - * * * * * - -No chapter of this mediæval romance is more striking than the conquest -of the Morea by the Franks and the history of their rule in the classic -peninsula. At the time of the fourth crusade the Peloponnese was a prey -to that spirit of particularism which has been, unhappily, too often -characteristic of the Greeks in ancient, in mediæval, and in modern -times. Instead of uniting among themselves in view of the Latin peril, -the great _archontes_ of the Morea availed themselves of the general -confusion to occupy strong positions and to extend their own authority -at the expense of their neighbours. The last historian and statesman of -Constantinople before the Latin conquest, Niketas of Chonæ, has left us a -sad picture of the demoralisation of society in Greece at that critical -moment. The leading men, he says, instead of fighting, cringed to the -conquerors; some were inflamed by ambition against their own country, -slavish creatures, spoiled by luxury, who made themselves tyrants, -instead of opposing the Latins[47]. Of these _archontes_ the most -prominent was Leon Sgouros, hereditary lord of Nauplia, who had seized -the Larissa of Argos and the impregnable citadel high above Corinth, and -who, though he failed to imitate the heroism of Leonidas in the Pass of -Thermopylæ, held out at Akrocorinth till his death. - -Such was the state of the country when a winter storm drove into the -haven of Modon, on the Messenian coast, Geoffroy de Villehardouin, a -crusader from Champagne, and nephew of the chronicler of the conquest of -Constantinople. A Greek _archon_ of the neighbourhood, thinking that the -opportunity was too good to be lost, invited the storm-bound warrior to -aid him in the conquest of the surrounding country. Geoffroy was nothing -loth; and the two unnatural allies speedily subdued one place after -another. But, as ill-luck would have it, the Greek died; and his son, -more patriotic or less trustworthy than the father, broke the compact -with the Frankish intruder, and turned Geoffroy out of his quickly-won -possessions. The crusader’s position was serious; he was in a hostile -country and surrounded by an alien and suspicious population; but he was -a man of resource, and, hearing that Boniface, Marquess of Montferrat and -King of Salonika, had made a triumphal march through continental Greece -and was at that moment besieging the great stronghold of Nauplia, he set -out across the Peloponnese—a six days’ journey—and succeeded in reaching -the Frankish camp. There he found an old friend and neighbour, Guillaume -de Champlitte, to whom he confided the scheme which he had been revolving -in his mind. “I come,” he said, so we learn from his uncle’s chronicle, -“from a land which is very rich, and men call it the Morea”—a name which -here occurs for the first time in the history of Greece, and the origin -of which is still a puzzle to all her historians. He urged Champlitte to -join him in the task of conquering this El Dorado, promising to recognise -him as his liege lord in return for his assistance. Champlitte agreed, -and the two friends, at the head of a small body of a hundred knights and -some esquires, started on their bold venture[48]. - -The ease with which the little band of Western warriors conquered the -peninsula, which had once produced the Spartan warriors, strikes every -reader of the _Chronicle of the Morea_—the prosaic, but extremely curious -and valuable poem in which the Frank conquest is described. The cause -lay partly in the disunited state of Greek society and the feuds of the -local _archontes_, but still more in the neglect of military training, -due to the fact that the Byzantine emperors had long drawn their best -troops from the non-Hellenic portions of their heterogeneous dominions. -It is remarkable that, apart from Sgouros, interned, as it were, on -Akrocorinth, and a Greek _archon_, Doxapatres, who held a small but -strongly situated castle in one of the gorges of Arcadia, the invaders -met with little opposition. Greece, as we know from the complaints of -Michael Akominatos, the last orthodox Archbishop of Athens before the -conquest, had been plundered by Byzantine tax-gatherers and despised as -a “Scythian wilderness” by Byzantine officials. So, when the inhabitants -found that the Franks had no intention of interfering with their prized -municipal privileges, they had no great objection to exchanging a master -who spent their money at Constantinople for one who spent it in Elis at -the new Peloponnesian capital of Andreville or Andravida. One pitched -battle decided the fate of “the isle of Greece,” as the Franks sometimes -called it. At the olive grove of Koundoura, in the north-east of -Messenia, the small force of Franks easily routed a Greek army six times -larger; and as the chronicler, always in sympathy with the invaders, puts -it, - - Αὐτὸν καὶ μόνον τὸν πόλεμον ἐποῖκαν οἱ Ρωμαῖοι - Εἰς τὸν καιρὸν ποὺ ἐκέρδισαν οἱ Φράγκοι τὸν Μορέαν. - -Yet a modern Greek historian of singular fairness, the late K. -Paparregopoulos, has remarked how great was the change in the Turkish -times. The descendants of the unwarlike Moreotes, who fell so easy a prey -to the Frankish chivalry in 1205, never lost an opportunity of rising -against the Turks after the Frankish domination was over. As he justly -says, one of the main results of the long Latin rule was to teach Greek -“hands to war and their fingers to fight.” - -Thus, almost by a single blow, the Franks had become masters of the -ancient “island of Pelops.” Here and there a few natural strongholds -still held out. Even after the death of Sgouros his triple crown of -forts, Corinth, Nauplia, and Argos, was still defended for the Greek -cause in the name of the lord, or Despot, of Epeiros, where a bold scion -of the imperial house of Angelos had founded an independent state on -the ruins of the Byzantine Empire. The great rock of Monemvasia in the -south-east of the Morea, whence our ancestors derived their Malmsey wine, -remained in the hands of its three local _archontes_; while, in the -mountains of southern Lakonia, a race which had often defied Byzantium -scorned to acknowledge the noblemen of Champagne. The local magnate, -Joannes Chamaretos, could boast for a time that he kept his own lands -in Lakonia, but he, too, had to take refuge at the Epeirote Court at -Arta[49]. Finally, the two Messenian ports of Modon and Koron were -claimed by Venice, which, with her usual astuteness, had secured those -valuable stations on the way to Egypt in the deed of partition by which -the conquerors of the empire had divided the spoils among themselves at -Constantinople. Not without reason did Pope Innocent III, whose letters -are full of allusions to the Frankish organisation of Greece, style -Guillaume de Champlitte “Prince of all Achaia.” - -Champlitte now attempted to provide for the internal government of his -principality by the application of the feudal system, which, even before -the Frankish conquest, had crept into many parts of the Levant. The -_Chronicle of the Morea_, whose author revels in legal details, gives -an account of the manner in which “the isle of Greece” was organised -by its new masters. A commission, consisting of two Latin bishops, two -bannerets, and five Greek _archontes_, under the presidency of Geoffroy -de Villehardouin, drew up a species of Domesday-book for the new state. -In accordance with the time-honoured feudal custom, twelve baronies were -created and bestowed upon prominent members of the Frankish force, who -were bound to be at the prince’s beck and call with their retainers in -time of need; and the castles of these warrior barons were purposely -erected in strong positions, whence they could command important passes -or overcome troublesome neighbours. Even to-day the traveller may see the -fine fortress above the town of Patras which Guillaume Aleman, one of the -feudatories, constructed out of the Archbishop’s palace; the castle of -Karytaina, the Toledo of Greece, still reminds us of the time when Hugues -de Bruyères held the dalesmen of Skorta, ancestors of M. Delyannes, in -check; and, far to the South, the war-cry of Jean de Neuilly, hereditary -Marshal of Achaia, _Passe avant_, lingers in the name of Passavâ, the -stronghold which once inspired respect in the men of Maina, who boast -that they spring from Spartan mothers. Seven ecclesiastical peers, the -Latin Archbishop of Patras at their head, and the three military orders -of St John, the Templars, and the Teutonic Knights also received fiefs; -and, while Geoffroy de Villehardouin was invested with Kalamata and -Kyparissia, fertile Elis became the princely domain. - -But Guillaume de Champlitte did not long enjoy his Achaian dignity. If -he was a prince in Greece he was still a French subject; and the death -of his brother made it necessary for him to do homage in person for his -fief in France. On the way he died; and the cunning Villehardouin, by an -ingenious stratagem, contrived to become master of the country. It had -been declared that a claimant must take possession of Achaia within a -year and a day after the date of the last vacancy; and Geoffroy contrived -to have Champlitte’s heir detained in Venice and left behind at Corfù -till the fatal date had almost passed. A little skilful manœuvring from -one place to another in the Morea filled up the rest of the time, so -that, when young Robert de Champlitte at last met Geoffrey in full court -at Lacedæmonia, the mediæval town which had risen near the Eurotas, -the year and a day had already elapsed. The court decided in favour of -Geoffrey, anxious, no doubt, that their ruler should be a statesman of -experience and not a young man fresh from France. Robert gave no further -trouble, and Geoffrey remained for the rest of his days “Lord of Achaia.” -By his tact and cleverness he had contrived to win the regard both of -the Frank barons and of the Greek population, whose religion and ancient -customs he had sworn to respect. He was thus enabled to subdue the three -outstanding fortresses which had once been the domain of Sgouros, while -he settled all claims that the Venetians might have upon the Morea by -allowing them to keep Modon and Koron, granting them a separate quarter -in every town in his principality, and doing homage to them for the whole -peninsula on the island of Sapienza. He crowned his career by marrying -his son to the daughter of the Latin Emperor Peter of Courtenay, from -whose family the Earls of Devon are descended. - -Under his son and successor, Geoffrey II, the Frank principality -prospered exceedingly. The Venetian historian, Marino Sanudo, who derived -much of his information from his relative, Marco II Sanudo, Duke of -Naxos, has given us a vivid picture of life at the Peloponnesian court -under the rule of the second of the Villehardouins. A just prince, -Geoffrey II used to send his friends from time to time to the baronial -castles of the Morea to see how the barons treated their vassals. At his -own court he kept “eighty knights with golden spurs”; and “knights came -to the Morea from France, from Burgundy, and above all from Champagne, -to follow him. Some came to amuse themselves, others to pay their debts, -others again because of crimes which they had committed[50].” In fact, -towards the middle of the thirteenth century, the Morea had become for -the younger sons of the French chivalry much what the British colonies -were to adventurers and ne’er-do-weels fifty years ago. It was a place -where the French knights would find their own language spoken—we are -specially told what good French was spoken in Greece in the Frankish -period—and could scarcely fail to obtain congenial employment from a -prince of their own race. - -One difficulty, however, had soon arisen in the Frank principality. -The Latin clergy, who had had their full share of the spoils, declined -to take any part in the defence of the country. Geoffrey, with all -the energy of his race, opposed a stout resistance to these clerical -pretensions, and confiscated the ecclesiastical fiefs, spending the -proceeds upon the erection of the great castle of Clermont or Chlomoutsi -above the busy port of Glarentza, the imposing ruins of which are still -a land-mark for miles around. When he had finished the castle Geoffroy -appealed to the Pope, placing before the Holy Father the very practical -argument that, if the principality, through lack of defenders, were -recaptured by the Greeks, the loss would fall just as much on the Roman -Church as on the prince, while the fault would be entirely with the -former. The Pope was sufficiently shrewd to see that Geoffroy was right; -the dispute was settled amicably; and both the prince and the Latin -clergy subscribed generously for the preservation of the moribund Latin -empire, which exercised a nominal suzerainty over the principality of -Achaia. - -Geoffroy’s brother and successor, the warlike Guillaume de Villehardouin, -saw the Frank state in the Morea reach its zenith, and by his rashness -contributed to its decline. Born in Greece, and speaking Greek, as -the _Chronicle of the Morea_ expressly tells us, the third of the -Villehardouins began by completing the conquest of what was his native -land. It was he who laid siege to the rock of Monemvasia for three long -years, till at last, when the garrison had been reduced to eat mice and -cats, the three _archontes_ advanced along the narrow causeway which -gives the place its name[51], and surrendered on terms which the prince -wisely granted. It was he, too, who built the noble castle of Mistra on -the site of the Homeric Messe, now abandoned to tortoises and sheep, but -for two centuries a great name in the history of Greece. To a ruler so -vigorous and so determined even the weird Tzakones, that strange tribe, -perhaps Slavs but far more probably Dorians, which still lingers on and -cherishes its curious language around Leonidi, yielded obedience; while -the men of Maina, hemmed in by two new castles, ceased to trouble. - -For the first and last time in its history the whole Peloponnese owned -the sway of a Frank prince, except where, at Modon and Koron, Venice -kept “its right eye,” as it called those places, fixed on the East. -So powerful a sovereign as St Louis of France wished that he had some -of Guillaume’s knights to aid him in his Egyptian war; and from seven -hundred to one thousand horsemen always attended the chivalrous Prince -of Achaia. His court at La Crémonie, the French version of Lacedæmonia, -was “more brilliant than that of many a king”; and this brilliance was -not merely on the surface. “Merchants,” says Sanudo, “went up and down -without money, and lodged in the house of the bailies; and on their -simple note of hand people gave them money[52].” But Guillaume’s ambition -and his love of fighting for fighting’s sake involved the principality -in disaster. Not content with beginning the first fratricidal war -between the Frank rulers of the East by attacking Guy de la Roche, Lord -of Athens, he espoused the cause of his father-in-law, the Greek Despot -of Epeiros, then engaged in another brotherly struggle with the Greek -Emperor of Nice. On the field of Pelagonia in Macedonia the Franks were -routed; and the Prince of Achaia, easily recognised by his prominent -teeth, was dragged from under a heap of straw, where he was lying, and -carried off a prisoner to the court of the Emperor Michael VIII. - -Guillaume’s captivity was the cause of endless evils for the -principality; for Michael, who in 1261, by the recapture of -Constantinople, had put an end to the short-lived Latin empire and -restored there the throne of the Greeks, was resolved to regain a -footing in the Morea and to make use of his distinguished captive for -that purpose. He accordingly demanded, as the price of the prince’s -freedom, the three strong fortresses of Mistra, Monemvasia, and Maina. -The matter was referred to a ladies’ parliament held at Nikli, near the -site of the ancient Tegea, for so severe had been the losses of the -Frank chivalry that the noble dames of the Morea had to take the places -of their husbands. We can well understand that, with a tribunal so -composed, sentiment and the ties of affection would have more influence -than the _raison d’état_. Yet Guillaume’s old opponent, Guy de la Roche, -now Duke of Athens and bailie of Achaia during the prince’s captivity, -laid before the parliament the argument that it was better that one -man should die for the people than that the rest of the Franks should -lose the Morea[53]. At the same time, to show that he bore no malice, -he chivalrously offered to go to prison in place of the prince. But the -ladies of the Morea thought otherwise. It was decided to give up the -three castles; and two of the fair châtelaines were sent as hostages to -Constantinople. - -Thus, in 1262, the Byzantine Government regained a foothold in the -Morea; a Byzantine province was created, with Mistra as its capital, and -entrusted at first to a general of distinction annually appointed, and -ultimately conferred as an appanage for life upon the Emperor’s second -son. The native Greeks of the whole peninsula thus had a rallying-point -in the Byzantine province, and the suspicion of the Franks that the -surrender of the three fortresses “might prove to be their ruin[54],” -turned out to be only too well-founded. As for the Franks who were left -in the Byzantine portion of the Morea, their fate is obscure. Probably, -as Dr Schmitt thinks, some emigrated to the gradually dwindling Frankish -principality, while others became merged in the mass of Greeks around -them. In all ages the Hellenes, like the Americans of to-day, have shown -the most marvellous capacity for absorbing the various races which have -come within their borders. A yet further element of evil omen for the -country was introduced in consequence of this partial restoration of the -Byzantine power. As might have been foreseen, the easy morality of that -age speedily absolved the prince from his solemn oaths to the Emperor, -and he was scarcely released when a fresh war broke out between them. It -was then, for the first time, that we hear of Turks in the Morea—men who -had been sent there as mercenaries by the Emperor Michael. Careless whom -they served, so long as they were paid regularly, these Oriental soldiers -of fortune deserted to the prince; and those who cared to settle in the -country received lands and wives, whose offspring were still living, when -the _Chronicle of the Morea_ was written (p. 372), at two places in the -peninsula. - -Unhappily for the principality, as the chronicler remarks, Guillaume de -Villehardouin left no male heir; and nothing more strongly justifies the -Salic law than the history of the Franks in the Morea, where it was not -applied. Anxious to take what precautions he could against the disruption -of his dominions after his death, the last of the Villehardouin princes -married his elder daughter Isabelle to the second son of Charles of -Anjou, the most powerful sovereign in the south of Europe at that time, -who, in addition to his other titles, had received from the last Latin -Emperor of the East, then a fugitive at Viterbo, the suzerainty over -the principality of Achaia, hitherto held by the Emperor. This close -connection with the great house of Anjou, to which the kingdom of the -Two Sicilies then belonged, seemed to provide Achaia with the strongest -possible support. The support, too, was near at hand; for communication -between Italy and Glarentza, the chief port of the Morea, was, as we -know from the novels of Boccaccio, not infrequent; and we hear of -Frankish nobles from Achaia making pilgrimages to the two great Apulian -sanctuaries of St Nicholas of Bari and Monte Santangelo. But, when -Guillaume de Villehardouin died in 1278 and was laid beside his brother -and father in the family mausoleum at Andravida (where excavations, made -in 1890, failed to find their remains)[55], his daughter Isabelle was -still a minor, though already a widow. - -The government of the principality accordingly fell into the hands of -bailies appointed by the suzerain at Naples. Sometimes the bailie was -a man who knew the country, like Nicholas St Omer, whose name is still -perpetuated by the St Omer tower at Thebes and the Santameri mountains -not far from Patras; sometimes he was a foreigner, who knew little of -the country, and, in the words which the _Chronicle_ (p. 544) puts -into the mouths of two Frankish nobles, “tyrannised over the poor, -wronged the rich, and sought his own profit.” The complainants warned -Charles II of Anjou, who was now their suzerain, that he was going -the right way to “lose the principality”; and the King of Naples took -their advice. He bestowed the hand of the widowed Isabelle upon a young -Flemish nobleman, Florenz of Hainault, who was then at his court, and -who thus became Prince of the Morea. Florenz wisely made peace with the -Byzantine province, so that “all became rich, both Franks and Greeks,” -and the land recovered from the effects of war and maladministration. -But the Flemings, who had crowded over to Greece at the news of their -countryman’s good fortune, were less scrupulous than their prince and -provoked reprisals from the Greeks, from whom they sought to wring money. -On the other hand, it would seem that the natives of the Byzantine -province were able to secure good treatment from the Emperor, for there -is preserved in that interesting little collection, the Christian -Archæological Museum at Athens, a golden bull of Andronikos II, dated -1293, concerning the privileges of the sacred rock of Monemvasia. When -the modern Greeks come to think more highly of their mediæval history, -they should regard that rugged crag with reverence. For two centuries it -was the guardian of their municipal and national liberties. - -Florenz of Hainault lived too short a time for the welfare of the Morea; -and Isabelle, once more a widow, was married again in Rome (whither she -had gone for the first papal jubilee of 1300) to a prince of the doughty -house of Savoy, which thus became concerned with the affairs of Greece. -Philip of Savoy was at the time in possession of Piedmont; and, as might -have been expected, Piedmontese methods of government were not adapted to -the latitude of Achaia. He was a man fond of spending, and an adept at -extorting, money. The microscopic Dr Hopf has unearthed from the archives -at Turin the bill—a fairly extensive one—for his wedding-breakfast; and -the magnificent tournament which he organised on the Isthmus of Corinth, -and in which all the Frankish rulers of Greece took part, occupied a -thousand knights for more than twenty days. “He had learned money-making -at home,” it was said, when the extravagant prince from Piedmont let it -be understood that he expected presents from his vassals, and imposed -taxes on the privileged inhabitants of Skorta. But the days of the -Savoyard in Achaia were numbered. The house of Anjou, suzerains of the -principality, had never looked with favour on his marriage with Isabelle; -an excuse was found for deposing him in favour of another Philip, of -Taranto, son of the King of Naples. To make matters smoother, Isabelle -and her husband received, as some compensation for relinquishing all -claims to the Morea, a small strip of territory on the shores of the -Fucine lake. They both left Greece for ever. Isabelle died in Holland; -and Philip of Savoy sleeps in the family vault at Pinerolo, near Turin, -leaving to his posterity by a second marriage the empty title of “Prince -of Achaia.” - -The house of Villehardouin was not yet extinct. Isabelle had a daughter, -Matilda of Hainault, whose husband, Louis of Burgundy, was permitted, -by the tortuous policy of the Neapolitan Angevins, to govern the -principality. But a rival claimant now appeared in the field in the -person of Fernando of Majorca, one of the most adventurous personages -of those adventurous times, who is well known to us from the quaint -Catalan Chronicle of Ramon Muntaner. Fernando had already had his full -share of the vicissitudes of life. He had been at one time head of the -Catalan Grand Company, which had just won the Duchy of Athens on the -swampy meadows of the Bœotian Kephissos, and he had sat a prisoner in the -castle of Thebes, the famous Kadmeia, whose walls were painted with the -exploits of the crusaders in the Holy Land. He had married the daughter -of Guillaume de Villehardouin’s younger child, the Lady of Akova, and -he claimed Achaia in the name of his dead wife’s infant son. Such was -the violence of the age that both the rivals perished in the struggle, -Fernando on the scaffold, and Louis of Burgundy by a poison administered -to him by one of the petty potentates of Greece. Even more miserable -was the end of the unhappy Matilda. Invited by the unscrupulous King of -Naples to his court, she was informed that she must marry his brother, -John of Gravina. With the true spirit of a Villehardouin, the Princess -refused; and even the Pope himself, whose authority was invoked, could -not make her yield. She had already, she said, married again, and must -decline to commit bigamy. This gave the King of Naples the opportunity he -sought. He declared that, by marrying without her suzerain’s consent, she -had forfeited her principality, which he bestowed upon his brother. The -helpless Princess was thrown into the Castel dell’ Uovo at Naples, and -was afterwards allowed to die a lingering death in that island-prison, -the last of her race. So ended the dynasty of the Villehardouins. - -Grievous, indeed, was the situation of the Franks in Greece at this -moment. Though little more than a hundred years had elapsed since the -conquest, the families of the conquerors were almost extinct. The -terrible blow dealt at the Frank chivalry by the rude Catalans, almost -on the very battlefield of Chaironeia, was as fatal to Frankish, as was -the victory of Philip of Macedon to free, Greece. Of the barons who had -taken part in that contest, where many Achaian nobles had stood by the -side of the headstrong Athenian duke, only four survived. Moreover, the -Frank aristocracy, as Finlay has pointed out, committed racial suicide -by constituting themselves an exclusive class. Intermarriages with the -Greeks took place, it is true; and a motley race, known as Gasmoûloi[56], -the offspring of these unions, of whom the author of the _Chronicle_ -was perhaps a member, fell into the usual place of half-castes in the -East. But Muntaner expressly says that the nobles of Achaia usually took -their wives from France. Meanwhile new men had taken possession of some -of the old baronies—Flemings, Neapolitans, and even Florentines, one -of whom, Nicholas Acciajuoli, whose splendid tomb is to be seen in the -Certosa near Florence, laid on the rocks of Akrocorinth the foundations -of a power which, a generation later, made the bankers of Tuscany dukes -of Athens. The Greeks, had they been united, might have recovered the -whole peninsula amidst this state of confusion. But the sketch which the -imperial historian, John Cantacuzene, has left us of the _archontes_ of -the Morea shows that they were quite as much divided among themselves as -the turbulent Frank vassals of the shadowy Prince of Achaia. “Neither -good nor evil fortune,” he wrote, “nor time, that universal solvent, can -dissolve their mutual hatred, which not only endures all their lives, but -is transmitted after death as a heritage to their children[57].” - -Cantacuzene, however, took a step which ultimately led to the recapture -of the Morea, when he abolished the system of sending a subordinate -Byzantine official to Mistra, and appointed his second son, Manuel, with -the title of Despot, as governor of the Byzantine province for life. The -Despot of Mistra at once made his presence felt. He drove off the Turkish -corsairs, who had begun to infest the deep bays and jagged coast-line -of the peninsula, levied ship-money for its defence against pirates, -and, when his Greek subjects objected to be taxed for their own benefit, -crushed rebellion by means of his Albanian bodyguard. Now, for the first -time, we hear of that remarkable race, whose origin is as baffling to -ethnologists as is their future to diplomatists, in the history of the -Morea, where hereafter they were destined to play so distinguished -a part. It is to the policy of Manuel Cantacuzene, who rewarded his -faithful Albanians with lands in the south-west and centre of the -country, that modern Greece owes the services of that valiant race, -which fought so vigorously for her independence and its own in the last -century. Manuel’s example was followed by other Despots; and ere long ten -thousand Albanians were colonising the devastated and deserted lands of -the Peloponnese. - -Meanwhile the barren honour of Prince of Achaia had passed from one -absentee to another. John of Gravina, who had been installed in the room -of the last unhappy Villehardouin princess, grew disgusted with the sorry -task of trying to restore order, and transferred his rights to Catherine -of Valois, widow of his brother, Philip of Taranto; her son Robert, who -was both suzerain and sovereign of the principality, was a mere phantom -ruler whom the Achaian barons treated with contempt. After his death -they offered the empty title of princess to Queen Joanna I of Naples on -condition that she did not interfere with their fiefs and their feuds. -Then a new set of conquerors descended upon the distracted country, and -began the last chapter of Frankish rule in Achaia. - -The great exploit of the Catalans in carving out for themselves a duchy -bearing the august name of Athens had struck the imagination of Southern -Europe. Towards the close of the fourteenth century a similar, but less -famous band of freebooters, the Navarrese Company, repeated in Achaia -what the Catalans, seventy years earlier, had achieved in Attica and -Bœotia. Conquering nominally in the name of Jacques de Baux, a scion of -the house of Taranto, but really for their own hands, the soldiers of -Navarre rapidly occupied one place after another. Androusa, in Messenia, -at that time the capital of the Frankish principality, fell before them; -and at “sandy Pylos,” the home of Nestor, then called Zonklon, they made -such a mark that the spot was believed by Hopf to have derived its name -of Navarino from the castle which they held there. In 1386 their captain, -Pedro Bordo de San Superan, styled himself Vicar of the principality, a -title which developed into that of prince. - -Meanwhile another Western Power, and that the most cunning and -persistent, had taken advantage of these troublous times to gain a -footing in the Peloponnese. Venice, true to her cautious commercial -policy, had long been content with the two Messenian stations of Modon -and Koron, and had even refused a tempting offer of some desperate -barons to hand over to her the whole of Achaia. During the almost -constant disturbances which had distracted the rest of the peninsula -since the death of Guillaume de Villehardouin, the two Venetian ports -had enjoyed comparative peace and prosperity. The high tariffs which the -Frankish princes had erected round their own havens had driven trade to -these Venetian harbours, so conveniently situated for trade with the -great Venetian island of Crete as well. The documents which Sathas has -published from the Venetian archives are full of allusions to these -two now almost forgotten places. But at last, towards the end of the -fourteenth century, Venice resolved on expansion. She accordingly bought -Argos and Nauplia, the old fiefs which the first French Lord of Athens -had received from the first of the Villehardouins, and which lingered -on in the hands of the representatives of the fallen Athenian duke. A -little later Lepanto, the old Naupaktos, gave the Venetians a post on the -Corinthian Gulf. - -As the Byzantine Empire dwindled before the incursions of the Turks, -the Greek province of Mistra assumed more importance in the eyes of -the statesmen at Constantinople. In 1415 the Emperor Manuel II, with -an energy which modern sovereigns of Greece would do well to imitate, -resolved to see for himself how matters stood, and arrived in the Morea. -He at once set to work to re-erect the six-mile rampart, or “Hexamilion,” -across the Isthmus, which had been fortified by Xerxes, Valerian, -Justinian, and, in recent times, by the last Despot of Mistra, Theodore -I Palaiologos. Manuel’s wall followed the course of Justinian’s; and, in -the incredibly short space of twenty-five days, forced labourers, working -under the imperial eye, had erected a rampart strengthened by no less -than 153 towers. - -But the Emperor saw that it was necessary to reform the Morea from -within as well as to fortify it without. We have from the pen of a -Byzantine satirist, Mazaris, who has written a _Dialogue of the Dead_ -in the manner of Lucian, a curious, if somewhat highly-coloured account -of the Moreotes as they were, or at any rate seemed to him to be, at -this time[58]. In the Peloponnese, he tells us, are “Lacedæmonians, -Italians, Peloponnesians (Greeks), Slavonians, Illyrians (Albanians), -Egyptians (gypsies), and Jews, and among them are not a few half-castes.” -He says that the Lakonians, who “are now called Tzakones,” have “become -barbarians” in their language, of which he gives some specimens. He -goes on to make the shrewd remark, true to-day of all Eastern countries -where the Oriental assumes a veneer of Western civilisation, that “each -race takes the worst features of the others,” the Greeks assimilating -the turbulence of the Franks, and the Franks the cunning of the Greeks. -So insecure was life and property that arms were worn night and day—a -practice obsolete in the time of Thucydides. Of the Moreote _archontes_ -he has nothing good to say; they are “men who ever delight in battles -and disturbances, who are for ever breathing murder, who are full of -deceit and craft, barbarous and pig-headed, unstable and perjured, -faithless to both Emperor and Despots.” Yet a Venetian report—and the -Venetians were keen observers—sent to the government a few years later, -depicts the Morea as a valuable asset. It contained, writes the Venetian -commissioner, 150 strong castles; the soil is rich in minerals; and it -produces silk, honey, wax, corn, raisins, and poultry. - -Even in the midst of alarms an eminent philosopher—to the surprise of -the elegant Byzantines, it is true—had fixed his seat at Mistra. George -Gemistos Plethon believed that he had found in Plato a cure for the evils -of the Morea. Centuries before the late Mr Henry George, he advocated a -single tax. An advanced fiscal reformer, he suggested a high tariff for -all articles which could be produced at home; a paper strategist, he had -a scheme which he submitted, together with his other proposals, to the -Emperor, for creating a standing army; an anti-clerical, he urged that -the monks should work for their living, or discharge public functions -without pay. The philosopher, in tendering this advice to the Emperor, -modestly offered his own services for the purpose of carrying it out. -Manuel II was a practical statesman, who knew that he was living, as -Cicero would have said, “non in Platonis republica, sed in fæce Lycurgi.” -The offer was rejected. - -At last the long threatened Turkish peril, temporarily delayed by the -career of Timour and the great Turkish defeat at Angora, was at hand. -The famous Ottoman commander, Evrenos Beg, had already twice entered -the peninsula, once as the ally of the Navarrese prince against the -Greek Despot, once as the foe of both. In 1423 a still greater captain, -Turakhan, easily scaled the Hexamilion, leaving behind him at Gardiki, -as a memorial of his invasion, a pyramid of eight hundred Albanian -skulls. But, by the irony of history, just before Greeks and Franks alike -succumbed to the all-conquering Turks, the dream of the Byzantine court -was at last realised, and the Frank principality ceased to exist. - -The Greek portion of the Morea was at this time in the hands of the -three brothers of the Emperor John VI Palaiologos—Theodore II, Thomas, -and Constantine—the third of whom was destined to die on the walls of -Constantinople as last Emperor of the East. Politic marriages and force -of arms soon extinguished the phantom of Frankish rule; and the Genoese -baron, Centurione Zaccaria, nephew of Bordo de San Superan, who had -succeeded his uncle as last Prince of Achaia, was glad to purchase peace -by giving his daughter’s hand to Thomas Palaiologos with the remaining -fragments of the once famous principality, except the family barony and -the princely title, as her dowry. Thus, when Centurione died in 1432, -save for the six Venetian stations, the whole peninsula was once more -Greek. Unhappily, the union between the three brothers ended with the -disappearance of the common enemy. Both Theodore and Constantine were -ambitious of the imperial diadem; and, while the former was pressing -his claims at Constantinople, the latter was besieging Mistra, having -first sent the historian Phrantzes, his confidential agent in these -dubious transactions, to obtain the Sultan’s consent. Assisted by his -brother Thomas and a force of Frank mercenaries, Constantine was only -induced to keep the peace by the intervention of the Emperor; till, -in 1443, Theodore removed this source of jealousy by carrying out his -long-cherished scheme of retiring from public life. He accordingly handed -over the government of Mistra to Constantine and received in exchange the -city of Selymbria on the Sea of Marmora, where he afterwards died of the -plague. - -The Morea was now partitioned between Constantine, who took possession -of the eastern portion, embracing Lakonia, Argolis, Corinth, and the -southern shore of the Corinthian Gulf as far as Patras, and Thomas, -who governed the western part. With all his faults Constantine was a -man of far greater energy and patriotism than the rest of his family, -and he lost no time in developing a national policy. His first act was -to restore the Hexamilion; his next, to attempt the recovery of the -Athenian duchy from the Acciajuoli family for the Greek cause, which -he personified. Nine years earlier, on the death of Duke Antonio, he -had sent Phrantzes to negotiate for the cession of Athens and Thebes. -Foiled on that occasion, he now invaded the duchy and forced the weak -Duke Nerio II to do homage and pay tribute to him. The Albanians and -Koutso-Wallachs of Thessaly rose in his favour; the Serbs promised to -aid him in defending the Isthmus against the Turks; it seemed for the -moment as if there were at last some hope of a Christian revival in the -Near East. But the battle of Varna soon put an end to these dreams. -Murad II, accompanied by the Duke of Athens, set out in 1446, at the -head of a large army, for the Isthmus. The two Despots had assembled a -considerable force behind the ramparts of the Hexamilion, which seemed -so imposing to the Sultan that he remonstrated with his old military -counsellor, Turakhan, for having advised him to attack such apparently -impregnable lines so late in the season. But the veteran, who knew -his Greeks and had taken the Hexamilion twenty-three years before, -replied that its defenders would not long resist a determined attack. -A Greek officer, who had been sent by Constantine to reconnoitre the -Turkish position, came back so terrified at the strength of the enemy -that he urged his master to retreat at once to the mountains of the -Morea. The Despot ordered his arrest as a disciplinary measure, but he -was so greatly struck by what he had heard that he sent the Athenian -Chalkokondyles, father of the historian, to offer terms of peace to -the Sultan. Murad scornfully rejected the proposals, arrested the -envoy, and demanded, as the price of his friendship, the destruction of -the Hexamilion and the payment of tribute. This was too much for the -high-spirited Despot, and the conflict began. - -For three whole days the excellent Turkish artillery played upon the -walls of the rampart. Then a general assault was ordered, and, after a -brave defence by the two Despots, a young Serbian janissary climbed to -the top of the wall and planted the Turkish flag there in full view of -the rival hosts. The towers on either side of him were soon taken by -his comrades, the gates were forced in, and the Turks streamed through -them into the peninsula. The Greeks fled; the two Despots among them; -Akrocorinth surrendered, and a band of 300, who had thought of “making -a new Thermopylæ” at Kenchreæ, were soon forced to lay down their arms. -Together with 600 other captives, they were beheaded by the Sultan’s -orders. Then the Turkish army was divided into two sections; one, under -old Turakhan, penetrated into the interior; the other, commanded by the -Sultan in person, followed the coast of the Corinthian Gulf, burning the -mediæval town which had arisen on the ruins of Sikyon. Aigion shared the -same fate; but most of the inhabitants of Patras had escaped over the -Gulf before Murad arrived there. The old Frankish citadel defied all the -efforts of the besiegers, for the besieged knew that they had nothing to -hope from surrender. A breach was made in the walls, but the defenders -poured boiling resin on to the heads of the janissaries and worked at -the rampart till the breach was made good. The season was by this time -very far advanced, so the Sultan and his lieutenant withdrew to Thebes, -dragging with them 60,000 captives, who were sold as slaves. The Despots -were glad to obtain peace and a qualified independence by paying a -capitation tax, and by sending their envoys to do homage to the Sultan -in his headquarters at Thebes. The Greeks ascribed their misfortunes to -their Albanian and Frankish mercenaries, the former of whom had begun to -feel their power, while the latter had espoused the cause of Centurione’s -illegitimate son at the moment when the Despots were engaged in the -defence of the country. - -On the death of the Emperor in 1448 the Despot Constantine succeeded to -the imperial title; and it is a picturesque fact that the last Emperor of -Constantinople was crowned at Mistra, where his wife still lies buried, -near that ancient Sparta which had given so many heroes to Hellas. His -previous government was bestowed on his youngest brother Demetrios, with -the exception of Patras, which was added to the province of Thomas. -The new partition took place in Constantinople, where the two brothers -solemnly swore before God and their aged mother to love one another and -to rule the Morea in perfect unanimity. But no sooner had they arrived -at their respective capitals of Mistra and Patras than they proceeded to -break their oaths. Thomas, the more enterprising of the two, attacked -his brother; Demetrios, destitute of patriotism, called in the aid of -the Turks, who readily appeared under the leadership of Turakhan, made -Thomas disgorge most of what he had seized, and on the way destroyed -what remained of the Hexamilion. The object of this was soon obvious. As -soon as the new Sultan, Mohammed II, was ready to attack Constantinople, -he ordered Turakhan to keep the two Palaiologoi busy in the Morea, so -that they might not send assistance to their brother the Emperor. The -old Pasha once again marched into the peninsula; but he found greater -resistance than he had expected on the Isthmus. He and his two sons, -Achmet and Omar, then spread their forces over the country, plundering -and burning as they went, till the certainty of Constantinople’s fall -rendered their presence in the Morea no longer necessary. But as Achmet -was retiring through the Pass of Dervenaki, that death-trap of armies, -between Argos and Corinth, the Greeks fell upon him, routed his men and -took him prisoner. Demetrios, either from gratitude for Turakhan’s recent -services to him, or from fear of the old warrior’s revenge, released his -captive without ransom. It was the last ray of light before the darkness -of four centuries descended upon Greece. - -The news that Constantinople had fallen and that the Emperor had been -slain came like a thunderbolt upon his wretched brothers, who naturally -expected that they would be the next victims. But Mohammed was not in a -hurry; he knew that he could annihilate them when he chose; meanwhile -he was content to accept an annual tribute of 12,000 ducats. The folly -of the greedy Byzantine officials, who held the chief posts at the petty -courts of Patras and Mistra, had prepared, however, a new danger for the -Despots. The Albanian colonists had multiplied while the Greek population -had diminished; and the recent Turkish devastations had increased the -extent of waste land where they could pasture their sheep. Fired by the -great exploits of their countryman, Skanderbeg, in Albania, they were -seized by one of those rare yearnings for independence which meet us only -occasionally in Albanian history. The official mind seized this untoward -moment to demand a higher tax from the Albanian lands. The reply of the -shepherds was a general insurrection in which 30,000 Albanians followed -the lead of their chieftain, Peter Boua, “the lame.” Their object was to -expel the Greeks from the peninsula; but this, of course, did not prevent -other Greeks, dissatisfied, for reasons of their own, with the rule of -the Despots, from throwing in their lot with the Albanians. A Cantacuzene -gained the support of the insurgents for his claims on Mistra by taking -an Albanian name; the bastard son of Centurione emerged from prison and -was proclaimed as Prince of Achaia. Both Mistra and Patras were besieged; -and it soon became clear that nothing but Turkish intervention could save -the Morea from becoming an Albanian principality. Accordingly, the aid of -the invincible Turakhan was again solicited; and, as Mohammed believed -in the policy—long followed in Macedonia by his successors—of keeping -the Christian races as evenly balanced as possible, the Turkish general -was sent to suppress the revolt without utterly destroying the revolted. -Turakhan carried out his instructions with consummate skill. He soon put -down the insurgents, but allowed them to retain their stolen cattle and -the waste lands which they had occupied, on payment of a fixed rent. He -then turned to the two Despots and gave them the excellent advice to live -as brothers, to be lenient to their subjects, and to be vigilant in the -prevention of disturbances. Needless to say, his advice was not taken. - -The power of the Palaiologoi was at an end; and the Greek _archontes_ -and Albanian chiefs did not hesitate to put themselves in direct -communication with the Sultan when they wanted the confirmation of their -privileges. But the Despots might, perhaps, have preserved the forms of -authority for the rest of their lives had it not been for the rashness -of Thomas, who seemed to be incapable of learning by experience that -he only existed on sufferance. In 1457, emboldened by the successes of -Skanderbeg, he refused to pay his tribute. Mohammed II was not the man -to submit to an insult of that sort from a petty prince whom he could -crush whenever he chose. In the spring of the following year the great -Sultan appeared at the Isthmus; but this time the noble fortress of -Akrocorinth held out against him. Leaving a force behind him to blockade -it, he advanced into the interior of the peninsula, accompanied by the -self-styled Albanian leader in the late revolt, Cantacuzene, whose -influence he found useful in treating with the Arnauts. The Greeks, whom -he took, were despatched as colonists to Constantinople; the Albanians, -who had broken their parole, were punished by the breaking of their -wrists and ankles—a horrible scene long commemorated by the Turkish name -of “Tokmak Hissari,” or “the castle of the ankles.” Mouchli, at that time -one of the chief towns in the Morea, near the classic ruins of Mantinea, -offered considerable resistance; but lack of water forced the defenders -to yield, and then the Sultan returned to Corinth. His powerful cannon -soon wrecked the bakehouse and the magazines of the citadel; provisions -fell short; and the fact was betrayed by the archbishop to the besiegers. -At last the place surrendered, and its gallant commander was deputed by -Mohammed to bear his terms of peace to Thomas. The latter was ordered to -cede the country as far south as Mouchli, and as far west as Patras; this -district was then united with the Pashalik of Thessaly, the governor of -the whole province being Turakhan’s son Omar, who remained with 10,000 -soldiers in the Morea. The other Despot, Demetrios, was commanded to send -his daughter to the Sultan’s harem. - -Thomas at once complied with his conqueror’s demands; but his ambition -soon revived when Mohammed had gone. Fresh victories of Skanderbeg -suggested to him the flattering idea that a Palaiologos could do more -than a mere Albanian. Divisions among the Turkish officers in his -old dominions increased his confidence—a quality in which Greeks are -not usually lacking. Early in 1459 he raised the standard of revolt; -but, at the same time, committed the folly of attacking his brother’s -possessions. Phrantzes, who, after having been sold as a slave when -Constantinople fell, had obtained his freedom and had entered the service -of Thomas, has stigmatised in forcible language the wickedness of those -evil counsellors who had advised his master to embark on a civil war and -to “eat his oaths as if they were vegetables.” Most of Thomas’ successes -were at the expense of his brother, for, of all the places lately annexed -by the Turks, Kalavryta alone was recovered. But the Albanians did far -more harm to the country than either the Greeks or the Turkish garrison -by plundering both sides with absolute impartiality and deserting from -Thomas to Demetrios, or from Demetrios to Thomas, on the slightest -provocation. Meanwhile the Turks attacked Thomas at Leondari, at the -invitation of his brother; and the defeat which he sustained induced the -miserable Despot to go through the form of reconciliation with Demetrios, -under the auspices of Holy Church. This display of brotherly love had the -usual sequel—a new fratricidal war; but Mohammed II had now made up his -mind to put an end to the Palaiologoi, and marched straight to Mistra. -Demetrios soon surrendered, and humbly appeared in the presence of his -master. The Sultan insisted upon the prompt performance of his former -command, that the Despot’s daughter should enter the seraglio, and told -him that Mistra could no longer be his. He therefore ordered him to bid -his subjects surrender all their cities and fortresses—an order which -was at once executed, except at Monemvasia. That splendid citadel, which -had so long defied the Franks at the zenith of their power, and boasted -of the special protection of Providence, now scorned to surrender to the -infidel. The daughter of Demetrios, who had been sent thither for safety, -was, indeed, handed over to the Turkish envoys, and Demetrios himself was -conducted to Constantinople; but the Monemvasiotes proclaimed Thomas as -their liege lord, and he shortly afterwards presented Monemvasia to the -Pope, who appointed a governor. - -Having thus wiped the province of Demetrios from the map, Mohammed turned -his arms against Thomas. Wherever a city resisted, its defenders were -punished without mercy and in violation of the most solemn pledges. The -Albanian chiefs who had defied the Sultan at Kastritza were sawn asunder; -the Albanian captain of Kalavryta was flayed alive; Gardiki was once -more the scene of a terrible massacre, ten times worse than that which -had disgraced Turakhan thirty-seven years before. These acts of cruelty -excited very different feelings in the population. Some, especially the -Albanians, were inspired to fight with the courage of despair; others -preferred slavery to an heroic death. From the neighbourhood of Navarino -alone 10,000 persons were dragged away to colonise Constantinople; and a -third of the Greeks of Greveno, which had dared to resist, were carried -off as slaves. The castles of Glarentza and Santameri were surrendered by -the descendants of Guillaume de Villehardouin’s Turks, who experienced, -like the Albanians, the faithless conduct of their conquerors. Meanwhile -Thomas had fled to Navarino, and, on the day when the Sultan reached that -place, set sail with his wife and family from a neighbouring harbour for -Corfù. There the faithful Phrantzes joined him and wrote his history of -these events—the swan-song of free Greece. - -Another Palaiologos, however, Graitzas by name, showed a heroism of -which the Despot was incapable. This man, the last defender of his -country, held out in the castle of Salmenikon between Patras and Aigion -till the following year, and, when the town was taken, still defied all -the efforts of the Turks, who allowed him to withdraw, with all the -honours of war, into Venetian territory at Lepanto. In the autumn of 1460 -Mohammed left the Morea, after having appointed Zagan Pasha as military -governor, with orders to install the new Turkish authorities and to make -arrangements for the collection of the capitation tax and of the tribute -of children. Thus the Morea fell under Turkish rule, which thenceforward -continued for an almost unbroken period of three hundred and fifty years. -Save at Monemvasia, where the papal flag still waved, and at Nauplia, -Argos, Thermisi, Koron, Modon, and Navarino, where Venice still retained -her colonies, there was none to dispute the Sultan’s sway. - -The fate of the Palaiologoi deserves a brief notice. Demetrios lived ten -years at Ænos in Thrace in the enjoyment of the pension which Mohammed -allowed him, and died a monk at Adrianople in 1470. His daughter, whom -the Sultan never married after all, had predeceased him. Thomas proceeded -to Rome with the head of St Andrew from Patras as a present for the Pope, -who received the precious relic with much ceremony at the spot near the -Ponte Molle, where the little chapel of St Andrew now commemorates the -event, and assigned to its bearer a pension of 300 ducats a month, to -which the cardinals added 200 more, and Venice a smaller sum. He died -at Rome in 1465, leaving two sons and two daughters. One of the latter -died in a convent on the island of Santa Maura; the other married, first -a Caracciolo of Naples and then the Grand Duke Ivan III of Russia, by -whom she had a daughter, afterwards the wife of Alexander Jagellon of -Poland. With this daughter the female line became extinct. Of Thomas’ -two sons, the elder, Andrew, married a woman off the streets of Rome, -ceded all his rights, first to Charles VIII of France, and then to -Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, and died in 1502 without issue. The -younger son, Manuel, escaped from papal tutelage to the court of Mohammed -II, who gave him an establishment and allowed him a daily sum for its -maintenance. He died a Christian; but of his two sons (the elder of whom -died young), the younger became a Mussulman, took the name of Mohammed, -and is last heard of in the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent. Though -the family would thus appear to have long been extinct, a Cornish -antiquary announced in 1815 that the church of Landulph contained a -monument to one of Thomas’ descendants. A few years ago a lady residing -in London considered herself to be the heiress of the Palaiologoi and -aspired to play a part in the Eastern question[59]. But neither of -these claims is genealogically sound; for there is no historical proof -of the existence of the supposed third son of Thomas, mentioned in the -Landulph inscription. But, after all, the world has not lost much by the -extinction of this race, nor would the future of Constantinople or Greece -be affected by its revival. - - -APPENDIX - -THE NAME OF NAVARINO - -Ever since Hopf published his history of mediæval Greece writers on that -subject have followed his opinion that the name of Navarino was derived -from the Navarrese Company, which entered the Morea in 1381 to support -the claims of Jacques de Baux, titular emperor of Constantinople and -prince of Achaia, and which established its headquarters at the classic -Pylos. Hopf adduces no evidence in support of this derivation, which -he thrice repeats[60], except that of the French traveller De Caumont, -who saw at Pylos in 1418 _ung chasteau hault sur une montaigne que se -nomme chasteau Navarres_[61]. But his opinion, mainly formed in order to -controvert the anti-Hellenic theory of Fallmerayer, has been followed, -also without proof, by Hertzberg[62], Tozer[63], and more tentatively by -Paparregopoulos[64]. The name of Navarino, however, seems to have existed -long before the Navarrese Company ever set foot in Greece. Nearly a -century earlier a golden bull[65] of the Emperor Andronikos II, dated -1293, confirmed the possessions of the church of Monemvasia, among which -it specially mentions τὴν Πύλον, τὸν καλούμενον Ἀβαρῖνον. A little before -the date of this imperial document (1287-1289) Nicholas II de Saint-Omer, -lord of half Thebes, was bailie of the principality of Achaia for Charles -II of Naples, and the Greek _Chronicle of the Morea_[66] tells us that -ἔχτισεν τὸ κάστρον τοῦ Ἀβαρίνου. Now Hopf himself thought that the French -version of the _Chronicle, Le Livre de la Conqueste_[67] (in which the -above passage runs _ferma le chastel de port de Junch_), was the original -of the four editions which we possess. It is generally agreed that the -French version was written between 1333 and 1341; but it is by no means -certain that the French is the original and the Greek a translation; -rather would it appear that the Greek was the original, in which case it -was composed in the early part of the fourteenth century, for the one -passage[68] which refers to an event as late as 1388 is regarded as an -interpolation by the latest editor of the _Chronicle_, Dr Schmitt. Even -the most recent of all the four versions—the Aragonese—was written, as it -expressly says[69], no later than 1393. Therefore we have every reason -for regarding the mention of the name Ἀβαρῖνος in the Greek _Chronicle_ -as a second proof that it was in common use long before the time of the -Navarrese[70]. - -There are several other passages in which the name occurs, the date of -which cannot, however, be fixed with certainty. In the _Synekdemos_ of -Hierokles[71] we have three times the phrase Πύλος, ἡ πατρὶς Νέστορος, -νῦν δὲ καλεῖται Ἀβαρῖνος. Now Hierokles wrote before 535, but all these -three passages occur in the lists of towns which have changed their -names, and these three lists must belong, as Krumbacher points out, -to a much later period than the main body of the work. The scholiast -to Ptolemy[72] also makes an annotation Πύλος ὀ καὶ Ἀβαρῖνος, and in -the Latin manuscripts of that passage the rendering is _Pylus, qui et -Abarmus_ (sic). - -The alteration of Abarinos into Navarino follows, of course, the usual -Greek habit of prefixing to the mediæval name the last letter of the -accusative of the article. Thus εἰς τὸν Ἀβαρῖνον becomes Ναβαρῖνον, -just as εἰς τὴν Πόλιν becomes _Stambûl_, εἰς τὰς Ἀθῆνας _Satines_ or -_Sathines_, εἰς τὰς Θῆβας _Estives_. The conclusion seems to be that -Fallmerayer was right after all when he derived the name of Navarino -from a settlement of Avars on the site of the ancient Pylos[73]. The -settlement of the Navarrese Company there was merely a coincidence. - -It may be added that _Abarinus_ also occurs in a document[74] of Charles -I of Naples, dated 1280, as the name of a place in Apulia, not apparently -Bari. - - * * * * * - -Since I wrote the above note on this subject I have found two other -passages which confirm the view that the name of Navarino existed -before the Navarrese Company entered Greece. They occur in the -_Commemoriali_[75], where we find Venice complaining to Robert, prince -of Achaia, and to the bailie of Achaia and Lepanto that the crew of a -Genoese ship had started from _Navarrino vecchio_ and had plundered some -Venetian subjects. The dates of these two documents are 1355 and 1356. -The late Professor Krumbacher, in the _Byzantinische Zeitschrift_ (XIV. -675), agreed that Hopf’s derivation had been disproved by my article, but -thought that the name of Navarino comes not from the Avars, but from the -Slavonic _javorina_, “a wood of maples.” - - -AUTHORITIES - -1. _The Chronicle of Morea._ Ed. John Schmitt, Ph.D. London, 1904. - -2. _Le Livre de la Conqueste._ In _Recherches historiques sur la -Principauté française de Morée_. Tome II. By J. A. Buchon. Paris, 1845. -New Edn. by J. Longnon. Paris, 1911. - -3. Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (_History of the Greek Nation_). By K. -Paparregopoulos. 4th Edn. Athens, 1903. - -4. _Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters._ Von K. Hopf. -In Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_. Bände 85, 86. Leipzig, -1867. - -5. _Chroniques Gréco-Romanes inédites ou peu connues._ Published by -Charles Hopf. Berlin, 1873. - -6. _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter._ Von F. Gregorovius. 3rd -Edn. Stuttgart, 1889. - -7. _La Conquête de Constantinople, par Geoffroy de Villehardouin._ By -Émile Bouchet. Paris, 1891. - -8. _Georgii Acropolitæ Opera._ Ed. by A. Heisenberg. Leipzig, 1903. - -9. _Corpus Scriptorum Historiæ Byzantinæ._ Bonn, 1828-43. - -10. _Anecdota Græca._ Ed. J. Fr. Boissonade. Tom. III. Paris, 1831. - - -4. THE DUKES OF ATHENS - -Nations, like individuals, sometimes have the romance of their lives in -middle age—a romance unknown, perhaps, to the outside world until, long -years afterwards, some forgotten bundle of letters throws a flash of rosy -light upon a period hitherto regarded as uneventful and commonplace. -So is it with the history of Athens under the Frankish domination, -which Finlay first described in his great work. But since his day -numerous documents have been published, and still more are in course of -publication, which complete the picture of mediæval Athens as he drew it -in a few master-strokes. Barcelona and Palermo have been ransacked for -information; the Venetian archives have yielded a rich harvest; Milan has -contributed her share; and a curious collection of Athenian legends has -been made by an industrious and patriotic Greek. We know now, as we never -knew before, the strange story of the classic city under her French, her -Catalan, and her Florentine masters; and it is high time that the results -of these researches should be laid before the British public. The present -paper deals with the first two of these three periods. - -The history of Frankish Athens begins with the Fourth Crusade. By the -deed of partition, which divided up the Byzantine Empire among the -Latin conquerors of Constantinople, the crusading army, whose chief was -Boniface, Marquess of Montferrat, had received “the district of Athens -with the territory of Megara[76]”; and both Attica and Bœotia were -included in that short-lived realm of Salonika, of which he assumed the -title of king. Among the trusty followers who accompanied Boniface in his -triumphal progress across his new dominions was Othon de la Roche, son of -a Burgundian noble, who had rendered him a valuable service by assisting -to settle the serious dispute between him and the first Latin Emperor of -Constantinople, and who afterwards negotiated the marriage between his -daughter and the Emperor Baldwin I’s brother and successor. This was the -man upon whom the King of Salonika, in 1205, bestowed the most famous -city of the ancient world. Thus, in the words of an astonished chronicler -from the West, “Othon de la Roche, son of a certain Burgundian noble, -became, as by a miracle, Duke of the Athenians and Thebans[77].” - -The chronicler was only wrong in the title which he attributed to the -lucky Frenchman, who had succeeded by an extraordinary stroke of fortune -to the past glories of the heroes and sages of Athens. Othon modestly -styled himself “Sire d’Athènes” or “Dominus Athenarum,” which his Greek -subjects magnified into the “Great Lord” (Μέγας Κύρ or Μέγας Κύρης), -and Dante, in the _Purgatorio_, transferred by a poetic anachronism to -Peisistratos. Contemporary accounts make no mention of any resistance to -Othon de la Roche on the part of the Greeks, nor was such likely; for the -eminent man, Michael Akominatos, who was then Metropolitan of Athens, -was fully aware that the Akropolis could not long resist a Western army. -Later Venetian writers, however, actuated perhaps by patriotic bias, -propagated a story that the Athenians sent an embassy offering their city -to Venice, but that their scheme was frustrated, “not without bloodshed, -by the men of Champagne under the Lord de la Roche[78].” If so, it was -the sole effort which the Greeks of Attica made during the whole century -of French domination. - -Othon’s dominions were large, if measured by the small standard of -classical Greece. The Burgundian state of Athens embraced Attica, Bœotia, -Megaris, and the ancient Opuntian Lokris to the north; while to the -south of the isthmus the “Great Lord’s” deputies governed the important -strongholds of Argos and Nauplia, conferred upon him, in 1212, by Prince -Geoffroy I of Achaia as the reward of his assistance in capturing them, -and thenceforth held by Othon and his successors for a century as fiefs -of the Principality. The Italian Marquess of Boudonitza on the north, -the Lord of Salona on the west, were the neighbours, and the latter -subsequently the vassal, of the ruler of Athens, his bulwarks against the -expanding power of the Greek despots of Epeiros. Thus situated, mediæval -Athens had at least four ports—Livadostro, or Rive d’Ostre, as the Franks -called it, on the Gulf of Corinth, where Othon’s relatives landed when -they arrived from France; the harbour of Atalante opposite Eubœa; the -beautiful bay of Nauplia; and the famous Piræus, known in the Frankish -times by the name of Porto Leone from the huge lion, now in front of -the Arsenal at Venice, which then guarded the entrance to the haven of -Themistokles. It is strange, in these circumstances, that the Burgundian -rulers of Athens made little or no attempt to create a navy, especially -as Latin pirates infested the coast of Attica, and a sail down the -Corinthian Gulf was described as “a voyage to Acheron[79].” - -Guiltless of a classical education, and unmoved by the genius of the -place, Othon abstained from seeking a model for the constitution of his -new state in the laws of Solon. Like the other Frankish princes of the -Levant, he adopted the “Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania,” -a code of usages based on the famous “Assizes of Jerusalem.” But the -feudal society which was thus installed in Attica was very different -from that which existed in the Principality of Achaia or in the Duchy -of the Archipelago. The “Great Lord” of Athens had, at the most, only -one exalted noble, the head of the famous Flemish house of St Omer, near -his throne. It is obvious, from the silence of all the authorities, -that the Burgundians who settled in Othon’s Greek dominions were men of -inferior social position to himself, a fact further demonstrated by the -comparative lack in Attica and Bœotia of those baronial castles so common -in the Peloponnese. - -In one respect the Court of Athens, under Othon de la Roche, must have -resembled the Court of the late King George, namely, that there was no -one, except the members of his own family, with whom the ruler could -associate on equal terms. But, as in Georgian, so in Frankish Athens, -the family of the sovereign was numerous enough to form a society of -its own. Not only did Othon marry a Burgundian heiress, by whom he had -two sons, but the news of his astounding good fortune attracted to the -new El Dorado in Greece various members of his clan from their home in -Burgundy. They doubtless received their share of the good things which -had fallen to their lucky relative; a favourite nephew, Guy, divided -with his uncle the lordship of Thebes; a more distant relative became -commander of the castle of Athens. Both places became the residences -of Latin archbishops; and in the room of Michael Akominatos, in the -magnificent church of “Our Lady of Athens,” as the Parthenon was now -called, a Frenchman named Bérard, perhaps Othon’s chaplain, inaugurated -the long series of the Catholic prelates of that ancient see. The last -Greek Metropolitan retired sorrowfully from his plundered cathedral to -the island of Keos, whence he could still see the shores of his beloved -Attica; and for well-nigh two centuries his titular successors never once -visited their confiscated diocese. The Greek priests who remained behind -performed their services in the church near the Roman market, which was -converted into a mosque at the time of the Turkish conquest, and has now -been degraded to a military bakery; while Innocent III assigned to the -Catholic archbishop the ancient jurisdiction of the Orthodox Metropolitan -over his eleven suffragans, and confirmed to the Church of Athens its -possessions at Phyle and Marathon—places still called by their classical -names. - - The renewal of the divine grace (wrote the enthusiastic Pope to - Bérard) suffereth not the ancient glory of the city of Athens - to grow old. The citadel of most famous Pallas hath been - humbled to become the seat of the most glorious Mother of God. - Well may we call this city “Kirjath-sepher,” which when Othniel - had subdued to the rule of Caleb, “he gave him Achsah, his - daughter to wife[80].” - -But the “Othniel” of Athens, to whom the Pope had made a punning -allusion, was, like the other Frankish rulers of his time, a sore -trial to the Holy See. He forbade his subjects to give or bequeath -their possessions to the Church, levied dues from the clergy, and -showed no desire to pay tithes or compel his people to pay them. A -“concordat” between Church and State was at last drawn up in 1210, -at a Parliament convened by the Latin Emperor Henry in the valley of -Ravenika, near Lamia, and attended by Othon and all the chief feudal -lords of continental Greece. By this it was agreed that the clergy of -both dominations should pay the old Byzantine land-tax to the temporal -authorities, but that, in return, all churches, monasteries, and other -ecclesiastical property, should be entrusted to the Latin Patriarch of -Constantinople free of all feudal services. - -Othon was more loyal to the Empire than to the Papacy. When the Lombard -nobles of Salonika, on the death of Boniface, tried to shake off the -feudal tie which bound that kingdom to the Latin Emperor, he stood by -the latter, even though his loyalty cost him the temporary loss of his -capital of Thebes. He was rewarded by a visit which the Emperor Henry -paid him at Athens, where no Imperial traveller had set foot since Basil -“the Bulgar-slayer,” two centuries earlier, had offered up prayer and -thanksgivings in the greatest of all cathedrals. Like Basil, Henry also -prayed “in the Minster of Athens, which men call Our Lady,” and received -from his host “every honour in his power[81].” Only once again did an -emperor of Constantinople bow down in the Parthenon; and then it was not -as a conqueror but as a fugitive that he came. - -The “Great Lord” was not fired with the romance of reigning over the -city of Perikles and Plato. When old age crept on, he felt, like many -another baron of the conquest, that he would like to spend the evening of -his days in his native land; and in 1225 he departed for Burgundy with -his wife and sons, leaving his nephew, Guy, to succeed him in Greece. -Under the wise rule of his successor, the Athenian state prospered -exceedingly. Thebes, where Guy and his connections, the great family -of St Omer, resided, had recovered much of its fame as the seat of the -silk manufactory. Jews and Genoese both possessed colonies there; and -the shrewd Ligurian traders negotiated a commercial treaty with the new -ruler which allowed them to have their own consul, their own court of -justice, and their own buildings both there and at Athens. - -The Greeks too profited by the enlightened policy of their sovereign. One -Greek monk at this time made the road to the monastery of St John the -Hunter on the slopes of Hymettos, to which the still standing column on -the way to Marathon alludes; another built one of the two churches at the -quaint little monastery of Our Lady of the Glen, not far from the fort of -Phyle. For thirty years Athens enjoyed profound peace, till a fratricidal -war between Guillaume de Villehardouin, the ambitious Prince of Achaia, -and the great barons of Eubœa involved Guy in their quarrel. The prince -summoned Guy, his vassal for Argos and Nauplia, to assist him against his -foes; Guy, though bound not only by this feudal tie but by his marriage -to one of William’s nieces, refused his aid, and did all he could to help -the enemies of the prince. The latter replied by invading the dominions -of his nephew. Forcing the Kakè Skála, that narrow and ill-famed road -which leads along the rocky coast of the Saronic Gulf towards Megara, he -met Guy’s army at the pass of Mount Karydi, “the walnut mountain,” on -the way to Thebes. There Frankish Athens and Frankish Sparta first met -face to face; the Sire of Athens was routed and fled to Thebes, where he -obtained peace by a promise to appear before the High Court of Achaia and -perform any penalty which it might inflict upon him for having borne arms -against the Prince. - -The High Court met at Nikli near Tegea; and the Sire of Athens, escorted -by all his chivalry, made a brave show before the assembled barons. They -were so much impressed by the spectacle that they declared they could not -judge so great a man, and referred the decision to St Louis of France, -the natural protector of the French nobles of Greece. The chivalrous -monarch propounded the question to the _parlement_ at Paris, which -decided that Guy was technically guilty, but that the trouble and cost of -his long journey to France was ample punishment for his offence. Louis -IX, anxious to show him some mark of royal favour, conferred upon him, -at his special request, the title of Duke of Athens, for which, he told -the king, there was an ancient precedent. The ducal style borne by Guy -and his successors has become famous in literature as well as in history. -Dante, Boccaccio, Chaucer, and Shakespeare bestowed it upon Theseus, and -the Catalan chronicler, Muntaner, upon Menelaos. - -Meanwhile the wheel of fortune had avenged the Duke of Athens. His -victorious enemy, involved in a quarrel between the rival Greek states -of Nice and Epeiros, had been taken prisoner by the Greek Emperor; and -the flower of the Achaian chivalry was either dead or languishing in the -dungeons of Lampsakos. In these circumstances the survivors offered to -Guy the regency of Achaia—a post which he triumphantly accepted. But he -had not been long in Greece when another blow descended upon the Franks. -The Latin Empire of Constantinople fell; and the Emperor Baldwin II, a -landless exile, was glad to accept the hospitality of the Theban Kadmeia -and the Castle of Athens. Thus, on that venerable rock, was played the -last pitiful scene in the brief Imperial drama of the Latin Orient[82]. - -Fired by the reconquest of Constantinople, Michael VIII now meditated -the recovery of the Peloponnese, and demanded the cession of the three -strongest castles in the peninsula as the price of his prisoner’s -freedom. It was Guy’s duty, as regent of Achaia, to convene the High -Court of the Principality to consider this momentous question. The -parliament, almost exclusively composed of ladies—for all the men of mark -had been slain or were in prison—decided, against Guy’s better judgment, -in favour of accepting the Emperor’s terms; and Guy, whose position was -one of great delicacy, finally yielded. Not long afterwards, the first -Duke of Athens died, conscious of having heaped coals of fire upon the -head of his enemy, and proud of leaving to his elder son, John, a state -more prosperous than any other in Greece. - -The second Duke, less fortunate than his father, was involved in the -wars against the Greek Emperor, which occupied so much of that period. -The restless scion of the house of Angelos, who had carved out for -himself a principality in the ancient realm of Achilles in Phthiotis, -and reigned over Wallachs and Greeks at Neopatras, or La Patre, beneath -the rocky walls of Mount Œta, fled as a suppliant to the Theban Court -and offered the duke the hand of his daughter Helene if he would only -assist him against the Palaiologoi. The duke, gouty and an invalid, -declined matrimony, but promised his aid. At the head of a picked body -of Athenian knights he easily routed the vastly superior numbers of the -Imperial army, which he contemptuously summed up in a phrase, borrowed -from Herodotos, as “many people, but few men.” As his reward he obtained -for his younger brother William the fair Helene as a bride; and her -dowry, which included the important town of Lamia, extended the influence -of the Athenian duchy as far north as Thessaly. But John of Athens was -destined to experience, like William of Achaia, the most varied changes -of fortune. Wounded in a fight with the Greeks and their Catalan allies -outside the walls of Negroponte, he fell from his horse and was carried -off a prisoner to Constantinople. Michael VIII did not, however, treat -the Duke of Athens as he had treated the Prince of Achaia. He made no -demand for Athenian territory, but contented himself with a ransom of -some £13,500. Policy, rather than generosity, was the cause of this -apparent inconsistency. Fears of an attack by Charles of Anjou, alarm at -the restless ambition of his prisoner’s kinsman, the Duke of Neopatras, -and suspicion of the orthodox clerical party in his own capital, which -regarded him as a schismatic because of his overtures to Rome, convinced -him that the policy of 1262 would not suit the altered conditions of -1279. He even offered his daughter in marriage to his prisoner, but the -latter refused the Imperial alliance. A year later John died, and William -his brother reigned in his stead. - -During the seven years of his reign William de la Roche was the leading -figure in Frankish Greece. Acknowledging the suzerainty of the Angevin -kings of Naples, who had become overlords of Achaia by the treaty of -Viterbo, he was appointed their viceroy in that principality, and in that -capacity built the castle of Dematra, the site of which may be perhaps -found at Kastri, between Tripolitsa and Sparta. Possessed of ample means, -he spent his money liberally for the defence of Frankish Greece, alike -in the Peloponnese and in Eubœa; and great was the grief of all men -when his valiant career was cut short. Now, for the first time since -the conquest, Athens was governed by a Greek, for Guy’s mother, Helene -Angela of Neopatras, who has given her title to K. Rhanghaves’ drama, -_The Duchess of Athens_, acted as regent for her infant son, Guy, until a -second marriage with her late husband’s brother-in-law, Hugh de Brienne, -provided him with a more powerful guardian. The family of Brienne was one -of the most famous of that day. First heard of in Champagne during the -reign of Hugh Capet, it had, in the thirteenth century, won an Imperial -diadem at Constantinople, a royal crown at Jerusalem, and a count’s -coronet at Lecce and at Jaffa; ere long it was destined to provide the -last French Duke of Athens. - -The Burgundian duchy of Athens had now reached its zenith; and the -ceremony of Guy II’s coming of age, which has been described for us in -the picturesque Catalan chronicle of Muntaner, affords a striking proof -of the splendour of the ducal Court at Thebes. The young duke had invited -all the great men of his duchy; he had let it be known, too, throughout -the Greek Empire and the Despotat of Epeiros and his mother’s home of -Thessaly, that whosoever came should receive gifts and favours from his -hands, “for he was one of the noblest men in all Romania who was not a -king, and eke one of the richest.” When all the guests had assembled, -Archbishop Nicholas of Thebes celebrated mass in the Theban minster; -and then all eyes were fixed upon the Duke, to see whom he would ask -to confer upon him the order of knighthood—“a duty which the King of -France, or the Emperor himself, would have thought it a pleasure and an -honour to perform.” What was the surprise of the brilliant throng when -Guy, instead of calling upon such great nobles as Thomas of Salona or -Othon of St Omer, co-owner with himself of Thebes, called to his side a -young Eubœan knight, Boniface of Verona, lord of but a single castle, -which he had sold the better to equip himself and his retinue. Yet no -one made a braver show at the Theban Court; he always wore the richest -clothes, and on the day of the ceremony none was more elegantly dressed -than he, though every one had attired himself and his _jongleurs_ in the -fairest apparel. This was the man whom the young duke bade dub him a -knight, and upon whom, as a reward for this service, he bestowed the hand -of a fair damsel of Eubœa, Agnes de Cicon, Lady of the classic island of -Ægina and of the great Eubœan castle of Karystos or Castel Rosso, still a -picturesque ruin. The duke gave him also thirteen castles on the mainland -and the famous island of Salamis—sufficient to bring him in a revenue of -50,000 _sols_. - -Prosperous indeed must have been the state whose ruler could afford -such splendid generosity. Worthy too of such a sovereign was the castle -in which he dwelt—the work of the great Theban baron, Nicholas II de -St Omer, who had built it out of the vast wealth of his wife, Marie -of Antioch. The castle of St Omer, which was described as “the finest -baronial mansion in all Romania[83],” contained sufficient rooms for -an emperor and his court; and its walls were decorated with frescoes -illustrating the conquest of the Holy Land by the Franks, in which the -ancestors of its founder had borne a prominent part. Alas! one stumpy -tower, still bearing the name of Santameri, is all that now remains of -this noble residence of the Athenian dukes and the Theban barons. - -French influence now spread from Thebes over the great plain of Thessaly -to the slopes of Olympos. The Duke of Neopatras died, leaving his nephew -of Athens guardian of his infant son and regent of his dominions, -threatened alike by the Greek Emperor, Andronikos II, and by the able and -ambitious Lady of Epeiros. At Lamia, the fortress which had been part of -his mother’s dowry, Guy received the homage of the Thessalian baronage, -and appointed as his viceroy Antoine le Flamenc, a Fleming who had become -lord of the Bœotian Karditza (where a Greek inscription on the church of -St George still commemorates him as its “most pious” founder), and who -is described as “the wisest man in all the duchy.” The Greek nobles of -Thessaly learnt the French language; coins with Latin inscriptions were -issued in the name of Guy’s young ward from the mint of Neopatras[84]; -and the condition of Thessaly was accurately depicted in that curious -story the _Romance of Achilles_, in which the Greek hero marries a -French damsel and the introduction of French customs is allegorically -represented by cutting the child’s hair in Frankish fashion[85]. - -Wherever there was knightly work to be done, the gallant Duke of Athens -was foremost; none was more impetuous than he at the great tournament -held on the Isthmus of Corinth in 1305, at which the whole chivalry of -Frankish Greece was present. He needs must challenge Master Bouchart, -one of the best jousters of the West, to single combat with the lance; -and their horses met with such force that the ducal charger fell and -rolled its rider in the dust. His Theban castle rang with the songs -of minstrels; festival after festival followed at his Court; and this -prosperity was not merely on the surface. Now for the first time we find -Attica supplying Eubœa with corn, while the gift of silken garments to -Pope Boniface VIII is a proof of the continued manufacture of silk at -Thebes. But the duke’s health was undermined by an incurable malady; he -had no heirs of his body; and, when he died in 1308, there was already -looming on the frontiers of Greece that Grand Company of Catalan soldiers -of fortune whom the weakness of the Emperor, Andronikos II, had invited -from the stricken fields of Sicily to be the terror and the scourge of -the Levant. The last duke of the house of la Roche was laid to rest in -the noble Byzantine abbey of Daphni or Dalfinet (as the Franks called -it), on the Sacred Way between Athens and Eleusis, which Othon had -bestowed upon the Cistercians a century before. Even to-day there may -be seen in the courtyard a sarcophagus, with a cross, two snakes, and -two lilies carved upon it, which the French scholar Buchon (_La Grèce -continentale_) believed to have been the tomb of “the good duke,” Guy II. - -The succession to the “delectable duchy” of Athens—for such, indeed, -it was in the early years of the fourteenth century—was not seriously -disputed. There were only two claimants, both first cousins of the late -duke—Eschive, Lady of Beyrout, and Walter de Brienne, Count of Lecce, a -true scion of that adventurous family, who had been a “knight of death” -in the Angevin cause in Sicily, and had fought like the lion on his -banner at the fatal battle of Gagliano. The rival claims having been -referred to the High Court of Achaia, of which the Duke of Athens was, in -Angevin times, a peer, the barons decided, as was natural, in favour of -the gallant and powerful Count of Lecce, more fitted than a lonely widow -to govern a military state. Unfortunately, Duke Walter of Athens was as -rash as he was brave; prison and defeat in Sicily had not taught him to -respect the infantry of Cataluña. Speaking their language and knowing -their ways, he thought that he might use them for his own ends and then -dismiss them when they had served his purpose. - -In the spring of 1309 the Catalan Grand Company threatened by starvation -in Macedonia, marched through the vale of Tempe into the granary of -Greece, whence, a year later, they descended upon Lamia. The Duke of -Neopatras had now come of age, and had not only emancipated himself -from Athenian tutelage, but had formed a triple alliance with the -Greek Emperor and the Greek Despot of Epeiros in order to prevent the -ultimate annexation of his country by his French neighbours. In these -circumstances the new Duke of Athens bethought himself of employing the -wandering Catalans against the allies. Thanks to the good offices of -Roger Deslaur, a knight of Roussillon who was in his employ, he engaged -them at the same high rate of payment which they had received from -Andronikos II. The Catalans at once showed that they were well worth the -money, for by the end of a six months’ campaign they had captured more -than thirty castles for their employer. Thereupon his three adversaries -hastened to make peace with him on his own terms. - -Walter now rashly resolved to rid himself of the expensive mercenaries -for whom he had no further use. He first selected 500 men from their -ranks, gave them their pay and lands on which to settle, and then -abruptly bade the others begone, although at the time he still owed them -four months’ wages. They naturally declined to obey this summary order, -and prepared to conquer or die; for retreat was impossible, and there was -no other land where they could seek their fortune. Walter, too, assembled -all available troops against the common enemies of Frankish Greece—for -as such the savage Catalans were regarded. Never had a Latin army made -such a brave show as that which was drawn up under his command in the -spring of 1311 on the great Bœotian plain, almost on the self-same spot -where, more than sixteen centuries before, Philip of Macedon had won that -“dishonest victory” which destroyed the freedom of classic Greece, and -where, in the time of Sulla, her Roman masters had thrice met the Pontic -troops of Mithridates. All the great feudatories of Greece rallied to -his call. There came Alberto Pallavicini, Marquess of Boudonitza, who -kept the pass of Thermopylæ; Thomas de Stromoncourt of Salona, who ruled -over the slopes of Parnassos, and whose noble castle still preserves -the memory of its mediæval lords; Boniface of Verona, the favourite of -the late Duke of Athens; George Ghisi, one of the three great barons of -Eubœa; and Jean de Maisy, another powerful magnate of that famous island. -From Achaia, and from the scattered duchy of the Archipelago, contingents -arrived to do battle against the desperate mercenaries of Cataluña. -Already Walter dreamed of not merely routing the company, but of planting -his lion banner on the ramparts of Byzantium. - -But the Catalans were better strategists than the impetuous Duke of -Athens. They knew that the strength of the Franks lay in the rush of -their splendid cavalry, and they laid their plans accordingly. The marshy -soil of the Copaic basin afforded them an excellent defence against a -charge of horsemen; and they carefully prepared the ground by ploughing -it up, digging a trench round it, and then irrigating the whole area by -means of canals from the river Kephissos. By the middle of March, when -the two armies met face to face, a treacherous covering of green grass -concealed the quaking bog from the gaze of the Frankish leaders. - -As if he had some presentiment of his coming death, Walter made his -will—a curious document still preserved[86]—and then, on March 15, took -up his stand on the hill called the Thourion, still surmounted by a -mediæval tower, to survey the field. Before the battle began, the 500 -favoured Catalans whom he had retained came to him and told him that -they would rather die than fight against their old comrades. The duke -bade them do as they pleased; and their defection added a welcome and -experienced contingent to the enemy’s forces. When they had gone, the -duke, impatient for the fray, placed himself at the head of 200 French -knights with golden spurs and charged with a shout across the plain. -But, when they reached the fatal spot where the grass was greenest, -their horses, heavily weighted with their coats of mail, plunged all -unsuspecting into the treacherous morass. Some rolled over with their -armoured riders in the mire; others, stuck fast in the stiff bog, stood -still, in the picturesque phrase of the Byzantine historian, “like -equestrian statues,” powerless to move. The shouts of “Aragon! Aragon!” -from the Catalans increased the panic of the horses; showers of arrows -hailed upon the helpless Franks; and the Turkish auxiliaries of the -Catalans rushed forward and completed the deadly work. So great was the -slaughter that only four Frankish nobles are known to have survived that -fatal day—Boniface of Verona, Roger Deslaur, the eldest son of the -Duke of Naxos, and Jean de Maisy of Eubœa[87]. At one blow the Catalans -had destroyed the noble chivalry of Frankish Greece; and the men, whose -forefathers had marched with Boniface of Montferrat into Greece a century -earlier, lay dead in the fatal Bœotian swamp. Among them was the Duke -of Athens, whose head, severed by a Catalan knife, was borne, long -afterwards, on a funeral galley to Brindisi and buried in the church of -Santa Croce in his Italian county of Lecce. - -The Athenian duchy, “the pleasaunce of the Latins,” as Villani[88] -quaintly calls it, now lay at the mercy of the Grand Company; for the -Greeks made no resistance to their new masters, and in fact looked upon -the annihilation of the Franks as a welcome relief. We would fain believe -the story of the Aragonese _Chronicle of the Morea_, that the heroic -widow of the fallen duke, a worthy daughter of a Constable of France, -defended the Akropolis, where she had taken refuge with her little son -Walter, till she saw that there was no hope of succour. But the Byzantine -historian, Nikephoros Gregoras, expressly says that Athens fell without -a struggle, as Thebes had already fallen. Argos and Nauplia alone held -aloft the banner of the Frankish dukes. Thus the Catalans were able, -without opposition, to parcel out among themselves the towns and castles -of the duchy; the widows of the slain became the wives of the slayers; -each soldier received a consort according to his services; and many a -rough warrior thus found himself the husband of some noble dame in whose -veins flowed the bluest blood of France, and “whose washhand-basin,” in -the phrase of Muntaner, “he was not worthy to bear.” - -After nine years’ wandering these vagabonds settled down in the promised -land, which the most extraordinary fate had bestowed upon them. But they -lacked a leader of sufficient social position to preside over their -changed destinies. Finding no such man in their own ranks, they offered -the post to one of their four noble prisoners, Boniface of Verona, whom -Muntaner, his guest at Negroponte, has described as “the wisest and most -courteous nobleman that was ever born.” Both of these qualities made him -disinclined to accept an offer which would have rendered him an object of -suspicion to Venice, his neighbour in Eubœa, and of loathing to the whole -Frankish world. On his refusal the Catalans turned to Roger Deslaur, whom -neither ties of blood nor scruples of conscience prevented from becoming -their leader. As his reward he received the castle of Salona together -with the widow of its fallen lord. - -But the victors of the Kephissos soon recognised that they needed some -more powerful head than a simple knight of Roussillon, if they were to -hold the duchy against the jealous enemies whom their meteoric success -had alarmed and excited. Their choice naturally fell upon King Frederick -II of Sicily, the master whom they had served in that island ten years -earlier, and who had already shown that he was not unwilling to profit by -their achievements. Accordingly, in 1312, they invited him to send them -one of his children. He gave them as their duke his second son Manfred, -in whose name—as the Duke was still too young to come himself—he sent, -as governor of Athens, Beranger Estañol, a knight of Ampurias. On his -arrival Deslaur laid down his office, and we hear of him no more. - -The Catalan duchy of Athens was now organised as a state, which, though -dependent in name on a Sicilian duke, really enjoyed a large measure -of independence. The duke nominated the two chief officials, the -vicar-general and the marshal, of whom the former, appointed during -good pleasure, was the political, the latter the military, governor of -the duchy. The marshal was always chosen from the ranks of the Company; -and the office was for half a century hereditary in the family of De -Novelles. Each city and district had its own local governor, called -_veguer_, _castellano_, or _capitán_, whose term of office was fixed at -three years, and who was nominated by the duke, by the vicar-general, or -by the local representatives from among the citizens of the community. -The principal towns and villages were represented by persons known as -_sindici_, and possessed municipal officials and councils, which did -not hesitate to present petitions, signed with the seal of St George -by the chancellor, to the duke whenever they desired the redress of -grievances. On one occasion we find the communities actually electing the -vicar-general; and the dukes frequently wrote to them about affairs of -state. One of their principal subsequent demands was that official posts -should be bestowed upon residents in the duchy, not upon Sicilians. - -The feudal system continued to exist, but with far less brilliance -than under the Burgundian dukes. The Catalan conquerors were of common -origin; and, even after seventy years of residence, the roll of noble -families in the whole duchy contained only some sixteen names. The -Company particularly objected to the bestowal of strong fortresses, -such as Livadia, upon private individuals, preferring that they should -be administered by the government officials. The “Customs of Barcelona” -now supplanted the feudal “Assizes of Romania”; the Catalan idiom of -Muntaner took the place of the elegant French which had been spoken by -the Frankish rulers of Greece. Even to their Greek subjects the Spanish -dukes wrote in “the Catalan dialect,” the employment of which, as we -are expressly told, was “according to the custom and usage of the city -of Athens.” Alike by Catalans and French, the Greeks were treated as -an inferior race, excluded, as a general rule, from all civic rights, -forbidden to intermarry with the conquerors, and still deprived of -their higher ecclesiastical functionaries. But there were some notable -exceptions to these harsh disqualifications. The people of Livadia, for -services rendered to the Company, early received the full franchise of -the Conquistadors; towards the end of the Catalan domination we find -Greeks holding such important posts as those of _castellano_ of Salona, -chancellor of Athens, and notary of Livadia; a count of Salona and a -marshal married Greek ladies; and their wives were allowed to retain -their own faith. - -Under the rule of Estañol the Catalans not only held their ground in -Attica and Bœotia, but increased the terror of their name among all their -neighbours. In vain the Pope appealed to King James II of Aragon to -drive them out of Attica; in vain he described the late Duke Walter as -a “true athlete of Christ and faithful boxer of the Church”; the king’s -politic reply was to the effect that the Catalans, if they were cruel, -were also Catholics, who would prove a valuable bulwark of Romanism -against the schismatic Greeks of Byzantium[89]. The appointment of King -Frederick II’s natural son, Don Alfonso Fadrique (or Frederick), as -“President of the fortunate army of Franks in the Duchy of Athens” yet -further strengthened the position of the Company. The new vicar-general -was a man of much energy and force of character; and during his thirteen -years’ administration the Catalan state attained its zenith. Practically -independent of Sicilian influence—for the nominal Duke Manfred died in -the year of Fadrique’s appointment, and his younger brother William was -likewise a minor—he acquired a stronger hold upon Attica, and at the same -time a pretext for intervention in the affairs of Eubœa, by his marriage -with Marulla, the heiress of Boniface of Verona, “one of the fairest -Christians in the world, the best woman and the wisest that ever was in -that land,” as Muntaner, who knew her, enthusiastically describes her. -With her Fadrique received back, as her dowry, the thirteen castles which -Guy II of Athens had bestowed upon her father on that memorable day at -Thebes. - -The growing power of the Catalans under this daring leader, who had -marched across “the black bridge” of Negroponte and had occupied two -of the most important castles of the island, so greatly alarmed the -Venetians that they persuaded King Frederick II of Sicily to curb -the restless ambition of his bastard son, lest a European coalition -should be formed against the disturber of Greece. Above all else, the -Republic was anxious that a Catalan navy should not be formed at the -Piræus; and it was therefore stipulated, in 1319, that a plank was to -be taken out of the hull of each of the Catalan vessels then lying in -“the sea of Athens,” and that the ships’ tackle was to be taken up to -“the Castle of Athens” and there deposited[90]. Thus shut out from naval -enterprise, Fadrique now extended his dominions by land. The last Duke -of Neopatras had died in 1318, and the best part of his duchy soon fell -into the hands of the Catalans of Athens, who might claim that they -represented the Burgundian dukes, and were therefore entitled to some -voice in the government of a land which Guy II had once administered. -At Neopatras, the seat of the extinct Greek dynasty of the Angeloi, -Fadrique made his second capital, styling himself “Vicar-General of -the duchies of Athens and Neopatras.” Thenceforth the Sicilian dukes -of Athens assumed the double title which figures on their coins and in -their documents; and, long after the Catalan duchies had passed away, -the Kings of Aragon continued to bear it. This conquest made the Company -master of practically all continental Greece; even the Venetian Marquess -of Boudonitza paid an annual tribute of four horses to the Catalan -vicar-general[91]. Still, however, the faithful family of Foucherolles -held the two great fortresses of Argos and Nauplia for the exiled house -of Brienne. - -Young Walter had now grown up to man’s estate, and it seemed to him that -the time had come to strike a blow for the recovery of his Athenian -heritage. The Angevins of Naples supported him in their own interest as -well as his; Pope John XXII bade the Archbishops of Patras and Corinth -preach a crusade against the “schismatics, sons of perdition, and pupils -of iniquity” who had seized his patrimony; but the subtle Venetians, -who could have contributed more than Angevin aid or papal thunder to -the success of his expedition, had just renewed their truce with the -Catalans. From that moment his attempt was bound to fail. - -Walter was, like his father, a rash general, while his opponents had -not forgotten the art of strategy, to which they owed their success. -At first the brilliant band of French knights and Tuscan men-at-arms -which crossed over with him to Epeiros in 1331 carried all before it. -But, when he arrived in the Catalan duchy, he found that the enemy was -much too cautious to give his fine cavalry a chance of displaying its -prowess on the plains of Bœotia. While the Catalans remained behind the -walls of their fortresses, the invaders wasted their energies on the -open country. Ere long Walter’s small stock of money ran out, and his -chances diminished with it. The Greeks rendered him no assistance. It is -true that a correspondent of the historian Nikephoros Gregoras wrote that -they were “suffering under extreme slavery,” and had “exchanged their -ancient happiness for boorish ways,” while Guillaume Adam said that they -were “worse than serfs”; but either their sufferings were insufficient to -make them desire a change of masters, or their boorishness was such that -it made them indifferent to the advantages of French culture. Early in -the following year Walter took ship for Italy, never to return. Summoned -by the Florentines to command their forces, he became tyrant of their -city, whence he was expelled amidst universal rejoicings eleven years -later. His name and arms may still be seen in the Bargello of Florence. -Thirteen years afterwards he fell fighting, as Constable of France, -against the English at the battle of Poitiers. His sister Isabelle, wife -of Walter d’Enghien, succeeded to his estates and his pretensions; some -of her descendants continued to bear, till 1381, the empty title of Duke -of Athens, while the last fragments of the French duchy—the castles of -Nauplia and Argos—remained in the possession of others of her line till, -in 1388, they were purchased by Venice. - -One irreparable loss was inflicted upon Greece by this expedition. In -order to prevent the castle of St Omer at Thebes from falling into his -hands, the Catalans destroyed that noble monument of Frankish rule. -Loudly does the _Chronicle of the Morea_ lament over the loss of a -building more closely associated than any other with the past glories -of the De la Roche. At the time of its destruction it belonged to -Bartolommeo Ghisi, Great Constable of Achaia, one of the three great -barons of Eubœa, son-in-law of Fadrique, and a man of literary and -historic tastes, for the French version of the Chronicle, _Le Livre de la -Conqueste_, was originally found in his Theban castle[92]. Had Fadrique -still been head of the Company at the time, he would probably have saved -his kinsman’s home; but for some unexplained reason he was no longer -vicar-general, though he was still in Greece. Possibly, as he paid a -visit to Sicily about this time, he may have been accused at the Sicilian -Court of aiming at independent sovereignty in the duchies—an accusation -to which his too successful career may have lent some colour. Though he -never resumed the leadership of the Catalans he passed the rest of his -life in Greece, where one of his sons was Count of Salona, and another -became, later on, vicar-general of the duchies. - -Soon after Walter’s futile expedition the Papacy made its peace with -the “sons of perdition,” who came to be regarded as a possible defence -against the growing Turkish peril. Unfortunately, when the Catalans -became respectable members of Christendom, they ceased to be formidable. -Occasionally the old Adam broke out, as when the Count of Salona plied -the trade of a pirate with the aid of the “unspeakable” Turk. But -their Thessalian conquests were slipping away from the luxurious and -drunken progeny of the hardy warriors who had smitten the Franks in the -marshes of the Kephissos. Meanwhile, in distant Sicily, the shadowy -Dukes of Athens and Neopatras came and went without ever seeing their -Greek duchies. Duke William died in 1338; and his successors, John and -Frederick of Randazzo, the picturesque town on the slopes of Etna, both -succumbed to the plague a few years later—mere names in the history of -Athens. But in 1355 the new Duke of Athens became also King of Sicily, -under the title of Frederick III; and thus the two duchies, which had -hitherto been the appanage of younger members of the royal family, were -united with the Sicilian crown in the person of its holder. - -Thenceforth, as is natural, the archives of Palermo contain far more -frequent allusions to the duchies of Athens and Neopatras, whose -inhabitants petition their royal duke for redress of grievances and -for the appointment of suitable officials. But it is evident from the -tenour of these documents that the Catalan state was rapidly declining. -In addition to the Turkish peril and the menaces of the Venetians of -Negroponte, the once united soldiers of fortune were divided into -factions, which paralysed the central authority, and were aggravated -by the prolonged absence of the vicar-general in Sicily. One party -wished to place the duchies under the protection of Genoa, the natural -enemy of Venice, while two bitter rivals, Roger de Lluria and Pedro -de Pou, or Petrus de Puteo, the chief justice, an unjust judge and a -grasping and ambitious official, both claimed the title of vicar of -the absent vicar-general. Pou’s tyranny became so odious to Catalans -and Greeks alike that the former rose against him and slew him and his -chief adherents. The experiment of allowing the vicar-general as well -as the duke to remain an absentee had thus proved to be a failure; -Lluria, as the strongest man on the spot, was rewarded with the office -of vicar-general as the sole means of keeping the duchies intact. So -vulnerable did the Catalan state appear that the representatives of -Walter of Brienne, the Baron of Argos and the Count of Conversano, -renewed the attempt of their predecessor and, if we may believe the -Aragonese _Chronicle of the Morea_, actually occupied for a time the city -of Athens. - -The fast approaching Turkish danger ought to have united all the Latin -states of the Levant against the common foe, to whom they all eventually -succumbed. An attempt at union was made by Pope Gregory XI, at the -instance of the Archbishop of Neopatras; and a congress of the Christian -rulers of the East was convened by him to meet at Thebes in 1373. We can -well imagine how the ancient city, the capital of the Athenian duchy, was -enlivened by the arrival of these more or less eminent persons, or their -envoys; how the Archbishops of Neopatras and Naxos preached a new crusade -against the infidel in the church of Our Lady; how every one applauded -their excellent advice; and how personal jealousies marred the results of -that, as of every subsequent congress on the Eastern question. Scarcely -had the delegates separated, when Nerio Acciajuoli, Baron of Corinth, the -boldest and astutest of them all, a worthy scion of that great Florentine -family of bankers established for a generation in the principality of -Achaia showed his appreciation of the value of unity by seizing Megara -as the first step on the way to Athens. It is an interesting proof of -the popularity of Catalan rule among those Greeks, at any rate, who held -office under the Company, that one of the warmest defenders of Megara was -a Greek notary, Demetrios Rendi, who afterwards rose to a position of -importance at Athens. Such was the weakness of the once terrible Catalan -state that the upstart Florentine’s attack remained unavenged. The fall -of Catalan rule was now only a question of time. - -The death of the royal Duke of Athens and Neopatras, Frederick III, in -1377, yet further injured his Greek duchies. The duke had bequeathed them -to his young daughter Maria; but the succession was disputed by King -Pedro IV of Aragon, brother-in-law of Frederick III, who appealed to the -principle of the Salic law as laid down by that monarch’s predecessor, -Frederick II. The Catalans of Attica were naturally disinclined to accept -the government of a young girl at so critical a moment, when the Turk was -at their gates. All the three archbishops and the principal barons and -knights at once declared for the King of Aragon; but there was a minority -in favour of Maria, headed by the Venetian Marquess of Boudonitza, who -was eager to shake off the bond of vassalage to the vicar-general. The -burgesses, anxious for security, supported the Aragonese party. At this -moment, however, a third competitor appeared in the duchies in the shape -of the Navarrese Company, which sought to repeat the exploits of the -Catalans seventy years before. The researches of the learned historian -of the Catalans and Navarrese, Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch, have thrown -a flood of light upon this portion of the Athenian annals, and have -explained much that was hitherto obscure. Employed originally by King -Charles II of Navarre in his struggle with Charles V of France, the -Navarrese mercenaries had found their occupation gone when those two -rival sovereigns made peace in 1366. After many vicissitudes they found -congenial service, fourteen years later, under the banner of Jacques de -Baux, Prince of Achaia and the last titular Emperor of Constantinople, -who thought the moment had come to recover his ancestors’ dominions. - -Accordingly, early in 1380, they directed their steps towards Attica, -under the command of Mahiot de Coquerel, chamberlain of the King of -Navarre, and Pedro de Superan, surnamed Bordo, or the bastard[93]. -These experienced leaders found valuable assistance in the chiefs of -the Sicilian party; in the knights of St John who sallied forth from -the Morea to pillage the distracted duchy; in the Count of Conversano, -who seems to have now made a second attempt to regain his ancestors’ -heritage; and in the mutual jealousies of Thebes and Athens, fomented by -the characteristic desire of the Athenians to be independent of Theban -supremacy. In Bœotia, one place after another fell before the adventurers -from Navarre; the noble castle of Livadia, which still preserves the -memory of its Catalan masters, was betrayed by a Greek from Durazzo; and -the capital was surrendered by two Spanish traitors. But the fortress of -Salona defied their assaults; and the Akropolis, thanks to the bravery of -its governor, Romeo de Bellarbe, and to the loyalty of the ever useful -notary, Demetrios Rendi, baffled the machinations of a little band of -malcontents. These severe checks broke the force of the soldiers of -Navarre; their appearance in Greece had alarmed all the petty potentates -of the Morea and the islands; and they withdrew to Bœotia, whence, some -two years later, they were finally dislodged. Thence they proceeded to -the Morea, where they carved out a principality, nominally for Jacques de -Baux, really for themselves. - -The people of Athens and Salona, whose loyalty to the crown of Aragon -had saved the duchies, were well aware of the value of their services, -and were resolved to have their reward. Both communities accordingly -presented petitions to King Pedro; and these capitulations, drawn up in -the Catalan language, have fortunately been preserved in the archives -of Barcelona. Both the Athenian capitulations and those of Salona are -largely concerned with personal questions—requests that this or that -faithful person should receive privileges, lands, and honours, especially -his Majesty’s most loyal subject, the Greek, Demetrios Rendi. From the -date of the Frankish conquest no member of the conquered race had ever -risen to such eminence as this serviceable clerk, who now obtained broad -acres, goods, and serfs in both Attica and Bœotia. But there were -some clauses in the Athenian petition of a more general character. The -Athenians begged the central authorities at Thebes for a continuance of -their recently won independence, and for permission to bequeath their -property and serfs to the Catholic Church. Both these prayers met with -a blank refusal. King Pedro told the petitioners that he intended to -treat the duchies as an indivisible whole, and that home-rule for Athens -was quite out of the question. He also reminded them that the Catalans -were only a small garrison in Greece, and that, if holy Church became -possessed of their property, there would be no one left to defend the -country. He also observed that there was no hardship in this, for the -law of Athens was also that of his kingdoms of Majorca and Valencia. The -soundness of his Majesty’s statesmanship was obvious in the peculiar -conditions of the Catalan state; but this demand shows the influence of -the Church, an influence rarely found in the history of Frankish Greece. - -Of all the dukes who had held sway over Athens, Pedro IV was the first -to express himself in enthusiastic terms about the Akropolis. The poetic -monarch—himself a troubadour and a chronicler—described that sacred rock -in eloquent language as “the most precious jewel that exists in the -world, and such as all the kings of Christendom together would imitate -in vain.” He had doubtless heard from the lips of Bishop Boyl of Megara, -who was chaplain in the chapel of St Bartholomew in the governor’s palace -on the Akropolis, a description of the ancient buildings, then almost -uninjured, which the bishop knew so well. Yet he considered twelve -men-at-arms sufficient defence for the brightest jewel in his crown. - -Pedro now did his best to repair the ravages of the civil war; he -ordered a general amnesty for all the inhabitants of the duchies, and -showered rewards on faithful cities and individuals. Livadia, always a -privileged town in the Catalan period, not only received a confirmation -of its rights, but became the seat of the Order of St George in Greece, -an honour due to the fact that the head of the saint was then preserved -there. Most important of all for the future history of Greece, the king -granted exemption from taxes for two years to all Albanians who would -come and settle in the depleted duchies. This was the beginning of that -Albanian colonisation of Attica of which so many traces remain in the -population and the topography of the present day. - -But the Albanian colonists came too late to save the Catalan domination. -From the heights of Akrocorinth and from the twin hills of Megara, Nerio -Acciajuoli, the Florentine upstart, had been attentively watching the -rapid dissolution of the Catalan power. He saw a land weakened by civil -war and foreign invasion; he knew that the titular duke was an absentee, -engrossed with more important affairs; he found the ducal viceroys -summoned away to Spain or Sicily, while the old families of the conquest -were almost as extinct as the French whom they had displaced. He was a -man of action, without scruples, without fear, and he resolved to strike. -Hiring a galley from the Venetian arsenal at Candia, under pretext of -sweeping Turkish corsairs from the two seas, he assembled a large force -of cavalry, and sought an excuse for intervention. The pride of a noble -dame was the occasion of the fall of Athens. Nerio asked the Dowager -Countess of Salona to give her daughter’s hand to his brother-in-law, -Pietro Saraceno, scion of a Sienese family long settled in Eubœa. The -Countess, in whose veins flowed the Imperial blood of the Cantacuzenes, -scornfully rejected the offer of the Florentine tradesman, and affianced -her daughter to a Serbian princeling of Thessaly. Franks and Greeks -at Salona were alike indignant at this alliance with a Slav; Nerio’s -horsemen invaded the county and the rest of the duchy, while his galley -went straight for the Piræus. In the absence of a guiding hand—for the -vicar-general was away in Spain—the Catalans made no serious resistance; -only the Akropolis and a few other castles held out. In vain the King of -Aragon despatched Pedro de Pau to take the command; that gallant officer, -the last Catalan governor of the noblest fortress in Europe, defended the -“Castle of Athens” for more than a twelvemonth, till, on May 2, 1388, -it too surrendered to the Florentine. In vain, on April 22, as a last -resource, it had been offered to the Countess of Salona, if she could -save it[94]. The new King of Aragon in vain promised the _Sindici_ of -Athens to visit “so famous a portion of his realm,” and announced that he -was sending a fleet to “confound his enemies.” We know not whether the -fleet ever arrived; if it did, it was unsuccessful. The sovereigns of -Aragon might gratify their vanity by appointing a titular vicar-general, -or even a duke, of the duchies whose names they still included in their -titles; once, indeed, the news of an expedition aroused alarm at Athens. -But it proved to be merely the usual tall talk of the Catalans; the flag -of Aragon never waved again from the ramparts of the Akropolis; the duchy -passed to the Acciajuoli. - -The Catalan Grand Company disappeared from the face of Attica as rapidly -as rain from its light soil. Like their Burgundian predecessors, these -soldiers of fortune conquered but struck no root in the land. Some took -ship for Sicily; some, like Ballester, the last Catalan Archbishop of -Athens, are heard of in Cataluña; while others, among them the two -branches of the Fadrique family, lingered on for a time, the one at -Salona, the other at Ægina, where we find their connections, the Catalan -family of Caopena, ruling till 1451—a fact which explains the boast of a -much later Catalan writer, Peña y Farel, that his countrymen maintained -their “ancient splendour” in Greece till the middle of the fifteenth -century. Thither the Catalans conveyed the head of St George, and thence -it was removed to the Church of San Giorgio Maggiore at Venice, when -the Venetians succeeded the Caopena as masters of Ægina. Even to-day a -noble family in Zante bears the name of Katalianos; and in the island of -Santorin are three families of Spanish origin—those of Da Corogna, De -Cigalla, and Delenda, to which last the recent Catholic Archbishop of -Athens belonged. Besides the castles of Salona, Livadia, and Lamia, and -the row of towers between Livadia and Thebes, the Catalans have left a -memorial of their stay in Greece in the curious fresco of the Virgin and -Child, now in the Christian Archæological Museum at Athens, which came -from the church of the Prophet Elias near the gate of the Agora. Unlike -their predecessors, they minted no coins; unlike them, they had no ducal -court in their midst to stimulate luxury and refinement. Yet even in the -Athens of the Catalans there was some culture. A diligent Athenian priest -copied medical works; and we hear of the libraries belonging to the -Catholic bishops of Salona and Megara. - -The Greeks long remembered with terror the Catalan domination. A Greek -girl, in a mediæval ballad, prays that her seducer may “fall into the -hands of the Catalans”; even a generation ago the name of Catalan -was used as a term of reproach in Attica and in Eubœa, in Akarnania, -Messenia, Lakonia, and at Tripolitsa. Yet, as we have seen, the Greeks -did not raise a finger to assist a French restoration when they had the -chance, while there are several instances of Greeks rendering valuable -aid to the Catalans against the men of Navarre. Harsher they may have -been than the French, but they probably gained their bad name before -they settled down in Attica, and became more staid and more tolerant as -they became respectable. In our own time they have found admirers and -apologists among their own countrymen, who are justly proud of the fact -that the most famous city in the world was for two generations governed -by the sons of Cataluña. And in the history of Athens, where nothing can -lack interest, they, too, are entitled to a place. - - -AUTHORITIES - -1. _I Libri Commemoriali._ Vols. I-VI. Ed. by R. Predelli. Venice: Reale -Deputazione Veneta di Storia Patria, 1876-1903. - -2. _Libro de las Fechos et Conquistas del Principado de la Morea._ Ed. by -A. Morel-Fatio. Geneva, 1885. - -3. _La Espedición y Dominación de los Catalanes en Oriente; Los Navarros -en Grecia._ By D. Antonio Rubió y Lluch. Barcelona, 1887. - -4. _Sul Dominio dei Ducati di Atene e Neopatria dei Re di Sicilia._ By F. -Guardione. Palermo, 1895. - -5. _Chronik des Edlen En Ramon Muntaner._ Ed. Karl Lanz. Stuttgart, 1844. - -6. Οἱ Καταλάνοι ἐν τῇ Ἄνατολῇ (_The Catalans in the East_). By E. I. -Stamatiades. Athens, 1869. - -7. _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum._ Ed. G. M. Thomas and R. Predelli. -Venice, 1880-1899. - -8. _De Historiæ Ducatus Atheniensis Fontibus._ By K. Hopf. 1852. - -9. _Catalunya a Grecia._ By D. Antonio Rubió y Lluch. Barcelona, 1906. - -10. Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν -(_Documents relating to the Mediæval History of Athens_). Ed. Sp. P. -Lampros. Athens, 1906. - -And other works. - - -APPENDIX - -THE FRANKISH INSCRIPTION AT KARDITZA - -To students of Frankish Greece the church at Karditza in Bœotia is one of -the most interesting in the country, because it contains an inscription -referring to an important Frankish personage, Antoine le Flamenc, and -dating from the fatal year 1311, which witnessed the overthrow of the -Frankish Duchy of Athens in the swamps of the Bœotian Kephissos. Buchon -had twice[95] published this inscription; but, as I was anxious to -know in what condition it was and to have an exact facsimile of it, I -asked Mr D. Steel, the manager of the Lake Copais Company, to have a -fresh copy taken. Mr Steel kindly sent his Greek draughtsman to copy -the inscription, and at the same time visited the church and took the -photographs now published (Plate I, Figs. 1 and 2). Subsequently, in -1912, I visited the church with him and saw the inscription, which is -painted on the plaster of the wall. Mr Steel informed me that, when he -first saw the church about 1880, “the extension of the west end,” clearly -visible in the photographs, “had not yet been made, while at that end -there existed a sort of verandah set on pieces of ancient columns.” - -On comparing the present copy (Text-fig. 1) with Buchon’s versions, it -will be noticed that not only are there several differences of spelling, -but that the French scholar omitted one important addition to the year -at the end of the inscription—the indiction, which is rightly given as -the 9th. This is a further proof that the date of the inscription is -1311, which corresponds with both the year 6819 and the 9th indiction. As -the battle of the Kephissos was fought on March 15th of that year, and -as Antoine le Flamenc is known to have survived the terrible carnage of -that day, we may surmise, as I have elsewhere suggested, that the work -commemorated in the inscription was “in pursuance of a vow made before he -went into action.” - -[Illustration: Fig. 1. INSCRIPTION ON THE CHURCH AT KARDITZA.] - -Antoine le Flamenc, whose ancestors had settled in the Holy Land, is -several times mentioned during the first decade of the fourteenth -century. The _Livre de la Conqueste_[96] states that Guy II, Duke of -Athens, appointed him his “bailie and lieutenant” in Thessaly in 1303, -and describes him as _un des plus sages hommes de Romanie_ and _le plus -sage dou duchame_. The same passage alludes also to Jean le Flamenc, -his son, as receiving a post in Thessaly. Doubtless their experience of -the Wallachs, who then, as now, wandered as winter approached from the -Thessalian to the Bœotian Karditza, would specially commend these two -distinguished men for such duties. Two years later we find Antoine as -one of the witnesses of a deed[97] regarding the property of the Duchess -of Athens, just come of age at Thebes, in her father’s land of Hainault. -On April 2nd, 1309, both Antoine and Jean were present at the engagement -of the then widowed Duchess with Charles of Taranto at Thebes[98]. -On the 23rd of a certain month (? September) of 1308, a Venetian -document[99] alludes to the intention of _Fiammengo Antonio_, together -with Guy II, Rocaforte, and Bonifacio da Verona, to _tentar l’impresa di -Negroponte_—in other words, to make an attempt upon that Venetian colony. -On August 11th, 1309, another Venetian letter, this time addressed to -_Egregio militi Antonio Fiammengo_, informs us that he had rented the -property of Pietro Correr, an absent canon of Thebes, and bids him not to -consign the rents to any but the rightful person. A second letter of the -same day, addressed to the bailie and councillors of Negroponte, mentions -him again in connection with this affair[100]. Finally, the list of Greek -dignitaries, with whom the Republic was in correspondence, originally -drawn up before the battle of the Kephissos and then corrected in 1313, -mentions _Ser Antonius Flamengo miles_[101]. As his name is not followed -by the word _decessit_ or _mortuus_, added to those who had fallen in the -battle, he was one of the very few survivors. - -To these certain facts Hopf[102] added the assumption, based on no -evidence, that he was the “Frank settled in the East,” whom Isabella, -Marchioness of Boudonitza, married, and who, in 1286, disputed the -succession to that castle with her cousin. - -As Buchon’s books are rare, I append his transcript of the inscription: - - ΑΝΗΓΕΡΘΗ Ο ΘΥΙΩΣ ΚΕ ΠΝΣΕΠΤΟΣ - ΝΑΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΙΠΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΜ.Τ - ΓΕΩΡΓΙΟΥ ΔΗΑ ΣΙΝΕΡΓΙΑΣ ΚΕ - ΠΟΘΟΥ ΠΟΛΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΘΕΩΣΕΒΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ - ΚΑΒΑΛΑΡΙ ΜΙΣΕΡ ΑΝΤΟΝΙ - ΛΕ ΦΛΑΜΑ - ΟΔΕ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΗΛΙΦΕΝ ΠΟΛΩΝ ΜΑΡΤΥΡΩΝ - ΟΔΕ ΤΕΛΟΣ ΕΥΡΕΝ ΗΣΤΟΡΗΑ ΑΥΤΑ - ΠΑΡΑ ΓΕΡΜΑΝΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΜΟΝΑΧΟΥ - ΚΕ ΚΑΘΕΓΟΥΜΕΝΟΥ - ΚΑΙ ΝΙΚΟΔΕΜΟΥ ΙΕΡΟΜΟΝΑΧΟΥ - ΤΟΝ ΑΥΤΑΔΕΛΦΩΝ ΤΟΥΣ - ΑΝΑΚΕΝΕΣΑΝΤΑΣ ΤΟΝ - ΗΚΟΝ ΤΟΥΤΟΝ. - + ΕΤΙ. ϛωΙΘ. + - -[Illustration: PLATE I - -Fig. 1. THE CHURCH OF ST GEORGE AT KARDITZA, LOOKING TOWARDS THE END, -WHICH IS MODERN - -Fig. 2. THE CHURCH OF ST GEORGE AT KARDITZA, SHOWING OLD BELFRY AND -BUTTRESSES SUPPORTING OLD PART OF THE BUILDING] - - -5. FLORENTINE ATHENS - -The history of mediæval Athens is full of surprises. A Burgundian -nobleman founding a dynasty in the ancient home of heroes and -philosophers; a roving band of mercenaries from the westernmost -peninsula of Europe destroying in a single day the brilliant French -civilisation of a century; a Florentine upstart, armed with the modern -weapons of finance, receiving the keys of the Akropolis from a gallant -and chivalrous soldier of Spain—such are the tableaux which inaugurate -the three epochs of her Frankish annals. In an earlier paper in the -_Quarterly Review_ (January 1907) we dealt with the French and the -Catalan periods; we now propose to trace the third and last phase of -Latin rule over the most famous of Greek cities. - -When, in the spring of 1388, Nerio Acciajuoli found himself master of -“the Castle of Setines,” as the Franks called the Akropolis, his first -care was to conciliate the Greeks, who formed by far the largest part of -his subjects, and who may have aided him to conquer the Athenian duchy. -For the first time since the day, nearly two centuries before, when -Akominatos had fled from his beloved cathedral to exile at Keos, a Greek -Metropolitan of Athens was allowed to reside in his see, not, indeed, on -the sacred rock itself, but beneath the shadow of the Areopagos. We may -be sure that this remarkable concession was prompted, not by sentiment, -but by policy, though the policy was perhaps mistaken. The Greek -hierarchy has in all ages been distinguished for its political character; -and the presence of a high Greek ecclesiastic at Athens at once provided -his fellow-countrymen with a national leader against the rulers, whom -they distrusted as foreigners and he hated as schismatics. He was ready -to call in the aid of the Turks against his fellow-Christians, just as in -modern Macedonia a Greek bishop abhorred the followers of the Bulgarian -Exarch far more than those of the Prophet. Thus early in Florentine -Athens were sown the seeds of the Turkish domination; thus, in the -words of the Holy Synod, “the Athenian Church seemed to have recovered -its ancient happiness such as it had enjoyed before the barbarian -conquest[103].” - -Nor was it the Church alone which profited by the change of dynasty. -Greek for the first time became the official language of the Government; -Nerio and his accomplished daughter, the Countess of Cephalonia, used it -in their public documents; the Countess, the most masterful woman of the -Latin Orient, proudly signed herself, in the cinnabar ink of Byzantium, -“Empress of the Romans”; even Florentines settled at Athens assumed the -Greek translation of their surnames. Thus, a branch of the famous Medici -family was transplanted to Athens, became completely Hellenised under the -name of Iatros, and has left behind it a progeny which scarcely conceals, -beneath that of Iatropoulos, its connection with the mediæval rulers of -Florence. There is even evidence that the “elders” of the Greek community -were allowed a share in the municipal government of Florentine, no less -than in that of Turkish, Athens. - -Hitherto the career of Nerio Acciajuoli had been one of unbroken -success. His star had guided him from Florence to Akrocorinth, and -from Akrocorinth to the Akropolis; his two daughters, one famed as -the most beautiful, the other as the most talented woman of her time, -were married to the chief Greek and to the leading Latin potentate of -Greece—to Theodore Palaiologos, Despot of Mistra, and to Carlo Tocco, the -Neapolitan noble who ruled over the County Palatine of Cephalonia. These -alliances seemed to guard him against every foe. He was now destined, -however, to experience one of those sudden turns of fortune which were -peculiarly characteristic of Frankish Greece. He was desirous of rounding -off his dominions by the acquisition of the castles of Nauplia and Argos, -which had been appendages of the French Duchy of Athens, but which, -during the Catalan period, had remained loyal to the family of Brienne -and to its heirs, the house of Enghien. In 1388, Marie d’Enghien, the -Lady of Argos, left a young and helpless widow, had transferred her -Argive estates to Venice, which thus began its long domination over the -ancient kingdom of Agamemnon. But, before the Venetian commissioner had -had time to take possession, Nerio had instigated his son-in-law, the -Despot of Mistra, to seize Argos by a _coup de main_. For this act of -treachery he paid dearly. It was not merely that the indignant Republic -broke off all commercial relations between her colonies and Athens, -but she also availed herself of the Navarrese Company, which was now -established in the Morea, as the fitting instrument of her revenge. The -Navarrese commander accordingly invited Nerio to a personal conference -on the question of Argos; and the shrewd Florentine, with a childlike -simplicity remarkable in one who had lived so many years in the Levant, -accepted the invitation, and deliberately placed himself in the power -of his enemies. The opportunity was too good to be lost; the law of -nations was mere waste-paper to the men of Navarre; Nerio was arrested -and imprisoned in a Peloponnesian prison. At once the whole Acciajuoli -clan set to work to obtain the release of their distinguished relative; -the Archbishop of Florence implored the intervention of the Pope; the -Florentine Government offered the most liberal terms to Venice; a message -was despatched to Amedeo of Savoy; most efficacious of all, the aid of -Genoa was invoked on behalf of one whose daughter was a Genoese citizen. -Nerio was released; but his ransom was disastrous to Athens. In order to -raise the requisite amount, he stripped the silver plates off the doors -of the Parthenon and seized the gold, silver and precious stones which -the piety of many generations had given to that venerable cathedral. - -Nerio was once more free, but he was not long allowed to remain -undisturbed in his palace on the Akropolis. The Sicilian royal family -now revived its claims to the Athenian duchy, and even nominated a -phantom vicar-general[104]; and, what was far more serious, the Turks, -under the redoubtable Evrenos Beg, descended upon Attica. The overthrow -of the Serbian Empire on the fatal field of Kossovo had now removed -the last barrier between Greece and her future masters; and Bayezid, -“the Thunderbolt,” fell upon that unprotected land. The blow struck -Nerio’s neighbour, the Dowager Countess of Salona, the proud dame who -had so scornfully rejected his suit nine years before. Ecclesiastical -treachery and corruption sealed the fate of that ancient fief of the -Stromoncourts, the Deslaurs, and the Fadriques, amid tragic surroundings, -which a modern Greek drama has endeavoured to depict[105]. The Dowager -Countess had allowed her paramour, a priest, to govern in her name; and -this petty tyrant had abused his power to wring money from the shepherds -of Parnassos and to debauch the damsels of Delphi by his demoniacal -incantations in the classic home of the supernatural. At last he cast -his eyes on the fair daughter and full money-bags of the Greek bishop; -deprived of his child and fearing for his gold, the bishop roused his -flock against the monster and begged the Sultan to occupy a land so well -adapted for his Majesty’s favourite pastimes of hunting and riding as is -the plain at the foot of Parnassos. The Turks accepted the invitation; -the priest shut himself up in the noble castle, slew the bishop’s -daughter, and prepared to fight. But there was treachery among the -garrison; a man of Salona murdered the tyrant and offered his head to the -Sultan; and the Dowager Countess and her daughter in vain endeavoured -to appease the conqueror with gifts. Bayezid sent the young Countess to -his harem; her mother he handed over to the insults of his soldiery, her -land he assigned to one of his lieutenants. Her memory still clings to -the “pomegranate” cliff (ροιά) at Salona, whence, according to the local -legend, repeated to the author on the spot, “the princess” was thrown. - -Nerio feared for his own dominions, whence the Greek Metropolitan -had fled—so it was alleged—to the Turkish camp, and had promised the -infidels the treasures of the Athenian Church in return for their aid. -For the moment, however, the offer of tribute saved the Athenian duchy; -but its ruler hastened to implore the aid of the Pope and of King -Ladislaus of Naples against the enemies of Christendom, and at the same -time sought formal recognition of his usurpation from that monarch, at -whose predecessors’ court the fortunes of his family had originated, -and who still pretended to be the suzerain of Achaia, and therefore of -its theoretical dependency, Athens. Ladislaus, nothing loth, in 1394 -rewarded the self-seeking Florentine for having recovered the Duchy of -Athens “from certain of His Majesty’s rivals,” with the title of duke, -with remainder—as Nerio had no legitimate sons—to his brother Donato and -the latter’s heirs. Cardinal Angelo Acciajuoli, another brother, was to -invest the new duke with a golden ring; and it was expressly provided -that Athens should cease to be a vassal state of Achaia, but should -thenceforth own no overlord save the King of Naples. The news that one -of their clan had obtained the glorious title of Duke of Athens filled -the Acciajuoli with pride—such was the fascination which the name of -that city exercised in Italy. Boccaccio, half a century before, had -familiarised his countrymen with a title which Walter of Brienne, the -tyrant of Florence, had borne as of right, and which, as applied to Nerio -Acciajuoli, was no empty flourish of the herald’s college. - -The first Florentine Duke of Athens did not, however, long survive the -realisation of his ambition. On September 25 of the same year he died, -laden with honours, the type of a successful statesman. But, as he lay -on his sick-bed at Corinth, the dying man seems to have perceived that -he had founded his fortunes on the sand. Pope and King might give him -honours and promises; they could not render effective aid against the -Turks. It was under the shadow of this coming danger that Nerio drew up -his remarkable will. - -His first care was for the Parthenon, Our Lady of Athens, in which he -directed that his body should be laid to rest. He ordered its doors to be -replated with silver, its stolen treasures to be bought up and restored -to it; he provided that, besides the twelve canons of the cathedral, -there should be twenty priests to say masses for the repose of his -soul; and he bequeathed to the Athenian minster, for their support and -for the maintenance of its noble fabric, the city of Athens, with its -dependencies, and all the brood-mares of his valuable stud. Seldom has a -church received such a remarkable endowment; the Cathedral of Monaco, -built out of the earnings of a gaming-table, is perhaps the closest -parallel to the Parthenon maintained by the profits of a stud-farm. -Nerio made his favourite daughter, the Countess of Cephalonia, his -principal heiress; to her he bequeathed his castles of Megara, Sikyon, -and Corinth, while to his natural son, Antonio, he left the government -of Thebes, Livadia, and all beyond it. To the bastard’s mother, Maria -Rendi, daughter of the ever-serviceable Greek notary who had been so -prominent in the last years of the Catalan domination, and had retained -his position under the new dynasty, her lover granted the full franchise, -with the right to retain all her property, including, perhaps, the spot -between Athens and the Piræus which still preserves the name of her -family. Finally, he recommended his land to the care of the Venetian -Republic, which he begged to protect his heiress and to carry out his -dispositions for the benefit of Our Lady of Athens. - -Donato Acciajuoli made no claim to succeed his brother in the Duchy of -Athens. He was Gonfaloniere of Florence and Senator of Rome; and he -preferred those safe and dignified positions in Italy to the glamour -of a ducal coronet in Greece, in spite of the natural desire of the -family that one of their name should continue to take his title from -Athens[106]. But it was obvious that a conflict would arise between the -sons-in-law of the late duke, for Nerio had practically disinherited his -elder daughter in favour of her younger but abler sister. Carlo Tocco of -Cephalonia at once demanded the places bequeathed to his wife, occupied -Megara and Corinth, and imprisoned the terrified executors in his island -till they had signed a document stating that he had carried out the terms -of his father-in-law’s will. Theodore Palaiologos, who contended that -Corinth had always been intended to be his after Nerio’s death, besieged -it with a large force, till Tocco, calling in a still larger Turkish -army, drove his brother-in-law from the Isthmus[107]. - -Meanwhile, the Greeks of Athens had followed the same fatal policy of -invoking the common enemy as arbiter of their affairs. It was not to be -expected that the Greek race, which had of late recovered its national -consciousness, and which had ever remained deeply attached to its -religion, would quietly acquiesce in the extraordinary arrangement by -which the city of Athens was made the property of the Catholic cathedral. -The professional jealousy and the _odium theologicum_ of the two great -ecclesiastics, Makarios, the Greek Metropolitan, and Ludovico da Prato, -the Latin archbishop, envenomed the feelings of the people. The Greek -divine summoned Timourtash, the Turkish commander, to rid Athens of -the _filioque_ clause; and his strange ally occupied the lower town. -The castle, however, was bravely defended by Matteo de Montona, one of -the late duke’s executors, who despatched a messenger in hot haste to -the Venetian colony of Negroponte, offering to hand over Athens to the -Republic if the governor would promise in her name to respect the ancient -franchises and customs of the Athenians. The bailie of Negroponte agreed, -subject to the approval of the home Government, and sent a force which -dispersed the Turks, and, at the close of 1394, for the first time in -history, hoisted the lion-banner of the Evangelist on the ancient castle -of Athens. - -The Republic decided, after mature consideration, to accept the offer of -the Athenian commander. No sentimental argument, no classical memories, -weighed with the sternly practical statesmen of the lagoons. The romantic -King of Aragon had waxed enthusiastic over the glories of the Akropolis; -and sixty years later the greatest of Turkish Sultans contemplated his -conquest with admiration. But the sole reason which decided the Venetian -Government to annex Athens was its proximity to the Venetian colonies, -and the consequent danger which might ensue to them if it fell into -Turkish or other hands. Thus Venice took over the Akropolis in 1395, -not because it was a priceless monument, but because it was a strong -fortress; she saved the Athenians, not, as Cæsar had done, for the sake -of their ancestors, but for that of her own colonies, “the pupil of her -eye.” From the financial point of view, indeed, Athens could not have -been a valuable asset. The Venetians confessed that they did not know -what its revenues and expenses were; and, pending a detailed report from -their governor, they ordered that only eight priests should serve “in the -Church of St Mary of Athens”—an act of economy due to the fact that some -of Nerio’s famous brood-mares had been stolen and the endowment of the -cathedral consequently diminished. On such accidents did the maintenance -of the Parthenon depend in the Middle Ages. - -We are fortunately in a better position than was the Venetian Government -to judge of the contemporary state of Athens. At the very time when its -fate was under discussion an Italian notary spent two days in that city; -and his diary is the first account which any traveller has left us, from -personal observation, of its condition during the Frankish period[108]. -“The city,” he says, “which nestles at the foot of the castle hill, -contains about a thousand hearths” but not a single inn, so that, like -the archæologist in some country towns of modern Greece, he had to seek -the hospitality of the clergy. He describes “the great hall” of the -castle (the Propylaia), with its thirteen columns, and tells how the -churchwardens personally conducted him over “the Church of St Mary,” -which had sixty columns without and eighty within. On one of the latter -he was shown the cross made by Dionysios the Areopagite at the moment -of the earthquake which attended our Lord’s passion; four others, which -surrounded the high altar, were of jasper and supported a dome, while the -doors came—so he was told—from Troy. The pious Capuan was then taken to -see the relics of the Athenian cathedral—the figure of the Virgin painted -by St Luke, the head of St Makarios, a bone of St Denys of France, an -arm of St Justin, and a copy of the Gospels written by the hand of St -Elena—relics which the wife of King Pedro IV of Aragon had in vain begged -the last Catalan archbishop to send her fifteen years before[109]. - -He saw, too, in a cleft of the wall, the light which never fails, and -outside, beyond the castle ramparts, the two pillars of the choragic -monument of Thrasyllos, between which there used to be “a certain idol” -in an iron-bound niche, gifted with the strange power of drowning hostile -ships as soon as they appeared on the horizon—an allusion to the story -of the Gorgon’s head, mentioned by Pausanias, which we find in later -mediæval accounts of Athens. In the city below he noticed numbers of -fallen columns and fragments of marble; he alludes to the Stadion; and -he visited the “house of Hadrian,” as the temple of Olympian Zeus was -popularly called. He completed his round by a pilgrimage to the so-called -“Study of Aristotle, whence scholars drank to obtain wisdom”—the -aqueduct, whose marble beams, commemorating the completion of Hadrian’s -work by Antoninus Pius, were then to be seen at the foot of Lykabettos, -and, after serving in Turkish times as the lintel of the Boubounistra -gate, now lie, half buried by vegetation, in the palace garden. But the -fear of the prowling Turks and the feud between Nerio’s two sons-in-law -rendered travelling in Attica difficult; the notary traversed the Sacred -Way in fear of his life, and was not sorry to find himself in the castle -of Corinth, though the houses in that city were few and mean, and the -total population did not exceed fifty families. - -The Venetian Government next arranged for the future administration of -its new colony. The governor of Athens was styled _podestà_ and captain, -and was appointed for the usual term of two years at an annual salary of -£70, out of which he had to keep a notary, an assistant, four servants, -two grooms, and four horses. Four months elapsed before a noble was -found ambitious of residing in Athens on these terms, and of facing the -difficult situation there. Attica was so poor that he had to ask his -Government for a loan; the Turkish corsairs infested the coast; the -Greek Metropolitan, though now under lock and key at Venice, still found -means of communicating with his former allies. Turkish writers even -boast—and a recently published document confirms their statement—that -their army captured “the city of the sages” in 1397; and an Athenian -dirge represented Athens mourning the enslavement of the husbandmen of -her suburb of Sepolia, who will no longer be able to till the fields of -Patesia. - -The Turkish invaders came and went; but another and more obstinate enemy -ever watched the little Venetian garrison on the Akropolis. The bastard -Antonio Acciajuoli fretted within the walls of his Theban domain, and was -resolved to conquer Athens, as his father had done before him. In vain -did Venice, alarmed by the reports of her successive governors, raise the -numbers of the garrison to fifty-six men; in vain did she order money -to be spent on the defences of the castle; in vain did she attempt to -pacify the discontented Athenians, who naturally preferred the rule of -an Acciajuoli who was half a Greek to that of a Venetian noble. By the -middle of 1402 Antonio was master of the lower city; it seemed that, -unless relief came at once, he would plant his banner on the Akropolis. -The Senate, at this news, ordered the bailie of Negroponte to offer a -reward for the body of the bold bastard, alive or dead, to lay Thebes -in ashes, and to save the castle of Athens. That obedient official set -out at the head of six thousand men to execute the second of these -injunctions, only to fall into an ambush which his cunning enemy had -laid in the pass of Anephorites. Venice, now alarmed for the safety of -her most valuable colony far more than for that of Athens, hastily sent -commissioners to make peace. But Antonio calmly continued the siege of -the Akropolis, till at last, seventeen months after his first appearance -before the city, when the garrison had eaten the last horse, and had been -reduced to devour the plants which grew on the castle rock, its gallant -defenders, Vitturi and Montona, surrendered with the honours of war. The -half-caste adventurer had beaten the great Republic. - -Venice attempted to recover by diplomacy what she had lost by arms. -She possessed in Pietro Zeno, the baron of Andros, a diplomatist of -unrivalled experience in the tortuous politics of the Levant. Both he -and Antonio were well aware that the fate of Athens depended upon the -Sultan; and to his Court they both repaired, armed with those pecuniary -arguments which have usually proved convincing to Turkish ministers. The -diplomatic duel was lengthy; but at last the Venetian gained one of those -paper victories so dear to ambassadors and so worthless to practical men. -The Sultan promised to see that Athens was restored to the Republic, but -he took no steps to perform his promise; while Antonio, backed by the -Acciajuoli influence in Italy, by the Pope, and the King of Naples, held -his ground. Venice wisely resigned herself to the loss of a colony which -it would have been expensive to recover. To save appearances, Antonio was -induced to become her vassal for “the land, castle, and place of Athens, -in modern times called Sythines[110],” sending every year, in token of -his homage, a silk _pallium_ from the Theban manufactories to the church -of St Mark—a condition which he was most remiss in fulfilling. - -The reign of Antonio Acciajuoli—the longest in the history of Athens -save that of the recent King of the Hellenes—was a period of prosperity -and comparative tranquillity for that city. While all around him -principalities and powers were shaken to their foundations; while that -ancient warden of the northern March of Athens, the Marquisate of -Boudonitza, was swept away for ever; while Turkish armies invaded the -Morea, and annexed the Albanian capital to the Sultan’s empire; while -the principality of Achaia disappeared from the map in the throes of a -tardy Greek revival, the statesmanlike ruler of Athens skilfully guided -the policy of his duchy. At times even his experienced diplomacy failed -to avert the horrors of a Turkish raid; on one occasion he was forced to -join, as a Turkish vassal, in an invasion of the Morea. But, as a rule, -the dreaded Mussulmans spared this half-Oriental, who was a past-master -in the art of managing the Sultan’s ministers. From the former masters -of Athens, the Catalans and the Venetians, he had nothing to fear. Once, -indeed, he received news that Alfonso V of Aragon, who never forgot -to sign himself “Duke of Athens and Neopatras,” intended to put one -of his Catalan subjects into possession of those duchies. But Venice -reassured him with a shrewd remark that the Catalans usually made much -ado about nothing. On her part the Republic was friendly to the man who -had supplanted her. She gave Antonio permission, in case of danger, to -send the valuable Acciajuoli stud—for, like his father, he was a good -judge of horse-flesh—to the island of Eubœa; and she ordered her bailie -to “observe the ancient commercial treaties between the duchy and the -island, which he would find in the chancery of Negroponte.” But when -he sought to lay the foundations of a navy, and strove to prevent the -fruitful island of Ægina, then the property of the Catalan family of -Caopena, from falling into the hands of Venice, he met with a severe -rebuff. To the Florentine Duke of Athens Ægina, as a Venetian colony, -might well seem, as it had seemed to Aristotle, the “eyesore of the -Piræus.” - -With his family’s old home, Florence, Antonio maintained the closest -relations. In 1422 a Florentine ambassador arrived in Athens with -instructions to confer the freedom of the great Tuscan Commonwealth upon -the Duke; to inform him that Florence, having now, by the destruction of -Pisa and the purchase of Leghorn, become a maritime power, intended to -embark in the Levant trade; and to ask him, therefore, for the benefit -of the most-favoured-nation clause. Antonio gladly made all Florentine -ships free of his harbours, and reduced the usual customs dues in favour -of all Florentine merchants throughout his dominions. Visitors from -Tuscany, when they landed at Riva d’Ostia, on the Gulf of Corinth, must, -indeed, have felt themselves in the land of a friendly prince, though -his Court on the Akropolis presented a curious mixture of the Greek and -the Florentine elements. Half a Greek himself, Antonio chose both his -wives from that race—the first the beautiful daughter of a Greek priest, -to whom he had lost his heart in the mazes of a wedding-dance at Thebes; -the second an heiress of the great Messenian family of Melissenos, whose -bees and bells are not the least picturesque escutcheon in the heraldry -of mediæval Greece. As he had no children, numbers of the Acciajuoli clan -came to Athens with an eye to the ducal coronet, which had conferred -such lustre upon the steel-workers and bankers of Brescia and Florence. -One cousin settled down at the castle of Sykaminon, near Oropos, which -had belonged to the Knights of the Hospital, and served his kinsman -as an ambassador; another became bishop of Cephalonia, the island of -that great lady, the Countess Francesca, whom Froissart describes as a -mediæval Penelope, whose maids of honour made silken coverings so fine -that there was none like them, and whose splendid hospitality delighted -the French nobles on their way home from a Turkish prison after the -battle of Nikopolis. Two other Acciajuoli were archbishops of Thebes; -and towards the close of Antonio’s long reign a second generation of the -family had grown up in Greece. With such names as Acciajuoli, Medici, -Pitti, and Machiavelli at the Athenian Court, Attica had, indeed, become -a Florentine colony. - -Antonio and his Florentine relatives must have led a merry life in their -delectable duchy. In the family correspondence we find allusions to -hawking and partridge shooting; and the ducal stable provided good mounts -for the young Italians who scoured the plains of Attica and Bœotia in -quest of game. The cultured Florentines were delighted with Athens and -the Akropolis. “You have never seen,” wrote Nicolò Machiavelli to one -of his cousins, “a fairer land nor yet a fairer fortress than this.” It -was there, in the venerable Propylaia, that Antonio had fixed his ducal -residence. No great alterations were required to convert the classic work -of Mnesikles into a Florentine palace. All that the Acciajuoli seem to -have done was to cut the two vestibules in two so as to make four rooms, -to fill up the spaces between the pillars with walls—removed so recently -as 1835—and to add a second storey, the joist-sockets of which are still -visible, to both that building and the Pinakotheke, which either then, or -in the Turkish times, was crowned with battlements. - -To the Florentine dukes is also usually ascribed the construction of -the square “Frankish tower,” which stood opposite the Temple of Nike -Apteros till it was pulled down in 1874 by one of those acts of pedantic -barbarism which considers one period of history alone worthy of study, -instead of regarding every historical monument as a precious landmark -in the evolution of a nation. We can well believe that the Florentine -watchman from the projecting turret daily swept sea and land in all -directions, save where the massive cathedral of Our Lady shut out part -of Hymettos from his view; and at night the beacon-fire kindled on -the summit warned Akrocorinth of the approach of Turkish horsemen or -rakish-looking galleys. Nor did the Italians limit their activity as -builders to the castle-crag alone. Chalkokondyles expressly says that -Antonio’s long and peaceful administration enabled him to beautify the -city. There is evidence that the dukes possessed a beautiful villa at -the spring of Kallirrhoe, and that close by they were wont to pray in -the church of St Mary’s-on-the-rock, once a temple of Triptolemos. More -than two centuries later a French ambassador heard mass in this church; -and one of his companions found the lion rampant and the three lilies -of the Florentine bankers, which visitors to the famous Certosa know so -well, still guarding—_auspicium melioris ævi_—the entrance of the Turkish -bazaar[111]. - -Of literary culture there are some few traces in Florentine Athens. It -was in Antonio’s reign that Athens gave birth to her last historian, -Laonikos Chalkokondyles, the Herodotos of mediæval Greece, who told the -story of the new Persian invasion, and to his brother Demetrios, who did -so much to diffuse Greek learning in Italy. Another of Antonio’s subjects -is known to scholars as a copyist of manuscripts at Siena; and it is -obvious that the two Italian Courts of Athens and Joannina were regarded -as places where professional men might find openings. A young Italian -writes from Arezzo to ask if either Antonio Acciajuoli or Carlo Tocco -could give him a chair of jurisprudence, logic, medicine, or natural or -moral philosophy[112]. Unfortunately, we are not told whether the modest -request of this universal genius was granted or not. - -Thus, for a long period, the Athenian duchy enjoyed peace and prosperity, -broken only by a terrible visitation of the plague and further diminished -by emigration—that scourge of modern Greece. But the modern Greeks have -not the twin institutions, serfdom and slavery, on which mediæval society -rested. Even the enlightened Countess of Cephalonia presented a young -female slave to one of her cousins, with full power to sell or otherwise -dispose of her as he pleased. Antonio did all in his power to retain -the useful Albanians, who had entered his dominions in large numbers -after the capture of the Despotat of Epeiros by Carlo Tocco in 1418, -and thus rendered a service to Attica, the results of which are felt to -this present hour. It is to the wise policy of her last Aragonese and -her second Florentine duke that that Albanian colonisation is due which -has given “the thin soil” of Attica numbers of sturdy cultivators, who -still speak Albanian as well as Greek, and still preserve in such village -names as Spata, Liosia, and Liopesi, the memory of the proud Albanian -chieftains of Epeiros. Greek influence, too, grew steadily under a -dynasty which was now half Hellenised. The notary and chancellor of the -city continued to be a Greek; and a Greek _archon_ was, for the first -time since the Frankish conquest, to play a leading part in Athenian -politics[113]. - - * * * * * - -When one morning in 1435, after a reign of thirty-two years, Antonio’s -attendants found him dead in his bed, a Greek as well as an Italian party -disputed the succession. The Italian candidate, young Nerio, eldest son -of Franco Acciajuoli, baron of Sykaminon, whom the late Duke had adopted -as his heir, occupied the city. But the Duchess Maria Melissene and her -kinsman, Chalkokondyles, father of the historian and the leading man -of Athens, held the castle. Well aware, however, that the Sultan was -the real master of the situation, the Greek _archon_ set out for the -Turkish Court to obtain Murad II’s consent to this act of usurpation. -The Sultan scornfully rejected the bribes of the Athenian diplomatist, -threw him into prison, and sent his redoubtable captain, Tourakhan, to -occupy Thebes. Even then the Greek Duchess did not abandon all hope of -securing Athens for the national cause. Through the historian Phrantzes -she made an arrangement with Constantine Palaiologos, the future Emperor, -then one of the Despots of the Morea, and the foremost champion of -Hellenism, that he should become Duke of Athens, and that she should -receive compensation near her old home in the Peloponnese. This scheme -would have united nearly all Greece under the Imperial family; but it -was doomed to failure. There was a section of Greeks at Athens hostile -to Chalkokondyles—for party spirit has always characterised Greek public -life—and this section joined the Florentine party, decoyed the Duchess -out of the Akropolis, and proclaimed Nerio II. The marriage of the new -Duke with the Dowager Duchess[114] and the banishment of the family of -Chalkokondyles secured the internal peace of the distracted city; and the -Sultan was well content to allow a Florentine princeling to retain the -phantom of power so long as he paid his tribute with regularity. - -The weak and effeminate Nerio II was exactly suited for the part of a -Turkish puppet. But, like many feeble rulers, the “lord of Athens and -Thebes” seems to have made himself unpopular by his arrogance; and a few -years after his accession he was deprived of his throne by an intrigue -of his brother, Antonio II. He then retired to Florence, the home of his -family, where he had property, to play the part of a prince in exile, if -exile it could be called. There he must have been living at the time of -the famous Council, an echo of whose decisions we hear in distant Athens, -where a Greek priest, of rather more learning than most of his cloth, -wrote to the Œcumenical Patriarch on the proper form of public prayer -for the Pope. A bailie—so we learn from one of his letters[115]—was then -administering the duchy, for Antonio had died in 1441; his infant son, -Franco, was absent at the Turkish Court; and his subjects had recalled -their former lord to the Akropolis. There he was seen, three years later, -by the first antiquary who ever set foot in Frankish Athens, Cyriacus of -Ancona, the Pausanias of mediæval Greece. - -That extraordinary man, like Schliemann, a merchant by profession but -an archæologist by inclination, had already once visited Athens. In -1436 he had stayed there for a fortnight as the guest of a certain -Antonelli Balduini; but on that occasion he was too much occupied copying -inscriptions to seek an audience of the Duke. He, too, like the Capuan -notary, went to see “Aristotle’s Study”; he describes the “house” or -“palace of Hadrian”; he alludes to the statue of the Gorgon on the south -of the Akropolis. But of contemporary Athens, apart from the monuments, -he tells us little beyond the facts that it possessed four gates and -that it had “new walls”—a statement corroborated by that of another -traveller thirty years later, which might indicate the so-called wall of -Valerian as the work of the Acciajuoli[116]. Of the inhabitants he says -nothing; as living Greeks, they had for him no interest; was he not an -archæologist? - -In February 1444 the worthy Cyriacus revisited Athens; and on this -occasion, accompanied by the Duke’s cousin and namesake, he went to pay -his respects to “Nerio Acciajuoli of Florence, then prince of Athens,” -whom he “found on the Akropolis, the lofty castle of the city[117].” -Again, however, the archæological overpowered the human interest; and he -hastened away from the ducal presence to inspect the Propylaia and the -Parthenon. His original drawing of the west front of the latter building -has been preserved in a manuscript, which formerly belonged to the Duke -of Hamilton, but is now in the Berlin Museum, and is the earliest known -pictorial reproduction of that splendid temple[118]. Other Athenian -sketches may be seen in the Barberini manuscript of 1465, now at the -Vatican, which contains the diagrams of San Gallo; and it seems that the -eminent architect, who took the explanatory text almost _verbatim_ from -the note-books of Cyriacus, also copied the latter’s drawings. - -The travels of the antiquary of Ancona in Greece demonstrate an -interesting fact, which has too often been ignored, that the Latin rulers -of the Levant were sometimes men of culture and taste. Crusino Sommaripa, -the baron of Paros, took a pride in showing his visitor some marble -statues which he had had excavated, and allowed him to send a marble -head and leg to his friend Giustiniani-Banca, of Chios, a connoisseur of -art who composed Italian verses in his “Homeric” villa. So deeply was -Cyriacus moved by Crusino’s culture and kindness that he too burst out -into an Italian poem, of which happily only one line has been published. -Dorino Gattilusio, the Genoese lord of Lesbos, aided him in his -investigation of that island; the Venetian governor of Tenos escorted him -in his state-galley to inspect the antiquities of Delos; and Carlo Tocco -II, whom he quaintly describes as “King of the Epeirotes,” gave him every -facility for visiting the ruins of Dodona, and was graciously pleased -to cast his royal eye over the manuscript account of the antiquary’s -journey[119]. Another of the Tocchi is known to have employed a Greek -priest to copy for him the works of Origen and Chrysostom; and in the -remote Peloponnesian town of Kalavryta Cyriacus met a kindred soul, who -possessed a large library from which he lent the wandering archæologist -a copy of Herodotos. Thus, on the eve of the Turkish conquest, Greece -was by no means so devoid of culture as has sometimes been too hastily -assumed. It is clear, on the contrary, that her Frankish princes were by -no means indifferent to their surroundings, and that the more enlightened -of her own sons were conscious of her great past. - -The very year of the antiquary’s second visit to Athens witnessed the -last attempt of a patriotic and ambitious Greek to recover all Greece -for his race. The future Emperor Constantine was now Despot of Mistra, -the mediæval Sparta; and he thought that the moment had at last come for -renewing the plan for the annexation of the Athenian duchy which had -failed nine years before. The Turks, hard pressed by the Hungarians and -Poles, defeated by “the white knight of Wallachia” at Nish, defied by -Skanderbeg in the mountains of Albania, and threatened by the appearance -of a Venetian fleet in the Ægean, could no longer protect their creature -at Athens. Ere long the last Constantine entered the gates of Thebes -and forced Nerio II to pay him tribute. The Court of Naples heard that -he had actually occupied Athens; and Alfonso V of Aragon, who had never -forgotten that he was still titular Duke of Athens and Neopatras, wrote -at once to Constantine demanding the restitution of the two duchies -to himself, and sent the Marquess of Gerace to receive them from the -conqueror’s hands. Scarcely, however, had the letter been despatched when -the fatal news of the great Turkish victory at Varna reached the writer. -We hear nothing more of Gerace’s mission, for all recognised that the -fate of Athens now depended upon the will of the victorious Sultan. To -Murad II the shadowy claims of the house of Aragon and the efforts of the -house of Palaiologos were alike indifferent. - -Nerio’s attitude at this crisis was pitiful in the extreme. The Turks -punished him for having given way to Constantine. Constantine again -threatened him for his obsequiousness in promising to renew his tribute -to the Turks. But the Sultan, true to the traditional Turkish policy -of supporting the weaker of two rival Christian nationalities, forced -the Greek Despot to evacuate the Florentine duchy. Nerio had the petty -satisfaction of accompanying his lord and master to the Isthmus and of -witnessing the capture of the famous Six-mile Rampart, in which the -Greeks had vainly trusted, by the Serbian janissaries. Five years later, -in 1451, a Venetian despatch gives us a last and characteristic glimpse -of the wretched Nerio, when the Venetian envoy to the new Sultan, -Mohammed II, is instructed to ask that potentate if he will compel his -vassal, “the lord of Sithines and Stives,” to settle the pecuniary claims -of two Venetians[120]. - -Nerio’s death was followed by one of those tragedies in which the women -of Frankish Greece were so often protagonists, and of which a modern -dramatist might well avail himself. After the death of his first wife, -Nerio II had married a passionate Venetian beauty, Chiara Zorzi, or -Giorgio, one of the daughters of the baron of Karystos, or Castel -Rosso, in the south of Eubœa, who sprang from the former Marquesses -of Boudonitza. The Duchess Chiara bore him a son, Francesco, who was -unfortunately still a minor at the time of his father’s death. The -child’s mother possessed herself of the regency and persuaded the Porte, -by the usual methods, to sanction her usurpation. Soon afterwards, -however, there visited Athens on some commercial errand a young Venetian -noble, Bartolommeo Contarini, whose father had been governor of the -Venetian colony of Nauplia. The Duchess fell in love with her charming -visitor, and bade him aspire to her hand and land. Contarini replied -that alas! he had left a wife behind him in his palace on the lagoons. -To the Lady of the Akropolis, a figure who might have stepped from a -play of Æschylus, the Venetian wife was no obstacle. It was the age of -great crimes. Contarini realised that Athens was worth a murder, poisoned -his spouse, and returned to enjoy the embraces and the authority of the -Duchess. - -But the Athenians soon grew tired of this Venetian domination. They -complained to Mohammed II; the great Sultan demanded explanations; and -Contarini was forced to appear with his stepson, whose guardian he -pretended to be, at the Turkish Court. There he found a dangerous rival -in the person of Franco Acciajuoli, only son of the late Duke Antonio II -and cousin of Francesco, a special favourite of Mohammed and a willing -candidate for the Athenian throne. When the Sultan heard the tragic -story of Chiara’s passion, he ordered the deposition of both herself and -her husband, and bade the Athenians accept Franco as their lord. Young -Francesco was never heard of again. But the tragedy was not yet over. -Franco had no sooner assumed the government of Athens than he ordered the -arrest of his aunt Chiara, threw her into the dungeons of Megara, and -there had her mysteriously murdered. A picturesque legend current three -centuries later at Athens makes Franco throttle her with his own hands as -she knelt invoking the aid of the Virgin, and then cut off her head with -his sword[121]; so deep was the impression which her fate made upon the -popular imagination. - -The legend tells us how her husband, “the Admiral,” had come with many -ships to the Piræus to rescue her, but arrived too late. Unable to save, -he resolved to avenge her, and laid the grim facts before the Sultan. -Mohammed II, indignant at the conduct of his _protégé_, but not sorry, -perhaps, of a pretext for destroying the remnants of Frankish rule -at Athens, ordered Omar, son of Tourakhan, the governor of Thessaly, -to march against the city. The lower town offered no resistance, for -its modern walls had but a narrow circumference, and its population -and resources were scanty. Nature herself seemed to fight against -the Athenians. On May 29, the third anniversary of the capture of -Constantinople, a comet appeared in the sky; a dire famine followed, so -that the people were reduced to eat roots and grass. On June 4, 1456, -the town fell into the hands of the Turks[122]. But the Akropolis, -which was reputed impregnable, long held out. In vain the Constable of -Athens and some of the citizens offered the castle to Venice through one -of the Zorzi family; the Republic ordered the bailie of Negroponte to -keep the offer open, but took no steps to save the most famous fortress -in Christendom; in vain he summoned one Latin prince after another to -his aid. From the presence of an Athenian ambassador at the Neapolitan -Court[123] we may infer that Alfonso V of Aragon, the titular “Duke of -Athens,” was among their number. The papal fleet, which was despatched -to the Ægean, did not even put into the Piræus. Meanwhile Omar, after a -vain attempt to seduce the garrison from its allegiance, reminded Franco -that sooner or later he must restore Athens to the Sultan who gave it. -“Now, therefore,” added the Turkish commander, “if thou wilt surrender -the Akropolis, His Majesty offers thee the land of Bœotia, with the city -of Thebes, and will allow thee to take away the wealth of the Akropolis -and thine own property.” Franco only waited till Mohammed had confirmed -the offer of his subordinate, and then quitted the castle of Athens, with -his wife and his three sons, for ever. At the same time the last Catholic -archbishop, Nicolò Protimo of Eubœa, left the cathedral of Our Lady. It -was not till 1875 that a Latin prelate again resided at Athens. - -The great Sultan, so his Greek biographer, Kritoboulos, tells us, was -filled with a desire to see the city of the philosophers. Mohammed knew -Greek, and had heard and read much about the wisdom and marvellous -works of the ancient Athenians; we may surmise that Cyriacus of Ancona -had told him of the Athenian monuments when he was employed as reader -to his Majesty during the siege of Constantinople[124]. This strange -“Philhellene”—for so Kritoboulos audaciously describes the conqueror of -Hellas—longed to visit the places where the heroes and sages of classic -Athens had walked and talked, and at the same time to examine, with -a statesman’s eye, the position of the city and the condition of its -harbours. In the autumn of 1458, on his return from punishing the Greek -Despots of the Morea, he had an opportunity of achieving his wish. When -he arrived at the gates (if we may believe a much later tradition[125]), -the Abbot of Kaisariane, the monastery which still nestles in one of the -folds of Hymettos, handed him the keys of the city. There is nothing -improbable in the story, for the Greek Metropolitan, Isidore, had fled to -the Venetian Island of Tenos; and the abbot may therefore have been the -most important Greek dignitary left at Athens. The Sultan devoted four -days to visiting his new possession, “of all the cities in his Empire -the dearest to him,” as the Athenian Chalkokondyles proudly says. But of -all that he saw he admired most the Akropolis, whose ancient and recent -buildings he examined “with the eyes of a scholar, a Philhellene, and a -great sovereign.” Like Pedro IV of Aragon before him, he was proud to -possess such a jewel, and in his enthusiasm he exclaimed, “How much, -indeed, do we not owe to Omar, the son of Tourakhan!” - -The conquered Athenians were once again saved by their ancestors. Like -his Roman prototype, Mohammed II treated them humanely, granted all their -petitions, and gave them many and various privileges. So late as the -seventeenth century there were Athenians who could show patents of fiscal -exemption, issued to their forebears by the conqueror. If, however, the -Greek clergy had hoped that the great cathedral would be restored to -the Orthodox church, they were disappointed. The Parthenon, by a third -transformation, was converted into a mosque; and soon, from the tapering -minaret which rose above it, the muezzin summoned the faithful to the -_Ismaïdi_, or “house of prayer.” A like fate befell the church which had -served as the Orthodox cathedral during the Frankish domination, but -which received, in honour of the Sultan’s visit, the name of _Fethijeh -Jamisi_, or “Mosque of the Conqueror,” and which still preserves, amid -the squalid surroundings of the military bakery, the traces of its former -purpose. - -The anonymous treatise on “The Theatres and Schools of Athens,” which -was probably composed by some Greek at this moment, perhaps to serve as -a guide-book for the distinguished visitor, gives us a last glimpse of -Frankish Athens. The choragic monument of Lysikrates was still known as -“the lantern of Demosthenes”; the Tower of the Winds was supposed to be -“the School of Sokrates”; the gate of Athena Archegetis was transformed -in common parlance into “the palace of Themistokles”; the Odeion of -Perikles was called “the School of Aristophanes”; and that of Herodes -Atticus was divided into “the palaces of Kleonides and Miltiades.” The -spots where once had stood the houses of Thucydides, Solon, and Alkmaion -were well known to the omniscient local antiquary, who unhesitatingly -converts the Temple of Wingless Victory into “a small school of -musicians, founded by Pythagoras.” - -On the fifth day after his arrival the heir of these great men left -Athens for Thebes, the abode of his vassal Franco, who must have heaved -a sigh of relief when his terrible visitor, after a minute examination -of Bœotia, set out for Macedonia. For two years longer he managed to -retain his Theban dominions, from which he received a revenue as large -as that which he had formerly enjoyed, till, in 1460, Mohammed, after -finally destroying the two Greek principalities of the Morea, revisited -Athens. There the Sultan heard a rumour that some Athenians had conspired -to restore their Florentine lord. This decided Franco’s fate. At the -moment he was serving, as the man of the Turk, with a regiment of Bœotian -cavalry in Mohammed’s camp. His suzerain ordered him to join in an attack -which he meditated upon the surviving fragments of the ancient county -of Cephalonia, the domain of the Tocchi. Franco shrank from fighting -against his fellow-countryman; and a curious letter has recently been -published[126] in which, for this very reason, he offered his services -as a _condottiere_ to Francesco Sforza of Milan for the sum of 10,000 -ducats a year. But he was forced to obey; he did his pitiable task, and -repaired to the headquarters of Zagan Pasha, the governor of the Morea, -unconscious that the latter had orders to kill him. The Pasha invited him -to his tent, where he detained him in conversation till nightfall; but, -as the unsuspecting Frank was on his way back to his own pavilion, the -governor’s guards seized and strangled him. Such was the sorry end of the -last “Lord of Thebes.” Mohammed annexed all Bœotia, and thus obliterated -the last trace of the Duchy of Athens. - -Franco’s three sons were enrolled in the corps of janissaries, where -one of them showed military and administrative ability of so high an -order as to win the favour of his sovereign. Their mother, a Greek of -noble lineage and famed for her beauty, became the cause of a terrible -tragedy which convulsed alike Court and Church. Amoiroutses, the former -minister and betrayer of the Greek Empire of Trebizond, fell desperately -in love with the fair widow, to whom he addressed impassioned verses, and -swore, though he was already married, to wed her or die. The Œcumenical -Patriarch forbade the banns, and lost his beard and his office rather -than yield to the Sultan. But swift retribution fell upon the bigamist, -for he dropped down dead, a dice-box in his hand. - -Though the Acciajuoli dynasty had thus fallen for ever, members of -that great family still remained in Greece. An Acciajuoli was made -civil governor of the old Venetian colony of Koron, in Messenia, when -the Spaniards conquered it from the Turks in 1532. When they abandoned -it, he was captured by pirates but eventually ransomed, only to die in -poverty at Naples, where his race had first risen to eminence. At the -beginning of the last century the French traveller, Pouqueville, was -shown at Athens a donkey-driver named Neri, in whose veins flowed the -blood of the Florentine Dukes; and the modern historian of Christian -Athens, Neroutsos, used to contend that his family was descended from -Nerozzo Pitti, lord of Sykaminon and uncle of the last Duke of Athens. -In Florence the family became extinct only so recently as 1834; and the -Certosa and the Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli still preserve its memory there. In -a Florentine gallery are two coloured portraits of the Dukes of Athens, -which would seem to be those of Nerio I and the bastard Antonio I. In -that case the Florentine Dukes of Athens are the only Frankish rulers of -Greece, except the Palatine Counts of Cephalonia, whose likeness has been -preserved to posterity[127]. - -Thus ended the strange connection between Florence and Athens. A titular -Duke of Athens had become tyrant of the Florentines, a Florentine -merchant had become Duke of Athens; but the age when French and Italian -adventurers could find an El Dorado on the poetic soil of Greece was -over. The dull uniformity of Turkish rule spread over the land, save -where the Dukes of the Archipelago and the Venetian colonies still -remained the sole guardians of Western culture, the only rays of light in -the once brilliant Latin Orient. - - -AUTHORITIES - -1. Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (_Documents -relating to the Mediæval History of Athens_). Ed. Sp. P. Lampros. Athens, -1906. - -2. _Briefe aus der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli” in der Laurenziana zu -Florenz._ By Ferdinand Gregorovius. Munich, 1890. - -3. Nicolai de Marthono liber peregrinationis ad loca sancta. In _La Revue -de l’Orient Latin_, vol. III. Paris, 1895. - -4. Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων (_Memorials of the History of the -Athenians_). By Demetrios Gr. Kampouroglos. 2nd Edn. Athens, 1891-92. - -5. Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων (_History of the Athenians_). By D. Gr. -Kampouroglos. Athens, 1889-96. - -6. Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας (_History of Athens under the -Turks_). By Th. N. Philadelpheus. Athens, 1902. - -7. Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (_Memorials of Greek History_). Edited by -C. N. Sathas. Paris, 1880-90. - -8. Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_). New Series. Vols. I-III. Ed. -by Sp. P. Lampros. Athens, 1904-17. - -9. _Nouvelles Recherches historiques sur la principauté française de -Morée._ By Buchon. Two vols. Paris, 1843. - -10. _La politica Orientale di Alfonso di Aragona._ By F. Cerone. In -_Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_. Vols. XXVII-XXVIII. -Naples, 1902-3. - -And other works. - - -APPENDIX - -NOTES ON ATHENS UNDER THE FRANKS - -Within the last sixteen years a great deal of new material has been -published on the subject of Frankish Athens. The late Professor -Lampros[128] not only translated into Greek the _Geschichte der Stadt -Athen im Mittelalter_ of Gregorovius, but added some most valuable notes, -and more than a whole volume of documents, some of which had never -seen the light before, while others were known only in the summaries -or extracts of Hopf, Gregorovius, or Signor Predelli. He also issued a -review, the Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, devoted to mediæval Greek history, of -which thirteen volumes have appeared. The French have gone on printing -the _Regesta_ of the thirteenth-century popes, which contain occasional -allusions to Greek affairs. Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch, the Catalan -scholar, has issued a valuable pamphlet, _Catalunya a Grecia_[129], -besides contributing a mass of documents from the archives at Palermo -to the collection of Professor Lampros; and the essay on the “Eastern -Policy of Alfonso of Aragon,” published by Signor Cerone in the _Archivio -Storico per le province Napoletane_[130], contains many hitherto -unknown documents dealing with the last two decades of Greek history -before the Turkish conquest. I propose in the present article to point -out the most important additions to our knowledge of Athens under her -western masters which have thus been obtained. Of the condition of the -Parthenon—“Our Lady of Athens”—on the eve of the Frankish conquest we -have some interesting evidence. We learn from an iambic poem of Michael -Akominatos, the Greek Metropolitan of Athens, that he “beautified the -church, presented new vessels and furniture for its use, increased the -number of the clergy, and added to the estates” of the great cathedral, -as well as to the “flocks and herds” which belonged to it. Every year a -great festival attracted the Greeks from far and near to the shrine of -the “Virgin of Athens[131].” - -As was only to be expected, very little fresh light has been thrown on -the Burgundian period. We learn however, from a Greek manuscript in the -Vatican library, how Leon Sgouros, the _archon_ of Nauplia, who long held -out at Akrocorinth against the Frankish conquerors, met his end. Rather -than be taken captive “he mounted his horse and leapt from Akrocorinth, -so that not a single bone in his body was left unbroken[132].” We find -too, in a letter from Honorius III to Othon de la Roche, dated February -12, 1225, the last allusion to the presence of the _Megaskyr_ in his -Athenian dominions before his return to France; and we hear of two -members of his family, William and Nicholas, both canons of Athens. The -former had _gravem in litteratura defectum_, or else he would have been -made archbishop of Athens; the latter is probably the same person whose -name has been found on the stoa of Hadrian[133]. - -The Catalan period receives much more illustration. We know at last the -exact date at which it ended, for a letter of Jacopo da Prato (probably -a relative of the Ludovico da Prato who was the first Florentine -archbishop of Athens), dated Patras, May 9, 1388, announces that Nerio -Acciajuoli _ebe adi 2 di questo lo chastello di Settino_[134]. Thus Don -Antonio Rubió y Lluch[135] was right in his surmise that Don Pedro de -Pau, who is mentioned as erroneously reported dead in a letter of John -I of Aragon, dated November 16, 1387, held out in the Akropolis down -to 1388. The Catalan scholar had shown that the brave commander of “the -Castle of Athens” had sent an envoy to John I, who received him “in the -lesser palace of Barcelona” on March 18, 1387, and who promised the -_sindici_ of Athens on April 26 to pay a speedy visit to his distant -duchy[136]. Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch also writes to me that Hopf was -mistaken in translating _Petrus de Puteo_ of the Sicilian documents—the -official whose high-handed proceedings led to a revolution at Thebes in -which he, his wife, and his chief followers lost their lives—as Peter -de Puig[137]. His name should really be Peter de Pou, and it is obvious -from the documents that Hopf’s chronology of his career is also wrong. -He is mentioned in a document of August 3, 1366, as already dead[138]; -we learn that his official title was “vicar of the duchies”—that is to -say, deputy for Matteo de Moncada, the absent vicar-general—and he is -spoken of as “having presided in the duchies as vicar-general,” and as -“having presided in the office of the vicariate[139].” We find too that -the castle of Zeitoun or Lamia (_turrim Griffinam_) belonged to him[140]. -Roger de Lluria, who was at this time marshal of the duchies[141], is -already officially styled as vicar-general[142] on August 3, 1366, though -the formal commission removing Matteo de Moncada and appointing Roger -de Lluria in his place was not made out till May 14 of the following -year[143]. The new vicar-general held till his death, which must have -taken place before March 31, 1370, when his successor was appointed[144], -the two great offices[145], and, I think, the facts above stated enable -us to explain the reason why no more marshals were appointed after that -date. The office of marshal had been hereditary in the family of De -Novelles, and Gregorovius[146] pointed out that Ermengol de Novelles did -not (as Hopf imagined) hold it till his death, but that Roger de Lluria -was marshal before that event. I should suppose that Ermengol had been -deprived of the office as a punishment for his rebellion against his -sovereign[147]; that the conflict between Lluria and Pou proved that -there was no room in the narrow court of Thebes for two such exalted -officials as a vicar and a marshal; and, as Lluria, when he became vicar, -combined the two offices in his person, it was thought a happy solution -of the difficulty. - -Professor Lampros has published three documents[148] from the Vatican -archives which refer to a mysterious scheme for the marriage of a -Sicilian duchess of Athens. The documents have no date, except the day -of the month, and in one case of the week, and one of them is partly in -cypher. But I think that I have succeeded in fixing the exact date of the -first to January 4, 1369, because in 1368, December 22 was on a Friday. -This suits all the historical facts mentioned. The bishop of Cambrai, to -whom the second letter is addressed, must be Robert of Geneva (afterwards -the anti-pope Clement VII), who occupied that see from October 11, 1368, -to June 6, 1371. The _dominus Anghia_, whose death has so much disturbed -the diocese, is Sohier d’Enghien, who was beheaded in 1367; the _comes -Litii_ is his brother Jean, count of Lecce, and the latter’s nephew, -whose marriage “with the young niece of the king of Sicily, daughter of -a former Catalan duke of Athens,” is considered suitable, is Gautier -III, titular duke of Athens, who had inherited the claims of the Brienne -family. The lady whose marriage is the object of all these negotiations -must therefore have been one of the two daughters of John, Marquis of -Randazzo and Duke of Athens and Neopatras, who died in 1348, and whose -youngest child, Constance, may therefore have been _xx annorum et ultra_ -at this period, and is known to have been single. She was the niece -of King Peter II and cousin of Frederick III of Sicily, one of whose -sisters is described as too old for the titular duke, which would of -course have been the case in 1369. The allusions to Philip II of Taranto -as still living also fix the date as before the close of 1373, when -he died. Moreover Archbishop Simon of Thebes is known to have been in -Sicily in 1367, and may have remained there longer. What was apparently -an insuperable chronological obstacle, the allusion to _obitum domini -regis Franciæ_, disappeared when I examined the original document in the -Vatican library and found that the last two words were _regie fameie_, -that is, _familiæ_. Possibly the allusion may be to Pedro the Cruel of -Castile, who was slain in 1369. The letters then disclose a matrimonial -alliance which would have reconciled the Athenian claims of the house -of Enghien with the ducal dominion over Catalan Athens exercised by -Frederick III of Sicily. - -Don Antonio Rubió y Lluch has published two letters[149] of “the queen of -Aragon,” wife of Pedro IV (not, as assumed by K. Konstantinides, Maria, -queen of Sicily and duchess of Athens), from the former of which, dated -1379 and addressed to Archbishop Ballester of Athens, we glean some -curious information about the relics which the cathedral of _Santa Maria -de Setines_ (the Parthenon) then contained, and of which the Italian -traveller Nicolò da Martoni made out a list sixteen years later[150]. -The Catalan scholar has shown too that some years after the Florentine -conquest of Athens a certain Bertranet, _un dels majors capitans del -ducat d’Atenes_, recovered a place where was the head of St George, that -is to say, Livadia[151]. The personage mentioned is Bertranet Mota, -whose name occurs in the treaty with the Navarrese in 1390, as a witness -to another document in the same year, in the list of fiefs in 1391, in -Nerio Acciajuoli’s will, and in a letter of the bishop of Argos in 1394. -He was a friend of Nerio’s bastard, Antonio; he had obviously helped -the latter to recover Livadia from the Turks in 1393, and we are thus -able to reconcile Chalkokondyles, who says that Bayezid had already -annexed Livadia, with the clause in Nerio’s will leaving the important -fortress to Antonio[152]. More interesting still, as showing the tenacity -with which the kings of Aragon clung to the shadow of their rule over -Athens, is the letter of Alfonso V to the despot Constantine Palaiologos -(afterwards the last emperor of Constantinople), dated November 27, 1444, -in which the king says that he has heard that Constantine has occupied -Athens, and therefore requests him to hand over the two duchies of Athens -and Neopatras to the Marquess of Gerace, his emissary[153]. - -Lastly, to our knowledge of the Florentine period Professor Lampros -has contributed three letters[154] of the Athenian priest and copyist -Kalophrenas, which show that the attempts of the council of Florence for -the union of the eastern and western churches found an echo in Florentine -Athens. Professor Lampros was puzzled to explain the allusion to τοῦ -ἀφεντὸς τοῦ μπαὴλου in one of the letters. He thinks it alludes to the -Venetian bailie at Chalkis, who however had no jurisdiction at Athens -at that period. If however, as he supposes, the correspondence dates -from 1441 the phrase presents no difficulty. In that year Antonio II -Acciajuoli had died, leaving an infant son, Franco, then absent at the -Turkish court, and Nerio II, the former duke, returned to Athens. We may -therefore suppose that “the prince’s baily” was the official who governed -Athens till Nerio II came back. Professor Lampros has also published a -letter[155] of Franco, the last duke of Athens, to Francesco Sforza of -Milan, dated 1460, from Thebes, which Mohammed II had allowed him to -retain after the capture of Athens in 1456. In this letter, written not -long before his murder, Franco offers his services as a _condottiere_ -to the duke of Milan. This was not his only negotiation with western -potentates, for only a few days before the loss of Athens an ambassador -of his was at the Neapolitan court[156]. - -One mistake has escaped the notice of Professor Lampros, as of his -predecessors. The date of the second visit of Cyriacus of Ancona to -Athens, when he found Nerio II on the Akropolis, must have been 1444 and -not 1447, because the antiquary’s letter from Chios is dated _Kyriaceo -die iv. Kal. Ap._ Now, March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and we know -from another letter of Cyriacus to the emperor John VI, written before -June 1444, that he left Chalkis for Chios on _v. Kal. Mart._ of that year. - - -THE TURKISH CAPTURE OF ATHENS - -The authorities differ as to the exact date of the capture of Athens by -the Turks. A contemporary note in Manuscript No. 103 of the Liturgical -Section of the National Library at Athens, quoted by Kampouroglos[157], -fixes it at “May 4, 1456, Friday”; but in that year _June_ 4, not -May 4, was a Friday, which agrees with the date of June 1456, given -by Phrantzes[158], the _Chronicon Breve_[159], and the _Historia -Patriarchica_[160]. But the best evidence in favour of June is the -following document of 1458, to which allusion was made by Gaddi[161] -in the seventeenth century, but which has never been published. I owe -the copy to the courtesy of the Director of the “Archivio di Stato” at -Florence. - - Item dictis anno et indictione [1458 Ind. 7] et die xxvj - octobris. - - Magnifici et potentes domini domini priores artium et - vexillifer iustitie populi et comunis Florentie Intellecta - expositione facta pro parte Loysii Neroczi Loysii de - Pictis[162] civis florentini exponentis omnia et singula - infrascripta vice et nomine Neroczi eius patris et domine - Laudomine eius matris et filie olim Franchi de Acciaiuolis - absentium et etiam suo nomine proprio et vice et nomine - fratrum ipsius Loysii et dicentis et narrantis quod dictus - Neroczus eius pater et domina Laudomina eius mater iam diu - et semper cum eorum familia prout notum est multis huius - civitatis habitaverunt in Grecia in civitate Athenarum in qua - habebant omnia eorum bona mobilia et immobilia excepta tantum - infrascripta domo Florentie posita et quod dictus Neroczus iam - sunt elapsi triginta quinque anni vel circa cepit in uxorem - dictam dominam Laudominam in dicta civitate Athenarum ubi per - gratiam Dei satis honorifice vivebant. Et quod postea de mense - iunii anni millesimi quadringentesimi quinquagesimi sexti - prout fuit voluntas Dei accidit quod ipsa civitas Athenarum - fuit capta a Theucris et multi christiani ibi existentes ab - eisdem spoliati et depulsi fuerunt inter quos fuit et est ipse - Neroczus qui cum dicta eius uxore et undecim filiis videlicet - sex masculis et quinque feminis expulsus fuit et omnibus suis - bonis privatus et ita se absque ulla substantia reduxit in - quoddam castrum prope Thebes in quo ad presens ipse Neroczus - cum omni eius familia se reperit in paupertate maxima; et quod - sibi super omnia molestum et grave est coram se videre dictas - puellas iam nubiles et absque principio alicuius dotis et cum - non habeant aliqua bona quibus possint succurrere tot tantisque - eorum necessitatibus nisi solum unam domum cum una domuncula - iuxta se positam Florentie in loco detto al Poczo Toschanelli - quibus a primo, secundo et tertio via a quarto domus que olim - fuit domine Nanne Soderini de Soderinis ipsi Nerozus et domina - Laudomina et eorum filii predicti optarent posse vendere domos - predictas ut de pretio illarum possint partim victui succurrere - partim providere dotibus alicuius puellarum predictarum[163]. - -The petitioners in the document are all well known. Nerozzo Pitti and -his wife Laudamia owned the castle of Sykaminon, near Oropos, which had -belonged to her father, Franco Acciajuoli[164]. She was the aunt of the -last two dukes of Athens. Pitti also possessed the island of Panaia, or -Canaia, the ancient Pyrrha, opposite the mouth of the Maliac Gulf, and -his “dignified tenure” of those two places is praised by Baphius in his -treatise _De Felicitate Urbis Florentiæ_[165], a century later. According -to the contemporary chronicler, Benedetto Dei[166], the Athenian Pitti -were compelled to become Mohammedans when Bœotia was annexed; but the -late historian Neroutsos used to maintain his descent from Nerozzo. - - -6. THE DUCHY OF NAXOS - -Of all the strange and romantic creations of the Middle Ages none is -so curious as the capture of the poetic “Isles of Greece” by a handful -of Venetian adventurers, and their organisation as a Latin Duchy for -upwards of three centuries. Even to-day the traces of the ducal times may -be found in many of the Cyclades, where Latin families, descendants of -the conquerors, still preserve the high-sounding names and the Catholic -religion of their Italian ancestors, in the midst of ruined palaces and -castles, built by the mediæval lords of the Archipelago out of ancient -Hellenic temples. But of the Duchy of Naxos little is generally known. -Its picturesque history, upon which Finlay touched rather slightly in -his great work, has since then been thoroughly explored by a laborious -German, the late Dr Hopf; but that lynx-eyed student of archives had -no literary gifts; he could not write, he could only read, and his -researches lie buried in a ponderous encyclopædia. So this delightful -Duchy, whose whole story is one long romance, still awaits the hand of a -novelist to make it live again. - -The origin of this fantastic State of the blue Ægean is to be found in -the overthrow of the Greek Empire at the time of the Fourth Crusade. By -the partition treaty made between the Latin conquerors of Constantinople, -Venice received the Cyclades among other acquisitions. But the Venetian -Government, with its usual commercial astuteness, soon came to the -conclusion that the conquest of those islands would too severely tax the -resources of the State. It was therefore decided to leave the task of -occupying them to private citizens, who would plant Venetian colonies -in the Ægean, and live on friendly terms with the Republic. There was -no lack of enterprise among the Venetians of that generation, and it so -happened that at that very moment the Venetian colony at Constantinople -contained the very man for such an undertaking. The old Doge, Dandolo, -had taken with him on the crusade his nephew, Marco Sanudo, a bold -warrior and a skilful diplomatist, who had signalised himself by -negotiating the sale of Crete to the Republic, and was then filling -the post of judge in what we should now call the Consular Court at -Constantinople. On hearing the decision of his Government, Sanudo quitted -the bench, gathered round him a band of adventurous spirits, to whom he -promised rich fiefs in the El Dorado of the Ægean, equipped eight galleys -at his own cost, and sailed with them to carve out a Duchy for himself in -the islands of the Archipelago. Seventeen islands speedily submitted, and -at one spot alone did he meet with any real resistance. Naxos has always -been the pearl of the Ægean: poets have placed there the beautiful myth -of Ariadne and Dionysos; Herodotos describes it as “excelling the other -islands in prosperity[167]”; even to-day, when so many of the Cyclades -are barren rocks, the orange and lemon groves of Naxos entitle it, far -more than Zante, to the proud name of “flower of the Levant.” This was -the island which now opposed the Venetian filibuster, as centuries before -it had opposed the Persians. A body of Genoese pirates had occupied the -Byzantine castle before Sanudo’s arrival; but that shrewd leader, who -knew the value of rashness in an emergency, burnt his galleys, and then -bade his companions conquer or die. The castle surrendered after a five -weeks’ siege, so that by 1207 Sanudo had conquered a duchy which existed -for 359 years. His duchy included, besides Naxos, where he fixed his -capital, the famous marble island of Paros; Kimolos, celebrated for its -fuller’s earth; Melos, whose sad fortunes furnished Thucydides with one -of the most curious passages in his history; and Syra, destined at a -much later date to be the most important of all the Cyclades. True to -his promise, Sanudo divided some of his conquests among his companions; -thus, Andros and the volcanic island of Santorin became sub-fiefs of -the Duchy. Sanudo himself did homage, not to Venice, but to the Emperor -Henry of Romania, who formally bestowed upon him “the Duchy of the -Dodekannesos,” or Archipelago, on the freest possible tenure. Having thus -arranged the constitution of his little State, he proceeded to restore -the ancient city; to build himself a castle, which commanded his capital -and which is now in ruins; to erect a Catholic cathedral, on which, in -spite of its restoration in the seventeenth century, his arms may still -be seen; to improve the harbour by the construction of a mole; and to -fortify the town with solid masonry, of which one fragment stands to-day, -a monument, like the Santameri tower at Thebes, of Frank rule in Greece. - -As we might expect from so shrewd a statesman, the founder of this -island-duchy was fully sensible of the advantages to be derived from -having the Greeks on his side. Instead of treating them as serfs and -schismatics, he allowed all those who did not intrigue against him -with the Greek potentates at Trebizond, Nice, or Arta, to retain their -property. He guaranteed the free exercise of their religion, nor did -he allow the Catholic archbishop, sent him by the Pope, to persecute -the Orthodox clergy or their flocks. The former imperial domains were -confiscated, in order to provide and maintain a new fleet, so necessary -to the existence of islands menaced by pirates. That Marco I was a -powerful and wealthy ruler is proved not only by his buildings, but also -by the value set upon his aid. When the Cretans had risen, as they so -often did, against the Venetians, the Governor sent in hot haste to Naxos -for Marco’s assistance. The Duke was still a citizen of the Republic; -but the Governor knew his man, and stimulated his patriotism by the -offer of lands in Crete. Marco lost no time in appearing upon the scene, -defeated the insurgents, and claimed his reward. The Governor was also a -Venetian, and not over-desirous of parting with his lands now that the -danger seemed to be over. But Marco knew his Greeks by this time, and -readily entered into a plot with a Cretan chief for the conquest of the -island. Candia was speedily his, while the Governor had to escape in -woman’s clothes to the fortress of Temenos. But, just as he seemed likely -to annex Crete to his Duchy, Venetian reinforcements arrived. Unable to -carry out his design, he yet succeeded by his diplomacy in securing an -amnesty and pecuniary compensation, with which he retired to his island -domain. But the failure of his Cretan adventure did not in the least damp -his ardour. With only eight ships he boldly attacked the squadron of the -Emperor of Nice, nearly four times as numerous. Captured and carried as a -prisoner to the Nicene Court, he so greatly impressed the Emperor by his -courage and manly beauty that the latter ordered his release, and gave -him one of the princesses of the imperial house in marriage. In short, -his career was that of a typical Venetian adventurer, brave, hard-headed, -selfish, and unscrupulous; in fact, just the sort of man to found a -dynasty in a part of the world where cleverness counts for more than -heroic simplicity of character. - -During the long and peaceful reign of his son Angelo, little occurred to -disturb the progress of the Duchy. But its external relations underwent a -change at this time, in consequence of the transference of the suzerainty -over it from the weak Emperor of Romania to the powerful Prince of -Achaia, Geoffroy II, as a reward for Geoffroy’s assistance in defending -the Latin Empire against the Greeks. Angelo, too, equipped three galleys -for the defence of Constantinople, and, after its fall, sent a handsome -present to the exiled Emperor. Like his father, he was summoned to aid -the Venetian Governor of Crete against the native insurgents, but on -the approach of the Nicene fleet he cautiously withdrew. His son, Marco -II, who succeeded him in 1262, found himself face to face with a more -difficult situation than that which had prevailed in the times of his -father and grandfather. The Greeks had recovered ground not only at -Constantinople, but in the south-east of the Morea, and their successes -were repeated on a smaller scale in the Archipelago. Licario, the -Byzantine admiral, captured many of the Ægean islands, some of which -remained thenceforth part of the imperial dominions. Besides the Sanudi, -the dynasty of the Ghisi, lords of Tenos and Mykonos, alone managed to -hold its own against the Greek invasion; yet even the Ghisi suffered -considerably from the attacks of the redoubtable admiral. One member -of that family was fond of applying to himself the Ovidian line, “I am -too big a man to be harmed by fortune,” and his subjects on the island -of Skopelos, which has lately been notorious as the place of exile of -Royalist politicians, used to boast that, even if the whole realm of -Romania fell, they would escape destruction. But Licario, who knew that -Skopelos lacked water, invested it during a hot summer, forced it to -capitulate, and sent the haughty Ghisi in chains to Constantinople. Marco -II had to quell an insurrection of the Greeks at Melos, who thought that -the time had come for shaking off the Latin yoke. Educated at the court -of Guillaume de Villehardouin, Marco had imbibed the resolute methods of -that energetic prince, and he soon showed that he did not intend to relax -his hold on what his grandfather had seized. Aided by a body of Frank -fugitives from Constantinople, he reduced the rebels to submission, -and pardoned all of them with the exception of a Greek priest whom he -suspected of being the cause of the revolt. This man he is said to have -ordered to be bound hand and foot, and then thrown into the harbour of -Melos. - -Towards the orthodox clergy Marco II was, if we may believe the -Jesuit historian of the Duchy, by no means so tolerant as his two -predecessors[168]. There was, it seems, in the island of Naxos an altar -dedicated to St Pachys, a portly man of God, who was believed by the -devout Naxiotes to have the power of making their children fat. In the -East fatness is still regarded as a mark of comeliness, and in the -thirteenth century St Pachys was a very popular personage, whose altar -was visited by loving mothers, and whose hierophants lived upon the -credulity of the faithful. Marco II regarded this institution as a gross -superstition. Had he been a wise statesman, he would have tolerated it -all the same, and allowed the matrons of Naxos to shove their offspring -through the hollow altar of the fat saint, so long as no harm ensued to -his State. But Marco II was not wise; he smashed the altar, and thereby -so irritated his Orthodox subjects that he had to build a fortress to -keep them in order. But the Greeks were not the only foes who menaced -the Duchy at this period. The Archipelago had again become the happy -hunting-ground of pirates of all nationalities—Greek corsairs from the -impregnable rock of Monemvasia or from the islands of Santorin and Keos, -Latins like Roger de Lluria, the famous Sicilian admiral, who preyed on -their fellow-religionists, mongrels who combined the vices of both their -parents. The first place among the pirates of the time belonged to the -Genoese, the natural rivals of the Venetians in the Levant, and on that -account popular with the Greek islanders. No sooner was a Genoese galley -spied in the offing than the peasants would hurry down with provisions -to the beach, just as the Calabrian peasants have been known to give -food to notorious brigands. The result of these visitations on the -smaller islands may be easily imagined: thus the inhabitants of Amorgos -emigrated in a body to Naxos from fear of the corsairs; yet, in spite -of the harm inflicted by Licario and the pirates, we are told that the -fertile plain of Drymalia, in the interior of Naxos, “then contained -twelve large villages, a number of farm buildings, country houses and -towers, with about 10,000 inhabitants.” Sometimes the remote consequences -of the pirates’ raids were worse than the raids themselves. Thus, on one -of these expeditions, some corsairs carried off a valuable ass belonging -to one of the Ghisi. The ass, marked with its master’s initials, was -bought by Marco II’s son, Guglielmo, who lived at Syra. The purchaser -was under no illusions as to the ownership of the ass, but was perfectly -aware that he was buying stolen goods. Seeing this, Ghisi invaded Syra, -laid the island waste, and besieged Sanudo in his castle. But the fate -of the ass had aroused wide sympathies. Marco II had taken the oath of -fealty to Charles of Anjou, as suzerain of Achaia, after the death of his -liege lord, Guillaume de Villehardouin, and it chanced that the Angevin -admiral was cruising in the Archipelago at the time of the rape of the -ass. Feudal law compelled him to assist the son of his master’s vassal; -a lady’s prayers conquered any hesitation that he might have felt; so he -set sail for Syra, where he soon forced Ghisi to raise the siege. The -great ass case was then submitted to the decision of the Venetian bailie -in Eubœa, who restored the peace of the Levant, but only after “more than -30,000 heavy soldi” had been expended for the sake of the ass! - -After the recapture of Constantinople by the Greeks, the policy of -Venice towards the dukes underwent a change. As we have seen, neither -the founder of the Duchy nor his son and grandson were vassals of the -Republic, though they were all three Venetian citizens. But the Venetian -Government, alarmed at the commercial privileges accorded to its great -rivals, the Genoese, by the Byzantine Emperor, now sought to obtain a -stronger military and commercial position in the Archipelago, and, if -possible, to acquire direct authority over the Duchy. An excuse for -the attempt was offered by the affairs of Andros. That island had been -bestowed by Marco I as a sub-fief of Naxos upon Marino Dandolo. Marco -II resumed immediate possession of it after the death of Dandolo’s -widow, and refused to grant her half of the island to her son by a -second marriage, Nicolò Quirini, on the plausible plea that he arrived -to do homage after the term allowed by the feudal law had expired. But -Quirini was a Venetian bailie, and accordingly appealed to Venice for -justice. The Doge summoned Marco II to make defence before the Senate; -but Marco replied that Venice was not his suzerain, that the ducal Court -at Naxos, and not the Senate at Venice, was the proper tribunal to try -the case, and that he would be happy to afford the claimant all proper -facilities for pleading his cause if he would appear there. The question -then dropped; Marco remained in possession of Andros, while the Republic -waited for a more favourable opportunity of advancing its political -interests in the Archipelago. - -This opportunity was not long in coming. Towards the end of the -thirteenth century a violent war broke out between Venice and her Genoese -rivals, supported by the Byzantine Emperor. While the Genoese tried to -undermine Venetian power in Crete, Venice let loose a new swarm of -privateers on the islands of the Ægean, which Licario had recovered -for the Byzantines. Then for the first time we meet with the word -_armatoloí_, so famous in the later history of Greece, applied originally -to the outfitters, or _armatores_, of privateers. The dispossessed -Venetian lords were thus enabled to reconquer many of the possessions -which they had then lost; Amorgos, the birthplace of Simonides, was -restored to the Ghisi, Santorin and Therasia to the Barozzi, but only -on condition that they recognised the suzerainty of the Republic. This -arrangement was contested by the Duke of the Archipelago, on the ground -that those islands had originally been sub-fiefs of his ancestors’ -dominions. Guglielmo Sanudo, the purchaser of the ass, had now succeeded -to the Duchy, and, as might have been inferred from that story, was -not likely to be over-scrupulous in his methods. As one of the Barozzi -declined to do him homage, he had him arrested by corsairs on the high -seas, and threw him into the ducal dungeon at Naxos. This was more than -Venice could stand, for this scion of the Barozzi had been Venetian -governor of Candia. An ultimatum was therefore despatched to the Duke, -bidding him send his captive to Eubœa within eight days, under pain of -being treated as a pirate. This message had the desired effect. Guglielmo -let his prisoner go, and it was seen that the name of Venice was more -powerful than before in the Archipelago. But neither Venice nor the Duke -could prevent the increasing desolation of the islands. The Catalans -had now appeared in the Levant; in 1303 they ravaged Keos; after their -establishment in the Duchy of Athens they organised a raid on Melos, -from which, like the Athenians of old, they carried off numbers of -the inhabitants as slaves. A Spaniard from Coruña, Januli da Corogna, -occupied Siphnos, and two of the leading families in Santorin to-day are -of Catalan origin. A member of one of them, Dr De Cigalla, or Dekigallas, -as he is called in Greek, is a voluminous author, and a great authority -on the eruptions of that volcanic island. Turkish squadrons completed the -work of destruction; we hear of a new exodus from Amorgos in consequence -of their depredations, but this time the frightened islanders preferred -to seek refuge under the Venetian banner in Crete rather than in Naxos. -The latter island was, indeed, no longer so secure as it had been. True, -Duke Guglielmo had welcomed the establishment of the warlike knights of -St John at Rhodes, and had helped them to conquer that stronghold, in the -hope that they would be able to ward off the Turks from his dominions. -Venice, too, had come to see that her wisest policy was to strengthen the -Naxiote Duchy, and furnished both the next Dukes, Nicolò I and Giovanni -I, with arms for its protection. But, all the same, in 1344 the dreaded -Turks effected a landing on Naxos, occupied the capital, and dragged -away 6000 of the islanders to captivity. This misfortune increased the -panic of the peasants throughout the Archipelago. They fled in greater -numbers than ever to Crete, so that Giovanni complained at Venice of -the depopulation of his islands, and asked for leave to bring back the -emigrants. Even the fine island of Andros, which had formerly produced -more wheat and barley than it could consume, was now forced to import -grain from Eubœa, while many of the proprietors in other parts of the -Ægean had to procure labour from the Morea. In fact, towards the middle -of the fourteenth century, such security as existed in the Levant was due -solely to the presence of the Venetian fleet in Cretan and Eubœan waters, -and to a policy such as that which conferred upon the historian, Andrea -Dandolo, the islet of Gaidaronisi, to the south of Crete, on condition -that he should fortify its harbour against the assaults of pirates. -Naturally, at such a time, it was the manifest advantage of the Naxiote -Dukes to tighten the alliance with Venice. Accordingly we find Giovanni -I preparing to assist the Venetians in their war with the Genoese, when -the latter suddenly swooped down upon his capital and carried him off as -a prisoner to Genoa. - -In 1361, a few years after his release, Giovanni I died, leaving an -only daughter, Fiorenza, as Duchess of the Archipelago. It was the -first time that this romantic State had been governed by a woman, and, -needless to say, there was no lack of competitors for the hand of the -rich and beautiful young widow. During her father’s lifetime Fiorenza -had married one of the Eubœan family of Dalle Carceri, which is often -mentioned in mediæval Greek history, and she had a son by this union, -who afterwards succeeded her in the Duchy. Over her second marriage -there now raged a diplomatic battle, which was waged by Venice with -all the unscrupulousness shown by that astute Republic whenever its -supremacy was at stake. The first of this mediæval Penelope’s suitors was -a Genoese, one of the merchant adventurers, or _maonesi_, who held the -rich island of Chios much as a modern chartered company holds parts of -Africa under the suzerainty of the home Government. To his candidature -Venice was, of course, strongly opposed, as it would have been fatal to -Venetian interests to have this citizen of Genoa installed at Naxos. -Fiorenza was therefore warned not to bestow her hand upon an enemy of -the Republic, when so many eligible husbands could be found at Venice -or in the Venetian colonies of Eubœa and Crete. At the same time, the -Venetian bailie of Eubœa was instructed to hinder by fair means or foul -the Genoese marriage. Fiorenza meekly expressed her willingness to marry -a person approved by Venice, but soon afterwards showed a desire to -accept the suit of Nerio Acciajuoli, the subsequent Duke of Athens. -This alliance the Republic vetoed with the same emphasis as the former -one; but Nerio was an influential man, who had powerful connections in -the kingdom of Naples, and was therefore able to obtain the consent of -Robert of Taranto, at that time suzerain of the Duchy. That Robert was -Fiorenza’s suzerain could not be denied; but Venice replied that she was -also a daughter of the Republic, that her ancestors had won the Duchy -under its auspices, had been protected by its fleets, and owed their -existence to its resources. What, it was added, have the Angevins of -Naples done, or what can they do, for Naxos? Simultaneous orders were -sent to the commander of the Venetian fleet in Greek waters to oppose, -by force if necessary, the landing of Nerio in that island. The Venetian -agents in the Levant had, however, no need of further instructions. They -knew what was expected of them, and were confident that their action, -if successful, would not be disowned. Fiorenza was kidnapped, placed on -board a Venetian galley, and quietly conveyed to Crete. There she was -treated with every mark of respect, but was at the same time plainly -informed that if she wished ever to see her beloved Naxos again she -must marry her cousin Nicolò Sanudo “Spezzabanda,” the candidate of the -Republic and son of a large proprietor in Eubœa. The daring of this young -man, to which he owed his nickname of “Spezzabanda,” “the disperser of -a host,” may have impressed the susceptible Duchess no less than the -difficulties of her position. At any rate she consented to marry him, the -wedding was solemnised at Venice, the Republic pledged itself to protect -the Duchy against all its enemies, and granted to Santorin, which had -been reconquered by Duke Nicolò I, the privilege of exporting cotton and -corn to the Venetian lagoons. Venice had won all along the line, and -when the much-wooed Duchess died, “Spezzabanda” acted as regent for his -stepson, Nicolò II dalle Carceri. He showed his gratitude to his Venetian -patrons by assisting in suppressing the great Cretan insurrection of this -period. He also defended Eubœa against the Catalans of Athens, showing -himself ready to fight for the rights of young Nicolò whenever occasion -offered. - -Nicolò II was the last and worst of the Sanudi Dukes. From his father he -had inherited two-thirds of Eubœa, which interested him more than his own -Duchy, but at the same time involved him in disputes with Venice. Chafing -at the tutelage of the Republic, he selected the moment when Venice was -once more engaged in war with Genoa, to negotiate with the Navarrese -company of mercenaries then in Central Greece for its aid in the conquest -of the whole island of Eubœa. This attempt failed, and, so far from -increasing his dominions, Nicolò diminished them in other directions. We -have seen how Andros had been reunited with Naxos by Marco II. The new -Duke now bestowed it as a sub-fief upon his half-sister, Maria Sanudo, -thus severing its direct connection with his Duchy. Nor was he more -cautious in his internal policy. He aroused the strongest resentment -among his subjects, Greeks and Franks alike, by his extortion, and they -found a ready leader in a young Italian who had lately become connected -by marriage with the Sanudo family. This man, Francesco Crispo—a name -which suggested to biographers of the late Italian Prime Minister a -possible relationship—was a Lombard who had emigrated to Eubœa and had -then obtained the lordship of Melos by his union with the daughter of -Giovanni I’s brother Marco, who had received that island as a sub-fief of -Naxos, and under whom it had greatly prospered. Crispo chanced to be in -Naxos at the time when the complaints of the people were loudest, and he -aspired to the fame, or at any rate the profits, of a tyrannicide. During -one of the ducal hunting parties he contrived the murder of the Duke, and -was at once accepted by the populace as his successor. Thus, in 1383, -fell the dynasty of the Sanudi, by the hand of a Lombard adventurer, -after 176 years of power. - -Times had greatly changed since the conquest of the Archipelago, nor -was a usurper like Crispo in a position to dispense with the protection -of Venice. He therefore begged the Republic to recognise him as the -rightful Duke, which the astute Venetians saw no difficulty in doing. -He further strengthened the bond of union by bestowing the hand of his -daughter upon the rich Venetian, Pietro Zeno, who played a considerable -part in the tortuous diplomacy of the age. Crispo did not hesitate to -rob Maria Sanudo of Andros in order to confer it upon his son-in-law, -and it was not for many years, and then only after wearisome litigation, -that it reverted to her son. She was obliged to content herself with the -islands of Paros and Antiparos, and to marry one of the Veronese family -of Sommaripa, which now appears for the first time in Greek history, -but which came into the possession of Andros towards the middle of the -fifteenth century, and still flourishes at Naxos. Sure of Venetian -support, Crispo indulged in piratical expeditions as far as the Syrian -coast, while he swept other and less distinguished pirates from the sea. -His son-in-law seconded his efforts against the Turks; yet, in spite -of their united attempts, they left their possessions in a deplorable -state. Andros had been so severely visited by the Turkish corsairs that -it contained only 2000 inhabitants, and had to be repopulated by Albanian -immigrants, who are still very numerous there; Ios, almost denuded of -its population, was replenished by a number of families from the Morea. -Although the next Duke, Giacomo I, was known as “The Pacific,” and paid -tribute to the Sultan on condition that no Turkish ships should visit his -islands, he was constantly menaced by Bayezid I. In his distress, like -the Emperor Manuel, he turned to Henry IV of England, whom he visited in -London in 1404. Henry was not able to assist him, though he had at one -time intended to lead an army “as far as to the sepulchre of Christ”; -but, when Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, made a pilgrimage to -Palestine in 1418, he was conveyed back to Venice on one of Pietro Zeno’s -galleys. This was, so far as we have been able to discover, the only -connection between England and the Duchy. In the same year Giacomo died -at Ferrara, on his way to see the Pope, the natural protector of the -Latins in the Levant. - -During the greater part of the fifteenth century the history of the -Archipelago presents a monotonous series of family feuds and Turkish -aggression. The subdivision of the islands, in order to provide appanages -for the younger members of some petty reigning dynasty, was a source of -weakness, which recalls the mediæval annals of Germany, nor did there -arise among the Dukes of this period a strong man like the founder of the -Duchy. One of them was advised by Venice to make the best terms that he -could with the Sultan, though complaints were made that he had failed to -warn the Venetian bailie of Eubœa of the approaching Turkish fleet, by -means of beacon-fires—an incident which takes us back to the _Agamemnon_ -of Æschylus. The fall of Constantinople, followed by the capture of -Lesbos and Eubœa by the Turks, greatly alarmed the Dukes, who drew closer -than ever to the Venetian Republic, and were usually included in all the -Venetian treaties. Other misfortunes greatly injured the islands. The -Genoese plundered Naxos and Andros, and the volcanic island of Santorin -was the scene of a great eruption in 1457, which threw up a new islet in -the port. A few years later, Santorin had suffered so much from one cause -or another that it contained no more than 300 inhabitants. An earthquake -followed this eruption, further increasing the misery of the Archipelago. -But this was the age of numerous religious foundations, some of them -still in existence, such as the church of Sant’ Antonio at Naxos, which -was bestowed upon the Knights of St John, as their arms on its walls -remind the traveller. It was about this time too that Cyriacus of Ancona, -after copying inscriptions at Athens, visited Andros and other islands -of the Ægean. The island rulers not only received him courteously, but -ordered excavations to be made for his benefit—a proof of culture which -should be set against their wanton destruction of ancient buildings, in -order to provide materials for their own palaces—a practice of which -the tower at Paros is so striking an example. When we remember that each -petty lord considered it necessary to be well lodged, the extent of these -ravages may be easily imagined. - -Towards the close of the fifteenth century the condition of the islanders -had become intolerable, and matters came to a climax under the rule of -Giovanni III. That despotic Duke incurred the displeasure not only of -the Sultan, but also of his own subjects. The former complained that -he had fallen into arrears with his tribute—for the Dukes had long -had to purchase independence by the payment of _bakshîsh_—and that he -harboured corsairs, who plundered the Asian coast. The latter grumbled -at the heavy taxes which the Duke pocketed without doing anything for -the protection of his people. The Archbishop of Naxos made himself the -mouthpiece of popular discontent, and wrote to Venice, in the name of the -people of Naxos and Paros, offering to acknowledge the suzerainty of the -Republic. Venice replied, authorising him to point out to the Duke and -to Sommaripa, the lord of Paros, the utter hopelessness of their present -position, and to offer them an assured income for the rest of their lives -if they would cede their islands to a Venetian commissioner. But the -negotiations failed; the Naxiotes, driven to despair, took the law into -their own hands, and in 1494 murdered their Duke. The Archbishop then -proceeded to Venice, and persuaded the Senate to take over the Duchy, at -least till the late Duke’s son, Francesco, came of age. During the next -six years Venetian Commissioners administered the islands, which were, -however, loyally handed over to Francesco III at the end of that time. -The new Duke proved unfortunately to be a homicidal maniac, who killed -his wife and tried to kill his heir. As a consequence he was removed to -Crete and a second brief Venetian occupation lasted during the rest of -his successor’s minority[169]. The long reign of his son, Giovanni IV, -who, soon after his accession, was captured by Turkish pirates while -on a hunting party, lasted till 1564 and witnessed the loss of many of -the Ægean islands. That great sovereign, Suleyman the Magnificent, now -sat upon the Turkish throne, and his celebrated admiral, Khaireddîn -Barbarossa, spread fire and sword through many a Christian village. -In 1537 the classic island of Ægina, still under Venetian domination, -was visited by this terrible scourge, who massacred all the adult male -population, and took away 6000 women and children as slaves. So complete -was the destruction of the Æginetans that, when a French admiral touched -at the island soon afterwards, he found it devoid of inhabitants. There, -as usual, an Albanian immigration replenished, at least to some extent, -the devastated sites, but Ægina was long in recovering some small measure -of its former prosperity. Thence Barbarossa sailed to Naxos, whence he -carried off an immense booty, compelling the Duke to purchase his further -independence—if such it could be called—by a tribute of 5000 ducats, -and submitting him to the ignominy of seeing the furniture of his own -palace sent on board the Admiral’s flagship under his very eyes. The -horrible scenes of those days would seem to have impressed themselves -deeply upon the mind of the wretched Duke, who gave vent to his feelings -in a bitter letter of complaint to the Pope and other Christian princes. -This curious document urged them to “apply their ears and lift up their -eyes, and attend with their minds while their own interests were still -safe,” and reminded them of the evils caused by discord in the councils -of Christendom. The Duke emphasised his admirable truisms, which might -have been addressed to the Concert of Europe at any time during the -last fifty years, by a well-worn tag from Sallust—Sallustius Crispus, -“the author of our race.” But neither his platitudes nor his allusion -to his distinguished ancestry, which he might have had some difficulty -in proving, availed him. The Turks went on in their career of conquest. -Paros was annexed, Andros was forced to pay tribute, the Venetians lost -Skiathos and Skopelos, and by the shameful treaty of 1540 forfeited the -prestige which they had so long wielded in the Levant. - -The Duchy of Naxos had long existed by the grace of the Venetian -Republic, and, now that Venice had been crippled, its days were numbered. -The capture of Chios in 1566 was the signal for its dissolution. As -soon as the news arrived in Naxos and Andros that the Turks had put an -end to the rule of the joint-stock company of the Giustiniani in that -fertile island, the Greeks of the Duchy complained to the Sultan of the -exactions to which they were subjected by their Frank lords. There was -some justification for their grievances, for Giacomo IV, the last of the -Frank Dukes, was a notorious debauchee; and the conduct of the Catholic -clergy, by the admission of a Jesuit historian, had become a public -scandal. But the main motive of the petitioners seems to have been that -intense hatred of Catholicism which characterised the Orthodox Greeks -during the whole period of the Frank rule in the Levant, and which, as -we saw under Austrian rule in Bosnia, has not yet wholly disappeared. -Giacomo was fully aware of the delicacy of his position, and he resolved -to convince the Turkish Government, as force was out of the question, by -the only other argument which it understands. He collected a large sum -of money, and went to Constantinople to reply to his accusers. But he -found the ground already undermined by the artifices of the Œcumenical -Patriarch, who had warmly espoused the cause of the Orthodox Naxiotes, -and was in the confidence of the Turkish authorities. Giacomo had no -sooner landed than he was clapped into prison, where he languished for -five months, while the renegade, Pialì Pasha, quietly occupied Naxos -and its dependencies and drove the Sommaripa out of Andros. But the -Greeks of the Duchy soon discovered that they had made an indifferent -bargain. One of the most important banking houses of the period was -that of the Nasi, which had business in France, the Low Countries, and -Italy, and lent money to kings and princes. The manager of the Antwerp -branch was an astute Portuguese Jew, who at one time called himself João -Miquez and posed as a Christian, and then reverted to Judaism and styled -himself Joseph Nasi. A marriage with a wealthy cousin made him richer -than before; he migrated to the Turkish dominions, where Jews were very -popular with the Sultans, and became a prime favourite of Selim II. This -was the man on whom that sovereign now bestowed the Duchy; and thus, -by a prosaic freak of fortune, the lovely island of classical myth and -mediæval romance became the property of a Jewish banker. Nasi, as a Jew, -knew that he would be loathed by the Greeks, so he never visited his -orthodox Duchy, but appointed a Spaniard named Coronello to act as his -agent, and to screw as much money as possible out of the inhabitants. In -this he was very successful. - -As soon as Giacomo IV was released he set out for the west to procure -the aid of the Pope and Venice for the recovery of his dominions, even -pledging himself in that event to do homage to the Republic for them. -But, in spite of the great victory of Lepanto, the Turks remained in -undisturbed possession of the Duchy, except for a brief restoration of -Giacomo’s authority by Venice in 1571. On the accession of Murad III -Giacomo had hopes of obtaining his further restoration through the good -offices of the new Sultan’s mother, a native of Paros, belonging to the -distinguished Venetian family of Baffo. But though she promised her -aid, and he went to plead his cause in person at Constantinople, the -Sultan was inexorable. The last of the Dukes died in the Turkish capital -in 1576, and was buried in the Latin church there. Three years later -Joseph Nasi died also, whereupon the Duchy was placed under the direct -administration of the Porte. - -But though Naxos and all the important islands had been annexed by -the Turks, there still remained a few fragments of the Latin rule in -the Levant. The seven islands of Siphnos, Thermia, Kimolos, Polinos, -Pholegandros, Gyaros, and Sikinos were retained by the Gozzadini family -on payment of a tribute until 1617, while Venice still preserved Tenos as -a station[170] in the Levant for a whole century more. Everywhere else -in the Ægean the crescent floated from the battlements of the castles -and palaces where for three and a half centuries the Latin nobles had -practised the arts of war. - -The occupation of the Greek islands by the Latins was unnatural, and, -like most unnatural things, it was destined not to endure. But this -strange meeting of two deeply interesting races in the classic seats -of Greek lyric poetry can scarcely fail to strike the imagination. And -to-day, when Italy is once more showing a desire to play a _rôle_ in the -near East, when Italians have officered the Cretan police, when Italian -troops have occupied thirteen islands in the lower Ægean since 1912, -including the old Quirini fief of Stampalia, when the Aldobrandini’s -thirteenth century possession of Adalia is being revived, and the -statesmen of Rome are looking wistfully across the Adriatic, it is -curious to go back to the times when Venetian and Lombard families held -sway among the islands of the Ægean, and the Latin galleys, flying the -pennons of those petty princes, glided in and out of the harbours of that -classic sea. Even in her middle age Greece had her romance, and no fitter -place could have been chosen for it than “the wave-beat shore of Naxos.” - - -APPENDIX - -THE MAD DUKE OF NAXOS - -Subsequent historians of the Duchy of Naxos have accepted without -question Hopf’s[171] chronology and brief description of the reign of -Francesco III Crispo, who was formally proclaimed duke, after a brief -Venetian protectorate, in October 1500. According to the German scholar, -who is followed by Count Mas Latrie[172], Francesco III “quietly -governed” his island domain down to 1518, the only incident in his -career being his capture by Turkish corsairs while hunting in 1517. His -wife, according to the same authorities, had already predeceased him, -having died “before 1501.” But a perusal of Sanuto’s _Diarii_ shows that -all these statements are wrong. Francesco III, so far from “quietly -governing” his subjects, was a homicidal maniac, who murdered his wife in -1510 and died in the following year. - -We first hear of the duke’s madness in 1509, when he and his -brother-in-law, Antonio Loredano, were on board the ducal galley, then -engaged in the Venetian service at Trieste. The duke was put in custody -at San Michele di Murano, but was subsequently released and allowed to -return to Naxos[173]. There, as we learn from two separate accounts, one -sent to the Venetian authorities in Crete by the community of Naxos, the -other sent to Venice by Antonio da Pesaro, Venetian governor of Andros, -the duke had a return of the malady[174]. On August 15, 1510, he was -more than usually affectionate to his wife, Taddea Loredano, to whom -he had been married fourteen years, and who is described by one of the -Venetian ambassadors as “a lady of wisdom and great talent[175].” Having -inveigled the duchess to his side “by songs, kisses, and caresses,” he -seized his sword and tried to slay her. The terrified woman fled, just -as she was, in her nightdress, out of the ducal palace, and took refuge -in the house of her aunt, Lucrezia Loredano, Lady of Nio. Thither, in -the night of Saturday, August 17, her husband pursued her; he burst open -the doors, and entered the bedroom, where he found the Lady of Nio and -her daughter-in-law, to whom he gave three severe blows each. Meanwhile, -on hearing the noise, the duchess had hidden under a wash-tub; a slave -betrayed her hiding-place, and the duke struck her over the head with -his sword. In the attempt to parry the blow, she seized the blade in her -hands, and fell fainting on the ground, where her miserable assailant -gave her a thrust in the stomach. She lived the rest of the night and -the next day, while the duke fled to his garden, whence he was induced -by the citizens to return to the palace. There, as he sat at meat with -his son Giovanni, he heard from one of the servants that the people -wished to depose him and put Giovanni in his place. In a paroxysm of -rage, he seized a knife to kill his son; but his arm was held, and the -lad saved himself by leaping from the balcony. The duke tried to escape -to Rhodes, but he was seized, after a struggle in which he was wounded, -and sent to Santorin. His son Giovanni IV was proclaimed duke, and as he -could not have been more than eleven years old—his birth is spoken of -as imminent[176] in May 1499—a governor of the duchy was elected in the -person of Jacomo Dezia, whom we may identify with Giacomo I Gozzadini, -baron of the island of Zia, who is mentioned as being present in the -ducal palace at Naxos, in a document[177] of 1500, whose family had a -mansion there, and who had already been governor in 1507. From Santorin, -Francesco III was removed on a Venetian ship to Candia, where, as we -learn from letters of August 15, 1511, he died of fever[178]. - -Meanwhile, on October 18, 1510, it had been proposed at Venice that -the mad duke’s brother-in-law, Antonio Loredano, should be sent as -governor to Naxos, with a salary of 400 ducats a year, payable out of -the revenues, just as Venetian governors had been sent there during the -minority of Francesco III. Loredano sailed on January 16, 1511, for his -post, where he remained for four and a half years[179]. Naxos, in his -time, cannot have been a gloomy exile, for we hear of the “balls and -festivals with the accompaniment of very polished female society” which -greeted the Venetian ambassador[180]. We do not learn who governed the -duchy between July 1515, when Loredano returned to Venice, and the coming -of age of Duke Giovanni IV, which seems to have been in May 1517. On -May 6 of that year he wrote a letter to the Cretan government, signed -_Joannes Crispus dux Egeo Pelagi_, which Sanuto has preserved[181]; and -in the same summer _il ducha di Nixia, domino Zuan Crespo_, was captured -by corsairs while hunting, and subsequently ransomed[182]—an adventure -which Hopf, as we have seen, wrongly ascribed to Francesco III. - - -7. CRETE UNDER THE VENETIANS (1204-1669) - -Of all the Levantine possessions acquired by Venice as the result of -the Fourth Crusade, by far the most important was the great island of -Crete, which she obtained in August, 1204, from Boniface of Montferrat -to whom it had been given 15 months earlier by Alexios IV, at the cost -of 1000 marks of silver. At that time the population of the island, -which in antiquity is supposed to have been a million, was probably -about 500,000 or 600,000[183]. Lying on the way to Egypt and Syria, it -was an excellent stopping-place for the Venetian merchantmen, and the -immense sums of money expended upon its defence prove the value which the -shrewd statesmen of the lagoons set upon it. Whether its retention was -really worth the enormous loss of blood and treasure which it involved -may perhaps be doubted, though in our own days the Concert of Europe has -thought fit to spend about thrice the value of the island in the process -of freeing it from the Turk. What distinguishes the mediæval history of -Crete from that of the other Frank possessions in the Near East is the -almost constant insubordination of the Cretan population. While in the -Duchy of Athens we scarcely hear of any restlessness on the part of -the Greeks, while in the Principality of Achaia they gave comparatively -little trouble, while in the Archipelago they seldom murmured against -their Dukes—in Crete, on the other hand, one insurrection followed -another in rapid succession, and the first 160 years of Venetian rule are -little else than a record of insurrections. The masters of the island -explained this by the convenient theory, applied in our own time to -the Irish, that the Cretans had a double dose of original sin, and the -famous verse of Epimenides, to which the New Testament has given undying -reputation, must have been often in the mouths of Venetian statesmen. But -there were other and more natural reasons for the stubborn resistance -of the islanders. After the reconquest of Crete by Nikephoros Phokas, -the Byzantine Government had sent thither many members of distinguished -military families, and their descendants, the _archontes_ of the island -at the time of the Venetian invasion, furnished the leaders for these -perennial revolts[184]. Moreover, the topography of Crete is admirably -suited for guerilla warfare; the combination of an insular with a -highland spirit constitutes a double gage of independence, and what the -Venetians regarded as a vice the modern Greeks reckon as a virtue. - -Even before the Venetians had had time to take possession of the island, -their great rivals, the Genoese, had established a colony there, so that -it was clear from the outset that Venice was not the only Latin Power -desirous of obtaining Crete. The first landing of the Venetians was -effected at Spinalonga, where a small colony was founded. But, before the -rest of the island could be annexed, a Genoese citizen, Enrico Pescatore, -Count of Malta, one of the most daring seamen of his age, had set foot -in Crete in 1206 at the instigation of Genoa, and invited the Cretans -to join his standard. He easily made himself master of the island, -over which he endeavoured to strengthen his hold by the restoration or -construction of fourteen fortresses, still remaining, although in ruins. -A larger force was then despatched from Venice, which drove out the -Maltese adventurer, who appealed to the Pope as a faithful servant of the -Church, and continued to trouble the conquerors for some years more[185]. -In 1207 Tiepolo had been appointed the first Venetian Governor, or Duke, -as he was styled, of Crete; but it was not till the armistice with Genoa -in 1212 that the first comprehensive attempt at colonisation was made, -and the organisation of a Cretan Government was undertaken. According to -the feudal principles then in vogue, which a century earlier had been -adopted for the colonisation of the Holy Land, the island was divided -into 132 knights’ fiefs (a number subsequently raised to 200, and then -to 230) and 48 sergeants’ or foot soldiers’ fiefs, and volunteers were -invited to take them. The former class of lands was bestowed on Venetian -nobles, the latter on ordinary citizens; but in both cases the fiefs -became the permanent property of the holders, who could dispose of them -by will or sale, provided that they bequeathed or sold them to Venetians. -The nobles received houses in Candia, the Venetian capital (which now -gave its name to the whole island), as well as pasture for their cattle, -the State reserving to itself the direct ownership of the strip of coast -in which Candia lay, the fort of Temenos and its precincts, and any gold -or silver mines that might hereafter be discovered. The division of the -island into six parts, or _sestieri_, was modelled, like the whole scheme -of administration, on the arrangements of the city of Venice, where the -_sestieri_ still survive. So close was the analogy between the colonial -and the metropolitan divisions that the colonists of each _sestiere_ in -Crete sprang from the same _sestiere_ at Venice—a system which stimulated -local feeling. At the head of each _sestiere_ an official known as a -_capitano_ was placed, while the government of the colony was carried on -by a greater and a lesser Council of the colonists, by two Councillors -representing the Doge, and by the Duke, who usually held office for two -years. The first batch of colonists was composed of twenty-six citizens -and ninety-four nobles of the Republic, the latter drawn from some of -the best Venetian families. But it is curious that, while we still find -descendants of Venetian houses in the Cyclades and at Corfù, scarcely -a trace of them remains in Crete[186]. As for ecclesiastical matters, -always of such paramount importance in the Levant, the existing system -was adopted by the newcomers. Candia remained an archbishopric, under -which the ten bishoprics of the island were placed; but the churches, -with two temporary exceptions, were occupied by the Latin clergy, and -that body was required, no less than the laity, to contribute its quota -of taxation towards the defence of the capital[187]. Although we hear -once or twice of a Greek bishop in Crete, the usual practice was to allow -no orthodox ecclesiastic above the rank of a _protopapâs_ to reside at -Candia, while Greek priests had to seek consecration from the bishops of -the nearest Venetian colonies. But, as the Venetian colonists in course -of time became Hellenised and embraced the Orthodox faith, the original -organisation of the Latin church was found to be too large, so that, at -the time of the Turkish conquest, the Latin Archbishop of Candia with his -four suffragans represented Roman Catholicism in the island, and outside -the four principal towns there was scarcely a Catholic to be found. - -The division of the island into fiefs naturally caused much bad blood -among the natives, who objected to this appropriation of their lands. -In 1212, the same year which witnessed the arrival of the colonists, an -insurrection broke out under the leadership of the powerful family of -the Hagiostephanitai. The rising soon assumed such serious proportions -that Tiepolo called in the aid of Duke Marco I of Naxos, whose duplicity -in this connection was narrated in a previous essay. In addition to -these internal troubles, the Genoese and Alamanno Costa, Count of -Syracuse, an old comrade of the Count of Malta again became active; but -the Venetians wisely purchased the acquiescence of the Genoese in the -existing state of things by valuable concessions, the chief of which was -the recognition of Genoa’s former privileges of trade with the Empire -of Romania, and imprisoned Costa in an iron cage. From that moment, -save for two brief raids in 1266 and 1293, Genoa abandoned the idea of -contesting her rival’s possession of Crete. In the same year, however, -only five years after the first rising, a fresh Cretan insurrection, -due to the high-handed action of the Venetian officials, caused the -proud Republic of St Mark to admit the necessity of conceding something -to the islanders. The ringleaders received a number of knights’ fiefs, -and became Venetian vassals. But a further distribution of lands in the -parts of the island hitherto unconfiscated kindled a new revolt. The -rebels, seeing the growth of the Empire of Nice, offered their country to -the Emperor Vatatzes if he would come and deliver them, while the Duke -summoned the reigning sovereign of Naxos to his aid. The latter withdrew -on the approach of the Nicene admiral, who managed to land a contingent -in the island. Long after the admiral’s departure these men held their -own in the mountains, and it was eight years before the Venetians -succeeded in suppressing the rising. On the death of Vatatzes, the -Cretans seemed to have lost hope of external assistance, and no further -attempt was made to throw off the Venetian yoke till after the fall -of the Latin Empire of Romania. Meanwhile, in 1252, a fresh scheme of -colonisation was carried out; ninety more knights’ fiefs were granted in -the west of the island, and the town of Canea, the present capital, was -founded, on or near the site of the ancient Cydonia[188]; one half of the -new city was reserved to Venice, and the other half became the property -of the colonists. - -After the recapture of Constantinople by the Greeks, the value of the -island became greater than ever to the Venetians. Three years after that -event we find the Doge Zeno writing to Pope Urban IV that “the whole -strength of the Empire” lay in Crete, while at the same time the revival -of the Greek cause, both on the Bosporos and in the Morea, led to an -attack upon it by the Byzantine forces. But Venice had less difficulty in -coming to terms with the Emperor than in managing her unruly subjects. -In 1268 the Venetian colonists rose under leaders who bore the honoured -names of Venier and Gradenigo, demanding complete separation from the -mother country. The harsh policy of the Republic towards her colonies -was an excuse for this outbreak; but no further attempt of the kind was -made for another hundred years, when the descendants of the Venier and -the Gradenigo of 1268 headed a far more serious rebellion. Another Greek -rising now followed, this time organised by the brothers Chortatzai, -but the Venetians had now succeeded in winning over a party among the -Cretans, including Alexios Kallerges, the richest of all the _archontes_. -This man used all his local influence on the side of the Government; -yet even so the rebellion continued for several years, and at times -threatened to gain the upper hand. One Venetian Governor was lured into -the mountains, surprised, and slain; another was driven behind the walls -of Candia, and only saved from capture by the fidelity of the Greek -inhabitants of that district. At last adequate reinforcements arrived, -the Chortatzai were banished from the island, and the castle of Selino -was erected to overawe the rebels in their part of the country. Peace -then reigned for a few years, and the conciliatory policy of the next -Governor earned for him the title of “the good” Duke from the Cretan -subjects of the Republic. - -But the calm was soon disturbed by a fresh outbreak. In 1283 the same -Alexios Kallerges who had been so valuable an auxiliary of Venice in the -last rising inaugurated a rebellion which, arising out of the curtailment -of his own family privileges, spread to the whole island and lasted for -sixteen years. The home Government made the mistake of under-estimating -the importance of this movement, which it neglected to suppress at the -outset by the despatch of large bodies of men. As usual, the insurgents -operated in the mountains, whence the Venetians were unable to dislodge -them, while the Genoese laid Canea in ashes in 1293, and tried to -establish relations with the insurrectionary chief. But Kallerges was not -disposed to exchange the rule of one Italian State for that of another, -and, as he saw at last that he could not shake off the Venetian yoke -single-handed, he came to terms with the Governor. His patriotic refusal -of the Genoese offers had excited the admiration of the Venetians, who -were ready to make concessions to one whom Genoa could not seduce. He -was allowed to keep the fiefs which the Angeloi had granted in the -Byzantine days to his family, he was created a knight, and his heirs -received permission to intermarry with Venetians—a practice absolutely -prohibited as a rule in Venetian colonies. It is pleasant to be able to -record that both parties to this treaty kept their word. Kallerges on his -death-bed bade his four sons remain true to Venice; one of his grandsons -fought in her cause, and his descendants were rewarded with the title of -patricians—at that time a rare distinction. These frequent insurrections, -combined with the horrors of plague and famine, do not seem to have -permanently injured the resources of the island, nor were the ravages of -corsairs, fitted out by the Catalans of Attica in the early part of the -fourteenth century, felt much beyond the coast. At any rate, in 1320 such -was the prosperity of the colony that the Governor was able to remit a -large surplus to Venice after defraying the costs of administration. But -the harsh policy of the Republic gradually alienated the colonists as -well as the natives. A demand for ship-money caused a fresh rebellion of -the Greeks in 1333, in which one of the Kallergai fought for, and another -of them against, the Venetian Government. Eight years later a member of -that famous Cretan family, forgetting the patriotic conduct of his great -ancestor, entered into negotiations with the Turks; but he was invited to -a parley by the Venetian Governor, who had him arrested as a traitor and -thrown in a sack into the sea. This act of cruelty and treachery had the -effect of embittering and prolonging the Cretan resistance, so that the -Venetians soon held nothing in the island except the capital and a few -castles. At last the arrival of overwhelming reinforcements forced the -rebel leader, Michael Psaromelingos, to bid his servant kill him, and the -rebellion was over. The death of this chieftain has formed the subject of -a modern Greek drama, for the Greeks of the mainland have always admired, -and sometimes imitated, the desperate valour of their Cretan brethren. On -the Venetians this revolt made so great an impression that the Duke was -ordered to admit no Cretan into the Great Council of the island without -the special permission of the Doge—an order due as much to the fears of -the home Government as to the jealousy of the colonists. - -But the most significant feature of this insurrection was the apathy -of the Venetian vassals in contributing their quota of horses and men -for the defence of the island. Somewhat earlier, the knights had been -compelled, in spite of their vigorous protests, to pay the sum which, -by the terms of their feudal tenure, they were supposed to expend upon -their armed followers, direct to the Exchequer, which took care to see -that the money was properly applied. Many of the poorer among them now -found themselves unable to provide the amounts which the Government -required, and so became heavily indebted to the Treasury. It was the -opinion of Venetian statesmen that Crete should be self-supporting, but -it at last became necessary to grant a little grace to the impoverished -debtors, some of whom had shown signs of coquetting with the Turks. Thus -the discontented Venetian colonists, who had been born and trained for -the most part in an island which exercises a strong attraction on even -foreign residents, found that they had more grievances in common with the -Greeks than bonds of union with the city of their ancestors. More than a -century and a half had elapsed since the first great batch of colonists -had left the lagoons for the great Greek island. Redress had been -stubbornly refused, and it only needed a spark to set the whole colony -ablaze. - -In 1362 a new Duke, Leonardo Dandolo, arrived at Candia with orders from -the Venetian Senate to demand from the knights a contribution towards -the repair of the harbour there. The knights contended that, as the -harbour would benefit trade, which was the interest of the Republic, -while their income was exclusively derived from agriculture, the expense -should be borne by the home Government. As the Senate persisted, the -whole body of knights rose under the command of two young members of -the order, Tito Venier, Lord of Cerigo—the island which afterwards -formed part of the Septinsular Republic—and Tito Gradenigo, entered -the Duke’s palace, and put him and his Councillors in irons. Having -arrested all the Venetian merchants whom they could find, the rebels then -proclaimed the independence of Crete—how often since then has it not been -announced!—appointed Marco Gradenigo, Tito’s uncle, Duke, and elected -four Councillors from their own ranks. In order to obtain the support of -the Greeks they declared that the Roman Catholic ritual had ceased to -exist throughout the island, and announced their own acceptance of the -Orthodox faith. In token of the new order of things the Venetian insignia -were torn down from all the public buildings, and St Mark made way for -Titus, the patron saint and first bishop of Crete[189]. The theological -argument was more than the Greeks could resist, and the descendants of -Catholic Venetians and Orthodox _archontes_ made common cause against -Popery and the tax-collector. - -When the news reached Venice, it excited the utmost consternation. But, -as no sufficient forces were available, the Republic resolved to try -what persuasion could effect. A trusty Greek from the Venetian colony -of Modon was sent to treat with the Greeks, while five commissioners -proceeded to negotiate with the revolutionary Government at Candia. -The commissioners were courteously heard; but when it was found that -they were empowered to offer nothing but an amnesty, and that only on -condition of prompt submission to the Republic, they were plainly told -that the liberty recently won by arms should never be sacrificed to the -commands of the Venetian Senate. Nothing remained but to draw the sword, -and the home Government had prudently availed itself of the negotiations -to begin its preparations, both diplomatic and naval. All the Powers -friendly to Venice, the Pope, the Emperor Charles IV, the King of France, -and the Queen of Naples, even Genoa herself, forbade their subjects to -trade with the island, and the Pope, alarmed at the apostasy of the -colonists, addressed a pastoral to the recalcitrant Cretans. But neither -papal arguments nor an international boycott could bend the stubborn -minds of the insurgents. It was not till the arrival of the Venetian -fleet and army, the latter under the command of Luchino dal Verme, the -friend of Petrarch, who had warned him, with the inevitable allusions to -the classic poets and to St Paul, of the “untruthfulness,” “craft,” and -“deceit” of the Cretans, that the movement was crushed. - -The armament was of considerable size. Italy had been ransacked for -soldiers, the Duchy of the Archipelago and Eubœa for ships, and Nicolò -“Spezzabanda,” the regent of Naxos, hastened to assist his Venetian -patrons. Candia speedily fell, and then the commissioners who accompanied -the military and naval forces proceeded to mete out punishment to the -chief insurgents without mercy. Marco Gradenigo and two others were -beheaded on the platform of the castle, where their corpses were ordered -to remain, under penalty of the loss of a hand to any one who tried -to remove them. The same bloody and brief assizes were held in Canea -and Rethymno; the most guilty were executed, the less conspicuous were -banished. Tito Venier was captured by Venetian ships on the high sea, -and paid for his treasonable acts with his head; his accomplice, Tito -Gradenigo, managed to escape to Rhodes, but died in exile. The property -of the conspirators was confiscated by the State. - -Great was the joy at Venice when it was known that the insurrection -had been suppressed. Three days were given up to thanksgivings and -festivities, at which Petrarch was present, and of which he has left an -account. Foreign powers congratulated the Republic on its success, while -in Crete itself the new Duke ordered the celebration of May 10 in each -year-the anniversary of the capitulation of Candia—as a public holiday. -But the peace, or perhaps we should say desolation, of the island was -soon disturbed. Some of the banished colonists combined with three -brothers of the redoubtable family of the Kallergai, who proclaimed the -Byzantine Emperor sovereign of Crete. This time the Venetian Government -sent troops at once to Candia, but hunger proved a more effective weapon -than the sword. The inhabitants of Lasithi, where the insurgents had -their headquarters, surrendered the ringleaders rather than starve. Then -followed a fresh series of savage sentences, for the Republic considered -that no mercy should be shown to such constant rebels. While the chiefs -were sent to the block, the whole plateau of Lasithi was converted into -a desert, the peasants were carried off and their cottages pulled down, -and the loss of a foot and the confiscation of his cattle were pronounced -to be the penalty of any farmer or herdsman who should dare to sow corn -there or to use the spot for pasture. This cruel and ridiculous order -was obeyed to the letter; for nearly a century one of the most fertile -districts of Crete was allowed to remain in a state of nature, till at -last in 1463 the urgent requirements of the Venetian fleet compelled the -Senate to consent to the recultivation of Lasithi. But as soon as the -temporary exigencies of the public service had been satisfied, Lasithi -fell once more under the ban, until towards the end of the fifteenth -century the plain was placed under the immediate supervision of the Duke -and his Councillors. It would be hard to discover any more suicidal -policy than this, which crippled the resources of the colony in order -to gratify a feeling of revenge. But it has ever been the misfortune -of Crete that the folly of her rulers has done everything possible to -counteract her natural advantages. - -A long period of peace now ensued, a peace born not of prosperous -contentment but of hopeless exhaustion. The first act of the Republic -was to substitute for the original oath of fealty, exacted from the -colonists at the time of the first great settlement in 1212, a much -stricter formula of obedience. The next was to put up to auction the -vacant fiefs of the executed and banished knights at Venice, for it had -been resolved that none of those estates should be acquired by members of -the Greek aristocracy. The bidding was not very brisk, for Crete had a -bad character on the Venetian exchange, so that, some years later, on the -destruction of the castle of Tenedos, the Republic transported the whole -population to Candia. There they settled outside the capital in a suburb -which, from their old home, received the name of Le Tenedee[190]. - -We hear little about Crete during the first half of the fifteenth -century, which was so critical a time for the Franks of the mainland. -The principal grievance of the colonists at that period seems to have -been the arrogance of the Jews, against whom they twice petitioned -the Government. It was a Jew, however, who, together with a priest, -betrayed to the Duke the plot which had been concocted by a leading -Greek of Rethymno in 1453 for the murder of all the Venetian officials -on one day, the incarceration of all other foreigners, and the -proclamation of a Greek prince as sovereign of the island. The capture -of Constantinople by the Turks in that year, followed as it was by -the flight of many Greek families to Crete, induced the Venetians to -take more stringent precautions against the intrigues of their Cretan -subjects. An order was issued empowering the Duke to make away with -any suspected Cretans without trial or public inquiry of any kind. We -are reminded by this horrible ordinance of the secret commission for -the slaughter of dangerous Helots which had been one of the laws of -Lycurgus. Nothing could better show the insecurity of Venetian rule, even -after two centuries and a half had passed since the conquest. Another -incident, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, shows how savage -was the punishment meted out to the insurgents, with the approval of -the authorities. At that period the Cretans of Selmo, Sphakia, and the -Rhiza, not far from the latter place united their forces against their -Venetian masters under the leadership of the Pateropouloi clan. The -three insurgent districts were formed into an independent Republic, of -which a leading Greek was chosen Rector. The Venetians of Canea, under -the pretext of a wedding feast at the villa of one of their countrymen -at the charming village of Alikianou, lured the Rector and some fifty -of his friends to that place, seized the guests after the banquet, and -hanged or shot him, his son, and many others in cold blood. The remainder -of the rebels were rigorously proscribed, and a pardon was granted to -those alone who produced at Canea the gory head of a father, a brother, -a cousin, or a nephew[191]. Nor were the foes of Venice only those of -her own household. The Turkish peril, which had manifested itself in -sporadic raids before the fall of Constantinople, became more pressing -after the loss of the Morea. Appeals were made by the inhabitants for -reinforcements and arms, and at last, when the capture of Eubœa by the -Turks had deprived them of that valuable station, the Venetians turned -their thoughts to the protection of Crete, and resolved to restore the -walls of Candia. Those who saw, like the author, those magnificent -fortifications before the sea-gate was destroyed by the British troops -in 1898, can estimate the strength of the town in the later Venetian -period. Unfortunately, those ramparts, which afterwards kept the Turks -at bay for twenty-four years, could not prevent the dreaded Barbarossa’s -ravages on other parts of the coast. In 1538 that great captain appeared -with the whole Turkish fleet—then a very different affair from the -wretched hulks of 1898 which were a terror only to their crews—landed at -Suda Bay, laid all the adjacent country waste, and nearly captured Canea. -Thirty years later, this raid was repeated with even greater success, -for Rethymno was destroyed, and soon the loss of Cyprus deprived Crete -of a bulwark which had hitherto divided the attention of the advancing -Turk. Venice was, at length, thoroughly alarmed for the safety of her -great possession, and she took the resolve of introducing drastic reforms -into the island. With this object an experienced statesman, Giacomo -Foscarini, was sent to Crete in 1574 as special commissioner, with full -powers to inquire into, and redress, the grievances of the islanders. -Foscarini, well aware that his task would be no easy one, endeavoured -to excuse himself on private grounds; but his patriotism prevailed over -all other considerations, and he set out for Crete with the intention of -increasing the resources of the island and at the same time protecting -the inhabitants against the oppression of those placed over them. In -accordance with this policy, he issued, as soon as he had landed, a -proclamation, urging all who had grievances against any Venetian official -to come without fear, either openly or in secret, before him, in the -certainty of obtaining justice and redress. He then proceeded to study -the condition of the country, and it is fortunate that the results of his -investigation have been preserved in an official report, which throws -a flood of light on the state of Crete during the latter half of the -sixteenth century[192]. - -At the time of Foscarini’s visit the island was divided up into 479 -fiefs, 394 of which belonged to Venetians, who were no longer subdivided -into the two original classes of knights and sergeants, or foot soldiers, -but were all collectively known as knights. Of the remaining fiefs, -thirty-five belonged to native Cretan families, twenty-five to the -Latin Church, and twenty-five to the Venetian Government. None of these -last three classes paid taxes or yielded service of any sort to the -Republic, though a rent was derived from such of the State domains as -were let. As might be guessed from the frequent repetition of Cretan -insurrections, the condition of the native Cretan aristocracy was one -of the most serious problems in the island. When Venice had adopted, -somewhat reluctantly, the plan of bestowing fiefs on the Greek leaders, -twelve prominent Cretan families had been selected, whose descendants, -styled _archontópouloi_, or _archontoromaîoi_, formed a privileged class -without obligations of any sort. As time went on, the numbers of these -families had increased, till, shortly before Foscarini’s visit, they -comprised at least 400 souls. But, as the number of the fiefs at their -disposal remained the same, a series of subdivisions became necessary, -and this led to those continual quarrels, which were the inevitable -result of the feudal system all over Greece. A hard and fast line was -soon drawn between the richer “sons of the _archontes_,” who lived a -life of idleness and luxury in the towns, and the poorer members of -the clan, who sank into the position of peasants on their bit of land, -without, however, losing their privileges and their pride of descent. -The latter quality involved them in perpetual feuds with rival families -equally aristocratic and equally penniless, and the celebrated district -of Sphakia, in particular, had even then acquired the evil notoriety -for turbulent independence which it preserved down to the end of the -nineteenth century. Shortly before Foscarini appeared on the scene, a -Venetian commissioner had paid a visit to that spot for the express -purpose of chastising the local family of the Pateroi, whose hereditary -feud with the family of the Papadopouloi of Rethymno had become a public -scandal. Both the parties, the latter of whom still has a representative -in an illustrious family resident at Venice, were of common stock, for -both were branches of the ancient Cretan clan of the Skordiloi. But they -hated one another with all the bitterness of near relatives; revenge -was the most precious heritage of their race; the bloody garment of -each victim was treasured up by his family, every member of which wore -mourning till his murder had been wiped out in blood; and thus, as in -Albania to-day, and in Corsica in the days of Mérimée, there was no end -to the chain of assassinations. On this occasion the Sphakiotes, who -could well maintain the classic reputation of the Cretan bowmen, were -completely crushed by the heavily armed troops of Venice. Their homes -were burned to the ground, those who resisted were slain; those who were -captured were sent into exile at Corfù, where they mostly died of cruel -treatment or home-sickness, the home-sickness which every true Cretan -feels for his mountains. The survivors of the clan were forbidden to -rebuild their dwellings or to approach within many miles of their beloved -Sphakia. The inhospitable valleys and rough uplands became their refuge, -and winter and lack of food had been steadily diminishing their numbers -when Foscarini arrived at Sphakia to see for himself how things were in -that notorious district. - -Sphakia lies on the south coast of the island, almost exactly opposite -the Bay of Suda on the north. Foscarini describes it as consisting of -“a very weak tower,” occupied by a Venetian garrison of eleven men, -and a small hamlet built in terraces on the hills. The wildness of the -scenery was in keeping, he says, with the wildness of the inhabitants, -whose bravery, splendid physique, and agility in climbing the rocks he -warmly praises. Their appearance suggested to him a comparison with “the -wild Irish,” and they have certainly vied with the latter in the trouble -which they have given to successive Governments. Their long hair and -beards, their huge boots and vast skirts, the dagger, sword, bow and -arrows, which every Sphakiote constantly carried, and the unpleasant -odour of goats, which was derived from their habit of sleeping in caves -among their herds, and which clung to their persons, struck the observant -Venetian in a more or less agreeable manner. Yet he remarked that, -if they were let alone and not agitated by family feuds, they were a -mild and gentle race, and the peasant spokesman of the clan seemed to -him one of nature’s noblemen. With this man Foscarini came to terms, -promising the Pateroi a free pardon, their return to their homes, and the -restoration of their villages, on condition that they should furnish men -for the Venetian galleys, send a deputation twice a year to Canea, and -work once annually on the fortifications of that town. The Sphakiotes -loyally kept these conditions during the stay of Foscarini in the island, -their district became a model of law and order, while their rivals, -the Papadopouloi, were frightened into obedience by the threats of the -energetic commissioner. He further organised all the native clans in -companies for service in the militia under chiefs, or _capitani_, chosen -by him from out of their midst and paid by the local government. This -local militia was entrusted with the policing of the island, on the sound -principle that a former brigand makes the best policeman. Disobedience or -negligence was punished by degradation from the privileged class of free -_archontópouloi_, and thus the military qualities of the Cretans were -diverted into a useful channel, and a strong motive provided for their -loyalty. Similarly since the union with Greece the Cretans have become -excellent constables. - -The next problem was that of the Venetian knights. It had been the -original intention of the Republic that none of their fiefs should pass -into Greek hands. But as time went on many of the colonists had secretly -sold their estates to the natives, and had gone back to Venice to spend -the proceeds of the sale in luxurious idleness. When Foscarini arrived, -he found that many even of those Venetians who remained in Crete had -become Greek in dress, manners, and speech. More than sixty years earlier -we hear complaints of the lack of Catholic priests and of the consequent -indifference of the colonists to the religion of their forefathers, -so that we are not surprised to hear Foscarini deploring the numerous -conversions of the Venetians in the country districts to the Orthodox -faith through the want of Latin churches. In the town of Candia, where -the nobles were better off, they still remained strict Catholics, and -this difference of religion marked them off from the Orthodox people; -but their wives had adopted Oriental habits, and lived in the seclusion -which we associate with the daily life of women in the East. In Canea, -which was a more progressive place than the capital, things were a little -more hopeful, but even there education was almost entirely neglected. -In the country, owing to the subdivision of fiefs, many of the smaller -Venetian proprietors had sunk to the condition of peasants, retaining -neither the language nor the chivalrous habits of their ancestors, but -only the sonorous names of the great Venetian houses whence they sprang. -All the old martial exercises, on which the Republic had relied for the -defence of the island, had long fallen into abeyance. Few of the knights -could afford to keep horses; few could ride them. When they were summoned -on parade at Candia, they were wont to stick some of their labourers on -horseback, clad in their own armour, to the scandal of the Government and -the amusement of the spectators, who would pelt these improvised horsemen -with bad oranges or stones. Another abuse arose from the possession of -one estate by several persons, who each contributed a part of the horse’s -equipment which the estate was expected to furnish. Thus the net result -of the feudal arrangements in Crete at this period was an impoverished -nobility and an utterly inadequate system of defence. - -Foscarini set to work to remedy these evils with great courage. He -proceeded to restore the old feudal military service, with such -alterations as the times required. He announced that neglect of this -public duty would be punished by confiscation of the vassal’s fief; he -abolished the combination of several persons for the equipment of one -horse, but ordered that the small proprietors should each provide one of -the cheap but hardy little Cretan steeds, leaving the wealthier knights -to furnish costlier animals. By this means he created a chivalrous spirit -among the younger nobles, who began to take pride in their horses, and -1200 horsemen were at the disposal of the State before he left the -island. He next turned his attention to the remedy of another abuse—the -excessive growth of the native Cretan aristocracy owing to the issue of -patents of nobility by corrupt officials. Still worse was the reckless -bestowal of privileges, such as exemptions from personal service on the -galleys and from labour on the fortifications, upon Cretans of humble -origin, or even upon whole communities. The latter practice was specially -objectionable, because the privileged communities exercised a magnetic -attraction upon the peasants of other districts, who flocked into them, -leaving the less favoured parts of the island almost depopulated. Quite -apart from this cause, the diminution of the population, which at the -time of the Venetian conquest was about half a million, but had sunk to -271,489 shortly before Foscarini’s arrival, was sufficiently serious. It -is obvious that in ancient times, Crete with its “ninety cities” must -have supported a large number of inhabitants; but the plagues, famines, -and earthquakes of the sixteenth century had lessened the population, -already diminished by Turkish raids and internal insurrections. In 1524 -no fewer than 24,000 persons died of the plague, and the Jews alone were -an increasing body. Against them Foscarini was particularly severe; he -regarded the fair Jewesses of Candia as the chief cause of the moral -laxity of the young nobles; he absolutely forbade Christians to accept -service in Jewish families; and nowhere was his departure so welcome as -in the Ghetto of Candia. The peasants, on the other hand, regarded him -as a benefactor; for their lot, whether they were mere serfs or whether -they tilled the land on condition of paying a certain proportion of the -produce, was by no means enviable. The serfs, or _pároikoi_, were mostly -the descendants of the Arabs who had been enslaved by Nikephoros Phokas, -and who could be sold at the will of their masters. The free peasants -were overburdened with compulsory work by the Government, as well as by -the demands of their lords. In neither case was Foscarini sure that he -had been able to confer any permanent benefit upon them. At least, he had -followed the maxim of an experienced Venetian, that the Cretans were not -to be managed by threats and punishments. - -He concluded his mission by strengthening the two harbours of Suda -and Spinalonga, by increasing the numbers and pay of the garrison, by -improving the Cretan fleet and the mercantile marine, and by restoring -equilibrium to the budget. The Levantine possessions of Venice cost her -at this period more than they brought in, and it was the desire of the -Republic that Crete, should, at any rate, be made to pay expenses. With -this object, Foscarini regulated the currency, raised the tariff in such -a way that the increased duties fell on the foreign consumer, saw that -they were honestly collected, and endeavoured to make the island more -productive. But in all his reforms the commissioner met with stubborn -resistance from the vested interests of the Venetian officials and the -fanaticism of the Orthodox clergy, always the bitterest foes of Venice -in the Levant. In dealing with the latter, Foscarini saw that strong -measures were necessary; he persuaded his Government to banish the worst -agitators, and to allow the others to remain only on condition that they -behaved well. Then, after more than four years of labour, he returned to -Venice, where he was thanked by the Doge for his eminent services. He -had been, indeed, as his monument in the Carmelite church there says, -“Dictator of the island of Candia”; but even his heroic policy did “but -skin and film the ulcerous place.” Not ten years after his departure -we find another Venetian authority, Giulio de Garzoni, writing of the -tyranny of the knights and officials, the misery of the natives, the -disorder of the administration, and the continued agitation of the Greek -clergy among the peasantry. So desperate had the latter become that -there were many who preferred even the yoke of the Sultan to that of the -Catholic Republic[193]. The population of the island, which Foscarini -had estimated at 219,000, had sunk in this short space of time to about -176,000. Numbers of Cretans had emigrated to Constantinople since -Foscarini left, where they formed a large portion of the men employed -in the Turkish arsenal, and where the information which they gave to -the Turks about the weakness of the Cretan garrison and forts filled -the Venetian representatives with alarm. Yet Venice seemed powerless to -do more for the oppressed islanders; indeed, she inclined rather to the -Machiavellian policy of Fra Paolo Sarpi, who advised her to treat the -Cretans like wild beasts, upon whom humanity would be only thrown away, -and to govern the island by maintaining constant enmity between the -barbarised colonists and the native barbarians. “Bread and the stick, -that is all that you ought to give them.” Such a policy could only -prevail so long as Venice was strong enough to defend the colony, or wise -enough to keep at peace with the Sultan. - -The latter policy prevailed for nearly three-quarters of a century after -the peace between Venice and the Porte in 1573, and during that period -we hear little of Crete. The quaint traveller Lithgow[194], who visited -it in the first decade of the seventeenth century, alludes to a descent -of the Turks upon Rethymno in 1597, when that town was again sacked and -burned; and he remarks, as Plato had done in _The Laws_, that he never -saw a Cretan come out of his house unarmed. He found a Venetian garrison -of 12,000 men in the island, and reiterates the preference of the Cretans -for Turkish rule, on the ground that they would have “more liberty and -less taxes.” But while he was disappointed to find no more than four -cities in an island which in Homer’s day had contained ninety, he tells -us that Canea had “ninety-seven palaces,” and he waxes eloquent over the -great fertility of the country near Suda. It is curious to find, nearly -three centuries ago, that Suda bay was eagerly coveted by a foreign -potentate, the King of Spain, of whose designs the astute Venetians were -fully aware, and whose overtures they steadily declined. - -The time had now arrived when the Cretans were to realise their desires, -and exchange the Venetian for the Turkish rule. The Ottoman sultans had -long meditated the conquest of the island, and two recent events had -infuriated Ibrahim I against the Venetians. The Near East was at that -time cursed with a severe outbreak of piracy, in which there was little -to choose between Christians and Mussulmans. While the Venetians had -chased some Barbary corsairs into the Turkish harbour of Valona, on -the coast of Albania, and had injured a minaret with their shots, they -had allowed a Maltese squadron, which had captured the nurse of the -Sultan’s son, to sail into a Cretan harbour with its booty. The fury -of the Sultan, whose affection for his son’s nurse was well known, was -not appeased by the apologies of the Venetian representative. Great -preparations were made for an expedition against Crete, and Ibrahim -constantly went down to the arsenals to urge on the workmen. All over -the Turkish empire the word went forth to make ready. The forests of -the Morea were felled to furnish palisades, the naval stores of Chalkis -were emptied to supply provisions for the troops. All the time the Grand -Vizier kept assuring the Venetian bailie that these gigantic efforts were -directed not against the Republic, but against the knights of Malta. -In vain the Mufti protested against this act of deception, and pleaded -that, if war there must be against Venice, at least it might be open. -The Capitan-Pasha and the war party silenced any religious scruples of -the Sultan, and the Mufti was told to mind his own business. As soon -as the truth dawned upon the Venetians they lost no time in preparing -to meet the Turks. Andrea Cornaro, the new Governor of Crete, hastily -strengthened the fortifications of Candia and of the island at the mouth -of Suda bay, while the home Government sent messages for aid to every -friendly State, from Spain to Persia, with but little result. The Great -Powers were then at each other’s throats; France was quarrelling with -Spain, Germany was still in the throes of the Thirty Years’ War, England -was engaged in the struggle between King and Parliament, and it was -thought that the English wine trade would benefit by the Turkish conquest -of Crete. Besides, the downfall of the Levantine commerce of Venice was -regarded with equanimity by our Turkey merchants, and the Venetians -accused us of selling munitions of war to the infidel. It was remarked, -too, that Venice, of all States, was the least entitled to expect -Christendom to arm in her defence, for no other Government had been so -ready to sacrifice Christian interests in the Levant when it suited her -purpose. Only the Pope and a few minor States promised assistance. - -In 1645 the Turkish fleet sailed with sealed orders for the famous bay -of Navarino. Then the command was given to arrest all Venetian subjects, -including the Republic’s representative at Constantinople, and the -Turkish commander, a Dalmatian renegade, set sail for Crete. Landing -without opposition to the west of Canea, he proceeded to besiege that -town, whose small but heroic garrison held out for two months before -capitulating. The principal churches were at once converted into mosques; -but the losses of the Turks during the siege, and the liberal terms -which their commander had felt bound to offer to the besieged, cost him -his head. At Venice great was the consternation at the loss of Canea; -enormous pecuniary sacrifices were demanded of the citizens, and titles -of nobility were sold in order to raise funds for carrying on the war. -Meanwhile, an attempt to create a diversion by an attack upon Patras only -served to exasperate the Turks, who became masters of Rethymno in 1646, -and in the spring of 1648 began that memorable siege of Candia which was -destined to last for more than twenty years. Even though Venice sued -for peace, and offered to the Sultan Parga and Tenos[195], as well as a -tribute, in return for the restoration of Canea and Rethymno, the Turks -remained obdurate, and were resolved at all costs to have the island, -“even though the war should go on for a hundred years.” And indeed it -seemed likely to be prolonged indefinitely. The substitution of Mohammed -IV for Ibrahim I as Sultan, and the consequent confusion at the Turkish -capital, made it difficult for the Turks to carry on the struggle with -the vigour which they had shown at the outset. The Venetian fleet waited -at the entrance of the Dardanelles to attack Turkish convoys on their -way to Crete, while the Ottoman provision-stores at Volo and Megara -were burned. But these successes outside of the island delayed, without -preventing, the progress of the Turkish arms. In fact, the Venetian -forays in the Archipelago, notably at Paros and Melos, had the effect -of embittering the Greeks against them, and, as a Cretan poet wrote, -the islanders had to suffer, whichever side they took. In Crete itself, -an ambitious Greek priest persuaded the Porte to have him appointed -Metropolitan of the island, and to allow him to name seven suffragans. -The Cretan militia refused to fight, and even the warlike Sphakiotes, -under the leadership of a Kallerges, did little beyond cutting off a few -Turkish stragglers. At last they yielded to the Turks, whose humane -treatment of the Greek peasants throughout the island, combined with -the unpopularity of the Latin rule, frustrated the attempt to provoke -a general rising of the Cretans against the invaders. Nor was a small -French force, which Cardinal Mazarin at last sent to aid the Venetians, -more successful. Both sides were, in fact, equally hampered and equally -unable to obtain a decisive victory; the Venetian fleet at the islet of -Standia, and the Turkish army in the fortress of New Candia, which it had -erected, kept watching one another, while year after year the wearisome -war dragged on. Then, in 1666, a new element was introduced into the -conflict. The Grand Vizier, Ahmed Köprili, landed in Crete, resolved to -risk his head upon the success of his attempt to take Candia[196]. - -For two years and a half Köprili patiently besieged the town, with an -immense expenditure of ammunition and a great loss of life. Worse and -worse grew the condition of the garrison, which was commanded by the -brave Francesco Morosini, who was destined later on to inflict such -tremendous blows upon the Turks in the Morea. A ray of hope illumined -the doomed fortress when, in June 1669, a force of 8000 French soldiers -under the Duc de Navailles, and fifty French vessels under the Duc de -Beaufort, arrived in the harbour, sent by Louis XIV, at the urgent prayer -of Pope Clement IX, to save this bulwark of Catholicism. But these French -auxiliaries met with no success. Four days after their arrival, the Duc -de Beaufort fell in a sally outside the walls[197]. His colleague, the -Duc de Navailles, soon lost heart, and sailed away to France, leaving -the garrison to its fate. His departure was the turning-point in the -siege. The houses were riddled with shots, the churches were in ruins, -the streets were strewn with splinters of bombs and bullets, every -day diminished the number of the defenders, and sickness was raging -in the town. Then Morosini saw that it was useless to go on fighting. -He summoned a council of war, and proposed that the garrison should -capitulate. A few desperate men opposed his proposition, saying that -they would rather blow up the place and die, as they had fought, like -heroes among its ruins. But Morosini’s opinion prevailed, the white flag -was hoisted on the ramparts, and two plenipotentiaries—one of them an -Englishman, Colonel Thomas Anand—were appointed to settle the terms of -capitulation with the Grand Vizier, who was represented at the conference -by a Greek, Panagiotes Nikouses, the first of his race who became -Grand Dragoman of the Porte[198]. Köprili insisted upon the complete -cession of Crete, with the exception of the three fortresses of Suda, -Spinalonga, and Grabusa, with the small islands near them; but he showed -his appreciation of the heroic defence of Candia by allowing the garrison -to march out with all the honours of war. On September 27 the keys of -the town were handed to him on a silver dish, and on the same day, the -whole population, except six persons, left the place. There, at least, -the Greeks preferred exile to Turkish rule, and one of Köprili’s first -acts was to induce fresh inhabitants to come to the deserted town by the -promise of exemption from taxes for several years. - -The cost of this siege, one of the longest in history, “Troy’s rival,” -as Byron called it[199], had been enormous. The Venetians, it was -calculated, had lost 30,985 men, and the Turks 118,754, and the Republic -had spent 4,253,000 ducats upon the defence of this one city. Some idea -of the miseries inflicted by this long war of a quarter of a century may -be formed from the fact that the population of Crete, which had risen to -about 260,000 before it began, was estimated by the English traveller -Randolph, eighteen years after the Turkish conquest, at only 80,000, of -whom 30,000 were Turks. Even before the siege it had been said that Crete -cost far more than it was worth, and from the pecuniary standpoint the -loss of the island was a blessing in disguise. But a cession of territory -cannot be measured by means of a balance-sheet. The prestige of the -Republic had been shattered, her greatest possession in the Levant had -been torn from her, and once more the disunion of the Western Powers had -been the Turk’s opportunity. Both the parties to the treaty were accused -of having concluded an unworthy peace. Every successful Turkish commander -has enemies at home, who seek to undermine his influence; but Köprili was -strong enough to keep his place. Morosini, less fortunate, was, indeed, -acquitted of the charges of bribery and malversation brought against him, -but he was not employed again for many years, until he was called upon to -take a noble revenge for the loss of Candia. - -Venice did not retain her three remaining Cretan fortresses indefinitely. -Grabusa was betrayed by its venal commander to the Turks in 1691; Suda -and Spinalonga were captured in 1715 during the Turco-Venetian War, and -the Treaty of Passarovitz confirmed their annexation to Turkey[200]. - -So, after 465 years, the Venetian domination came to an end. From the -Roman times to the present day no government has lasted so long in that -restless island; and the winged lion on many a building, the old galley -arches on the left of the port of Candia, and the chain of Venetian -fortresses, of which Prof. Gerola has given a detailed description in -his great work, _Venetian Monuments in the island of Crete_, remind us -of the bygone rule of the great republic. But the traveller will inquire -in vain for the descendants of those Venetian colonists whose names have -been preserved in the archives at Venice. Rather than remain in Crete, -most of them emigrated to Corfù or to the Ægean islands, or else returned -to Venice—reluctantly, we may be sure, for Crete has ever exercised a -strange fascination on all who have dwelt there. Now that Crete is once -more emancipated from the Turk, it is possible to compare the Venetian -and the Ottoman rule, and even Greeks themselves, no lovers of the Latins -in the Levant, have done justice to the merits of the Republic of St -Mark. The yoke of Venice was at times heavy, and her hand was relentless -in crushing out rebellion. But a Greek writer of eminence has admitted -that the Venetian administration in Crete was not exceptionally cruel, if -judged by the low standard of humanity in that period[201]. Some persons, -on the strength of certain striking instances of ferocious punishment -inflicted on those who had taken part in the Cretan risings[202], have -pronounced the Venetians to have been worse than the Turks. But in -our own day the Germans, who boast of their superior education, have -exterminated the inhabitants of a South Sea island as vengeance for the -murder of one missionary and have incited the Turks to massacre the -Armenians. It should be reckoned to the credit of Venice that she, at -least, did not attack the religion, or attempt to proscribe the language, -of her Greek subjects, but sternly repelled the proselytising zeal of the -Papacy, so that the Orthodox Church gained more followers than it lost. -The permission accorded in Crete to mixed marriages tended to make the -children of the Venetian colonists good Cretans and luke-warm Catholics, -where they did not go over to the Orthodox creed. The Greeks were given -a share in the administration, trade was encouraged, and many of the -natives amassed large fortunes. At no time in the history of the island -was the export of wine so considerable as during the Venetian occupation. -So great was the wine trade between Crete and England that Henry VIII -appointed in 1522 a certain merchant of Lucca, resident in the island, as -first English Consul there—the beginning of our consular service. Various -travellers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries allude to this -traffic, and Ben Jonson, in his play of _The Fox_, talks of “rich Candian -wine” as a special vintage. In return, we sent woollens to the islanders, -till the French managed to supplant us[203]. Nor was learning neglected -under the Venetians. The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries produced many -Cretans of distinction, among them Pope Alexander V. One became a famous -engineer, two others gained renown as printers at Venice and Rome; a -great Cretan artist, Domenicos Theotokopoulos, obtained undying fame at -Madrid under the name of “El Greco”; one Cretan author edited the Moral -Treatises of Plutarch; another, Joannes Bergikios, wrote a history of -his native island in Italian. We have two poems in Greek by the Cretans -Bouniales and Skleros upon the war of Candia[204]. It was a Cretan of -Venetian origin, Vincenzo Comaro, who wrote the romance of _Erotokritos_, -which was “the most popular reading of the Levant from the sixteenth to -the nineteenth century,” and in which Herakles, “king of Athens,” his -lovely daughter Aretousa, and her lover Erotokritos are the principal -figures, amidst a crowd of princelets obviously modelled on the Frankish -dukes and marquesses of mediæval Greece. Other novelists were produced -by the island, but when Crete fell all the lettered Cretans left, and -with their departure the romantic spirit in literature, which they had -imbibed from the West, ceased[205]. A Greek school had been founded at -Candia in 1550, and many young Cretans went to Italy for purposes of -study[206]. Markos Mousouros, the Cretan scholar, was buried in Sta Maria -della Pace in Rome in 1517; another Cretan, Skouphos, published his -_Rhetoric_ at Venice in 1681. Compared with the present day, when the -island has just emerged from the deadening effect of 229 years of Turkish -rule, its civilisation was materially more advanced in Venetian times. -The Venetians made roads, bridges, and aqueducts; the Turks created -nothing, and allowed the former means of communication to decay. Yet, as -we have seen, Venice was never popular with the Cretans, and the reason -is perfectly obvious to those who have observed the Greek character. Be -the material advantages of foreign domination never so great, the Greek -resents being governed by those of another race and creed, especially if -that creed be Roman Catholicism. The history of the Ionian Islands under -the British Protectorate, of Cyprus under the existing arrangement, of -the Morea under the Venetians, of Athens and of Naxos under the Latin -dukes, all point the same moral. The patriotic Greek would rather be free -than prosperous, and most Greeks, though sharp men of business, are warm -patriots. That is the lesson of Venetian rule in Crete—a lesson which -Europe, after the agony of a century of insurrections, at last took to -heart by granting the Cretans autonomy—now become union with Greece. - - -8. THE IONIAN ISLANDS UNDER VENETIAN RULE - -On their way from Venice to Constantinople the soldiers of the fourth -crusade cast anchor at Corfù, which (as modern Corfiote historians -think) had lately been recovered from the Genoese pirate Vetrano by -the Byzantine government, and was at that time, in the language of the -chronicler Villehardouin, “very rich and plenteous.” In the deed of -partition the Ionian islands were assigned to the Venetians; but they -did not find Corfù by any means an easy conquest. The natives, combining -with their old master, Vetrano, ousted the Venetian garrison, and it -was not till he had been defeated in a naval battle and hanged with a -number of his Corfiote supporters that the Republic was able to occupy -the island. Even then the Venetian government, finding it impossible to -administer directly all the vast territories which had suddenly come into -its possession, granted the island in fiefs to ten Venetian citizens on -condition that they should garrison it and should pay an annual rent to -the Republic. The rights of the Greek church were to be respected, and -the taxes of the loyal islanders were not to be raised[207]. But this -first Venetian domination of Corfù was of brief duration. When Michael I -Angelos founded the Despotat of Epeiros the attraction of a neighbouring -Greek state proved too much for the Corfiotes, who threw off the Latin -yoke and willingly became his subjects. A memorial of his rule may still -be seen in the splendidly situated castle of Sant’ Angelo, whose ruins -rise high above the waters of the Ionian Sea not far from the beautiful -monastery of Palaiokastrizza[208]. - -Corfù prospered greatly under the Despots of Epeiros. They took good care -to ratify and extend the privileges of the church, to grant exemptions -from taxation to the priests, and to reduce the burdens of the laity to -the smallest possible figure. In this they showed their wisdom, for the -church became their warmest ally, and a Corfiote divine was one of the -most vigorous advocates of his patron in the ecclesiastical and political -feud between the rival Greek empires of Nice and Salonika. But after -little more than half a century of Orthodox rule the island passed into -the possession of the Catholic Angevins. Michael II of Epeiros, yielding -to the exigencies of politics, had given his daughter in marriage to the -ill-starred Manfred of Sicily, to whom she brought Corfù as a part of her -dowry. Upon the death of Manfred at the battle of Benevento the powerful -Sicilian admiral Chinardo, who had governed it for his master, occupied -the island until he was murdered by the inhabitants at the instigation -of Michael. The crime did not, however, profit the crafty Despot. The -national party in Corfù endeavoured, indeed, to restore the island to the -rule of the Angeloi; but Chinardo’s soldiers, under the leadership of a -baron named Aleman, successfully resisted the agitation. As the defeat -of Manfred had led to the establishment of Charles of Anjou as king of -Naples and Sicily, and as they were a small foreign garrison in the midst -of a hostile population, they thought it best to accept that powerful -prince as lord of the island. By the treaty of Viterbo the fugitive Latin -emperor, Baldwin II, ceded to Charles any rights over it which he might -possess, and thus in 1267 the Angevins came into possession of Corfù, -though Aleman was allowed to retain the fortresses of the place until his -death[209]. For more than five centuries the Latin race and the Catholic -religion predominated there. - -The Angevin rule, as might have been anticipated from its origin, was -especially intolerant of the Orthodox faith. Charles owed his crown -to the Pope, and was anxious to repay the obligation by propagating -Catholicism among his Orthodox subjects. The Venetians, as we saw, had -enjoined the tolerance of the Greek church during their brief period of -domination, so that now for the first time the islanders learnt what -religious persecution meant. The Metropolitan of Corfù, whose office -had been so greatly exalted by the Despots of Epeiros, was deposed, and -in his room a less dignified ecclesiastic, called “chief priest” (μέγας -πρωτοπαπᾶς), was substituted. The title of “Archbishop of Corfù” was now -usurped by a Latin priest, and the principal churches were seized by the -Catholic clergy[210]. In the time of the Angevins too the Jews, who still -flourish there almost alone in Greece, made their first appearance in any -numbers in Corfù, and first found protectors there; but the injunctions -of successive sovereigns, bidding the people treat them well, would seem -to show that this protection was seldom efficacious[211]. The government -of the island was also reorganised. An official was appointed to act as -viceroy with the title of captain, and the country was divided into four -bailiwicks. Many new fiefs were assigned, while some that already existed -were transferred to Italians and Provençals. - -The Sicilian Vespers, which drove the house of Anjou from Sicily and -handed that kingdom over to the rival house of Aragon, indirectly -affected the fortunes of Corfù. The Corfiotes did not, indeed, imitate -the Sicilians and massacre the French; but their connexion with the -Angevins now exposed them to attack from the Aragonese fleets. Thus the -famous Roger de Lluria burnt the royal castle and levied blackmail upon -the inhabitants. Another Roger, the terrible Catalan leader, De Flor, -ravaged the fertile island in one of his expeditions; yet, in spite of -these incursions, we find the condition of Corfù half a century later -to have been far superior to that of the neighbouring lands. The fact -that the diligent research of the local historians has brought to light -so little information about the Angevin period in itself proves that, -in that generally troubled time, Corfù enjoyed tranquillity. Beyond -the names of its sovereigns, Charles II of Naples, Philip I, Robert, -and Philip II of Taranto, Catherine of Valois and Marie de Bourbon, we -know little about the island from the time when Charles II, reserving -to himself the overlordship, transferred it as a fief in 1294 to his -fourth son, the first of those princes, down to the death of Philip -II in 1373. It then experienced the evils of a disputed succession, -and, as it espoused the cause of Queen Joanna I of Naples, it was -attacked by the Navarrese mercenaries, who were in the pay of the rival -candidate, Jacques de Baux, and who afterwards played so important a -part in the Morea. When Joanna lost her crown and life at the hands of -Charles III of Durazzo, the latter obtained Corfù, and, with the usual -kindness of usurpers insecure on their thrones, he confirmed the fiscal -privileges which the Angeloi had granted to the Corfiotes in the previous -century[212]. But after his violent death four years later, in 1386, the -decline of the Angevin dynasty and the unsettled condition of the east of -Europe caused the islanders to turn their eyes in the direction of the -only power which could protect them. - -Venice indeed had never forgotten her brief possession of Corfù: she -had long been scheming how to recover so desirable a naval station, and -her consul encouraged the Venetian party in the island. There was also -a Genoese faction there, but its attempt to hold the old castle failed, -and on May 28, 1386, the Corfiotes hoisted the standard of St Mark. -Six envoys—one of them, it is worth noting, a Jewish representative of -the considerable Hebrew community—were appointed to offer the island -to the Republic upon certain conditions, the chief of which were the -confirmation of the privileges granted by the Angevins, a declaration -that Venice would never dispose of the place to any other power, and a -promise to maintain the existing system of fiefs. On June 9 a second -document was drawn up, reiterating the desire of the islanders, “or the -greater and saner part of them,” to put themselves under the shelter -of the Republic. Since the death of Charles III, they said, “the island -has been destitute of all protection, while it has been coveted by -jealous neighbours on every side and almost besieged by Arabs and Turks.” -Wherefore, “considering the tempest of the times and the instability -of human affairs,” they had resolved to elect Miani, the Venetian -admiral, captain of the island, and he had entered the city without the -least disturbance. The castle of Sant’ Angelo held out for a time in -the name of Ladislaus, king of Naples; but the transfer of the island -was effected practically without bloodshed. On its side the Venetian -government readily agreed to the terms of the six Corfiote envoys, but -thought it prudent to purchase the acquiescence of the king of Naples in -this transaction. Accordingly in 1402 the sum of 30,000 gold ducats was -paid to him for the island, and the Venetian title was thus made doubly -sure[213]. For 411 years the lion of St Mark held unbroken possession of -Corfù. - -Meanwhile the fate of the other Ionian islands had been somewhat -different, and they only gradually passed beneath the Venetian sway. -Paxo, the baronial fief of the successive families of Malerba, Sant’ -Ippolito and Altavilla, was, indeed, joined politically with Corfù, from -which it is so short a distance, but Cephalonia, Zante, and Ithake had -fallen about the time of the Latin conquest of Constantinople into the -hands of a roving crusader or pirate—the terms were then identical—named -Majo, or Matthew, a member of the great Orsini clan and son-in-law of -the Sicilian Admiral Margaritone, who styled himself count palatine of -the islands, though he recognised the supremacy of Venice. Stricken with -pangs of conscience for his sins, he atoned for them by placing his -possessions under the protection of the Pope, who made short work of the -Orthodox bishops and put the islands under a single Latin ecclesiastic. -Majo did fealty to Geoffroy I de Villehardouin of Achaia, and the islands -were thenceforth reckoned as a vassal state of that principality. -Historians have narrated the horrible crimes of the descendants of Count -Majo in describing the stormy history of Epeiros, and so terrible was -the condition of the islands when John of Gravina set out to claim the -principality of Achaia that he had no difficulty in occupying them as -dependencies of that state. A few years later, in 1333, an arrangement -was made by which they were united with Achaia and Corfù under the -Angevin sceptre. But Robert of Taranto subsequently separated them in -1357 from the latter island by conferring them upon Leonardo Tocco of -Benevento, who also became in 1362 duke of Santa Maura, an island whose -history during the thirteenth and part of the fourteenth centuries is -buried in the deepest obscurity. It appears to have belonged to the -Despots of Epeiros down to a little before the year 1300, when it is -mentioned as a part of the county of Cephalonia. Captured by young Walter -of Brienne in his expedition to Greece in 1331, it was by him bestowed on -the Venetian family of Zorzi in 1355. - -The Turks took the four islands of Cephalonia, Ithake, Zante, and Santa -Maura from the Tocchi in 1479, and the attempt of Antonio Tocco to -recover his brother’s dominions ended in his murder at the hands of the -Ionians. By arrangement with the Sultan the Venetians, who had expelled -Antonio’s forces, handed Cephalonia over to the Turks in 1485, but kept -Zante, which thus, from 1482 onwards, was governed by them, on payment -of an annual tribute of 500 ducats to the Turkish treasury[214]. This -tribute ceased in 1699, when the treaty of Carlovitz formally ceded the -island, free of payment, to the Republic. The Venetians invited colonists -to emigrate thither, in order to fill up the gaps in the population; for -the Turks had carried off many of the inhabitants to Constantinople, for -the purpose of breeding mulatto slaves for the seraglio by intermarriage -with negroes. As there were many homeless exiles at the time, in -consequence of the Turkish conquests in the Levant, there was no lack -of response to this invitation, and Zante soon became a flourishing -community. Its wealth was further increased, in the sixteenth century, -by the introduction of the currant from the neighbourhood of Corinth, -so that at that period it merited its poetic title of “the flower of -the Levant.” Cephalonia did not long remain in Turkish hands. After two -futile attempts to take it the Venetians succeeded, in 1500, with the aid -of the famous Spanish commander, Gonsalvo de Cordoba, in capturing the -island, and at the peace of 1502-3 the Republic was finally confirmed -in its possession, which was never afterwards disturbed. Ithake seems -to have followed the fate of its larger neighbour. Santa Maura[215], -however, though taken two years after Cephalonia, was almost at once -restored to the Turks, and did not become Venetian till its capture by -Morosini in 1684, which was ratified by the treaty of Carlovitz fifteen -years later. It had long been a thorn in the side of the Venetians, as -it was, under the Turkish rule, a dangerous nest of pirates, against -whom the Corfiotes more than once fitted out punitive expeditions. When -Santa Maura was reluctantly given back to the Sultan in 1503, part of -the population emigrated to Ithake, then almost desolate[216], and at -the same time Cephalonia received an influx of Greeks from the Venetian -possessions on the mainland which the Turks had just taken. Kythera, -or Cerigo, which is not geographically an Ionian island at all, and -is no longer connected with the other six, was the property of the -great Venetian family of Venier, which traced its name and origin from -Venus, the goddess of Kythera, from 1207, with certain interruptions -and modifications, down to the fall of the Republic. These Venetian -Marquesses of Cerigo were ousted by the Greeks under Licario after the -restoration of Byzantine rule in the South of the Peloponnese in 1262. -The Emperor bestowed the island upon Paul Monoyannes, a member of one of -the three great Monemvasiote families, but in 1309 intermarriage between -the children of the Greek and Latin lords restored it to the Venieri, -who divided it up into twenty-four shares. But the participation of the -Venieri in the Cretan insurrection of 1363 led to the transformation -of their island into a Venetian colony. Thirty years later, however, -thirteen out of the twenty-four shares were restored to them, while -the Venetian Governor was dependent upon the Cretan administration, so -long as Crete remained Venetian, and upon the Government of the Morea -during the Venetian occupation in the early part of the eighteenth -century. After the peace of Passarovitz he became the subordinate of the -_provveditore generale del Levante_ at Corfù, and the former “eye of -Crete” was thenceforth treated as one of the seven Ionian Islands for the -remainder of the Venetian rule. - -Besides the seven islands Venice also acquired, at different periods -after her occupation of Corfù, several dependencies on the mainland -opposite. Of these, owing to its dramatic history in the days of the -British protectorate, the most interesting was Parga, first taken in -1401[217]. As the landing-place for the famous rock of Suli, with -which in a famous line Byron has connected it, it was a place of some -importance, and was fortified by the Venetians as an outpost against -the Turks. But the Republic ultimately found that it cost more than it -was worth, and several times in vain urged the inhabitants to emigrate -over the narrow channel to Anti-Paxo, or to settle in Corfù. But then, -as in 1819, the Pargians showed a touching, if inconvenient, attachment -to their ancient home, perhaps not unmixed with the desire to continue -the lucrative traffic of selling the munitions of war, sent from Venice -for their own defence, to the neighbouring Turks. Butrinto, opposite -the northern end of Corfù, had voluntarily surrendered to the Venetians -soon after their final occupation of that island, and, like Parga, was -fortified with works, of which the remains may still be seen. During the -Venetian rule of the Ionian Islands Butrinto, well known to sportsmen for -its duck-shooting, and to scholars for the allusion in the _Æneid_[218], -was several times captured and recaptured. The fisheries in the lakes -there, which had once been the property of Cicero’s friend Atticus, -were of considerable value to the Venetians[219], as they are still to -the present proprietors; and the place became definitely assured to -the Republic in 1718, at which date Vonitza inside, and Prevesa at the -entrance of, the Ambrakian Gulf, the latter a stronghold of corsairs -and an important military position which resisted the Greek bombardment -during the Greco-Turkish war of 1897, were also confirmed to Venice. -The value set by the Venetians upon these continental dependencies may -be judged from the fact that they were called “the eyes and ears of the -Republic on the mainland.” - - * * * * * - -The administration of the islands during the Venetian period was modelled -on that of the Republic. In Corfù, the first occupied and most important -of the seven, the chief Venetian functionary was known as the bailie, -who was subsequently assisted by two noble Venetian councillors, and by -a third official, called _provveditore e capitano_, who was in command -of the garrison and resided in the fortress. The strong castle of Sant’ -Angelo, on the west coast, which was never taken though often besieged, -was entrusted to a special officer. But the power of the bailie was -soon overshadowed by that of the commander of the fleet, which was -soon stationed at Corfù, and for which the arsenal at Govino, of which -large and imposing ruins still remain, was built. This naval authority -was the _provveditore generale del Levante_; he was usually appointed -for three years, and exercised very important functions at the time -when Venice was still a first-class eastern power. Strict orders were -issued to all these officials that they should respect the rights of -the natives, and spies, known as “inquisitors over the affairs of the -Levant,” were sent from time to time to the islands for the purpose of -checking the Venetian administration and of ascertaining the grievances -of the governed, who had also the privilege, which they often exercised, -of sending special missions to Venice to lay their complaints before -the home government. Ionian historians, after due deduction is made -for the strong Venetian bias of the privileged class from which they -sprang, are agreed that redress was almost invariably granted, though the -abuses of which the natives complained were apt to grow up again. Thus -when, in the early part of the seventeenth century, the Corfiotes sent -envoys to point out the excesses committed by the sailors of the fleet -the Venetian government forbade the men to land on the island[220]. Not -long afterwards we find the “inquisitors” ordering the removal of all -statues and epitaphs erected to the Venetian officials at Corfù, in order -to prevent this slavish practice, which had descended to the Greeks from -the Roman days[221]. And somewhat later the exactions of the Venetian -officials were stopped. A large share in the local administration was -granted to the inhabitants, or rather to those of noble birth, for -Corfiote society was divided into the three classes of nobles, burghers, -and manual labourers. At first the so-called national council was a much -more democratic body, including many foreigners and local tradesmen. -But the latter and their children were gradually excluded from it, the -entrance of the former was restricted, and in 1440 the functions of -the national council were strictly limited to the annual election of -a smaller body, the communal, or city, council—a body composed at the -outset of seventy, and, half a century later, of 150 members, a total -which was maintained till the last years of Venetian rule, when the -numbers were reduced to sixty. For the purposes of this annual election -the members of the national council met in a quaint old house, decorated -with pictures of Nausikaa welcoming Odysseus, and of other scenes from -the early history of Corcyra, and situated between the old fortress and -the town. This interesting memorial of Venetian rule has long since been -swept away. - -The council of 150, which thus became the governing body of the island, -was composed of Greeks as well as Latins, and formed a close oligarchy. -Once only, during the crisis of the Candian war, it was resolved to add -to it those citizens who would pay a certain sum towards the expenses -of that costly struggle[222]. It had the right of electing every year -certain officials, called syndics (σύνδικοι), at first four in number—two -Greeks and two Latins—and at a later period, when the numbers of the -Latins had declined, only three. These syndics were required to be more -than thirty-eight (at another period thirty-five) years of age, and -were regarded as the special representatives of the community of Corfù. -Those who felt themselves wronged looked to them for redress, and, in -accordance with the economic heresies of that age, they regulated prices -in the markets—a curious interference with the usual Levantine practice -of bargaining. The council of 150 also elected three judges, of whom one -must always be a Latin; but these officials possessed no more than a -consultative vote, and the real decision of cases rested with the bailie -and his two councillors. No local offices—and there were many in Venetian -days—were held for more than a year; most of them were purely honorary, -and all were in the gift of the council of 150. One of the most important -was that of _trierarch_, or captain of the Corfiote war galleys, an -official whom the Venetians wisely allowed these experienced seamen, -worthy descendants of the seafaring Phaiakians of the _Odyssey_, to -elect. Two campaigns entitled a Corfiote officer to the rank of captain -in the Republican fleet, and it would have been well if the British had -followed in this respect the example of their predecessors[223], and -thus opened a naval career to the Ionians. The Corfiote nobles also -commanded the town militia, composed of about 500 artisans, and called -“apprentices,” or _scolari_, who received immunity from taxation in lieu -of pay and exercised on Sundays alone. Each village provided a certain -number of rural police. In imitation of the similar record at Venice a -Golden Book was established, containing the names of the Corfiote nobles. -When the latter were much diminished in numbers by the first great siege -of the island by the Turks in 1537 new families were added to the list -from the burgher class, and Marmora gives the names of 112 noble families -existing at the time when he wrote his history, in 1672[224]. The -Golden Book was burned as the symbol of hated class distinction in the -first enthusiasm for liberty, equality, and fraternity after the French -republicans took possession of Corfù. - -The Venetians had found the feudal system already in existence when they -took over the island, where it had been introduced in Byzantine days, and -they had promised to maintain it. We are told by Marmora that there were -twenty-four baronies there in former times, and later on the total seems -to have been a dozen. In the last century of Venetian rule there were -fifteen[225]. Occasionally the Venetians created a new fief, such as that -of the gipsies, to reward public services. The Ἀθίγγανοι, or gipsies, -who were about 100 in number, were subject to the exclusive jurisdiction -of the baron, upon whom their fief had been bestowed, “an office,” as -Marmora says, “of not a little gain and of very great honour.” They had -their own military commander, and every year on May 1 they marched under -his leadership to the sound of drums and fifes, bearing aloft their -baron’s standard and carrying a maypole, decked with flowers, to the -square in front of the house where the great man lived. There they set -up their pole and sang a curious song in honour of their lord[226], who -provided them with refreshment and on the morrow received from them their -dues. Every feudatory was compelled to keep one horse for the defence of -the island, and was expected to appear with it on May Day on parade. The -peasants were worse off under this feudal system than their fellows on -the mainland under Turkish rule. They had no political rights whatever; -they were practically serfs, and were summed up in the capitulations at -the time of the Venetian occupation together with “the other movable and -immovable goods” of their lords[227]. A decision of the year 1641 that -no one should vote in the council who had not a house in the city must -also have tended to produce absenteeism, still one of the evils of Corfù, -where at the present day only four landed proprietors live on their -estates. A distaste for country life, always a marked feature of Greek -society, may thus have been increased, and the concentration of all the -nobles and men of position in the town, which is now ascribed at Corfù -to the lucrative posts and gaieties of the capital during the British -protectorate, would seem to have begun much earlier. Occasionally we hear -of a peasants’ rising against their oppressors. Thus in 1652 a movement -of the kind had to be put down by force; but the Venetian government, -engaged at the time in the Candian war, did not think it desirable to -punish the insurgents. Somewhat earlier a democratic agitation for -granting a share in the local administration was vetoed by the Republic. -Marmora remarks in his time that “the peasants are never contented; -they rise against their lords on the smallest provocation[228].” Yet, -until the last century of her rule, Venice had little trouble with -the inhabitants. She kept the nobles in good humour by granting them -political privileges, titles, and the entrance to the Venetian navy, -and, so long as the Turk was a danger, she was compelled, from motives -of prudence, to pay a due regard to their wishes. As for the other two -classes of the population they hardly entered into the calculations of -Venetian statesmen. - -No foreign government can govern Greeks if it is harsh to the national -church and clergy, and the shrewd Venetians, as might have been -anticipated, were much less bigoted than the Angevins. While, on the one -hand, they gave, as Catholics, precedence to the Catholic Church, they -never forgot that the interests of the Republic were of more importance -than those of the Papacy. Accordingly, in the Ionian islands no less -than in Crete, they studiously prevented any encroachments on the part of -either the Œcumenical Patriarch or the Pope. Their ecclesiastical policy -is well expressed in an official decree, “that the Greeks should have -liberty to preach and teach the holy word, provided only that they say -nothing about the republic or against the Latin religion[229].” Mixed -marriages were allowed; and, as the children usually became Orthodox, -it is not surprising to learn that twenty years before the close of -the Venetian occupation there were only two noble Latin families in -Corfù which still adhered to the Catholic faith, while at Cephalonia -Catholicism was almost exclusively confined to the garrison[230]. The -Venetians retained, however, the externals of the Angevin system. The -head of the Orthodox Church in Corfù was still called “chief priest” -(μέγας πρωτοπαπᾶς), while the coveted title of Archbishop was reserved -for the chief of the Catholic clergy. The “chief priest” was elected by -the assembled urban clergy and 30 nobles, and held office for five years, -at the end of which he sank into the ranks of the ordinary popes, from -whom he was then only distinguished by his crimson sash. Merit had, as -a rule, less to do with his election than his relationship to a noble -family and the amount of the pecuniary arguments which he applied to the -pockets of the electors, and for which he recouped himself by his gains -while in office. In each of the four bailiwicks into which Corfù was -then divided, and in the island of Paxo, there was a πρωτοπαπᾶς, under -the jurisdiction of the “chief priest,” who was dependent upon no other -ecclesiastical authority than that of the Œcumenical Patriarch, with -whom, however, he was only allowed to correspond through the medium of -the Venetian bailie at Constantinople. Two liberal Popes, Leo X and Paul -III, expressly forbade any interference with the religious services of -the Greeks on the part of the Latin Archbishop; and upon the introduction -of the Gregorian calendar it was specially stipulated by Venice[231] that -in the Ionian islands Latins as well as Greeks should continue to use the -old method of reckoning, in order to avoid the confusion of two Easters -and two Christmasses in one and the same community. When we consider how -strong, even to-day, is the opposition of the Orthodox Church to the new -style, we can understand how gratifying this special exemption must have -been to the Greeks of that period. - -From these causes there was less bitterness than in most other places -between the adherents of the two churches. The Catholics took part in -the religious processions of the Orthodox. When the body of St Spiridion -was carried round the town the Venetian authorities and many of the -garrison paid their respects to the sacred relics; twenty-one guns were -fired from the Old Fortress, and the ships in the harbour saluted; and -the enlightened Catholic Archbishop, Quirini, author of a work on the -antiquities of Corfù, actually went in full state to the Greek church -of St Spiridion on the festival of that saint[232]. The Orthodox clergy -reciprocated these attentions by meeting the Catholics in the church of -St Arsenios, a tenth-century bishop and first Metropolitan of Corfù, -where the discordant chanting of Greeks and Latins represented their -theological concord, and by praying for the Pope and the Latin Archbishop -at the annual banquet at the latter’s palace. They were ready, also, -to excommunicate refractory villages at the bidding of the government, -and this practice, which filled the superstitious people with terror, -was one of the greatest social abuses of Corfù. It was put into force -against individuals on the least provocation, and we are told that the -same priest was quite willing to provide a counter-excommunication for a -consideration[233]. - -The position of the Corfiote Jews, though far less favourable than that -of the Orthodox, was much better than that of the Hebrew colonies in -other parts of the Venetian dominions. In the very first days of the -Venetian occupation an order was issued to the officials of the Republic, -bidding them behave well to the Jewish community and to put no heavier -burdens upon them than upon the rest of the islanders. Many of the -Venetian governors found it convenient to borrow not only money, but -furniture, plate, and liveries from them. That they increased—owing to -the Jewish immigration from Spain and Portugal in 1492 and from Naples -and Calabria half a century later—in numbers under the Venetians may -be inferred from Marmora’s statement that in 1665 there were about 500 -Jewish houses in Corfù, and the historian, who shared to the full the -natural dislike for the Hebrew race which is so characteristic of the -Greeks and so cordially reciprocated by the Jews, naïvely remarks that -the Corfiote Jews would be rich if they were let alone[234]. A century -later they had monopolised all the trade as middlemen, and the landed -proprietors were in their debt. They paid none of the usual taxes levied -on Jewish banks at Venice, and when, by the decree of 1572, the Jews were -banished from Venetian territory, a special exemption was granted to -those of Corfù. They were allowed to practise there as advocates, with -permission to defend Christians no less than members of their own race. -They had their own council and elected their own officials, and a law -of 1614 prohibits the practice of digging up their dead bodies, under -pain of hanging. At the same time they had to submit to some degrading -restrictions. They were compelled to wear a yellow mark on the breast, or -a yellow hat, as a badge of servitude, and an ordinance of 1532 naïvely -remarks that this was “a substitute for the custom of stoning, which does -so much injury to the houses.” True, a money payment to the treasury -secured a dispensation from the necessity of wearing these stigmas; but -there was no exception to the rule which enjoined upon all Jews residence -in a separate part of the city, where they were divided into two groups, -each with its own synagogue. Even to-day the Jewish quarter in the town -of Corfù is known as the _Hebraïká_. Absurd tales were current about -them. Travellers were told that one of them was a lineal descendant of -Judas, and it was rumoured that a young Jewish girl was about to give -birth to a Messiah. They were not allowed to possess real property or -to take land or villas on lease, with the exception of one house for -the personal use of the lessee. But the effect of this enactment was -nullified by means of mortgages; and if a Jew wanted to invest money in -houses he had no difficulty in finding a Christian who would purchase -or rent them with borrowed Jewish capital. They were expected to offer -a copy of the law of Moses to a new Latin Archbishop, who sometimes -delighted the Corfiotes by lecturing them on their shortcomings, and -sometimes, like Quirini, was tolerant of their creed. Finally, they were -forbidden to indulge in public processions—an injunction perhaps quite as -much in their own interest as in that of the public peace[235]. - -The Venetian government did practically nothing for education during the -four centuries of its rule in the Ionian islands. No public schools were -founded, for, as Count Viaro Capodistria informed the British parliament -much later, the Venetian senate never allowed such institutions to be -established in the Ionian islands[236]. The administration was content -to pay a few teachers of Greek and Italian in Corfù and one in each of -the other islands. There was also some private instruction to be had, -and the promising young men of the best families, eager to be doctors -or lawyers, were sent to complete their education at the university of -Padua. But the attainment of a degree at that seat of learning was not -arduous, for by a special privilege the Ionians could take their degree -without examination. And the Ionian student after his return soon forgot -what he had learned, retaining only the varnish of culture. There were -exceptions, however, to this low standard. It was a Corfiote who founded -at Venice, in 1626, the Greek school, called Flangineion, after the name -of its founder, Flangines, which did so much for the improvement of Greek -education[237]; while it was a Cephalonian, Nikodemos Metaxas, who about -the same time set up the first Greek printing press in Constantinople, -which he had purchased in England[238]. But even in the latest Venetian -period there were few facilities for attaining knowledge in Corfù. We -are told that at that time reading and writing—the highest attainments -of the average Greek pope—could be picked up in one of the monasteries, -and Latin in the school of some Catholic priest, but that there were no -other opportunities of mental cultivation there. The historian Mario -Pieri, himself a native of Corfù, remarks that towards the close of the -eighteenth century, when he was a boy, there were no public schools, no -library, no printing press, and no regular bookseller in the island, and -the only literature that could be bought there consisted of a grammar and -a Latin dictionary, displayed in the shop of a chemist[239]. No wonder -that the Corfiotes were easier to manage in those days than in the more -enlightened British times, when newspapers abounded and some of the best -pens in southern Europe were ready to lampoon the British protectorate. - -Yet, even under the Venetians, that love of literature which has -always characterised the Greeks did not become wholly extinct. Jacobo -Triboles, a Corfiote resident at Venice, published in the sixteenth -century in his native dialect a poem, the subject of which was taken -from Boccaccio, called the _History of the King of Scotland and the -Queen of England_. Another literary Corfiote, author of a _Lament for -the Fall of Greece_, was Antonios Eparchos, a versatile genius, at once -poet, Hellenist, and soldier, upon whom the fief of the gipsies was -conferred for his services[240]. Several other Corfiote bards sang of -the Venetian victories, while, in 1672, Andrea Marmora, a member of -a noble family still extant in Corfù, published in Italian the first -history of his country from the earliest times to the loss of Crete by -the Venetians. Subsequent writers have criticised Marmora’s effusive -style, his tendency to invent details, his intense desire to glorify -the most serene Republic[241]. But his work is quaintly written and he -thoroughly reflects the feelings of his class and era. In 1725 Quirini, -whom we have already mentioned as Latin Archbishop of Corfù, issued the -first edition of a Latin treatise on the antiquities of his see, which -was followed, thirteen years later, by a second and enlarged edition. In -1656 an academy of thirty members, known as the _Assicurati_, was founded -at Corfù[242], and only succumbed amid the dangers of the Turkish siege -of 1716. A second literary society was started about the same time, and -a third saw the light in 1732. Of the other islands Cephalonia produced -in the seventeenth century a priest of great oratorical gifts in the -person of Elias Meniates. In short, the Frankish influence, which had -practically no literary result on the mainland, was much more felt in the -intellectual development of the Ionians. But this progress was gained at -the expense of the Greek language, which, under the Venetians, became -solely the tongue of the peasants. Even to-day Greek is almost the only -language understood in the country districts of Corfù, while Italian is -readily spoken in the town. In the Venetian times the Venetian dialect -was the conversational medium of good society, and the young Corfiote, -fresh from his easy-won laurels at Padua, looked down with contempt upon -the noblest and most enduring of all languages. Yet it will never be -forgotten in Corfù that in the resurrection and regeneration of Greek two -Corfiotes of the eighteenth century, Eugenios Boulgaris and Nikephoros -Theotokes, played a leading part. The former in particular was the -pioneer of Greek as it is written to-day, the forerunner of the more -celebrated Koraes, and he dared to write, to the disgust of the clergy, -in a language which the people could understand. But, as his best work -was done at Joannina, then the chief educational centre of the Greek -race, it concerns the general history of Greece under the Turks rather -than that of the seven islands[243]. - -Ionian commerce was hampered by the selfish colonial policy then -prevalent in Europe, which aimed at concentrating all colonial trade in -the metropolis, through which the exports of the islands had to pass. -This naturally led to a vast amount of smuggling, even now rampant in the -Greek Archipelago, in which the British gained an unenviable pre-eminence -and for which they sometimes paid with their lives. The oil trade, the -staple industry of Corfù, was, however, greatly fostered by the grant -of 360 _drachmai_ for every plantation of 100 olive trees, and we find -that, in the last half-century of the Venetian rule, there were nearly -two millions of these trees in that island, which exported 60,000 barrels -of oil every second year. The taxes consisted of a tithe of the oil, -the crops, and the agricultural produce, and a money payment on the -wine, a “chimney tax” on each house, and an export duty of 15 per cent. -on the oil, 9 per cent. on the salt, and 4 per cent. on other articles. -There was also an import duty of 6 per cent. on Venetian and of 8 per -cent. on foreign, goods. The revenue of Zante was so greatly benefited -by the introduction of the currant industry that it increased more than -forty-fold in the space of thirty years during the sixteenth century, -and a hundred years later the traveller Spon said it deserved the name -of the “island of gold” and called it “a terrestrial paradise.” But -the wholesale conversion of corn fields into currant plots caused such -alarm that the local authorities applied to Venice for permission to -root up the currant bushes by force. The Republic replied by allowing -the currants to remain, but at the same time levying a tax upon them, -the proceeds of which were devoted to the purchase and storage of bread -stuffs. The currant industry of that island was injured by further -duties, and was thus placed at a disadvantage as compared with the -lightly taxed currants of the Morea. But in the eighteenth century such -numbers of English ships came to Zante to load currants that the place -had an English consul, two English offices, and an English cemetery, -while our countrymen were very popular there[244]. One of the English -families, attracted thither by the currant trade, that of Sergeant, -still flourishes there. These public granaries were also instituted at -Corfù, which continued, however, to suffer severely from famines. At -the time when Zante was so prosperous Corfù was less productive, and we -accordingly hear that the Venetians obtained permission from the Pope -to levy a tithe on the goods of the Catholic clergy, in order to defray -the costs of maintenance. The salt pans of Levkimo, at the south of the -island, formed a government monopoly, and the importation of foreign -salt was punished by banishment[245]. In order, perhaps, to counteract -the excessive usury of the Corfiote Jews, the government established -an official pawnshop[246], where money was lent at a moderate rate of -interest—6 per cent. - -The administration of the other six islands was on similar lines to that -of Corfù. The nearest of them, Paxo, with its dependency, Anti-Paxo, -was treated as part of that island, and, as we have seen, the Corfiote -“chief priest” had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over it, just as nowadays -the Greek Archbishop of Corfù is also styled “of the Paxoi.” In 1513, -however, Paxo, together with the taxes which it paid, was sold by the -Venetians to the heirs of a Corfiote noble, who treated its inhabitants -so badly that many of them fled to Turkish territory. At last the -_provveditore generale del Levante_, under whose province the affairs of -these islands came, interfered, fixed the taxes of Paxos at a certain -sum, and appointed a native with a title of _capitano_ to govern it as -the representative of the _provveditore e capitano_ at Corfù. Zante was -administered during the first half-century of Venetian rule by a single -_provveditore_; but when the population had considerably increased the -Zantiotes, like the Cephalonians, had need of further officials—two -councillors and a secretary, all Venetian nobles—who assisted the -_provveditore_, and, like him, were appointed for two years. In both -Cephalonia and Zante there were a general council, composed of the -nobles, and a smaller council, whose numbers were finally fixed in Zante -at 150. The character of these two islands, separated by such a narrow -channel of sea, was, however, widely different. Zante was much more -aristocratic in its ideas, though the feudal system, against which the -popular rising of 1628 was directed, prevailed in both islands alike, -where it had been introduced by the Latin counts, Zante having twelve -fiefs and Cephalonia six[247]. But Cephalonia, owing to its purer -Hellenic population, was actuated by the democratic sentiments engrained -in the Greek character. The meetings of the Cephalonian council were -remarkable for their turbulence, of which the authorities frequently -complained, and a retiring governor of that island drew up a report to -the home government in 1754 in which he described in vivid colours the -tendency of the strong to tyrannise over the weak, which he had found -common to all classes, and which caused annoyance to the government -and frequent disturbances of the public peace[248]. British officials -had in turn a similar experience, and Mr Gladstone discovered that the -_vendetta_ was not extinct in the wild mountainous regions of Cephalonia -when he visited the Ionian islands on his celebrated mission. Venice -fostered the quarrels between the various parties at Argostoli, and -governed the unruly Cephalonians by means of their own divisions. In -Zante the number of the noble families, at first indefinite, was finally -fixed at ninety-three; and if any became extinct the vacancy was filled -by the ennoblement of a family of burghers. Once a year the _provveditore -generale del Levante_ paid a visit of inspection to these islands; his -arrival was the greatest event of the whole calendar, and etiquette -prescribed the forms to be observed on his landing. He was expected to -kiss first the cross presented to him by the Latin bishop, and then the -copy of the Gospels offered to him by the spiritual head of the Orthodox -community. - -Leonardo Tocco had restored the Greek episcopal throne in Cephalonia, -and in the Venetian times, promoted to the rank of an archbishopric, it -continued to exist with jurisdiction over the Greeks at Zante and Ithake, -which was often disputed by the “chief priest” (πρωτοπαπᾶς) of Zante, -where a Latin bishop also resided. This dispute was at last settled by a -decree of the senate that the Cephalonian clergy should retain the right -to elect their prelate on condition of choosing a Zantiote on every third -vacancy[249]. In Zante, as in Corfù, the Jews were a considerable factor; -at the close of the Venetian rule they numbered about 2000, and lived in -a separate quarter of the city, walled in and guarded; and the island -was remarkable for the violent anti-Semitic riots of 1712[250], arising -out of the usual fiction of the slaughtered Christian child, which found -their counterpart at Corfù in our own time. But the greatest evil in -these less important islands was that their _provveditori_, being chosen -from the poorer Venetian aristocracy, the so-called _barnabotti_, and -receiving small salaries, made up for their lack of means by corruption, -just as the Turkish officials do now. The efforts of the home government -to check the abuse of bribery, by forbidding its officials to receive -presents, were not always successful. The discontent of the lesser -islands found vent in the embassies which they had the right to send to -Venice, and we occasionally hear of their _provveditori_ being detected -in taking bribes. More rarely the _provveditore generale_ himself was -degraded from his high office for malversation. Accordingly the most -recent Greek historian of the fiscal administration of the islands under -the Venetians, considers that it was fortunate for them to have been -taken, and lost, by Venice when they were[251]. - -Anything which concerns the supposed home of Odysseus must necessarily -be of interest, and fortunately we have some facts about the government -of Ithake at this period. We first hear of a Venetian governor there in -1504, when the island had been repeopled by emigrants from Santa Maura, -and this official was assisted by two local magnates, called “elders -of the people” (δημογέροντες). In 1536 a life governor was appointed, -and upon his death, in 1563, a noble from Cephalonia, appointed by the -council of that island, was sent to administer it with the two “elders,” -subject to the approval of the _provveditore generale_, who visited -Ithake every March. The Ithakans twice successfully complained to Venice -of their Cephalonian governors, who were accused of extortion and of -improper interference in local affairs. Accordingly in 1697 the office -was abolished, and thenceforth the two Ithakan “elders” held sway alone, -while every year the principal men of the island met to elect the local -officials. Small as it is, Ithake formed one feudal barony[252], of which -the Galati were the holders, and its population at the close of the -Venetian period was estimated at about 7000. - -Santa Maura was more democratic in its constitution than most of the -islands; for when Morosini took it from the Turks he permitted the -inhabitants to decide how they would be governed. Accordingly the general -council came in course of time to be largely composed of peasants; -but when, towards the close of the eighteenth century, the Venetian -government sent a special commissioner to reform the constitutions of the -seven islands he created a second and smaller council of fifty at Santa -Maura, to which the election of the local officials was transferred. -Venice was represented there by two _provveditori_, one of whom had -jurisdiction over the continental dependencies of Prevesa and Vonitza, -subject, however, to the supreme authority of the commander of the -fleet at Corfù[253]. Parga and Butrinto were entrusted to two officers -sent from the seat of the Ionian government; the former had its own -council, its own local officials, and paid neither taxes nor duties. All -its inhabitants were soldiers, and many of them pirates, and they were -known to imprison a Venetian governor, just as the Albanians of our time -besieged a Turkish _vali_, till they could get redress[254]. - -Finally the distant island of Kythera was administered by a Venetian -noble sent thither every two years. While it was a dependency of Crete -Kythera fell into a very bad state; its chief men indulged in constant -dissensions; the government was arbitrary, the garrison exacting. In -1572 an attempt was made to remedy these evils by the establishment of a -council of thirty members, elected on a property qualification, with the -power of electing the local authorities. A Golden Book was started, and -the natives were granted the usual privilege of appeal to the Venetian -government, either in Crete or at the capital. All the islands shared -with Corfù the right of electing the captains of their own galleys, and -they on more than one occasion rendered valuable services to the Republic -at sea. - -There had been, as we have noticed, a Genoese party at Corfù when the -fate of the island lay in the balance, and the commercial rivals of -Venice did not abandon all hope of obtaining so desirable a possession -until some time after the establishment of the Venetian protectorate. -Twice, in 1403 and again in 1432, they attacked Corfù, but on both -occasions without success. The first time they tried to capture the -impregnable castle of Sant’ Angelo, which was courageously defended by -a Corfiote noble. The second attempt was more serious. The invaders -effected a landing, and had already ravaged the fertile island, when a -sudden sally of the townsfolk and the garrison checked their further -advance. Many of the Genoese were taken prisoners, while those who -succeeded in escaping to their vessels were pursued and severely handled -by the Venetian fleet. The further attempts of Genoese privateers to -waylay merchantmen on their passage between Corfù and Venice were -frustrated, and soon the islanders had nothing to fear from these -Christian enemies of their protectors. - -Although the Turks were rapidly gaining ground on the mainland, they -were repulsed in the attack which they made upon Corfù in 1431, and did -not renew the attempt for another century. Meanwhile, after the fall of -Constantinople and the subsequent collapse of the Christian states of -Greece, Corfù became the refuge of many distinguished exiles. Thomas -Palaiologos, the last Despot of the Morea, and the historian Phrantzes -fled thither; the latter wrote his history at Corfù at the instance -of some noble Corfiotes, and lies buried in the church of Sts Jason -and Sosipater, where Caterina Zaccaria, wife of Thomas Palaiologos, -also rests. About the same time the island obtained a relic which had -the greatest influence upon its religious life. Among the treasures -of Constantinople at the moment of the capture were the bodies of St -Theodora, the imperial consort of the iconoclast emperor Theophilos, -and St Spiridion, the latter a Cypriote bishop who took a prominent -part at the council of Nice and whose remains had been transferred -to Constantinople when the Saracens took Cyprus. A certain priest, -Kalochairetes by name, now brought the bodies of the two saints to Corfù, -where they arrived in 1456. Upon the priest’s death his two eldest sons -became proprietors of the male saint’s remains, and his youngest son -received those of the female, which he bestowed upon the community. The -body of St Spiridion ultimately passed to the distinguished family of -Boulgaris, to which it still belongs, and is preserved in the church of -the saint, just as the body of St Theodora reposes in the metropolitical -church. Four times a year the body of St Spiridion is carried in -procession, in commemoration of his alleged services in having twice -delivered the island from plague, once from famine, and once from the -Turks. His name is the most widespread in Corfù, and the number of boys -called “Spiro” is legion[255]. - -During the operations against the Turks at this period the Corfiotes -distinguished themselves by their active co-operation with their -protectors. We find them fighting twice at Parga and twice at Butrinto; -we hear of their prowess at the Isthmus of Corinth and beneath the -walls of Patras in 1463, when Venice, alarmed for the safety of her -Peloponnesian stations, called the Greeks to arms; and they assisted -even in the purely Italian wars of the Republic. It seems, indeed, as -if, at that period, the words of Marmora were no mere servile phrase: -“Corfù was ever studying the means of keeping herself a loyal subject of -the Venetians[256].” At last, after rather more than a century of almost -complete freedom from attack, the island was destined to undergo the -first of the two great Turkish sieges which were the principal events in -its annals during the Venetian occupation. In 1537 war broke out between -the Republic and Suleyman the Magnificent, at that time engaged in an -attack upon the Neapolitan dominions of Charles V. During the transport -of troops and material of war across the channel of Otranto the Turkish -and Venetian fleets came into hostile collision, and though Venice -was ready to make amends for the mistakes of her officials the Sultan -resolved to punish them for the insults to his flag. He was at Valona, -on the Albanian coast, at the time, and, removing his camp to Butrinto, -despatched a force of 25,000 men, under the command of the redoubtable -Barbarossa, the most celebrated captain in the Turkish service, to take -possession of the island. The Turks landed at Govino, destroyed the -village of Potamo, and marched upon the capital, which at that time had -no other defences than the old fort. That stronghold and the castle of -Sant’ Angelo were soon the only two points in the island not in the power -of the invaders. A vigorous cannonade was maintained by Barbarossa from -the site of the present town and from the islet of Vido, but the garrison -of 4000 men, half Italians and half Corfiotes, under the command of -Jacopo di Novello, kept up a brisk reply. The Greeks, it was said, could -not have fought better had they been fighting for the national cause, -and they made immense sacrifices in their determination never to yield. -In order to economise food they turned out of the fortress the women, -old men, and children, who went to the Turkish lines to beg for bread. -The Turkish commander, hoping to work on the feelings of the garrison, -refused; so the miserable creatures, repudiated alike by the besieged -and besiegers, wandered about distractedly between the two armies, -striving to regain admission to the fortress by showing their ancient -wounds gained in the Venetian service, and at last, when their efforts -proved unavailing, lying down in the ditches to die. Their sufferings -contributed largely towards the victory of the defenders, for while -provisions held out in the fortress they began to fail in the camp. - -Sickness broke out among the half-starved Turks, and, after a stay -of only thirteen days in the island, they re-embarked. But in that -short time they had wrought enormous damage. They had ravaged the fair -island with fire and sword, and they carried away more than 20,000 -captives[257]. The population was so greatly reduced by this wholesale -deportation that nearly forty years afterwards the whole island contained -only some 17,500 inhabitants, and rather more than a century after this -siege a census showed that the total was not more than 50,000—a much -smaller number than in classical days, when it is estimated to have been -100,000. In 1761 it had declined to 44,333; at the end of the Venetian -occupation it was put down at 48,000; a century later, in 1896, it was -90,872[258]. At the census of 1907 it was 94,451. Butrinto and Paxo, less -able to defend themselves than Corfù, fell into the hands of the Turks, -who plundered several of the other Ionian islands. Great was the joy of -Venice at the news that the invaders had abandoned Corfù, and public -thanksgivings were offered up for the preservation of the island, even in -the desolate condition in which the Turks had left it. A Corfiote, named -Noukios, secretary of an Ambassador of Charles V and author of three -books of travels, the second of which, relating to England, has been -translated into English, wrote, with tears in his eyes, a graphic account -of this terrible visitation. - -One result of this invasion was the tardy but systematic fortification -of the town of Corfù, at the repeated request of the Corfiote council, -which sent several embassies to Venice with that object. More than 2000 -houses were pulled down in the suburb of San Rocco to make room for the -walls, for which the old classical city, Palaiopolis, as it is still -called, provided materials, and Venice spent a large sum on the erection -of new bastions. Two plans are in existence showing the fortifications -of the citadel and of the town about this period[259], and some parts -of the present Fortezza Vecchia date from the years which followed -this first Turkish siege. The still existing Fortezza Nuova was built -between 1577 and 1588, when the new works were completed. Another result -of the Turco-Venetian war was the grant of lands at Corfù to the Greek -soldiers, or _stradioti_, who had formed the Venetian garrisons of -Monemvasia and Nauplia, and for whom provision had to be made when, in -1540, the Republic ceded these two last of her Peloponnesian possessions -to the sultan. The present suburb of Stratia still preserves the name of -these soldiers. The loss of the Venetian stations in the Morea and the -subsequent capture of Cyprus by the Turks naturally increased the numbers -of the Greeks in Corfù. - -Shortly before the battle of Lepanto the Turks raided Kythera, Zante, and -Cephalonia, and again landed in Corfù. But the memory of their previous -failure and the fact that the garrison was prepared for resistance -deterred them from undertaking a fresh siege. They accordingly contented -themselves with plundering the defenceless villages, but this time did -not carry off their booty with impunity. Their ships were routed; as they -were departing many of them sank, and in Marmora’s time the sunken wrecks -could still be seen when the sea was calm[260]. In the battle of Lepanto -1500 Corfiote seamen took part on the Christian side, and four ships were -contributed by the island and commanded by natives. One of these Corfiote -captains was captured during the engagement and skinned alive, his skin -being then fastened as a trophy to the rigging of one of the Turkish -vessels. Another, Cristofalo Condocalli, captured the Turkish admiral’s -ship, which was long preserved in the arsenal at Venice, and he received -as his reward a grant of land near Butrinto, together with the then -rare title of _cavaliere_. The criticisms which Finlay, after his wont, -has passed upon the Greeks at Lepanto, and which do not agree with the -testimony of a contemporary Venetian historian, certainly do not affect -the conduct of the Ionians[261]. A little later, when the Turks again -descended upon Corfù, they were easily repulsed, and the long peace which -then ensued between Venice and the Porte put an end to these anxieties. -Both the Corfiotes and the local militia of Zante did service about this -time under the banner of St Mark in Crete; but the fearful losses of the -Zantiotes, of whom eighty only out of 800 returned home alive from the -Cretan mountains, made the peasants reluctant to serve again. - -There are few facts to relate of the Ionian islands during the peaceful -period between the battle of Lepanto and the war of Candia. At Corfù -the peace was utilised for the erection of new buildings; the church -of St Spiridion was finished, and the body of the saint transferred -to it[262]. But the town did not strike the Venetian traveller Pietro -della Valle, who visited it early in the seventeenth century, as a -desirable residence. Both there and at Zante he thought the buildings -were more like huts than houses, and he considered the latter island -barren and no longer deserving of its classical epithet of “woody[263].” -It was about this time that the Venetians introduced the practice of -tournaments, which were held on the esplanade, and at which the Corfiote -nobles showed considerable skill. Rather later the island was visited -by the plague, which was stayed, according to the local belief, through -the agency of their patron saint, who had on a previous occasion saved -his good Corfiotes from famine by inspiring the captains of some corn -ships to steer straight for their port. The first two of the four -annual processions were the token of the people’s gratitude for these -services[264]. - -When the Candian war broke out further fortifications were built at Corfù -as a precautionary measure; but during the whole length of the struggle -the Turks came no nearer than Parga and Butrinto. The Corfiotes were thus -free to assist the Venetians, instead of requiring their aid. Accordingly -the Corfiote militia was sent to Crete, and horses and money were given -to the Venetian authorities for the conflict, while one Corfiote force -successfully held Parga against the enemy, and another recaptured -Butrinto. In fact the smallness of the population at the census of that -period was attributed to the large number of men serving on the galleys -or in the forts out of the island. When Crete was lost Corfù naturally -became of increased importance to the republic, and in the successful war -between Venice and Turkey, which broke out in 1684, the Ionian islands -played a considerable part. They were used as winter quarters for the -Venetian troops, and the huge mortars still outside the gate of the Old -Fortress at Corfù bear the memorable date of 1684, while a monument of -Morosini occupies, but scarcely adorns, the wall of the old theatre. That -gallant commander now led a squadron, to which the three chief islands -all contributed galleys, against the pirates’ nest of Santa Maura. The -countrymen of Odysseus are specially mentioned among the 2000 Ionian -auxiliaries, and the warlike bishop of Cephalonia brought a contingent -of over 150 monks and priests to the Republic’s standard[265]. Santa -Maura fell after a sixteen days’ siege; the capture of Prevesa followed; -and though the latter was restored to the Sultan with dismantled -fortifications by the treaty of Carlovitz, Santa Maura was never again, -save for a few brief months during the next war, a Turkish island. The -Venetians did not forget the Ionians, who had co-operated with them -so readily. Colonel Floriano, one of the Cephalonian commanders, was -granted the two islets of Kalamos and Kastos, off the coast of Akarnania, -famous in Homer as the abode of “the pirate Taphians.” Thenceforth their -inhabitants were bidden to pay to him and his heirs the tithes hitherto -due to the Venetian government. In consequence of this he assumed the -curious title of _conte della Decima_ (“count of the Tithe”), still -borne by his descendants[266]. No wonder that Venice was popular with an -aristocracy to which it gave employment and rewards. - -The occupation of the Morea by the Venetians in the early part of the -eighteenth century secured the Ionians from disturbance so long as -the peace lasted; but when the Turks set about the re-conquest of the -peninsula they became involved in that last struggle between Venice and -Turkey. In 1715 the Turkish fleet took Kythera, the garrison of which -refused to fight, and the Venetians blew up the costly fortifications -of Santa Maura and removed the guns and garrison to Corfù, in order -that they might not fall into the hands of their foes[267]. Alarmed at -the successes of the Turks, but unable in the degenerate condition of -the commonwealth to send a capable Venetian to defend the remaining -islands, the government, on the recommendation of Prince Eugène, engaged -Count John Matthias von der Schulenburg to undertake the defence. A -German by birth, and a brother of the duchess of Kendal, mistress of -our George I, Count von der Schulenburg did not owe his career, strange -as it may seem to us, to social influence or female intrigue. Entering -the Polish service, he had compelled the admiration of his opponent, -Charles XII of Sweden, and had afterwards fought with distinction under -the eyes of the duke of Marlborough at the siege of Tournai and in the -battle of Malplaquet. Armed with the rank of field-marshal, he set out -for Corfù, where he rapidly put the unfinished fortifications into as -good a condition as was possible in the time, and paid a hurried visit -to Zante for the same purpose. The approach of the Turks hastened his -return, for it was now certain that their objective was Corfù. They had -requisitioned the Epeirotes to make a wide road from Thessaly down to -the coast opposite that island, traces of which were in existence half -a century ago[268]. Along this road Kara Mustapha Pasha marched with -65,000 men, and effected a junction at Butrinto with the Turkish fleet -under Janum Khoja. In the narrow strait at the north end of the island, -opposite the shrine of the virgin at Kassopo, which had taken the place -of the altar of Jupiter Cassius, before which Nero had danced, a division -of the Venetian fleet engaged the Turkish ships and cut its way through -them into Corfù. But this did not prevent the landing of 33,000 Turks -at Govino and Ipso, who encamped along the Potamo and made themselves -masters of the suburbs of Mandoukio and Kastrades, on either side of the -town. Meanwhile Schulenburg had armed all the inhabitants, including even -the Jews, and we are specially told that one of the latter distinguished -himself so much as to merit the rank of a captain[269]. But he wrote that -he was “in want of every thing,” and his motley garrison of Germans, -Italians, Slavs, and Greeks was at no time more than 8000 men. Even -women and priests aided in the defence, and one Greek monk, with a huge -iron crucifix in his hands, was a conspicuous figure as he charged the -besiegers, invoking the vengeance of God upon their heads. - -The Turkish commander’s first object was to occupy the two eminences -of Mounts Abraham and San Salvatore, which commanded the town, but had -been carelessly left without permanent fortifications. A first assault -upon these positions was repulsed, but a second was successful, and -the Turks now called on Schulenburg to surrender. The arrival of some -reinforcements revived the spirits of the besieged, who had now withdrawn -from the town into the citadel, while the Turkish artillery played upon -the houses and aimed at the _campanile_ of St Spiridion’s church. The -New Fortress was the point at which the enemy now directed all their -efforts; one of the bastions was actually taken, and a poet has recorded -that Muktar, grandfather of the famous Ali Pasha of Joannina, fought -his way into the castle and hung up his sword on the gate[270]; but -Schulenburg, at the head of his men, drove out the Turks with enormous -loss. He said himself that that day was the most dangerous of his life; -but his reckless daring saved Corfù. It was expected that the Turks would -renew the assault three days later; but when the fatal morning broke, lo! -they were gone. On the evening before, one of those terrific showers -of rain to which Corfù is liable about the end of August descended upon -the Turkish camp. The storm swept away their baggage into the sea, and -the panic-stricken Turks—so the story ran-saw a number of acolytes -carrying lighted candles, and an aged bishop, who was identified with -St Spiridion, pursuing the infidels staff in hand. The murmurs of the -janissaries and the news of a great Turkish defeat on the Danube may have -had more to do with the seraskier’s hasty departure than the miraculous -intervention of the saint. But the Venetians, with true statesmanship, -humoured the popular belief that St Spiridion had protected the Corfiotes -and themselves in their hour of need. We can still see hanging in the -church of St Spiridion the silver lamp which the senate dedicated to the -saint “for having saved Corfù,” and a companion to which was provided by -the Corfiote nobles in memory of the safe arrival of the two divisions -of the fleet. The islanders still celebrate on August 11 (O.S.), the -anniversary of the Turkish rout in 1716, the solemn procession of the -saint, which Pisani, the Venetian admiral, instituted in his honour[271]. - -The siege had lasted for forty-eight days, and the losses on both sides -had been very great. The lowest estimate of the Turkish dead and wounded -was 8000. Schulenburg put down his own casualties at 1500. Moreover the -Turks had left their artillery behind them, and in their own hurried -re-embarkation some 900 were drowned. The Venetian fleet, under Pisani, -whose indolence was in striking contrast to the energy of Schulenburg, -did not succeed in overtaking the foe; but Schulenburg retook Butrinto, -to which he attached much importance, and personally superintended the -re-fortification of Santa Maura, which another Latin inscription still -commemorates. The extraordinary honours paid to him were the measure of -Corfù’s value to the Republic. In his favour, as in that of Morosini, an -exception was made to the rule forbidding the erection of a statue to a -living person. Before the Old Fortress, which he so gallantly defended, -there still stands his image. Medals were struck in his honour, and -foreign sovereigns wrote to congratulate him. Nor did his services to -the Ionians end here. The fear of a fresh attack brought him to Corfù -again in the following year. From thence he made a successful attack upon -Vonitza and Prevesa, and those places, together with Butrinto, Cerigo, -and the islet of Cerigotto, or Antikythera, were finally confirmed to -the Republic at the peace of Passarovitz. After the peace he drew up a -systematic plan for the defence of the islands, which considerations -of expense prevented the Republic from carrying out as fully as he -wished. One restoration was imperative—that of the citadel of Corfù, -which was blown up by a flash of lightning striking the powder magazine -only two years after the great siege. Pisani and 1500 men lost their -lives in this accident; several vessels were sunk and much damage done. -Under Schulenburg’s directions these works were repaired. At the same -time, warned by the experience of the late siege, he strongly fortified -Mounts Abraham and San Salvatore and connected them with subterranean -passages[272]. To pay for these improvements a tax of one-tenth was -imposed upon the wine and oil of the island[273]. Large sums were also -spent in the next few years upon the defences of Zante, Santa Maura, -and the four continental dependencies of the islands. But the Republic, -having lost much of her Levant trade, could no longer keep them up, -and Corfù was again damaged by a second explosion in 1789. About the -middle of the eighteenth century there was a huge deficit in the Ionian -accounts, and the islands became a burden to the declining strength of -the Venetian commonwealth. On Corfù in particular she spent twice what -she got out of it. - -The peace of Passarovitz in 1718, which made the useless island of Cerigo -the furthest eastern possession of Venice, practically closed the career -of the Republic as an oriental power, and thenceforth of all her vast -Levantine possessions the seven islands and their four dependencies -alone remained under her flag. The decadence of Turkey preserved them to -the Republic rather than any strength of her own, so that for the next -seventy-nine years they were unmolested. Yet this immunity from attack -by her old enemy caused Venice to neglect the welfare of the Ionian -islands, which were always best governed at the moment when she feared to -lose them. The class of officials sent from the capital during this last -period was very inferior. Poor and badly paid, they sought to make money -out of the islanders, and at times defrauded the home government without -fear of detection. M. Saint-Sauveur, who resided as French consul in -the Ionian islands from 1782 to 1799, has given a grim account of their -social and political condition in the last years of Venetian rule; and, -after due deduction for his obvious bias against the fallen Republic, -there remains a large substratum of truth in his statements. At Zante the -cupidity of the Venetian governors reached its height. Nowhere was so -little of the local revenue spent in the locality, nowhere were the taxes -more oppressive or more numerous; nowhere were the illicit gains of -the Venetian officials larger. They were wont to lend money at usurious -interest to the peasants, who frequently rose against their foreign and -native oppressors—for the nobles and burgesses of that rich island were -regarded by the tillers of the soil with intense hatred. Murders were -of daily occurrence at Zante; most well-to-do natives had _bravi_ in -their pay; there was a graduated tariff for permission to wear weapons; -and Saint-Sauveur was once an eye-witness of an unholy compact between -a high Venetian official and a Zantiote who was desirous to secure in -advance impunity for his intended crime[274]. It is narrated how the -wife of a Venetian governor of Zante used to shout with joy “Oil, oil!” -as soon as she heard a shot fired, in allusion to the oil warrants, the -equivalent of cash, which her husband received for acquitting a murderer. -Justice at this period was more than usually halting. The French consul -could only remember three or four sentences of death during the whole of -his residence in the islands, and when, a little earlier, the crew of a -foreign ship was murdered in the channel of Corfù by some islanders under -the leadership of a noble, only one scapegoat, and he a peasant, was -punished. Pirates were not uncommon, Paxo being one of their favourite -haunts. Yet after the peace of Passarovitz Corfù was the centre of the -Republic’s naval forces, and it was in the last years of Venetian rule -that many of the present buildings were built at Govino, and a road was -at last constructed from that point to the town[275]. - -During the Russo-Turkish war between 1768 and 1774 many Ionians took part -in the insurrectionary movement against the Turks on the mainland, in -spite of the proclamations of the Venetian government, which was anxious, -like the British protectorate fifty years later, to prevent its subjects -from a breach of neutrality[276]; but it could not even control its own -officials, for a _provveditore generale_ sold the ordnance and provisions -stored at Corfù under his charge to the Russians. The sympathy of the -Ionians for Orthodox Russia was natural, especially as many Greeks from -the Turkish provinces had settled in the islands without having forgotten -their homes on the mainland. They took part in the sieges of Patras and -Koron, while after the base desertion of the Greeks by the Russians the -islands became the refuge of many defeated insurgents. These refugees -were, however, delivered up by the Venetians to the Turks, and nothing -but a vigorous Russian protest saved from punishment two Ionian nobles -who had taken up arms on her side. Russia followed up her protest by -appointing Greeks or Albanians as her consuls in the three principal -islands[277]; many Cephalonians emigrated to the new Russian province of -the Crimea, and Cephalonian merchantmen began to fly her flag. During -the next Russo-Turkish war—that between 1787 and 1792—the Ionians fitted -out corsairs to aid their friends, and a Russian general was sent to -Ithake to direct the operations of the Greeks. Two of the latter, Lampros -Katsones of Livadia and the Lokrian Androutsos, father of the better -known klepht Odysseus, were specially conspicuous. Lampros styled himself -“king of Sparta,” and christened his son Lycurgus. He established himself -on the coast of Maina and plundered the ships of all nations—a patriot -according to some, a pirate according to others. When a French frigate -had put an end to his reign of terror he, like Androutsos, fled to the -Ionian islands. The Venetians caused a hue and cry to be raised for his -followers, who were saved from the gallows by their Russian patrons; but -Androutsos was handed over to the Turks, who left him to languish in -prison at Constantinople. Katsones became the hero of a popular poem. - -The attacks of pirates from Barbary and Dulcigno upon Prevesa and Cerigo -roused the Venetians to the necessity of punishing those marauders, -and accordingly Angelo Emo was appointed “extraordinary captain of the -ships” and sent to Corfù. After a vigorous attempt at reforming the -naval establishment there, which had fallen into a very corrupt state, -he chastised the Algerines and Tunisians, to the great relief of the -Ionians. The Zantiotes “presented him with a gold sword, and struck a -medal in his honour”; in Corfù a mural tablet still recalls his services -against the Barbary corsairs, and his name ranks with those of Morosini -and Schulenburg in the history of the islands[278]. - -The long peace of the eighteenth century had marked results upon the -social life of the Ionians. It had the bad effect, especially at Corfù, -of increasing the desire for luxuries, which the natives could ill -afford, but which they obtained at the sacrifice of more solid comfort. -Anxious to show their European culture, the better classes relinquished -the garb of their ancestors, and the women, who now for the first time -emerged from the oriental seclusion in which they had been kept for -centuries in most of the islands, deprived themselves of necessaries -and neglected their houses in order to make a smart appearance on -the esplanade—a practice not yet extinct at Corfù. Yet this partial -emancipation of the Ionian ladies, due to the European habits introduced -by the increasing number of Venetian officers who had married Corfiote -wives, was a distinct benefit to society. Gradually ladies went to the -theatre; at first they were screened by a _grille_ from the public gaze, -then a mask was considered sufficient protection; finally that too was -dropped[279]. The population of the islands and their dependencies in -1795 was put down at 152,722. But Corfù was already in the deplorable -state of poverty into which it once more relapsed after the withdrawal -of the British. In spite of its splendid climate and its fertile soil -the fruitful island of the Phaiakians at the end of the Venetian rule -could not nourish its much smaller number of inhabitants for more than -four or five months in the year. The fault did not lie with the soil; -but few of the proprietors had the capital to make improvements, and few -of the peasants had the energy or the necessary incentives to labour. -The lack of beasts of burden and of carriageable roads was a great -drawback. One governor did at last, in 1794, construct five roads from -the town into the country, by means of voluntary subscriptions and a tax -on every loaded horse entering the streets[280]. But it was not till the -British time that either this or the scarcely less evil of want of water -was remedied. The successors of the seafaring subjects of Alkinoös had -scarcely any mercantile marine, while the Cephalonians, sons of a less -beautiful island, voyaged all over the Levant in search of a livelihood. -An attempt to naturalise sugar, indigo, and coffee in a hollow of the -Black Mountain was a failure[281]. Zante, less luxurious and naturally -richer than either of her two other greater sisters, suffered during -the Anglo-French war from the absence of English commerce; and repeated -earthquakes, the predecessors of that of 1893, caused much damage -there[282]. As might have been expected the Venetian system had not -improved the character of the islanders, whose faults were admitted by -their severest critics to be due to the moral defects of the government. -If the Corfiotes of that day seemed to Saint-Sauveur to be ignorant and -superstitious, poor and indolent, they were what Venice had made them. -Yet, in spite of all her errors, the Republic had given to the seven -islands a degree of civilisation which was lacking in Turkish Greece, and -which, improved by our own protectorate, still characterises the Ionians -to-day. Corfù and Zante are still, after over fifty years of union with -the Hellenic kingdom, in many respects more Italian than Greek. Even -to-day the seal of Venice is upon them; not merely does the lion of St -Mark still stand out from their fortifications, but in the laws and the -customs, in the survival of the Italian language and of Italian titles of -nobility here almost alone in Greece, we can trace his long domination. -But no Corfiote or Zantiote, for all that, desires to become Italian. - -The French Revolution had little immediate influence upon the Ionian -islands, though there were some disturbances at Zante, and the citizens -of Corfù petitioned Venice against the exclusive privileges of the -nobles. Three years before the outbreak in Paris, the most serene -Republic had sent a special commissioner to reform the constitution of -the islands; but those reforms mainly consisted in reducing the numbers -of the councils at Corfù and Santa Maura. Much greater hopes were formed -in 1794 on the arrival of Widman, the last _provveditore generale_ whom -Venice sent to Corfù. Widman had had a distinguished naval career; his -benevolence was well known by report, and the Corfiotes, who had been -plundered by his rapacious predecessor, gave him a reception such as had -never fallen to the lot of any of their previous Venetian governors[283]. -It was fortunate for him that he was so popular, for, after selling his -own silver to meet the pressing needs of the administration, he had -to appeal to the generosity of the Ionians for funds to carry on the -government. He did not appeal in vain; the inhabitants of the three chief -islands subscribed money; the four continental dependencies, having no -money, offered men, who could not, however, be accepted, as there were -no uniforms available; the Jews gave him over £400 and armed a certain -number of soldiers at their expense; he was even reduced, as he could -get nothing but promises from home, to use up the savings-bank deposits -in the public service. In the apology which he published two years -after the loss of the islands he gave a black picture of the state of -the fortifications, which contained scarcely enough powder for a single -man-of-war. Under the circumstances his sole consolation was the perusal -of St Augustin. Such was the condition of the Ionian defences when the -French troops entered Venice in 1797[284]. - -Venice was preparing to send commissioners with powers to establish a -democratic form of government at Corfù, when Bonaparte, fearing lest -Russia should occupy the islands, ordered General Gentili to go thither -at once, bidding him introduce some telling classical allusions in -his proclamation to the islanders. In the guise of an ally of Venice, -with Venetian forces mixed among his own, and flying the lion banner -of St Mark at his mast-head, Gentili sailed into Corfù on July 11. He -informed Widman that he had come to protect the islands, and asked that -room might be found within the fortress for their new protectors; he -told the people in a trilingual proclamation that the French Republic, -in alliance with the Venetians, would free this fragment of ancient -Hellas, and revive the glories and the virtues of classic times. Catching -the classical spirit of the general’s proclamation, the head of the -Orthodox church met him as he landed and presented him with a copy of -the _Odyssey_. The islanders received the French as saviours. Gentili -occupied the citadel, and Bonaparte wrote from Milan that they hoped “to -regain, under the protection of the great French nation, the sciences, -arts, and commerce which they had lost through oligarchical tyranny.” - - -9. MONEMVASIA - -MONEMVASIA DURING THE FRANKISH PERIOD (1204-1540) - -There are few places in Greece which possess the combined charms of -natural beauty and of historic association to the same extent as -Monemvasia. The great rock which rises out of the sea near the ancient -Epidauros Limera is not only one of the most picturesque sites of the -Peloponnese, but has a splendid record of heroic independence, which -entitles it to a high place in the list of the world’s fortresses (Plate -II, Figs. 1, 2). Monemvasia’s importance is, however, wholly mediæval; -and its history has hitherto never been written; for the painstaking -brochure of the patriotic Monemvasiote ex-deputy and ex-Minister K. -Papamichalopoulos[285], was composed before modern research rendered it -possible to draw upon the original authorities at Venice and elsewhere. -In the present chapter I have endeavoured to state briefly what, in the -present state of Greek mediæval studies, is known about this interesting -city during the Frankish period. - -At the time of the Frankish Conquest of the rest of Greece, Monemvasia -was already a place of considerable importance. Even if we reject -the statement of the fifteenth century historian, Phrantzes[286], -himself a native of the place, that the Emperor Maurice had raised it -to the rank of the 34th Metropolitan see—a statement contradicted by -an ecclesiastical document of 1397—we know at least that it was even -then the seat of a Greek bishopric, whose holder remained a suffragan -of Corinth[287] till the Latins captured the latter city in 1210. -The Comneni had confirmed the liberties of a community so favourably -situated, and the local aristocracy of Monemvasia enjoyed the privilege -of self-government. Thanks to the public spirit of its inhabitants, the -wisdom of the local magnates, and the strength of its natural defences, -which made it in the Middle Ages the Gibraltar of Greece, it had repelled -the attack of the Normans from Sicily in the middle of the twelfth -century. Fifty years later it was a busy sea-port town, whose ships -were seen at the Piræus by Michael Akominatos, the last Metropolitan of -Athens before the Conquest, and whose great artistic treasure, the famous -picture of Our Lord being “dragged,” which has given its name to the -Ἑλκόμενος church, attracted the covetousness of the Emperor Isaac II[288]. - -As might have been expected from its position and history, Monemvasia was -the last spot in the Peloponnese to acknowledge the Frankish supremacy. -Geoffroy I Villehardouin had contented himself perforce with sending -a body of troops to raid the country as far as the causeway, or μόνη -ἔμβασις, which leads to the great rock-fortress and from which its -name is derived[289]; and his son Geoffroy II seems to have meditated -the conquest of the place[290]; but it was reserved for the third of -the Villehardouins, soldierly Prince William, to hoist the _croix -ancrée_ of his family over the “sacred rock” of Hellenism, which was -in uninterrupted communication by sea with the successor of Byzantium, -the Greek Emperor of Nice[291], and was therefore a constant source of -annoyance to the Franks of the Peloponnese. The Prince, after elaborate -preparations, began the siege not long after his accession in 1246. -He summoned to his aid the great vassals of the Principality—Guy I of -Athens, who owed him allegiance for Nauplia and Argos; the three barons -of Eubœa; Angelo Sanudo, Duke of Naxos, with the other lords of the -Cyclades, and the veteran Count Palatine of Cephalonia, Matteo Orsini, -ruler of the island-realm of Odysseus[292]. But the Prince of Achaia saw -that without the naval assistance of Venice, which had taken care that -his principality should not become a sea-power, he could never capture -the place. He accordingly obtained the aid of four Venetian galleys, and -then proceeded to invest the great rock-fortress by land and water. For -three long years the garrison held out, “like a nightingale in its cage,” -as the Chronicler quaintly says—and the simile is most appropriate, for -the place abounds with those songsters—till all supplies were exhausted, -and they had eaten the very cats and mice. Even then, however, they -only surrendered on condition that they should be excused from all -feudal services, except at sea, and should even in that case be paid. -True to the conciliatory policy of his family, William wisely granted -their terms, and then the three _archontes_ of Monemvasia, Mamonas, -Daimonoyannes, and Sophianos, advanced along the narrow causeway to his -camp and offered him the keys of their town. The conqueror received them -with the respect of one brave man for another, loaded them with costly -gifts, and gave them fiefs at Vatika near Cape Malea. A Frankish garrison -was installed in the coveted fortress; and a Latin bishop, Oddo of -Verdun, at last occupied the episcopal palace there, which had been his -(on paper) ever since Innocent III[293] had organised the Latin see of -Monemvasia as one of the suffragans of Corinth. - -The Frankish occupation lasted, however, barely fourteen years, and has -left no marks on the picturesque town. Buchon, indeed, who spied the -Villehardouin arms on the Gorgoepekoos church at Athens, thought that he -had discovered the famous _croix ancrée_ on one of the churches[294]. -He apparently meant the Ἑλκόμενος church, which the late Sir T. Wyse -called and Murray’s _Handbook_ still calls St Peter’s—a name not now -known in Monemvasia, but derived perhaps from an inscription to a certain -_Dominus Petrus_, whose remains “lie in peace” hard by. One church in -the town, “Our Lady of the Myrtle,” bears, it is true, a cross with -anchored work below, and four stars above the door. But this church, -as I was informed and as the name implies, was founded by people from -Cerigo, whose patron saint is the Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα (Plate III, Fig. -1). The capture of the town by the Franks is, however, still remembered -at Monemvasia, and local tradition points out the place on the mainland -where Villehardouin left his cavalry. One pathetic event occurred at the -rock during the brief Frankish period—the visit of the last Latin Emperor -of Constantinople, Baldwin II, in 1261, on his way from his lost capital -to Italy[295]. In the following year Monemvasia was one of the castles -ceded to his successor, the Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, as the -ransom of Prince William of Achaia, captured by the Greeks three years -earlier after the fatal battle of Pelagonia. - -The mediæval importance of Monemvasia really dates from this retrocession -to the Byzantine Emperor in 1262, when a Byzantine province was -established in the south-east of the Morea. It not only became the seat -of an Imperial governor, or κεφαλή, but it was the landing-place where -the Imperial troops were disembarked for operations against the Franks, -the port where the Tzakones and the _Gasmoûloi_, or half-castes, of the -Peloponnese enlisted for service in the Greek navy. During the war which -began in 1263 between Michael VIII and his late captive, we accordingly -frequently find it mentioned; it was thither that the Genoese transports -in the Imperial service conveyed the Greek troops; it was thither, too, -that the news of the first breach of the peace was carried post-haste, -and thence communicated to Constantinople; it was there that the Imperial -generals took up their headquarters at the outset of the campaign; -and it was upon the Monemvasiotes that the combatants, when they were -reconciled, agreed to lay the blame for the war[296]. Under the shadow -of the Greek flag, Monemvasia became, too, one of the most dangerous -lairs of corsairs in the Levant. The great local families did not -disdain to enter the profession, and we read of both the Daimonoyannai -and the Mamonades in the report of the Venetian judges, who drew up a -long statement in 1278 of the depredations caused by pirates to Venetian -commerce in the Levant. On one occasion the citizens looked calmly on -while a flagrant act of piracy was being committed in their harbour, -which, as the port of shipment for Malmsey wine, attracted corsairs -who were also connoisseurs[297]. Moreover, the Greek occupation of so -important a position was fatal to the Venetian lords of the neighbouring -islands, no less than to Venetian trade in the Ægean. The chief sufferers -were the two Marquesses of Cerigo and Cerigotto, members of the great -families of Venier and Viaro, who had occupied those islands after the -Fourth Crusade. It would appear from a confused passage of the Italian -Memoir on Cerigo, that the islanders, impatient at the treatment which -they received from their Latin lord, the descendant, as he boasted, of -the island-goddess Venus herself, sent a deputation to invoke the aid of -the Greek governor of the new Byzantine province in the Morea[298]. At -any rate, the famous cruise of Licario, the upstart Italian of Negroponte -who went over to the Greeks, temporarily ended the rule of the Venetian -Marquesses. A governor was sent to Cerigo from Monemvasia; but ere -long Michael VIII conferred that island upon the eminent Monemvasiote -_archon_, Paul Monoyannes, who is described in a Venetian document -as being in 1275 “the vassal of the Emperor and captain of Cerigo.” -Monoyannes fortified the island, where his tomb was discovered during the -British protectorate, and it remained in the possession of his family -till 1309, when intermarriage between the children of its Greek and Latin -lords restored Cerigo to the Venieri[299]. - -[Illustration: PLATE II - -Fig. 1. MONEMVASIA FROM THE LAND. - -Fig. 2. MONEMVASIA. ENTRANCE TO KASTRO.] - -[Illustration: PLATE III - -Fig. 1. MONEMVASIA. Παναγία Μυρτιδιώτισσα. - -Fig. 2. MONEMVASIA. Ἁγία Σοφία.] - -The Byzantine Emperors naturally rewarded a community so useful to them -as that of Monemvasia. Michael VIII granted its citizens valuable fiscal -exemptions; his pious son and successor, Andronikos II not only confirmed -their privileges and possessions, but founded the church of the Divine -Wisdom which still stands in the castle. The adjoining cloister has -fallen in ruins; the Turks after 1540 converted the church, like the -more famous Santa Sophia of Constantinople, into a mosque, the _mihrab_ -of which may still be traced, and smashed all the heads of the saints -which once adorned the church—an edifice reckoned as ancient even in the -days of the Venetian occupation, when a Monemvasiote family had the _jus -patronatus_ over it (Plate III, Fig. 2). But a fine Byzantine plaque over -the door—two peacocks and two lambs—still preserves the memory of the -Byzantine connexion. Of Andronikos II we have, too, another Monemvasiote -memorial—the Golden Bull of 1293, by which he gave to the Metropolitan -the title of “Exarch of all the Peloponnese,” with jurisdiction over -eight bishoprics, some, it is true, still _in partibus infidelium_, as -well as the titular Metropolitan throne of Side, and confirmed all the -rights and property of his diocese, which was raised to be the tenth -of the Empire and extended, at any rate on paper, right across the -peninsula to “Pylos, which is called Avarinos”—a convincing proof of the -error made by Hopf in supposing that the name of Navarino arose from the -Navarrese company a century later. The Emperor lauds in this interesting -document, which bears his portrait and is still preserved in the National -Library and (in a copy) in the Christian Archæological Museum at Athens, -the convenience and safe situation of the town, the number of its -inhabitants, their affluence and their technical skill, their seafaring -qualities, and their devotion to his throne and person. His grandson and -namesake, Andronikos III, in 1332 granted them freedom from market-dues -at the Peloponnesian fairs[300]. But a city so prosperous was sure to -attract the covetous glances of enemies. Accordingly, in 1292, Roger -de Lluria, the famous admiral of King James of Aragon, on the excuse -that the Emperor had failed to pay the subsidy promised by his father -to the late King Peter, descended upon Monemvasia, and sacked the lower -town without a blow. The _archontes_ and the people took refuge in the -impregnable citadel, leaving their property and their Metropolitan in -the power of the enemy[301]. Ten years later, another Roger, Roger de -Flor, the leader of the Catalan Grand Company, put into Monemvasia on -his way to the East on that memorable expedition which was destined to -ruin “the pleasaunce of the Latins” in the Levant. On this occasion the -Catalans were naturally on their good behaviour. Monemvasia belonged -to their new employer, the Emperor Andronikos; it had been stipulated -that they should receive the first instalment of their pay there; -and Muntaner[302] tells us that the Imperial authorities gave them a -courteous reception and provided them with refreshments, including -probably a few barrels of the famous Malmsey. - -Monemvasia fortunately escaped the results of the Catalan expedition, -which proved so fatal to the Duchy of Athens and profoundly affected the -North and West of the Morea. Indeed, in the early part of the fourteenth -century the corsairs of the great rock seemed to have actually seized the -classic island of Salamis under the eyes of the Catalan rulers of Athens, -whose naval forces in the Saronic Gulf had been purposely crippled by -the jealous Venetian Government. At any rate we find Salamis, which -had previously belonged to Bonifacio da Verona, the baron of Karystos -in Eubœa, and had passed with the hand of his daughter and heiress to -Alfonso Fadrique, the head of the terrible Catalan Company in Attica, -now paying tribute to the Byzantine governor of Monemvasia[303]. When, -however, towards the end of the fourteenth century, the Greeks began to -recover most of the Peloponnese, the city which had been so valuable to -them in the earlier days of the reconquest of the Morea had to compete -with formidable rivals. In 1397, when Theodore I Palaiologos obtained, -after a desperate struggle, the great fortress of Corinth, which had -been his wife’s dowry from her father, Nerio Acciajuoli, his first -act was to restore the Metropolitan see of that ancient city, and the -first demand of the restored Metropolitan was for the restitution to -him by his brother of Monemvasia of the two suffragan bishoprics of -Zemenos and Maina, which had been given to the latter’s predecessor -after the Latin conquest of Corinth[304]. This demand was granted, and -we are not surprised to hear that the Monemvasiotes were disaffected to -the Despot, under whom such a slight had been cast upon their Church. -The Moreote _archontes_ at this period were intensely independent of -the Despot of Mistra, even though the latter was the brother of the -Emperor. The most unruly of them all was Paul Mamonas of Monemvasia, -who belonged to the great local family which had been to the fore in -the days of Villehardouin. This man held the office of “Grand-Duke” -or Lord High Admiral in the Byzantine hierarchy of officials and -claimed the hereditary right to rule as an independent princelet over -his native city, of which his father had been Imperial governor. When -Theodore asserted his authority, and expelled the haughty _archon_, the -latter did not hesitate to arraign him before the supreme authority of -those degenerate days—the Sultan Bayezid I who ordered his immediate -restoration by Turkish troops—a humiliation alike for the Greek Despot -and for the sacred city of Hellenism[305]. Theodore had, indeed, at one -time thought of bestowing so unruly a community upon a Venetian of tried -merit; and, in 1419, after the death of Paul’s son, the Republic was -supposed by Hopf to have come into possession of the coveted rock and -its surroundings—then a valuable commercial asset because of the Malmsey -which was still produced there[306]. But the three documents, upon which -he relies for this statement, merely show that Venetian merchants were -engaged in the wine-trade at Monemvasia. - -It was at this period that Monemvasia produced two men of letters, George -Phrantzes and the Monk Isidore. To the latter we owe a series of letters, -one of which, addressed to the Emperor Manuel II on the occasion of his -famous visit to the Morea in 1415, describes his pacification of Maina -and his abolition of the barbarous custom of cutting off the fingers -and toes of the slain, which the Mainates had inherited from the Greeks -of Æschylus and Sophocles. He also alludes to the Greek inscriptions -which he saw at Vitylo[307]. Of Phrantzes, the historian of the Turkish -conquest, the secretary and confidant of the Palaiologoi, the clever if -somewhat unscrupulous diplomatist, who, after a busy life, lies buried -in the quiet church of Sts Jason and Sosipater at Corfù, it is needless -to speak. In the opinion of the writer, Phrantzes should hold a high -place in Byzantine history. His style is clear and simple, compared with -that of his contemporary Chalkokondyles, the ornate Herodotus of the new -Persian Conquest; he knew men and things; he was no mere theologian or -rhetorician, but a man of affairs; and he wrote with a _naïveté_, which -is as amusing as it is surprising in one of his profession. Monemvasia -may be proud of having produced such a man, who has placed in his -history a glowing account of his birthplace. We hear too in 1540 of a -certain George, called “Count of Corinth” but a native of Monemvasia, -who had a fine library, and among the many Peloponnesian calligraphists, -the so-called “Murmures,” found later on in Italy, there were some -Monemvasiotes[308]. - -We next find Monemvasia in the possession of the Despot Theodore II -Palaiologos[309], who ratified its ancient privileges. All the Despot’s -subjects, whether freemen or serfs, were permitted to enter or leave -this important city without let or hindrance, except only the dangerous -denizens of Tzakonia and Vatika, whose character had not altered in the -two hundred years which had elapsed since the time of Villehardouin. The -citizens, their beasts, and their ships were exempt from forced labour; -and, at their special request, the Despot confirmed the local custom, -by which all the property of a Monemvasiote who died without relatives -was devoted to the repair of the castle; while, if he had only distant -relatives, one-third of his estate was reserved for that purpose (Plate -V, Fig. 1). This system of death duties (τὸ ἀβιωτίκιον, as it was called) -was continued by Theodore’s brother and successor, Demetrios, by whom -Monemvasia was described as “one of the most useful cities under my -rule[310].” Such, indeed, he found it to be, when, in 1458, Mohammed II -made his first punitive expedition into the Morea. On the approach of -the great Sultan, the Despot fled to the rock of Monemvasia. It was the -ardent desire of the Conqueror to capture that famous fortress, “the -strongest of all cities that we know,” as the contemporary Athenian -historian, Chalkokondyles[311], called it. But his advisers represented -to him the difficult nature of the country which he would have to -traverse, so he prudently desisted from the enterprise. Two years later, -when Mohammed II visited the Morea a second time and finally destroyed -Greek rule in that peninsula, Monemvasia again held out successfully. -After sheltering Demetrios against an attack from his treacherous brother -Thomas, the town gave refuge to the wife and daughter of the former. -Demetrios had, however, promised to give his daughter in marriage to the -great Sultan; and Isa, son of the Pasha of Üsküb, and Matthew Asan, the -Despot’s brother-in-law, were accordingly sent to demand the surrender of -the city and of the two princesses, whom it contained. The Monemvasiotes -did, indeed, hand over the two Imperial ladies to the envoys of the -Sultan and the Despot; but, relying on their immense natural defences, -animated by the sturdy spirit of independence which had so long -distinguished them, and inspired by the example of their governor, Manuel -Palaiologos, they bade them tell Mohammed not to lay sacrilegious hands -on a city which God had meant to be invincible. The Sultan is reported -to have admired their courage, and wisely refrained from attacking the -impregnable fortress of mediæval Hellenism. As Demetrios was the prisoner -of the Sultan, the Governor proclaimed Thomas as his liege-lord; but -the latter, a fugitive from Greece, was incapable of maintaining his -sovereignty and tried to exchange it with the Sultan for another sea-side -place[312]. A passing Catalan corsair, one Lope de Baldaja, was then -invited to occupy the rock; but the liberty-loving inhabitants soon drove -out the petty tyrant whom they had summoned to their aid, and, with the -consent of Thomas, placed their city under the protection of his patron, -the Pope. Pius II gladly appointed both spiritual and temporal governors -of the fortress which had so long been the stronghold of Orthodoxy, and -of that nationalism with which Orthodoxy was identical[313]. - -But the papal flag did not wave long over Monemvasia. The Orthodox Greeks -soon grew tired of forming part of the Pope’s temporal dominion, and -preferred the rule of Venice, the strongest maritime power interested -in the Levant, whose governors were well known to be “first Venetians -and then Catholics.” The outbreak of the Turco-Venetian War of 1463, and -the appearance of a Venetian fleet in the Ægean, gave the citizens their -opportunity. The Pope, as Phrantzes informs us, had no wish to give up -the place; but he was far away, his representative was feeble, the flag -of Venice was for the moment triumphant in Greek waters, and accordingly -in 1463 or 1464, the inhabitants admitted a Venetian garrison. On -September 21, 1464, the Senate made provision for the government of -this new dependency. A _Podestà_ was to be elected for two years at an -annual salary of 500 gold ducats, this salary to be paid every three -months out of the revenues of the newly-conquered island of Lemnos. Six -months later, it was decreed that in case there was no money available -for the purpose at Lemnos, the _Podestà_ should receive his salary from -the Cretan treasury[314]. From that time to 1540 Monemvasia remained a -Venetian colony. Once, indeed, a plot was organised in the ancient city -of the Palaiologoi for the purpose of wresting the place from the claws -of the Lion of St Mark. Andrew Palaiologos, the still more degenerate -son of the degenerate Thomas, had, in 1494, transferred all his Imperial -rights and claims to King Charles VIII of France, then engaged in his -expedition to Naples, in the Church of San Pietro in Montorio at Rome. -In accordance with this futile arrangement his partisans at Monemvasia, -where the Imperial name of Palaiologos was still popular, schemed to -deliver the city to his French ally[315]. But the plans of Charles VIII, -and with them the plot at Monemvasia, came to nought. Venice remained -mistress of the Virgin fortress. - -[Illustration: PLATE IV - -MONEMVASIA. KASTRO.] - -[Illustration: PLATE V - -Fig. 1. MONEMVASIA. TOWN WALLS AND GATE. - -Fig. 2. MONEMVASIA. MODERN TOWN AT BASE OF CLIFF.] - -Down to the peace of 1502-3, Monemvasia seems to have been fairly -prosperous under Venetian rule. By the Turco-Venetian treaty of 1479 -she had been allowed to retain the dependency of Vatika[316] in the -neighbourhood of Cape Malea, which had been captured from the Turks -in 1463, and where her citizens had long possessed property. But the -territories of Monemvasia were terribly restricted after the next -Turco-Venetian war: she had then lost her outlying castles of Rampano -and Vatika, from which the ecclesiastical authorities derived much -of their dues; and we find the inhabitants petitioning the Republic -for the redress of their grievances, and pointing out that this last -delimitation of their frontiers had deprived them of the lands which they -had been wont to sow. The rock itself produced nothing, and accordingly -all their supplies of corn had now to be imported through the Turkish -possessions[317]. As for the famous vintage, which had been the delight -of Western connoisseurs, it was no longer produced at Malvasia, for -the Turks did not cultivate the vineyards which were now in their -hands, and most of the so-called “Malmsey,” _nihil de Malfasia habens -sed nomen_, as worthy Father Faber says, had for some time come from -Crete or Modon[318], till the latter place, too, became Turkish. But, -in spite of these losses, Monemvasia still remained what she had been -for centuries—an impregnable fortress, the Gibraltar of Greece. The -Venetians renewed the system, which had prevailed under the Despots of -the Morea, of devoting one of the local imposts to the repair of the -walls; the Venetian _Podestà_, who lived, like the military governor, up -in the castle, seems to have been a popular official; and the Republic -had wisely confirmed the special privileges granted by the Byzantine -Emperors to the Church and community of this favoured city (Plate IV). -Both a Greek Metropolitan and a Latin Archbishop continued to take their -titles from Monemvasia, and the most famous of these prelates was the -eminent Greek scholar, Markos Mousouros. It is interesting to note that -in 1521 Pope Leo X had a scheme for founding an academy for the study of -the Greek language out of the revenues of whichever of these sees first -fell vacant, as Arsenios Apostoles, at that time Metropolitan, was a -learned Greek and a Uniate, and in both capacities, a prime favourite of -the classically cultured Pontiff. In 1524, however, despite the thunders -of the Œcumenical Patriarch, the Greek and the Italian prelates agreed -among themselves that the former should retain the see of Monemvasia and -that the latter should take a Cretan diocese[319]. The connection between -“the great Greek island” and this rocky peninsula was now close. The -Greek priests of Crete, who had formerly gone to the Venetian colonies -of Modon and Coron for consecration, after the loss of those colonies in -1500 came to Monemvasia; the Cretan exchequer continued to contribute -to the expenses of the latter; and judicial appeals from the _Podestà_ -of Malmsey lay to the colonial authorities at Candia, instead of being -remitted to Venice; for, as a Monemvasiote deputation once plaintively -said, the expenses of the long journey had been defrayed by pawning the -chalices of the churches. Even now Monemvasia is remote from the world; -in those Venetian days she was seldom visited, not only because of her -situation, but because of the fear which ships’ captains had of her -inhabitants[320]. - -The humiliating peace of 1540, which closed the Turco-Venetian war -of 1537, closed also the history of Venice in the Morea till the -brief revival at the close of the seventeenth century. This shameful -treaty cost the Republic her two last possessions on the mainland of -Greece—Nauplia and Monemvasia, both still uncaptured and the latter -scarcely assailed by the Turkish forces[321]. Admiral Mocenigo was sent -to break as best he could to her loyal subjects the sad news that the -Republic had abandoned their homes to the Turks. The Venetian envoy, if -we may believe the speech which Paruta puts into his mouth, repeated to -the weeping people the ancient adage, _ubi bene, ibi patria_, and pointed -out to them that they would be better off in a new abode less exposed -than their native cities had been to the Turkish peril. In November a -Venetian fleet arrived in the beautiful bay of Nauplia and off the sacred -rock of Monemvasia to remove the soldiers, the artillery, and all the -inhabitants who wished to live under Venetian rule. Then the banner of -the Evangelist was lowered, the keys of the two last Venetian fortresses -in the Morea were handed to Kassim Pasha, and the receipts for their -transfer were sent to Venice[322]. - -[Illustration: Fig. 2. ARMS ON WELL-HEAD IN THE CASTLE.] - -The inhabitants of the two cities had been loyal to Venice, and Venice -was loyal to them. The first idea of transporting the Monemvasiotes to -the rocky island of Cerigo—then partly a Venetian colony and partly -under the rule of the great Venetian family of Venier, which boasted -its descent from Venus, the fabled goddess of Kythera—was abandoned, in -deference to the eloquent protests of the Metropolitan, and lands were -assigned to the exiles in the more fertile colonies of the Republic. -A commission of five nobles was appointed to consider the claims, and -provide for the settlement, of the _stradioti_, or light horsemen from -Nauplia and Monemvasia, who had fought like heroes against the Turks; -and this commission sat for several years, for the claimants were -numerous and not all genuine[323]. Some, like the ancient local family of -Daimonoyannes, formerly lords of Cerigo, received lands in Crete[324], -where various members of the Athenian branch of the great Florentine -family of the Medici, which had been settled for two hundred years at -Nauplia, also found a home. Scions of the clan of Mamonas went to Zante -and Crete, and are found later on at Corinth, Nauplia, Athens and Corfù. -Others were removed to Corfù, where they soon formed an integral part -of the Corfiote population and where the name of these _stradioti_ is -still preserved in a locality of the island; while others again were -transplanted to Cephalonia, Cyprus, or Dalmatia. Not a few of them were -soon, however, smitten with home-sickness; they sold their new lands and -returned to be Turkish subjects at Nauplia and Monemvasia[325]. - -The Venetian fortifications; the old Venetian pictures on the -eikonostasis of the Ἑλκόμενος church; the quaint Italian chimneys, and -the well-head up in the castle, which bears the winged lion of St Mark, -two private coats of arms, the date MDXIV and the initials S R upon it, -the latter those of Sebastiano Renier, _Podestà_ from 1510 to 1512 (to -whom the first coat belongs, while the second is that of Antonio Garzoni, -_Podestà_ in 1526 and again in 1538, when he was the last _Podestà_ -before the Turkish conquest), still speak to us of this first Venetian -occupation, when the ancient Byzantine city, after the brief vicissitudes -of French and Papal government, found shelter for nearly eighty years -beneath the flag of the Evangelist (Plate V, Fig. 2 and Text-fig. 2). - - -APPENDIX - -TWO VENETIAN DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE ACQUISITION OF MONEMVASIA IN 1464 - - -I.—_Regina_ fol. 52. - - MCCCCLXIIIJ indictione xij. - - Die xxi Septembris. - - Cum per gratiam omnipotentis Dei acquista sit in partibus - grecie insula Staliminis dives et opulenta in qua sunt tres - terre cum Castellis viz Cochinum, Mudrum et Paleocastrum que - tempore pacis reddere solent ducatos circa xᵐ. Item etiam - Civitas Malvasie sita in Amorea. Ad quorum locorum bonam - gubernationem et conservationem sub obedientia nostri Dominii - providendum est de rectoribus et camerariis e venetiis - mittendis tam pro populis regendis et jure reddendo quam pro - introitibus earum bene gubernandis et non perdendis sicut - hucusque dicitur esse factum.... - - Eligatur per quattuor manus electionum in maiori consilio - unus potestas Malvasie cum salario ducatorum V. auri in anno, - sit per duos annos tantum; et habeat salarium liberum cum - prerogativis et exemptionibus rectoris Staliminis et similiter - in contumacia sua. Debeat habere duos famulos et tres equos et - recipiat salarium suum ab insula Staliminis de tribus mensibus - in tres menses ante tempus. - - †De parte 474 - De non 14 - Non syncere 9 - - Die xvij Septembris mcccclxiiij in consilio di xlᵗᵃ. - - De parte 26 - De non 0 - Non sync. 1 - - - -II.—_Regina_ fol. 56. - - Die iij Marcii 1465. - - Captum est in maiori Consilio: Quod Rector monouasie elegendus - de tribus in tres menses habere debeat salarium suum a loco - nostro stalimnis et quum facile accidere posset per magnas - impensas quas idem stalimnis locus habet quod inde salarium - ipsum suum habere non posset.... Vadit pars quod in quantum - idem rector noster monouasie a Stalimnis insula salarium ipsum - suum habere non posset juxta formam presentis electionis sue a - camera nostra crete illud percipere debeat sicuti conueniens et - honestum est de tribus in tres menses juxta formam presentis - ipsius. - - †De parte 573 - De non 39 - Non syncere 42 - - -THREE VENETIAN DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE WINE-TRADE AT MONEMVASIA - -(I have altered the Venetian dates to Modern Style): - - _Jan. 9, 1420._ - - _Capta._ - - Attenta humili et devota supplicatione fidelium civium - nostrorum mercatorum Monavaxie et Romanie et considerate quod - mercantia huiusmodi vinorum hoc anno parvum vel nichil valuit, - ob quod ipsi mercatores multa et maxima damna sustinuerunt, ob - quibus (_sic_) nullo modo possunt ad terminum quatuor mensium - sibi limitatum solvere eorum datia prout nobis supplicaverunt; - Vadit pars quod ultra terminum quatuor mensium sibi concessum - per terram ad solvendum datia sua pro suis monavasiis et - romaniis, concedatur eisdem et prorogetur dictus terminus usque - ad duos menses ultra predictos menses quatuor sibi statuitos - per terram ut supra dando plezariam ita bonam et sufficientem - pro ista prorogatione termini, quod comune nostrum sit securum - de datio suo, solvendo ad terminum debitum. - - De parte omnes. - - (Archivio di State Venezia—Deliberazioni Senate Misti Reg. 53. - c. 21.) - - _Feb. 19, 1421._ - - _Capta._ - - Quod audita devota supplicatione fidelium civium nostrorum - mercatorum Romanie et Monovasie Venetiis existentium, et - intellectis damnis que receperunt iam annis tribus de ipsis - vinis et maxime hoc anno quia per piratas accepte sibi fuerunt - plures vegetes huiusmodi vinorum, et considerato quod ilia que - habent non possunt expedire, propter que damna non possunt - solvere sua datia ad terminum sibi limitatum per ordines - nostros. Et audita superinde responsione offitialium nostrorum - datii vini ex nunc captum sit quod ultra dictum terminum sibi - limitatum per ordines nostros elongetur terminus solvendi dicta - datia ipsorum vinorum usque duos alios menses. - - De parte omnes. - De non 0. - Non sinceri 0. - - (Archivio di State Venezia—Deliberazioni Senato Misti Reg. 53. - c. 112.) - - _Feb. 9, 1428._ - - In Consilio Rogatorum. - - _Capta._ - - Quod mercatoribus Monovaxie et Romanie, qui non potuerunt - expedire vina sua propter novitates presentes elongetur - terminus solvendi datia sua per unum mensem ultra terminum - limitatum per ordines nostros. - - De parte omnes alii. - De non 2. - Non sinceri 1. - - (Archivio di Stato Venezia—Deliberazioni Senato Misti Reg. 56. - carte. 76tᵒ.) - - -10. THE MARQUISATE OF BOUDONITZA (1204-1414) - -Of all the feudal lordships, founded in Northern Greece at the time of -the Frankish Conquest, the most important and the most enduring was -the Marquisate of Boudonitza. Like the Venieri and the Viari in the -two islands of Cerigo and Cerigotto at the extreme south, the lords of -Boudonitza were Marquesses in the literal sense of the term—wardens of -the Greek Marches—and they maintained their responsible position on -the outskirts of the Duchy of Athens until after the establishment of -the Turks in Thessaly. Apart, too, from its historic importance, the -Marquisate of Boudonitza possesses the romantic glamour which is shed -over a famous classical site by the chivalry of the middle ages. What -stranger accident could there have been than that which made two noble -Italian families the successive guardians of the historic pass which is -for ever associated with the death of Leonidas! - -Among the adventurers who accompanied Boniface of Montferrat, the new -King of Salonika, on his march into Greece in the autumn of 1204, was -Guido Pallavicini, the youngest son of a nobleman from near Parma who had -gone to the East because at home every common man could hale him before -the courts[326]. This was the vigorous personality who, in the eyes of -his conquering chief, seemed peculiarly suited to watch over the pass of -Thermopylæ, whence the Greek _archon_, Leon Sgouros, had fled at the mere -sight of the Latins in their coats of mail. Accordingly, he invested him -with the fief of Boudonitza, and ere long, on the Hellenic substructures -of Pharygæ, rose the imposing fortress of the Italian Marquesses. - -The site was admirably chosen, and is, indeed, one of the finest in -Greece. The village of Boudonitza, Bodonitza, or Mendenitza, as it is -now called, lies at a distance of three and a half hours on horseback -from the baths of Thermopylæ and nearly an hour and a half from the -top of the pass which leads across the mountains to Dadi at the foot -of Parnassos. The castle, which is visible for more than an hour as -we approach from Thermopylæ, stands on a hill which bars the valley -and occupies a truly commanding position (Plate VI, Figs. 1 and 2). -The Warden of the Marches, in the Frankish times, could watch from its -battlements the blue Maliac Gulf with the even then important town -of Stylida, the landing-place for Zetounion, or Lamia; his eye could -traverse the channel up to, and beyond, the entrance to the Gulf of -Almiro, as the Gulf of Volo was then called; in the distance he could -descry two of the Northern Sporades—Skiathos and Skopelos—at first in the -hands of the friendly Ghisi, then reconquered by the hostile Byzantine -forces. The northernmost of the three Lombard baronies of Eubœa with the -bright streak which marks the baths of Ædepsos, and the little island of -Panaia, or Canaia, between Eubœa and the mainland, which was one of the -last remnants of Italian rule in this part of Greece, lay outstretched -before him; and no pirate craft could come up the Atalante channel -without his knowledge. Landwards, the view is bounded by vast masses -of mountains, but the danger was not yet from that quarter, while a -rocky gorge, the bed of a dry torrent, isolates one side of the castle. -Such was the site where, for more than two centuries, the Marquesses of -Boudonitza watched, as advanced sentinels, first of “new France” and then -of Christendom. - -The extent of the Marquisate cannot be exactly defined. In the early -years after the Conquest we find the first Marquess part-owner of -Lamia[327]; his territory extended down to the sea, upon which later -on his successors had considerable commercial transactions, and the -harbour from which they obtained their supplies would seem to have been -simply called the _skala_ of Boudonitza. In 1332 Adam, the Archbishop -of Antivari, alludes to the “castle and port of Boudonice (_sic_), -through which we shall have in abundance grain of all kinds from -Wallachia” (_i.e._ Thessaly, the “Great Wallachia” of the Byzantine -historians and of the “Chronicle of the Morea”)[328]. The Pallavicini’s -southern frontier marched with the Athenian _seigneurie_; but their -feudal relations were not with Athens, but with Achaia. Whether or no -we accept the story of the “Chronicle of the Morea,” that Boniface of -Montferrat conferred the suzerainty of Boudonitza upon Guillaume de -Champlitte, or the more probable story of the elder Sanudo, that the -Emperor Baldwin II gave it to Geoffroy II de Villehardouin[329], it -is certain that later on the Marquess was one of the twelve peers of -Achaia[330], and in 1278 Charles I of Naples, in his capacity of Prince -of Achaia, accordingly notified the appointment of a bailie of the -principality to the Marchioness of that day[331]. It was only during -the Catalan period that the Marquess came to be reckoned as a feudatory -of Athens[332]. Within his dominions was situated a Roman Catholic -episcopal see—that of Thermopylæ, dependent upon the metropolitan see of -Athens. At first the bishop resided at the town which bore that name; on -its destruction, however, during those troublous times, the bishop and -canons built an oratory at Boudonitza. Even there, however, the pirates -penetrated and killed the bishop, whereupon in 1209 the then occupant -of the see, the third of the series, begged Innocent III to allow him -to move to the abbey of “Communio”—perhaps a monastery founded by one -of the Comneni—within the same district[333]. Towards the close of -the fourteenth century, the bishop was commonly known by the title of -“Boudonitza,” because he resided there, and his see was then one of the -four within the confines of the Athenian Duchy[334]. - -[Illustration: PLATE VI - -Fig. 1. BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE WEST. - -Fig. 2. BOUDONITZA. THE CASTLE FROM THE EAST.] - -[Illustration: PLATE VII - -Fig. 1. BOUDONITZA. THE KEEP AND THE HELLENIC GATEWAY. - -Fig. 2. BOUDONITZA. THE HELLENIC GATEWAY.] - -Guido, first Marquess of Boudonitza, the “Marchesopoulo,” as his Greek -subjects called him, played a very important part in both the political -and ecclesiastical history of his time—just the part which we should have -expected from a man of his lawless disposition. The “Chronicle” above -quoted represents him as present at the siege of Corinth. He and his -brother, whose name may have been Rubino, were among the leaders of the -Lombard rebellion against the Latin Emperor Henry in 1209; he obstinately -refused to attend the first Parliament of Ravenika in May of that -year; and, leaving his castle undefended, he retreated with the still -recalcitrant rebels behind the stronger walls of the Kadmeia at Thebes. -This incident procured for Boudonitza the honour of its only Imperial -visit; for the Emperor Henry lay there one evening—a certain Wednesday—on -his way to Thebes, and thence rode, as the present writer has ridden, -through the _closure_, or pass, which leads over the mountains and down -to Dadi and the Bœotian plain—then, as now, the shortest route from -Boudonitza to the Bœotian capital[335], and at that time the site of a -church of our Lady, _Sta Maria de Clusurio_, the property of the abbot -and canons of the Lord’s Temple. Like most of his fellow-nobles, the -Marquess was not over-respectful of the rights and property of the Church -to which he belonged. If he granted the strong position of Lamia to the -Templars, he secularised property belonging to his bishop and displayed -a marked unwillingness to pay tithes. We find him, however, with his -fellows, signing the _concordat_ which was drawn up to regulate the -relations between Church and State at the second Parliament of Ravenika -in May, 1210[336]. - -As one of the leading nobles of the Latin kingdom of Salonika, Guido -continued to be associated with its fortunes. In 1221 we find him acting -as bailie for the Regent Margaret during the minority of the young -King Demetrius, in whose name he ratified a convention with the clergy -respecting the property of the Church[337]. His territory became the -refuge of the Catholic Archbishop of Larissa, upon whom the bishopric of -Thermopylæ was temporarily conferred by Honorius III, when the Greeks of -Epeiros drove him from his see. And when the ephemeral kingdom had fallen -before them, the same Pope, in 1224, ordered Geoffroy II de Villehardouin -of Achaia, Othon de la Roche of Athens, and the three Lombard barons of -Eubœa to aid in defending the castle of Boudonitza, and rejoiced that -1300 _hyperperi_ had been subscribed by the prelates and clergy for its -defence, so that it could be held by “G. lord of the aforesaid castle,” -till the arrival of the Marquess William of Montferrat[338]. Guido was -still living on May 2, 1237, when he made his will. Soon after that date -he probably died; Hopf[339] states in his genealogy, without citing any -authority, that he was killed by the Greeks. He had survived most of -his fellow-Crusaders; and, in consequence of the Greek reconquest of -Thessaly, his Marquisate was now, with the doubtful exception of Larissa, -the northernmost of the Frankish fiefs, the veritable “March” of Latin -Hellas. - -Guido had married a Burgundian lady named Sibylle, possibly a daughter -of the house of Cicon, lately established in Greece, and therefore a -cousin of Guy de la Roche of Athens. By her he had two daughters and a -son, Ubertino, who succeeded him as second Marquess. Despite the feudal -tie which should have bound him to the Prince of Achaia, and which he -boldly repudiated, Ubertino assisted his cousin, the “Great Lord” of -Athens, in the fratricidal war between those prominent Frankish rulers, -which culminated in the defeat of the Athenians at the battle of Karydi -in 1258, where the Marquess was present, and whence he accompanied Guy -de la Roche in his retreat to Thebes. In the following year, however, -he obeyed the summons of the Prince of Achaia to take part in the fatal -campaign in aid of the Despot Michael II of Epeiros against the Greek -Emperor of Nice, which ended on the plain of Pelagonia; and in 1263, when -the Prince, after his return from his Greek prison, made war against -the Greeks of the newly established Byzantine province in the Morea, -the Marquess of Boudonitza was once more summoned to his aid[340]. The -revival of Greek power in Eubœa at this period, and the frequent acts -of piracy in the Atalante channel were of considerable detriment to the -people of Boudonitza, whose food supplies were at times intercepted by -the corsairs[341]. But the Marquess Ubertino profited by the will of -his sister Mabilia, who had married Azzo VII d’Este of Ferrara, and -bequeathed to her brother in 1264 her property near Parma[342]. - -After the death of Ubertino, the Marquisate, like so many Frankish -baronies, fell into the hands of a woman. The new Marchioness of -Boudonitza was his second sister, Isabella, who is included in the -above-mentioned circular note, addressed to all the great magnates of -Achaia by Charles I of Anjou, the new Prince, and notifying to them -the appointment of Galeran d’Ivry as the Angevin vicar-general in the -principality. On that occasion, the absence of the Marchioness was one -of the reasons alleged by Archbishop Benedict of Patras, in the name -of those present at Glarentza, for the refusal of homage to the new -bailie[343]. So important was the position of the Marquisate as one of -the twelve peerages of Achaia. - -The Marchioness Isabella died without children; and, accordingly, in -1286, a disputed succession arose between her husband, a Frank settled in -the East, and the nearest male representative of the Pallavicini family, -her cousin Tommaso, grandson of the first Marquess’s brother, Rubino. The -dispute was referred to Guillaume de la Roche, Duke of Athens, in his -capacity of bailie of Achaia, before the feudal court of which a question -relating to Boudonitza would legally come. Tommaso, however, settled the -matter by seizing the castle, and not only maintained himself there, but -transmitted the Marquisate to his son, Alberto[344]. - -The fifth Marquess is mentioned as among those summoned by Philip of -Savoy, Prince of Achaia, to the famous Parliament and tournament on the -Isthmus of Corinth in the spring of 1305, and as having been one of -the magnates who obeyed the call of Philip’s namesake and successor, -Philip of Taranto, in 1307[345]. Four years later he fell, at the great -battle of the Kephissos, fighting against the Catalans beneath the lion -banner of Walter of Brienne[346], who by his will a few days before had -bequeathed 100 _hyperperi_ to the church of Boudonitza[347]. - -The Marquisate, alone of the Frankish territories north of the Isthmus, -escaped conquest by the Catalans, though, as at Athens, a widow and her -child were alone left to defend it. Alberto had married a rich Eubœan -heiress, Maria dalle Carceri, a scion of the Lombard family which had -come from Verona at the time of the Conquest. By this marriage he had -become a hexarch, or owner of one-sixth of that great island, and is -so officially described in the Venetian list of Greek rulers. Upon his -death, in accordance with the rules of succession laid down in the _Book -of the Customs of the Empire of Romania_, the Marquisate was divided -in equal shares between his widow and his infant daughter, Guglielma. -Maria did not, however, long remain unconsoled; indeed, political -considerations counselled an immediate marriage with some one powerful -enough to protect her own and her child’s interests from the Catalans of -Athens. Hitherto the Wardens of the Northern March had only needed to -think of the Greek enemies in front, for all the territory behind them, -where Boudonitza was most easily assailable, had been in the hands of -Frenchmen and friends. More fortunate than most of the high-born dames -of Frankish Greece, the widowed Marchioness had avoided the fate of -accepting one of her husband’s conquerors as his successor. Being thus -free to choose, she selected as her spouse Andrea Cornaro, a Venetian of -good family, a great personage in Crete, and Baron of Skarpanto. Cornaro -thus, in 1312, received, by virtue of his marriage, his wife’s moiety of -Boudonitza[348], while her daughter conferred the remaining half, by her -subsequent union with Bartolommeo Zaccaria, upon a member of that famous -Genoese race, which already owned Chios and was about to establish a -dynasty in the Morea[349]. - -Cornaro now came to reside in Eubœa, where self-interest as well as -patriotism led him to oppose the claims of Alfonso Fadrique, the new -viceroy of the Catalan Duchy of Athens. His opposition and the natural -ambition of Fadrique brought down, however, upon the Marquisate the -horrors of a Catalan invasion, and it was perhaps on this occasion -that Bartolommeo Zaccaria was carried off as a captive and sent to a -Sicilian prison, whence he was only released at the intervention of -Pope John XXII. It was fortunate for the inhabitants of Boudonitza that -Venice included Cornaro in the truce which she made with the Catalans in -1319[350]. Four years later he followed his wife to the grave, and her -daughter was thenceforth sole Marchioness. - -Guglielma Pallavicini was a true descendant of the first Marquess. Of -all the rulers of Boudonitza, with his exception, she was the most -self-willed, and she might be included in that by no means small -number of strong-minded, unscrupulous, and passionate women, whom -Frankish Greece produced and whom classic Greece might have envied as -subjects for her tragic stage. On the death of her Genoese husband, she -considered that both the proximity of Boudonitza to the Venetian colony -of Negroponte and her long-standing claims to the castle of Larmena in -that island required that she should marry a Venetian, especially as the -decision of her claim and even her right to reside in the island depended -upon the Venetian bailie. Accordingly, she begged the Republic to give -her one of its nobles as her consort, and promised dutifully to accept -whomsoever the Senate might choose. The choice fell upon Nicolò Giorgio, -or Zorzi, to give him the Venetian form of the name, who belonged to -a distinguished family which had given a Doge to the Republic and had -recently assisted young Walter of Brienne in his abortive campaign to -recover his father’s lost duchy from the Catalans. A Venetian galley -escorted him in 1335 to the haven of Boudonitza, and a Marquess, -the founder of a new line, once more ruled over the castle of the -Pallavicini[351]. - -At first there was no cause to regret the alliance. If the Catalans, now -established at Neopatras and Lamia, within a few hours of Boudonitza, -occupied several villages of the adjacent Marquisate, despite the -recommendations of Venice, Nicolò I came to terms with them, probably -by agreeing to pay that annual tribute of four fully equipped horses to -the Vicar-General of the Duchy of Athens, which we find constituting -the feudal bond between that state and Boudonitza in the time of his -son[352]. He espoused, too, the Eubœan claims of his wife; but Venice, -which had an eye upon the strong castle of Larmena, diplomatically -referred the legal question to the bailie of Achaia, of which both -Eubœa and Boudonitza were technically still reckoned as dependencies. -The bailie, in the name of the suzeraine Princess of Achaia, Catherine -of Valois, decided against Guglielma, and the purchase of Larmena by -Venice ended her hopes. Furious at her disappointment, the Marchioness -accused her Venetian husband of cowardice and of bias towards his native -city, while more domestic reasons increased her indignation. Her consort -was a widower, while she had had a daughter by her first marriage, and -she suspected him of favouring his own offspring at the expense of her -child, Marulla, in whose name she had deposited a large sum of money at -the Venetian bank in Negroponte. To complete the family tragedy played -within the walls of Boudonitza there was only now lacking a sinister ally -of the angry wife. He, too, was forthcoming in the person of Manfredo -Pallavicini, the relative, business adviser, and perhaps paramour, of -the Marchioness. As one of the old conqueror’s stock, he doubtless -regarded the Venetian husband as an interloper who had first obtained the -family honours and then betrayed his trust. At last a crisis arrived. -Pallavicini insulted the Marquess, his feudal superior; the latter -threw him into prison, whereupon the prisoner attempted the life of his -lord. As a peer of Achaia, the Marquess enjoyed the right of inflicting -capital punishment. He now exercised it; Pallavicini was executed, and -the assembled burgesses of Boudonitza, if we may believe the Venetian -version, approved the act, saying that it was better that a vassal should -die rather than inflict an injury on his lord. - -The sequel showed, however, that Guglielma was not appeased. She might -have given assent with her lips to what the burgesses had said. But she -worked upon their feelings of devotion to her family, which had ruled -so long over them; they rose against the foreign Marquess at their -Lady’s instigation; and Nicolò was forced to flee across to Negroponte, -leaving his little son Francesco and all his property behind him. Thence -he proceeded to Venice, and laid his case before the Senate. That body -warmly espoused his cause, and ordered the Marchioness to receive him -back to his former honourable position, or to deliver up his property. -In the event of her refusal, the bailie of Negroponte was instructed to -break off all communications between Boudonitza and that island and to -sequestrate her daughter’s money still lying in the Eubœan bank. In order -to isolate her still further, letters were to be sent to the Catalans of -Athens, requesting them not to interfere between husband and wife. As the -Marchioness remained obdurate, Venice made a last effort for an amicable -settlement, begging the Catalan leaders, Queen Joanna I of Naples, as -the head of the house of Anjou, to which the principality of Achaia -belonged, and the Dauphin Humbert II of Vienne, then commanding the papal -fleet against the Turks, to use their influence on behalf of her citizen. -When this failed, the bailie carried out his instructions, confiscated -the funds deposited in the bank, and paid Nicolò out of them the value of -his property. Neither the loss of her daughter’s money nor the spiritual -weapons of Pope Clement VI could move the obstinate Lady of Boudonitza, -and in her local bishop, Nitardus of Thermopylæ, she could easily find -an adviser who dissuaded her from forgiveness[353]. So Nicolò never -returned to Boudonitza; he served the Republic as envoy to the Serbian -Tsar, Dushan, and as one of the Doge’s Councillors, and died at Venice in -1354. After his death, the Marchioness at once admitted their only son, -Francesco, the “Marchesotto,” as he was called, now a youth of seventeen, -to rule with her, and, as the Catalans were once more threatening her -land, made overtures to the Republic. The latter, glad to know that a -Venetian citizen was once more ruling as Marquess at Boudonitza, included -him and his mother in its treaties with Athens, and when Guglielma died, -in 1358, after a long and varied career, her son received back the -confiscated property of his late half-sister[354]. - -The peaceful reign of Francesco was a great contrast to the stormy -career of his mother. His Catalan neighbours, divided by the jealousies -of rival chiefs, had no longer the energy for fresh conquests. The -establishment of a Serbian kingdom in Thessaly only affected the Marquess -in so far as it enabled him to bestow his daughter’s hand upon a Serbian -princelet[355]. The Turkish peril, which was destined to swallow up the -Marquisate in the next generation, was, however, already threatening -Catalans, Serbs, and Italians alike, and accordingly Francesco Giorgio -was one of the magnates of Greece whom Pope Gregory XI invited to -the Congress on the Eastern question, which was summoned to meet at -Thebes[356] on October 1, 1373. But when the Athenian duchy, of which he -was a tributary, was distracted by a disputed succession between Maria, -Queen of Sicily, and Pedro IV of Aragon, the Venetian Marquess, chafing -at his vassalage and thinking that the moment was favourable for severing -his connexion with the Catalans, declared for the Queen. He was, in fact, -the most important member of the minority which was in her favour, for -we are told that “he had a very fine estate,” and we know that he had -enriched himself by mercantile ventures. Accordingly he assisted the -Navarrese Company in its attack upon the duchy, so that Pedro IV wrote -in 1381 to the Venetian bailie of Negroponte, begging him to prevent -his fellow-countryman at Boudonitza from helping the King’s enemies. -As the Marquess had property in the island, he had given hostages to -fortune. The victory of the Aragonese party closed the incident, and the -generous policy of the victors was doubtless extended to him. But in 1388 -the final overthrow of the Catalan rule by Nerio Acciajuoli made the -Marquisate independent of the Duchy of Athens[357]. In feudal lists—such -as that of 1391—the Marquess continued to figure as one of the temporal -peers of Achaia[358], but his real position was that of a “citizen and -friend” of Venice, to whom he now looked for help in trouble. - -Francesco may have lived to see this realisation of his hopes, for he -seems to have died about 1388, leaving the Marquisate to his elder -son, Giacomo, under the regency of his widow Euphrosyne, a daughter -of the famous insular family of Sommaripa, which still survives in -the Cyclades[359]. But the young Marquess soon found that he had only -exchanged his tribute to the Catalan Vicar-General for a tribute to the -Sultan. We are not told the exact moment at which Bayezid I imposed this -payment, but there can be little doubt that Boudonitza first became -tributary to the Turks in the campaign of 1393-4, when “the Thunderbolt” -fell upon Northern Greece, when the Marquess’s Serbian brother-in-law -was driven from Pharsala and Domoko, when Lamia and Neopatras were -surrendered, when the county of Salona, founded at the same time as -Boudonitza, ceased to exist. On the way to Salona, the Sultan’s army must -have passed within four hours of Boudonitza, and we surmise that it was -spared, either because the season was so late—Salona fell in February, -1394—or because the castle was so strong, or because its lord was a -Venetian. This respite was prolonged by the fall of Bayezid at Angora -and the fratricidal struggle between his sons, while the Marquess was -careful to have himself included in the treaties of 1403, 1408, and 1409 -between the Sultan Suleyman and Venice; a special clause in the first of -these instruments released him from all obligations except that which -he had incurred towards the Sultan’s father Bayezid[360]. Still, even -in Suleyman’s time, such was his sense of insecurity, that he obtained -leave from Venice to send his peasants and cattle over to the strong -castle of Karystos in Eubœa, of which his brother Nicolò had become the -lessee[361]. He figured, too, in the treaty of 1405, which the Republic -concluded with Antonio I Acciajuoli, the new ruler of Athens, and might -thus consider himself as safe from attack on the south[362]. Indeed, he -was anxious to enlarge his responsibilities, for he was one of those -who bid for the two Venetian islands of Tenos and Mykonos, when they -were put up to auction in the following year. In this offer, however, he -failed[363]. - -The death of Suleyman and the accession of his brother Musa in 1410 -sealed the fate of the Marquess. Early in the spring a very large -Turkish army appeared before the old castle. Boudonitza was strong, -and its Marquess a resolute man, so that for a long time the siege was -in vain. “Giacomo,” says the Venetian document composed by his son, -“preferred, like the high-minded and true Christian that he was, to die -rather than surrender the place.” But there was treachery within the -castle walls; betrayed by one of his servants, the Marquess fell, like -another Leonidas, bravely defending the mediæval Thermopylæ against -the new Persian invasion. Even then, his sons, “following in their -father’s footsteps,” held the castle some time longer in the hope that -Venice would remember her distant children in their distress. The Senate -did, indeed, order the Captain of the Gulf to make inquiries whether -Boudonitza still resisted and in that case to send succour to its gallant -defenders—the cautious Government added—“with as little expense as -possible.” But before the watchmen on the keep could descry the Captain -sailing up the Atalante channel, all was over; both food and ammunition -had given out and the Zorzi were constrained to surrender, on condition -that their lives and property were spared. The Turks broke their -promises, deprived their prisoners of their goods, expelled them from the -home of their ancestors, and dragged young Nicolò to the Sultan’s Court -at Adrianople[364]. - -Considerable confusion prevails in this last act of the history of -Boudonitza, owing to the fact that the two leading personages, the -brother and eldest son of the late Marquess, bore the same name of -Nicolò. Hopf has accordingly adopted two different versions in his three -accounts of these events. On a review of the documentary evidence, it -would seem that the brother, the Baron of Karystos, was not at Boudonitza -during the siege, and that, on the capture of his nephew, he proclaimed -himself Marquess. Venice recognised his title, and instructed her envoy -to Musa to include him in her treaty with the Sultan and to procure at -the same time the release of the late Marquess’s son. Accordingly, in -the peace of 1411, Musa promised, for love of Venice and seeing that -he passed as a Venetian, to harass him no more, on condition that he -paid the tribute established. Not only so, but the Marquess’s ships and -merchandise were allowed to enter the Turkish dominions on payment of -a fixed duty[365]. Thus temporarily restored, the Marquisate remained -in the possession of the uncle, from whom the nephew, even after his -release, either could not, or cared not to claim it. He withdrew to -Venice, and, many years later, received as the reward of his father’s -heroic defence of Boudonitza, the post of _châtelain_ of Pteleon, near -the mouth of the Gulf of Volo, the last Venetian outpost on the mainland -of North-Eastern Greece—a position which he held for eight years[366]. - -Meanwhile, his uncle, the Marquess, had lost all but his barren title. -Though the Turks had evacuated Boudonitza, and the castle had been -repaired, he felt so insecure that he sent his bishop as an emissary to -Venice, begging for aid in the event of a fresh Turkish invasion and for -permission to transport back to Boudonitza the serfs whom he had sent -across to Karystos a few years before[367]. His fears proved to be well -founded. In vain the Republic gave orders that he should be included in -her treaty with the new Sultan, Mohammed I. On June 20, 1414, a large -Turkish army attacked and took the castle, and with it many prisoners, -the Marquess, so it would seem, among them—for in the following year we -find his wife, an adopted daughter of the Duke of Athens, appealing to -Venice to obtain his release from his Turkish dungeon[368]. He recovered -his freedom, but not his Marquisate. In the treaty of 1416, Boudonitza -was, indeed, actually assigned to him in return for the usual tribute; -but nine years later we find Venice still vainly endeavouring to obtain -its restitution[369]. He continued, however, to hold the title of -Marquess of Boudonitza with the castle of Karystos, which descended to -his son, the “Marchesotto,” and his son’s son[370], till the Turkish -conquest of Eubœa in 1470 put an end to Venetian rule over that great -island. Thence the last titular Marquess of Boudonitza, after governing -Lepanto, retired to Venice, whence the Zorzi came and where they are -still largely represented. - -Of the castle, where for two hundred years Pallavicini and Zorzi held -sway, much has survived the two Turkish sieges and the silent ravages -of five centuries. Originally there must have been a triple enclosure, -for several square towers of the third and lowest wall are still -standing in the village and outside it. Of the second enceinte the most -noticeable fragment is a large tower in ruins, while the innermost wall -is strengthened by three more. In the centre of this last enclosure are -the imposing remains of the large square donjon (Plate VII, Fig. 1), -and adjoining this is the most interesting feature of the castle—the -great Hellenic gateway (Plate VII, Fig. 2), which connects one portion -of this enclosure with the other, and which Buchon has described so -inaccurately[371]. It is _not_ “composed of six stones,” but of three -huge blocks, nor do “the two upper stones meet at an acute angle”; a -single horizontal block forms the top. Buchon omits to mention the -Byzantine decoration in brick above this gateway. Of the brick conduit -which he mentions I could find no trace, but the two cisterns remain. -The large building near them is presumably the Frankish church of -which he speaks; but the window which he found there no longer exists. -Possibly, when the new church in the village was erected, the builders -took materials from the chapel in the castle for its construction. At any -rate, that very modern and commonplace edifice contains several fragments -of ancient work. Thus, the stone threshold of the west door bears three -large roses, while on the doorway itself are two stars; and the north -door is profusely decorated with a rose, two curious creatures like -griffins, two circles containing triangles, and a leaf; above this door -is a cross, each arm of which forms a smaller cross. As usually happens -in the Frankish castles of Greece—with the exception of Geraki—there -are no coats of arms at Boudonitza, unless this composite cross is an -allusion to the “three crosses,” said to have been originally borne by -one branch of the Pallavicini. The “mediæval seal” in the possession -of a local family dates from the reign of Otho! But there exists a -genuine seal of the monastery of the Holy Virgin of Boudonitza, ascribed -by M. Schlumberger[372] to the end of the fourteenth or beginning of -the fifteenth century. The Marquesses have left behind them neither -their portraits—like the Palatine Counts of Cephalonia of the second -dynasty—nor any coins—like the French barons of Salona, to whom they -bear the nearest resemblance. One of their line, however, the Marquess -Alberto, figures in K. Rhanghaves’s play, _The Duchess of Athens_, -and their castle and their ofttimes stormy lives fill not the least -picturesque page of that romance which French and Italian adventurers -wrote with their swords in the classic sites of Hellas. - - -APPENDIX - - -I - -1335 DIE XVI JANUARIJ. - -Capta. Quod vir nobilis Ser Nicolaus Georgio, cum sua familia et levibus -arnesiis possit ire cum galeis nostris unionis. Et committatur Capitaneo, -quod eum conducat Nigropontum, et si poterit eum facere deponi ad -Bondenizam, sine sinistro armate faciat inde sicut ei videbitur.—Omnes de -parte. - - Misti, XVI. f. 97tᵒ. - - -II - -1345 DIE 21 JULIJ. - -Capta. Cum dominacio ducalis ex debito teneatur suos cives in eorum -iuribus et honoribus cum justicia conservare et dominus Nicolaus Georgio, -Marchio Bondanicie, sit iniuriatus ut scitis, et Marchionatu suo per eius -uxorem indebite molestatus, et dignum sit, subvenire eidem in eo quod cum -honore dominacionis comode fieri potest, ideo visa et examinata petitione -ipsius marchionis, et matura et diligenti deliberatione prehabita, -consulunt concorditer viri nobiles, domini, Benedictus de Molino et -Pangracius Justiniano; quod committatur consiliario ituro Nigropontum, -quod postquam illuc applicuerit vadat ad dominam Marchisanam, uxorem -dicti domini Nicolay pro ambaxatore, exponendo eidem, quomodo iam diu -ipsam ad dominacionem misit suos procuratores et ambaxatores petens sibi -per dominacionem de uno nobilium suorum pro marito provideri, et volens -dominacio suis beneplacitis complacere, consensit quod ipse dominus -Nicolaus carus civis suus ad eam iret, quem ipsa domina receptando, -ostendit id habere multum ad bonum. Et quoniam ob hoc semper Ducale -Dominium promtum et favorabilem se exhibuit ad omnia que suam et suorum -securitatem respicerent et augumentum, treuguas quamplurimas confirmando -et opportuna alia faciendo. Sed cum nuperrime per relacionem ipsius -domini Nicolay viri sui ad ducalis magnificentie audienciam sit deductus -de morte cuiusdam Pallavesini inopinatus casus occursus qui mortuus -fuit in culpa sua, sicut postmodum extitit manifestum, quia dum ipse -Marchio coram omnibus burgensibus congregatis, de velle et consensu -dicte domine exponeret rei geste seriem, ab ipsis habuit in responsum -quod ipse Palavesin dignam penam luerat propter foliam suam, et melius -erat, quod ipse, qui vaxallus erat mortuus fuisset quam dicto suo domino -iniuriam aliquam intulisset, quod ecciam ipsa domina in presencia -dictorum burgensium ratificavit. Unde consideratis predictis vellit amore -dominij, ipsum dominum Nicolaum honori pristino restituere, quod si -fecerit, quamquam sit iustum et honestum nobis plurimum complacebit, et -erimus suis comodis stricius obligati. Verum si dicta domina dubitaret -de recipiendo ipsum dicat et exponat ambaxator prefatus, quod firmiter -dominacio hanc rem super se assumpsit et taliter imposuit civi suo -quod minime poterit dubitare. Que omnia si dicta domina acetabit bene -quidem, si vero non contentaretur et ipsum recipere non vellet, procuret -habere et obtinere omnia bona dicti Marchionis que secum scripta portet -antedictus ambaxator et si ipsa ea bona dare neglexerit, dicat quod bona -sua et suorum ubicumque intromitti faciemus, et protestetur cum notario, -quem secum teneatur ducere, quod tantam iniuriam, quam dominacio suam -propriam reputat, non poterit sustinere, sed providebit de remediis -opportunis sicuti honori suo et indenitati sui civis viderit convenire, -firmiter tenens quod sicut semper dominacio ad sui conservacionem et -suorum exhibuit se promtam favorabilem et benignam, sic in omnibus -reperiet ipsam mutatam, agravando factum cum hijs et alijs verbis, ut -viderit convenire. Et rediens Nigropontum omnia, que gexerit, fecerit et -habuerit, studeat velociter dominacioni per suas literas denotare. Verum -si dictus consiliarius iturus tardaret ire ad regimen suum, quod baiullus -et consiliarij Nigropontis determinent quis consiliariorum de inde ad -complendum predicta ire debebit. - -Et scribatur baiullo et consiliarijs Nigropontis, quod si habebunt post -redditum dicti ambaxatoris, quod ipsa domina stet dura nec vellit ipsum -dominum Nicolaum recipere, quod possint si eis videbitur facere et -ordinare quod homines Bondanicie non veniant Nigropontum et quod homines -Nigropontis non vadant Bondaniciam. - -Item prefati baiullus et consiliarij sequestracionem factam de aliqua -pecunie quantitate que pecunia est damiselle Marulle filie dicte domine -firmam tenere debeant, donec predicta fuerint reformata, pacificata vel -diffinita, vel donec aliud sibi mandaretur de hinc. - -Et scribantur litere illis de la compagna, quas dominus bayullus et -consiliarij presentent vel presentari fatiant, cum eis videbitur, rogando -dictos de compagna, quod cum alique discordie venerint inter virum -nobilem dominum Nicolam Georgio et eius uxorem Marchisanam se in aliquo -facto dicte domine intromittere non vellint quod posset civi nostro -contrariare ad veniendum ad suam intentionem. - -De non 14—Non sinceri 13.—Alij de parte. - - Misti, XXIII. f. 26. - - -III - -1345 DIE V AUGUSTI. - -Capta. Quod respondeatur domine Marchisane Bondinicie ad suas litteras -substinendo ius civis nostri Nicolai Georgio, cum illis verbis que -videbuntur sequendo id quod captum fuit pridie in hoc consilio in favorem -civis nostri. - - Misti, XXIII. f. 30tᵒ. - - -IV - -1346 DIE XXIV JANUARIJ. - -Capta. Quod scribatur nostro Baiulo et Consiliariis Nigropontis quod -Ser Moretus Gradonico consiliarius, vel alius sicut videbitur Baiulo et -Consiliariis, in nostrum ambaxatorem ire debeat ad dominam Marchionissam -Bondenicie, et sibi exponat pro parte nostra quod attenta honesta et -rationabili requisitione nostra quam sibi fieri fecimus per virum -Nobilem Johannem Justiniano nostrum consiliarium Nigroponti, quem ad -eam propterea in nostrum ambaxatorem transmisimus super reformatione -scandali orti inter ipsam et virum nobilem Nicolaum Georgio eius virum -in reconciliatione ipsius cum dicto viro suo: Et intellecta responsione -quam super premissis fecit nostro ambaxatori predicto gravamur et -turbamur sicut merito possumus et debemus, de modo quem ipsam servavit -et servat erga dictum virum suum. Nam sibi plene poterat et debebat -sufficere remissio et reconciliatio cum [eo?] facta coram nobis per -dictum eius virum, secundum nostrum mandatum, et nuncio suo in nostra -presencia constituto de omni offensa et iniuria sibi facta, et debebat -esse certa quod quicquid idem Marchio in nostra presencia et ex nostro -mandato promittebat effectualiter observasse. Et quod volentes quod bona -dispositio dicti viri sui et paciencia nostra de tanta iniuria facta -civi nostro sibi plenius innotescat deliberavimus iterate ad eam mittere -ipsum in nostrum ambaxatorem ad requirendum et rogandum ipsam quod debeat -reconciliare cum dicto viro suo et eum recipere ad honorem et statum in -quo erat antequam inde recederet, nam quamvis hoc sit sibi debitum et -conveniat pro honore et bono suo, tamen erit gratissimum menti nostre et -ad conservacionem ipsius marchionisse et suorum avidius nos disponet et -circa hoc alia dicat que pro bono facto viderit opportuna. - -Si vero dicta marchionissa id facere recusaret nec vellet condescendere -nostre intentioni et requisitioni predicte, dictus Ser Moretus assignet -terminum dicte Marchionisse unius mensis infra quem debeat complevisse -cum effectu nostram requisitionem premissam. Et sibi expresse dicat, -quod elapso dicto termino nulla alia requisitione sibi facta, cum non -intendamus dicto civi nostro in tanto suo iure deficere, faciemus -intromitti personas et bona suorum et sua ubicumque in forcio nostro -poterunt reperire. Et ultra hoc providebimus in dicto facto de omnibus -favoribus et remediis, que pro bono et conservacione dicti civis -nostri videbimus opportuna. Et si propter premissa dicta Marchionissa -ipsum recipere et reintegrare voluerit bene quidem sin autem scribatur -dicto baiulo et consiliariis quod elapso termino dicti mensis et ipsa -marchionissa premissa facere recusante mittant ad nos per cambium sine -aliquo periculo yperpera octomillia quinquaginta vel circa que sunt apud -Thomam Lippomanum et Nicolaum de Gandulfo, qua pecunia Venecias veniente -disponetur et providebiter de ipsa sicut dominationi videbitur esse -iustum. - -Capta. Item quod scribatur domino Delphino Vihennensi et illis de -Compagna in favorem dicti civis nostri et recommendando ei iura et -iusticiam ipsius in illa forma et cum illis verbis que dominacioni pro -bono facti utilia et necessaria videbuntur. - -Non sinceri 15—Non 12.—De parte 57. - - Misti, XXIII. f. 46tᵒ. - - -V - -1348 DIE XI FEBRUARIJ PRIME INDICTIONIS. - -Capta. Quod possint scribi littere domino Pape et aliquibus Cardinalibus -in recommendacione iuris domini Nicolai Georgio marchionis Bondinicie -nostri civis in forma inferius anotata. - - Domino Pape. - -Sanctissime pater pro civibus meis contra Deum et iusticiam aggravatis, -Sanctitati Vestre supplicationes meas porrigo cum reverentia speciali: -Unde cum nobilis vir Nicolaus Georgio Marchio Bondinicie honorabilis -civis meus, iam duodecim annis matrimonii iura contraserit cum domina -Marchionissa Bondinicie predicte et cum ea affectione maritali -permanserit habens ex ea filium legiptimum, qui est annorum undecim, ipsa -domina Marchionissa in preiudicium anime sue, Dei timore postposito ipsum -virum suum recusat recipere et castrum Bondinicie et alia bona spectantia -eidem suo viro tenet iniuste et indebite occupata in grave damnum civis -mei predicti et Dei iniuriam manifestam precipientis, ut quos Deus -coniunxit homo non separet: Unde Sanctitati Vestre humiliter supplico -quatenus Clementie Vestre placeat dictum civem meum habere in suo iure -favorabiliter commendatum, ut dicta domina eum tanquam virum legiptimum -recipiat et affectione maritali pertractet sicut iura Dei precipiunt, -atque volunt, et salus animarum etiam id exposcit. Cum ipse civis meus -sit paratus ex sua parte ipsam dominam pro uxore legiptima tractare -pacifice et habere. - - Misti, XXIV. f. 63. - -_Note._—The “Misti” are cited throughout from the originals at Venice; I -have corrected the dates to the modern style. - - -11. ITHAKE UNDER THE FRANKS - -In works descriptive of Greece it is customary to find the statement that -the island of Odysseus was “completely forgotten in the middle ages,” -and even so learned a mediæval scholar as the late Antonios Meliarakes, -whose loss is a severe blow to Greek historical geography, asserts this -proposition in his admirable political and geographical work on the -prefecture of Cephalonia[373]. But there are a considerable number of -allusions to Ithake during the Frankish period, and it is possible, at -least in outline, to make out the fortunes of the famous island under its -western lords. - -The usual name for Ithake in Italian documents is Val di Compare, the -earliest use of which, so far as I can ascertain, occurs in the Genoese -historian Caffaro’s _Liberatio Orientis_, written in the first half of -the twelfth century[374]. According to K. Bergotes of Cephalonia this -name was given to the island by an Italian captain, who was driven -to anchor there one stormy night. Seeing a light shining through the -darkness, he landed, and found that it proceeded from a hut in which a -child had lately been born. At the request of the parents he accepted the -office of godfather, or κουμπάρος at the child’s christening, and named -the valley where the hut lay Val di Compare, to commemorate the event. -Whether this derivation be correct or not, the name stuck to the island -for several centuries, though we shall also find the classical Ithake -still surviving contemporaneously with it. The neighbouring islands of -Zante and Cephalonia were severed from the Byzantine empire in 1185, -at the time of the invasion of Greece by the Normans of Sicily, and -were occupied by their admiral, Margaritone of Brindisi. Ithake is not -specially mentioned as included among his conquests, but its connection -with the other two islands under the rule of his immediate successors -makes it very probable. Six years later, in the graphic account of Greece -as it was in 1191, ascribed to Benedict of Peterborough, Fale (Valle) -de Compar is said to have had a specially evil reputation for piracy, -and the channel between it and Cephalonia is described as a favourite -lair of those robbers[375]. After Margaritone’s death he was succeeded -by a Count Maio, or Matthew, a member of the great Roman family of -Orsini, who seems to have been born in Apulia—according to one account -he came from Monopoli—and who at the time of the fourth crusade was -lord of Cephalonia, Zante, and _Theachi, el qual se clamado agora Val -de Compare_[376], under the suzerainty of the king of Sicily. Although -the two larger of those islands had fallen to the share of Venice by -the partition treaty he and his descendants continued in possession of -them and of Ithake, though he thought it wise, in 1209, to acknowledge -the overlordship of the Republic. A Venetian document of 1320, alluding -to this transaction, specially mentions Val di Compare as one of the -islands, for which he then did homage[377]. In 1236 the count recognised -as his suzerain Prince Geoffroy II of Achaia, and he and his successors -were henceforth reckoned among the twelve peers of that principality, in -whose history they played an important part[378]. - -The next mention of Ithake occurs in a Greek document of 1264, in which -Count Matthew’s son and successor, “the most high and mighty Richard, -palatine count and lord of Cephalonia, Zakynthos, and Ithake,” confirms -the possessions of the Latin bishopric of Cephalonia[379]. Here Ithake is -called by its classical name, which was not confined to Greeks, for we -find it used in a Venetian document of 1278, where the island is again -mentioned as the scene of piracies[380]. Later on, in 1294, a document in -the Angevin archives at Naples mentions the promise of Count Richard to -bestow “the castle of Koronos”—a name still given to part of the island -of Cephalonia—“or the island of Ithake” (_sive vellent castrum Corony -de dominio suo, sive vellent insulam Ythace_) upon his son John I, on -the occasion of the latter’s marriage with the daughter of Nikephoros I, -despot of Epeiros[381]. Richard, in spite of the repeated remonstrances -of Charles II of Naples, who, in virtue of the treaty of Viterbo, was -suzerain of Achaia, and accordingly of Cephalonia, failed to carry out -this promise. We next hear of Val di Compare in the above-mentioned -Venetian document of 1320, in which Count John I’s son, Nicholas, who had -two years earlier murdered his nephew, the last Despot of Epeiros of the -house of the Angeloi, and had made himself Despot, is reminded that his -ancestor Matthew had done homage, as he was now offering to do, for the -three islands of Cephalonia, Zante, and Val di Compare to the Venetian -republic. - -Although not mentioned by name Ithake doubtless followed the fortunes -of Cephalonia and Zante when those islands were conquered from the -Orsini by John of Gravina, prince of Achaia, in 1324. The “county of -Cephalonia,” of which the island of Odysseus had long formed a part, was -thus under the direct authority of the Angevins, and was transferred by -John of Gravina, together with the principality of Achaia, to Robert of -Taranto in 1333, after which date the same Angevin officials held office -in both Achaia and the insular county till Robert bestowed the latter -in 1357 upon his friend Leonardo Tocco, a Neapolitan courtier, whose -family came from Benevento. In an ecclesiastical document[382] of 1389 -the Greek bishop of Methone, writing about the archbishopric of Levkas, -mentions “the duchess Franka (Francesca), lady of Levkas, Ithake, Zante -and Cephalonia,” the allusion being to the daughter of Nerio I Acciajuoli -of Athens, who had in the previous year married Carlo I Tocco, count -of Cephalonia and duke of Levkadia. A little earlier, in a Piedmontese -document[383] of 1387, we find Amedeo of Savoy, one of the claimants -to the principality of Achaia, rewarding the zeal of one of his Greek -supporters, Joannes Laskaris Kalopheros, with Cephalonia, Zante, Val di -Compare, and other places as hereditary possessions—a gift which was, of -course, never carried out, as the islands were not Amedeo’s to bestow. -Spandugino[384] specially mentions “Itaca,” or “Val di Compare,” as -being part of the insular dominions of the Tocchi, and Carlo II Tocco -is described in documents of 1430 and 1433, and by the annalist Stefano -Magno, as _comes palatinus Cephaloniæ, Ithacæ, et Jacinti_—a designation -repeated in a document of 1458 after his death[385]. We find an allusion -to it under both its classical and its mediæval name in the _Liber -Insularum_ of Buondelmonti[386], written in 1422, and the latter also -occurs in a Venetian document of 1430, where Val di Compare[387] is -stated to belong to Carlo II. Six years later the archæologist Cyriacus -of Ancona, visiting the “king of the Epeirotes,” as he calls that prince, -mentions _Itaci_ (sic) _insulæ_ as opposite the mainland[388]. After -Leonardo III lost practically all his continental possessions to the -Turks in 1449 he still retained the islands, Ithake among them, under -the protection of Venice, of which both he and his father were honorary -citizens, and under the nominal suzerainty of the kings of Naples. From -a document of 1558 we learn that it was in his time that the family of -Galates—the only Ithakan family which enjoyed the privileges of nobility -in the Venetian period, and which is still extant in the island—first -received exemptions[389]. It was he too who revived the Orthodox see of -Cephalonia and bestowed it, together with spiritual jurisdiction over -Ithake, upon Gerasimos Loverdo[390]. - -When Mohammed II sent Achmet Pasha to conquer all that remained of -Leonardo’s dominions in 1479 we are told by Stefano Magno[391] that the -Turkish commander “ravaged also the island of Itacha (_sic_), called -Valle di Compare, which belonged to the said lord,” whom he also styles -“palatine count of Cephalonia, Itaca (_sic_) and Zakynthos.” Loredano, -the Venetian admiral, thereupon sent some galleys to Ithake and rescued -seven or eight persons—an act of which the pasha complained. This -devastation of the island will account for the fact that, in 1504, the -Venetian government, which then owned Cephalonia and Zante, took steps -for repopulating “an island named Val di Compare, situated opposite -Cephalonia, at present uninhabited, but reported to have been formerly -fertile and fruitful.” Accordingly lands were offered to settlers, -free from all taxes for five years, at the end of which time the -colonists were to pay to the Treasury of Cephalonia the same dues as the -inhabitants of that island[392]. Thenceforth down to 1797 Ithake remained -beneath the sway of the Venetian republic. The offer of the senate seems -to have been successful; among those who accepted it were the family -of Boua Grivas, of Albanian origin, connected with the clan of Boua, -which had formerly ruled over Arta and Lepanto and had played a part in -the Albanian revolts of 1454 and 1463 in the Morea, that of Petalas, -and that of Karavias, which in modern times produced a local historian -of Ithake[393]. In 1548 Antonio Calbo, the retiring _provveditore_ -of Cephalonia, reported to the Venetian government, that “under the -jurisdiction of Cephalonia there is another island, named Thiachi, -very mountainous and barren, in which there are different harbours and -especially a harbour called Vathi; in the island of Thiachi are three -hamlets, in three places, inhabited by about sixty families, who are in -great fear of corsairs, because they have no fortress in which to take -refuge[394].” The three hamlets mentioned in this report are doubtless -those of Paleochora, Anoe, and Exoe, which are regarded as the oldest in -the island. - -The former counts of Ithake were till lately the only Latin rulers -of Greece who still existed in prosperous circumstances. But in the -seventeenth century they took the title of “prince of Achaia”—to which -they were not entitled, although the counts of Cephalonia had once been -peers of Achaia and Leonardo II and Carlo I had for a short time occupied -Glarentza. The modern representative of the family was Carlo, Duke of -Regina[395], who succeeded his cousin Francesco Tocco in 1894. But he is -now dead and his only son was killed in a motor accident. - - -12. THE LAST VENETIAN ISLANDS IN THE ÆGEAN - -It has hitherto been asserted by historians of the Latin Orient that, -after the capture of the Cyclades by the Turks in the sixteenth -century, the two Venetian islands of Tenos and Mykonos remained in the -possession of the Republic down to 1715. As to Tenos, this statement is -unimpeachable; as to Mykonos, despite the assertions of Hopf[396] and -Hertzberg[397], who quote no authorities for the fact, all the evidence -goes to show that it ceased to belong to Venice in the sixteenth century. - -The two islands, the only members of the Cyclades group under the direct -rule of the Venetian government, were bequeathed to the Republic by -George III Ghisi, their ancestral lord, upon whose death in 1390 they -passed into its hands. The islanders implored Venice not to dispose -of them; and, though there were not failing applicants for them among -the Venetian princelets of the Levant, she listened to the petition of -the inhabitants. At first an official from Negroponte was sent as an -annual governor; then, in 1407, Venetian nobles who would accept the -governorship of Tenos and Mykonos, with which _Le Sdiles_, or Delos, -was joined, for a term of four years, paying a certain sum out of the -revenues to Venice and keeping the balance for themselves, were invited -to send in their names. One of them was appointed, still under the -authority of the bailie of Negroponte[398]; and this system continued -down to 1430, when a rector was sent out from Venice for two years, and -the two islands were thenceforth governed directly by an official of the -Republic. - -Mykonos remained united with Tenos under the flag of St Mark till the -first great raid of the Turkish fleet in the Cyclades under Khaireddîn -Barbarossa in 1537. Neither Andrea Morosini nor Paruta, nor yet Hajji -Kalifeh, mentions its fate in their accounts of that fatal cruise; but -Andrea Cornaro in his _Historia di Candia_[399] relates that, after -taking the two islands of Thermia and Zia, Barbarossa went to Mykonos, -many of whose inhabitants escaped to Tenos, while the others became his -captives. After the Turkish admiral’s departure the fugitives returned; -but in the same year one of Barbarossa’s lieutenants, a corsair named -Granvali, with eighteen ships, paid a second visit to Mykonos and carried -off many of them. Accordingly the shameful treaty[400] between Venice and -the Sultan, concluded in 1540, in both versions mentions Mykonos among -the islands ceded to the Sultan, while Tenos was expressly retained. How, -in the face of this, Hopf can have asserted that Mykonos still remained -Venetian it is difficult to understand. Nor is this all. In a document of -1545 the Republic orders her ambassador at Constantinople to obtain the -restoration of the island[401]; in 1548 a certain Zuan Zorzo Muazzo, of -Tenos, begs, and receives, from the Venetian government another fief in -compensation for that which he had lost in Mykonos[402]. A petition from -the inhabitants of Tenos to Venice in 1550 mentions the lack of ships -“at the present time when Mykonos has been lost[403].” We have, too, the -statement of Sauger[404], who becomes more trustworthy as he approaches -his own time, that Duke Giovanni IV Crispo, of Naxos, bestowed the island -of Mykonos (apparently in 1541) upon his daughter on her marriage with -Giovanfrancesco Sommaripa, lord of Andros. There is nothing improbable in -this. The Turks acquiesced at the same time in the action of the duke in -turning the Premarini family out of their part of Zia, and bestowing that -also upon his son-in-law; they may have had no objection to his dealing -in the same manner with the devastated island of Mykonos. At any rate -the latter was no longer Venetian. The long and elaborate reports[405] -of the Venetian commissioners, who visited Tenos in 1563 and 1584, make -no mention whatever of Mykonos, except that in the latter document we -hear of a Grimani as Catholic bishop of Tenos and of the sister island; -nor does Foscarini allude to it in his report on Cerigo and Tenos in -1577. More conclusive still, while the style of the Venetian governor -is “rector of Tenos and Mykonos” down to 1593, from that date onwards -the governor is officially described as “rector of Tenos” alone[406]. -Hopf[407] is, therefore, wrong in giving us a long list of _rettori di -Tinos e Myconos_ from 1407 to 1717. It seems probable that the latter -island ceased to belong to Venice in 1537, but that the rector of Tenos -continued to bear the name of Mykonos also, as a mere form, for rather -more than half a century longer. Possibly it may have belonged to the -Sommaripa of Andros from 1541 to 1566, when that dynasty was dethroned. - -These conclusions are confirmed by the travellers and geographers -who wrote about the Levant between that date and the loss of Tenos. -Porcacchi[408], in 1572, mentions Mykonos, without saying to whom it -belonged. One of the Argyroi, barons of Santorin, who, in 1581, gave -Crusius the information about the Cyclades which he embodied in his -_Turco-Græcia_[409], had nothing to say about Mykonos, except that it -contained one castle and some hamlets, while he specially mentioned -that Tenos and Cerigo were “under Venice.” Botero[410], in 1605, giving -a full list of the Venetian possessions in the Levant, includes the -Ionian Islands and Tenos alone. Neither the French ambassador, Louis des -Hayes[411], who visited Greece in 1630, nor the sieur du Loir[412], who -sailed with him, is more explicit, though both describe Crete, Cerigo, -and Tenos as the sole Venetian islands in the Ægean. Thévenot[413], -in 1656, and Boschini[414], ten years later, tell us that Mykonos was -“almost depopulated” because of corsairs, but are likewise silent as to -its ownership. Baudrand, in his _Geographia_[415], remarked, however, -that it had been _sub dominio Turcarum à sæculo et ultra, cum antea -Venetis pareret_, an account which appears to me to coincide with the -real facts. But both Spon[416] and Wheler[417] censured the geographer -for his statement that it had been Venetian, so completely had the -Venetian tradition faded at the time of their visit in 1675. At that -period, as they inform us, the Sultan’s galleys never failed to come -there every year to collect the capitation tax, and the governor of -the island was a Greek sent by the Turks from Constantinople. Both -travellers surmised, however, that the island might perhaps have changed -hands during the Candian war, when it was neglected. Their surmise -is rendered probable by the remark of Sebastiani[418], who visited -it in 1666, during that long struggle. For he says that it was then -ecclesiastically under the jurisdiction of the Catholic bishop of Tenos, -who had begged the Venetian admiral, Comaro, to give his deputy in -Mykonos the old Venetian church of San Marco for the use of the twenty -Latin inhabitants. Randolph[419] confirms their story of its subjection -to the Sultan, for he tells of a visit paid to the island by the Capitan -Pasha in 1680. Piacenza[420] reiterates their criticism of Baudrand, and -mentions that the atlases of the Mediterranean erroneously described it -as _insula altera hoc in tractu maritimo Reipublicæ Venetæ obsequium -præstans_, whereas it was really “under the Turkish yoke.” Dapper[421] -takes the same view. After mentioning that Tenos “is the last Venetian -island in this quarter of the Levant” he adds that “there are authors -who allege that Mykonos is in subjection to Venice.” Finally, in 1700, -Tournefort[422] found the island dependent on the Capitan Pasha, to whom -it paid the capitation tax, while in the last war it had been subject -to the bey of Kos. Although, he says, it was conquered by Barbarossa, -the Venetian governor of Tenos still continues to style himself -_provveditore_ of Mykonos also. But throughout the period of the Candian -war and right down to the end of the Venetian occupation of Tenos the -governor of the latter is always called simply _Rettor a Tine_ in the -official registers[423]. If further refutation were needed of Hopf’s -statement that Mykonos was captured from the Venetians in 1715, it may be -added that Ferrari[424], the contemporary authority for the surrender of -Tenos, never mentions it, nor does it figure in the peace of Passarovitz. - - -13. SALONIKA - -Salonika, “the Athens of Mediæval Hellenism” and second to Athens alone -in contemporary Greece, has been by turns a Macedonian provincial city, -a free town under Roman domination, a Greek community second only to -Constantinople, the capital of a short-lived Latin kingdom and of a brief -Greek empire to which it gave its name, a Venetian colony, and a Turkish -town[425]. There, in 1876, the murder of the consuls was one of the -phases of the Eastern crisis; there, in 1908, the Young Turkish movement -was born; there, in 1913, King George of Greece was assassinated; and -there in 1916 M. Venizelos established his Provisional Government, in the -city which served as a base for the Allies in their Macedonian campaign. - -Nor has Salonika’s contribution to literature been inconsiderable. The -historian Petros Patrikios in the sixth century; the essayist Demetrios -Kydones, who wrote a “monody over those who fell in Salonika” in 1346, -during the civil war between John Cantacuzene and John V Palaiologos; -John Kameniates and John the Reader, the historians respectively of the -Saracen and the Turkish sieges, and Theodore Gazes, who contributed to -spread Greek teaching in the West, were natives of the place. Plotinos -and John, hagiographers of the seventh century; Leo, the famous -mathematician of the ninth; Niketas, who composed dialogues in favour of -the union of the churches; Eustathios, the Homeric commentator, historian -of the Norman siege and panegyrist of St Demetrios; Nikephoros Kallistos -Xanthopoulos, the ecclesiastical historian; Gregorios Palamas, Neilos, -and Nicholas Kabasilas, the polemical theologians of the fourteenth -century; and Symeon, the liturgical writer, who died just before the -final Turkish capture of the city, were among those who occupied this -important metropolitan see; while the rhetoricians, Nikephoros Choumnos -and the grammarian Thomas Magistros, addressed to the Thessalonians -missives on the blessings of justice and unity in the fourteenth century. -And precedents for the exile of Abdul Hamid II at Salonika may be found -in the banishment thither of Licinius, the rival of Constantine, of -Anastasios II in 716, and of Theodore Studita during the Iconoclast -controversy. - -Salonika has no very ancient history. It did not exist till after -the death of Alexander the Great, when Kassander, who became king of -Macedon, founded it in 315 B.C., and gave to it the name of his wife, -Thessalonike, who was half-sister of the famous Macedonian conqueror, -just as he bestowed his own upon another town, from which the westernmost -of the three prongs of the peninsula of Chalkidike still retains the -name of Kassandra. When the Romans conquered and organized Macedonia, -Thessalonika became the capital of that province, remaining, however, -a free city with its own magistrates, the πολιτάρχαι, to whom St Paul -and Silas were denounced on their memorable visit. It is a proof of -the technical accuracy of the author of the Acts of the Apostles, -that this precise word occurs as the name of the local magistracy in -the inscription formerly on the Vardar gate, but now in the British -Museum. The description in the Acts further shows that the present large -Jewish colony of Salonika, which is mostly composed of Spanish Jews, -descendants of the fugitives from the persecutions of the end of the -fifteenth century, had already a counterpart in the first. We may infer -that Salonika was a prosperous town, and its importance in the Roman -period is shown by the fact that Cicero, who was not fond of discomfort, -selected it in 58 B.C. as his place of exile, and that Piso found it -worth plundering during his governorship. But the sojourn of the Roman -orator left a less durable mark upon the history of Salonika than that -of the Apostle. It was not merely that two of his comrades, Aristarchos -and Secundus, were Thessalonian converts, but mediæval Greek writers lay -special stress upon the piety of what was called _par excellence_ “the -Orthodox City”—probably for its conservative attitude in the Iconoclast -controversy. Salonika furnished many names to the list of martyrs, and -one of them, St Demetrios, a Thessalonian doctor put to death in 306 by -order of Galerius[426] became the patron of his native city, which he is -believed to have saved again and again from its foes. The most binding -Thessalonian oath was by his name[427]; his tomb, from which a holy -oil perpetually exuded, the source of many miraculous cures, is in the -beautiful building, now once more a church, which is called after him; -it was on his day, October 26 (O.S.), that in 1912 Salonika capitulated -to the Greek troops, and there were peasant soldiers at the battle -of Sarantaporon who firmly believed that they had seen him fighting -against the Turks for the restoration of his church and city to his own -people[428], just as their ancestors had beheld him, sword in hand, -defending its walls against the Slavs. The story of his miracles forms a -voluminous literature, and on the walls of his church his grateful people -represented all the warlike episodes in which he had saved them from -their foes. Some of these mosaics have survived the conversion of the -church into the Kassimié mosque, and the great fire of August 18, 1917, -and among them is a portrait of the saint between a bishop and a local -magnate. Nor was St Demetrios the only Thessalonian saint. The city also -cherished the tomb of St Theodora of Ægina, who had died at Salonika in -the ninth century. Its walls contain the name of Pope Hormisdas. - -Like Constantinople, Salonika was devoted to the sports of the -hippodrome; and, in 390, the imprisonment of a favourite charioteer -on the eve of a race, in which he was to have taken part, provoked -an insurrection, punished by a massacre. Theodosius I, then on his -way to Milan, ordered the Gothic garrison to wreak vengeance upon the -inhabitants; the next great race-meeting was selected, when the citizens -had come together to witness their favourite pastime, and 15,000 persons -were butchered in the hippodrome. St Ambrose, Archbishop of Milan, -refused to allow the Emperor to enter the cathedral, and made him -repent for eight months his barbarous treatment of a city where he had -celebrated his wedding. Of Roman Salonika there still exists a memorial -in the arch of Galerius, with its sculptures representing the Emperor’s -Asiatic victories; a second arch, the Vardar gate, was sacrificed fifty -years ago to build the quay; while a Corinthian colonnade, with eight -Karyatides, known to the Jews as _Las Incantadas_, a part of the Forum, -was removed by Napoleon III to France. The pulpit, from which St Paul was -believed to have spoken, and which used to stand outside the church of St -George, was removed—so I was informed when last at Salonika—by a German -in the time of Abdul Hamid. - -Salonika had been chiefly important in Roman times, because the Via -Egnatia which ran from Durazzo, “the tavern of the Adriatic” (as Catullus -calls it), passed through its “Golden” and “Kassandreotic” gates. But -in Byzantine days its value was increased owing to its geographical -position. As long as the Exarchate of Ravenna existed, it lay on the -main artery uniting Constantinople with the Byzantine province in -Northern Italy, and it was an outpost against the Slavonic tribes, -which had entered the Balkan peninsula, where they have ever since -remained, but which, despite many attempts, have never taken Salonika. -Of these invaders the most formidable, and the most persistent, were the -Bulgarians, whose first war with their natural enemies, the Greeks, was -waged for the possession of Salonika, because of the heavy customs dues -which they had to pay there, and who, more than a thousand years later, -still covet that great Macedonian port, the birthplace of the Slavonic -apostles, the brothers Constantine (or Cyril) and Methodios. - -The influence of these two natives of Salonika, partly historical -and partly legendary, has not only spread over the Slavonic parts of -the Balkan peninsula, but forms in the church of San Clemente a link -between the Balkans and Rome. The brothers were intended by nature to -supplement one another: Constantine was a recluse and an accomplished -linguist, Methodios a man of the world and an experienced administrator. -Both brothers converted the Slavs of Moravia to Christianity, and it -was long believed that a terrifying picture of the Last Judgement from -the hand of Methodios had such an effect upon the mind of Boris, the -Bulgarian prince, that he embraced the Christian creed. The real fact -is, that Boris changed his religion (like his namesake in our own day) -for political reasons, as a condition of obtaining peace from the -Byzantine Emperor, Michael III, in 864, taking in baptism the name of his -imperial sponsor. Tradition likewise attributes to Cyril the invention -of the Cyrillic alphabet, which still bears his name and is that of -the Russians, Serbs, and Bulgars. But Professor Bury[429], the latest -writer on this question, considers that the alphabet invented by Cyril -for the use of the Bulgarian and Moravian converts was not the so-called -Cyrillic (which is practically the Greek alphabet with the addition of a -few letters, and would, therefore, be likely to offend the Slav national -feeling), but the much more complicated Glagolitic, which still lingers -on in the Slavonic part of Istria, on the Croatian coast, and in Northern -Dalmatia. In this language, accordingly, his translation of the Gospels -and his brother’s version of the Old Testament were composed, and old -Slavonic literature began with these two Thessalonians, whose names -form to-day the programme of Bulgarian, just as Dante Alighieri is of -Italian expansion. On another mission, to Cherson on the Black Sea, Cyril -is said to have discovered the relics of St Clement, who had suffered -martyrdom there by being tied to an anchor and flung into the waves. He -brought them to Rome, where the frescoes in San Clemente before Monsignor -Wilpert’s researches were believed to represent the Slavonic apostles, -Cyril before Michael III, and the transference of his remains to that -church from the Vatican—for he died in Rome in 869. - -Thus sentimental and commercial reasons impelled the Bulgarians to attack -Salonika. Both the great Bulgarian Tsars of the tenth century, Symeon -and Samuel, strove to obtain it, and during the forty years for which -the famous Greek Emperor Basil, “the Bulgar-Slayer,” contended against -Samuel for the mastery of Macedonia, Salonika was the headquarters, and -the shrine of its patron-saint the inspiration, of the Greeks, as Ochrida -was the capital of the Bulgars. We learn from the historian Kedrenos -that there was at the time a party which favoured the Bulgarians in some -of the Greek cities[430]; but in 1014 the Emperor, like the King of -the Hellenes in 1913, and in the same defile, called by the Byzantine -historian “Kleidion” (or “the key”)—which has been identified with the -gorge of the Struma, not far from the notorious fort Roupel—utterly -routed his rival, and took, like King Constantine, the title of -“Bulgar-Slayer.” Samuel escaped, only to die of shock at the spectacle of -the 15,000 blinded Bulgarian captives, each hundred guided by a one-eyed -centurion, whom the victor sent back to their Tsar. Basil celebrated -his triumph in the holy of holies of Hellenism, the majestic Parthenon, -then the church of Our Lady of Athens, where frescoes executed at his -orders still recall his visit and victory over the Bulgarians. Thus the -destruction of the first Bulgarian empire was organised at Salonika -and celebrated at Athens, just like the defeat of the same enemies 900 -years later. But even after the fall of the Bulgarian empire we find -a Bulgarian leader besieging Salonika for six days, and only repulsed -by the personal intervention of St Demetrios[431], whom the terrified -Bulgarian prisoners declared that they had seen on horseback leading the -Greeks and breathing fire against the besiegers. - -But Salonika was no longer a virgin fortress. An enemy even more -formidable than the Bulgarians had captured it, the Saracens, who from -823 to 961 were masters of Crete. Of this, the first of the three -conquests of Salonika, we have a description by a priest who was a -native of the city and an eye-witness of its capture, John Kameniates, -as well as a sermon by the patriarch Nicholas[432]. The “first city of -the Macedonians” was indeed a goodly prize for the Saracen corsairs, -whose base was “the great Greek island.” Civic patriotism inspired the -Thessalonian priest with a charming picture of his home at the moment -of this piratical raid, in 904. He praises the natural outer harbour, -formed by the projecting elbow of the Ἔμβολον (the “Black Cape,” or -Karaburun, of the Turks)[433]; the security of the inner port, protected -by an artificial mole; the great city climbing up the hill behind it; -the vineyards and hospitable monasteries, whose inmates (unlike their -modern successors) take no thought of politics; the two lakes (now St -Basil and Beshik), with their ample supply of fish, which stretch almost -across the neck of the Chalkidic peninsula; and to the west the great -Macedonian plain (treeless then, as now), but watered by the Axios (the -modern Vardar) and lesser streams. In times of peace Salonika was the -_débouché_ of the Slavonic hinterland; the mart and stopping-place of the -cosmopolitan crowd of merchants who travelled along the great highway -from West to East that still intersected it; in short, both land and sea -conspired to enrich it. Unfortunately, it was almost undefended on the -sea side, for no one had ever contemplated any other danger than that -from the Slavs of the country, and the population was untrained for war, -but more versed in the learning of the schools and in the beautifully -melodious hymns of the splendid Thessalonian ritual. - -On Sunday, July 29, fifty-four Saracen ships were sighted off Karaburun -under the command of Leo, a renegade, who on that account was all the -more anxious to display his animosity to his former co-religionists. He -at once detected the weak point of the defences—the low sea-wall, which -had not been put into a state of proper repair[434],—and ordered his -men to scale them. This attempt failed, nor was a second, to burn the -“Roma” and the “Kassandreotic” gates on the east—the latter destroyed in -1873—more serviceable. The admiral then fastened his ships together by -twos, and on each pair constructed wooden towers, which overtopped the -sea-wall. He then steered them to where the water was deep right up to -the base of the fortifications, and began to fire with his brazen tubes. -The sea-wall was abandoned by its terrified defenders, and an Ethiopian -climbing on to the top to see if their flight were merely a ruse, when -once he had assured himself that it was genuine, summoned his comrades -to follow him. A terrible massacre ensued; some of the inhabitants -occupied the Akropolis, then known as “St David’s,” but now called “the -Seven Towers,” whence a few Slavs escaped into the country; others fled -to the two western gates, “the Golden” and “the Litaian”—the “New gate” -of the Turks, destroyed in 1911—where the besiegers butchered them as -they were jammed together in the gateways. Our author with his father, -uncle, and two brothers took refuge in a bastion of the walls opposite -the church of St Andrew. When the Ethiopians approached, he threw himself -at the feet of their captain, offering to reveal to him the hidden -treasure of the family, if the lives of himself and his relatives were -spared. The captain agreed, but the author did not escape two wounds -from another band of pillagers, and witnessed the massacre of some 300 -of his fellow-citizens in the church of St George. And, if his life had -been spared, he was still a captive; 800 prisoners, besides a crew of -200, were herded in the ship which transported him to Crete, and he has -described in vivid language the horrors of that passage in the blazing -days of August without air or water. Over and above those who perished -during the voyage, which lasted a fortnight for fear of the Greek fleet, -22,000 captives were landed to be sold as slaves. Even then his troubles -were not over. A hurricane sprang up on the voyage from Crete to Tripoli, -and the narrative closes as the author is anxiously awaiting at Tarsus -the hour of his liberation. A curious illustration in a manuscript of -Skylitzes remains, like his story, to remind us of this siege. - -Salonika recovered from the ravages of the Saracens, who later in -the tenth century were driven out of Crete, and the collapse of the -Bulgarians in the eleventh enabled her to develop her trade. Three -churches, of St Elias, of the Virgin, and of St Panteleemon, date from -this period, to which belong the extant seals of Constantine Diogenes, -Basil II’s lieutenant, and of the Metropolitans Paul and Leo[435]. The -Byzantine satire, _Timarion_[436], which was composed in the twelfth -century, gives an interesting account of the fair of St Demetrios, to -which came not only Greeks from all parts of the Hellenic world, but -also Slavs from the Danubian lands, Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, and -Celts from beyond the Alps. It is curious that this list omits the Jews, -now such an important element at Salonika, for they are mentioned in the -seventh century, and Benjamin of Tudela, who visited the city about the -time that _Timarion_ was written, found 500 there[437]. As for Italians, -we hear of Venetians and Pisans obtaining trading-rights, and having -their own quarter and the distinctive name of Βουργιέσιοι[438]. - -Not long after the brilliant scene described by the Byzantine satirist -a terrible misfortune befell Salonika—its capture by the Normans of -Sicily. The usurper, Andronikos I, then sat on the throne, and Alexios, -a nephew of the late Emperor Manuel I, fled to the court of William -II of Sicily, and implored his assistance. William consented, and -despatched an army to Salonika by way of Durazzo, and a fleet round the -Peloponnese. On August 6, 1185, the land force began the siege, of which -the Archbishop Eustathios, the commentator on Homer, was an eye-witness -and historian. Salonika was commanded by David Comnenos, who bore a -great Byzantine name, but was—by the accordant testimony of another -contemporary, Niketas, who describes him as “more craven than a deer,” -and of the archbishop, who calls him “little better than a traitor”—a -lazy, cowardly, and incompetent officer, who, in order to prevent his -supersession by some one more capable, sent a series of lying bulletins -to the capital, that all was well. The walls were in good repair, except -(as in 904) at the harbour, but the reservoir in the castle leaked; and -many of the most capable inhabitants had been allowed to escape. Still -the remainder, and not least the women, who completely put to shame the -effeminate commander on his pacific mule, showed bravery and patriotism, -while the archbishop specially mentions the courage of some Serbians -in the garrison[439]. There were, however, traitors in the city and -neighbourhood—Jews and Armenians, and on August 24 the city fell. The -conduct of the learned archbishop at this crisis was in marked contrast -with that of the miserable commander. Eustathios acted like a true -pastor of his flock. The invaders found him calmly awaiting them in his -palace, whence, seizing him by his venerable beard, they dragged him to -the hippodrome, and thence, through lines of corpses, to the arsenal. -There he was put on board the ship of a pirate, who demanded 4000 gold -pieces as his ransom. As the archbishop pleaded poverty, he was next day -escorted to the presence of Alexios himself, and thence to Counts Aldoin -and Richard of Acerra, by whom he was at last restored to his palace, -where he took refuge in a tiny bathroom in the garden. - -Meanwhile, the Normans had shown no respect for the churches of the -city. They danced upon the altars; they used the sacred ointment which -flowed from the tomb of St Demetrios as boot-polish; they interrupted -the singing by their obscene melodies and imitated the nasal intonation -of the eastern priesthood by barking like dogs. But it is best to pass -over the revolting details of the sack, for which the only excuse was -the massacre of the Latins in Constantinople three years earlier. -Eustathios, by his influence with Count Aldoin, was able to mitigate -some of the tortures of his flock; he describes the miserable plight of -these poor wretches, robbed of their houses and almost stark naked, and -the strange appearance which they presented (like the Messina refugees -after the earthquake of 1908) in their improvised hats and clothes. More -than 7000 of them had perished in the assault, but the archbishop notes -with satisfaction that the Normans lost some 3000 from their excessive -indulgence in pork and new wine. Vengeance, too, soon befell them. A -Greek army under Alexios Branas defeated them on the Struma, and in -November they evacuated Salonika[440]. But their treatment of Salonika -embittered the hatred between Latins and Greeks, and prepared the way for -the Fourth Crusade. - -Barely twenty years after the Norman capture, Salonika became the -capital of a Latin kingdom. Boniface, marquess of Montferrat, was the -leader of the crusaders who, with the help of the Venetians, overthrew -the Greek empire in 1204, and partitioned it into Latin states. Of these -the most important after the Latin empire, of which Constantinople -became the capital, was the so-called Latin kingdom of Salonika, of -which Boniface was appointed king, and which, nominally dependent upon -the Latin Emperor, embraced Macedonia, Thessaly, and much of continental -Greece, including Athens. Of all the artificial creations of the Fourth -Crusade, which should be a warning to those who believe that nations -can be partitioned permanently at congresses of diplomatists, the Latin -kingdom of Salonika was the first to fall. From the outset its existence -was undermined by jealousy between its king and the Latin Emperor, whose -suzerainty he and his proud Lombard nobles were loath to acknowledge. For -this reason Boniface, whose wife, Margaret of Hungary, was widow of the -Greek Emperor, Isaac II, endeavoured to cultivate his Greek subjects. -But, in 1207, he was killed by the Bulgarians, who would have taken -Salonika, had not a traitor (or, as the pious believed, St Demetrios) -slain their tsar. - -Boniface’s son, although born in the country and named after Salonika’s -patron-saint (whose church was, however, the property of the chapter -of the Holy Sepulchre while a Latin archbishop occupied the see), was -then barely two years old. His mother was regent, but the real power was -wielded by her bailie, the ambitious count of Biandrate, whose policy -was to separate the kingdom from the Latin empire and draw it closer to -the Italian marquisate. His quarrels with the Emperor Henry were viewed -with joy by the Greeks; and, after his retirement, and in the absence -of the young king in Italy, the kingdom was easily occupied, in 1223, -by Theodore Angelos[441], the vigorous ruler of Epeiros, where, as at -Nice, the city of the famous council, Hellenism, temporarily exiled from -its natural capital, had found a refuge. The Greek conqueror exchanged -the more modest title of “Despot of Epeiros” for that of “Emperor of -Salonika,” while the exiled monarch and his successors continued to amuse -themselves by styling themselves titular kings of Salonika for another -century. But the separate Greek empire of Salonika was destined to live -but little longer than the Latin kingdom. The first Greek Emperor, by one -of those sudden reverses of fortune so characteristic of Balkan politics -in all ages, fell into the hands of the Bulgarians; and, after having -been reduced to the lesser dignity of a Despotat, the empire which he had -founded was finally annexed, in 1246, to the stronger and rival Greek -empire of Nice, which, in 1261, likewise absorbed the Latin empire of -Constantinople. No coins of the Latin kingdom exist; but we have a seal -of Boniface, with a representation of the city walls upon it. Of the -Greek empire of Salonika there are silver and bronze pieces, bearing the -figure of the city’s patron-saint; while a tower contains an inscription -to “Manuel the Despot,” identified by Monsignor Duchesne[442] with Manuel -Angelos (1230-40), the Emperor Theodore’s brother and successor, but -locally ascribed to a Manuel Palaiologos, perhaps the subsequent Emperor -Manuel II, Despot and governor of Salonika in 1369-70. - -Salonika, restored to the Byzantine empire, enjoyed special privileges, -second only to those of the capital. Together with the region around it, -it was considered as an appanage of one of the Emperor’s sons (_e.g._ -John VII, nephew, and Andronikos, son of Manuel II). It was sometimes -governed by the Empresses, two of them Italians, Jolanda of Montferrat, -wife of Andronikos II, a descendant of the first king of Salonika, -and Anne of Savoy, wife of Andronikos III, who was commemorated in an -inscription over the gate of the castle, which she repaired in 1355. -The court frequently resided there: we find Andronikos III coming to be -healed by the saint, and the beauteous Jolanda, when she quarrelled with -her husband, retired to Salonika and scandalised Thessalonian society -with her accounts of her domestic life. As in our own day, Salonika was -the favourite seat of opposition to the imperial authority. During the -civil wars of the fourteenth century, such as those between the elder -and the younger Andronikos and between John V Palaiologos and John -Cantacuzene, it supported the candidate opposed to Constantinople, so -that we may find precedents in its mediæval history for its selection -as the headquarters of the Young Turkish movement. It enjoyed a full -measure of autonomy, had its own “senate,” elected its own officials, was -defended by its own civic guard, and administered by its own municipal -customs. It even sent its own envoys abroad to discuss commercial -questions. Its annual fair on the festival of St Demetrios still -attracted traders from all the Levant to the level space between the -walls and the Vardar. Jews, Slavs, and Armenians, as well as Greeks, -crowded its bazaars; scholars from outside frequented its high schools, -and Demetrios Kydones[443] compared it with Athens at its best. - -The fourteenth century was, indeed, the golden age of Salonika in -art and letters. The erection of the churches of the Twelve Apostles -and St Catherine continued the tradition of the much earlier churches -of St George, St Sophia, and St Demetrios. The clergy followed in the -footsteps of the learned Eustathios, and the beauty, wit, and reading -of a Thessalonian lady, Eudokia Palaiologina, turned the head of a son -of Andronikos II, when governor of Salonika, “that garden of the Muses -and the Graces,” as one of the literary archbishops of the fourteenth -century called it. The intellectual activity of the place led to intense -theological discussion, and at this period the “Orthodox” city _par -excellence_ was agitated by the heresy of the “Hesychasts,” or Quietists, -who believed that complete repose would enable them to see a divine light -flickering round their empty stomachs, while the so-called “Zealots,” -or friends of the people, with the cross as their banner, practised in -Salonika the doctrines of Wat Tyler and Jack Cade in mediæval England. -The exploitation of the poor by the rich and the tax-collectors, and -the example of the recent revolution at Genoa, caused this republican -movement, which led to the massacre of the nobles in 1346 by hurling -them from the castle walls into the midst of an armed mob below. -The “Zealots,” like the Iconoclast Emperors, have suffered from the -fact that they have been described by their enemies, and notably by -Cantacuzene[444], to whose aristocratic party they were opposed. Yet even -an archbishop publicly advocated so drastic a measure as the suppression -of some of the monasteries, in order to provide funds for the better -defence of the city; nor was there anything very alarming in their -preference for direct taxation. Thus, Salonika was from 1342 to 1349, -under their auspices, practically an independent republic, till they -succumbed to the allied forces of the aristocracy and the monks. - -Salonika, indeed, continued to have urgent need of its walls, which -still remain, save where the Turks completely dismantled them on the -sea side in 1866, a fine example of Byzantine fortification. Andronikos -II strengthened them by the erection of a tower, which still bears his -initials, in the dividing wall between the Akropolis and the rest of the -city. Thanks to them it escaped pillage by the Catalan Grand Company -at a time when they sheltered two Byzantine Empresses. Even during the -greatest expansion of the Serbian empire under Stephen Dushan, Salonika -alone remained a Greek islet in a Serbian Macedonia. But a far more -serious foe than either Catalan or Serb was now at hand. The Turks -entered Europe shortly after the middle of the fourteenth century, and -advanced rapidly in the direction of Salonika. At least twice[445] before -the end of that century—in 1387 and from 1391 to 1403, when Suleyman -handed it back—they occupied it, and at last the inhabitants came to the -conclusion that, in the weak condition of the Greek empire, their sole -chance of safety was to place themselves under the protection of a great -maritime power. Accordingly, in 1423, pressed by famine and by continual -Turkish attacks, the Greek notables sent a deputation to Venice offering -their city to the republic, whether their sickly Despot Andronikos, son -of the Emperor Manuel II, consented or no. The Venetians, we are told, -“received the offer with gladness, and promised to protect, and nourish, -and prosper the city and to transform it into a second Venice.” The -Despot, whose claims were settled by a solatium of 50,000 ducats, made -way for a Venetian duke and a captain; for seven years Salonika was a -Venetian colony[446]. - -The bargain proved unsatisfactory alike to the Venetians and the Greeks. -Their brief occupation of Salonika cost the republic 700,000 ducats—for, -in 1426, in addition to the cost of administration and repairs to the -walls, she agreed to pay a tribute to the Sultan. Nor was it popular with -the natives, especially the notables, many of whom the government found -it desirable to deport to the other Venetian colonies of Negroponte and -Crete, or even to Venice itself, on the plea that there was not food for -them at Salonika. Others left voluntarily for Constantinople to escape -the “unbearable horrors” and the Venetian slavery. The Turkish peril was -ever present, and when envoys solicited peace from the Sultan Murad II, -he replied: “The city is my inheritance, and my grandfather Bayezid took -it from the Greeks by his own right hand. So, if the Greeks were now -its masters, they might reasonably accuse me of injustice. But ye being -Latins and from Italy, what have ye to do with this part of the world? -Go, if you like; if not, I am coming quickly.” And in 1430 he came. - -Two misfortunes preceded the fall of Salonika—the death of the beloved -metropolitan, and an earthquake. There was only one man to defend every -two or three bastions, and the Venetians, distrusting the inhabitants, -placed a band of brigands between themselves and the Greeks, so that, -even if the latter had desired to accept the liberal offers which Murad -made them, they dared not do so. Chalkokondyles hints at treachery, -and a versifying chronicler[447] makes the monks of the present -Tsaoush-Monastir near the citadel urge the Sultan to cut the conduits -from the mountain, which supplied the city with water, and ascribes -to their treason their subsequent privileges. But even the wives of -the Greek notables joined in the defence, until a move of the Venetian -garrison towards the harbour led the Greeks to believe that they would -be left to their fate. On March 29, the fourth day of the siege, a -soldier scaled the walls at the place near the castle known as “The -Triangle,” and threw down the head of a Venetian as a sign that he was -holding his ground. The defenders fled to the Samareia tower[448] on the -beach—perhaps the famous “White Tower,” or “the Tower of Blood” as it was -called a century ago, which still stands there and which some attribute -to the Venetian period, or at least to Venetian workmen—only to find it -shut against them by the Venetians, who managed to escape by sea. - -In accordance with his promise, Murad allowed his men to sack the city, -and great damage was inflicted on the churches in the search for treasure -buried beneath the altars. The tomb of St Demetrios was ravaged, because -of its rich ornaments and to obtain the healing ointment for which it -was famous, while the relics of St Theodora were scattered, and with -difficulty collected again. Seeing, however, the wonderful situation of -Salonika, the Sultan ordered the sack to cease, and began to restore the -houses to their owners, contenting himself with converting only two of -the churches, those of the Virgin and of St John Baptist, into mosques. -It is pleasant to note that George Brankovich, the Despot of Serbia -and one of the richest princes of that day, ransomed many prisoners. -Two or three years afterwards, however, the Sultan adopted severer -measures towards the captured city. He took all the churches except -four (including that of St Demetrios, which, as the tomb of Spantounes -shows, was not converted into a mosque till after 1481), built a bath -out of the materials of some of the others, and transported the Turks of -Yenidjé-Vardar to Salonika, which thus for 482 years became a Turkish -city. Chalkokondyles[449] was not far wrong when he described its fall as -“the greatest disaster that had yet befallen the Greeks.” - -When, on St Demetrios’ day, 1912, the victorious Greeks recovered -Salonika, all those churches, sixteen in number, which had existed -before the Turkish conquest were reconverted into Christian edifices; -and when I was there in 1914, it was curious to see the two dates, 1430 -and 1912, the former in black, the latter in gold, on the eikonostasis -of the Divine Wisdom, the church which was perhaps founded before the -more famous St Sophia of Constantinople. Almost the last acts of the -Young Turks before they surrendered Salonika were to destroy not only -the “Gate of Anna Palaiologina,” but also the “New Gate,” which bore the -inscription recording the Turkish capture. - -[Illustration: THE NEAR EAST IN 1350] - - - - -IV. THE GENOESE COLONIES IN GREECE - - -I. THE ZACCARIA OF PHOCÆA AND CHIOS (1275-1329) - -Genoa played a much less important part than Venice in the history of -Greece. Unlike her great rival on the lagoons, she had no Byzantine -traditions which attracted her towards the Near East, and it is not, -therefore, surprising to find her appearing last of all the Italian -Republics in the Levant. But, though she took no part in the Fourth -Crusade, her sons, the Zaccaria and the Gattilusj, later on became -petty sovereigns in the Ægean; the long administration of Chios by the -Genoese society of the Giustiniani is one of the earliest examples of the -government of a colonial dependency by a Chartered Company, and it was -Genoa who gave to the principality of Achaia its last ruler in the person -of Centurione Zaccaria. - -The earliest relations between Genoa and Byzantium are to be found in -the treaty between the two in 1155; but it was not till a century later -that the Ligurian Republic seriously entered into the field of Eastern -politics. After the establishment of the Latin states in Greece, the -Genoese, excluded from all share of the spoil, endeavoured to embarrass -their more fortunate Venetian rivals by secretly urging on their -countryman, the pirate Vetrano, against Corfù, and by instigating the -bold Ligurian, Enrico Pescatore, against Crete—enterprises, however, -which had no permanent effect. But the famous treaty of Nymphæum, -concluded between the Emperor Michael VIII and the Republic of Genoa in -1261, first gave the latter a _locus standi_ in the Levant. Never did a -Latin Community make a better bargain with a Greek ruler, for all the -advantages were on the side of Genoa. The Emperor gave her establishments -and the right to keep consuls at Anæa, in Chios, and in Lesbos, both of -which important islands had been assigned to the Latin Empire by the deed -of partition, but had been recaptured by Michael’s predecessor Vatatzes -in 1225[450]. He also granted her the city of Smyrna, promised free trade -to Genoese merchants in all the ports of his dominions, and pledged -himself to exclude the enemies of the Ligurian Commonwealth, in other -words, the Venetians, from the Black Sea and all his harbours. All that -he asked in return for these magnificent concessions was an undertaking -that Genoa would arm a squadron of fifty ships at his expense, if he -asked for it. It was expressly stipulated that this armament should -not be employed against Prince William of Achaia. Genoa performed her -part of the bargain by sending a small fleet to aid the Emperor in the -recovery of Constantinople from the Latins; but it arrived too late -to be of any use. Still, Michael VIII took the will for the deed; he -needed Genoese aid for his war against Venice; so he sent an embassy to -ask for more galleys. The Genoese, heedless of papal thunders against -this “unholy alliance,” responded by raising a loan for the affairs of -the Levant[451]; and it was their fleet, allied with the Greeks, which -sustained the defeat off the islet of Spetsopoulo, or Sette Pozzi, as the -Italians called it[452], at the mouth of the Gulf of Nauplia in 1263. -But the Emperor soon found that his new allies were a source of danger -rather than of strength; he banished the Genoese of Constantinople to -Eregli on the Sea of Marmara, and made his peace with their Venetian -rivals. In vain Genoa sent Benedetto Zaccaria to induce him to revoke his -decree of expulsion; some years seem to have elapsed before he allowed -the Genoese to return to Galata, and it was not till 1275 that the formal -ratification of the treaty of Nymphæum marked his complete return to -his old policy[453], and that Manuele and Benedetto Zaccaria became the -recipients of his bounty. - -The Zaccaria were at this time one of the leading families of Genoa, -whither they had emigrated from the little Ligurian town of Gavi some -two centuries earlier. The grandfather of Manuele and Benedetto, who -derived his territorial designation of “de Castro,” from the district -of Sta Maria di Castello, in which he resided, had held civic office in -1202; their father Fulcho had been one of the signatories of the treaty -of Nymphæum[454]. Three years before that event Benedetto had been -captured by the Venetians in a battle off Tyre. Three years after it, he -was sent as Genoese ambassador to Michael VIII and, though his mission -was unsuccessful, the Emperor had the opportunity of appreciating his -business-like qualities[455]. Early in 1275, the year when Genoa had -returned to favour at the Imperial Court, the two brothers started from -their native city upon the voyage to Constantinople, which was destined -to bring them fame and fortune—to Manuele, the elder, the grant of the -alum-mines of Phocæa at the north of the Gulf of Smyrna, to Benedetto -the hand of the Emperor’s sister[456]. Phocæa at that time consisted of -a single town, situated to the west of the alum-mountains; but, later -on, the encroachments of the Turks led its Latin lords to build on -the sea-shore at the foot of the mountain a small fortress sufficient -to shelter about fifty workmen, which, with the aid of their Greek -neighbours, grew into the town of New Phocæa, or Foglia Nuova, as the -Italians called it. The annual rent, which Manuele paid to the Emperor, -was covered many times over by the profits of the mines. Alum was -indispensable for dyeing, and Western ships homeward-bound were therefore -accustomed to take a cargo of this useful product at Phocæa[457]. The -only serious competition with the trade was that of the alum which came -from the coasts of the Black Sea, and which was exported to Europe in -Genoese bottoms. A man of business first and a patriot afterwards, -Manuele persuaded the Emperor to ensure him a monopoly of the market by -prohibiting this branch of the Euxine trade—a protective measure, which -led to difficulties with Genoa. He was still actively engaged in business -operations at Phocæa in 1287, but is described as dead in the spring of -the following year[458], after which date the alum-mines of Phocæa passed -to his still more adventurous brother, Benedetto. - -While Manuele had been accumulating riches at Phocæa, Benedetto had -gained the reputation of being one of the most daring seamen, as well as -one of the ablest negotiators, of his time. He was instrumental, as agent -of Michael VIII, in stirring up the Sicilian Vespers and so frustrating -the threatened attack of Charles I of Anjou upon the Greek Empire, and -later in that year we find him proposing the marriage of Michael’s son -and the King of Aragon’s daughter[459]. In the following years he was -Genoese Admiral in the Pisan War, and led an expedition to Tunis; in 1288 -he was sent to Tripoli with full powers to transact all the business of -the Republic beyond the seas. After negotiating with both the claimants -to the last of the Crusaders’ Syrian states, he performed the more -useful action of conveying the people of Tripoli to Cyprus, when, in the -following year, that once famous city fell before the Sultan of Egypt. -In Cyprus he concluded with King Henry II a treaty, which gave so little -satisfaction to the home government, that it was speedily cancelled. More -successful was the commercial convention which he made with Leo III of -Armenia, followed by a further agreement with that monarch’s successor, -Hethum II. But his rashness in capturing an Egyptian ship compelled the -Republic to disown him, and in 1291 he sought employment under a new -master, Sancho IV of Castile, as whose Admiral he defeated the Saracens -off the coast of Morocco[460]. From Spain he betook himself to the -court of Philip IV of France, to whom, with characteristic audacity, he -submitted in 1296 a plan for the invasion of England[461]. During his -absence in the West, however, war broke out between the Genoese and the -Venetians, whose Admiral, Ruggiero Morosini, took Phocæa and seized the -huge cauldrons which were used for the preparation of the alum[462]. -But upon his return he speedily repaired the walls of the city, and -ere long the alum-mines yielded more than ever. Nor was this his only -source of revenue, for under his brother and himself Phocæa had become a -name of terror to the Latin pirates of the Levant, upon whom the famous -_Tartarin_ of the Zaccaria ceaselessly preyed, and who lost their lives, -or at least their eyes, if they fell into the hands of the redoubtable -Genoese captains[463]. The sums thus gained Benedetto devoted in part -to his favourite project for the recovery of the Holy Land, for which -he actually equipped several vessels with the aid of the ladies of his -native city—a pious act that won them the praise of Pope Boniface VIII, -who described him as his “old, familiar friend[464].” This new crusade, -indeed, came to nought, but such was the renown which he and his brother -had acquired, that the Turks, by this time masters of the Asian coast, -and occupants of the short-lived Genoese colony of Smyrna, were deterred -from attacking Phocæa, not because of its natural strength but because -of the warlike qualities of its Italian garrison. Conscious of their own -valour and of the weakness of the Emperor Andronikos II, the Genoese -colonists did not hesitate to ask him to entrust them with the defence -of the neighbouring islands, if he were unable to defend that portion of -his Empire himself. They only stipulated that they should be allowed to -defray the cost out of the local revenues, which would thus be expended -on the spot, instead of being transmitted to Constantinople. Benedetto -had good reason for making this offer; for Chios and Lesbos, once the -seats of flourishing Genoese factories under the rule of the Greek -Emperor and his father, had both suffered severely from the feeble policy -of the central government and the attacks of corsairs. Twice, in 1292 and -1303, the troops first of Roger de Lluria and then of Roger de Flor had -ravaged Mytilene and devastated the famous mastic-gardens of Chios—the -only place in the world where that product was to be found, while a -Turkish raid completed the destruction of that beautiful island[465]. - -Andronikos received Benedetto’s proposal with favour, but as he delayed -giving a definite decision, the energetic Genoese, like the man of action -that he was, occupied Chios in 1304 on his own account. The Emperor, too -much engaged with the Turkish peril to undertake the expulsion of this -desperate intruder, wisely recognised accomplished facts, and agreed -to let him have the island for ten years as a fief of the Empire, free -of all tribute, on condition that he flew the Byzantine standard from -the walls and promised to restore his conquest to his suzerain at the -expiration of the lease[466]. Thus, in the fashion of Oriental diplomacy, -both parties were satisfied: the Italian had gained the substance of -power, while the Greek retained the shadow, and might salve his dignity -with the reflexion that the real ruler of Chios hoisted his colours, owed -him allegiance, and was a near kinsman of his own by marriage. - -This first Genoese occupation of Chios lasted only a quarter of a -century; but even in that short time, under the firm and able rule of -the Zaccaria, it recovered its former prosperity. Benedetto refortified -the capital, restored the fallen buildings, heightened the walls, -and deepened the ditch—significant proofs of his intention to stay. -Entrusting Phocæa to the care of his nephew Tedisio, or Ticino, as his -deputy, he devoted his attention to the revival of Chios, which at his -death, in 1307, he bequeathed to his son, Paleologo, first-cousin of the -reigning Emperor, while he left Phocæa to his half-brother, Nicolino, -like himself a naval commander in the Genoese service. This division -of the family possessions led to difficulties. Nicolino arrived at -Phocæa and demanded a full statement of account from his late brother’s -manager, Tedisio; the latter consented, but the uncle and the nephew -did not agree about the figures, and Nicolino withdrew, threatening to -return with a larger force, to turn Tedisio out of his post, convey him -to Genoa, and appoint another governor, Andriolo Cattaneo della Volta, -a connexion of the family by marriage, in his place. Nicolino’s son -privately warned his cousin of his father’s intentions, and advised him -to quit Phocæa while there was still time. At this moment the Catalan -Grand Company was at Gallipoli, and there Tedisio presented himself, -begging the chronicler Muntaner to enroll him in its ranks. The Catalan, -moved by his aristocratic antecedents and personal courage, consented, -and soon the fugitive ex-governor, by glowing accounts of the riches -of Phocæa, induced his new comrades to aid him in capturing the place -from his successor. The Catalans were always ready for plunder, and the -alum-city was said to contain “the richest treasures of the world.” -Accordingly, a flotilla was equipped, which arrived off Phocæa on the -night of Easter 1307. Before daybreak next morning, the assailants -had scaled the walls of the castle; then they sacked the city, whose -population of more than 3000 Greeks was employed in the alum-manufactory. -The booty was immense, and not the least precious portion of it was a -piece of the true Cross, encased in gold and studded with priceless -jewels. This relic, said to have been brought by St John the Evangelist -to Ephesus, captured by the Turks when they took that place, and pawned -by them at Phocæa, fell to the lot of Muntaner[467]. This famous “Cross -of the Zaccaria” would seem to have been restored to that family, and we -may conjecture that it was presented to the cathedral of Genoa, where it -now is, by the bastard son of the last Prince of the Morea[468], when, -in 1459, he begged the city of his ancestors to recommend him to the -generosity of Pius II. Emboldened by this success, Tedisio, with the -aid of the Catalans, conquered the island of Thasos from the Greeks and -received his friend Muntaner and the Infant Ferdinand of Majorca in its -castle with splendid hospitality. Six years later, however, the Byzantine -forces recovered this island, whence the Zaccaria preyed upon Venetian -merchantmen[469], and it was not for more than a century that a Genoese -lord once again held his court in the fortress of Tedisio Zaccaria. - -Meanwhile, Paleologo, in Chios, had continued the enlightened policy of -his father, and reaped his reward in the renewed productiveness of the -mastic-plantations. In 1314, when the ten years’ lease of the island -expired, the strong fortifications, which his father had erected, and -his near relationship to the Emperor procured him a renewal for five -more years on the same terms[470]. He did not, however, long enjoy this -further tenure, for in the same year he died, apparently without progeny. -As his uncle, Nicolino, the lord of Phocæa and the next heir, was by this -time also dead, the latter’s sons, Martino and Benedetto II, succeeded -their cousin as joint-rulers of Chios, while Phocæa passed beneath the -direct control of Nicolino’s former governor, Andriolo Cattaneo, always, -of course, subject to the confirmation of the Emperor. - -The two brothers, who had thus succeeded to Chios, possessed all the -vigorous qualities of their race. One contemporary writer after another -praises their services to Christendom, and describes the terror with -which they filled the Turks. The Infidels, we are told, were afraid to -approach within twelve miles of Chios, because of the Zaccaria, who -always kept a thousand foot-soldiers, a hundred horsemen, and a couple -of galleys ready for every emergency. Had it not been for the valour of -the Genoese lords of Chios “neither man, nor woman, nor dog, nor cat, nor -any live animal could have remained in any of the neighbouring islands.” -Not only were the brothers “the shield of defence of the Christians,” but -they did all they could to stop the infamous traffic in slaves, carried -on by their fellow-countrymen, the Genoese of Alexandria, whose vessels -passed Chios on the way from the Black Sea ports. Pope John XXII, who -had already allowed Martino to export mastic to Alexandria in return -for his services, was therefore urged to give the Zaccaria the maritime -police of the Archipelago, so that this branch of the slave-trade might -be completely cut off[471]. Sanudo[472], with his accurate knowledge of -the Ægean, remarked that the islands could not have resisted the Turks -so long, had it not been for the Genoese rulers of Chios, Duke Nicolò -I of Naxos, and the Holy House of the Hospital, established since 1309 -in Rhodes, and estimated that the Zaccaria could furnish a galley for -the recovery of the Holy Land. Martino was specially renowned for his -exploits against the Turks. No man, it was said, had ever done braver -deeds at sea than this defender of the Christians and implacable foe of -the Paynim. In one year alone he captured 18 Turkish pirate ships, and at -the end of his reign he had slain or taken more than 10,000 Turks[473]. -The increased importance of Chios at this period is evidenced by the -coins, which the two brothers minted for their use, sometimes with the -diplomatic legend, “servants of the Emperor[474].” Benedetto II was, -however, eclipsed by the greater glories of Martino. By marriage the -latter became baron of Damala and by purchase[475] lord of Chalandritza -in the Peloponnese, and thus laid the foundations of his family’s -fortunes in the principality of Achaia. He was thereby brought into close -relations with the official hierarchy of the Latin Orient, from which the -Zaccaria, as Genoese traders, had hitherto been excluded. Accordingly, in -1325, Philip I of Taranto, who, in virtue of his marriage with Catherine -of Valois, was titular Latin Emperor of Constantinople, bestowed upon -him the islands of Lesbos, Samos, Kos, and Chios, which Baldwin II had -reserved for himself and his successors in the treaty of Viterbo in -1267,—a reservation repeated in 1294—together with those of Ikaria, -Tenedos, Œnoussa, and Marmara, and the high-sounding title of “King and -Despot of Asia Minor,” in return for his promise to furnish 500 horsemen -and six galleys a year whenever the “Emperor” came into his own[476]. The -practical benefits of this magnificent diploma were small—for Martino -already ruled in Chios, with which Samos and Kos seem to have been united -under the sway of the Zaccaria, while the other places mentioned belonged -either to the Greeks or the Turks, over whom the phantom Latin Emperor -had no power whatever. Indeed, this investiture by the titular ruler -of Constantinople must have annoyed its actual sovereign, who had not, -however, dared to refuse the renewal of the lease of Chios, when it again -expired in 1319. - -But Martino had given hostages to fortune by his connexion with the -Morea. His son, Bartolommeo, was captured by the Catalans of Athens -in one of their campaigns, sent off to the custody of their patron, -Frederick II of Sicily, and only released at the request of Pope John -XXII in 1318. As the husband of the young Marchioness of Boudonitza, he -was mixed up also in the politics of Eubœa and the mainland opposite, -while he is mentioned as joining the other members of his family in their -attacks upon the Turks. - -For a time Martino managed to preserve good relations with the Greek -Empire. In 1324, the lease of Chios was again renewed, and in 1327 Venice -instructed her officials in the Levant to negotiate a league with him, -the Greek Emperor, and the Knights against the common peril[477]. But by -this time the dual system of government in the island had broken down: -Martino’s great successes had led him to desire the sole management of -Chios, and he had accordingly ousted his brother from all share in the -government and struck coins for the island with his own name alone, -as he did for his barony of Damala[478]. His riches had become such -as to arouse the suspicions of the Imperial Government that he would -not long be content to admit himself “the servant of the Emperor”; -the public dues of the island amounted to 120,000 gold pieces a year, -while the Turks paid an annual tribute to its dreaded ruler, in order -to escape his attacks. It happened that, in 1328, when the quinquennial -lease had only another year to run and the usual negotiations for its -renewal should have begun, that Andronikos III, a warlike and energetic -prince, mounted the throne of Constantinople, and this conjunction of -circumstances seemed to the national party in Chios peculiarly favourable -to its reconquest. Accordingly, the leading Greek of the island, Leon -Kalothetos, who was an intimate friend of the new sovereign’s Prime -Minister, John Cantacuzene, sought an interview with the latter’s mother, -whom he interested in his plans. She procured him an audience of the -Emperor and of her son, and they both encouraged him with presents and -promises to support the expedition which they were ready to undertake. An -excuse for hostilities was easily found in the new fortress which Martino -was then engaged in constructing without the consent of his suzerain. -An ultimatum was therefore sent to him ordering him to desist from his -building operations, and to come in person to Constantinople, if he -wished to renew his lease. Martino, as might have been expected from his -character, treated the ultimatum with contempt, and only hastened on his -building. Benedetto, however, took the opportunity to lodge a complaint -against his brother before the Emperor, claiming 60,000 gold pieces, -the present annual amount of his half-share in the island, which he had -inherited but of which the grasping Martino had deprived him. - -In the early autumn of 1329, Andronikos assembled a magnificent fleet of -105 vessels, including four galleys furnished by Duke Nicolò I of Naxos, -with the ostensible object of attacking the Turks but with the real -intention of subduing the Genoese lord of Chios. Even at this eleventh -hour the Emperor would have been willing to leave him in possession of -the rest of the island, merely placing an Imperial garrison in the new -castle and insisting upon the regular payment of Benedetto’s annuity. -Martino, however, was in no mood for negotiations. He sank the three -galleys which he had in the harbour, forbade his Greek subjects to wear -arms under pain of death, and shut himself up with 800 men behind the -walls, from which there floated defiantly the flag of the Zaccaria, -instead of the customary Imperial standard. But, when he saw that his -brother had handed over a neighbouring fort to the Emperor, and that no -reliance could be placed upon his Greek subjects, he sent messengers -begging for peace. Andronikos repulsed them, saying that the time for -compromise was over, whereupon Martino surrendered. The Chians clamoured -for his execution; but Cantacuzene saved his life, and he was conveyed -a prisoner to Constantinople, while his wife Jacqueline de la Roche, a -connexion of the former ducal house of Athens, was allowed to go free -with her family and all that they could carry. Martino’s adherents -were given their choice of leaving the island with their property, or -of entering the Imperial service, and the majority chose the latter -alternative. The nationalist leaders were rewarded for their devotion by -gifts and honours; the people were relieved from their oppressive public -burdens. To Benedetto the Emperor offered the governorship of Chios -with half the net revenues of the island as his salary—a generous offer -which the Genoese rejected with scorn, asserting that nothing short of -absolute sovereignty over it would satisfy him. If that were refused, he -only asked for three galleys to carry him and his property to Galata. -Andronikos treated him with remarkable forbearance, in order that public -opinion might not accuse an Emperor of having been guilty of meanness, -and, on the proposal of Cantacuzene, convened an assembly of Greeks and -of the Latins who were then in the island—Genoese and Venetian traders, -the Duke of Naxos, the recently appointed Roman Catholic bishop of Chios -and some other Frères Prêcheurs who had arrived—in order that there might -be impartial witnesses of his generosity. Even those of Benedetto’s own -race and creed regarded his obstinate refusal of the Imperial offer with -disapprobation; nor would he even accept a palace and the rank of Senator -at Constantinople with 20,000 gold pieces a year out of the revenues of -Chios; nothing but his three galleys could he be persuaded to take. His -object was soon apparent. Upon his arrival at Galata, he chartered eight -Genoese galleys, which he found lying there, and set out to reconquer -Chios—a task which he considered likely to be easy, as the Imperial -fleet had by that time dispersed. The Chians, however, repulsed his men -with considerable loss, the survivors weighed anchor on the morrow, and -Benedetto II succumbed barely a week later to an attack of apoplexy, -brought on by his rage and disappointment[479]. - -Martino, after eight years in captivity, was released by the intervention -of Pope Benedict XII and Philip VI of France in 1337, and treated with -favour by the Emperor, who “gave him a command in the army and other -castles,” as some compensation for his losses[480]. In 1343, Clement VI -appointed him captain of the four papal galleys which formed part of -the crusade for the capture of the former Genoese colony of Smyrna from -Omar Beg of Aïdin, the self-styled “Prince of the Morea[481]”—a post -for which his special experience and local knowledge were a particular -recommendation in the eyes of the Pope. Martino desired, however, to -avail himself of this opportunity to reconquer Chios from the Greeks, -and invited the Knights and the Cypriote detachment to join him in this -venture, to which his friend, the Archbishop of Thebes, endeavoured to -force the latter by threats of excommunication. The Pope saw, however, -that this repetition on a smaller scale of the selfish policy of the -Fourth Crusade would have the effect of alienating his Greek allies, and -ordered the Latin Patriarch of Constantinople to forbid the attack[482]. -Martino lived to see Smyrna taken in December, 1344, but on January 17, -1345, the rashness of the Patriarch, who insisted on holding mass in the -old Metropolitan Church against the advice of the naval authorities, -cost him his life. Omar assaulted the cathedral while service was still -going on, Martino was slain, and his head presented to that redoubtable -chieftain[483]. When, in the following year, the Genoese retook Chios, -and founded their second long domination over it, his descendants did -not profit by the conquest. But his second son, Centurione, retained his -baronies in the Morea, of which the latter’s grandson and namesake was -the last reigning Prince. - -After the restoration of Greek rule in Chios and the appointment of -Kalothetos as Imperial viceroy, Andronikos III had proceeded to Phocæa. -By this time the Genoese had abandoned the old city and had strongly -fortified themselves in the new town, purchasing further security for -their commercial operations by the payment of an annual tribute of 15,000 -pieces of silver and a personal present of 10,000 more to Saru-Khan, -the Turkish ruler of the district. The Emperor, having placated this -personage with the usual Oriental arguments, set out for Foglia Nuova. -Andriolo Cattaneo chanced to be absent at Genoa on business, and -the Genoese garrison of 52 knights and 400 foot-soldiers was under -the command of his uncle, Arrigo Tartaro. The latter wisely averted -annexation by doing homage to the Emperor, and handed the keys of the -newly constructed castle to his Varangian guard. After spending two -nights in the fortress, in order to show that it was his, Andronikos -magnanimously renewed the grant of the place to Andriolo during good -pleasure. But Domenico Cattaneo, who succeeded his father not long -afterwards with the assent of the Emperor, lost, in his attempt to obtain -more, what he already had. - -Cattaneo, not content with the riches of Foglia Nuova, coveted the island -of Lesbos, which had belonged for just over a century to the Greeks, -and it seemed in 1333 as if an opportunity of seizing it had arisen. -The increasing power of the Turks, who had by that time taken Nicæa and -Brusa and greatly hindered Greek and Latin trade alike in the Ægean, led -to a coalition against them; but, before attacking the common enemy, -the Knights, Nicolò I of Naxos, and Cattaneo made a treacherous descent -upon Lesbos, and seized the capital of the island. The crafty Genoese, -supported by a number of galleys from his native city, managed, however, -to outwit his weaker allies, and ousted them from all share in the -conquered town, whither he transferred his residence from Foglia Nuova. -Andronikos, after punishing the Genoese of Pera for this act of treachery -on the part of their countrymen, set out to recover Lesbos. The slowness -of the Emperor’s movements, however, enabled Cattaneo to strengthen the -garrison, and Andronikos, leaving one of his officers to besiege Lesbos, -proceeded to invest Foglia with the aid of Saru-Khan, whose son with -other young Turks had been captured and kept as a hostage by the Genoese -garrison. The place, however, continued for long to resist the attacks -of the allies, till at last Cattaneo’s lieutenant prevailed upon them to -raise the siege by restoring the prisoners to their parents and pledging -himself to obtain the surrender of the city of Mytilene, which still -held out, and which the Emperor, fearing troubles at home, had no time -to take. Cattaneo, indeed, repudiated this part of the arrangement, and -bribery was needed to seduce the Latin mercenaries and thus leave him -unsupported. From Lesbos he retired to Foglia, which the Emperor had -consented to allow him to keep on the old terms; but four years later, -while he was absent on a hunting party, the Greek inhabitants overpowered -the small Italian garrison and proclaimed Andronikos III[484]. Thus -ended the first Genoese occupation of Phocæa and Lesbos—the harbinger -of the much longer and more durable colonisation a few years later. Two -gold coins, modelled on the Venetian ducats, of which the first of them -is the earliest known counterfeit, have survived to preserve the memory -of Andriolo and Domenico Cattaneo, and to testify to the riches of the -Foglie under their rule[485]. - - -APPENDIX - - -DIGEST OF GENOESE DOCUMENTS - -22-24 Aug. 1285. Fourteen documents of these dates refer to the - mercantile transactions of Benedetto and Manuele - Zaccaria, such as their appointment of agents to - receive their wares from “Fogia” and to send them - to Genoa, Majorca, Syria, the Black Sea, and other - places. - - (Pandette Richeriane, fogliazzo ii. fasc. 10.) - -17 April, 1287. “Benedetto Zaccaria in his own name and in that of - his brother Manuele” gives a receipt at Genoa to - “ Percivalis Spinula.” - - (_Ibid._ fasc. 20.) - -24 Jan. 1287. “Nicolino” is mentioned as brother of Benedetto and - Manuele Zaccaria. - - (_Ibid._ fogliazzo i. fasc. 178.) - -9 May, 1291. “Clarisia, wife of the late Manuele Zaccaria, in her - own name and on behalf of her sons Tedisio, Leonardo, - Odoardo and Manfred,” appoints an agent for the sale - of a female slave. - - (_Ibid._ fogliazzo ii. fasc. 27.) - -14 April, 1304. “Paleologo Zaccaria” is cited as witness to a monetary - transaction. - - (_Ibid._ fogliazzo A. fasc. 7.) - -31 May, 1311. Two documents executed at Genoa. In one Domenico Doria - acknowledges receipt of monies from Andriolo Cattaneo, - son of Andriolo; in the other Andriolo appoints - Lanfranchino Doria and Luchino Cattaneo his agents. - - (_Ibid._ fasc. 7.) - -13 Aug. 1313. “Manuel Bonaneus” acknowledges receipt of monies from - Andriolo Cattaneo. - - (_Ibid._ fasc. 13.) - -21, 24 Sept. 1316. Mention of “the galley of Paleologo Zaccaria, which - was at Pera in 1307.” - - (_Ibid._ fasc. 13.) - - -GENOESE COLONIES IN GREEK LANDS - -I. LORDS OF PHOCÆA (Foglia). - - Manuele Zaccaria. 1275. - Benedetto I ” 1288. - [Tedisio ” governor. 1302-7.] - Nicolino ” 1307. - Andriolo Cattaneo della Volta, governor, 1307; lord, 1314. - Domenico ” ” ” 1331-40. - [Byzantine. 1340-6.] - Genoese (with Chios). 1346-8. - | - +-----------------+-------------------------+ - | | - (_a_) Foglia Vecchia:— (_b_) Foglia Nuova:— - [Byzantine: 1348-58.] [Byzantine: 1348-51.] - Genoese (with Chios): 1358-(_c._) 1402. Genoese (with Chios): - Gattilusj, (_c._) 1402-55 (December 24). 1351-1455 (Oct. 31). - | | - +---------------------+----------------------+ - | - Both Turkish: 1455-1919; Greek (with Smyrna): 1919- - -II. LORDS OF CHIOS, SAMOS AND IKARIA. - - [Latin Emperors: 1204-25; Greek Emperors: 1225-1304.] - Benedetto I Zaccaria. 1304. - Paleologo ” 1307. - Benedetto II ” } - Martino ” } 1314-29. - [Byzantine. 1329-46.] - | - +------------+----------+-------------------------+ - | | | - (_a_) (_b_) (_c_) - Chios:— Samos:— Ikaria:— - Genoese: 1346-1566. Genoese: 1346-1475. Genoese: 1346-62. - [Turkish: 1566-1694.] [Turkish: 1475-1832. ] Arangio: 1362-1481. - [Venetian: 1694-5. ] [Autonomous: 1832-1912] [Knights of St John:] - [Turkish: 1695-1912.] | [ 1481-1521. ] - | | [Turkish: 1521-1694.] - | | [Venetian: 1694-5. ] - | | [Turkish: 1695-1912.] - | | | - +-----------------------+-------------------------+ - | - All Greek: 1912- - -III. LORDS OF LESBOS. - - [Latin Emperors: 1204-25; Greek Emperors: 1225-1333.] - Domenico Cattaneo. 1333-6. - [Byzantine. 1336-55.] - Francesco I Gattilusio. 1355. - Francesco II ” 1384. - [Nicolò I of Ænos, regent. 1384-7.] - Jacopo Gattilusio. 1404. - [Nicolò I of Ænos again regent. 1404-9.] - Dorino I Gattilusio: succeeded between March 13, 1426, and - October 14, 1428. - [Domenico ” regent 1449-55.] - Domenico ” 1455. - Nicolò II ” 1458-62. - [Turkish: 1462-1912; Greek: 1912- .] - -IV. LORDS OF THASOS. - - Tedisio Zaccaria. 1307-13. - [Greek Emperors. 1313-_c._ 1434.] - Dorino I Gattilusio. _c._ 1434 or ? _c._ 1419. - ? Jacopo Gattilusio. _c._ 1419. - [Oberto de’ Grimaldi, governor. 1434.] - Francesco III Gattilusio. 1444-_c._ 1449. - Dorino I ” again. _c._ 1449. - [Domenico, regent. 1449-55.] - Domenico. 1455. (June 30-October.) - [Turkish: 1455-6; Papal: 1456-9; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios - Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Turkish: 1479-1912; - Greek: 1912- .] - -V. LORDS OF LEMNOS. - - [Navigajosi, Gradenighi, Foscari: 1207-69; Greek Emperors: - 1269-1453.] - Dorino I Gattilusio. 1453. (Castle of Kokkinos from 1440.) - [Domenico, regent. 1453-5.] - Domenico. 1455-6. - [Nicolò II, governor. 1455-6.] - [Turkish: 1456; Papal: 1456-8; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios - Palaiologos: 1460-4; Comnenos: 1464; Venetian: 1464-79; - Turkish: 1479-1656; Venetian: 1656-7; Turkish (except for - Russian occupation of 1770): 1657-1912; Greek: 1912- .] - -VI. LORDS OF SAMOTHRACE. - - [Latin Emperors: 1204-61; Greek Emperors: 1261-_c._ 1431.] - Palamede Gattilusio. _c._ 1431. - [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, governor: 1444-55.] - Dorino II Gattilusio. 1455-6. - [Turkish: 1456; Papal: 1456-9; Turkish: 1459-60; Demetrios - Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Turkish: 1479-1912; - Greek: 1912- .] - -VII. LORDS OF IMBROS. - - [Latin Emperors: 1204-61; Greek Emperors: 1261-1453.] - Palamede Gattilusio. 1453. - [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, governor.] - Dorino II Gattilusio. 1455-6. - [Turkish: 1456-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: - 1466-70; Turkish: 1470-1912; Greek: 1912-14; Turkish: - 1914-20; Greek: 1920- .] - -VIII. LORDS OF ÆNOS. - - Nicolò I Gattilusio. _c._ 1384. - Palamede ” 1409. - Dorino II ” 1455-6. - [Turkish: 1456-60; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-8; Turkish: - 1468-1912; Bulgarian: 1912-3; Turkish: 1913-20; Greek: - 1920- .] - -IX. SMYRNA. - - Genoese. 1261-_c._ 1300. - [Turkish, _c._ 1300-44.] - Genoese. 1344-1402. - [Mongol: 1402; Turkish, interrupted by risings of Kara-Djouneïd: - 1402-24; continuously Turkish: 1424-1919; Greek (“under - Turkish sovereignty”): 1919- .] - -X. FAMAGOSTA. - - Genoese: 1374-1464. - [Banca di San Giorgio: 1447-64; Lusignans: 1464-89; Venetian: - 1489-1571; Turkish: 1571-1878; British (under Turkish - suzerainty): 1878-1914; British: 1914- .] - - -2. THE GENOESE IN CHIOS (1346-1566) - -Of the Latin states which existed in Greek lands between the Latin -conquest of Constantinople in 1204 and the fall of the Venetian Republic -in 1797, there were four principal forms. Those states were either -independent kingdoms, such as Cyprus; feudal principalities, of which -that of Achaia is the best example; military outposts, like Rhodes; or -colonies directly governed by the mother-country, of which Crete was -the most conspicuous. But the Genoese administration of Chios differed -from all the other Latin creations in the Levant. It was what we should -call in modern parlance a Chartered Company, which on a smaller scale -anticipated the career of the East India and the British South Africa -Companies in our own history. - -The origins of the Latin colonization of Greece are usually to be found -in places and circumstances where we should least expect to find them. -The incident which led to this Genoese occupation of the most fertile -island of the Ægean is to be sought in the history of the smallest of -European principalities—that of Monaco, which in the first half of the -fourteenth century already belonged to the noble Genoese family of -Grimaldi, which still reigns over it. At that time the rock of Monaco and -the picturesque village of Roquebrune (between Monte Carlo and Mentone) -sheltered a number of Genoese nobles, fugitives from their native city, -where one of those revolutions common in the mediæval republics of -Italy had placed the popular party in power. The proximity and the -preparations of these exiles were a menace to Genoa, but the resources of -the republican treasury were too much exhausted to equip a fleet against -them at the cost of the state. Accordingly, an appeal was made to the -patriotism of private citizens, whose expenses were to be ultimately -refunded, and in the meanwhile guaranteed by the possession of any -conquered territory. In response to this appeal, twenty-six of the people -and three nobles of the popular party equipped that number of galleys, -which were placed under the command of Simone Vignoso, himself one of -the twenty-nine privateers. On April 24, 1346, the fleet set sail; and, -at its approach, the outlawed nobles fled to Marseilles, whence many of -them entered the French army and died four months later fighting at Crécy -against our King Edward III. - -The immediate object for which the fleet had been fitted out had been -thus accomplished. But it seemed to Vignoso a pity that it should not be -employed, and the Near East offered a tempting field for its activities. -The condition of south-eastern Europe in 1346 might perhaps be paralleled -with its situation in later times. An ancient empire, which Gladstone -described as “more wonderful than anything done by the Romans,” enthroned -on the Bosporos with one brief interval for ten centuries, was obviously -crumbling away, and its ultimate dissolution was only a question of -time. A lad of fourteen, John V Palaiologos, sat on the throne of the -Cæsars, while a woman and a foreigner, the Empress-mother Anne of Savoy, -governed in his name. Against her and her son the too-powerful Grand -Domestic (or, as we should say, prime minister), John Cantacuzene, whom -posterity remembers rather as an historian than as an Emperor, had raised -the standard of revolt. In Asia Minor Byzantium retained nothing but the -suburb of Scutari, Philadelphia, and the two towns of Phocæa. Independent -emirs ruled the south and centre, the Ottomans the north, whence in -seven years they were to cross into Europe, in eight more to transfer -their capital to Adrianople. Already the European provinces of Byzantium -were cut short by the frontier of the Bulgarian Empire and still more -by the rapid advance of Serbia, then the most powerful state in the -Balkan peninsula. Seventeen days before Vignoso sailed for the East, the -great Serbian conqueror and lawgiver, Stephen Dushan, one of the most -remarkable figures in mediæval history, was crowned at Skoplje “Emperor -of the Serbs and Greeks” and had proposed to Genoa’s rival, Venice, an -alliance for the conquest of the Byzantine Empire. Greece proper, with -the exception of the Byzantine province in the Morea, was parcelled -out between Latin rulers, while Byzantium had no fleet to protect her -outlying territories. Under these circumstances a commercial Italian -republic might not unnaturally seek to peg out claims in the midst of -the general confusion in the East, where only two years before Smyrna, -formerly a Genoese colony, had been recaptured from the Turks. - -Vignoso’s first intention was to protect the Genoese settlements on the -Black Sea against the attacks of the Tartars; but information received -at Negroponte, where he touched on the way, led him to change his plans. -There he found a fleet of Venetian and Rhodian galleys, under the Dauphin -of Vienne, preparing to occupy Chios as a naval base for operations -against the Turks in Asia Minor. Vignoso and his associates were offered -large sums for their co-operation, but their patriotism rejected the idea -of handing over to the rival republic an island which had belonged to -the Genoese family of Zaccaria from 1304 to 1329, and which as recently -as seventeen years earlier had been recovered by the Greeks. They made -all sail for Chios, and offered to assist the islanders against a -Venetian attack, if they would hoist the Genoese flag and admit a small -Genoese garrison. The scornful refusal of the garrison was followed -by the landing of the Genoese; four days sufficed to take the rest of -the island; but the citadel made such a spirited resistance that three -months passed before food gave out and on September 12 the capitulation -was signed. The governor, Kalojanni Cybo, himself of Genoese extraction, -and a member of the well-known Ligurian family which afterwards produced -Pope Innocent VIII, made excellent terms for himself and his relatives, -while the Greeks were to enjoy their former religious liberties and -endowments, their property, and their privileges. A Genoese governor was -to be appointed to administer the island according to the laws of the -Republic, and 200 houses in the citadel were assigned at once for the -use of the Genoese garrison. Vignoso proved by his example that he meant -to keep these promises. He ordered his own son to be flogged publicly -for stealing grapes from a vineyard belonging to one of the natives, and -bequeathed a sum of money for providing poor Chiote girls with dowries -as compensation for any damage that he might have inflicted upon the -islanders. - -Vignoso completed the conquest of Chios by the annexation of Old and -New Phocæa, or Foglia Vecchia and Nuova, as the Italians called them, -almost the last Byzantine possessions on the coast of Asia Minor, and -celebrated for their valuable alum-mines, whence English ships used to -obtain materials for dyeing, and of the neighbouring islands of Psara, -or Santa Panagia, Samos, Ikaria, and the Œnoussai[486]. All these -places had belonged to the former Genoese lords of Chios, with whose -fortunes they were now reunited. The two Foglie, with the exception of -a brief Byzantine restoration, remained in Genoese hands till they were -conquered by the Turks in 1455; Foglia Vecchia, after about 1402, being -administered by the Gattilusj of Lesbos, Foglia Nuova being leased to a -member of the _maona_ for life or a term of years. Samos and Psara were -abandoned in 1475 from fear of corsairs, and their inhabitants removed -to Chios, whilst the harbourless Ikaria, where pirates could not land, -was in 1362 granted to the Genoese family of Arangio, which held it with -the title of Count until 1481. In that year it was ceded for greater -security to the knights of Rhodes, and remained united with that island -till it too was conquered by the Turks in 1522. Vignoso desired to add -the rich island of Lesbos and the strategic island of Tenedos, which, as -we have been lately reminded, commands the mouth of the Dardanelles, to -his acquisitions. But his crews had had enough of fighting, and were so -mutinous that he returned to Genoa[487]. - -The Genoese exchequer was unable to repay to Vignoso and his partners -their expenses, amounting to 203,000 Genoese pounds (£79,170 of our -money) or 7000 for each of the twenty-nine galleys, the Genoese -pound being then, according to Desimoni, worth 9 lire 75 centesimi. -Accordingly, by an arrangement made on February 26, 1347, it was agreed -that the Republic should liquidate this liability within twenty years and -thereupon become the direct owner of the conquered places, which in the -meanwhile were to be governed—and the civil and criminal administration -conducted—in her name. The collection of taxes, however, and the monopoly -of the mastic, which was the chief product of the island, were granted to -the twenty-nine associates in the company, or _mahona_, as it was called. -The origin of this word is uncertain. In modern Italian _maona_ means -a “lighter”; but those vessels of Turkish invention are not mentioned -before 1500. On the other hand, we read of a _maona_, or _madona_ (as it -is there written), in connexion with a Genoese expedition to Ceuta in -a document of 1236, and it has, therefore, been suggested that _maona_ -is a Ligurian contraction of _Madonna_, and that such trading companies -were under the protection of Our Lady, whose image was to be seen on the -palace of the Giustiniani at Genoa. At any rate, the name was applied to -other Genoese companies, to the Old and New _maona_ of Cyprus, founded -in 1374 and 1403, and to the _maona_ of Corsica, founded in 1378. Other -derivations are from the Greek word μονάς (“unit”), the Genoese _mobba_ -(“union”), and the Arabic _me-unet_ (“subsidy”)[488]. - -This convention with the _maonesi_[489] was to be valid only as long as -the popular party remained in power at Genoa. The Republic was to be -represented in Chios by a _podestà_, selected annually out of a list -of twenty Genoese democrats submitted in February by the Doge and his -council to the _maonesi_; from these twenty the _maonesi_ were to choose -four, and one of these four was then appointed _podestà_ by the Doge and -council. Should the first list of twenty be rejected by the _maonesi_, -a second list was to be prepared by the home government. The _podestà_ -was to swear to govern according to the regulations of Genoa and the -convention concluded by Vignoso with the Greeks. Twice a year he went on -circuit through the island to hear the complaints of the natives, and -no _maonese_ was allowed to accompany him on those journeys. Another -officer of the Republic was the _castellano_, or commander of the castle -of Chios, likewise chosen annually, from a list of six names, submitted -to the Duke and his council by the _maonesi_. This officer was bound -to find security to the amount of 3000 Genoese pounds (£1170) for his -important charge. A _podestà_ and _castellano_ for Foglia Nuova and the -_castellano_ of Foglia Vecchia, who had the powers of a _podestà_, were -appointed in the same way. These officials were responsible for their -misdeeds to a board of examiners, and the _podestà_ was assisted by six, -afterwards twelve, councillors called _gubernatores_, elected by the -_maonesi_ or other nominees, in everything except his judicial work, -where their co-operation was at his discretion. Salaries were not high; -those of the _podestà_ of Chios and Foglia Nuova were only 1250 (or £560) -and 600 _hypérpera_ (or £268 16_s._) respectively; those of the three -_castellani_ ranged from 400 to 500 (or £179 4_s._ to £224). Out of these -sums they had to keep and clothe a considerable retinue. Local officials -called generically _rettori_, but familiarly known as _codespótæ_ (“joint -lords”) or _protogérontes_ (“chief elders”) in the eight northern, and as -_logariastaí_ (or “calculators”) in the four southern or mastic districts -of Chios, were appointed by the _podestà_. - -The _podestà_ had the right of coining money, provided that his coins -bore the effigy of the Doge of Genoa and the inscription “Dux Ianuensium -Conradus Rex” in memory of Conrad III, King of the Romans, who in 1138 -had conceded to the Republic the privilege of a mint on condition that -her coins always bore his name[490]. This condition was not, however, -always observed in the Chiote mint. The _maonesi_ between 1382 and 1415 -coined base imitations of the Venetian _zecchini_, a practice likewise -adopted by Francesco I Gattilusio of Lesbos, and by Stephen Urosh II of -Servia, and which procured for the latter a place among the evil kings -in the _Paradiso_[491] of Dante. From 1415 the name and figure of St -Laurence, the patron saint of the cathedral at Genoa, and the initial -or name of the Doge began to appear on the Chiote coins; during the -Milanese domination of Genoa two Dukes of Milan, Filippo Maria Visconti -and Galeazzo Maria Sforza, figured on the currency of the island, and two -issued during the French protectorate of Genoa (1458-61) actually bear -the kneeling figure of Charles VII[492]. Finally, from 1483 small pieces -bear the initials of the _podestà_. The financial affairs of the company -were entrusted to two officials known as _massarj_, who were obliged to -send in annual accounts to the Genoese Audit Office. Lastly, Chios was -to be a free port for Genoese ships, which were to stop a day there on -the voyage to Greece or between Greece and Syria, but no Genoese outlaws -were to be harboured there. Thus, while the nominal suzerainty was vested -in the home government, the real usufruct belonged to the company, -especially as the former was never able to clear off its liabilities to -the latter. - -The members of the _maona_ soon began to tire of their bargain and to -sell their shares. Vignoso died, most of his partners resided at Genoa, -and only eleven years after the constitution of the original company the -island was in the possession of eight associates, of whom one alone, -Lanfranco Drizzacorne, had been a member of the old _maona_. These -persons, being mainly absentees, had farmed out the revenues to another -company, formed in 1349 for the extraction of mastic, and consisting -of twelve individuals under the direction of Pasquale Forneto and -Giovanni Oliverio. Difficulties arose between the eight partners and -their lessees; the Republic intervened, and, by the good offices of the -Doge of Genoa, Simone Boccanegra, a fresh arrangement[493] was made on -March 8, 1362. The island was farmed out for twelve years to the twelve -persons above mentioned or their heirs, who collectively formed an “inn” -(or _albergo_), and, abandoning their family names, called themselves -both collectively and individually the Giustiniani—a name assumed three -years earlier by the members of the old _maona_, and perhaps derived from -the palace where their office was. One of the twelve partners, Gabriele -Adorno, alone declined to merge that illustrious name in a common -designation. The members of this new _maona_ were to enjoy the revenues -of the island in equal shares; but the Republic reserved to herself the -right of purchasing Chios before February 26, 1367, the date fixed by the -previous arrangement for the liquidation of her original debt of 203,000 -Genoese pounds; if that date were allowed to pass without such payment, -the Republic could not exercise the right of purchase for three years -more; if no payment were made by February 26, 1374, that right would -be forfeited altogether. No member of the new company could sell his -twelfth or any fraction of it (for each twelfth was divided into three -parts called _caratti grossi_ and each of these three was subsequently -subdivided into eight shares, making 288 _caratti piccoli_ in all) to any -of his partners, but, with the consent of the Doge, he might substitute -a fresh partner in his place, provided always that the number of the -partners remained twelve and that they belonged to the popular party at -Genoa. The number was not, however, strictly maintained. Thus, while -at first the partners were twelve, viz. Nicolò de Caneto, Giovanni -Campi, Francesco Arangio, Nicolò di S. Teodoro, Gabriele Adorno, Paolo -Banca, Tommaso Longo, Andriolo Campi, Raffaelle di Forneto, Lucchino -Negro, Pietro Oliverio, and Francesco Garibaldi, there was soon added a -thirteenth in the person of Pietro di S. Teodoro, whose share, however, -only consisted of two _caratti grossi_, or sixteen _caratti piccoli_, -that is to say, two-thirds of the share of each of the other members. In -the very next year some of the partners retired to Genoa, selling their -shares, and thus two entire twelfths came into the possession of the same -individual, Pietro Recanelli, who had succeeded Vignoso as the leading -spirit of the company. Later on, the shares became subdivided to such an -extent that at the date of the Turkish conquest more than 600 persons -held fractions of them. The shareholders were entitled not only to their -dividends but also to a proportionate share of the local offices, of -which two or three were attached to each share, but no shareholder could -hold the more important for two consecutive years. - -When the term for the purchase of the island by the Genoese Republic drew -near, her treasury, exhausted by the war arising out of her quarrels with -the Venetians in Cyprus, was unable to liquidate its debt to the company -of 203,000 Genoese pounds, at that time (owing to the change in the value -of the pound) equivalent to 152,250. Anxious not to forfeit her right of -purchase, the Republic paid to the company collectively this sum, which -she had first borrowed from the chief members of it in their individual -capacity as bankers. By this financial juggle she became possessed of -Chios; but, in order to pay the interest on her new loan, she let the -island for twenty years more to the _maonesi_, who were to deduct from -its revenues the amount of the interest and remit the balance, calculated -at 2000 gold florins, to the Genoese exchequer. Seven years’ balance was -to be paid in advance. But such was the financial distress of Genoa that -the government in 1380 was obliged to mortgage this annual balance to -the bank of St George for 100,000 Genoese pounds. The company then came -to the aid of the mother-country, and voluntarily offered to furnish a -loan of 25,000 Genoese pounds. In return, the Republic, by a convention -of June 28, 1385, renewed the lease of Chios, which would otherwise have -expired in 1394, till 1418. Five years before the latter date it was -again renewed, in return for a fresh loan of 18,000 Genoese pounds, till -1447; again, in 1436, in consideration of a further loan of 25,000, it -was prolonged till 1476, when it was extended to 1507 and then till 1509. -Then, at last, the Republic not only resolved to pay off the _maonesi_, -but even raised the money for the purpose; but the shareholders protested -that 152,250 Genoese pounds were no longer sufficient in view of the -altered value of the pound (then worth only 3 lire 73 c.) and the -large sums which they had advanced. Payment was accordingly postponed -till 1513, when it was decided to leave the island in the hands of the -Giustiniani till 1542, with some modifications of their charter. In 1528, -however, it was finally agreed to lease Chios to them in perpetuity, in -return for an annual rent of 2500 Genoese pounds. At that time most of -the shareholders were enrolled in the Golden Book of Genoa. - -Such were the arrangements between the company and the mother-country, -arrangements which worked so well that in 220 years there was only -one revolt against her, when Marshal Boucicault occupied Genoa for -the King of France. Considering their contract thereby annulled, the -Giustiniani deposed the _podestà_ and on December 21, 1408, proclaimed -their independence. Venice allowed them to buy provisions and arms; -but in June, 1409, a Genoese force under Corrado Doria forced them to -yield[494]. Let us now look at their relations with foreign powers. Of -these, three were at one time or another a menace to their existence—the -Greek Empire, Venice, and the Turks. Both Anne of Savoy[495] and -Cantacuzene demanded the restoration of Chios from the Republic, which -replied that no official orders had been given for its capture and the -government could assume no responsibility for the acts of a private -company, nor could it dislodge the latter without great expense; at some -future date, however, when circumstances were more favourable, it would -undoubtedly be possible to restore it to the Emperor. The latter was not -satisfied with this reply, but bade the Genoese envoys, who were sent to -pacify him, fix a definite date for the evacuation of Chios. It was then -agreed between him and the Republic that the _maonesi_ should retain the -city of Chios, and enjoy its revenues, for ten years, on condition that -they paid an annual tribute of 12,000 gold pieces to the Emperor, hoisted -his flag, mentioned his name in their public prayers, and received -their metropolitan from the church of Constantinople. The rest of the -island, including the other forts, was to belong to the Emperor, and -to be governed by an Imperial official, who was to decide all disputes -between the Greeks, while those between a Greek and a Latin were to be -referred to the two Byzantine and Genoese authorities sitting together. -At the end of the ten years, calculated from Cantacuzene’s occupation of -Constantinople, the Genoese were to evacuate Chios altogether. Vignoso -and his co-partners, however, declined to be bound by an arrangement -made between the Emperor and the Republic, whereupon Cybo attempted to -restore Greek rule, and perished in the attempt. The two Foglie were, -however, temporarily reoccupied[496], but the Greek peril ceased when -the Emperor John V Palaiologos in 1363 granted Chios to Pietro Recanelli -and his colleagues in return for an annual payment of 500 _hypérpera_ -(or £224)[497]. Eight years earlier the position of the _maona_ had been -strengthened by the same Emperor’s gift of Lesbos as his sister’s dowry -to another Genoese, Francesco Gattilusio, whose family, as time went on, -ruled also over Thasos, Lemnos, Samothrace, Imbros, and the town of Ænos -on the mainland, in 1913 the Turkish frontier in Europe. In 1440 John VI -renewed the charter of 1363. - -Venice was a more obstinate rival. The war which broke out between the -two Republics in 1350 involved Chios, for a defeated Genoese squadron -took refuge there. But Vignoso, with his usual energy, fitted out a -flotilla, sailed to Negroponte, captured the castle of Karystos, ravaged -Keos, and hung the keys of Chalkis as a trophy over the castle-gate of -Chios—a humiliation avenged by the despatch of a Venetian squadron which -carried off many of the islanders[498]. During the struggle of the two -Italian commonwealths for the possession of Tenedos (granted to Genoa -by Andronikos IV in 1376), Foglia Vecchia was attacked and the suburbs -of Chios laid in ashes. For a time the common danger from the Turks -united the Venetians and the Genoese company; but in 1431-2 a Venetian -fleet bombarded the town. The captain of the Venetian foot-soldiers, -who bore the appropriate name of Scaramuccia, was killed while laying -a mine, and the admiral, Mocenigo, contented himself with ravaging the -mastic-gardens. On his return home he was condemned to ten months’ -imprisonment in the _Pozzi_, while his Genoese rival, Spinola, carried -off the keys of Karystos to adorn the castle of Chios, where they were -still visible in the sixteenth century[499]. - -There remained the most serious of all enemies—the Turks. Murad I, who -died in 1389, had already levied tribute from Chios[500]; Mohammed I -in 1415 fixed this sum at 4000 gold ducats, while the lessee of Foglia -Nuova paid 20,000 out of the profits of the alum mines. By this system of -Danegeld the _maonesi_ kept on fairly good terms with the Turks till the -capture of Constantinople. The active part taken in its defence by one -of the Giustiniani, whose name will ever be connected with that of the -heroic Constantine XI, exasperated Mohammed II against Chios, whither the -chalices and furniture from the Genoese churches of Pera were removed, -and many of the survivors fled for safety. An increase of the tribute to -6000 ducats was accepted[501]. But in 1455 the Turks sent two fleets to -Chios under the pretext of collecting a debt for alum, alleged to have -been supplied to the _maona_ by Francesco Drapperio, former lessee of -Foglia Nuova, and then established at Pera[502]. These expeditions cost -the company Foglia Nuova, but it gained a further respite by the payment -of a lump sum of 30,000 gold pieces and the increase of the annual -tribute to 10,000 ducats. In vain it appealed to Genoa and to the Pope; -in vain on April 7, 1456, the Republic wrote to our King Henry VI[503], -then struggling against the Yorkists, for assistance, reminding him that -there had been few wars against the infidels in which the most Christian -Kings of England had not borne a great part of the toils and dangers. -The extinction of the Lesbian principality of the Gattilusj in 1462, the -taking of Caffa in 1475, the capture of the Venetian colony of Negroponte -by the Turks in 1479, were signs of what was in store for Chios, now -completely isolated. The _maonesi_ in vain wrote to Genoa, threatening to -abandon the island, if help were not forthcoming, and offered to cede -it to her altogether. “We cannot put our hands,” so ran their letter, -“on 100 ducats; we owe 10,000. The Genoese mercenaries sent us were very -bad. Send us none from the district between Rapallo and Voltri, for -they quarrel daily, steal by day and night, and pay too much attention -to the Greek ladies,” whose charms were the theme of every visitor to -the island[504]. The only means of maintaining independence was to pay -tribute punctually and to propitiate any persons who might be influential -at the Porte, notably the French ambassadors, two of whom visited Chios -in 1537 and 1550. Finally, in 1558 Genoa disavowed all connexion with the -island, and instructed her representative at Constantinople to repudiate -her sovereignty over it[505]. - -Then came the final catastrophe. The company was no longer able to -provide the annual tribute, which had risen to 14,000 gold pieces, and -to give the usual presents, valued at 2000 ducats, of scarlet cloth to -the Turkish viziers, “a race of men full of rapacity and avarice,” as De -Thou called them. It was accused of having betrayed the Turkish plans -against Malta to the knights and thus helping to stultify the siege of -that island in 1565; while the fugitive slaves who found refuge in Chios -were a constant source of difficulties. One of them was the property of -the grand vizier; the _podestà_, Vincenzo Giustiniani, called upon either -to give him up or pay compensation, confided the latter to an emissary, -who absconded with the money. Thereupon Pialì Pasha, a Hungarian renegade -in the Turkish service, appeared off Chios with a fleet of from 80 to 300 -sail on Easter Monday, April 15, 1566. The pasha told the Chiotes that -he would not land, as he did not wish to disturb the Easter ceremonies. -Next day he entered the harbour and demanded the tribute. After having -landed and studied the strategic position, he invited the _podestà_ and -the twelve “governors” on board to confer with him, and clapped them into -irons. On April 17, as an inscription[506] in the chief mosque, then a -church, still tells us, he took the town, and the flag of St George with -the red cross gave way to the crescent almost without resistance. - -The fall of Genoese rule was ennobled by the heroism of the bishop, -Timoteo Giustiniani, who bade a renegade kill him rather than profane the -mass, and by the martyrdom of eighteen boys, who died rather than embrace -Islâm—a scene depicted by Carlone in the chapel of the Ducal Palace -at Genoa[507]. The other boys between the ages of twelve and sixteen -were enrolled in the corps of janissaries, while the leading _maonesi_ -were exiled to Caffa, whence some of them, thanks to the intervention -of the French ambassador, returned to Chios or Genoa[508]. In vain they -demanded from the home government compensation for the loss of their -island. As late as 1805 their descendants were still trying to recover a -sum of money, deposited with the bank of St George, and in 1815 the bank -ceased to exist and with it the last faint hope of repayment. There were, -however, some lucky exceptions to these misfortunes. Thus Vincenzo Negri -Giustiniani, who was a child of two at the date of the Turkish conquest, -came to Rome, was created by Pope Paul V in 1605 first marquess of -Bassano, and in 1610 built the Palazzo Giustiniani, now the seat of the -Italian Freemasons and of the Prussian Historical Institute. Professor -Kehr, the director of that body, informs me, however, that there is no -trace there of the Chiote inscription of 1522, which is said to have been -removed thither[509]. On the other hand, although the Turks destroyed -many churches, Chios still abounds with Latin monuments[510], in which -the arms of the Giustiniani—a castle of three towers, surmounted after -1413 by the imperial eagle granted by the Emperor Sigismund[511]—are -conspicuous. It may be of interest to mention that when in 1912, an -Italian attack upon Chios was contemplated, orders were issued to spare -the historical monuments of Chios. That island, however, with the -exception of a brief Venetian occupation in 1694-5, remained Turkish till -November 24, 1912, when a Greek force landed and on the following day -easily captured the capital, which thus, for the first time since 1346, -passed from under foreign domination. - -We may now ask ourselves whether the rule of the company was successful. -Financially, it certainly was. Even in its latter days, when heavy -loans had been contracted with the bank of St George and the Turkish -tribute was 14,000 gold ducats, a dividend of 2000 ducats was paid -on each of the thirteen original shares; while in its best times the -small _caratto_, originally worth some 30 Genoese pounds, was quoted -at 4930. Chios during the middle ages was one of the most frequented -marts of the Levant, while the alum of Foglia Nuova (which, as long as -that factory remained Genoese, covered the annual rent to Genoa) and -the mastic of the island (in which a part of the Turkish tribute was -paid) were two valuable sources of revenue. The production of mastic was -carefully organised. The company leased to each hamlet a certain area of -plantation, and the lessees once a year handed in a certain weight of -mastic in proportion to the number of the trees. If it were a good year -and the yield were greater, they received a fixed price per pound for the -excess quantity delivered; but if they failed to deliver the stipulated -amount, they had to pay twice that sum[512]. In order to keep up prices -in years of over-production, all the mastic over a certain amount was -either warehoused or burned. Special officials divided the net profit -accruing from its sale among the shareholders; no private person might -sell it to foreigners; and thefts or smuggling of the precious gum, if -committed on a small scale, cost the delinquent an ear, his nose, or -both; if on a large scale, brought him to the gallows. Another curious -source of revenue was the tax on widows[513]. The latter must have had -ample opportunities of avoiding the penalty, for the courtesy and beauty -of the Chiote ladies was the theme of every traveller. Indeed, one -impressionable Frenchman[514] proclaimed Chios to be “the most agreeable -residence” with which he was acquainted, while another visitor[515] -declared their natural charm, the elegance of their attire, and the -attraction of their gestures and conversation to be such “that they -might rather be judged to be nymphs or goddesses than mortal women or -maids.” He then, greatly daring, attempts a detailed description of their -costume, upon which I shall not venture. Nor were amusements lacking. The -inhabitants were musical; they were wont to dance by the Skaramangkou -torrent; the chief religious feasts were kept in state; and Cyriacus -of Ancona[516] was a witness of the festivities which accompanied the -carnival in what Bartolomeo dalli Sonetti[517], another traveller of the -fifteenth century, called the first island of the Archipelago. - -There was more intellectual life at Chios than in some of the Latin -settlements in the Levant; indeed, the two Genoese colonies of Chios and -Lesbos stood higher in that respect than most of the Venetian factories. -The list of authors during the period of the _maona_ is considerable. -Among them we may specially notice Leonardo Giustiniani, archbishop -of Lesbos, but a native of Chios, and author of a curious treatise, -_De vera nobilitate_, intended as a reply to the book _De nobilitate_ -of the celebrated scholar, Poggio Bracciolini. But the chief value of -the literary divine for us at the present day is the graphic account -which he has left us in two letters, addressed respectively to Popes -Nicholas V and Pius II, of the Turkish conquest of Constantinople -in 1453 and of Lesbos in 1462—accounts of the greatest historical -interest, because their author was an eyewitness of what he described. -In Gerolamo Garibaldi Giustiniani, born in Chios in 1544, the island -found an historian, who wrote in French a work entitled _La Description -et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios, ou Chios_; Vincenzo Banca Giustiniani, -another Latin Chiote, edited the works of St Thomas Aquinas; while -Alessandro Rocca Giustiniani translated portions of Aristotle and -Hippocrates. But the most curious local literary figure of the period was -Andriolo Banca Giustiniani (1385-1456), who sang in Italian verse the -Venetian siege of Chios[518] of 1431. The poet was a man of taste and had -the means to satisfy it; he constructed near the so-called “School of -Homer” (who, according to Thucydides, was a native of Chios) an “Homeric -villa” in a forest of pines near a crystal well, where he was visited by -the well-known antiquary and traveller, Cyriacus of Ancona, his frequent -correspondent[519]. This elegant Chiote accumulated a library of 2000 -manuscripts, and for him Ambrogio Traversari of Florence translated into -Latin the treatise on the Immortality of the Soul by the fifth-century -philosopher, Æneas of Gaza. His son, in 1474, entertained at his villa -a greater even than the archæologist of Ancona, then, however, only a -modest ship’s captain, the future discoverer of America, Christopher -Columbus. The culture, however, of the Giustiniani seems to have been -mainly Latin—a fact explained by their practice of sending their sons to -be educated at Genoa, Pavia, Padua, or Bologna; and it was from Italy -that they summoned the architects to build their palaces “of divers kinds -of marbles, with great porticoes and magnificent galleries,” and their -villas, of which there were more than 100 in the last century of their -rule. It was only just before the Turkish conquest that they thought of -founding a university[520]. - -But we must also look at the picture from another point of view—that -of the governed. The judgment of Finlay that the rule of the company -was “the least oppressive government in the Levant” seems by the light -of later research to need qualification. If we are to take as our -standard the happiness of the people as a whole, then of all the Latin -establishments in the Levant Lesbos comes first. But for that there were -special reasons. The first Gattilusio came to Lesbos not as a foreign -conqueror, but as brother-in-law of the Greek Emperor; he soon spoke the -language of his subjects; his successors wrote in Greek, and as time went -on the family became hellenized. But a company is apt to be deficient -on the human side; and this would seem to have been the weak point of -the _maona_. Quite early in its career a conspiracy of the Greeks was -discovered, which led to the permanent expulsion of the metropolitan and -the substitution in his place of a vicar, called Δίκαιος (or “the Just”), -elected by the company and confirmed by the patriarch. Moreover, the -dominant church, whose bishops were usually Pallavicini or Giustiniani, -was partly supported by tithes, which the members of the other creed had -also to pay, and which they paid so reluctantly that in 1480 the bishop -was glad to abandon all claims to tithe and all the church property to -the company[521] in return for a fixed stipend. Moreover, we are told -that certain Latins seized property belonging to Νέα Μονή, “one of the -most beautiful churches of the Archipelago,” as it was called[522]. To -these ecclesiastical disadvantages was added social inferiority. The -native nobles, or _archontes_, sixty in number, although their privileges -had been guaranteed at the conquest and although instructions were -subsequently given to see that that pledge was respected, ranked not -only below the Giustiniani, who formed the apex of the social scale, but -below the Genoese _bourgeoisie_ also, from which they suffered most. They -lived apart in the old town (much as the Catholics still do at Syra); and -if they sold their property and left the island, they forfeited to the -company one-quarter of the proceeds of such sale. - -Worse still was the position of the Greek peasantry, who were practically -serfs, forbidden to emigrate without permission and passports. Liable to -perform military service even out of the island, they had to undertake in -time of peace various forced labours, of which the lightest was to act -as beaters once a year for their masters during the partridge season. -So many of them sought to escape from Chios that a local shibboleth was -invented for their identification, and they were obliged to pronounce the -word _fragela_ (a sort of white bread), which became _frangela_ in the -mouth of a native. Still, the Greeks were consulted at least formally -before a new tax was imposed; a Greek noble sat in the commercial court -and on the commission of public works, and during the administration -of Marshal Boucicault in 1409 and down to 1417 four out of the six -councillors who assisted the _podestà_ were Greeks. In later times when -there was a Turkish element in the population—for after 1484 the Turks -paid no dues—the company provided the salary of the Turkish _kâdi_. -Cases were tried in a palace known as the Δικαιότατο (“Most Just”), and -a “column of justice” hard by served for the punishment of the guilty. A -great hardship was the cost of appeals to the ducal council in Genoa—the -counterpart of our judicial committee of the privy council. Worst treated -of all classes were the Jews, forced to wear a yellow bonnet, to live in -their ghetto, which was hermetically closed at Easter, to present a white -banner with the red cross of St George to the _podestà_ once a year, and -to make sport for the Genoese at religious festivals[523]. Such, briefly, -was the Genoese administration of Chios—an episode which may serve to -remind us how very modern in some ways were the methods of Italian -mediæval commonwealths. - - -3. THE GATTILUSJ OF LESBOS (1355-1462) - - Me clara Cæsar donat Lesbo ac Mytilene, - Cæsar, qui Graio præsidet imperio. - - Corsi _apud_ Folieta. - -The Genoese occupation of Chios, Lesbos, and Phocæa by the families of -Zaccaria and Cattaneo was not forgotten in the counting-houses of the -Ligurian Republic. In 1346, two years after the capture of Smyrna, Chios -once more passed under Genoese control, the two Foglie followed suit, and -in 1355 the strife between John Cantacuzene and John V Palaiologos for -the throne of Byzantium enabled a daring Genoese, Francesco Gattilusio, -to found a dynasty in Lesbos, which gradually extended its branches to -the islands of the Thracian sea and to the city of Ænos on the opposite -mainland, and which lasted in the original seat for more than a century. - -Disappointed in a previous attempt to recover his rights, the young -Emperor John V was at this time living in retirement on the island of -Tenedos, then a portion of the Greek Empire and from its position at the -mouth of the Dardanelles both an excellent post of observation and a -good base for a descent upon Constantinople. During his sojourn there, -a couple of Genoese galleys arrived, commanded by Francesco Gattilusio, -a wealthy freebooter, who had sailed from his native city to carve out -for himself, amidst the confusion of the Orient, a petty principality -in the Thracian Chersonese, as others of his compatriots had twice done -in Chios, as the Venetian nobles had done in the Archipelago 150 years -earlier. The Emperor found in this chance visitor an instrument to effect -his own restoration; the two men came to terms, and John V promised, that -if Gattilusio would help him to recover his throne, he would bestow upon -him the hand of his sister Maria—an honour similar to that conferred by -Michael VIII upon Benedetto Zaccaria. - -The family of Gattilusio, which thus entered the charmed circle of -Byzantine royalty, had already for two centuries occupied a prominent -position at Genoa. One of the name is mentioned as a member of the Great -Council in 1157; a second is found holding civic office in 1212 and 1214; -and two others were signatories of the treaty of Nymphæum. Luchetto, -grandfather of the first lord of Lesbos, was both a troubadour and a man -of affairs, who went as envoy to Pope Boniface VIII to negotiate peace -between his native city and Venice, served as _podestà_ of Bologna, -Milan, Savona, and Cremona; and founded in 1295 the family church of San -Giacomo at Sestri Ponente in memory of his father—a foundation which -remained in the possession of the Gattilusj till 1483, and of which the -Lesbian branch continued to be patron. Towards the end of the thirteenth -century, the family seems to have turned its attention to the Levant -trade, for a Gattilusio was among the Genoese who had sustained damage -from the subjects of the Greek Emperor at that period, and by 1341 -another member of the clan was a resident at Pera. In that year Oberto -Gattilusio was one of the Genoese ambassadors, who concluded the treaty -between the Republic and the Regent Anne of Savoy at Constantinople, and -ten years later the same personage was sent on an important mission to -all the Genoese commercial settlements in the East. The future ruler of -Lesbos was this man’s nephew[524]. - -The Genoese of Galata had good reasons to be dissatisfied with the -commercial and naval policy of Cantacuzene, and it was no less their -interest than that of their ambitious fellow-countryman to see John V -replaced on the throne of his ancestors. They accordingly entered into -negotiations with him at Tenedos, and thus Gattilusio could rely upon -the co-operation of his compatriots at the capital. On a dark and windy -night in the late autumn of 1354 he arrived with the young Emperor off -the “postern of the Pathfinding Virgin,” where his Ligurian mother-wit -at once suggested a device for obtaining admittance. He had on board a -number of oil-jars, which he had brought full from Italy—for he combined -business with politics—but which were by this time empty. These he -ordered the sailors to hurl against the walls one at a time, until the -noise awoke the sleeping sentinels. To the summons of the latter voices -shouted from the galleys, that they were merchantmen with a cargo of oil, -that one of their ships had been wrecked, and that they were willing -to share the remains of the cargo with anyone who would help them in -their present distress. At this appeal to their love of gain the guards -opened the gate, whereupon some 500 of the conspirators entered, slew -the sentries on the adjoining tower, and were speedily reinforced by the -rest of the ships’ crews and marines. Francesco, who was throughout the -soul of the undertaking, mounted a tower in which he placed the young -Emperor with a strong guard of Italians and Greeks, and then ran along -the wall with a body of soldiers, shouting aloud: “long live the Emperor -John Palaiologos!” When dawn broke and the populace realised that their -young sovereign was within the walls, their demonstrations convinced -Cantacuzene that resistance would be sanguinary, even if successful. He -therefore relinquished the diadem which he could not retain, and retired -into a monastery, while John V, accompanied by Francesco and the rest of -the Italians, marched in triumph into the palace. The restored Emperor -was as good as his word; he bestowed the hand of his sister upon his -benefactor, and gave to Francesco as her dowry the island of Lesbos. On -July 17, 1355, Francesco I began his reign[525]. - -Connected by marriage with the Greek Imperial house, the Genoese lord -of Lesbos seems to have met with no resistance from his Greek subjects, -who would naturally regard him not so much in the light of an alien -conqueror as in that of a lawful ruler by the grace of the Emperor. He -soon learnt to speak their language[526], and continued to assist his -Greek brother-in-law with advice and personal service. At the moment -of his accession, the Greek Empire was menaced by the Turks, who had -lately crossed over into Europe, and occupied Gallipoli, and by Matthew -Cantacuzene, the eldest son of the deposed Emperor. In the very next year -the capture of the Sultan Orkhan’s son, Halil, by Greek pirates from -Foglia Vecchia, at that time a Byzantine fief, enabled John V to divide -these two enemies by promising to obtain the release of the Sultan’s -son. The promise proved, indeed, to be hard of fulfilment, for John -Kalothetos, the Greek governor of Foglia Vecchia, resisted the joint -attacks of the Emperor and a Turkish chief, whom John V had summoned to -aid him, until he received a large ransom and a high-sounding title. It -was during these operations, in the spring of 1357, that the Emperor, on -the advice of Francesco Gattilusio, treacherously invited his Turkish -ally to visit him on an islet off Foglia and then arrested him[527]. Such -reliance, indeed, did John place in his brother-in-law, whose interests -coincided with his own, that, when Matthew Cantacuzene was captured by -the Serbs and handed over to the Emperor, the latter sent the children of -his rival to Lesbos, and even meditated sending thither Matthew himself, -because he knew that they would be in safe keeping[528]. In 1366, when -the Bulgarian Tsar, John Shishman, had treacherously arrested John V, and -the Greeks of Byzantium, hard pressed by the Turks, sought the help of -the chivalrous _Conte verde_, Amedeo VI of Savoy, Francesco Gattilusio -was present with one of his nephews at the siege and capture of Gallipoli -from the Ottomans and assisted at the taking of Mesembria from the -Bulgarians[529]. But fear of Murad I made him refuse to see or speak to -his wife’s nephew, Manuel, when the latter, after plotting against the -Sultan, sought refuge in Lesbos[530]. - -Meanwhile, as a Genoese, he naturally had difficulties with the -Venetians. Thus, we find him capturing[531] in the Ægean a Venetian -colonist from Negroponte, and quite early in his reign he imitated the -bad example of his predecessor, Domenico Cattaneo, and coined gold -pieces in exact counterfeit of the Venetian ducat, although of different -weight. This was so serious an offence, that the Venetian Government made -a formal complaint at Genoa, and in 1357 the Doge of his native city -wrote to Francesco[532] bidding him discontinue this dishonest practice, -which augured badly for the future of his administration, and would -entail severe penalties upon him, if he insisted in its continuance. -Francesco felt himself strong enough to go on his way, heedless of the -ducal thunders alike of Genoa and of Venice, and coins of himself and of -at least four out of his five successors have been preserved. The great -war, which broke out between the two Republics in 1377 on account of the -cession of Tenedos by the usurper Andronikos to Genoa and its seizure -by Venice, must have placed Francesco in a difficult position. He was, -it is true, a Genoese but he was also brother-in-law of John V, whom -Andronikos had deposed and who had promised the disputed island, which he -and Francesco knew so well, to Venice. Accordingly, when the treaty of -Turin imposed upon Venice the surrender of Tenedos to Amedeo VI of Savoy, -who was to raze the castle to the ground at the cost of Genoa, yet the -islanders none the less swore that they would retain their independence. -Muazzo, the Venetian governor, excused his action in refusing to give up -the island by pleading Francesco’s intrigues. An agent of the Lesbian -lord, he wrote, one Raffaele of Quarto, had stirred up the inhabitants, -some 4000 in number, to resist the cession, by spreading a rumour that, -if Tenedos fell into Genoese hands, the Venetian colonists would all be -forced to turn Jews or emigrate[533]. When, however, Venice found herself -reluctantly compelled to force her recalcitrant officer to carry out the -provisions of the treaty, Francesco helped to victual the Venetian fleet, -and Tenedos was reduced to be the desert that it long remained. - -While such were his relations with the Byzantine Empire and the rival -Republics of the West, the Papacy regarded Francesco as one of the -factors in the Union of the Churches and thereby as a champion of -Christendom against the Turks. When Innocent VI in 1356, despatched St -Peter Thomas and another bishop to compass the Union of the Old and the -New Rome, he recommended his two envoys to the lord of Lesbos. Thirteen -years later, Francesco accompanied his brother-in-law, the Emperor John -V, to Rome, and signed as one of the witnesses of that formal confession -of the Catholic faith, which the sorely-pressed sovereign made on -October 18, 1369, in the palace of the Holy Ghost before Urban V[534]. -He was one of the potentates summoned by Gregory XI in 1372 to attend -the Congress[535] of Thebes on October 1, 1373, to consider the Turkish -peril—a peril which at that time specially menaced his island—and in the -following year the Pope recommended Smyrna to his care, and sent two -theologians to convince him, a strenuous fighter against the Turks, and -defender of Christendom beyond the seas, that the Union of the Churches -would be a better defence against them than armed force[536]. The -Popes might well have thought that no one could be a better instrument -of their favourite plan than this Catholic brother-in-law of the Greek -Emperor. But the astute Genoese was too wise to compel his Greek subjects -to accept his creed. Throughout his reign, besides a Roman Catholic -Archbishop, there was a Greek Metropolitan of Mytilene, and under his -successor the Metropolitan throne of Methymna was also occupied[537]. The -Armenian colony, settled in Lesbos, preferred, however, to seek shelter -in Kos under the Knights of St John rather than remain as his subjects, -without proper protection from a hostile raid[538]. - -The success of their kinsman encouraged other members of the Gattilusio -clan to seek a comfortable _seigneurie_ in the Levant. The barony of -Ænos, at the mouth of the Maritza, had been assigned in the partition -of the Byzantine Empire to the Crusaders, and, although reconquered by -the Greeks, the exiled Latin Emperor Baldwin II had been pleased to -consider it as still his to bestow, together with the titular kingdom of -Salonika, upon Hugues, Duke of Burgundy, in 1266. Besieged by Bulgarians -and Tartars in 1265, and invaded by the Catalans in 1308, it had been -governed in the middle of the fourteenth century by Nikephoros II -Angelos, the dethroned Despot of Epeiros, the son-in-law and nominee of -John Cantacuzene. When, however, Cantacuzene fell, the Despot thought it -more prudent to surrender the city to John V, who thus, in 1356, became -its master. We do not know the precise time or manner of its transference -to the Gattilusio family. A later Byzantine historian[539], however, -states that the inhabitants, dissatisfied with the Imperial governor, -called in a member of the reigning family of Lesbos, who was able to -maintain his position owing to the domestic quarrels in the Imperial -family, and by payment of an annual tribute to the Sultan, when the -Turks became masters of Thrace and Macedonia. Whether the ancient barony -became a Genoese possession by the will of the natives or by grant of -the Emperor, one fact is certain, that in June, 1384, it was in the -possession of Francesco’s brother, Nicolò[540]. Some six weeks later, -a great upheaval of nature, prophesied, it was afterwards said, by a -Lesbian monk, made the new lord of Ænos regent of his brother’s island -also. - -The violent end of the first Gattilusio who reigned in Lesbos was long -remembered in the island. On August 6, 1384, a terrible earthquake -buried him beneath the ruins of the castle which he had built, as an -inscription proudly informs us[541], some eleven years before. After a -long and painful search, his mutilated body was found and laid to rest -in a coffin, which he had already prepared, in the church of St John -Baptist, which he had founded. By his side were laid the mangled bodies -of two of his sons, Andronico and Domenico, who, with his wife, had also -perished in the disaster. A third son, named Jacopo, escaped, however, by -a miracle. At the time of the shock, he was sleeping by the side of his -brothers in a tower of the castle; next day, however, he was discovered -by a good woman in a vineyard near the Windmills at the foot of the -fortress. The woman hastened to tell the good news to the chief men of -the town, who came and fetched the young survivor. The boy took the oath -on the Gospels as lord of Lesbos before the people and the nobles, and, -as he was still a minor, his uncle, Nicolò Gattilusio, lord of Ænos, who -hastened over to Lesbos on the news of the catastrophe, shared authority -with him. In order to perpetuate the name of the popular founder of the -dynasty, Jacopo on his accession took the name of Francesco II[542]. - -The joint government of uncle and nephew lasted for three years, when a -dispute arose between them, and Nicolò returned to the direction of his -Thracian barony. In November, 1388, Francesco II joined the league of the -Knights of Rhodes, Jacques I of Cyprus, the Genoese Chartered Company -of Chios, and the Commune of Pera against the designs of the Sultan -Murad I. His popularity with his Perote compatriots was such, that, -on the occasion of a visit to Constantinople in 1392, they gave him a -banquet; but four years later they complained that he had not performed -his treaty obligations, made in 1388, against the Turks. In the summer -of 1396, Pera was besieged by the forces of Bayezid I, and although -Francesco was actually in the port of Constantinople at the time, and -his galley was stationed in the Golden Horn near “the Huntsman’s Gate” -in the modern district of Aivan Serai the Commune thought it necessary -to draw up a formal protest against his inaction and execute it on the -stem of his ship. He replied by offering to aid his fellow-Genoese, -if they would make a sortie, and his galley subsequently assisted the -Venetians in relieving the capital[543]. After the disastrous defeat of -the Christians at the battle of Nikopolis later in the same year, both -he and Nicolò of Ænos rendered signal services to the Sultan’s noble -French prisoners, and Lesbos emerged into prominence throughout the -French-speaking world. Thither came the Duke of Burgundy’s chamberlain, -Guillaume de l’Aigle, on his preliminary mission to mollify the heart -of Bayezid, with whom Francesco had such influence that he was able to -obtain leave for his sick cousin, Enguerrand VII de Coucy, to remain -behind at Brusa, when the rest of the captives were dragged farther up -country by the Sultan[544]. The humane feelings of the lord of Lesbos -were doubtless further moved by the fact that de Coucy was, through his -mother, an Austrian princess, connected with the reigning family of -Constantinople, from which he was himself descended, and by the recent -establishment of a French protectorate over Genoa. - -Accordingly, he offered bail for his suffering relative, and when -Marshal Boucicault, another of the prisoners, was set free to raise the -amount necessary for their ransom, Francesco and other rich merchants -of Lesbos advanced him the preliminary sum of 30,000 francs. Nicolò of -Ænos willingly lent 2000 ducats more, and sent the prisoners a present -of fish, bread and sugar, while his wife added a goodly supply of linen, -for which they expressed their deep gratitude[545]. Of the total ransom, -fixed at 200,000 ducats, Francesco and Nicolò, anxious to please the King -of France and the Duke of Burgundy, respectively made themselves liable -for 110,000 and 40,000, which the prisoners promised to repay as soon -as possible. Half of these two sums was actually paid, and the lord of -Ænos further furnished on account of the Comte de Nevers 10,000 ducats -to a son of Bayezid and another Turk, who had guarded that nobleman on -the day of his capture. Some years later the two Gattilusj of Lesbos -and Ænos sent in a claim for what they had advanced and for sundry -expenses amounting in all to 108,500 ducats. Another member of the family -lent 5075 ducats, and during his stay in Lesbos the Comte de Nevers -negotiated another loan from his host for 2500 more[546]. These sums show -the wealth and credit of these merchant princes. - -When the ransom had been settled, the three French and Burgundian envoys -who had been treating with Bayezid, embarked for Lesbos, escorted by -Francesco and Nicolò and accompanied by one of the ransomed prisoners, -who took with him to Burgundy a natural son of Francesco, destined to -become the grandfather of Giuliano Gattilusio, the terrible corsair -of the next century[547]. The rest of the prisoners followed early in -July, and remained for six weeks the guests of Francesco and his lady, -a noble dame of gentle breeding and European accomplishments, acquired -at the court of Marie de Bourbon, titular Empress of Constantinople and -Princess of Achaia, in whose society she had been educated. Feeling -herself highly honoured at the presence of the Comte de Nevers and his -companions in the castle of Lesbos, she clothed them with fine linen and -cloth of Damascus, according to the fashion of the Levant, not forgetting -to replenish the wardrobe of their retainers, while her husband and his -uncle rendered them every honour and assisted them in their necessity. -The visit terminated in the middle of August, when two galleys, equipped -by the Knights of Rhodes, transported them to that island, their next -stage on the homeward voyage. Their generous host stood on the shore -till the Rhodian galleys had sunk beneath the horizon[548]. A few hours -earlier he had obtained the signature of a treaty which might confer a -solid advantage upon his own family and give an illusory hope of future -glory to his departing guests. His daughter Eugenia had just married John -Palaiologos, Despot of Selymbria, the Emperor Manuel II’s nephew and -rival. Through the agency of Francesco this potentate ceded his claims to -the Empire to King Charles VI of France in return for a French castle and -a perpetual annuity of 25,000 gold ducats[549]. Thus in Lesbos, on the -morrow of Nikopolis, the French could dream of re-establishing the long -extinct Latin Empire of Romania! - -Francesco had not seen the last of the French prisoners. In the summer -of 1399, Boucicault, sent by Charles VI to assist Manuel II in defending -Constantinople from the Turks, arrived at Lesbos, which he had last -visited two years before. Francesco received him with outward signs of -joy, but told him that he had already informed the Turks of this new -expedition, as he was bound to do by the treaties which he had with them. -The position of the Lesbian lord was, indeed, of no small difficulty. It -was his interest to stand well with Bayezid, while his son-in-law, John -Palaiologos, who spent much of his time in the island, had received, as -the son of Manuel’s elder brother, Turkish assistance in his blockade -of the Imperial city. The diplomatic Levantine did not, however, wish -to offend his powerful guest; he therefore offered to accompany him, -and ordered a galley to be made ready to join the expedition. But the -information which he had supplied to Bayezid had put the Turks upon their -guard. A raid in Asia Minor was Boucicault’s sole military success; -but he achieved, probably thanks to the influence of Francesco, the -reconciliation of Manuel with his nephew, whom the French Marshal fetched -from Selymbria to Constantinople. Manuel then departed with Boucicault -to seek aid at the courts of Europe, while John acted as his viceroy on -the Bosporos and received, in the presence of the Marshal, the promise -of Salonika as his future residence[550]. Thus, during the absence of -Manuel, Francesco’s daughter Eugenia sat upon the Byzantine throne as the -consort of the Emperor’s representative, while her sister Helene married -Stephen Lazarevich, Despot of Serbia, who had made her acquaintance -during a visit to Lesbos on his return from the stricken field of -Angora[551]. Francesco was at that time holding Foglia Vecchia on a lease -from the _maona_ of Chios, and his tact and presents saved the place in -that crisis from the covetous hands of the victorious Timour and his -grandson[552]. - -When Manuel returned to Constantinople in 1403, he refused to carry out -his promised gift of Salonika. Before the battle of Angora had decided -the fate of Bayezid, and the issue between the Turks and the Mongols was -still uncertain, John Palaiologos had agreed—it was said—to surrender -Constantinople and become a tributary of the Sultan, in the event of a -Turkish victory. This was Manuel’s, excuse for refusing to allow his -nephew to reside at Salonika and for banishing him to Lemnos. John -thereupon appealed to his father-in-law for assistance, and Francesco, -early in 1403, sailed with five vessels to attack Salonika. Hearing that -Boucicault, then French governor of Genoa, whose interest in Lesbos had -just been evinced by the despatch of an embassy thither, was once more -in the Levant on a punitive expedition against King Janus of Cyprus, -who had besieged the Genoese colony of Famagosta, Francesco despatched -a vessel to meet the Marshal, reminding him that he had been a witness -of the Emperor’s promise and begging him to aid in taking Salonika[553]. -Boucicault did not accede to this request; on the contrary, two vessels -from Lesbos and two from Ænos went to assist him in his operations -against the King of Cyprus, and remained with him till shortly before -he reached the Venetian colony of Modon on his homeward voyage. Manuel -ended by bestowing Salonika upon John Palaiologos, but the attacks made -by Boucicault upon Venetian trade in the Levant and the consequent -hostilities cost Nicolò Gattilusio, owing to his Genoese origin, the loss -of 3000 ducats in gold, seized by the Venetians at Modon[554]. - -In October of this eventful year of Boucicault’s cruise, there arrived at -Lesbos a mission, sent by Enrique III of Castile to Timour, the victor of -Angora, whose court was then at Samarkand. The narrative of the Castilian -ambassador, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, gives us an interesting account of -the island under the second Gattilusio. He found the town “built on a -high hill near the sea,” and “surrounded by a wall with many towers,” -outside of which was “a large suburb.” Besides the capital, Lesbos -contained “several villages and castles,” while the neighbourhood of the -city was well-cultivated and abounded in gardens and vineyards. At one -time—probably before the earthquake—“very large houses and churches” had -stood near the town, and at one end of the city were “the ruins of great -palaces, and in the middle of the ruins about 40 blocks of white marble.” -The local tradition was, that “on the top of these blocks there was once -a platform, where those of the city met in council.” During the five -days of their stay the envoys made the acquaintance of John Palaiologos, -who was then residing in his wife’s old home, and heard the tragic story -of the late lord’s death, of his successor’s marvellous preservation -and of the recent expedition against Salonika[555]. Thus, in the reign -of Francesco II, Lesbos was frequently visited by important personages -from the West, and was their last stopping-place in Latin lands on their -way to Constantinople or to Asia. Descended from the famous houses of -Byzantium and Savoy, and connected with that of Austria, the lord of -Mytilene and lessee of Foglia Vecchia was regarded by Western visitors -as “a great baron”; Eastern potentates sought the hands of his daughters -in marriage, and when one of them married the heir of the powerful -Giovanni de’ Grimaldi[556], governor of Nice and usurper of Monaco, the -dowry of 5000 gold ducats which she brought from Lesbos was considered a -large sum on the Riviera. Although born in the Levant, he still kept up -the family connexion with his paternal city. Both he and his uncle had -financial transactions with Genoa[557], and Francesco was patron of the -family church of San Giacomo at Sestri Ponente[558]. At the same time, -while Latin archbishops held the see of Mytilene, his relations with -the dignitaries of the Orthodox church were excellent. The Œcumenical -Patriarch addressed him as “well-beloved nephew of the Emperor,” and his -uncle Nicolò as the “Emperor’s kinsman by marriage[559], the most noble, -glorious, and prudent _archon_ of Ænos,” whose consent was sought for the -appointment of a Metropolitan to that long vacant see[560]. With Venice -the Gattilusj, as befitted Genoese, at times had difficulties. In 1398 -corsairs, sallying forth from their dominions, did much damage to the -Cretans who sailed under the Venetian flag; but the Republic none the -less allowed the wax of Lesbos to be exported at certain seasons for sale -in her dominions[561]. - -After an eventful reign of 20 years, Francesco II died, if we may believe -an anonymous Greek chronologist[562], on October 26, 1404. His end was -strangely similar to that of his father. On a journey through the island, -while passing the night in one of the lofty towers then common in the -Archipelago, he was stung by a scorpion. Alarmed at his cries, his -attendants and nobles climbed up into his room in such numbers that the -floor collapsed and he was killed on the spot leaving three sons, Jacopo, -Palamede and Dorino, of whom the eldest Jacopo became his successor[563]. -The heir was, however, still a minor, and accordingly once again Nicolò -came and acted as regent. His friendly policy as regent and his support -of her subjects in the Levant on more than one occasion called forth the -warm praise of Venice; but his fortification of Tenedos provoked an -indignant protest[564]. Moreover the Greeks of Lesbos can scarcely have -been edified by the appointment of rival Latin bishops—the result of the -schism in the Western Church—which occurred during his regency[565]. -In the spring of 1409 he died[566], and Jacopo, then of age, assumed -the government of Lesbos, while Francesco’s younger son, Palamede[567], -succeeded his uncle and guardian at Ænos. Nicolò’s fame long lingered in -the Levant. Kritoboulos[568] half a century later ascribed to him the -achievements of Francesco I, the founder of the dynasty, whose wisdom, -and education, whose courage and physical gifts he extols, whom all Syria -and Egypt feared and propitiated with annual blackmail, for his numerous -navy ravaged their coasts and even the Libyan littoral. - -Jacopo’s policy was to favour Genoese interests where they conflicted -with Venetian, but to co-operate with the two rival Republics when they -showed signs of uniting against his dreaded neighbours, the Turks. Thus, -he aided Centurione Zaccaria, the Genoese Prince of Achaia, in his -campaign against the Tocchi of Cephalonia and Zante, who were thereby -compelled to invoke the protection of Venice; while the Venetians -threatened to sequestrate all Lesbian merchandise in Crete, unless he -gave satisfaction for the seizure of a Cretan merchantman[569]. Venetian -and Genoese subjects, however, suffered alike from the reprisals provoked -by the attack of two Lesbian galleys upon the Saracens of Damietta; and -Jacopo had a counter grievance in the illegal levy of toll upon his -people by the Genoese of Chios[570]. Towards the Turks he was, from his -position, obliged to be deferential, except when he saw prospect of -common action against them. If the Knights of Rhodes complained that he -had sheltered the Turks, and so saved them from destruction at the hands -of those zealous champions of Christendom[571], he was ready, in 1415, to -join the latter, the Genoese of Chios, and the Venetian Republic in an -anti-Turkish league; while he did homage to Mohammed I and aided first -that Sultan and then Murad II in the suppression of Djouneïd of Aïdin, -when fortune smiled upon them[572]. In 1426, the threatened declaration -of war by Venice upon Genoa, then under Milanese domination, caused him -some embarrassment; but the Genoese Government bade him[573] not to -be afraid of Venetian threats. Not long after this, probably in 1428, -Jacopo died[574]. An anonymous Greek informs us that he had married -Bonne, “the fair daughter of the lord of Nice near Marseilles” but this -statement would appear to be due to a confusion with the marriage of his -sister with Pietro de’ Grimaldi, for Bonne, the offspring of that union -espoused Louis Cossa, lord of Berre, unless the Bonne mentioned was -the daughter of Amedeo VIII of Savoy, in whose dominions Nice was then -included[575]. In 1421, however, Valentina D’Oria is described as “lady -of Mytilene[576].” At any rate, it seems probable that he left no issue, -for his successor, Dorino I, is described in a Genoese document and by -a traveller of this period as “brother” of Palamede, lord of Ænos[577], -and therefore of Jacopo. Dorino, whose name was derived from the famous -Genoese house of D’Oria, allied by marriage with many Gattilusj, had -already had experience of ruling for several years over Foglia Vecchia as -his appanage—a fact still commemorated by his coins and an inscription -there[578], which describes him as its “lord” in 1423-4. This former -possession of the Zaccaria is first mentioned as administered by the -Gattilusj in 1402, and remained united with the Lesbian branch of the -family till 1455. - -Meanwhile, Ænos had prospered under the rule of Palamede. Six -inscriptions, still extant there, proclaim the activity of the masons -during the early years of his long reign—the erection of the churches -of the Chrysopege and of St Nicholas by two private citizens and the -completion of three other public works[579]. But Palamede not only -embellished his domain; he also extended it. The neighbouring island of -Samothrace, a Greek possession since the reconquest of Constantinople -from the Latins, now owned his sway—for in 1433, when Bertrandon de la -Brocquière[580] visited Ænos, he wrote that Samothrace also belonged to -its lord. In that island, then known as Mandrachi and celebrated for its -honey and its goats, Palamede erected on March 26, 1431, and extended -in 1433, a new fortress for the protection of its numerous population, -as two inscriptions in its walls, one in Greek, one in Latin[581] still -remind us. The Genoese lord, we are told, was interested in the past -history of his dominions; he “loved greatly to hear learned discussions,” -and to him a contemporary scholar, John Kanaboutzes, applied the saying -of Plato about philosophers and kings. To his desire to know what -Dionysios of Halikarnassos had written about Samothrace we owe the brief -commentary on that author, compiled at his command by that writer, a -native of Foglia[582], whose family was connected with Ænos[583]—one of -several instances, where Italian rulers of Greece showed a consciousness -of that country’s great past. Like his brother Jacopo, Palamede was -inclined to support the Genoese Prince of Achaia, and the Venetian -admiral was ordered to remonstrate with him, should occasion require[584]. - -Although more than seventy years had by this time elapsed since Francesco -I had left Genoa for the Levant, the connexion between the distant -Republic and his descendants in the East was never closer than now. In -1428, and again in 1444, the Genoese Government, although it forbade -the circulation of Lesbian ducats in Genoa and district, and repudiated -responsibility for the harm done by the Gattilusj to the subjects of the -Sultan of Egypt, specially consulted “the lords of Mytilene, Ænos and -Foglia Vecchia” whether they desired to be included or no in the treaties -of peace, which it had just concluded with King Alfonso V of Aragon. -“The many services rendered to us and to the community of Genoa by you -and your ancestors”—so runs one of these interesting despatches—“make us -realise that in all treaties involving peace or war we ought to consider -your honour and advancement. For your welfare, your misfortunes, are -equally ours.” Dorino I replied that he wished to be so included, and his -agents accordingly ratified the peace at Genoa on his behalf in 1429. -When, two years later, Genoa was drawn into the war between her Milanese -masters and Venice, the Archbishop of Milan, who was at that time the -governor of Genoa, notified Dorino of the outbreak of hostilities, -following the precedent set in the case of his father and grandfather, -warned that “most distinguished of our citizens” to put his island in -a state of defence and begged him to aid any Genoese colony that might -require assistance[585]. So much importance was attached at Milan to his -support, that Francesco Sforza, the Duke, accredited Benedetto Folco of -Forlì to the Lesbian court, in order to urge Dorino against Venice[586]. -At the same time, the Genoese Government, “remembering that in all its -past victories the galleys of the Gattilusj had borne their part,” -invited the lord of Lesbos to co-operate with Ceba, the Genoese commander -who was to be despatched for the relief of Chios from the Venetians, and -requested him to send a galley to that island. Dorino replied in a loyal -strain, whereupon the Genoese Government thanked him for this display of -fidelity, traditional in his family, and again urged him to equip his -galley for the defence of Chios. Two other despatches, following in rapid -succession, begged him to inform the Chians of the speedy arrival of the -Genoese fleet and to see that his own galley was in Chian waters by the -middle of May. Dorino was as good as his word, and gave orders that a -Lesbian galley should join the expedition; but before the latter arrived, -the Venetians had raised the siege. As a reward for his services, the -commander of the Genoese fleet and the governors of Pera and Chios were -instructed to provide for the safety of his little state, and the home -government invited him to rely upon its unshakable affection in time -of need. Influential Genoese marriages stimulated this feeling. Dorino -had married a D’Oria; Palamede’s daughter Caterina now married another; -while her sisters, Ginevra and Costanza, respectively espoused Ludovico -and Gian Galeazzo de Campo-fregoso, relatives of the then reigning Doge, -and the former soon to be Doge himself. Thus Lesbian interests were well -represented at Genoa. In return, Genoa frequently requested Dorino to -see that justice was done to her subjects in his dominions, even to the -detriment of his own family[587]. - -Genoa found Dorino no less useful as a diplomatist than as an ally, for -the lord of Lesbos and Foglia Vecchia had married his daughter Maria -to Alexander, second son of Alexios IV, Emperor of Trebizond, in whose -dominions the Genoese, owing to their Black Sea colonies, had important -commercial interests, latterly greatly injured by the pro-Venetian -policy of that sovereign. According to the Trapezuntine practice, Alexios -had raised his eldest son John IV to the Imperial dignity in his own -lifetime; but his unfilial heir conspired against him, was driven into -exile, and replaced by his next brother Alexander. John IV was, however, -as favourable to the Genoese as his father to the Venetians, and was -restored with the assistance of a Genoese of Caffa. Alexios IV was -murdered in 1429; but John IV was not allowed to reign undisturbed. His -brother Alexander fled to Constantinople, where his sister was wife of -the Emperor John VI, and contracted a marriage with Dorino’s daughter, -in order that he might secure his support, and through him, that of -Genoa, against the Emperor of Trebizond. When the Spanish traveller, Pero -Tafur, visited Lesbos at this time he found Alexander there engaged in -levying a fleet for his restoration. This did not, however, suit Genoese -policy, and accordingly the Doge of Genoa requested Dorino in 1438 to -act as peacemaker between the two brothers and to invite his son-in-law -to reside at Constantinople or in Lesbos on an annuity chargeable on the -revenues of Trebizond[588]. Another matrimonial alliance brought Dorino’s -family into renewed relations with the Palaiologoi. In 1440, an old -link between the two families had been snapped by the death of Eugenia -Gattilusio, widow of the Emperor John VI’s cousin and namesake[589]—an -event which was doubtless the occasion when the castle of Kokkinos on -the coast of Lemnos, which had been her widow’s portion, passed into the -hands of Dorino[590]. On July 27 of the following year, however, the -Emperor’s brother, the Despot Constantine, afterwards the last Christian -ruler of Byzantium, married Dorino’s daughter Caterina, a marriage -arranged by the historian Phrantzes. This union did not last long; after -a brief honeymoon in Lesbos, Constantine left his bride in her father’s -care, and set out, accompanied by a Lesbian galley, for the Morea, nor -did he see her again till his return in the following July. At Lesbos he -took her on board his ship; but, when he reached Lemnos on his way to -Constantinople, he had to take refuge behind the walls of Kokkinos from -the attacks of a Turkish fleet. The Turks in vain besieged the castle of -the Gattilusj for 27 days, and the strain and anxiety of the siege caused -the death of his wife, which occurred at Palaiokastro in August. There -the ill-fated second consort of the last hero of the Byzantine Empire was -laid to rest[591]. - -Meanwhile, besides the acquisition of Kokkinos, thus courageously saved -by his heroic son-in-law, Dorino had received from the Greek Empire the -island of Thasos, which more than a century before had belonged to the -Genoese family of Zaccaria. Indeed, if we may accept the two allusions -to the Gattilusj in the Greek version of Bondelmonti[592] as the work of -that traveller, Thasos, which was Byzantine in September, 1414, had been -given to Jacopo as a fief before 1420. At any rate, a Thasian inscription -of April 1, 1434, now preserved in the wall of the church of St -Athanasios at Kastro, informs us that a tower was built there by Oberto -de’ Grimaldi[593] a member of the well-known Ligurian family who is -mentioned elsewhere[594] as a captain in the service of Dorino. Ten years -later, the archæologist, Cyriacus of Ancona, upon visiting Thasos, found -that Dorino had recently bestowed the island upon his son, Francesco III, -who was still under the control of a preceptor, Francesco Pedemontano. - -The indefatigable antiquary may have paid an earlier visit to Lesbos -in 1431, but the accounts which he has left of the Gattilusj, their -dominions, and the neighbouring islands of the Thracian Sea range from -1444 to 1447. In Lesbos he was well received by Dorino, who promised -to aid him in exploring the whole island. He had, indeed, arrived at a -fortunate moment, for the rumour of a threatened Turkish invasion had -ceased, so that the lord of Lesbos had leisure for archæology, and his -visitor could examine “the remains of the temple of Diana,” and “the -baths of Jove,” whose name was carved in the midst of them[595]. With -Dorino’s captain, Oberto de’ Grimaldi, he sailed to Foglia Vecchia, where -the Gattilusj had a factory, as at Lesbos, for the production of alum, -and made the acquaintance of “the Master Kanaboutzes,” probably the -author of the commentary on Dionysios, who could tell him all about the -Foglie, of which he was a native[596]. In Thasos, the third domain of -the elder branch of the Gattilusj, he spent Christmas day, and composed -a long Latin inscription as well as an Italian poem in honour of young -Francesco. The enthusiastic guest prayed that the beginning of his host’s -rule over Thasos might be of as good omen as “the yule log thrown on the -fire in the turreted castle”; that the yoke of the barbarian Turks might -be removed from Thrace, that the former dependencies of the island there -might return to his sway, and that Francesco’s patron saint, St John the -Evangelist, might protect this “native offspring of the Palaiologoi, -this pride of the most noble Gatalusian race.” “What Thasian nymph,” he -asks, “could have deprived Lesbos of her Francesco?” The attraction was -the lordship of an island, which had been described by Bondelmonti as -well-peopled, very fertile and containing three fair towns. Francesco -had, indeed, begun well by restoring the principal city, thus earning -a dedicatory inscription by the Thasian citizens and colonists, and by -erecting at the entrance of the harbour some fine marble statues, which -an ancient inscription showed to have represented the members of the -Thasian council. At this time the island could boast of six other towns -beside its “marble city,” whose walls attracted the admiration of the -traveller. Under the guidance of Carlo de’ Grimaldi and “the learned -Giovanni of Novara,” he inspected the numerous ancient tombs outside, the -large amphitheatre with no less than 20 rows then standing intact, and -the akropolis of the city[597]. - -The worthy Cyriacus was no less hospitably received by the junior branch -of the Gattilusj. At Ænos he met Palamede with his two sons Giorgio and -Dorino II, and was delighted to find there an old friend in the person -of Cristoforo Dentuto, envoy extraordinary of Genoa in the Levant. -Accompanied by “the prince of Ænos and Samothrace” as he calls Palamede, -and by Francesco Calvi, the latter’s secretary, he was taken to see “the -great tomb of Polydoros, son of Priam,” some five stadia beyond the -walls, admired the sculptured figures of fauns and animals there, and -copied an ancient Greek inscription from the marble base of a statue that -stood before “the prince’s court.” Letters of introduction from Palamede -and Francesco of Thasos secured for him a warm reception at the monastery -of Hagia Laura on Mount Athos[598]. At Samothrace, Joannes Laskaris -Rhyndakenos, Palamede’s prefect of the island, personally conducted -the antiquary to the old city, where he saw “ancient walls and the -remains of a marble temple of Neptune” (known to modern archæologists -as “the Dorian marble temple”), “fragments of huge columns, epistylia -and bases, and doorposts, adorned with the crowned heads of bulls and -other figures”—now identified with the remains of a round building -built by Arsinöe, daughter of Ptolemy Soter. Thence he went to “the new -castle, founded by Palamede” some thirteen years before, and built to -protect his new town of “Capsulum.” Close to the tower he saw to his -delight “several ancient marbles, with dances of Nymphs sculptured and -inscriptions in Latin and Greek”—the two reliefs of dancing Nymphs now in -the Louvre[599]. From his accounts of the neighbouring islands, we learn -that Imbros, where his guide was a noble and learned Imbriote, Hermodoros -Michael Kritoboulos, the historian, in 1444 was still Byzantine, and -“governed for the Emperor John Palaiologos” by that same noble, Manuel -Asan, of whom inscriptions have been found there, and who had lately -restored two-thirds of the akropolis[600]. We find, too, that in 1447 -Theodore Branas was Byzantine governor of Lemnos, where the Gattilusj as -yet held only the castle of Kokkinos[601]. - -The visit of the antiquary of Ancona to the Gattilusj was the calm before -the storm, which was so soon to burst upon them. Even while Cyriacus -was their guest, the fatal battle of Varna made Murad II master of the -Near East. For a few years, indeed, the Gattilusj went on marrying -and giving in marriage, as if the end of their rule were not at hand. -In 1444, Dorino’s daughter Ginevra married Giacomo II Crispo, Duke of -the Archipelago[602]; five years later the lord of Lesbos sent the -Archbishop of Mytilene, at that time the celebrated Leonardo of Chios, -to Rome to obtain from the Pope a dispensation for the marriage of his -eldest surviving son, Domenico, and a daughter of Palamede. As the two -young people were first-cousins, Ludovico de Campo-fregoso, Palamede’s -son-in-law and at that time Doge of Genoa, begged the Pope not to grant -the dispensation, and as an example of the iniquity of such an alliance -he instanced the case of Dorino’s firstborn (presumably Francesco III -of Thasos), who had married another daughter of Palamede and had died -less than six months afterwards. The Pope refused his consent, and the -marriage did not take place[603]. - -Hitherto the Gattilusj, partly by tribute paid ever since the reign -of Murad I[604], partly by tact, had managed to keep the Turks at a -distance. On one occasion, when Constantinople had been threatened, -the Pope had offered to pay the expenses of the Lesbian galley, if -Dorino would agree to sent it thither; but the Genoese Government, -while transmitting his Holiness’ offer and praising the services of the -Gattilusj to Christendom, recognised their natural unwillingness to -offend the Sultan and advised Dorino, if he did send aid, to pretend that -he was merely protecting Genoese interests at Pera. The Greek Emperor was -able to raise a loan, if he received no actual assistance, at Ænos[605]; -but in 1450, at last, Lesbos was attacked. Murad despatched a large fleet -under Baltaoghli, the first in the list of Turkish admirals, against -the island, and his men carried off more than 3000 souls, slaughtered -many cattle, destroyed the flourishing city of Kallone, and inflicted -damage to the amount of more than 150,000 ducats. It was probably on -this occasion that the lady of Lesbos, Orietta d’Oria, performed the -prodigy of valour that won her a niche in the literary Pantheon of her -native city besides the men of her father’s house. At the time of the -invasion, she seems to have been in the town of Molivos, the ancient -Methymna, whose inhabitants, exhausted from lack of food, were on the -point of surrendering, when she appeared among them in full armour, and -led them to victory against the astonished Turks. Thereupon Dorino was -able to secure by a timely present and the increase of his tribute to -2000 gold pieces a renewal of the peace which he protested that he had -never broken. He was, however, under no illusions as to the durability -of this truce. He wrote to Genoa, asking for assistance, reminding the -Republic that he was of Genoese origin and that he had often aided her to -the best of his power with men, ships, and money. Unless, therefore, she -could protect him, he would be reluctantly compelled to look elsewhere -for help. At the same time, after the fashion of the Christian princes of -the Levant on the eve of the Turkish conquest, he announced his intention -of sending an expedition to obtain his rights from the Emperor John IV -of Trebizond, who had also maltreated the Genoese of Caffa, and begged -the Republic to receive and revictual his galleys in her Black Sea ports. -This last request was granted[606]. - -The Turkish conquest of Constantinople, although it sounded the -death-knell of the Latin states in the Levant, was of momentary benefit -to the Gattilusj. They had been close relatives and good friends of -the Greek Imperial family, and one of them, a certain Laudisio, had -distinguished himself in the defence of the city[607]; but, when all was -over, they hastened to profit by its fall. The two islands of Lemnos -and Imbros, from their position near the mouth of the Dardanelles, have -always possessed great strategic importance. Under the Latin Empire, -Lemnos had been the fief of the Lord High Admiral, who bore the title -of Grand-duke; under the Palaiologoi it had been either the appanage -of an Imperial prince, or had been entrusted to the government of some -great noble. So greatly was it coveted, that Alfonso V of Aragon had -made it the price of his aid for the relief of Constantinople[608], -while during the siege Constantine had promised it to Giustiniani, if -the Turks were repulsed[609]. When the news of the disaster reached -these islands, the Byzantine authorities fled on board Italian ships, -while many of the inhabitants sought refuge in Chios or in the Venetian -colonies. There was, however, one leading personage in Imbros, who was -resolved to remain and make terms with the victors. This was Kritoboulos, -the future historian of Mohammed II, who bribed the Turkish Admiral, -Hamza, not to attack the islands and through his mediation managed to -send representatives of the Greek church and the local nobility with a -present to the Sultan’s court at Adrianople, begging him to allow them -to be administered as before. It chanced that at this moment envoys of -the Gattilusj were at Adrianople, for on the fall of Constantinople -both Dorino and Palamede had hastened to placate and congratulate the -terrible Sultan, and to crave the grant of Lemnos and Imbros. Dorino, -although he was still lord of Lesbos in name and continued to sign state -documents, had been bed-ridden since 1449, and his eldest surviving son, -Domenico, governed as regent. Domenico and one of Palamede’s councillors -were supported by the two emissaries of Kritoboulos, and the Sultan -was pleased to confer Lemnos upon the lord of Lesbos, Imbros upon him -of Ænos. At the same time Mohammed ordered the former to pay an annual -tribute of 3000 gold pieces for Lesbos and 2325 for Lemnos; that of -Imbros was assessed at 1200 gold pieces. Thus, by the irony of fate, -only nine years before its annihilation, the dominion of the Gattilusj -reached its greatest extent. Indeed, there was a party in Skyros also -which advocated annexation to Lesbos, but there the majority wisely -preferred the nearer and more powerful lion of St Mark, which waved over -Eubœa[610]. - -The Gattilusj were now well aware that they only existed on sufferance, -and they were more careful than ever not to offend their master. Domenico -paid more than one visit of obeisance to the Turkish court; and when, -in June, 1455, the Turkish admiral, on his way to Rhodes, anchored off -Lesbos, the historian Doukas[611], the prince’s secretary, was sent on -board with a handsome present of garments of silk and of woven wool -six in number, 6000 pieces of silver, 20 oxen, 50 sheep, more than 800 -measures of wine, 2 bushels of biscuit and one of bread, more than 1000 -lbs. of cheese, and fruit without measure, as well as gifts in proportion -to their rank for the members of the admiral’s staff. Under these -circumstances, it was no wonder that Hamza treated the lord of Lesbos -“like a brother,” and refrained from entering the harbour, for fear of -alarming the islanders. - -Scarcely had the Turkish fleet left, when, on June 30, 1455, Dorino -I died, leaving his dominion of Lesbos, Foglia Vecchia, Thasos, and -Lemnos to his eldest surviving son, Domenico, for whom the younger, -Nicolò, acted as governor in the last-named island. Before a month had -passed, the fleet hove in sight of Mytilene on its homeward voyage, -and was invited to anchor in the harbour, where the serviceable Doukas -again visited the admiral, whom he kept in good humour by a sumptuous -banquet and sped on his way with a sigh of relief on the morrow. But -the historian had before him a more delicate mission—that of paying the -annual tribute for Lesbos and Lemnos to Mohammed II. Starting from Lesbos -on August 1, he found the Sultan at Adrianople, kissed hands in token of -homage and remained seated in his presence, till His Majesty’s morning -meal was over. When, however, he went to hand the money to the Sultan’s -ministers next day, they ingeniously asked him after the health of his -master. The historian replied that he was well and sent his greeting, -whereupon the Ottomans answered, that they meant the old prince. Doukas -explained that Dorino had been dead 40 days, and that his successor -had already been practically prince for six years, during which time -he had once or twice come in person to do homage and congratulate the -Great Turk. The ministers thereupon cut short the conversation with the -remark that no one had the right to assume the title of lord of Lesbos -(borne till his death by Dorino), until he had come and received his -principality from the hands of his Most Mighty suzerain. “Go therefore,” -they said, “and return with thy master; for if he come not, he knows -what the future has in store for him.” The terrified envoy hastened back -to Lesbos, and set out with Domenico and several leading men of both -races in the island to do homage to Mohammed. The Sultan had, however, -meanwhile changed his headquarters, for the plague was then ravaging -Thrace, and it was not till the Lesbian deputation reached the Bulgarian -village of Zlatica that they came up with him. After the usual _bakshîsh_ -to the influential Pashas, Mahmûd and Said Achmet, they were admitted to -the presence, and Domenico humbly kissed the hand of his suzerain. But on -the morrow a message was conveyed to Domenico, that the Sultan wished to -have the island of Thasos. Argument was useless, and the island, which -had belonged for some 20, or perhaps even 35, years to the Gattilusj, -was ceded to Mohammed. This sacrifice only whetted the appetite of the -Sultan; on the morrow a second message announced that the tribute for -Lesbos would be doubled. At this Domenico plucked up courage to reply, -that, if the Sultan wished to take the whole of Lesbos, it was in his -power to do so; but that to pay twice the previous tribute was beyond -its present ruler’s resources. At the same time, he begged the Sultan’s -ministers to intervene on his behalf. They represented the facts to their -master, and the latter agreed to a compromise, by which Lesbos should -thenceforth pay 4000 gold pieces, instead of 3000. Then, at last they -decked Domenico with a gold-embroidered robe and his companions with -silken garments; the Lesbians signed the oath of allegiance and set out -on their homeward journey, “thanking God, who had delivered them out of -the hands of the monster.” - -But the year was not destined to close without further losses to the -Gattilusj. While the deputation was still at Philippopolis, a second -Turkish fleet, under Junis, set out to attack the Genoese colony of -Chios. Off the Troad a storm arose, in which several of the Turkish -vessels perished, while the rest of the fleet, except the flagship, took -refuge in the harbour of Mytilene, where Nicolò was then representing his -absent brother. It had been one of the treaty obligations of the lords of -Lesbos, ever since they had been vassals of the Sultan, to warn the Turks -who inhabited the opposite mainland between the mouth of the Kaïkos and -the town of Assos, of the approach of Catalan corsairs, and the Gattilusj -were bound to pay compensation for any loss caused by negligence in -performing this service. Now it chanced that the scout, employed on this -business, sailed into the harbour while the Turks were there, followed -by the missing Turkish flagship. The admiral, a very different man from -his predecessor, requited Nicolò Gattilusio’s generous hospitality by -demanding that this vessel with all on board should be given up to him -as a prize, including the wife of a very distinguished member of the -Chian Chartered Company, Paride Giustiniani Longo, with all her jewelry. -The lady in question was none other than Domenico’s mother-in-law, whom -he had invited to Lesbos to keep his wife company while he was away—for -Domenico’s love for his wife was proverbial, and it is narrated of him -that he could never bear to be out of her sight and even shared her bed -when she was afflicted with leprosy. Nicolò protested that the vessel -was his brother’s and that the wealthy Chian dame had not been on board -but had already been long in the island. At this, the Turkish commander -complained to the Sultan, and sailed for Foglia Nuova, of which Paride -Longo was then governor for the Chian Company. Arrived there, he summoned -the governor and the chief men of the place to appear before him. Such -was their alarm, that even before his summons arrived they had started -to meet him, only to hear the Sultan’s written orders that they should -all be imprisoned and their city levelled with the ground, unless they -surrendered the fort. The citizens, without attempting to argue or reply, -at once admitted the Turks; the Genoese merchants were plundered and led -on board; the names of all the citizens were taken down, about a hundred -of their children carried off, and a Turkish guard placed in the fort. -Thus on October 31, 1455, fell the Genoese colony of Foglia Nuova, the -old possession of the Zaccaria and of the Cattaneo families, and then for -a century a dependency of the _maona_ of Chios. - -When Domenico returned home and learnt from his brother what had -occurred, he sent Doukas to plead the case at Constantinople. The Lesbian -envoy’s arguments and appeals to justice were, however, all in vain; -Mohammed gave Domenico the alternative of paying 10,000 gold pieces or -of war; and, when Doukas resisted this monstrous ultimatum, secretly -despatched one of his servants to take Foglia Vecchia, which had been -held by the Gattilusj of Lesbos ever since 1402 at least. This, their -sole possession on the Asian main, was seized on December 24, 1455. As -soon as the Sultan received the news of its capture, he ordered Doukas to -be sent away free and declared the question settled. Well might Domenico, -after this experience, write urgently to Genoa for succour[612]. - -It was now the turn of the younger branch of the Gattilusj. Palamede -of Ænos had died in 1455; and, as his elder son Giorgio had predeceased -him[613] in 1449, he had bequeathed his dominions to his second son, -Dorino II, and to Giorgio’s widow and her children. While Giorgio was -still alive, his father had given him all his estates, except his Lesbian -property, which was the share of Dorino II, and even after Giorgio’s -death, his widow and family had a preference in the old lord’s will, -as representing the first-born. No sooner, however, was Palamede dead -than Dorino, defying the dictates alike of justice and prudence, seized -the whole of the estate. In vain Giorgio’s widow and his own advisers -implored him not to drive her to appeal to the judgment-seat of the -Sultan, his suzerain. Finding her arguments useless, she begged her uncle -to lay her case before Mohammed, and that undiplomatic envoy, anxious to -punish Dorino even at the price of annexation to Turkey, depicted the -usurper as a faithless vassal, who was conspiring with the Italians, -collecting arms, hiring soldiers, and preparing to increase the garrisons -of Ænos and the two islands with the object of proclaiming his complete -independence. His advocacy found a willing hearer, for Mohammed coveted -Ænos because of its favourable situation, on the estuary of the Maritza, -then navigable for a considerable distance, opposite the islands, of -which it was the natural mart, and in close proximity to the lake of -Jala Göl. Thanks to these natural advantages, to the river and lake -fisheries, and above all to its valuable salt-beds, which supplied all -Thrace and Macedonia, Ænos was then a very rich city, from which Palamede -had received 300,000 pieces of silver. It was true, that two-thirds of -the proceeds of the salt-beds and of the other revenues were already -handed over to the Sultan; but it was suggested by the people of the -neighbouring towns of Ipsala and Feredchik that the Gattilusj did not -administer the salt-works honestly, while they gave refuge at Ænos to -fugitive Turkish slaves. - -Mohammed resolved to act at once. Despite the terrible Balkan winter, -which made havoc with his troops, he left Constantinople on January 24, -1456, and marched against Ænos, while Junis with the fleet menaced it -from the sea. Dorino was absent in Samothrace, whither he had gone to -spend the winter in Palamede’s castle; and his subjects, thus left to -themselves, made no attempt at resistance. They sent a deputation of -leading citizens to the Sultan’s headquarters at Ipsala, and surrendered -the city on condition that no harm was done to its inhabitants. Mohammed -received them kindly, granted some of their requests, and sent Mahmûd -Pasha back with them to take over the town. On the next day he came in -person, carried off all the silver, gold and other valuables, which he -found in Dorino’s palace and plundered the houses of that prince’s absent -suite. Then, after a three days’ stay, during which he organised the -future administration of the place and appointed a certain Murad as its -governor, he marched away, taking 150 children, the flower of the youth -of Ænos, with him, and entrusting Junis with the annexation of Samothrace -and Imbros, the maritime dependencies of that city. - -The Turkish admiral, on his arrival at Imbros, summoned Kritoboulos -the historian, whose personality and opinions were already well-known -at the Turkish court, and made him governor in the room of Dorino’s -representative, at that time apparently Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos, -whom he carried off on board. Meanwhile, a vessel had been despatched to -Samothrace to fetch Dorino. But the latter, mistrusting the admiral, as -he well might, preferred to throw himself upon the mercy of the Sultan. -He therefore manned his yacht, crossed over to Ænos, and thence proceeded -to Adrianople. Mohammed received him, and promised to restore to him -his islands; but the malicious admiral, indignant at what he considered -a slight upon himself, persuaded his sovereign to give Dorino instead -some place on the mainland, on the ground that the islanders would not -tolerate him and that he would be less able to plot at a distance from -the sea. The Sultan thereupon changed his mind, and granted to the -dethroned prince the district of Zichna in Macedonia. Dorino did not, -however, long remain there; after slaying the Turkish officials, who were -his guard of honour, he fled to Lesbos, and thence to Naxos, where he -married his cousin, Elisabetta Crispo, daughter of the late Duke, Giacomo -II, and settled down at the ducal court[614]. - -The Turkish annexation of Samothrace and Imbros and the appointment of a -native governor had an immediate effect upon the neighbouring island of -Lemnos. The Lemnians had had little more than two years of Gattilusian -Government, and the experience had been unfortunate, for Domenico had -entrusted their island to his brother Nicolò, against whose tyrannical -conduct they made secret complaint to the Sultan, begging him to send one -of his servants to rule over them. Mohammed gladly consented, and ordered -Junis’ successor, Ismael, to sail for Lemnos, and install the amiable -Hamza as governor. Before the Turks arrived, Domenico despatched a small -force under Giovanni Fontana and Spineta Colomboto with orders to induce -the Lemnians by promises to return to their allegiance, and failing that -to escort his brother, then encamped behind the walls of Palaiokastro, -back to Lesbos. His emissaries, however, disobeying his orders, -resorted to force, with the result that the islanders routed them with -considerable loss, and those who escaped had to content themselves with -conveying Nicolò home. When the Turkish admiral arrived, he commended -the Lemnians, landed the new governor and returned, in May, 1456, with -the Lesbian prisoners on board, to the Dardanelles. The news of what had -occurred so infuriated Mohammed against Domenico, that when in August -Doukas came with the annual tribute and begged for their release, he -commanded their heads to be cut off, and only repented when they had -actually mounted the scaffold, ordering that they should be sold, instead -of being beheaded[615]. - -Of the seven possessions of the Gattilusj Lesbos now alone remained; -and Genoa, which a few months earlier had been mainly concerned lest -rebellious citizens of the friendly Republic of Ancona should find -shelter in Domenico’s ports, now sent a ship with arms and 200 men to -his aid, purchased cannon and powder on his behalf, and appealed to Pope -Calixtus III and to Kings Alfonso V of Portugal and Henry VI of England -to join in a crusade against the enemy which threatened him. Meanwhile, -the Pope organised a fund for the redemption of the captives of the two -Foglie[616], plans were laid for the reconquest of the places lost, and a -certain George Dromokaïtes, a noble Greek of Lemnos, offered to deliver -that island and Imbros to Venice[617]. In the autumn of 1456 a papal -fleet under the command of Cardinal Scarampi, the Patriarch of Aquileia, -appeared in the Ægean; and, after vain attempts to make Domenico refuse -to pay his tribute and fight, annexed Lemnos without opposition, thanks -to the influence of George Diplovatatzes[618], the Greek _archon_ of -Kastro, occupied Samothrace, and took Thasos after an assault upon the -harbour fort. Imbros was, however, saved by the diplomacy of Kritoboulos, -its governor, who bribed and flattered the Cardinal’s lieutenant, a -certain “Count,” whom we may identify with the Count of Anguillara. -Garrisons were left in the three conquered islands, and the papal -commander appointed governors in the name of the Holy Father—for these -former possessions of the Gattilusj were not restored to their lawful -owners, but retained by the Holy See. Both the Venetians and the Catalans -in vain begged the Pope to give them the three islands; but, in 1459, -Pius II offered to consign them to the Bank of St George, which then -managed the Genoese colonies, on condition that it would hold them as -his vicar. The papal offer was, however, unanimously declined, from fear -of offending the Sultan, who might then attack the Black Sea colonies, -and from considerations of expense. Besides, Genoa could scarcely have -accepted Lemnos, Thasos and Samothrace without a breach of good faith -towards her own children[619]. - -The indignation which Mohammed felt at the capture of the Thracian -islands, he vented upon Domenico. Although Doukas, the person most -likely to know, expressly tells us that the lord of Lesbos had continued -to pay his tribute, and he had certainly not profited by the losses of -his suzerain, nevertheless the Sultan accused him of being entirely -responsible for what had occurred and the Turcophil Kritoboulos -insinuates that he and his brother Nicolò, now resident in Lesbos, -refused to send the usual tribute and harboured corsairs who preyed upon -the opposite coast and plundered Turkish merchantmen. Domenico was, -however, himself a sufferer from these raids, and had begged the Pope -to excommunicate the pirates who had injured his subjects. But Mohammed -was doubtless glad of an excuse for attacking Lesbos, and in August, -1457, sent Ismael, his admiral, with a large fleet against it. Ismael -landed at Molivos, the scene of a former Turkish defeat; and, after -ravaging all the countryside, besieged the castle. Such was the terror, -inspired by the Turks, that a detachment of the papal fleet, which had -been sent under a certain “Sergius,” perhaps Raymond de Siscar, to the -relief of Lesbos, at once weighed anchor for Chios. But the garrison -of Molivos resisted with such courage, that the Turkish commander was -forced to retire on August 9 with much loss, after venting his rage on -the defenceless portions of the island. As soon as he had gone, the papal -lieutenant returned, only to be greeted with reproaches by the justly -indignant Gattilusj. The Pope, indeed, described Lesbos as “Our island” -and calmly stated that he had only allowed its lord to retain it on -condition that he recognised the authority of the Holy See. But Domenico -wrote to the “Office of Mytilene”—a body which then existed in Genoa for -the promotion of trade with Lesbos—stating frankly that he could hold -out no longer unless Genoa helped him, and threatening, that, in case of -her refusal, he must perforce submit to some other rule. Meanwhile, he -sent envoys to the Sultan to pay his tribute and obtain peace. The Bank -of St George assured him that it would not desert him, and decided to -appoint a committee of four shareholders in the Chian Chartered Company -and two other Chians, who should raise 300 soldiers for the defence of -Lesbos at the Bank’s expense. A new duty on merchandise exported to Chios -was to defray the equipment of these men; their pay was to be provided by -Domenico, if possible; or, if he could not find the ready money, he was -to mortgage his property as security. Genoa was none too generous to her -outpost in the Levant; she calculated her Lesbian policy by the maxims of -the counting-house[620]. - -Domenico did not, however, live to fall by the hands of the Turks. He -had a more sinister enemy in his own household. So long as Nicolò had -been able to gratify his love of power at the expense of the unhappy -Lemnians, he was harmless to his brother; but, when his intractable -disposition had estranged the sympathies of the governed and caused the -loss of that island, the two brothers were both restricted to Lesbos, -the sole fragment of the Gattilusian dominions that remained. Nicolò was -quarrelsome and ambitious; he chafed at the inferior position which he -occupied, and resolved to usurp Domenico’s place. Accordingly, with the -assistance of his cousin, Luchino, and a Genoese named Baptista (possibly -the Baptista Gattilusio, who is described as a very influential person -at Lesbos 14 years earlier[621]), he deposed his elder brother towards -the end of 1458, and threw him into prison, on the pretext that he was -plotting to surrender the island to the Turks. Soon afterwards the -usurper strangled his prisoner, having, according to one account, first -cut off his arms so that he could no longer embrace the faithful wife who -still clung to him[622]. Her father demanded from the murderer repayment -of the sums which Domenico had received as her dowry and of those which -he had subsequently borrowed; and the Doge of Genoa threatened the -lord of Lesbos with the forcible intervention of the Republic unless -he liquidated these debts[623]. The fate of the widow is unknown; more -fortunate, however, in one respect than other ill-fated heroines of -Frankish Greece, she has given her name to the only modern poem, based -upon the mediæval history of Sappho’s island, while her bust by Mino da -Fiesole is in the National Museum at Florence[624]. - -The fratricide’s position was, indeed, unenviable. The papal fleet -had returned to Italy upon the death of Calixtus III in the summer of -1458, leaving the Grand Master of the Knights of Rhodes as vicar of the -three Thracian islands, and the new Pope, Pius II, was too busy with -the internal politics of that country to provide for their defence, -which the Bank of St George did not think it prudent to undertake, but -contented himself with founding a new Order of the Knights of St Mary -of Bethlehem with its seat at Lemnos[625]. Thus inadequately defended -by the Italians and terrified at the possible advent of the Turkish -fleet, the islanders had no option but to submit to the Sultan. Lemnos -set the example. In the winter of 1458-9, Kritoboulos, ever ready to do -the work of the Turk, entered into secret negotiations with the Lemnian -leaders for the surrender of their island. The Greeks were nothing loth, -for they found the papal yoke irksome, as it must naturally have been -to “schismatics,” and above all they feared the vengeance of Mohammed. -The Imbriote diplomatist thereupon wrote to Demetrios Palaiologos, the -Despot of Mistra, suggesting that this was the moment to crave Lemnos -and Imbros from the Sultan, which the Despot had already coveted as a -peaceful retreat, and offering to drive the Italians out of the former -island. Demetrios at once sent Matthew Asan, his brother-in-law, whose -family was, as we saw, connected with Imbros, to ask Mohammed for the -two islands. The Sultan consented, on condition that Demetrios paid 3000 -gold pieces as tribute for them, and it then devolved upon Kritoboulos -to carry out his mission. Evading the Italian guard-ships, he landed in -Lemnos; his confederates at Kastro opened the gates of that fortress; the -townsfolk of Kokkinos shut up the small Italian garrison in the public -offices, till it surrendered unconditionally, whereupon Kritoboulos -told them that they could go or stay as they pleased, and sent their -Calabrian commander with presents to Eubœa. The fort of Palaiokastro, the -strongest in the island, alike by its natural position and its triple -wall of huge stones, contained provisions for a year and was commanded -by a young and resolute soldier, named Michele. When Michele received a -summons to surrender, his sole reply was a sword, drawn in blood, and an -invitation to Kritoboulos to come and take the castle by force, if he -were a man. He could not, however, trust the Greeks in the town below, -whose vines and fields Kritoboulos was careful to respect; and, when he -saw the superior forces drawn up against him, he begged for three months’ -grace, till he had time to communicate with the Grand Master at Rhodes, -the papal vicar of the islands. Later on, he surrendered Palaiokastro for -1000 gold pieces, and in 1460, after the Turkish conquest of the Morea, -Lemnos and Imbros were bestowed by the Sultan upon the dispossessed -Despot, Demetrios. - -The other two islands shared the fate of Lemnos. In the autumn of 1459, -Zaganos, Ismael’s successor in the command of the Turkish fleet, captured -both Thasos and Samothrace, cutting to pieces the Catalan garrison placed -by Scarampi in the former, and removing Thasians and Samothracians alike -to recolonise Constantinople. In the following year the Sultan bestowed -these two islands also, together with Ænos, upon Demetrios Palaiologos, -who thus became the heir of the Gattilusj in Thrace and the four maritime -dependencies[626]. In vain, Pius II urged Rhyndakenos, the former prefect -of the Gattilusj, to release Samothrace from its captivity. In vain, he -gave Turkish Imbros to Alexander Asan[627]. - -About the time that Lemnos fell, the learned Leonardo of Chios, who had -held the Archiepiscopal see of Lesbos since 1444 and was on very intimate -terms with the reigning family, was sent to ask the aid of Christendom -for that sole remaining island. The Genoese Government early in 1459 -appealed to the Christian Powers and more especially to Charles VII of -France, whose viceroy, the Duke of Calabria, was then administering -Genoa, reminding them of the recent attack of the Turks upon Lesbos, of -the exiguous resources of its lord, and of the impossibility in which -the exhausted Genoese now found themselves of supporting him without -external assistance, as they had done before, against another and more -serious invasion. The fall of Lesbos, it was added, might encourage the -Sultan to direct his arms against Italy. Unfortunately this appeal met -with no response. Indeed, one of the Christian Powers, England, was at -that moment greatly incensed with the Gattilusj, owing to the piracies -of Giuliano, a celebrated corsair of that family, whose depredations on -the merchants of Bristol had caused the arrest of all the Genoese in the -country and the confiscation of their goods. Accordingly, the Genoese -Government, which had been glad to make use of him as a cousin, when -it seemed convenient, now repudiated him as a Greek and an alien. The -proceedings of this illegitimate descendant of Francesco II formed the -subject of letters to Henry VI, to the Chancellor and the Privy Seal, to -the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, to John Viscount Beaumont, the -Great Chamberlain, and Humphry Duke of Buckingham. Indeed, it was owing -to Giuliano Gattilusio, that “the office of English affairs” was founded -at Genoa[628]. - -The new lord of Lesbos, as one Christian state after another fell, became -more urgent in his requests for help, for he knew that even the payment -of tribute would not save him. In 1460 he begged that the former practice -might be revived of having a board of four commissioners in Chios, who -could send 300 men to the relief of Lesbos, whenever the Sultan was -preparing to attack it. It was decided to re-constitute this board, but -not to impose any new duty for defraying the expense, and a certain -number of men from Camogli on the Riviera di Levante were hired for the -defence of Lesbos. Towards the close of 1461, he wrote imploring the -Republic not to forget him in his distress. But, although the French had -then been expelled from Genoa, and Lodovico de Campo-fregoso, husband -of Nicolò’s first-cousin, Ginevra Gattilusio, was once more Doge, all -the reply that he received was fair words, a futile assertion that in -the season of 1462 the Turk would be occupied by land rather than at -sea, and a promise to promote a good understanding between Lesbos and -the Chartered Company of Chios, which was apt to forget the common -danger in the private quarrels of its members—an allusion to the still -outstanding dispute between Nicolò and Paride Longo. Weakened by faction -at home, divided by rival interests abroad, the Genoese allowed Lesbos to -succumb[629]. - -Mohammed’s conquest of Serbia, Greece, and Trebizond and his campaign in -Wallachia had given Nicolò a brief respite, which he had wisely employed -in strengthening the fortifications of his island-capital by deepening -the moats and heightening the ramparts. To this may be referred his Latin -inscription[630] in the castle, dated 1460. But on September 1, 1462, -the long-threatened Turkish fleet hove in sight under the command of -Mahmûd Pasha, himself a Greek, while the Sultan at the head of the land -forces advanced across the plain of Troy, the sight of which is said -to have inspired him with the belief that he was the chosen avenger of -the Trojans upon the descendants of their conquerors. Mohammed had no -difficulty in finding plausible excuses for his invasion of Lesbos. The -island had become a receptacle of Catalan pirates, who issued thence to -ravage the Turkish coast and returned thither to divide their prisoners, -assigning a goodly proportion to their patron. A reluctance to pay his -tribute and a secret understanding with the Italians formed further -accusations against him, and Mohammed chose to regard himself as the -instrument of the Almighty for the punishment of the Lesbian fratricide. - -The great Turkish fleet, variously estimated at 67, 110, 125, 150, and -even 200 sail, cast anchor in the old harbour of St George, whither -Nicolò’s envoys went to enquire the justification of this attack upon -an island, whose lords had paid, ever since the death of Dorino I seven -years before, an annual tribute of 7000 gold ducats of Venice. Mahmûd -replied, that his master wanted the castle and island of Mytilene—a -demand repeated by the Sultan himself, when he crossed over from the -mainland, with the addition that he would grant Nicolò a sufficient -estate elsewhere. Nicolò replied, that he could not yield, except to -force, whereupon Mohammed allowed himself to be persuaded by Mahmûd to -return to the opposite coast, lest the Venetian fleet, then at Chios, -to which Nicolò had appealed for help, should arrive and shut him up in -the island. Thereupon the Greek renegade began the siege of the capital, -whose walls contained more than 20,000 non-combatants, men, women and -children, and were garrisoned by over 5000 soldiers, including 70 knights -of Rhodes and 110 Catalan mercenaries from Chios. - -After four days’ skirmishing, which resulted in a number of the Latins -being cut off from the city and cut up by the Turks, the besiegers landed -six large cannon, whose shot weighed more than 700 lbs. apiece, and -planted them in favourable positions for bombarding the city—three at -the soap works only a stone’s throw from the walls, one at St Nicholas’, -another at St Bonne’s[631] near the place of public execution, and the -sixth in the suburbs opposite a barbican tower, defended by a monk and -a knight of Rhodes. Protected by a barrier of large stones from the -fire of the besieged, the Turkish batteries did great execution. The -tower of the Virgin and the adjacent walls were pounded till they were -nothing but a mass of ruins; the cannon of St Nicholas’ riddled the -tower of the harbour, built long before by a Gallego named Pedro de -Laranda, so that no one durst defend it, and it fell on the eighth day -into the hands of the Turks, whose red flags floated from its riven -battlements. The besiegers then concentrated their efforts on the lower -castle, called Melanoudion, and commanded by Luchino Gattilusio, who -had helped Nicolò to the throne, and whose neglect caused the loss of -this important position. It was proposed by the wiser members of his -staff to set fire to the lower castle, as they had already burnt to the -water’s edge their ships in the harbour, rather than that it should be -taken by the Turks and used as a base for attacking the upper citadel. -But Luchino boasted that he could hold the fort, and actually held it -for five days, although the Turks once climbed the walls and carried off -in triumph an Aragonese flag which had been planted there by the Catalan -corsairs. At last a force of 20,000 men carried Melanoudion by storm, -drove the defenders “like locusts” into the upper castle, and destroyed -all that they found. Terrified and breathless, with his naked sword in -his hand, Luchino rushed into the midst of the Italians, who had taken -refuge in the upper castle, and his narrative struck them with such -terror that they resolved to surrender. According to one account, Luchino -and the commander of the city had intentionally made further resistance -impossible by betraying to Mahmûd the weak points of the defences, and -by then urging Nicolò to yield and to save their heads and property. The -panic was increased by one huge mortar, whose heavy projectiles destroyed -houses and the women inside and drove the terrified defenders from the -walls to take shelter from a similar fate. Heavy sums had to be offered, -to induce men to repair the breaches; while many, in their despair, flew -to drink, and broke into the vast stores of wine and provisions, which, -if the garrison had been properly led, would have enabled Mytilene to -resist a whole year’s siege. But, though well provided with food and -engines of war, the place lacked a brave and experienced soldier, who -would have inspired the garrison with enthusiasm. Another council was -held, and two envoys were sent to inform Mahmûd, that the inhabitants -were ready to become his master’s vassals, if their heads and remaining -property were guaranteed. The Turkish commander drew up a memorandum of -the terms in writing, and swore by his girded sword and his sovereign’s -head that no harm should befall them. The Sultan, on hearing the news, -re-crossed to Lesbos, and a janissary was ordered to conduct Nicolò to -his presence. Thither the last Latin lord of Lesbos proceeded with two -horsemen, kissed the feet of his new master and tearfully handed to -Mohammed the keys of the city, which the Gattilusj had held for well-nigh -eleven decades. At the same time he pleaded that he had never violated -his oaths, never harboured Turkish slaves, but had at once restored them -to their owners; and, if he had perforce received pirates to save his own -land from their ravages, he had never furnished them with the means of -injuring that of the Turks. It was, he added, the fault of his subjects -that he had not accepted the Sultan’s generous offer at once, and “I -now,” he concluded with tears, “surrender the city and island, begging -that my lord may reward me for my good disposition in the past towards -him.” Mohammed censured him for his past ingratitude, but promised that -it should not be remembered against him. Forthwith a _subashi_ and two -men took possession of the upper castle, whence the Frankish garrison was -removed but no one else was allowed to issue. The conquerors celebrated -their success by a Bacchanalian orgie and by burning the still standing -houses of Melanoudion, while the Sultan, setting on one side the chief -men among the Franks, bade saw asunder with exquisite cruelty some 300 of -the others as pirates in one of the suburbs. Thus, it was said, he had -literally carried out their conditions, that their heads should be spared. - -The other fortresses in the island—Molivos (or Augerinos), the castle -of the two SS. Theodores, and Eresos—now surrendered; for the wretched -Nicolò, by the Sultan’s commands, sent a notary with instructions under -his own seal, ordering his officers to open their gates. The countryfolk -were left undisturbed, but any suspects found there were removed; -and later on, one or two of these places were destroyed, and their -inhabitants transported, like those of the Foglie, to Constantinople. On -the second day after the occupation of the capital, a herald summoned all -the citizens to file past the Sultan’s pavilion one by one. On September -17 the sorrowful procession took place; three clerks noted down the names -of each, of the most pleasing maidens and the children several hundreds -were picked out, and the rest of the population was divided into three -classes—the worthless were left behind in the city, others were sold by -public auction on the beach, and others again driven on board ship like -so many sheep, to await slavery and fill the gaps at Constantinople. -But of the 10,000 and more who were shipped from Lesbos a part perished -on the overcrowded ships; and with brutal, if business-like precision, -all disputes as to the ownership of these human cattle were obviated by -cutting off the right ear of each corpse, before it was flung into the -deep, and removing the victim’s name from the list. Some 200 janissaries -and 300 infantry were left to garrison the city under Ali Bestami, a man -of great courage and learning. - -The fleet, bearing Nicolò, Luchino, the Archbishop Leonardo, and the -rest of the captives, reached Constantinople on October 16, where some -of them received houses, or sites in one quarter of the city. The two -Gattilusj, however, were soon afterwards imprisoned in the “tower of the -French.” Mohammed disliked Nicolò for what he had done in the past, and -the _chronique scandaleuse_ of the capital attributed his feelings to -the fact that a lad attached to the Turkish court had fled to Lesbos, -abandoned Islâm, and become the favourite of Nicolò. After the fall of -Lesbos, this youth was sent as a present to the Sultan, and recognised by -his comrades, who told their master and thus rekindled his indignation. -The two prisoners, to save their lives and regain their freedom, offered -to abjure Christianity, and were duly circumcised, gorgeously apparelled -by the Sultan, and set free. But their liberty did not last long; they -were again imprisoned, and executed, Nicolò being strangled with a -bow-string, as he had strangled his own brother. His lovely sister Maria, -widow of the Emperor Alexander of Trebizond, whom Mohammed had previously -captured in Kolchis, entered the seraglio; her only son became one of the -Conqueror’s favourite pages. - -Thus ended the rule of the Gattilusj in Lesbos. Had Nicolò been bolder, -had Genoa given more help, had Venice not played the part of a spectator, -the island might have been saved, or at least its capture postponed. -At the time of the siege, Vettor Capello was at Chios, and, in answer -to Nicolò’s appeal, actually set out with 29 galleys towards Lesbos; -but, although he could have burnt the Turkish fleet in the absence of -its crews, he durst not disobey his instructions, which were to avoid -giving any offence to the Sultan. Even after the capture of Mytilene, -when the people of the castle of the two SS. Theodores begged him to -accept them as Venetian subjects, he refused. Later on, when war broke -out with Turkey, Venice repented her inaction, and tried in vain to -make reparation for it. Even Genoa took the “calamity of Mytilene” with -philosophy[632]. - -Christendom did not, however, abandon all hope of recovering what the -Gattilusj had lost. The learned Archbishop of Lesbos, a second time the -prisoner of the Turks, wrote to Pius II, as he had written to Nicholas V -after the capture of Constantinople, a letter describing the sufferings -of his flock and begging the Pope to make peace in Italy and war upon -“the Cerberus” of the East. Pius responded by planning a new crusade, -and the Genoese suggested that its first stage should be the recapture -of Lesbos[633]. The Pope’s death ended his plans; but early in 1464 a -Venetian fleet under Luigi Loredano occupied Lemnos with the assistance -of a Moreote pirate, who bore the great name of Comnenos. This man had -descended upon the island some time before with two galleys, had captured -it from the officials who were governing it for Demetrios Palaiologos, -and had established his authority over the citadel and the old city of -Lemnos. But the pirate saw that he was not strong enough to hold his -conquest single-handed, and therefore transferred it to the maritime -Republic, which thence easily extended her sway over the rest of the -island. Venice retained Lemnos for 15 years, and five Venetian nobles -successively administered, with the title of “Rector,” this distant -outpost[634]. In April of the same year Orsato Giustiniano, Loredano’s -successor, laid siege to Mytilene, but, after six weeks spent before the -walls and two battles, in which the Venetians sustained heavy losses, -on the approach of the Turkish fleet withdrew to Eubœa with all the -Christian islanders whom he could convey, only returning to SS. Theodores -to remove a second cargo. Giustiniano died of grief at his failure, and -the Turkish sway over Lesbos, despite three subsequent attempts, had -never been broken till the Greek fleet took the island on November 22, -1912[635]. - -Two years later Vettor Capello obtained Imbros, Thasos, and Samothrace -for Venice[636], and Bernardo Natale was sent as Rector to the last-named -island. Imbros was, however, retaken by the Turks in 1470, owing to the -unpopularity and incapacity of that official[637]. Lemnos resisted more -than one Turkish attack; in view of its importance as a station for the -fleet, Venice sent 200 _stradioti_ to settle there, restored the walls -of Kokkinos, and strengthened the fortifications of Palaiokastro, while -Mohammed made its cession a condition of peace. At last this island, then -inhabited by 6000 souls, or twice the population of Imbros, after having -won romantic fame by the exploits of its heroic defender, the virgin -Marulla, was ceded to Turkey by the peace[638] of 1479. At the same time, -Samothrace with its 200 islanders, and Thasos, neither of them mentioned -since their capture in 1466, were probably surrendered, and the whole -of the Gattilusj’s former realm was thus irrevocably Turkish till 1912, -with the exception of the Venetian occupation of Lemnos in 1656/7, and of -the Russian occupation of part of that island in 1770—for Ænos, although -laid in ashes by Nicolò da Canale in 1468, had not been occupied by the -Venetians, and Foglia Vecchia had repulsed his attack[639]. - -Even after this apparently final Turkish conquest, one member of the -family continued to cherish the remote hope that one day his ancestral -dominions might be reconquered. Dorino II of Ænos was still alive -at Genoa, and in 1488, as the sole representative of both branches -of the Gattilusj—for Nicolò II had left no children—granted to his -brother-in-law, Marco d’Oria, all his rights to their possessions in the -Levant. It was agreed, that, should Lesbos be recovered—as was hoped, -by the aid of the King of France—Dorino should nevertheless have his -father’s former estates in that island, unless Ænos, Foglia Vecchia, -Thasos and Samothrace were also recovered, in which case he should be -entitled to Ænos, Thasos and Samothrace alone and have no claim to the -Lesbian property[640]. Dorino II died childless, the last legitimate male -of his race; but the pirate Giuliano, whose depredations continued to -vex the Genoese Government[641], had progeny. Among his descendants were -perhaps the Hector Gattilusio[642] whom we find receiving a small pension -from Pope Innocent VIII, and the Stefano Gattilusio[643], who was bishop -of Melos in 1563. Other Gattilusj occur at Naxos in the seventeenth -century, and the name is reported to exist still not only there but at -Smyrna and Athens[644], although the family is extinct at Genoa. Nine -years ago a London lady claimed the Byzantine Empire as a descendant -of the Palaiologoi through the Gattilusj. The family church at Sestri -Ponente[645] was ceded by Dorino II to two other persons in 1483. - -The rule of the Gattilusj has been described by a modern Greek writer -as more favourable to his fellow-countrymen than that of other -Frankish rulers. Chalkokondyles[646] praises the excellence of their -administration, and one alone of them, the fratricide Nicolò, seems -to have been unpopular. Hellenized by intermarriage with the Imperial -houses of Byzantium and Trebizond, and proud to quarter the arms of the -Palaiologoi with their own, they spoke Greek in the first generation, -and thus early came to understand the feelings of their subjects, -who scarcely regarded them as foreigners, certainly not as foreign -conquerors. Two extant Greek letters of Dorino I and Domenico attest -their familiarity with the language of their people. Moreover, they were -not so much feudal lords as prosperous merchant princes, whose wealth is -attested not only by the sums lent by Francesco II and Nicolò I, but by -the extensive coinage of the Lesbian line. Coins of at least five of the -lords of Mytilene are extant, while Dorino I, whose appanage was Foglia -Vecchia before he succeeded to Lesbos, struck money for that emporium -also[647]. Yet these Genoese nobles took an interest alike in history, -literature, and archæology. Kanaboutzes wrote his commentary on Dionysios -for Palamede; in 1446, the year of Cyriacus’ visit, Leonardo of Chios, -the most famous of Lesbian divines, who owed his appointment to the -patronage of Maria Gattilusio and was selected to accompany the papal -legate, Cardinal Isidore, to Constantinople[648], wrote at the bidding -of Dorino I’s brother, Luchino, his _Treatise concerning true nobility -against Poggio_. This quaint tract took the form of a Platonic dialogue -with Luchino in the presence of the Duke of the Archipelago, and gives -us a pretty picture of Lesbian society at the time. “The prince,” we -read, “protects religion; his senate is wise, his soldiers distinguished, -and he lives in splendid state among his lovely halls, his gardens, his -fish-ponds, and his groves.” The drama, if we may argue from the presence -of an actor named Theodoricus, was patronised by Dorino[649]. Life in -Lesbos must therefore have been pleasant, if it had not been lived on the -edge of the Turkish volcano. But even in the last years of the Gattilusj -the numbers of the Latins cannot have been large, for Calixtus III united -the Archiepiscopal see of Methymna with that of Mytilene, and in 1456 the -revenues which Leonardo derived from both together did not exceed 150 -gold florins[650]. - -The Genoese sway over Lesbos and the Thracian islands has gone the way of -all Latin rule in the Levant, of which it was so favourable a specimen. A -few inscriptions, a few coats of arms, here and there a ruined fortress, -still remind the now emancipated Greeks of their last Italian rulers. - - -Gattilusj. - - I. Lesbos (1355-1462). - Francesco I 1355, July 17. - ” II 1384, August 6. - [Nicolò I of Ænos regent 1384-7.] - Jacopo 1404, October 26. - [Nicolò of Ænos regent 1404-9.] - Dorino I 1426/1428. - [Domenico regent 1449-55.] - Domenico 1455, June 30. - Nicolò II 1458-62. - [Turkish: 1462-1912; Greek: 1912, November 22.] - - II. Thasos (_c._ 1434 or ? _c._ 1419-55) - ? Jacopo _c._ 1419. - Dorino I _c._ 1434. - [Oberto de’ Grimaldi governor 1434.] - Francesco III 1444-_c._ 1449. - Dorino I _c._ 1449. - [Domenico regent 1449-55.] - Domenico 1455, June 30-October. - [Turkish: 1455-6; 1459-60; 1479-1912; Papal: 1456-9; Demetrios - Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Greek: 1912, October - 30.] - - III. Lemnos (1453-6). - Dorino I 1453 (castle of Kokkinos from 1440). - [Domenico regent 1453-5.] - Domenico 1455-6. - [Nicolò II governor 1455-6.] - [Turkish: 1456; 1459-60; 1479-1656; 1657-1912; Papal: (autumn) - 1456-8; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-4; Comnenos 1464; Venetian: - 1464-79; 1656-7; Russian (except Palaiokastro): 1770; Greek: - 1912, October 22.] - - IV. Foglia Vecchia (_c._ 1402-55). - With Lesbos: _c._ 1402-1455, December 24. (For several years - _c._ 1423-8 appanage of Dorino I.) [Turkish: 1455-1919; - Greek: 1919- .] - - V. Ænos (_c._ 1384-1456). - Nicolò I _c._ 1384. - Palamede 1409. - Dorino II 1455-6. - [Turkish: 1456-60; 1468-1912; 1913, July 15; Demetrios Palaiologos: - 1460-8; Bulgarian: 1912, Nov. 29-1913, July 15; Turkish: - 1913-20; Greek: 1920- .] - - VI. Samothrace (_c._ 1431-56). - Palamede _c._ 1431. - [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos governor 1444-55.] - Dorino II 1455-6. - [Turkish: 1456; 1459-60; 1479-1912; Papal: (autumn) 1456-9; - Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; Venetian: 1466-79; Greek: - 1912, November 1.] - - VII. Imbros (1453-6). - Palamede 1453. - Dorino II 1455-6. - [Joannes Laskaris Rhyndakenos governor.] - [Turkish: 1456-60; 1470-1912; Demetrios Palaiologos: 1460-6; - Venetian: 1466-70; Greek: 1912, October 30-1914; Turkish: - 1914-20; Greek: 1920- .] - - -Genealogical Tree: - -(The rulers of Lesbos are denoted by Roman, those of Ænos by Arabic -numerals.) - - Domenico - | - +------------------+----------------+ - | | - (I) Francesco I = Maria Palaiologina (1) Nicolò I - | - (II) Francesco II - | - +------------+--------------------+ - | | | - (III) Jacopo (2) Palamede (IV) Dorino I - | | - | +----------+------+--------------+ - | | | | - (3) Dorino II Francesco III (V) Domenico (VI) Nicolò II - - - - -V. TURKISH GREECE - -1460-1684 - - -From the second half of the fifteenth down to the close of the -seventeenth century, a large portion of what now forms the kingdom of -Greece formed an integral part of the Turkish Empire, and from the second -part of the sixteenth century some of the Ionian Islands and a few of the -Cyclades were alone exempt from the common lot of Hellas. Thus, for the -first time since the Frank conquest, a dead level of uniformity, broken -only by the privileges of certain communities, prevailed in place of the -feudal principalities, whose fortunes occupied the annals of the previous -two centuries and more. Greece, so often divided against herself, had -found unity in the death of her independence; and the victorious Turks, -like the conquering Romans, had obliterated the divisions and the -liberties of the Greek States at the same moment. Once more the whole -Greek world, with few exceptions, depended upon a foreign ruler, whose -capital was at Constantinople, and whose officials, like those of the -Byzantine Emperors, administered the affairs of his Greek subjects. There -is, however, a considerable difference between the two periods into which -the Turkish government of Greece was divided. During the first period, -down to the Venetian conquest of the Morea, towards the close of the -seventeenth century, Turkey was a flourishing and conquering Power—a -danger to Europe, and a strong State. During the second period, from -the Turkish re-conquest of the Morea down to the close of the War of -Independence, Turkey was declining, slowly but surely, in all save the -one art which she has never lost even in her political dotage, the art of -fighting. For, like the Roman and the Briton, the Turk has ever been a -good soldier, but, unlike those two great unintellectual peoples, many of -whose qualities he shares, he has never been a good administrator; even -when his arrangements have been excellent in theory, as they often are, -they have frequently proved to be miserable in practice. - -The political organisation of Greece under the Turks was indeed -comparatively simple. Before the conquest of the Ægean Islands all their -Greek dominions were comprised within the jurisdiction of the _beglerbeg_ -(“lord of lords”) of Rumili, who resided at Sofia[651], and were divided -into seven _sandjaks_, so called from the “flag” which was the emblem of -each large territorial sub-division, and which recalled the essentially -military character of all Turkish arrangements. These seven _sandjaks_, -after the year 1470, when the capture of Eubœa rounded off the Greek -conquests of Mohammed II, were Salonika, Negroponte, Trikkala, Lepanto, -Karlili, Joannina, and the Morea. Negroponte included not only the -island of Eubœa, but also Bœotia, and Attica. Its capital was Chalkis, -and Athens, Thebes and Livadia, were among its principal cities. Karlili -comprehended Ætolia and Akarnania, as well as Prevesa, and derived -its name from Carlo II Tocco, whose dominions there had fallen to the -Turks. The capital of the Morea fluctuated between Corinth, Leondari, -and Mistra, down to 1540, when the capture of Nauplia from the Venetians -made that place the residence of the Turkish Pasha. In 1574, when the -conclusion of the war of Cyprus had practically extinguished Latin rule -in the Levant, a different arrangement obtained. Salonika, Trikkala, -Joannina, Patras and Mistra formed five _sandjaks_ under the _beglerbeg_ -of Rumili; while the capitan pasha, in his capacity of _beglerbeg_ “of -the sea,” ruled over the seven insular _sandjaks_ of Lemnos, Lesbos, -Rhodes, Chios, the former Duchy of Naxos (except a few islands bestowed -on the favourite Sultana), Santa Maura (with Prevesa), and Negroponte, -besides the three maritime _sandjaks_ of Nauplia, Lepanto and Kavalla. -And, after the conquest of Crete, three more _sandjaks_, named from -Candia, Rethymno, and Canea, were carved out of “the great Greek -island[652].” - -Each _sandjak_ was in turn sub-divided into a number of _cazas_, or -sub-districts, of which there were twenty-three in the Morea. It is -now supposed that from 1470 to about 1610, Athens was the chief place -of a _caza_ of the _sandjak_ of Negroponte. Just as each _sandjak_ was -governed by a Pasha or _sandjak-beg_, so each _caza_ was administered by -a lesser magnate known as a _voivode_ or _subashi_, who was assisted by a -judge, or _cadi_. - -True to the Turkish feuded system, which had been organised in Thessaly -at the end of the fourteenth century, and extended to Akarnania and -Ætolia on the fall of the Tocchi, Mohammed II distributed Central -Greece and the Morea in fiefs to his veteran warriors. These fiefs were -of two sorts: the larger fief, known as a _zaimet_, entailed upon the -holder the obligation to provide fifteen horsemen; the smaller, called -a _timar_, involved the equipment of only two[653]. The standard of the -_sandjak-beg_ formed the rallying point of all these feudal chiefs and -their horsemen in case of need. About the middle of the seventeenth -century the whole area of the present Greek kingdom on the mainland, -including Negroponte but without Macedonia and Thrace, was portioned out -into 267 _zaimets_ and 1625 _timars_, so that they would represent a -force of 7255 horsemen. - -Crete, after its conquest, was similarly parcelled out into seventeen -_zaimets_ and 2550 _timars_, which would produce 5355 cavalry. At first -the timariot system was not in the nature of an hereditary aristocracy. -The _timars_ were originally life-rents only, conferred for services -rendered to the Sultan upon veteran warriors, who might be called upon -to appear with their retainers at the call of their liege lord. In the -golden age of Turkish administration—if such a phrase can be applied to -any Turkish institution—the son of _timariot_ was entrusted with a large -fief such as his sire had held only after he had proved his capacity -as the holder of a small one. But, like all political systems, the -Turkish began by making capacity the sole test of office, and ended by -making office the reward of favourites. Gradually the _beglerbeg_ was -allowed to bestow these fiefs, which had formerly been in the Sultan’s -gift, and that official naturally rewarded his own creatures, just as -a British Prime Minister, allowed by weak or preoccupied monarchs to -dispense patronage at his will, bestows the honours of the peerage and -the baronetage upon subservient, or perhaps recalcitrant, supporters. -Thus, in the second half of the seventeenth century, it was the custom -of Romania that, if a holder of a _zaimet_ or _timar_ died in the wars, -his fief was divided into as many portions as he had sons, unless the -rent was no more than 3000 aspers, in which case the whole went to the -eldest son. But if the holder died in his bed, his lands fell to the -_beglerbeg_, who could bestow them upon the dead man’s heirs, give them -to any of his own servants, or sell them, as he pleased[654]. - -The Turks did not interfere with the Greek municipal system, which -had existed for centuries before the Ottoman conquest. As far back as -the Byzantine times we find that the Hellenic communities employed -representatives, not necessarily drawn from their own members, at the -Imperial Court at Constantinople. Thus, in the eleventh century, Michael -Psellos represented the Ægean Islands at the capital[655]; but, in some -cases, instead of having a permanent representative, whose functions -may be compared with those of the agents-general of our self-governing -colonies, a local deputation occasionally visited Constantinople to -lay its grievances before the central authorities. In the Venetian -island of Tenos a similar practice prevailed; there a committee was -selected from among the primates to watch over the administration of the -Venetian officials. The Turks, like the Romans, were quite willing that -their Greek subjects should continue to enjoy local self-government. -Accordingly, they allowed the communes to promote commerce and found -schools, while Greek naturally continued to be the official language -of the communal authorities. There was no hard and fast rule for their -election, and no stereotyped title by which they were known all over -Greece. But, generally speaking, every town and even every hamlet had -its own Greek officials, elected by the Christian inhabitants, or by -some portion of them, in a more or less indirect fashion, and variously -styled “elders of the parish,” “elders,” _archontes_, “primates,” or, -in Turkish, _khodja-bashis_. Thus, at a late period of the Ottoman -domination, in the island of Psara the whole community met annually -for the election of forty electors, who in turn elected four “elders -of the parish”; at the same period, in the island of Spetsai, the -five “primates” were elected annually by the ships’ captains and the -well-to-do citizens; while Hydra, during a large part of the eighteenth -century, was administered by its priests, with whom two laymen were -associated. The Morea had certain special municipal privileges. It was -permitted to send two or three “primates” to Constantinople, who were -able to mitigate the exactions of the Turkish Pashas by the influence -which they acquired during their stay there. Moreover, each province of -the peninsula used to send two prominent Greeks once or twice a year to -the seat of the Pasha to confer with him upon the affairs of the Morea. -Sometimes, both there and in Thessaly, municipal office descended as a -heritage from father to son, and too often the feuds, which continued to -distinguish the Moreote _archontes_, descended, with their dignities, -to their descendants. Their duties were to administer the local affairs -of their communities, to act as arbitrators in civil cases, to levy -local rates, to manage the local treasury, and to act as protectors and -advisers of the oppressed. Sometimes they carried out this last duty -without flinching, sometimes, however, their conduct earned them the name -of “a kind of Christian Turks[656].” - -Both the law of Islâm and the laws of human nature forbade the wholesale -conversion of the conquered to the faith of the conquerors. But Mohammed -II, who spoke Greek and knew the Greeks well, recognised, like the wise -statesman that he was, the possibility of managing his Christian subjects -through the medium of their own Church. The Turks were a foreign garrison -in a hostile country, and in the middle of the fifteenth century it was -quite possible that some Catholic power might undertake a new crusade -for the deliverance of the East. The bitter hatred of the Eastern for the -Western Church provided the astute Sultan with a powerful incentive for -the toleration and even patronage of the Orthodox religion. He saw that, -if he favoured the one branch of Christendom, he would prevent its union -with the other, and he made a most politic selection of an instrument -for the accomplishment of his plan. One of the strongest opponents of -the union had been Georgios Scholarios, a man of great influence with -the Orthodox and of equal unpopularity with the Catholics. As soon as -Constantinople had fallen, the Sultan caused diligent search to be made -for this uncompromising champion of Orthodoxy, and about the end of the -same year gave orders for his election as Œcumenical Patriarch, according -to the time-honoured forms which the Byzantine Empire had recognised for -centuries. Gennadios II, as the new Patriarch was styled, was invited -to a banquet by the Sultan, who showed him the greatest attention, -and accompanied him as far as the courtyard of the palace, where he -assisted him to mount his horse. A _berat_ of the Sultan determined the -position, powers, and privileges of Gennadios and his successors. The -Œcumenical Patriarch was declared to be “untaxable and irremovable,” -and the document, of which only a summary has come down to us in the -history of Phrantzes[657], is said to have prohibited the conversion of -Christian churches into mosques. The loss of the original _berat_ is -of less importance because subsequent rescripts modified these notable -concessions, while in practice the privileges of the Patriarch came to -be far less respected than in theory. To him was assigned the supreme -administration of all churches and monasteries, the right of deposing -archbishops and bishops, and the highest criminal jurisdiction over all -the clergy. He decided all matrimonial questions, and other suits, in -which the parties, being both Christians, preferred his judgment to that -of the Turkish courts. He could levy dues for the needs of the Church on -laity and clergy alike, and it was provided that existing ecclesiastical -property should be respected, and that no Christian should be forced -to embrace Islâm. But in these respects, as well as with regard to the -fiscal exemption and irremovability of the Patriarch, the ecclesiastical -history of the Greeks under the Turks shows us a gradual falling off from -the original intentions of Mohammed II. A later _berat_ laid it down that -the Patriarch could be deposed for one of three reasons—oppression of -his flock, transgression of the ecclesiastical law, and treason towards -his sovereign—elastic terms, capable of a wide interpretation. Mohammed -II himself deposed the Patriarch Joseph I, for refusing to sanction the -marriage of the widow of the last Duke of Athens with George Amoiroutses, -the traitor who had been accused of handing over Trebizond to the Turks, -and who had a wife still living. From the Turkish conquest to the present -day 69 Patriarchs have been deposed, several more than once, 20 were thus -removed in the seventeenth century, and the Sultans at times inflicted -punishments on the Patriarchs, which recall the horrible mutilations of -Byzantine times. From the moment of the conquest, Christian churches, -beginning with St Sophia, were converted into mosques, and the seat -of the Patriarchate, fixed by Mohammed II at the Church of the Holy -Apostles, was successively moved, as church after church became a sacred -place of Islâm, till it reached, in the beginning of the seventeenth -century, its present home in the Phanar. All over Greece the same -process went on, wherever the Mussulmans were numerous, and we have seen -at Salonika, Livadia and Larissa buildings which have served first as -churches and then as mosques. Certain dues, too, were fixed, which the -Patriarch was expected to pay; and soon _bakshîsh_, the bane of Turkey, -began to affect Patriarchal elections. This introduction of simony into -the Greek Church was due to the intrigues of the Greeks themselves. After -the fall of the empire of Trebizond in 1461 many of the Trapezuntine -grandees sought careers at Constantinople. Among other posts they coveted -that of the Patriarch, and as early as 1467 they conspired with that -object against Markos II, the fourth successor of Gennadios[658]. They -succeeded in securing his deposition and the election of one of their -own party by promising that he would pay an annual sum of one thousand -gold pieces and forego the allowance which his four predecessors had -received from the government. The evil, thus soon introduced, spread -apace. Two years later, an offer of double the sum paid by the Patriarch -ensured his removal in favour of a wealthier candidate. Then the annual -payment was raised to three thousand gold pieces, and large sums came -to be spent in bribes to courtiers, eunuchs, janissaries and the female -favourites of the Sultans, the money being ultimately raised out of the -clergy and laity. Thus, the history of the Patriarchate resembles that -of the mediæval Papacy in that the same means were employed to ensure an -election. After the Reformation, Jesuits and Protestants, each anxious -to have at the head of the Greek Church a man favourable to themselves, -joined in the bidding, and between the years 1623 and 1700 there were -about fifty Patriarchal elections, most of them won by bribery. The debts -of the Patriarchate became enormous, as a consequence of this almost -constant expenditure, and the necessity thus imposed upon the Patriarch -of selling all the chief ecclesiastical offices in his gift was one of -the main causes which made the Greek Church so unpopular in many parts of -Turkey, where the population belonged to another race than the Hellenic. -The history of Roumania abounds with examples of the exactions of Greek -bishops, who sought to make the wretched people make up to them what they -had spent on the purchase of their sees. - -Another cause tended, in course of time, to make the Turkish Government -less careful of the Patriarch’s privileges and dignities. He had been -regarded by Mohammed II as a bulwark against the Catholic powers; -but, a century after the fall of Constantinople, Rome, distracted by -the Protestant secession, had become far less dangerous, and Venice -had lost her last possessions in the Morea, while in the seventeenth -century Spain was no longer an enemy to be feared. Moreover, France, -the “eldest daughter of the Church,” and the patroness of the Jesuits, -had become the ally of Turkey, and supported her _protégés_, who first -appeared at Constantinople in 1609, against the Œcumenical Patriarch. -Thus, finding himself in little danger from a disunited Europe and an -impotent Papacy, the Sultan could afford to modify his attitude towards -the head of the Greek Church. After 1657, the Patriarch ceased to be -installed by the Sultan in person, who was thenceforth represented by -the Grand Vizier, and further restrictions were soon placed upon the -honours paid to him. Still, the Œcumenical Patriarch enjoyed, throughout -the Turkish domination, a great ecclesiastical and political position, -such as some of his predecessors had not held under the Byzantine Empire, -such as his successors have never held since the Church in Greece -became autocephalous, and the Bulgarian Church became independent. -In the Turkish days, he was the spiritual, and in many respects the -political, head, not only of the Greek subjects of the Sultan, but of all -the Orthodox Christians within his dominions, Bulgarians, Serbs[659], -Albanians, and Armenians of the Orthodox rite, who, as well as Greeks, -were all collectively described as _Romaîoi_—for in those days religion -and not race was the mark by which Ottoman subjects were distinguished. -Moreover, he was not only the accredited representative of the Orthodox -with the Porte, but he was also the ecclesiastical superior of all the -Orthodox communities in the Venetian dominions, and he was therefore -permitted to correspond with all those foreign powers which had subjects -of that religion. Thus, so long as Venice was a Levantine State, she -had continual relations with the Patriarch, and the Venetian bailie at -Constantinople conducted diplomatic business with him, no less than with -the Turkish government. Mohammed II, in the treaty which he concluded -with Venice in the year after the capture of Constantinople, specially -provided for the preservation to the Patriarch of all the revenues which -his predecessors had received from the Orthodox. We frequently find the -Patriarchs intervening with the Venetians on behalf of the Orthodox -inhabitants of the Venetian colonies, sometimes urging the claims of the -Greeks of Koron, Modon and Crete, sometimes successfully deprecating -the adoption of the Gregorian Calendar in the Venetian possessions, and -in one case rebuking the Orthodox Cretans for their persecution of the -Jews. Nothing more clearly proves the peculiar position of the Patriarch -as the head of an _imperium in imperio_, than the fact that the Turkish -government conducted its business with him through the medium of the -_Reis-effendi_, or Minister for foreign affairs. Not without reason did -men address so powerful a personage as “master” and even “king.” We -might, indeed, compare his situation with that of the Pope since 1870. -Like the Pope, he had no territory, but his ecclesiastical sway ranged -over and beyond the dominions of the sovereign, in whose capital his seat -was fixed. Like the Pope, he negotiated with diplomatists, corresponded -with foreign governments, and combined, or identified, politics and -religion. And, like the Pope, he at times intrigued against the monarch -who had ensured him the secure exercise of his privileges within his -dominions. - -Although the Koran forbade the forcible conversion of the Christians, -there were various causes which swelled the ranks of Islâm. The Turks, -being but a small body of men compared with the great numbers of the -Christians, early saw that they could neither preserve nor extend their -conquests without the aid of the latter. Accordingly, just as some -Christian rulers of the East had enlisted young Turks to fight their -battles, so the Sultan Orchan, more than a century before the capture of -Constantinople, founded the terrible institution of the Janissaries, a -corps entirely recruited from that time till the middle of the sixteenth -century from Christian children who embraced the faith of the sovereign. -At the outset the numbers of these children were not less than one -thousand a year, and they were taken at the tender age of six or seven -years at the most; but later on, perhaps in the reign of Mohammed II, -a regular levy of children was ordered to be made throughout all the -subject provinces of Turkey, with a few favoured exceptions. This -tribute of Christian children, or παιδομάζωμα, as the Greeks called it, -was subsequently erected into a complete system, and became one of -the greatest engines of conversion. Every five years, or even oftener, -for the tribute came at last to be levied annually, an officer of the -Janissaries would descend with a clerk upon each district, and demand -from the head man of the place a list of all the Christian families. -Every Christian father was compelled to make a declaration of the number -of his sons and to present them for inspection. At first, only one boy -out of every five and only one out of every family were taken. Then no -proportion was observed, but the government took as many children as -it wanted, always selecting the strongest, and not even sparing the -only son of a family. The age, too, was raised to ten, fifteen, and -even more years. We can easily imagine the misery inflicted upon the -unhappy parents by a system which recalled the fabled tribute paid by the -Athenians to the Minotaur. We are told by an eye-witness that mothers -sometimes prayed God to strike their sons dead in order to save them -from enlistment. Others, in order to evade the law, would marry their -children at nine years of age; but the authorities soon disregarded these -infantile unions, and marriage was no excuse in the eyes of an arbitrary -official. There were only two ways of avoiding the payment of this -hideous blood-tax—bribery or flight into one of the Venetian colonies, -and the latter means of escape became more difficult when Venice lost -her last possessions on the mainland. It might have been thought that -this tax would have been more likely to cause a rising. Yet in the long -list of insurrections against the Turks we can recall one only, that -of 1565, which is specially ascribed to this reason, and that was an -Albanian and not a Greek agitation[660]. Moreover, as time went on, and -the Janissaries became more pampered and more powerful, it was esteemed -by many a blessing rather than a curse that their sons should serve in -the corps. The Venetian bailie at Constantinople in the middle of the -sixteenth century expressly says that the tribute of children had by that -time come to be regarded as a special favour enjoyed by the Christians, -who were thus able to provide their sons with an easy and comfortable -profession! We even hear of Mussulman parents so anxious to share in -this singular privilege that they lent their children to the Christians -so that they might be enrolled as such among the Janissaries. But the -loss to Hellenism and to Christianity through the tribute of children -was enormous. If we remember that for two centuries the Janissaries were -exclusively recruited from the Christians, and that the latter were -chiefly to be found in European Turkey, and if we take into consideration -that the tribute children were not only the strongest members of -their respective families, but were also prohibited by the original -constitution of the corps from marrying, for the Janissaries, like the -Zulu army of Cetewayo, were a celibate body, we may form some idea of -what a drain the παιδομάζωμα was upon the actual and possible resources -of Eastern Christianity. A modern Greek historian[661] estimates at -about a million the number of Christian children taken to serve in the -corps during the first two centuries of its existence. At last, however, -it fell into disuse, and in the seventeenth century ceased to exist. A -variety of causes contributed to the decline of an institution which had -so greatly strengthened the Turkish army at the expense of the Christian -population. From the time when the Janissaries were allowed to marry, -they naturally desired to have their own children taken into the corps, -while others obtained admission to its privileges by bribery. On the -other hand, the Sultans came to regard the Janissaries as dangerous to -themselves, much as the Roman Emperors had found the Prætorians to be, -and were thus less anxious to have the corps recruited. The number of -conversions to Islâm had also narrowed the area of enlistment from among -the Christians; and Rycaut, writing shortly after the custom had fallen -into disuse, mentions the corruption of the officers and the carelessness -in their discipline as the cause of its decay. Accordingly we last hear -of the tribute being levied in 1676, though an isolated case is mentioned -as late as 1703[662]. - -Besides the tribute of Christian children, there was a further reason -for the conversion of the Greeks in the honours offered to those who -apostatised. When the Turks found themselves masters of a great European -Empire, they had neither the financial nor the diplomatic skill requisite -for conducting it. The Turkish method of keeping accounts was cumbrous, -the Turkish language is extremely difficult to write, and the Turks -resembled the British in their absolute ignorance of foreign tongues, -while treaties and diplomatic correspondence continued to be composed in -Greek. But empires are not won by linguists but by men of character, who -are easily able to find subtle intellects to do their office work for -them. The precise qualities which the Turks lacked the Greeks possessed, -and Mohammed II saw at once how useful the versatile talents of his new -subjects would be in the administration of his dominions. But there was -this difficulty, that nearly all the best educated Greeks had fled abroad -after the fall of the Byzantine Empire, and it was owing to this reason -that, during the two first centuries of the Turkish rule, the Greeks did -not, as a rule, rise higher in the Turkish service than a clerkship in -the Treasury or the Foreign Office. There was, however, even at that -period, one notable exception, the office of Grand Vizier. Of the five -Grand Viziers of Mohammed II, two were Greeks, the former of whom, Mahmûd -Pasha, was the first Christian to hold that great position. Under Bayezid -II we find two more Greeks as Grand Viziers. Suleyman the Magnificent -gave that post to two others, and later on one Grand Vizier was the son -of a Greek priest; while the terrible Barbarossa, the scourge of the -Christians at sea, was of Greek origin. By the middle of the sixteenth -century the Venetian bailie at Constantinople could write that the great -places in the Sultan’s service usually fell to the Christians, and the -Turks complained that the children of the poor _rayah_ were put over -their heads. - -But for a long time these mundane advantages could only be obtained by -apostasy, and thus the lukewarm Christian had strong incentives to turn -Mussulman. But in Greece there were fewer conversions than among the -Slavs of Bosnia and the Herzegovina; and when, about the middle of the -seventeenth century, the Turkish Government relaxed the strictness of -its policy, and abolished religious tests for certain important offices -of state, the Greeks were able to gratify a laudable ambition without -abandoning the religion of their fathers. By that time education had -revived among the Greeks of the capital, so that the lack of qualified -Hellenes, which had been felt so acutely immediately after the conquest, -no longer existed. It was then that, for the first time, a Greek was -appointed Grand Dragoman of the Porte in the person of Panagiotes -Nikouses, who conducted the negotiations for the surrender of Candia -on behalf of the Turks. From the close of that century down to the War -of Independence most of his successors in that post were Greeks[663]. -Similarly, the position of Dragoman of the Fleet was usually held by a -Greek, and the island of Paros has still many monuments of the family of -Mavrogenes, two of whose members conducted the naval negotiations of the -Capitan Pasha. One of them, Nicholas Mavrogenes, rose from that rank to -be Prince of Wallachia; and it is scarcely necessary to remind those who -have studied Roumanian history, that in the eighteenth and the first part -of the nineteenth century the two thrones of Moldavia and Wallachia were -occupied by Greeks, and the two Danubian principalities were regarded -as the happy hunting-ground of the Phanariotes of Constantinople. There -was even an idea of erecting the Morea into a Christian principality -on similar lines; and, though this was never carried out, the Morea -was entrusted to a native governor. But the advancement of the Greeks -in the Turkish service, though always beneficial to the individuals -concerned and sometimes to their employers, was of doubtful value to the -Greek national cause. When their private and racial interests clashed, -the Greek officials almost always sacrificed the latter, and, indeed, -it would have been an Utopian idea to expect the virtues of heroes and -saints from the descendants of men who for centuries had been under -foreign domination. It is easy for English historians, belonging to -a race which has never known what an alien yoke implies, to demand -impossible qualities from a down-trodden people, and we are fond of -trying foreign nations by an ideal standard—which fortunately we never -apply to our own public affairs. But, after all allowances have been -made, it must be confessed that some of the worst blows to Hellenism, -such as the loss of Eubœa and that of Crete, were dealt by the Greeks -themselves, just as the Bosnian, Cretan and Albanian apostates have -ever been the bitterest enemies of the Christians, and the warmest -supporters of Turkish rule, so long as it permitted them to tyrannise -over their own fellow-countrymen. In other words, religion replaced all -racial sympathies, and a Mussulman Slav or Cretan was first a Mussulman -and then a Slav or Cretan. Even in our own time, at the crisis of the -Greco-Turkish war of 1897, a Greek was trying to counteract Greek -interests in the capacity of Turkish ambassador in London; and the show -statesmen of the Porte, whose virtues and culture are always exhibited -for the edification of Europe, are invariably Greeks. Samos, too, with -its Greek prince, was, till 1912, an interesting survival of the former -practice of sending Greeks to rule beyond the Danube in the interest of -the Sultan. - -On two occasions, under Selim II, in 1514, and in the early days of the -Candian war, in 1646, it was actually proposed to exterminate all the -Christians of Turkey. But wiser counsels happily prevailed; and towards -the close of the seventeenth century, as we saw, the policy of the -Turkish government was to preserve, rather than further diminish, the -numbers of its Christian taxpayers. By that time fears were felt lest the -Christians should continue to dwindle away, and a taxable infidel seemed -a more valuable asset than a less remunerative believer in the true faith -of Islâm. Accordingly, in 1691, a first serious attempt was made to -secure the Christians against exactions by the _Nizam-djedid_[664], or -“new system,” which commanded the provincial governors to levy no other -impost than the _haratch_, or “capitation-tax,” from them. Originally, -the only fiscal disadvantages of the Christians, besides the blood-tax -of their children, had been this _haratch_, which was payable by all -unbelievers over the age of ten years, except priests, old men, and the -blind, the maimed, and the paralytic. A Christian had also to pay on all -imports and exports twice the duty levied upon a Mussulman. But, as is -still the case in Turkey, the hardships of taxation arose not so much -from its legal amount as from its illegal collection. Thus, in 1571, we -hear of the incredible extortions suffered by the Christian subjects -of the Sultan, who were mostly so deeply sunk in poverty and misery -that they scarce durst look a Turk in the face, and who only cultivated -their lands sufficiently for their own wants and for the payment of -_haratch_, knowing that the Turks would seize any surplus that was -over[665]. However, the _Nizam-djedid_ represented, like the abolition -of the tribute of children, a new and humaner policy, which resulted in -the diminution of apostasy. From that time onward the Greeks had less -temptation to become Mohammedans; the Venetian occupation of the Morea in -the early part of the eighteenth century had the double effect of causing -many re-conversions to Christianity, and of forcing the Turks to treat -their Greek subjects better, from fear of comparisons; while, a little -later, the Russian claims to a protectorate over the Eastern Christians -further checked the movement towards Mohammedanism. - -But it was not only in the numbers, but also in the quality of their -population, that the Greek provinces of Turkey suffered from the effects -of the Turkish conquest. Almost all the men of learning, nearly all the -chief families, in short the intellectual and political leaders of the -people, went into exile immediately after the fall of the Byzantine -Empire. Mohammed II did, indeed, address a proclamation in Greek to the -principal _archontes_ of the Morea, in which he promised to respect their -families and property and make them more prosperous than before[666]; -but his promises had little effect in checking the general exodus of the -great Moreote families. So universal was their emigration, that only -four or five of the Peloponnesian clans, which had played the prominent -part during the mediæval period, remained behind, and there were similar -wholesale emigrations from continental Greece and Eubœa. As the leading -men all went with their relatives and followers, the drain upon the Greek -population was as serious a danger to the nation as the emigration of -the Peloponnesian peasants to America, which has lately been robbing the -land of its cultivators and causing widespread alarm in the Greek press. -Most of the exiles went, as was natural, to the Venetian possessions in -Greece, which thus became what in earlier times the Despotat of Mistra -had been to the Franks—a thorn in the side of the Turkish conqueror. -Thus, Michael Ralles, one of the most prominent of Spartan _archontes_, -and the protagonist of the first Turco-Venetian war after the conquest, -and the brothers Daimonoyannai, belonging to the great family of that -name at Monemvasia, sought homes in the colonies of the Republic in -the Morea; thus, too, Graitzas Palaiologos, the last defender of the -peninsula, entered the Venetian service. Other Greek leaders accompanied -Sophia, daughter of Thomas Palaiologos, the last Despot of the Morea, -on her marriage with the Grand Duke Ivan of Russia, and the Russian -Court soon became another favourite resort of the Peloponnesian magnates -who had known her father, and whose descendants were recruited three -centuries later by a further band of Greek refugees after the abortive -rising in the Morea[667]. Many Greeks, anxious to fight against the foes -of their own, or even those of their adopted country, became of their -own free will Venetian light horsemen, or _Stradioti_, just as others -were forced to enlist in the ranks of the Turkish Janissaries. The -researches of a learned Greek historian have thrown a flood of light upon -the constitution and exploits of that remarkable body of soldiers[668]. -The name by which they were known is not derived from the Greek word -στρατιῶται (“soldiers”) but from the Italian, _strada_, and signified -that those who bore it were “always on the road”—wanderers, who had no -fixed abodes. Composed of Greeks and Albanians, the corps was entirely -recruited from the Morea, and mainly from Laconia, but the most valiant -were the men of Nauplia. Among their leaders we find many historic -Moreote names, such as those of Boua and Palaiologos, whose bearers were -descendants or relatives of the men who had fought the good fight for -the liberty of the Peloponnese. The sixteenth century was the golden age -of the _Stradioti_, who demonstrated all over Europe that Greek valour -was not extinct. One of them was even in the service of our Henry VIII, -fighting in Scotland and acting as governor of Boulogne, at that time -an English fortress. But they had their weaknesses, as well as their -good qualities, and their inordinate vanity was the favourite theme of -Venetian comedians, just as Plautus had satirised the boastfulness of -the _Miles Gloriosus_ for the amusement of the ancient Romans. Tasso has -blamed their rapacity in the line: - - Il leggier Greco alle rapine intento, - -but other poets have sung of their triumphs. Indeed, there were bards in -the ranks of the “wanderers” themselves, and a whole literature of their -poems has been published, mostly written in a peculiar dialect resembling -that now spoken in Calabria, where many Greek songs are still sung by the -descendants of the numerous Epeirote families settled there after the -Turkish conquest—the third time that Magna Græcia had received a large -Greek population. One of their number, Marullus, of whom it was said -that he “first united Apollo to Mars,” wrote Latin alcaics and sapphics, -which, if not exactly Horatian, are, at any rate, as good as the ordinary -product of the sixth-form intellect. Another, Theodore Spandounis, or -Spandugino, more usefully employed his pen in the composition of a work -on the Origin of the Ottoman Emperors, with the patriotic object of -arousing the sympathy of sixteenth-century statesmen for the deliverance -of Greece. The _Stradioti_, were, however, mightier with the javelin -and the mace—their characteristic weapons—than with the pen. The long -javelin, which they carried on horseback, was a particularly formidable -weapon. Shod at both ends with a sharp iron point, it could be used -either way with equally deadly effect; and if it failed, the agile -horseman could seize the mace which hung at his saddle bow, and bring -it down on the skull of an opponent. Unfortunately, the blow was rarely -struck for Greece, and the skull was usually that of a Christian, against -whom the _Stradioti_ had no personal or national quarrel. - -But Greece was deprived of her literary as well as her military men by -the Turkish conquest. For almost the first time in her long history, -all traces of learning vanished from the home of the Muses. Most of the -scholarly Greeks of that age emigrated to Italy, and, just as, in the -words of Horace, “Captive Greece led her victors captive,” after her -subjugation by the unlettered Romans, so, sixteen centuries later, she -once more spread the light of Hellenic studies in the darkest West. -Thus, the Athenian, Demetrios Chalkokondyles, became the tutor of one -of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s sons at Florence, while the Spartan, George -Hermonymos, was the first Greek who publicly taught that language in -Paris. Two other Moreotes, Demetrios Ralles, a soldier and scholar, -and Isidore, who had distinguished himself alike in theology and in -the defence of Constantinople, spent the rest of their lives in Italy, -while the historian Phrantzes wrote his history and died in peace at -Corfù under the Venetian protection. We owe much of our modern culture -to this fifteenth-century dispersion of the learned Greeks; but the -gain of Europe was the loss of Greece. It required the lapse of two -whole centuries to make up in the least degree the deficiencies in Greek -education, which the departure of all these men of light and leading -caused; and if they strove to interest European courts and scholars in -the fortunes of their abandoned country, that was of small practical -advantage compared with the loss which they inflicted upon it. Had they -remained in Greece, their influence would soon have made itself felt; -they would have obtained posts in the Turkish service, which might have -enabled them to improve the condition of their fellow-countrymen, and -their example would have prevented the complete spread of ignorance over -large parts of Greece during the first two centuries after the conquest. - -The flight of these two classes—the _archontes_ and the men of -letters—made the provincial landowners, the peasants, and the parish -priests, who mostly sprang from the ranks of the latter, the sole -representatives of the Greek nation[669]. But, though Hellenism has -never suffered such enormous losses as during the Turkish period, owing -to conversions to Islâm and emigration to the West, there never was -any time in the history of Greece under alien dominion when the Greek -race remained so pure as between the Turkish conquest and the War of -Independence. There can be no doubt that, after the long era of confusion -and disorder which had followed the break-up of the Frankish power in -Greece, even the Turkish, or any other strong Government—and at that -time Turkey was strong and the Sultans could govern—must have proved a -benefit to the great mass of the population. Moreover, from the date of -the Turkish conquest the immigrations of the foreign elements, which -had occurred so often during the Byzantine and Frankish period, ceased, -and for nearly four centuries the Hellenic race was uncontaminated by -alien blood. The Franks left behind them few survivors, except in the -islands, and there were no Slavonic raids, while the Greeks, who remained -true to their faith, never intermarried with the Turks, for a Greek -woman who became the wife of a Mussulman was excommunicated. The two -religions remained absolutely apart, and, under Turkish rule, for the -first time for centuries, perhaps also for the last, there was no racial -rivalry between the Christians of the Near East. Union reigned between -Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Albanians and Roumanians; and the doctrine of -nationalities, nowadays the keynote of Balkan politics, had no influence -under the Turkish system of that period, which treated all Christians of -whatever race as the inferiors of all Mussulmans, whether of Turkish, -Slavonic, Albanian or Greek extraction. - -Education was scanty enough in the Venetian possessions, as we saw in -the case of Corfù; but it was much worse in Turkish Greece. For two -hundred years after the conquest there was practically nothing done -for the instruction of those Greeks who remained under the Turks, and -even archbishops could with difficulty write their own names correctly. -Larissa in Thessaly was then one of the wealthiest of Greek sees; -yet a Greek scholar, who examined the archiepiscopal records during -the Turkish period, found them a mass of bad grammar and remarkable -spelling. As for literature, though Sathas has compiled a work on the -Greek authors of the long period between the capture of Constantinople -and the War of Independence, only four of them, with the exception of -a few theological writers, came from Greece proper. Two of these four -were the brothers Laonikos and Demetrios Chalkokondyles, of Athens, -the former of whom wrote his history of the Turks in Italy, while the -latter composed his critical editions of Homer, Isokrates and Suidas -at Milan, where his monument may be seen in the church of Sta Maria -della Passione. The remaining two were born and bred in Nauplia, at -that time Venetian. One, Zygomalas, composed a _Political History of -Constantinople from 1391 to 1578_; the other, Malaxos, produced a -vernacular version of the _Patriarchal History_ of the same city, where -both resided for a great part of their lives. Another historical work, -the _Chronicle_ of Dorotheos, Metropolitan of Monemvasia, was written -in Moldavia. It originally contained the history of the world from the -creation down to the year 1629, but was subsequently extended to 1685, -and for two hundred years after its publication was “the only historical -text-book used by the Greek people.” At last, towards the middle of -the seventeenth century, an educational revival began in Greece, which -derived its origin from the _Flangineion_, or Greek school founded by the -Corfiote, Flangines, at Venice, in 1626, and still existing. The Hellenic -community in that city, largely composed of business men, interested—as -the Greek merchants of London, Manchester and Alexandria still are in -the intellectual, moral and material welfare of their fatherland, sent -out educational missionaries, who spread the gospel of learning in the -home of their race. One of these Greeks of Venice, a native of Joannina, -founded in 1647, two schools, one in his native town[670], another at -Athens, where the Catholic monks also taught the young Athenians about -the same period. - -It must not be supposed that the Greeks acquiesced patiently in the -Turkish domination for more than three centuries. The long rule of -the Franks had had the effect of making the natives far more warlike -than they had been before the Latin conquest; but the conviction of -the overwhelming power of the Turks rendered them reluctant to rise, -except when they were sure of foreign aid. During the first few years -which followed the capture of Constantinople it seemed, indeed, as if -such assistance would be speedily forthcoming. The East expected, and -the West meditated, a new crusade against the Infidel. A Greek poet -appealed to “French and English, Spaniards and Germans,” to make common -cause for the recovery of Constantinople[671]. The many learned Greeks -who had been scattered all over western Europe by the loss of that city -endeavoured to interest the rulers of Christendom in the fate of their -fellow-countrymen. Prominent among these missionaries of Hellenism was -the famous Cardinal Bessarion of Trebizond, who was twice regarded as a -likely candidate for the Papacy, and who travelled across Europe with -untiring zeal on behalf of the conquered Greeks. The Popes of that -period—men, for the most part, of learning and statesmanlike views—warmly -supported the plan, and Pius II set out to Ancona, where the crusaders -were to assemble. But his death at that seaport caused the collapse -of the proposed expedition, and the crusade, for which such great -preparations had been made, ended in a fiasco. - -For 80 years after the Turkish conquest Venice continued to keep a -foothold in the Morea, and consequently Greece became from time to time -the scene of Turco-Venetian wars, for the Sultans naturally desired to -round off their Greek territories by the acquisition of the remaining -Venetian colonies upon Greek soil. The first of these wars, lasting, -more or less continuously, from 1463 to 1479, led to the temporary -capture of the lower town of Athens by Vettor Capello in 1466—the second -occasion on which that famous city had fallen into Venetian hands. It is -characteristic of Turkish toleration, that at that time the heretics, -known as the _fraticelli della mala opinione_, whom in that very year -Pope Paul II was persecuting and imprisoning in the castle of Sant’ -Angelo[672] and whose church may still be seen on Monte Sant’ Angelo -between Poli and Casape in the Roman Campagna, were living quietly at -Athens. For more than a century Athens disappeared from the notice of -the western world, but a Greek chronicle in the library of Lincoln -College, Oxford, informs us that seven severe plagues afflicted the -city between 1480 and 1554, and that the aqueduct was begun in 1506. We -know, too, of the existence of three Metropolitans of Athens during the -first century of Turkish rule, and somewhat later an Athenian became -Œcumenical Patriarch. But the honour of having momentarily re-occupied -Athens was far outweighed in the minds of the practical Venetians by the -definite loss of Argos and Negroponte during this war, while the Greeks -had been the chief sufferers whichever side was victorious. The next -Turco-Venetian war, which began in 1499 and was closed by the treaty of -1502-3, yet further diminished the colonies of Venice, involving the loss -of Lepanto, her last outpost on the mainland north of the Isthmus, and of -Modon, Koron and Navarino, in the Morea, where Nauplia and Monemvasia, -with the castles depending upon them, alone remained. The thirty years’ -peace which followed enabled Greece to recover somewhat from the ravages -of the late struggle, while patriotic Greek exiles, like Markos Mousouros -and Joannes Laskaris in vain tried to interest the powers in a fresh -crusade for their deliverance. Charles V was not the man to liberate -Greece for the sake of those ancient heroes and sages, whose names -Laskaris invoked in an eloquent speech, and when, in 1532, war broke -out between him and the Sultan, he showed more anxiety to damage the -Turks than to benefit the Greeks, who paid dearly for the triumphs of -the Genoese admiral, Andrea Doria. The re-capture of Koron (like that of -Modon by the Knights of St John in the previous year) merely led to its -abandonment and the compulsory emigration of its unwilling inhabitants -to Sicily and Naples. Then, in 1537, came the Turco-Venetian war, which -was destined to cost the Republic Ægina, Mykonos, the Northern Sporades -and her last surviving colonies in the Morea. For nearly 150 years after -the disastrous peace of 1540 Venice did not own an inch of soil on the -mainland of Greece, except the Ionian dependencies of Parga and Butrinto, -but of her insular dominions Cyprus, Crete, Tenos and six Ionian islands -still remained. - -For the next thirty years after the disappearance of the Venetian flag -from the Morea, the Greeks were undisturbed by further fighting on the -mainland, though learned men continued to make appeals to Europe on their -behalf. The fall of the Duchy of Naxos in 1566 and the capture of Chios -from the _maona_, or Chartered Company, of the Giustiniani of Genoa, in -the same year yet further diminished the influence of the Latins in the -Levant; but it was not till Selim II attacked the (since 1489) Venetian -island of Cyprus in 1570, that Greece once more became the theatre of a -European war. The first operations of the Venetians were directed against -the coast opposite Corfù and against a fort which the Turks had newly -constructed to command the Mainate harbour of Porto delle Quaglie, where -the Turkish galleys could wait and intercept the Venetian vessels on -their way to Cyprus. Thanks to the aid of the Mainates, ever ready for a -fight, the Venetian commander was able to capture this strong position. -But he found it necessary to blow it up, as he could not retain it, -and sailed for the island of Andros, captured by the Turks four years -before, whose Greek inhabitants suffered more than the garrison from the -excesses of his soldiers[673]. Meanwhile, the Republic had been working -hard to form an alliance against the Sultan. At last, in the spring of -1571, a league was concluded at Rome between Pope Pius V, Philip II of -Spain, and the Venetians for the destruction of the Ottoman power. It -was the thirteenth time that a Holy Alliance had been made with that -object; but it seemed as if the efforts of Christendom would finally be -crowned with success. A large fleet was collected, under the supreme -command of Don John of Austria, bastard son of the Emperor Charles V, -while the papal galleys were placed under the charge of Marcantonio -Colonna. But more than a month before the Armada had left Sicily for -Corfù Cyprus had fallen, and while the allies were discussing their -plans the Turkish fleet had ravished the Cretan coast, and carried off -more than 6000 souls from Cephalonia. It was not till the morning of -October 7 that the two navies met. The Turkish commander had taken up his -position off Lepanto; while the Christian ships were stationed off the -Echinades islands, outside the Gulf of Corinth. Against the advice of -wiser men, Ali, the Turkish admiral, issued from the Gulf in search of -the enemy. Suddenly the two fleets came in sight of one another. It was -a striking scene; the varied colours of the Ottoman ships lighted up by -the brilliant sunshine, which played upon the shining cuirasses of the -Christian warriors; the blue waves of a Greek sea, calm and peaceful, -where, centuries before, Corinthians and Corcyræans had fought a naval -battle. On either side their modern representatives were to be found, -25,000 were serving as sailors in the Ottoman service, and 5000 more -were on board the Venetian ships. Several Venetian galleys were actually -commanded by Greeks; especially noteworthy were the exploits of the -Corfiote Condocalli, who was the most famous of these Greek commanders; -among his Greek colleagues were two Cretans, one a member of the historic -clan of the Kallergai, whose name is writ large in the stormy history of -the great Greek island. The contemporary Venetian historian, Paruta[674], -specially awards the palm for courage, discipline, and skill combined -to the Greeks, “as being most accustomed to that kind of warfare,” -while he places both Italians and Spaniards below them. And another -historian, Sagredo, says that “being more experienced in seafaring, they -contributed not a little to the victory[675].” The defeat of the Turks -was overwhelming; 224 ships taken or destroyed and 30,000 men slain -represented their losses, while the allies lost only 15 galleys and 8000 -men. Among the dead were the Turkish admiral and many of the scions of -the noblest Venetian houses; among the wounded was the author of _Don -Quixote_, who lost, like Æschylos at Marathon, a hand at Lepanto for -the cause of Greece. The first impression which the victory caused at -Constantinople was one of consternation, and for three days Selim refused -to take food. Nor was this dismay without foundation: the Ottoman fleet -had been annihilated; the Greeks were in revolt; and a cool-headed French -diplomatist considered that the allies could easily have destroyed the -Turkish Empire and taken Constantinople. But the discord of the victors -and the energy of the Grand Vizier, Mohammed Sokolli, saved the Ottoman -dominions. Within eight months after the battle a new Turkish fleet of -250 galleys, fifteen of which were contributed by the wealthy Greek -merchant of Constantinople, Michael Cantacuzene, better known from his -nickname of Saïtan Oglou, or “the Devil’s son,” left the Dardanelles, and -Sokolli, contrasting the capture of Cyprus with the barren victory of -Lepanto, could truly say that, if “the Republic had shorn his beard, he -had cut off one of her arms.” - -The battle of Lepanto has made a great noise in history, and Rome and -Venice still preserve many memorials of that victory. But its results -were valueless, so far as the Greeks were concerned, and, indeed, it -would have been better for them if it had never been fought. They had -welcomed with enthusiasm the advent of the allied fleet, which they -confidently hoped would free them from the Turkish yoke; and, in the -first excitement of the Christian victory, they flew to arms, and begged -the victors to support their efforts on land by the presence of the fleet -off the coast of the Morea. But, as usual, the Christian commanders -differed as to the best means of utilising their success. At the council -of war, which was held on board after the battle, one party advocated -a naval demonstration off the Peloponnese, and another the capture of -Eubœa, while a third proposed the seizure of Santa Maura, which the -Venetians alone actually attempted, and a fourth suggested the siege -of the two forts on either side of the Corinthian Gulf. In the end, as -the season was far advanced, all farther united action was postponed to -next year, and the fleet withdrew to Corfù, whence the Spanish and Papal -contingents sailed to Italy, leaving the insurgents to themselves[676]. -Many Moreotes had crossed over to the little town of Galaxidi, which the -visitor to Delphi sees as he approaches the harbour of Itea, and there in -a church they solemnly bound themselves, together with the townsfolk and -the inhabitants of Salona, to rise against the Turk on the self-same day. -“May he, who repents him of his oath or betrays what we have said, never -see the face of God,” so runs the picturesque formula of the conspirators -in the _Chronicle of Galaxidi_[677]. “And then,” says the Chronicler, -“they all lifted up their hands to the eikons and swore a terrible oath.” -But there was at least one traitor in the church at Galaxidi, a man -from Aigion, on the opposite shore of the Gulf, who betrayed the dread -secret to the Turks. While in the Morea the Ottomans wreaked vengeance on -the conspirators and burnt the Archbishop of Patras alive as a fearful -example, the ringleaders of the insurrection at Galaxidi, still “relying -on the aid of the Franks,” marched with 3000 men against the noble -Catalan fortress of Salona, then the residence of a Turkish Bey. On their -arrival, however, they found a Turkish force drawn up in order of battle, -and no Frankish contingent awaiting them. Disheartened and abandoned, -they trusted to the invitation of the crafty Bey, who bade them come -and tell him the story of their woes. The Bey received the deputation, -eighty in all, with every honour, and listened sympathetically to their -tale, bidding them be good subjects and mind their own affairs for the -future. But, when the evening was come, he threw them into a dungeon -of the castle, where all save one, a priest who escaped by his great -personal strength, “died for their country and their faith.” Meanwhile, -the Moreotes who had escaped from the Turks, had taken refuge in Maina, -where the two brothers Melissenoi, from Epidauros, members of that famous -Peloponnesian family, placed themselves at the head of 28,000 men, who -continued the struggle for two whole years in that difficult country. -Don John, who was still lingering idly at Messina, afraid to return -to the East in consequence of the growing dissensions between France -and Spain, wrote to one of the heroic brothers, bidding him keep the -insurrection going till his arrival[678]. But it was not till August, -1572, that the victor of Lepanto again joined the allies in Greek waters. -Even then, he accomplished nothing. For some time the two hostile fleets -hovered off the coast of Messenia without an engagement, and attempts -upon Navarino and Modon were abandoned. Then, as in the previous year, -the allied armada broke up, while the Moreote insurgents withdrew to -the most inaccessible mountains, until, abandoning all hope of their -emancipation, they once more bowed their necks beneath the Turkish -yoke[679]. The two Melissenoi survived and escaped to Naples, where a -monument, removed in 1634, was erected to them in the Greek Church of -SS. Peter and Paul[680], with an appropriate inscription, like those -commemorating two exiles from Koron. Early in 1573 Venice made peace with -the Sultan, and the historian Paruta considered that such a course was -the wisest that his country could have adopted. The Republic acquiesced -in the loss of Cyprus, and gained nothing in return for her efforts and -her losses of blood and treasure during the war but the barren laurels of -Lepanto. Upon the Turks the lessons of the recent campaign had not been -thrown away. In order to check any fresh Greek rising, they fortified -the coasts of the Morea, and built a fort at the entrance of the famous -haven of Navarino. Nor had the disillusioned Greeks failed to gain a sad -experience from their abandonment. Now, for the first time, we find the -Venetian representative in Constantinople writing that the Sultan was -afraid of the Muscovite, because of the devotion shown by the Eastern -Christians towards a ruler of their own faith. As early as 1576 that -astute diplomatist remarked that the Greeks were ready to take up arms -and place themselves under Russian protection, in order to escape from -the Turkish yoke[681]. The shadow of the Russian bear was beginning to -wax, while that of the Venetian lion waned. - -One result of the battle of Lepanto was to turn the attention of -civilised Europe to Greece. Four years after the victory we find Athens -“re-discovered” by the curiosity of Martin Kraus—or Crusius, as he styled -himself—a professor at Tübingen, who wrote for information about the -celebrated city to Theodosios Zygomalas, a Greek born at Nauplia but -living at Constantinople. Zygomalas had often visited Athens, which the -frequent wars in the Levant, the depredations of corsairs, and the fact -that the usual pilgrims’ route to Palestine lay far to the south had so -completely isolated from Europe that the densest ignorance prevailed -about it in the West. He mentions in his reply the melody of the Athenian -songs, which “charmed those who heard them, as though they were the music -of sirens,” the salubrity of the air, the excellence of the water, the -good memories and euphonious voices of the inhabitants, among whom, as -he states elsewhere, there then were “about 160 bishops and priests.” At -the same time he remarks of the language then spoken at Athens that “if -you heard the Athenians talk your eyes would fill with tears.” Another -Greek, Simeon Kabasilas of Arta, informed Kraus that of all the seventy -odd dialects of Greece the Attic of that day was the worst. The Greek -and “Ishmaelite,” or Turkish, populations lived, he wrote, in separate -quarters of the town, which contained “12,000 male inhabitants[682].” We -learn too, from a short account of Athens discovered in the National -Library at Paris in 1862, and composed in Greek in the sixteenth -century[683], that the Tower of the Winds was then a _tekkeh_ of -dervishes, and the mosque in the Parthenon was called Ismaïdi. - -In spite of the depreciatory remarks on the culture of the -sixteenth-century Athenians which Kraus permitted himself to make on the -strength of his second-hand investigations, learning was even in that age -not quite extinct in its ancient home. It was then that there flourished -at Athens an accomplished nun, Philothee Benizelou, afterwards included, -for her piety and charitable foundations, among those whom the Greek -Church calls “blessed,” and buried in the beautiful little Gorgoepekoos -church. But, though she founded the Convent of St Andrew on the site of -what is now the chapel of the Metropolitan of Athens, within whose walls -she established the first girls’ school of Turkish Athens, she has left a -most uncomplimentary description of the Athenians of her day, with whom -she had some pecuniary difficulties and upon whom she showers a string of -abusive epithets in the best classical style[684]. Two other religious -foundations also mark this period—that of the Church of the Archangels -in 1577 in the Stoa of Hadrian, where an inscription still commemorates -it, and that of the monastery of Pentele, built in the following year by -Timotheos, Archbishop of Eubœa, whose skull, set in jewels, may still be -seen there. The monks of Pentele had to send 3000 _okes_ of honey every -year to the great mosques of Constantinople[685]. We may infer from -these facts that the Turkish authority sat lightly upon a town which was -allowed the rare privilege of erecting new places of worship. The idea -too then current in the West that Athens had been entirely destroyed, -and that its site was occupied by a few huts, was obviously as absurd as -the sketches of the city in the form of a Flemish or German town which -were made in the fifteenth century. A place of “12,000 men” was not to -be despised; and, if we may accept the statement of Kabasilas[686], the -male population of the Athens of 1578 was twice as large as the whole -population of the Athens which Otho made his capital in 1834, and about -equal to the entire population estimated by Stuart, Holland, Forbin and -Pouqueville in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It has -sometimes been supposed, in accordance with the local tradition, that -the city was placed, immediately after the Turkish conquest, under the -authority of the chief eunuch at Constantinople; but it has now been -shown that that arrangement was introduced much later. From the Turkish -conquest to the capture of Eubœa from the Venetians in 1470 Athens was -the seat of a pasha, and capital of the first of the five _sandjaks_, or -provinces, into which the conqueror divided continental Greece. In that -year the seat of the pasha was transferred to Chalkis, which then became -the capital of the _sandjak_ of the Euripos, of which Athens sank to be a -district, or _caza_. In this position of dependence the once famous city -continued till about the year 1610, being administered by a subordinate -of the Eubœan pasha[687], who every year paid it a much-dreaded visit of -inspection, which, like most Turkish official visits, was very expensive -to the hosts. - -From the conclusion of the war of Cyprus in 1573 to the outbreak of the -Cretan war in 1645 there was peace between Venice and the Turks, so -that Greece ceased for over seventy years to be the battle-ground of -those ancient foes. But spasmodic risings still occurred even during -that comparatively quiet period. Thus, in 1585, a famous _armatolós_, -Theodore Boua Grivas, raised the standard of revolt in the mountainous -districts of Akarnania and Epeiros, at the instigation of the Venetians. -His example was followed by two other _armatoloí_, Drakos and Malamos, -who took Arta and marched on Joannina. But this insurrection was speedily -suppressed by the superior forces of the Turks, and Grivas, badly -wounded, was fain to escape to the Venetian island of Ithake, where he -died of his injuries[688]. Somewhat later, in 1611, Dionysios, Archbishop -of Trikkala, made a further attempt on Joannina; but he was betrayed -by the Jews, then, as ever, on the Turkish side, and flayed alive. His -skin, stuffed with straw, was sent to Constantinople. Another Thessalian -archbishop, accused of complicity with him, was offered the choice of -apostasy or death, and manfully chose the latter, a choice which has -given him a place in the martyrology of modern Greece[689]. - -The greatest disturbance to the pacific development of the country arose, -however, from the corsairs, who descended upon its coasts almost without -intermission from the date of the Turkish conquest to the latter part -of the seventeenth century. The damage inflicted by these pirates, who -belonged to the Christian no less than to the Mussulman religion, and who -made no distinction between the creeds of their victims, led the Greeks -to dwell at a distance from the seaboard, in places that were not easily -accessible; and thus the coast acquired that deserted look which it has -not wholly lost even now[690]. The worst of these wretches were the -Uscocs of Dalmatia, whose inhuman cruelties have rarely been surpassed. -Sometimes they would eat the hearts of their victims; sometimes they -would chain the crew below the deck, and then leave the captured vessel -adrift, and its inmates to die of starvation, on the blue Ionian or -the stormy Adriatic sea. In addition to the common pirates there were -organised freebooters of higher rank, such as the Knights of Santo -Stefano, founded by Cosimo I de’ Medici in 1560, and the Knights of -Malta. The former, whose church at Pisa contains on its ceiling a picture -of the taking and plunder of “Nicopolis Actiaca” (the modern Prevesa) -in 1605, besides many Turkish trophies, were convenient auxiliaries of -the Florentine fleet, because their exploits could be disowned by the -government if unsuccessful. Towards the close of the sixteenth century -the Florentines were able to occupy Chios for a moment; but the Turks -soon regained possession of that rich island, and visited the sins of -the Tuscans upon the inhabitants whom they had come to deliver. Years -afterwards a traveller saw a row of grim skulls on the battlements of -the fort, and the descendants of the Genoese settlers, who had hitherto -received specially favourable treatment from the Sultan, were so badly -treated that they mostly emigrated[691]. In emulation of the Knights of -Santo Stefano those of Malta in 1603 sacked Patras, which had been burned -by a Spanish squadron only eight years before, and occupied Lepanto, -which in the seventeenth century bore the ominous nickname of “Little -Algiers,” from the pirates of Algiers and Tripoli who made it their -headquarters. When, in 1676, the traveller Spon visited it, he found a -number of Moors settled down there with their coal-black progeny[692]. -A few years later the Maltese, baffled in an attempt on Navarino, -retaliated on Corinth, whence they carried off 500 captives. Finally -in 1620 they assailed the famous Frankish castle of Glarentza, in the -strong walls of which their bombs opened a breach; but the approach of -a considerable Turkish force compelled them to return to their ships, -after having attained no other result than that of having injured one -of the most interesting mediæval monuments in Greece. Another Frankish -stronghold, that of Passavâ, was surprised by the Spaniards when they -ravaged Maina in 1601. The co-operation of that restive population with -the invaders, whose predatory tastes they shared, led the Porte to adopt -strong measures against the Mainates, who in 1614 were, in name at least, -reduced to submission and compelled to pay tribute[693]. But though the -capitan pasha was thus able to starve Maina into submission he could not -protect the Greeks against the pirates, who so long preyed upon their -commerce, burnt their villages, debauched their women, and desolated -their land. Had Turkey been a strong maritime power, able to sweep piracy -from the seas, Greece would have been spared much suffering and would -have had less damage to repair. - -It was at this time too that the classic land of the arts began to suffer -from another form of depredation, that of the cultured collector. To -a British nobleman belongs the discredit of this revival of the work -of Nero. About 1613 the earl of Arundel was seized with the idea of -“transplanting old Greece into England.” With this object he commissioned -political agents, merchants, and others, chief among them William Petty, -uncle of the well-known political economist, to scour the Levant in quest -of statues. His example speedily found imitators, such as the duke of -Buckingham, and King Charles I, who charged the English admiral in the -Levant, Sir Kenelm Digby, with the duty of collecting works of art for -the royal palace. Needless to say the rude sailors who were ordered to -remove the precious pieces of marble often mutilated what they could not -remove intact. They sawed in two a statue of Apollo at Delos, and they -might have anticipated the achievements of Lord Elgin at Athens had not -its distance from the sea and the suspicions of the Turkish garrison -on the Akropolis saved it from the fate to which the Cyclades were -exposed[694]. - -While the corsairs were devastating Greece a picturesque adventurer, -who recalls the abortive scheme of Charles VIII of France, was engaged -in planning her deliverance. Charles Gonzaga, duc de Nevers, boasted -of his connection with the imperial house of the Palaiologoi through -his grandmother, Margaret of Montferrat, a descendant of the Emperor -Andronikos Palaiologos the Elder[695]. After having fought against the -Turks in Hungary he conceived the romantic idea of claiming the throne of -Constantinople, with which object he visited various European courts, -and about 1612 entered into negotiations with the Greeks. His schemes -received a willing hearing from the restless Mainates, who sent three -high ecclesiastics to assure him of their readiness to recognise him as -their liege lord if he would send them a body of experienced officers to -organise a force of 10,000 Greeks. They even promised to become Roman -Catholics, and arranged, on paper, for the division of the Turkish lands -among themselves, and for the confiscation of all Jewish property in -order to defray the expenses of the expedition. The pretender, on his -part, sent three trusty agents to spy out the land and make plans of -the Turkish positions; they came back with most hopeful accounts of the -enthusiasm of the Mainates, who were only waiting for the favourable -moment to raise the two-headed eagle on the walls of Mistra. Neophytos, -the bishop of Maina, and Chrysanthos Laskaris, the Metropolitan of -Lacedæmon, and namesake of the Manuel Laskaris whose tomb may still be -seen in one of the churches at Mistra, addressed him as Constantine -Palaiologos, and told him to hasten his coming among his faithful people, -who in proof of their submission sent him some falcons. - -But the duc de Nevers wasted in diplomacy time which should have been -devoted to prompt action. He appealed to Pope Paul V, the Grand Duke -of Tuscany, the King of Spain, and the Emperor, who were all profuse -in promises and some of whom furnished him with ships and money. An -attempt was also made to stir up the other Christian nationalities of -the East, and a meeting of Albanian, Bosnian, Macedonian, Bulgarian and -Serbian leaders was held for the purpose of concerted action, while the -two _hospodars_ of Moldavia and Wallachia promised their aid. Another -adventurer, who styled himself Sultan Zachias and gave out that he was -a brother of the Sultan Ahmed I, was admitted as an ally. Finally, in -order to give a religious character to the movement, the duke founded and -became chief of a body calling itself the “Christian army,” commissions -in which were offered to the conspirators, among whom we find the name -of a learned Athenian, Leonardos Philaras[696], who was patronised by -Richelieu and to whom Milton addressed two letters. A date was fixed for -the rising, and four memoranda were addressed to the duke, with full -particulars of his future realm of Greece. From these we learn that in -1619 the Peloponnese could furnish him with 15,000 fighting men, while -it contained 8000 Turks capable of bearing arms, of whom 800 formed the -scanty garrisons of Koron, Modon, Navarino and Nauplia. At that time, -we are told, there were 800 Turkish military fiefs in the Morea, and -the population of Maina was estimated at 4913 families, spread over 125 -villages and hamlets. These statistics are the most valuable result of -the agitation. - -After several years of correspondence and negotiation the pretender at -last managed to equip five vessels for the transport of his crusaders; -but a sudden fire, perhaps the work of an incendiary, laid them in ashes, -and the jealousy of Spain and Venice prevented any effective political -action. The “Christian army” still went on meeting and discussing its -plan of campaign, and two more strange adventurers—a Moor who had -become a Christian and styled himself “Infant of Fez,” and a Greek -who, with even greater ambition, had adopted the title of “prince of -Macedonia”—became the principal agents of the duke. At last, however, -every one grew weary of his absurd pretensions, and the secession of the -Pope from his side finally destroyed his hopes[697]. - -During the Cretan war between Venice and the Turks two risings were -promoted by the Venetians in Greece for the purpose of diverting the -attention of their enemies. In 1647 the Venetian admiral, Grimani, -after chasing the Turkish fleet to Eubœa and Volo, blockaded it within -the harbour of Nauplia. At this the Albanians of the Peloponnese, who -were very favourable to the Republic, rose against the Turks, and -after having done a considerable amount of damage to Turkish property, -escaped punishment by fleeing on board the Venetian squadron. A Greek, -more daring but less fortunate, conceived the idea of setting fire to -the Turkish vessels as they lay in harbour, but paid for his audacity -with his life[698]. In 1659 the Mainates, who had availed themselves -of the war to throw off every shadow of subjection to the Sultan, but -who plundered Venetian and Turkish ships with equal impartiality, were -induced by the great Francesco Morosini to devote their abilities to the -plunder of the Morea. At that time piracy was the principal profession -of the Mainate population, who sold Christians to Turks and Turks to -Christians. Priests and monks, we are told, joined in the business, and -the fact that they lived in caves overlooking the sea made them valuable -auxiliaries of the pirates, whom they informed of the approach of passing -vessels. Some of them even embarked on board the pirate schooners, -for the purpose of levying the tithe which was allotted by the pious -freebooters to the Church[699]. These schooners sometimes sailed out -among the Cyclades, and just as Lepanto was nicknamed “Little Algiers” -so Vitylos in Maina was called “Great Algiers.” Well acquainted with -the influence of the Church in eastern politics, Morosini worked upon -the feelings of the Mainates by taking with him the deposed Œcumenical -Patriarch, then living on the island of Siphnos. The pirates of Maina -humbly kissed the hand of the eminent ecclesiastic, and 10,000 of them, -with 3000 Greeks and Albanians, assisted the Venetian commander in an -attack upon Kalamata, which was abandoned by its Mussulman and Christian -inhabitants alike to its rapacious assailants. The Cretan poet Bouniales -has left a graphic account of their proceedings in his poem on the Cretan -war. - -But no strategic result accrued from the sack of Kalamata; Morosini -sailed off to the Ægean, advising the Mainates to reserve their energies -for a more favourable opportunity of conquering the Peloponnese. The -auxiliaries of the Venetian commander, pending that event, continued -to prey upon Turkish vessels, and even attacked the fleet of the Grand -Vizier, Ahmed Köprili, which was then engaged in the siege of Candia. The -offer of double the pay of his own soldiers could not bribe the Mainates -to desist from their at once patriotic and profitable piracies. Baffled -by their refusal, the Grand Vizier ordered Hasân-Babâ, a pirate of renown -and accounted the best seaman in the Turkish fleet, to reduce Maina to -submission. But the women of Maina sufficed to strike terror into the -heart of the bold Hasân. “Tell my husband,” said one of them, “to mind -the goat, and hold the child, and I will go and find his weapons and use -them better than he.” At the head of the population the women marched -down to the shore, and the Turkish captain thought it wiser to remain -on board. But in the evening experienced swimmers cut the cables of his -ships, two of which were driven upon the rocks of that iron coast and -became the prey of the wreckers, while Hasân was glad to escape on his -sole surviving vessel. - -Unable to subdue the Mainates by force, the Grand Vizier now had recourse -to diplomacy. The hereditary blood feud had long been the curse of -Maina, and its inhabitants were divided into the hostile factions of the -Stephanopouloi and the Iatraioi—the Montagues and Capulets of that rugged -land. At that time there was in Maina a certain Liberakes Gerakares, who, -after an apprenticeship in the Venetian fleet, had turned his nautical -experience to practical use as a pirate. In an interval of his profession -he had become engaged to a daughter of the clan of Iatraioi, who boasted -of their descent from one of the Florentine Medici, formerly shipwrecked -there; but, before the wedding had taken place, a rival, belonging to the -opposite clan, eloped with the lady. Smarting under his loss and burning -for revenge upon the whole race of the Stephanopouloi, the disappointed -lover was accidentally captured by the Turks at sea and carried off to -prison. The crafty Köprili saw at once that Liberakes was the very man -for his purpose. He not only released him, but provided him with money, -and sent him back to Maina in the capacity of his secret agent. Liberakes -at once distributed the pasha’s gold among his clansmen and proclaimed -civil war against the Stephanopouloi. At the same time the Mainates were -told of favours which the Grand Vizier had in store for them—the use of -bells and crosses outside their churches, the abolition of the tribute of -children, and the remission of half the capitation tax. No Turk, it was -added, should live among them. - -As soon as Crete had fallen Köprili devoted his attention to the -accomplishment of his plan. He peremptorily summoned the Mainates, under -penalty of extermination, to submit to his authority, promising them an -amnesty and the remission of all arrears of tribute in case of prompt -submission. At the same time he despatched 6000 men to Maina, with orders -to treat the people well, but to build, under the pretext of protecting -trade, three forts in strong positions. As soon, however, as the forts -were finished, Liberakes and his men seized some of their most prominent -foes, while the Turks preserved an air of complete indifference. After -a mock trial the unfortunate Stephanopouloi were sentenced to death as -disturbers of the public peace. Those of them who escaped emigrated to -Corsica, where their descendants may still be found at Cargèse. More than -a century later they furnished to Bonaparte agents for the dissemination -of his plans of conquest in Greece. Other Mainates went into exile in -Tuscany, where their descendants soon became fused with the Italian -population, and in Apulia, while those who remained behind were for the -second time placed under Turkish authority. Liberakes, as soon as his -deluded countrymen had realised the device of which they had been the -victims, became so unpopular that he took to piracy again. A second time -captured by the Turks, he was again imprisoned till his captors once more -found need for his services[700]. - -While Candia was the scene of the great struggle between Venice and “the -Ottomite,” Athens was once more coming within the ken of Europe. At the -beginning of the seventeenth century the French showed much activity -in the Levant, where they established consuls about that time. In 1630 -the French ambassador at Constantinople, Louis des Hayes, had visited -Athens[701], of which a brief mention is made in his travels, and in -1645 a very important step towards the “re-discovery” of the famous -city was taken. In that year a body of Jesuit missionaries were sent -thither, and though they subsequently removed to Negroponte, because -that place contained more Franks, they were followed at Athens in 1658 -by the Capuchins, whose name will ever be remembered in connection with -the topography of that city. In 1669 they bought the choragic monument -of Lysikrates, then colloquially known as “the Lantern of Demosthenes,” -which henceforth formed part of their convent[702]. Over the entrance -they placed the lilies of France, to which the monument still belongs, -and by whose care it has twice been restored; but their hospitality was -extended to strangers of all races and religions, and it is curious to -hear that the Turkish _cadi_ would only sanction this purchase of a -national monument on condition that the Capuchins promised not to injure -it and to show it to all who wished to see it. The monument itself was -converted into a study, where Lord Byron passed many an hour during his -visit to Athens in 1811, and where he wrote his famous indictment of Lord -Elgin’s vandalism. The chapel of the convent was, till the capture of -the city by Morosini, the only Frankish place of worship. But the worthy -Capuchins did not confine themselves to religious exercises. About the -same time that they purchased the choragic monument they drew up a plan -of Athens, which was a great advance on the imaginary representations -of that place, which had hitherto been devised to gratify the curiosity -of Europe, and which had depicted Athens now as a Flemish and now as a -German town. Nor did they keep their information to themselves. They -communicated their plan and a quantity of notes to a French literary man, -Guillet, who published them in the form of an imaginary journey, supposed -to have been undertaken by his brother, La Guilletière. The sources of -Guillet’s information render his narrative far more valuable than if -he had merely paid a flying visit to Athens; and though he never saw -the place about which he wrote he had at his command the best available -materials, compiled by men who had lived there. About the same time -Babin, a Jesuit who had also lived at Athens, drew up an account of it, -which was published by Dr Spon[703], a physician and antiquary of Lyons, -who visited Greece in 1675 and 1676 in the company of an Englishman, -Sir George Wheler, and subsequently issued a detailed account of his -travels, upon which his travelling companion afterwards based an English -version. Two other Englishmen, Randolph and Vernon, also travelled in -Greece at different times between 1671 and 1679, and have left behind -records of their impressions. Besides these unofficial travellers Lord -Winchelsea, the British ambassador at Constantinople, paid a visit, -of which, however, he published no record, to Athens in 1675, while -the previous year had witnessed the tour of his French colleague, the -marquis de Nointel, through the Cyclades and Attica, in the company -of the painter Jacques Carrey, who drew for him the sculptures of the -Parthenon, and of an Italian, Cornelio Magni, who wrote an account of the -great man’s journey[704]. Thus we have ample opportunities for judging -what was the condition of Athens between the years 1669 and 1676, or -shortly before the Venetian siege, while recent researches have greatly -elucidated the statements of the travellers. - -The population of Athens at that time is estimated by Guillet at between -15,000 and 16,000, of whom only 1000 or 1200 were Mussulmans, and by -Spon at between 8000 and 9000, of whom three-quarters were Greeks and -the rest Turks. A modern Greek scholar[705], while accepting Spon’s -estimate of the proportion between the Greeks and the Mussulmans, puts -the total population at the time of the Venetian siege at 20,000, which -would better tally with the expression of a Hessian officer, Hombergk, -who was among the besiegers, and who wrote home that Athens was “a very -big and populous town.” Another German officer, a Hanoverian, named Zehn, -even went so far in his journal as to state that Athens had “14,000 -houses[706],” which must be an exaggeration. In 1822 there were only -1238. It is clear, however, from all these estimates that Athens was in -1687 a considerable place. Besides the Greeks and Turks there were also -a few Franks, some gipsies, and a body of negroes. The negroes were the -slaves of the Turks, living in winter at the foot of the Akropolis, in -the holes of the rock, in huts, or among the ruins of old houses, and -in summer, like the modern Athenians, spending their spare time on the -beach at Phaleron. The gipsies were particularly odious to the Greeks -as the tools of any Turk who wished to torture them. Among the Franks -were the consuls, of whom there were two. At the time of Spon’s visit -they were both Frenchmen and both deadly enemies, M. Châtaignier, the -representative of France, and M. Giraud, a resident in Athens for the -last eighteen years, who acted for England and was the _cicerone_ -of all travellers. A little later, in the reign of James II, we were -represented by one of our own countrymen, Launcelot Hobson, one of whose -servants, a native of Limehouse, together with two other Englishmen, -was buried at that time in the Church of St Mary’s-on-the-Rock beneath -a tombstone, now in the north wall of the English church, commemorating -his great linguistic attainments. Besides the two consuls Spon found -no other Franks at Athens, except one Capuchin monk, one soldier, and -some servants; a little earlier we hear of a German adventurer as living -there[707]. - -Our authorities differ as to the feelings with which at that period -the Athenians regarded the Franks. Guillet, indeed, alludes to the -excellent relations between the Greeks and Latins, and points, as a -proof of it, to the remarkable fact that young Athenians were sent by -their parents to be educated by the Capuchins. The consul Giraud’s wife -was also a Greek. Spon, however, speaks of the great aversion of the -Greeks to the Franks[708], and this is confirmed by an incident which -followed the visit of the marquis de Nointel to Athens in 1674. During -his stay the pious ambassador had had mass recited in the ancient -temple of Triptolemos, beyond the Ilissos, which, under the title of -St Mary’s-on-the-Rock, had served as a chapel of the Frank dukes[709]. -After their time it had been converted into a Greek church, but had -been allowed to fall into disuse. None the less it was considered -by the Orthodox to have been profaned by the masses of the French -ambassador[710]. A great number of satirical verses have been also -preserved[711], which show that the Frank residents were the butt of -every sharp-witted Athenian street boy, and their cleanly habits were -especially suspicious to the Orthodox. Besides, as many of the pirates -were Franks, the popular logic readily confounded the two, and visited -upon the harmless Latin the sins of some of his co-religionists. It -was manifest, however, at the time of the Venetian siege that the -Athenians preferred the Franks to the Turks, and every traveller from -the West praised the hospitality which the Greeks of Athens showed to -the foreigner. Spon tells us that there was not a single Jew to be found -in the city. Quite apart from the national hatred which they inspired, -and still inspire, in the Hellenic breast, how could they outwit the -Athenians[712]? Would they not have fared like their fellow countrymen -who landed one day on Lesbos, but, on observing the astuteness of -the Lesbian hucksters in the market-place, went off by the next ship, -saying that this was no place for them? On the other hand a few Wallachs -wandered about Athens, some Albanian Mussulmans were employed in guarding -the entrances to the town, and in all the villages of Attica the -inhabitants were of the Albanian race, as is still largely the case[713]. -In Athens itself all the non-Turkish and non-Hellenic population did not -amount at that time to more than 500. - -A great change had taken place in the government of the city since the -early years of the seventeenth century. We last saw Athens forming a -district of the _sandjak_ of Euripos, and dependent on the pasha of -Eubœa, who was represented there by a lower official. A document in the -Bodleian Library[714], dated 1617, gives us, from the pen of a Greek -exile in England, an account of the exactions of a rapacious Turkish -governor of Athens somewhat earlier. In consequence of this bad treatment -the Athenians sent several deputations to Constantinople, and about the -year 1610 the efforts of their delegates received strong support from -one of those Athenian beauties who have from time to time exercised sway -over the rulers of Constantinople. A young girl, named Basilike, who had -become the favourite wife of Sultan Ahmed I, had been requested by him -to ask some favour for herself. The patriotic Athenian, who had heard in -her childhood complaints of the exactions of the pasha of Euripos and -his deputy, and perhaps primed by one of the Athenian deputations which -may then have been at Constantinople, begged that her native city might -be transferred to the _kislar-aga_, or chief of the black eunuchs in -the seraglio. The request was granted, and thenceforth Athens, greatly -to its material benefit, depended upon that powerful official[715]. A -_firman_, renewable on the accession of a new sultan, spared the citizens -the annual visitation of the pasha of Euripos, who could only descend -upon them when the issue of the precious document was delayed. The -_kislar-aga_ was represented at Athens by a _voivode_, or governor, and -the other Turkish officials were the _disdar-aga_, or commander of the -garrison in the Akropolis, which shortly before the Venetian war amounted -to 300 soldiers; the _sardar_ and the _spahilar-aga_, who directed the -Janissaries and the cavalry; the _cadi_; and the _mufti_. - -The Athenians enjoyed, however, under this Turkish administration an -almost complete system of local self-government. Unlike the democratic -Greece of to-day, where there is no aristocracy and where every man -considers himself the equal of his fellows, Turkish Athens exhibited -sharp class distinctions, which had at least the advantage of furnishing -a set of rulers who had the respect of the ruled. Under the Turks -the Greek population of the town was divided into four classes—the -_archontes_; the householders, who lived on their property; the -shopkeepers, organised, as now, in different guilds; and the cultivators -of the lands or gardens in the immediate suburbs, who also included in -their ranks those engaged in the important business of bee-keeping[716]. -The first of these four classes, into which members of the other three -never rose, had originally consisted of twelve families, representing—so -the tradition stated—the twelve ancient tribes of the fourth century -before Christ. Their number subsequently varied, but about this period -amounted to rather more than sixty. Among their names it is interesting -to find, though no longer in the very first rank, the family (which still -exists at Athens) of the Athenian historian Chalkokondyles, slightly -disguised under the form Charkondyles. More important were the Benizeloi, -said to be descended from the Acciajuoli, whose Christian names occur -frequently in their family, and the Palaiologoi, who boasted, without -much genealogical proof, of their connection with the famous Imperial -family. Some of the _archontes_ went so far as to use the Byzantine -double eagle on their tombs, of which a specimen may still be seen in the -monastery of Kaisariane, and all wore a peculiar costume, of which a fur -cap was in later Turkish times a distinctive mark. Their flowing locks -and long beards gave them the majestic appearance of Greek ecclesiastics, -and the great name of Alexander was allowed to be borne by them alone. -This Athenian aristocracy is now all but extinct; yet the names of -localities round Athens still preserve the memory of these once important -families, and in Mount Skaramangka, near Salamis, and in Pikermi, on -the road to Marathon, we may trace the property of _archontes_, who -once owned those places, while in modern Athens the names of streets -commemorate the three great families of Chalkokondyles, Benizelos and -Limponas. - -From this class of some sixty families the Christian administrators of -Athens were selected. Once a year, on the last Sunday in February, all -the citizens who paid taxes assembled outside St Panteleemon, which was -in Turkish times the metropolitan church, after a solemn service inside; -the principal householders and tradesmen and the heads of the guilds then -exchanged their views, and elected from the whole body of _archontes_ -the chief officials for the ensuing year, the so-called δημογέροντες, -or “elders of the people.” There is some difference of opinion as to -their numbers, which have been variously estimated at two, three, four, -eight and twenty-four. A recent Greek scholar has, however, shown from -the evidence of documents that they were three[717]. After their election -had been ratified by the _cadi_ they entered upon the duties of their -office, which practically constituted an _imperium in imperio_. They -represented the Greek population before the Turkish authorities, watched -over the privileges of the city, looked after the schools and the poor, -cared for the widows and the orphans, and decided every Monday, under -the presidency of the metropolitan, such differences between the Greeks -as the litigants did not prefer to submit to the _cadi_. Their decision -was almost always sought by their fellow Christians, and even in mixed -cases, which came before the Turkish judge, they acted as the counsel of -the Greek party. They had the first seats everywhere; they were allotted -a special place in the churches, and when they passed the people rose to -their feet. Each of them received for his trouble 1000 piastres during -his year of office, and they were entitled to levy a tax upon salt -for the expenses of the community. They sometimes combined the usual -vices of slaves with those of tyrants, fawning on the Turkish officials -and frowning on the Greek populace. But they often had the courage to -impeach the administration of some harsh governor at Constantinople, and, -like the rest of the class from which they sprang, they sometimes made -sacrifices of blood and treasure for their native city. In addition to -these “elders” there were eight other officials of less age and dignity, -called “agents,” or ἐπίτροποι, and elected from each of the eight -parishes into which Athens was then divided. These persons, who were -chosen exclusively from the class of _archontes_, acted as go-betweens -between the latter and the Turkish authorities. - -Thus the English traveller Randolph was justified in asserting that “the -Greeks live much better here than in any other part of Turkey, with the -exception of Scio, being a small commonwealth among themselves[718]”; -or, as a modern writer has said of his countrymen, “the Athenians did -not always feel the yoke of slavery heavy[719].” The taxes were not -oppressive, consisting of the _haratch_, or capitation tax, which in -Spon’s time was at the rate of five instead of four and a half piastres -a head, and of a tithe, both of which went to the _voivode_, who in turn -had to pay 30,000 crowns to the chief eunuch. There was also the terrible -tribute of children, from which Athens was not exempt, as has sometimes -been supposed, for the above-mentioned Lincoln College manuscript, which -had belonged to Sir George Wheler and was first published by Professor -Lampros, expressly mentions the arrival of the men to take them[720]. But -on the whole the condition of the Athenians, owing to the influence of -their powerful protector at Constantinople, was very tolerable. When some -of the principal Turkish officials of Athens meditated the imposition -of a new duty on Athenian merchandise, two local merchants were sent -to the then chief eunuch, with the result that they obtained from him -the punishment of their oppressors[721]. When the Œcumenical Patriarch -ordered the deposition of their metropolitan, the Athenians persuaded the -_kislar-aga_ to get the order quashed[722]. We do not know whether they -felt with Gibbon that this august patronage “aggravated their shame,” but -it certainly “alleviated their servitude.” At times, however, even the -long arm of the chief eunuch could not protect them from the vengeance of -the enemies whom they had denounced to him. Thus in 1678 the local Turks -murdered Michael Limponas, the most prominent citizen of Athens, who had -just returned from a successful mission, in which he had complained of -their misdeeds at Constantinople. A Cretan poet celebrated his death for -his country, and this _archon_ of the seventeenth century may truly be -included among the martyrs of Greece[723]. It was noticed that, even in -that age, the old Athenian love of liberty had not been extinguished by -more than four centuries of Frankish and Turkish rule; the Attic air, it -was said, still made those who breathed it intolerant of authority. Babin -remarked that the Athenians had “a great opinion of themselves,” and -that “if they had their liberty they would be just as they are described -by St Paul in the Acts[724].” Athens, he wrote, still possessed persons -of courage and virtue, such as the girl who received sixty blows of a -knife rather than lose her honour, and the child who died rather than -apostatise. - -The Athenians were very religious under the Turkish sway, and then, as -now, there were frequent pilgrimages to the Holy Land[725]. Sometimes -this religious feeling was prone to degenerate into superstition; for -example, Greeks and Turks alike believed that various epidemics lay -buried beneath the great marble columns of the ruined temples. In short, -the Athenian character was much what it might have been expected to be. -Industrious, musical, and hospitable, the Greeks of Athens were admitted -to be, and the virtue of the Athenian ladies was no less admired than -their good looks. But the satirical talents of Aristophanes had descended -to the Athenians of the seventeenth century; no one could escape from the -barbed arrows of their caustic wit, sometimes poisoned with the spirit -of envy; they ridiculed Turks, and Franks, and Wallachs, and their own -fellow-countrymen alike, and they delighted in inflicting nicknames -which stuck to their unhappy object. Their love of money and astuteness -in business may have given rise to the current saying, “From the Jews -of Thessalonika, the Turks of Negroponte, and the Greeks of Athens, -good Lord, deliver us.” In striking contrast to the proverbial Turks of -Eubœa, those resident in Athens were usually amiable[726]. They generally -agreed well with their Greek neighbours, whose language they spoke very -well. In fact, like the Cretan Mussulmans of to-day, they knew only a few -words of Turkish, barely sufficient for their religious devotions, while -some of the Greeks were acquainted with the latter language. Sometimes -the Turkish residents would aid the Greeks to get rid of an unpopular -governor; and, when Easter and Bairam coincided, they would take a -fraternal interest in each other’s festivals. The Athenian Moslem drank -wine, like his Christian fellow, and his zeal for water and his respect -for trees were distinct benefits, the latter of which modern Athens -has now lost. There was, however, one notable exception to the general -amiability of the Turkish residents. The Greek population of Attica, as -distinct from the town, was much oppressed by the Turkish landlords, and -despised by the Greek townsfolk. One part of Athens, and that the holy of -holies, the venerable Akropolis, was exclusively reserved to the Turks, -and no _rayah_ was allowed to enter it, not because of its artistic -treasures, but because it was a fortress. Archæological researches there -were regarded with grave suspicion[727]. - -Education was not neglected by the Athenians of the seventeenth century. -From 1614 to 1619 and again in 1645 a wayward Athenian genius, named -Korydalleus, was teaching philosophy to a small class there. A Greek, -resident in Venice, founded a school there in 1647, and in Spon’s time -there were three schoolmasters—among them Demetrios Benizelos, who -had studied in Venetia—employed in giving lectures in rhetoric and -philosophy, while many young Greeks went to the classes of the Capuchins. -Babin tells us, however, that Benizelos (whose father, Angelos, and -younger brother, Joannes, were also teachers) had “only two or three -hearers, everyone being now occupied in amassing a little money.” We -hear of a Greek monk who was acquainted with Latin; but Spon could find -only three people in Athens who understood ancient Greek[728]. A century -earlier, as we saw, correspondents of Kraus had commented on the badness -of the Attic Greek of their day. Yet, according to Guillet, it was by -this time “the purest and least corrupt idiom in Greece,” and “Athenian -phrases and a Nauplian accent” were commended as the perfection of -Greek. Externally too Athens was no mere barbarous collection of huts. -The houses were of stone, and better built than those of the Morea; and -a picture which has been preserved[729] of an _archon’s_ house of the -later Turkish period, constructed round a court with trees and a fountain -in the middle, shows the influence of Mussulman taste on the Athenian -aristocracy. The solid construction of the houses, and the name of -“towers” (πύργοι) given to the country villas of the _archontes_, as in -the island of Andros to the present day, were both due to the prevalence -of piracy, then the curse of Athens. But the streets were unpaved and -narrow—an arrangement better adapted, however, to the fierce heat of an -Attic summer than the wide thoroughfares of the modern Greek capital. -The town was then divided into eight parishes, or _platómata_, the name -of one of which, Plaka, survives, and contained no fewer than fifty-two -churches and five mosques. Among the latter were the Parthenon, or -“Mosque of the Castle,” the minaret of which figures conspicuously in -the contemporary plans, and the “Mosque of the Conqueror,” now used as -the military bakery, which had been converted from a church by Mohammed -II[730]. The most important of the former was the metropolitan church, -the Καθολικόν, as it was then called, usually identified with the small -building which still bears that name, but supposed by Kampouroglos to -have been that of St Panteleemon[731]. Although the clergy had less -influence at Athens than in some other parts of Greece, the metropolitan, -as we have seen, was a personage of political importance; he received -at that time 4000 crowns a year, and had under his jurisdiction the -five bishops of Salona, Livadia, Boudonitza, Atalante and Skyros. The -monastery of Kaisariane, or Syriane, on Hymettos, or “Deli-Dagh” (the -“Mad Mountain”), as the Turks called it, still paid only one _sequin_ to -the _voivode_ in consideration of the fact that its abbot had presented -the keys of Athens to Mohammed II at the time of the conquest[732]. The -Catholic archbishopric of Athens had, however, ceased to exist on the -death of the last Archbishop in 1483, and the churches and monasteries -which had belonged to it in Frankish days had been recovered by the -Orthodox Greeks. - -Although the Ilissos even then, as now, contained very little water, -there were a number of gardens along its banks above the town, with -country houses at Ambelokepoi, and the excellent air and its freedom from -plague at that period made Athens a healthy residence, where doctors -could not make a living[733]. There were still some rich merchants; but -the trade of Athens was mainly limited to the agricultural produce of the -neighbourhood, to the export of oil, and to a little silk, imported from -other parts and woven in private houses. Randolph mentions that, in 1671, -an inspector from Constantinople found about 50,000 olive trees in the -plain, and some of the olives were esteemed so delicious that they were -reserved for the Sultan’s table. The oil was excellent, and was exported -every year to Marseilles. Athens also supplied cotton sail-cloth to the -Turkish navy[734]. As for the wine, though good, it was voted undrinkable -by all the travellers of that period, owing to the resin with which it -was impregnated[735]. Honey was still as famous a product of Hymettos as -in classic ages, and the monks of Kaisariane were specially renowned for -their hives. Trade being thus small, it is not surprising that few Franks -resided at Athens. Such as it was, it was entirely in Greek hands. - -The monuments of Athens had not then suffered from the havoc so soon -to be wrought by the bombs of Morosini. When Des Hayes was there the -Parthenon was as entire and as little damaged by the injuries of time -as if it had only just been built. The Turks, whatever their faults -may have been, had shown great respect for the venerable relics of -ancient Athens, which had now been in their power for two centuries. -When a piece of the frieze of Phidias fell they carefully placed it -inside the Parthenon, the interior of which was at that time entirely -whitewashed[736]; the external appearance of that noble temple, as it -then was, can be judged from the published drawings of Carrey. The -Akropolis was fortified, and occupied by the garrison, whose houses, -about 200 in number, covered a portion of its surface, and the Odeion -of Herodes Atticus (then called Serpentzes) was joined by a wall with -and formed a bulwark of it. The Propylæa served as the residence of the -commander, the _disdar-aga_, whose harem was in the Erechtheion[737], -and the Temple of Wingless Victory had been converted into a powder -magazine. Unfortunately the Turks had also stored their ammunition in -the Propylæa, and in 1656 a curious accident caused it to explode. At -that time Isouf Aga, the commander of the Akropolis and a bitter enemy -of the Greeks, had vowed that he would destroy the little church of St -Demetrios, on the opposite hill. One evening, before going to bed, he -ordered two or three pieces of artillery to be put in position to fire -on the church in the morning. But in the night a thunderbolt ignited the -powder magazine. The Aga and nearly all his family perished by the force -of the explosion, and—what was a more serious loss—part of the roof was -destroyed. The Greeks ascribed the disaster to the righteous indignation -of the saint, whose church was thenceforth, and is still, called St -Demetrios the Bombardier[738]. On another occasion, so it was said, when -a Turk fired a shot at an eikon of the Virgin in the Parthenon his arm -withered, while another Mussulman was reported to have dropped dead in -the attempt to open two great cupboards, closed with blocks of marble and -let into the walls[739]. For the great Temple of Olympian Zeus the Turks -had a becoming regard, and at the solemn season of Bairam they used to -meet near its columns to pray. The Areopagos, from the spring of “black -water” still to be found there, they called _Kara-su_. Less scrupulous -than the Turks, De Nointel took two workmen about with him on his tour, -and carried off several pieces of marble, just as the Jesuits had taken -with them to Chalkis some of the marble fragments of Athens to serve as -monuments in their cemetery[740]. - -The Piræus, which had played so great a part in the life of ancient -Athens, consisted at that time of only a single house—a magazine for -storing goods and levying the duties on them[741]. Its classical name had -been lost, and while the Franks called it Porto Leone the Greeks styled -it Porto Drako[742], from the huge lion, now in front of the arsenal -at Venice, upon which Harold Hardraada had once scrawled his name, and -which attracted the attention of all travellers. The foundations of the -famous Long Walls were still visible almost all the way, and on the road -to Eleusis there was another fine marble lion, which can be traced in -the Capuchins’ plan. The monastery of Daphni had been almost entirely -abandoned, owing to the ravages of corsairs, Christians as well as -Turks, and the former had driven away all the inhabitants of Eleusis; -but the monastery of Phaneromene, in Salamis, had just been restored by -Laurentios of Megara in 1670, and a little later, in 1682, the church at -Kaisariane was decorated with fresh paintings by a Peloponnesian artist -at the expense of the Benizeloi who had fled thither for fear of the -plague, and to whom the monastery and the present summer pleasaunce of -Kephissia formerly belonged. All along the shore near Phaleron stood -towers, where men watched day and night to give the alarm against the -pirates. Such was the terror inspired by those marauders that not a -single Turk resided at Megara, and there was only one house between that -place and Corinth. The _Kakè Skála_ maintained its classic reputation as -a haunt of robbers, and descendants of the fabulous brigand Skiron were -in the habit of lurking there, so that the Turks were afraid to travel -along that precipitous road where the railway now passes above the sea. -Akrocorinth, in spite of its ruinous condition, was, however, a sure -refuge of the Mussulmans against the corsairs, while Lepanto, on the -other hand, was a perfect nest of pirates[743]. - -Of the Greek provincial towns at that period Chalkis, with a population -of about 15,000, was the most important. It was the residence of the -capitan pasha and the scene of the Jesuits’ missionary labours. They -had established a school there, after their departure from Athens, and -the children of the seven or eight Frank families who still resided in -the old Venetian town gave them more occupation than they had found at -their former abode. The castle was entirely given over to the Turks and -Jews, and the traveller Randolph mentions in his day the rich carving of -some of the houses, which I have myself seen there. Patras, famous for -its citrons, contained some 4000 or 5000 inhabitants, one-third of whom -were Jews, and the latter had three synagogues at Lepanto, which had -the whole trade of the gulf, though they were less numerous there than -at Patras. Corinth was then, like the modern town, a big village with -a population of 1500, and it was noted for the numbers of conversions -to Islâm which had taken place there. Like Athens, it had no Jews. -Nauplia, the residence of the pasha of the Morea, was a large town, -but Sparta was “quite forsaken[744].” Delphi, then called Kastri, was -the fief of a Turk, and produced cotton and tobacco. The neighbouring -town of Salona contained seven mosques and six churches, and at the -splendid Byzantine monastery of Hosios Loukas there were about 150 -monks. Thebes was then about the same size as at present, and had no -more than 3000 or 4000 inhabitants, while its rival, Livadia, provided -all Greece with wool, corn and rice. Somewhat earlier it had furnished -sail-cloth for the Ottoman navy[745], and in the Turkish period it -enjoyed considerable liberty, being administered by a δημογέρωον, or -elder, who, with the assistance of the leading citizens, successfully -resisted any intervention from outside in the affairs of his native -city[746]. In the Morea, where there were only 30,000 Turks, and nearly -all those Greek-speaking, each town was managed by its own Greek elders, -who levied the taxes. Spon found there four metropolitans, whose sees -were respectively Patras, Nauplia, Corinth and Mistra, and he remarks, as -every modern traveller in the country districts of Greece cannot fail to -do, on the strict fasts observed by the Orthodox. He found that the sole -exception was in the case of those who were subjects of Venice and who -had imbibed the laxer ideas of Roman Catholicism; as for the others, they -would rather die than dine in Lent[747]. The value of the Peloponnesian -trade may be judged from the fact that an English consul, Sir H. Hide, -had lately resided at Glarentza and had built a church there[748]. - -The former duchy of Naxos, then a Turkish _sandjak_, had been lightly -treated by the Turks since their final conquest of the islands. In 1580 -Murad III had given the islanders many privileges, permitting them to -build churches and monasteries and to use bells, while forbidding the -Turks to settle among them, a provision which has done much to keep -the Cyclades free from all traces of Mussulman rule. Once a year, and -once only, came the capitan pasha to levy the tribute of the islands at -Paros; but the tribute was raised by the insular municipalities, whose -powers of self-government were not disturbed by the Turkish conquerors. -The inhabitants of some islands were, however, bound to send a fixed -quantity of their produce to Constantinople every year[749]. These -privileges were confirmed by Ibrahim in 1640, and we may form some idea -of the state of the Cyclades from the amount of the capitation tax levied -upon them at the date of Spon’s tour. Naxos was then assessed at 6000 -_piastres_, out of which the governor had to provide one galley to the -Turkish fleet; Andros paid 4500, with which one galley was equipped, -while Eubœa paid 100,000 _piastres_, and the Morea was bound to furnish -three vessels[750]. At that time the Venetian island of Tenos was the -best cultivated, the most prosperous, and the most densely populated -of all the Cyclades, because the banner of St Mark protected it from -the Christian corsairs, whose chief rendezvous was at Melos, and who -captured, among others, the English traveller Vernon. Tenos then -contained twenty-four villages, the inhabitants of which, 20,000 in -number, speaking Greek, but almost entirely of the Catholic religion, -were exclusively employed in the manufacture of silk. Randolph, who -visited this island in 1670, found it to have “ever been a great eyesore -to the Turks,” especially during the Candian war, when a certain Giorgio -Maria, a Corsican privateer in the Venetian service, had manned his ships -with the islanders of Tenos, and had plagued the enemies of the Republic -as none had done since Skanderbeg. Tenos had quite recovered from the -raid which the Turks had made upon it in 1658; but since the war its -inhabitants had thought it prudent to offer the capitan pasha a _douceur_ -of 500 dollars, in addition to the regular tithe which they paid to -Venice[751]. The only thing on Delos was the colony of rabbits. Mykonos, -which Venetian ships still frequented, had not a single Turk, and the -chief profession of its inhabitants was piracy, which kept so many of the -men engaged at sea that there was an enormous disproportion between the -females and the males. - -Corsairs were indeed the terror of the Ægean, as was natural now that -the Candian war was over and they had no more scope for the legitimate -exercise of their talents. Thus in 1673 a Savoyard, the marquis de -Fleuri, set out to take Paros, but was captured by the Venetians in -pursuance of their pledge, given to the Turks at the late peace, not to -tolerate piracy in the Archipelago. Another freebooter, a Provençal, -named Hugues Creveliers, who served as the original of Lord Byron’s -_Corsair_, and had roamed about the Levant from boyhood, succeeded in -making Paros his headquarters, after a futile attempt upon a Turkish -fort in Maina, and scoured the Ægean with a fleet of twenty ships for -two whole years, levying blackmail upon Megara and defying capture, -till at last he was blown up in his flagship by a servant whom he had -offended. Another pirate, a Greek, named Joannes Kapsi, made himself -master of Melos in 1677, but was taken and hanged by the Turks in 1680. -Nevertheless the lot of the Melians was so hard that a party of them, -together with some Samians, emigrated to London, under the guidance of -their Archbishop Georgirenes of Melos, author of _A Description of the -present state of Samos, Nicaria, Patmos, and Mount Athos_. It is to this -colony that Greek Street owes its name, for the Duke of York, the future -King James II, assigned that site to them as a residence, and in Hog -Lane, afterwards called Crown Street, Soho, they built a Greek church—the -first in London[752]. Even where the privateers did not come the Turks -took care to “hinder the islanders from becoming too rich.” - -The Latin population of the Cyclades had not diminished, though a -century had elapsed since the last of the Latin dukes had fallen; on the -contrary, it had increased, in consequence of the emigration thither -after the Turkish conquest of Crete. Naxos and Santorin were the chief -seats of these Latin survivors, who were sedulously guarded by the Roman -Church. Down to the seventeenth century a Latin bishopric was maintained -in Andros, and one still exists at Santorin, another at Syra, and a -third at Tenos. In 1626 the Jesuits, and nine years later the Capuchins, -obtained a convent in Naxos, which was placed under the protection of -France; and after the fall of Rhodes the Latin archbishopric was removed -to the same island[753], where the Catholics held much property. But this -concentration of Catholicism in Naxos had some most unfortunate results, -which were happily lacking in the less strenuous atmosphere of Santorin. -The Latins of the upper town of Naxos looked down contemptuously upon -the Greek inhabitants of the lower city; they refused to intermarry with -the Orthodox; and if a Catholic changed his religion for that of the -despised Greeks he was sure of persecution by his former co-religionists. -In the country, where old feudal usages still prevailed, the Latin -nobles oppressed the Greek peasants; while, like truly oriental tyrants, -they were as servile to the Turks as they were haughty to the Greeks. -Worst of all, their feuds became hereditary, and thus this little -island community was plunged in almost endless bloodshed. For example, -towards the close of the seventeenth century the leader of the Latin -party in Naxos was Francesco Barozzi, whose family had come thither -from Crete about the beginning of the same century, and whose surname I -have found still preserved in the monuments of the Catholic church in -the upper town. Barozzi had married the daughter of the French consul, -who was naturally a person of consequence among the Catholics of Naxos. -But the lady was one day insulted by Constantine Cocco, a member of a -Venetian family which had become thoroughly grecised. Barozzi, furious -at the slight, took a terrible vengeance, and not long afterwards Cocco -was murdered by his orders, and his body horribly mutilated. Cocco’s -relatives thereupon murdered the French consul; the consul’s widow -persuaded a Maltese adventurer, Raimond de Modène, who had recently -arrived on a frigate belonging to the Knights of St John, and who was -in love with her daughter, to bombard the Cocco family with the ship’s -cannon in the monastery of Ipsili, where they had taken refuge. At last -the vendetta ended as a dramatist would have wished. The daughter of the -murdered Cocco, who was only one year old at the time of her father’s -assassination, married the son of her father’s murderer. For many years -the couple lived happily together, and the wife was the first woman in -the Archipelago to wear Frankish dress. But, though the fatal feud was -thus appeased, poetic vengeance, in the shape of the Turks, fell upon the -assassin’s son. His riches attracted their attention; he was thrown into -prison, and died at Naxos a beggar[754]. - -Such was the condition of Greece when, in 1684, the outbreak of war -between Venice and Turkey led to the temporary re-conquest of a large -part of the country by the soldiers of the West and the reappearance of -the lion of St Mark in the Morea. - - - - -VI. THE VENETIAN REVIVAL IN GREECE - -1684-1718 - - -In 1684, after the lapse of 144 years, Venice once more began to be a -power upon the Greek continent. She had long had grievances against the -Porte, such as the non-deliverance of prisoners and the violation of her -commercial privileges, while the Porte complained of the raids of the -Dalmatian Morlachs. Excuses for war were not, therefore, lacking, and the -moment was favourable. Sobieski, the year before, had defeated the Turks -before Vienna, and the Republic knew that she would not lack allies. A -“Holy League” was formed between the Emperor, Poland, and Venice under -the protection of Pope Innocent XI, and the Tsar was specially invited -to join. Accordingly, the Republic declared war upon the Sultan, and -appointed Francesco Morosini captain-general of her forces. - -Morosini, although sixty-six years of age, possessed an experience of -Turkish warfare upon Greek soil which compensated for his lack of youth. -He had served for twenty-three years in the armies and fleets of his -country, and had commanded at Candia till he felt himself compelled to -come to terms with the Turks, for which skilful piece of diplomacy he -was put upon his trial at home and, although acquitted, left for fifteen -years in retirement. Now that his countrymen needed a commander, they -bethought them of the man who had been so severely criticised for the -loss of Crete. - -The Republic at this time still retained a considerable insular dominion -in Greek waters—six out of the seven Ionian islands, Tenos, and the -three Cretan fortresses of Grabusa, Suda and Spinalonga—but on the Greek -mainland only Butrinto and Parga, the two continental dependencies of -Corfù. She possessed, therefore, at Corfù, a base of operations, and -thither Morosini repaired. The huge mortars on either side of the gate -of the “old fortress” still bear the date of his visit—1684. His first -objective was the seventh Ionian island of Santa Maura, particularly -obnoxious to the Venetians as a nest of corsairs. Warmly supported by -Ionian auxiliaries, among whom are mentioned the countrymen of Odysseus, -he speedily obtained the surrender of Santa Maura, which carried with -it the acquisition of Meganisi, the home of the Homeric Taphians, which -was given as a fief to the Cephalonian family of Metaxas, Kalamos, and -the other smaller islands lying off the coast of Akarnania, and the -submission of the Akarnanian population of Baltos and Xeromeros, as his -secretary and historiographer, Locatelli[755], informs us. Mesolonghi, -not yet famous in history, was next taken. The surrender of Prevesa, -which followed, gave the Venetians the command of the entrance to the -Ambrakian Gulf, and completed the first season’s operations. During the -winter a treaty[756] with the duke of Brunswick, father of our George I, -for the supply of Hanoverian soldiers, was concluded; other small German -princelings sold their soldiers at 200 francs a head, and when Morosini -took the field in the following summer the so-called Venetian army, in -which Swedish, German and French were as well understood as Italian, -consisted of 3100 Venetians, Prince Maximilian William of Brunswick and -2400 Hanoverians, 1000 Maltese, 1000 Slavs, 400 Papal and 400 Florentine -troops. We may compare it with the composite Austro-Hungarian army -of our own time, in which many different races received orders in a -language, and fought for a cause, not their own. Morosini also entered -into negotiations with two Greek communities noted for their intolerance -of Turkish rule—the people of Cheimarra in northern Epeiros, of whom -we have heard much of late years, and the Mainates, who presented an -address to him. The former defeated a Turkish force that was sent -against them, the latter were temporarily checked by the fact that the -Turks held their children as hostages for their good behaviour[757]. -Morosini succeeded, however, in forcing the Turks to surrender the old -Venetian colony of Koron, whence an inscription of its former Venetian -governors dated 1463 was sent in triumph to Venice[758], and his success -encouraged the Mainates to assist him in besieging the fortresses of -Zarnata, Kielapha and Passavâ. All three, together with the port of -Vitylos and the town of Kalamata, surrendered or were abandoned by their -garrisons, but a historian of Frankish Greece cannot but deplore the -destruction of the two famous castles of Kalamata and Passavâ. Morosini -visited that romantic spot, and by his orders the strongest parts of -the fortifications were destroyed. In the campaign of 1686, Morosini, -assisted by the Swedish field-marshal, Otto William von Koenigsmark, -as commander of the land forces, was even more successful. Old and New -Navarino opened their gates to his soldiers, who found over the gate of -the old town a reminiscence of the days when it had been a dependency of -the Venetian colony of Modon in the shape of two coats-of-arms, those -of Morosini and Malipiero[759], the latter belonging to the governor -of 1467 or to his namesake of 1489. Modon thereupon surrendered, and, -although Monemvasia, the Gibraltar of the Morea, held out, the season -closed with the capture of Nauplia, at that time the Turkish capital of -the peninsula and residence of the tax-farmer, who collected the rents -paid to the Sultan Valideh, or queen-mother, from that province. The -Greek inhabitants expressed joy at returning, after the lapse of 146 -years, under Venetian rule, and Father Dambira, a Capuchin, arrived on a -mission from the Athenians, offering to pay a ransom, if they might be -spared the horrors of a siege. Morosini asked for 40,000 reals annually -for the duration of the war; but a second Athenian deputation, headed -by the Metropolitan Jacob, and comprising the notables Stamati Gaspari, -whose origin was Italian, Michael Demakes, George Dousmanes, and a -resident alien named Damestre, succeeded in persuading him to accept -9000. He sailed to the Piræus, collected the first annual instalment and -returned to Nauplia. In view of the prominent part played by General -Dousmanes during the late war, it is interesting to find a member of his -family among the Athenian deputies. It was not, however, of Athenian -origin. _Dushman_ in Serbian means “enemy,” and in 1404 the family is -described as owning the Albanian district of Pulati, where a village, -named Dushmani, still exists[760]. The Turkish government compelled -the Œcumenical Patriarch to depose the Metropolitan Jacob for his -participation in this mission and his philo-Venetian sentiments. But the -Athenians refused to accept his successor, Athanasios, whereupon the -patriarch excommunicated them and their favourite metropolitan. - -The next year completed the conquest of the Morea, with the exception -of Monemvasia. The Turks abandoned Patras; the two castles at either -side of the entrance to the Gulf of Corinth and the former Venetian -stronghold of Lepanto on the north of it were occupied; the Moslems burnt -the lower town of Corinth, where the Venetians found “the great statue -of the god Janus, not, however, quite intact, and some architraves of -fine stone[761].” No attempt was made to defend the magnificent fortress -of Akrocorinth, and Morosini was able to examine undisturbed the old -wall across the isthmus and to consider the possibility, realised in -1893, of cutting a canal which should join the Corinthian and Saronic -Gulfs[762]. The surrender of Castel Tornese, the mint of the mediæval -Morea, and of Mistra, the former capital of the Byzantine province, -justified his secretary[763] in saying that by August, 1687, Venice was -“possessor of all the Morea, except Monemvasia.” His successes had been -partly due to the fact that the best Turkish troops were engaged in the -war in Hungary, and his losses from disease had been fearful. But such -was the joy of his government, that a bronze bust, with the proud title -of “Peloponnesiacus,” was erected to him in his lifetime in the Doges’ -Palace, where, like the monument to him at Corfù, it still remains to -remind the visitor of the Republic’s last attempt to establish herself in -the Morea. - -But the conquest of the Morea no longer satisfied the usually cautious -Venetians. Leaving Monemvasia behind him, Morosini held a council of -war at Corinth, in which it was decided that, as it was too late in the -season to attack the old Venetian island of Negroponte, Athens should -be the next objective, as an Athenian deputation suggested. Morosini -himself was opposed to this plan. He pointed out the drawbacks of even -a successful attack upon Athens; it would be necessary, he argued, to -provision his army entirely from the sea, as the Turkish commander at -Thebes could intercept his communications by land; it would be impossible -from Athens to protect the entrance to the Morea, as long as the Turks -could occupy Megara; while, if it were necessary to abandon Athens, -not only would the Greek inhabitants suffer at the hands of the Turks, -but the Venetian exchequer would lose the annual contribution which -the Athenian notables had promised to pay. His proposal was to keep a -considerable force at Corinth, where food was plentiful, and to send -the rest of his army into winter quarters at Tripolitsa in the centre -of the Morea, where there was plenty of forage and whence the Venetian -domination over the peninsula—the main object of the expedition—could -be best established upon solid foundations. Events proved Morosini’s -forecast to have been accurate. The council, however, decided upon a -compromise: the army was to go into three separate winter quarters—at -Corinth, Tripolitsa, and Nauplia—but first an attempt was to be made -upon Athens, unless that city would pay a ransom of 50,000 to 60,000 -reals[764]. No time was lost in carrying out this decision. Most of the -fleet under Venier was sent to the channel which separates Negroponte -from the mainland, with the object of deluding the Turks into the belief -that that island was the aim of Morosini’s forces. Meanwhile Morosini, -with 9880 men (including one or two Scottish volunteers) and 870 horses, -on September 21, 1687, cast anchor in the Piræus, Porto Leone, as it was -then called from the statue of a lion which stood at its mouth. Thither -a deputation of Athenian notables, the brothers Peter and Demetrios -Gaspari, Spyridon Peroules, the schoolmaster Dr Argyros Benaldes, and -others hastened to make submission to Venice[765]. Although Sir Paul -Rycaut, as the result of eighteen years’ diplomatic experience in Turkey, -wrote in that very year, that “the Greeks have an inclination to the -Muscovite beyond any other Christian prince,” there was a special reason -for the popularity of Venice at Athens. Many young Athenians had been -educated at the Flangineion at Venice, and the recent outrage of the -Turks upon the Athenian notable, Limponas, made the Greeks eager to -welcome any Christians who would free them from their Moslem rulers. - -The Turks were not unprepared for the Venetian invasion. They had taken -down the beautiful temple of Nike Apteros and out of its materials -raised the walls of the Akropolis and built a battery. Fortunately, -although there was a powder magazine underneath it, the venerable stones -of this temple received no damage during the siege. When, in 1836, the -Bavarian architects reconstructed it, they found not a single block -missing (except what Lord Elgin had carried off) nor a bullet-mark upon -it[766]. Within the Akropolis, thus strengthened, the Turkish inhabitants -of Athens took refuge with their effects and ammunition, hoping that -“the castle” would hold out until relief could arrive from Thebes. The -Venetians were, therefore, able to occupy lower Athens unmolested. Col. -Raugraf von der Pfalz with a body of Slav and Hanoverian troops was -stationed in the town; Koenigsmark encamped in the olive-grove near -the Sacred Way, along which the Turkish force might be expected to -march through the pass of Daphni from Thebes. As the garrison of the -Akropolis refused to surrender, it was decided to bombard that sacred -rock. Archæologists and historians cannot but be horrified at this act -of vandalism. But in our own day we have seen the “cultured” Germans -bombarding the cathedral of Rheims, and the “gentlemanly” Austrians -dropping grenades close to St Mark’s at Venice, while “military -necessities” involved the firing of projectiles over the Parthenon by -the Allies in the crisis of December, 1916. The Venetian engineers -accordingly placed their batteries on the Mouseion hill, upon which -stands the monument of Philopappos, on the Pnyx, and at the foot of the -Areopagos, and on September 23 the bombardment began[767]. - -The officer in charge of the batteries, Mottoni, Count di San Felice, was -a notoriously incompetent gunner, as he had already proved at Navarino -and Modon, and on this occasion his aim was so high that the bombs flew -over the Akropolis and fell into the town beyond it, whose inhabitants -claimed compensation for the damage to their houses. A fresh battery of -two mortars was accordingly placed on the east and closer to the rock, -while the miners attempted to drive a tunnel under the north wall and -above the grotto of Aglauros. This attempt was, however, frustrated by -the hardness of the rock, the fire of the besieged and the fatal fall of -the miner’s captain from a cliff. The bombardment now, however, began -to damage the buildings on the Akropolis. On the 25th a bomb exploded a -small powder magazine in the Propylæa, and a deserter betrayed to the -besiegers the fatal secret that the Turks had put all the rest of their -ammunition in the Parthenon, then a mosque. Upon the receipt of this news -the gunners concentrated their fire upon the famous temple; and, on the -evening of the 26th, a lieutenant from Lüneburg fired a bomb into it. -The explosion was so violent that fragments of the building were hurled -into the besiegers’ lines, whence cries of joy in various languages -rose at the destruction wrought in a moment to a masterpiece that had -survived almost intact the vicissitudes of over twenty centuries. But -even among the besiegers there were some who mourned the havoc wrought -by the German gunner’s too accurate aim. Morosini, in his official -report to his government, merely alludes to it as a “fortunate shot,” -and his secretary remarks that the “ancient, splendid and marvellous -temple of Minerva” was “ruined in some parts”; but a Swedish lady, Anna -Akerhjelm[768], who accompanied Countess von Koenigsmark to Greece and -was then at Athens, has told in her interesting correspondence “how -repugnant it was” to Koenigsmark “to destroy the beautiful temple,” -which “can never in this world be replaced.” So much did von Ranke feel -this act of vandalism committed by one of his countrymen, that he tried -to discredit the diary of the Hessian lieutenant, Sobiewolsky, which -mentions the Lüneburg gunner’s fatal shot. For the moment it failed -to attain even the practical effect of ending the siege. The Turks, -expecting the arrival of their deliverer from Thebes, still held out; -but when Koenigsmark went to meet the advancing army and its commander -retired without a blow, when the fire, caused by the explosion, had -blazed for two days on the Akropolis, where over 300 putrifying corpses, -including those of their commander and his son, lay beneath the ruins -of the Parthenon, they hoisted the white flag and sent five hostages to -ask for a cessation of hostilities. Morosini’s official dispatch informs -us that he was inclined to insist upon their unconditional surrender, -but that Koenigsmark pointed out the importance of having possession of -the Akropolis and the proved difficulty of taking so strong a position -by force. Accordingly, he unwillingly granted them five days, at the end -of which all the Turks were to evacuate the fortress with only what they -could carry on their backs, leaving to the victors their horses, arms, -Christian slaves, and Moors. To prevent their joining their comrades -at Negroponte, they were to proceed to Smyrna at their own expense on -board an English pink, then in the Piræus, three Ragusan, and two French -vessels. These terms were settled on the 29th, the lion-banner of St -Mark was at once hoisted on the Propylæa, and punctually, on October 4, -about 3000 Turks, including 500 soldiers, embarked. More than 300 others -remained behind and were baptised Christians. Despite Morosini’s and -Koenigsmark’s express orders the exiles were insulted by the officers and -soldiers of the auxiliaries on their way down to the Piræus, and some of -their women and children, as well as their bundles, were taken from them. -Count Tomaso Pompei[769] was appointed governor of “the castle” with a -Venetian garrison, while the rest of the Venetians and the auxiliaries -were quartered in the town below. Morosini himself was anxious to attack -Negroponte at once, while the Turks were still dismayed at the loss of -Athens; but Koenigsmark argued that they had not sufficient forces to -take that island. As the Morea was visited by a serious epidemic, it was -decided to go back upon the plans fixed in the council at Corinth, and to -pass the winter at Athens. To ensure communications with the sea, part -of the famous Long Walls was sacrificed to build three redoubts on the -way down to the Piræus, and a wall and ditch were drawn from Porto Leone -to the bay of Phaleron, to serve as an entrenched camp in case of need. -During these excavations ancient copper coins, vases, and lamps were -discovered. - -Athens had, therefore, become for the third, the Akropolis for the second -time, Venetian, for Venice had occupied both town and castle from 1394 to -1402 and the town in 1466, and it is interesting to see what impression -the famous city made upon the captors. One of Morosini’s officers wrote -that he “fell into an extasy” on gazing upon the magnificence of the -Parthenon even in its ruin, and his secretary, Locatelli, devotes ten -pages to the antiquities of Athens. Both he and two other officers -mention some of the classic buildings by the popular names current for -centuries—for we find some of them at the time of the Turkish, some even -at that of the Frankish conquest. These descriptions, evidently based -on the tales of the local guides, allude to the Temple of Olympian -Zeus, which then had seventeen columns standing, under the name of the -“Palace of Hadrian,” the monument of Philopappos under that of the “Arch -of Trajan,” the gate of Athena Archegetis under that of the “Temple of -Augustus or Arch of Triumph,” the adjacent Porch of Hadrian under that -of the “Temple of Olympian Zeus,” and the Pinakotheke under that of the -“Arsenal of Lycurgus.” The Tower of the Winds figures as the “Gymnasium -of Sokrates,” the choragic monument of Lysikrates as the “Lantern of -Demosthenes.” The marble lion at the Piræus, they tell us, had been -“transported there in honour of Leonidas,” while the statue of the -tongueless lioness which stood towards the sea, commemorated Leaina, -the mistress of Harmodios and Aristogeiton, who had bitten out her -tongue rather than betray them under torture[770]. These accounts are -a curious contribution to the _Mirabilia_ of Athens; but, despite this -casual display of popular erudition, the army was not archæologically -minded, the Germans less so than the more cultured Venetians. A Hessian -ensign[771] wrote home to his mother mainly about food, regretting that -the excellent fresh vegetables were over, wishing that he had a cask of -German beer instead of a cask of Athenian wine, and telling her that he -had drunk her health in “the temple of the celebrated Demosthenes” (the -choragic monument of Lysikrates), which the Capuchins had bought eighteen -years earlier and in which his colonel was lodged. He added that he had -often dined at Corinth in the temple in which St Paul preached, and that -Athens produced grapes of the size described in the Old Testament. Nor -do we obtain much archæological information from the observant companion -of Countess von Koenigsmark. She wrote that her mistress’s bad attack -of measles had prevented her from making notes in her journal of the -antiquities which she had seen. “Besides,” she added, “there are several -descriptions of them,” and she specially alluded to the recent work -of Spon and Wheler. As for the archæological knowledge of the Greek -inhabitants, she wrote that “you cannot find any of them who know as much -about their ancestors as foreigners do[772].” In justice to the Athenians -it must be said that Romans are not always specialists upon the Forum, -nor Londoners upon the Tower. She found, however, a local doctor to -conduct her round the town: he told her that he belonged to the family of -Perikles. Those of us who have travelled in Greece have been introduced -to other descendants of the great Athenian statesman. The Swedish lady -liked Athens. “The town,” she wrote, “is better than any of the others. -There are some very pretty houses, Greek as well as Turkish.” She -remarked upon the hospitality of the Greeks, who regaled her mistress -in their homes upon orangeade, lemonade, fresh almonds, pomegranates, -and jams, just as their descendants do still. Our Hessian officer, too, -liked the Athenians; “they are very respectable, good people,” he wrote, -“only one cannot understand them, because they speak Greek.” The English -consul, however, the same Frenchman, Giraud, who had acted as _cicerone_ -to Spon, spoke German and Italian, as well as Greek and Turkish, and -hobbled about with the distinguished Swedes[773]. Despite his trouble -in his feet, he seems to have been still an active man, who sent two -dispatches on the Venetian conquest to his ambassador at Constantinople -before his French colleague had written a word about it. A Protestant -from Lyons, but married to a daughter of the Athenian Palaiologoi, he was -closely connected with the town. - -Morosini had converted into churches the mosques of every place that he -had taken. At Athens he turned two mosques into Catholic churches, in -addition to the already existing chapel of the Capuchins, and made his -naval chaplain, D. Lorenzo Papaplis, priest of the church of Dionysios -the Areopagite[774]. For the use of his Lutheran auxiliaries he founded -out of another mosque, that “of the Column,” near the bazaar, the first -Protestant place of worship in Greece, which was inaugurated under -the name of Holy Trinity on October 19 with a sermon by the minister -Beithmann. While to the Venetian commander non-Catholics thus owe the -introduction of their liturgy into Hellas, to his conquest of Athens -military history is indebted for two views of the Akropolis and a general -view of Athens at the moment of the explosion in the Parthenon, all -sketched by the Venetian engineer, Verneda, another unofficial view of -Athens, a plan of the Akropolis also by Verneda, and a plan of the town -designed by him under the direction of Count di San Felice[775]. This -last work has been called “the first serious plan of the town of Athens,” -but its object was military rather than archæological—to explain to the -council of war and the home government the extent and cost of the works -necessary for the defence of Athens. - -Whether Athens could be defended, that was the question which its -conquerors now had to decide. At a council of war, held at the Piræus -on December 31, it was pointed out that it was impossible for the -small Venetian forces to fortify the town, or even to leave a garrison -there to defend its inhabitants, for all the available troops would be -needed for the attack upon Negroponte in the spring; while, even if it -could be fortified, Athens, situated so far from the sea, could not be -revictualled while the Turks were still about. The destruction of Athens -was actually mooted, but the council decided to postpone that for the -present, and to remove the Greek population, estimated at over 6000, -besides the Albanians, into the Morea and grant to them lands in the new -Venetian territory there as compensation for the loss of their old homes. -A further council, held on January 2, 1688, decided, in view of the -spread of the plague from the Morea to continental Greece and some of the -islands, to accelerate the departure of the Athenians, so as to remove -the army, and in the meanwhile to organise a sanitary administration of -the town. The decision to remove the Athenians filled them with dismay; -the “elders,” the _vecchiardi_, as they were styled in Italian, in vain -offered to contribute 20,000 reals and to maintain the garrison at their -own cost, if they were allowed to remain and men were left to defend -“the castle[776].” The plague and Turkish raids continued to harass -the Venetians and the auxiliaries, while those mutual recriminations, -usual among allies of various nationalities, so greatly disturbed the -harmony of the expeditionary force that Morosini formed five companies -of Albanians, who might enable him to dispense with his grumbling German -troops. Koenigsmark on January 30 made another proposition—to leave -a garrison of 300 men on the Akropolis with provisions for sixteen -months, but Morosini calculated that this would involve the presence of -another hundred servants, and that for all this force a large quantity -of biscuit and wine would be needed. But the argument which weighed -most with the decisive council of February 12 was the water-supply. The -sixteen cisterns of the Akropolis, it was said, held water for only -three months, and of these the great cistern under the Parthenon had -probably been damaged by the explosion, and the still larger one in the -theatre of Dionysos could easily be cut off, and the water-supply of “the -castle” thereby reduced to what would suffice for only fifty days. It -was, therefore, unanimously decided to leave “the castle” of Athens for -the present as it was, with its walls intact, but to remove all the guns -and munitions, trusting to Providence for its ultimate re-capture. The -council justified its resolve to abandon the place by stating that the -only object of attacking Athens had been to push back the enemy from the -neighbourhood of the isthmus of Corinth. - -Morosini determined, however, to carry off to Venice some memorial of -Athens which could vie with the four bronze horses, carried thither -after the capture of Constantinople. He ordered the removal from the -western pediment of the Parthenon of the statue of Poseidon (whom -Morosini thought to be Zeus) and the chariot of Victory (whom the -Venetians mistook for Athena); but the recent explosion had disarranged -the blocks of marble, so that the workmen no sooner touched them than -these beautiful sculptures fell in pieces upon the ground. Morosini, -coolly announcing this disaster in a dispatch to the senate, expressed -satisfaction that none of the workmen had been injured, and announced -his decision to carry off instead a marble lioness without a head; but -the head, as he added in a sentence worthy of Mummius, “can be perfectly -replaced by another piece.” His secretary, San Gallo, took away, however, -the Victory’s head, which Laborde purchased in 1840 from a Venetian -antiquary, while other fragments were picked up from the ruins by other -Venetian, Danish and Hessian officers. Morosini did not content himself -with the headless lioness alone; he carried off the great lion, which -had given to the Piræus its mediæval name, and a third lion which had -stood near the temple of Theseus, where it was seen by Babin and Spon; a -fourth, a lioness, which bears the inscription _Anno Corcuræ liberatæ_, -did not reach Venice till 1716, the year of Schulenburg’s deliverance of -Corfù, and, therefore, does not figure in Fanelli’s[777] previous plate -of the lions before the arsenal, where they may still be seen. This done, -the Venetian forces abandoned Athens on April 4 and five days later the -last detachment set sail for Poros. The nett result of the Venetian -capture of Athens had been disastrous. It had done irreparable damage to -the Parthenon without any permanent military or political gain; it had -injured the inhabitants, who had been forced to leave their homes; it -had spread disease and discontent among the allies. To set against these -disadvantages Venice acquired four marble lions and Morosini the fame of -having temporarily held the famous city. To us Verneda’s plans are the -only satisfactory result of its siege. - -It remains to describe the fate of the exiled Athenians and of the -conquerors of Athens. The unhappy natives had left on March 24, and -some even earlier. Three boat-loads went to the Venetian island of -Zante, others to the Venetian possessions in the Morea, especially to -Nauplia, but most (under the leadership of the brothers Gaspari) to -Ægina and, like their ancestors at the time of the Persian invasion, -to Salamis (“Culuris,” as it was still called), where, as the famous -_Fragments_ from the monastery of the Anargyroi (SS. Cosmas and Damian) -at Athens inform us[778], they built houses and churches at Ambelaki, -while “Attica remained deserted for about three years” except for a -few stragglers on the Akropolis and in some towers of the town. This is -the passage upon which Fallmerayer based his theory of the desertion of -Athens for nearly 400 years from the time of Justinian! The poorest went -to Corinth, while the leading families were scattered about the Morea, -the Benizeloi at Patras, the Limponai at Koron, Peroules at Nauplia, -and Dousmanes at Gastouni in Elis. The last-named received for his -services to Venice several grants of land and the title of _Cavaliere -di San Marco_; his family subsequently became counts and migrated to -Corfù, where fifty years ago one of them published an Italian account -of Gladstone’s famous mission. To other Athenian notables, who had been -specially useful to them, the Venetians also gave money or titles—a -pension to the ex-metropolitan Jacob as compensation for his punishment -by the patriarch, the title of count to the schoolmaster, Benaldes, to -another scholarly Athenian, Joannes Macola, the translator of Ovid’s -_Metamorphoses_ and Justin’s _History_, to Taronites for his subsequent -services at the siege of Nauplia, and to Venizelos Rhoïdes. Indeed, so -well were these Athenian refugees treated, that a geographical shibboleth -was devised to discriminate between the genuine and the pseudo-exiles -from Athens[779]. To the 662 Athenian families which entered the Morea, -the Venetian authorities assigned lands, vineyards, olive-trees, houses, -shops, and gardens in proportion to the supposed requirements of the -four classes into which Athenian society was then divided. An official -Venetian report of 1701 praises their industry in trade, but remarks -that “not even the common folk among them were inclined to work on the -land,” and extols their “subtle intelligence,” adding that they desired -to return to Athens, although the town was once more under Turkish rule, -while at the same time retaining their Moreote property[780]. - -Athens was the climax of Morosini’s Greek career. On board his galley at -Poros he received the news of his election as doge, but his first ducal -enterprise, the siege of Negroponte, not only failed, despite the rising -of northern Greece against the Turks, but cost the lives of Koenigsmark -by fever and of Peter Gaspari, leader of the Athenian volunteers. This -was the last big event of the war. The German auxiliaries left Greece; -Morosini, recalled home by fever and the duties of his new office, -left to his successor, Cornaro, the task of completing the conquest -of the Morea by starving out the impregnable rock of Monemvasia in -1690; meanwhile a military revolution at Constantinople had placed -a weak Sultan on the throne and a strong minister, the third of the -Kiuprili dynasty, in power. The latter’s first act was to conciliate -the Christians, and to appoint a Mainate, Liberakes Gerakares, then -a prisoner in the arsenal, as bey of Maina and leader against the -Venetians. The “first Christian prince of Greece” had served as a -youth in the Venetian fleet; he had then turned pirate, and had during -the Cretan war acted as a Turkish instrument in his native land. He -now addressed a proclamation to the Athenian exiles in Salamis and -Ægina, bidding them return to their homes and telling them that he was -authorised by the Sultan to grant them an amnesty, at the same time -threatening those who disobeyed his orders with condign punishment -at his hands[781]. Under these circumstances they thought it best to -come to terms with their former masters. The superstitious among them -attributed the plague, the famine, the drought, and the Turkish raids -upon their vineyards on the continent opposite Salamis, to the curse of -the Œcumenical Patriarch. To him, therefore, they addressed an appeal, -drawn up by the schoolmaster, Argyros Benaldes, describing in high-flown -language their pitiable condition and imploring with deep humility his -forgiveness[782]. The patriarch relented, and, probably owing to his -mediation, the Athenian refugees were allowed, in 1690, to return. -Several of the principal families, however, remained in voluntary exile, -and their property was put up to auction and bought by a group of leading -Athenians; many Athenian Greeks stayed at Nauplia till its recapture by -the Turks in 1715; nor did all the Athenian Turks, who had gone to Asia -Minor, return; in 1705 the town contained only 300 Turkish families. -The population was, therefore, smaller and the material prosperity less -than before the Venetian conquest. Great damage had been done during -the “three years” of exile in Salamis; most of the houses had fallen, -the raiders had burned the trees, and to their fires is attributed the -blackening of Hadrian’s Porch. In order to facilitate the economic -recovery of Athens, the Sultan allowed it to be free from taxes for -three years; the fortifications of the Akropolis were repaired, as a -pompous Turkish inscription on the old Turkish entrance, dated 1708, long -testified, while a small mosque (which collapsed in 1842) was erected -within the Parthenon out of the ruins caused by the besiegers’ bomb[783]. -Greek education, which had languished at Athens since Benaldes had been -appointed schoolmaster at Nauplia and then at Patras, was revived by -the opening of a school in 1714, while the appointment of the learned -geographer, Meletios, as metropolitan, gave to Athens a patron of -culture. But the reinstated exiles fell to intriguing and quarrelling -among themselves to such a degree over their metropolitan, that the -Patriarch of Jerusalem—for the Holy Sepulchre had many possessions in -Attica during the Turkish period and still possesses property near the -so-called _Anaphiótika_ at Athens—wrote to them, congratulating them on -having so wise and noble a hierarch, and bidding them for the honour -of their famous city cast out scandals from their midst[784]. Meletios -was specially anxious to keep out of a quarrel between his flock and -the representative of the _voivode_, at that time an absentee, whose -exactions provoked an Athenian deputation to Constantinople in 1712, -headed by Demetrios Palaiologos, a local notable skilled in Turkish—a -rare accomplishment among the Athenian Christians, for most of their -Turkish fellow citizens spoke Greek. The chief of the black eunuchs, -to whom Athens still belonged, not only deposed his _voivode_, but, -taking from his secretary’s girdle his silver ink-horn, handed it to -Palaiologos with the words, “Take this ink-horn and from to-day I appoint -thee _voivode_ of Athens.” This was the first and last occasion on which -a _rayah_ was made _voivode_ of Athens. The local Turks and the local -Christian notables alike were furious at being governed by a Christian, -and the former assassinated him in the house of his kinsman, Palaiologos -Benizelos[785]. - -Monemvasia was the last durable acquisition of Venice during the war. In -1691 the island fortress of Grabusa, off the north-western extremity of -Crete, was betrayed by two Neapolitan officers in the Venetian service; -next year an attempt to take Canea was frustrated by the old Venetian -fortifications, once erected against the Turks. Liberakes raided the -Morea, but the Moreote Greeks did not rise, as he had led his Turkish -patrons to expect, and the fear of being cut off by the disembarkation -of a Venetian force at the isthmus made the raiders soon retire. In -1693 Morosini resumed the command, but his only acts were to re-fortify -the castle of Ægina, which he had demolished during the Cretan war in -1655, the cost of upkeep being paid, as long as the war lasted, by the -Athenians, and to place it and Salamis under Malipiero as governor[786]. -This led the Athenians to send him a request for the renewal of Venetian -protection and an offer of an annual tribute. His death at Nauplia in -1694 caused the appointment of Zeno, then governor of the Morea, as his -successor. Zeno easily accomplished the capture of the rich island of -Chios, but in the following year the island was abandoned. The Greek -population was more favourable to the Moslems than to the Catholic -Venetians, especially as the presence of the Archbishop of Naxos on board -the fleet was interpreted as an intention to interfere with the Orthodox -Church. Those Catholic Chiotes, on the other hand, who did not emigrate -to the Morea, were dismayed at the departure of the Italians, and paid -dearly for their brief triumph when the Turks returned. Four were hanged, -their religion was prohibited, and their cathedral (whose Archbishop was -compensated by the Venetians with the titular see of Corinth) turned into -a mosque[787]. This was the last important event of the war in Greece. -A series of naval battles was fought in the Ægean; and, even after the -Venetians had abandoned the idea of operations north of the Morea, the -continental Greeks kept up a guerilla warfare on their own account with -the aid of Slavonian troops. Unable to make head against their combined -efforts, Liberakes went over to the Venetians, who showed their distrust -of the “Bey of Maina” by imprisoning him at Brescia, where he ended his -days. In 1699, thanks to English mediation, the war ended with the peace -of Carlovitz, by which Venice retained possession of the Morea, Santa -Maura, and Ægina, and ceased to pay tribute for Zante, but restored to -the Sultan her continental Greek conquests, such as Lepanto. The castles -of Prevesa and Rumeli, the classic Antirrhion, were to be demolished, -but Venice did not recover Grabusa. Thus the end of this fifteen years’ -costly war found her with a Greek dominion consisting of the seven -Ionian Islands, Butrinto and Parga in Epeiros, the two Cretan forts of -Spinalonga and Suda, Tenos and Ægina, and the “kingdom” of the Morea, the -whole of which, in the Middle Ages, had never been hers. - -When the Venetians set to work to re-organise the Morea, they found their -new conquest devastated and depopulated[788]. Much of the land had gone -out of cultivation, for there were not hands enough to till it, and the -war and the plague had aggravated the evils engendered by the long period -of Turkish rule. As early as 1687 they took the first step to improve -the condition of their new colony by sending three commissioners with -instructions to make a survey of the country, its mills, fisheries, mines -and other resources, and in 1688 sent Cornaro as its first governor, or -_provveditore generale_. He estimated the total population, exclusive -of Maina and the district of Corinth, to be only 86,468, as against -200,000, exclusive of garrisons and foreigners, before the war; Michiel, -one of the three commissioners, puts it, without Maina, at 97,118, of -whom 3577 were Turks converted to Christianity from interested motives, -who required careful watching. Out of 2111 villages the war and the -plague had laid desolate 656, and Cornaro could not find a living soul -between Patras and Kalavryta. Under the Venetian rule the population -gradually rose to more than it had been in the Turkish time—to 116,000 -in 1692, to 176,844 in 1701, to over 250,000 in 1708. These figures were -probably below the mark, owing to the characteristically oriental dislike -of the natives to be numbered—a proceeding regarded as the prelude -to that accurate taxation which has never been popular in the Near -East. The increase was partly due to emigration from the neighbouring -Turkish provinces and the Ionian Islands. Besides the Athenians, mostly -congregated at Nauplia, there were the Chiote exiles at Modon, Thebans -and Lepantines (after the peace), Cretans from Canea and even Bulgarians. -Cornaro alone in his two years of office was successful in inducing 6000 -emigrants to enter the Morea, where he gave them lands between Patras and -Aigion and at Kalavryta, and promised them exemption from taxes. Ere long -there was no one in the Morea who had not his house, his mill, and his -bit of land—a thing very rare among the Christians of Turkey—and even the -Athenians, the flower of the emigrants, were admittedly much better off -than they had been at home. Only material welfare does not satisfy the -whole nature of man, else _ubi bene, ibi patria_ would have been an easy -solution of many Balkan questions. - -The population during the Venetian occupation was mixed. The majority -was, of course, overwhelmingly Greek, but there was considerable -difference between the Greeks of the various districts, as in classical -times. The Moreotes did not like “foreigners,” in which designation, -like the modern Italian peasants, they included people of their own race -from other parts of Greece. The natives of Elis were specially hostile -to “strangers,” whereas their neighbours in Achaia, from their commerce -with the Ionian Islands, tolerated “foreigners.” The Venetians did not -give the Moreotes in general a very good character, but the faults which -they attributed to them were not due to a double dose of original sin, -but to the effects of long years of Turkish rule. They are described -in the Venetian reports as suspicious, lazy, and inclined to speak evil -of each other. Suspicion is a common quality of southern nations, and -laziness was excusable under the Turkish system, when the industrious -man was punished by being heavily mulcted in the fruits of his industry. -With the Turkish dress the Greeks retained the Turkish maxims, but it -was noticed that the women of Monemvasia had preserved from the previous -Venetian occupation the old Venetian dress. The Arkadians were “rustics -and truly Arkadian, but full of wiles,” and there was considerable -polish at Kalamata. The Cretans were an exception; brought up under -Venetian rule for centuries, they were very industrious. The Ionians were -restless, but more cultured than the Moreotes, of whom the most civilised -were the townsfolk of Mistra, who “dressed and lived with more splendour -than the others, boasting to be the remnant of the true Spartan blood.” -All the people of the country round Mistra were pure Greeks, but the -town contained over 400 Jews, whose descendants Chateaubriand[789] found -there in 1806, and whose compatriots’ funeral inscriptions I noticed in -the museum there. The Jewish element in the Morea was, however, small—it -was a poor country—and the only other Hebrew colonies were at Nauplia and -Patras. Truth was not the strong point of the Naupliotes, but they were -loyal to Venice, as were from the first the Mainates, who abhorred the -very name of the Turks, of whom the other Greeks stood in awe, but had -a rooted objection to paying taxes, always went armed, and “professed -to observe still the institutes of Lycurgus,” of which the chief was -apparently the blood-feud. Besides the Greeks and the Jews, both chiefly -occupied with trade, there were the Albanians, mostly agriculturists -and specially numerous in the province of Romania, men of fine physique -but hating war. Indeed, with the exception of the Mainates and some -of the emigrants from Northern Greece, the population was essentially -pacific and relied upon its foreign rulers to defend it. It was, however, -litigious, and this natural tendency was increased by a “hungry crowd of -small lawyers, partly from the Ionian Islands, partly from the Venetian -bar,” who became the curse of the Morea. - -The Venetians divided the peninsula at first into six provinces and seven -fiscal boards, but the number of the provinces was reduced to four, -viz. Romania (capital Nauplia), Lakonia (capital Monemvasia), Messenia -(capital Navarino Nuovo), and Achaia (capital Patras). Each province had -a _provveditore_ for its administration and defence, a judicial official -known as _rettore_, and a treasurer, or _camerlengo_. There were also -_provveditori_ in seven places which were not provincial capitals, viz. -Mistra, Kalavryta, Phanari, Gastouni, Koron, Modon and Zarnata. Above -them all stood the _provveditore generale_. None of these officials, as -we see from Hopf’s lists[790], held office for more than two or three -years, according to the usual Venetian system; but they were not new to -the task of governing Greeks. The government was, therefore, experienced, -but still wholly in foreign hands, although Morosini allowed a few -communities to manage their local affairs, and Maina enjoyed practical -independence. This liberal concession was not, however, altogether -successful. “Every castle, almost every village, aspired to erect itself -into a republic,” wrote one of the governors-general, and these petty -communes begged Venice to send them a Venetian noble, in order that they -might pose as the equals of the provincial capitals, even offering to -pay his salary for the advantage conferred by his presence. Moreover, -persons suddenly promoted from the status of Turkish _rayah_ to be local -magnates, were not always disposed to treat the Greek peasants upon -democratic principles, but rather upon those by which they had been -treated themselves. An emancipated slave is apt to be a slave-driver. - -One important privilege was granted to the communities from political -motives—the election of the Orthodox bishops. Of all the difficulties, -which Venice had to face, the greatest was the Œcumenical Patriarch, -an official, who, being resident in the Turkish capital, was perforce -a Turkish agent, and who, before this reform, had named the nineteen -Moreote bishops and the abbots of the _stavropégia_—monasteries directly -dependent upon him. These, in 1701, formed 26 out of the total of 158 -(with 1367 monks). The Patriarch’s patronage had, therefore, been -considerable, and his influence, even apart from Turkish pressure, was -unlikely to be used in favour of a Catholic government. But this was not -his only loss. Before the Venetian conquest, one-half of the Epiphany -and Easter offerings of the priests and people—3 reals for every priest -in the diocese and ¼ real for every household—had gone to the bishop, -and one-half to the Patriarch. Morosini reduced these offerings, the -_philótimo_ as it was called, by about one-half, at the same time -ordering that the whole of it should be given to the local bishop and -nothing to the Patriarch. The Patriarch, thus injured in both his powers -and his purse, threatened to excommunicate such communes as elected their -own bishops. To this the Venetian governor-general, Grimani, retorted -by forbidding the entry of the patriarchal exarch into the Morea; but -his duties, mainly those of a tax-collector, were quietly undertaken -by the Metropolitan of Patras, while the Patriarch became as anxious -as the Turks to turn the Venetians out of the country. Unfortunately, -these disadvantages of a well-meant reform were not accompanied by -corresponding benefits. Simony continued to be rife, and unsuitable -persons were often chosen as bishops by the communities. Nor was the -Patriarch the only external influence over the Moreote church, for -there were some twenty-four _metóchia_, or “monastic farms” belonging -to monasteries in Turkish territory, which not only sent money out of -the country to swell the enemy’s revenues, but were centres of political -propaganda and smuggling. These difficulties were not peculiar to the -Venetians: they likewise faced the Bavarian regency. The Venetian -official reports show a consciousness of the policy of conciliation -towards the church of the vast mass of the people. For the Catholics, -outside the Venetian garrison, were few, except at Nauplia and among the -Chiote exiles at Modon. Indeed, the former Archbishop of Chios was the -first Catholic Archbishop of the Venetian Morea; and his successor, Mgr. -Carlini, whose see was Corinth but who resided at Nauplia, was the only -Catholic prelate in the whole kingdom; even as late as 1714 the Morea -contained only one Catholic bishop. We find, however, the Greeks sending -their children to the friars’ school to learn Italian and the rudiments -of Latin, and there was a scheme for founding a college at Tripolitsa. -Unfortunately the ministers of religion, as Cornaro epigrammatically -wrote, seemed sometimes to be sent to the Morea “rather as a punishment -for their own sins than to correct the sins of others.” - -Materially, the Venetian administration marked an advance, as the foreign -occupation of Turkish territory always does, but trade was handicapped by -the selfish colonial policy of Venice. Upon the Morea, “a poor country -without industries or manufacture,” the Turks had imposed thirteen taxes, -of which five (the _haratch_, a further local capitation-tax, called -_spenza_, the duty on horses’ shoes, the tax on absentee landlords, -and the burden of providing and transporting food for the army at half -price) fell upon the Christians alone, while the others (such as the -tithe and the taxes on animals) were common to both them and the Turks. -Thus, out of a total of 1,699,000 reals, the Christians paid 1,350,300, -besides what was illegally extorted from them. The Venetians raised -their revenue from tithes of all agricultural produce, taxes on wine, -spirits, oil and tobacco, the usual Italian system of a salt monopoly, -customs dues, and the Crown lands. Careful management and increased -prosperity increased the revenue, only 280,000 reals in 1689, to 500,501 -in 1711. The farming of the tithes was entrusted to the communes, but the -Mainates refused to pay tithes, consenting, however, to pay, although -reluctantly, a fixed tribute called _mactù_. The salt monopoly was a -hardship, because, although the price was low, a peasant living near the -chief salt-pans at Thermisi was not allowed to buy his salt on the spot, -but had to make a long journey to some distant magazine. Agriculture -improved after the peace of Carlovitz and the fortification of Nauplia, -when it became clear that Venice intended to stay and security of -tenure was thus assured. But the customs dues yielded little, because -the Republic forbade the creation of industries likely to compete with -those of Venice, and compelled the Moreotes to send every article to -that city. English merchants, therefore, found it cheaper to trade with -Turkey, and the governors-general in vain pointed out the folly of this -commercial policy, which caused the decline of such industries as that -of silk at Mistra, until it was revived by the Chiote exiles at Modon. -As the foreign garrison could not stomach the resinous wine, and began -to import foreign vintages, efforts were made to extend and improve the -local vineyards. The currant, which is now successfully cultivated along -the Moreote shore of the Corinthian Gulf, had, indeed, been known in the -peninsula as far back as the fourteenth century, when it is mentioned by -Pegalotti[791]; but it was not till after the Turkish reconquest that -it was grown and exported in large quantities for the consumption of -northern races. Even with these drawbacks, however, and the burden of -having to contribute to the maintenance of Cerigo and Ægina, both united -administratively with the Morea since the peace, the peninsula not only -paid all the expenses of administration but furnished a substantial -balance to the naval defence of the Republic, in which it was directly -interested. Land defence was a more difficult question. Of the natives -only the Mainates wanted to be soldiers, nor could the Greeks be trusted -with arms, while French consuls, anxious to weaken Venice, encouraged -French mercenaries, as at Suda and Spinalonga[792], to desert her service. - -The fact was that, like Great Britain in the Ionian Islands and Cyprus, -and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia and the Herzegovina, Venice had improved -the administration, without winning the love of her alien subjects. -Foreign domination, even under the most favourable circumstances, never -succeeds in satisfying the Balkan races, whose national feelings are -keenly developed. The Venetian governors, as their reports show, were -well-meaning men, but they were aliens in race and religion to the -governed. Even had their administration been perfect, that fact alone -would have rendered it unpopular after the first feeling of relief at -the expulsion of the Turkish yoke was over. Liberated peoples, especially -in the Near East, expect much from their western administrators, -while, as we know in Egypt, the evils of the old corrupt rule are soon -forgotten. It was so in the Morea. Thus, in 1710, the French traveller, -De La Motraye[793], found the Greeks of Modon “praying for their return -under Turkish domination, and envying the lot of those Greeks who still -lived under it.” This was partly due to the lightness of the Turkish -capitation-tax, and they added: “Venetian soldiers are quartered on us, -their officers debauch our wives and daughters, their priests speak -against our religion and constantly urge us to embrace theirs, which -the Turks never did.” Besides, the Greeks had a feeling, justified -by the result, that Turkey was stronger than Venice, and therefore -desired to be on the winning side, and thus avoid reprisals. Even the -rough-and-ready Turkish justice, which was administered with the stick, -seemed to one Venetian governor to be more suited to the people than -the interminable Venetian procedure, presided over by ignorant young -nobles, assisted by venal clerks. Thus the poor suitor fared badly, for -the governor-general could not be ubiquitous. Public safety, however, -improved; as the local policeman was often a brigand, a local militia -was organised by the communes, and a notoriously dangerous pass, -like that of Makryplagi, through which the railway now descends to -Kalamata, was guarded by the men of the neighbouring villages, who were -authorised to levy a small toll from the travellers. Crime diminished, -and it rarely became necessary to apply the penalty of death. With the -Mainates, in particular, mildness and diplomacy were the only possible -methods. Luxury, however, and moral depravation crept into Nauplia, the -Venetian capital of the Morea, and the historian, Diedo[794], wrote that -“in magnificence and pomp it had no cause to envy the most cultured -capitals.” Sternly practical people, the Venetians did nothing for the -classical antiquities of the Peloponnese; indeed, Grimani turned the -amphitheatre of Corinth into a lazaretto; but the Venetian occupation -spread abroad the names of the classic sites, and the various illustrated -books upon the Morea and other parts of Greece, which were rapidly turned -out from Coronelli’s “workshop,” were at once the result and the cause -of the popular curiosity about this once famous land, which had emerged, -thanks to Morosini’s victories, from Turkish darkness into the light of -day. - -As early as 1711 the Venetian government had been warned that Turkey was -eager to recover the Morea, the loss of which was severely felt; yet -no preparations were made to meet the coming storm, but most of the -fortresses were left in a bad condition. Nothing had been done since 1696 -to protect the isthmus, and Palamedi at Nauplia alone had been fortified -at immense cost with those splendid works which still remain, with an -occasional abandoned cannon of 1685 on the “Fig Fort,” a memorial of -the Venetian occupation. Each of its bulwarks bore the name of a famous -Venetian—Morosini, Sagredo and Grimani—and an inscription over the gate -contains the date—1712—of its completion[795]. There were not, however, -sufficient men to defend it; indeed, when war was declared the total army -in the Morea consisted of only 10,735 men, while the fleet consisted of -only eleven galleys and eight armed ships. In 1714, after having defeated -Russia and renewed their treaty with Poland, the Turks had their hands -free to attack the enemy, against whom their own desire for revenge and -French commercial jealousy urged them. The moment seemed favourable, -with Russia not yet recovered from her late Turkish war and pledged not -to make an alliance with Venice, with the Moreote Greeks “desirous to -return” (so the war-party argued) “to their old obedience.” Both sides -could rely, it was true, on spiritual help; but the support of Pope -Clement XI was less valuable than the threat of the Œcumenical Patriarch -to excommunicate all Greeks who fought for the schismatic Republic, which -had curtailed his revenues and privileges. An excuse for war was easily -found: Venice, it was pretended, had supplied the Montenegrins with arms -and money and received their bishop, Danilo I, at Cattaro. In vain the -Republic hoped for the Emperor’s mediation, and hastily sent munitions -and provisions to the Morea. It was decided to abandon all places except -Nauplia, Argos, Monemvasia, Modon, Koron, Kielefa, Zarnata, and the -castle of the Morea—the corresponding castle on the opposite side of the -Corinthian Gulf had been re-fortified by Turkey in defiance of the treaty -of Carlovitz—and to demolish both Navarinos. It was, however, too late. - -The campaign of 1715 was an unbroken series of striking successes for -the Turkish army of over 100,000 men and the large fleet. The first blow -was the loss of Tenos, a Venetian colony since 1390, whose cowardly -commander, Balbi, capitulated at the first summons of the Turkish -admiral, subsequently expiating his conduct by imprisonment for life. Its -naturally strong fortress of San Nicolo, which Tournefort[796] fifteen -years before had found garrisoned by “fourteen ragged soldiers, of whom -seven were French deserters,” contained abundant food and ammunition; -the Teniotes, so predominantly Catholics, that the place was called “the -Pope’s island,” were loyal to Venice and formed an excellent militia, -which had repulsed the Turkish admiral, Mezzomorto, in the late war; and -this solitary Venetian island had been regarded as “a thorn in the centre -of the Turkish empire.” The Turkish army, under Ali Kamurgi, aided by -many Greek militia-men from the northern shores of the gulf, crossed the -isthmus and besieged Corinth. Minotto, who “held in Corinth’s towers the -Doge’s delegated powers,” resisted a five days’ bombardment, although -the Greek non-combatants desired to save their property by surrender, -before he capitulated on condition that the garrison was transported -to Corfù. But an explosion in the fortress, ascribed by Byron in _The -Siege of Corinth_ to Minotto himself, but perhaps due to accident, -led the Janissaries to massacre the Venetians and Greeks. Minotto was -carried off as a slave to Smyrna, where he was ransomed by the wife of -the Dutch consul[797]; the Greek prisoners were sold “like cattle.” This -frightened the Moreotes into submission and encouraged the Æginetans to -invoke the aid of the Turkish admiral, to whom the commander, Bembo, -surrendered the island without resistance. The fact that the Turkish -general paid for provisions, while the Venetians had commandeered them, -enlisted the interests, and therefore the sympathies, of the Moreote -peasantry, and excited the surprise of the French interpreter, Brue, -who has left a diary of his experiences in this campaign. Nauplia was -the next objective of the invaders. The poet Manthos of Joannina, who -was there when it fell, expressed the current belief of the Greeks (of -whom, however, few could be induced even by high pay, to aid in the -defence) that the strongly fortified capital of the Venetian Morea was -betrayed by De La Salle (or Sala), a French officer in the Venetian -service, who had sent the plans of Palamedi to Negroponte. Over a -century later the traitor’s ruined house was pointed out to Emerson, -the historian[798]. It had been pulled down and an “anathema” of stones -raised on the site, upon which no one dared to build till 1859; it was -called “Sala’s threshing-floor” and used for drying clothes. After a -brief resistance Palamedi, on which so much had been spent, was stormed, -and the storming-party thence entered the town. The captors showed -special fury against the Catholics, whose Archbishop, Carlini, was among -the slain. The capture of Nauplia so greatly delighted Ahmed III, that -he came to see the place, visiting Athens on his way—the first and last -time that a Sultan set foot there since Mohammed II—and, according to a -legend, presenting the gardens of Phaleron to his body-guard[799]. The -garrisons of Modon and the castle of the Morea mutinied, and refused -to defend those fortresses; worse still was the “ignominious surrender” -of the strong and well-provisioned rock of Monemvasia by its boastful -governor, Badoer, without firing a shot, at the first summons of the -Turkish admiral, who subsequently admitted that he could not have taken -it. Meanwhile the Venetian fleet remained inactive off Sapienza, because, -as its admiral pleaded, he did not wish to add a defeat on sea to that on -land! The Morea was now lost; even Maina submitted. But the commanders -of the two surviving Cretan forts of Suda and Spinalonga were resolute -men. Under the circumstances—for Suda’s defences were judged defective, -and the French consul at Canea aided the Turkish admiral with his advice -and local knowledge[800]—the small garrison did well to hold out till -September 25, when it honourably capitulated. Spinalonga then surrendered -without a siege, and the last fragment of Venetian rule in Crete was -gone. The Sultan was as much pleased at the taking of these two places -as at the reconquest of the Morea. Cerigo and Cerigotto next hoisted the -white flag, and Venice was so much alarmed for the safety of Corfù, that -she blew up the recent fortifications of Santa Maura and temporarily -abandoned that island. The Turks occupied Butrinto and threatened Corfù; -but the bravery of Schulenburg defended the latter and recovered the -former and Santa Maura in 1716, and took Prevesa and Vonitza in 1717. An -alliance with the Emperor, alarmed at the effect of the Turkish successes -upon his Hungarian subjects, saved Venice from further losses; Great -Britain offered her mediation, and the peace of Passarovitz in 1718 gave -her back Cerigo and Cerigotto, and allowed her to keep Butrinto, Santa -Maura, Prevesa and Vonitza. The nett result of the two wars, in which -she had kept and lost the Morea, was that, as against the loss of Tenos -and the three Cretan forts, which she held in 1684, she had to set off -the possession of Santa Maura and the two places on the Ambrakian gulf -in 1718. She had “consolidated” her Levantine dominion: Cerigo was now -her farthest possession. But in her case, as in that of Turkey in our own -time, “consolidation” meant decline. From that date she ceased to count -as a factor in Greek affairs, except in the Ionian Islands and their -continental dependencies. - -The collapse of her power in the Morea in a hundred and one days proved -that Venice was unable to defend the Greeks, whom she had never won -over to her rule. But, although she had not gained their love, her -administration had not been without some lasting benefits to them. The -example of Venice, despite the venality of her judges, forced the Turks -to treat their Greek subjects better, and agriculture and wine growing -were improved. The Venetian occupation of the Morea had the same effect -upon the Greeks as the twenty-one years’ Austrian occupation of Serbia -from 1718 to 1739 upon the Serbs; it spread a higher degree of material -civilisation. But even the most benevolent and most efficient government -by foreigners—and a modern Greek historian has attributed both good -intentions and efficiency to the Venetians—is bound to fail when national -consciousness begins to awaken. After the Venetians went, the Greeks -prepared to fight, not to substitute the rule of one foreign power for -that of another but for independence, not for Venice, or Turkey, or -Russia, but for Greece. The younger generations, which had grown up under -Venetian auspices, were manlier and better than those which had only -known Turkish rule. If Venice contributed thereby to preparing the way -for the war of independence, it was her greatest service to the Greeks. - - - - -VII. MISCELLANEA FROM THE NEAR EAST - - -1. VALONA - -The late Italian occupation of Valona has drawn attention to what has -been called one of the two keys of the Adriatic. It may, therefore, be of -interest to trace the history of this important strategic position, which -has been held by no less than twelve different masters. - -The name αὐλών, “a hollow between hills,” was applied to various places -in antiquity, and from the accusative of this word comes the Italian -form “Valona,” or, as the Venetians often wrote it, “Avalona.” In -antiquity there were, however, few allusions to this particular αὐλών, -the probable date of its foundation being, therefore, fairly late, -although the pitch-mine of Selenitza, three hours to the east, was worked -by the Romans in the time of Ovid[801], and Pliny the Elder[802] knew -the now famous island of Saseno, to which both Lucan[803] and Silius -Italicus[804] allude, as a pirate resort. But there is no mention of -Valona till the second half of the second century A.D., when Ptolemy[805] -describes it as “a city and harbour.” It subsequently occurs several -times in the Antonine, Maritime and Jerusalem Itineraries[806], and in -the Synekdemos of Hierokles[807]; whereas Kanina, the little town on the -hill above it, which may have been its akropolis, was “built,” according -to Leake[808], “upon a Hellenic site,” and identified by Pouqueville[809] -with Œneus, the fortress taken by Perseus during the third Macedonian -war, and probably destroyed by Æmilius Paullus, which would thus explain -its long disappearance from history. - -Despite the importance of its position as a port of transit between Rome -and Constantinople, Valona is rarely named even by Byzantine historians -before the eleventh century. Bishops of Valona, who were at different -times suffragans of Durazzo or Ochrida, are mentioned in 458, in 553, -and in 519, when the legates sent by Pope Hormisdas to Constantinople -were received by the then occupant of the See[810]. It was there that -Peter, Justinian’s envoy, met those of Theodatus, the two Roman -Senators, Liberius and Opilio, and learnt what had befallen Amalasuntha, -the prisoner of Bolsena[811]. Constantine Porphyrogenitus[812] merely -enumerates it as one of the cities comprised in the Theme of Dyrrachium. -Possibly it was one of the Byzantine harbours between Corfù and the Drin, -which escaped temporary absorption in the Bulgarian Empire of Symeon -(_c._ 917). But Kanina was included in that of the other great Bulgarian -Tsar Samuel (976-1014), until Basil II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” overthrew -that powerful monarch[813], and it is, therefore, probable that Valona -too was for a brief space a Bulgarian port. The Sicilian expeditions -against Greece in the eleventh and twelfth centuries naturally brought -Valona into prominence as a landing-place for troops. Anna Comnena[814] -frequently mentions it. Thus, in 1081, Bohemund, son of Robert Guiscard, -took and burnt Kanina, Valona, and Jericho, as the ancient harbour of -Eurychos (the Porto Raguseo of the Italians) was then called; Robert -was nearly shipwrecked in a storm off Cape Glossa, and later on spent -two months in the haven of Jericho. When he left Albania in 1082 he -bestowed Valona upon Bohemund, and when he made his second and fatal -expedition in 1084 it was to Valona that he crossed from Otranto. Trade -privileges at Valona (renewed by subsequent Emperors in 1126, 1148 and -1187) formed part of the price which the Emperor Alexios I paid for the -assistance of the Venetian fleet in this contest[815]. It was there -that the Greek Admiral Kontostephanos watched for Bohemund’s return, -and shortly afterwards we find Michael Kekaumenos, Imperial governor of -Valona, Jericho and Kanina. In 1149, after the capture of Corfù, Manuel -II went to Valona, and encamped there several days before sailing for -Sicily to punish King Roger for his attack upon Greece. He landed on the -islet of Aeironesion (identified by Pouqueville and Professor Lampros -with Saseno); but storms prevented his “punitive expedition,” so he left -Valona by land for Pelagonia[816]. - -The fourth crusade, which led to the dismemberment of the Greek Empire, -consequently affected the Adriatic coast. The partition treaty of 1204 -assigned to Venice the province of Durazzo, which included Valona, as -well as Albania, and in the following year the Venetian _podestà_ at -Constantinople formally transferred these possessions to the Republic, -which sent Marino Valaresso with the title of “Duke” to govern Durazzo. -But meanwhile Michael I Angelos had established in western Greece the -independent Hellenic principality known as the Despotat of Epeiros, -which included both “Old” and “New” Epeiros (in the latter of which -was Valona), extending from Naupaktos to Durazzo, and which he agreed -in 1210 to hold as a nominal fief of Venice, from the river Shkumbi, -south of Durazzo, to Naupaktos, paying a yearly rent, and promising to -grant to the Venetian merchants a special quarter in every town of his -dominions, freedom from taxes, and assistance in case of need against the -Albanians[817]. Thus Valona for fifty-three years formed an integral part -of the Greek Despotat of Epeiros. - -The mutual rivalry of the two Greek states which had arisen out of the -ruins of the Byzantine Empire—the Empire of Nicæa and the Despotat of -Epeiros—suggested to the ill-fated Manfred of Sicily that he might -recover the ephemeral conquests of the Sicilian Normans on the eastern -shores of the Adriatic. In 1257, while Michael II of Epeiros was at war -with the Nicene troops, he occupied Valona, Durazzo, Berat, the Spinarza -hills (near the mouth of the Vojussa, or perhaps Svernetsi on the lagoon -of Valona), and their appurtenances; and Michael, desirous of securing -Manfred as an ally against his Greek rival, made a virtue of necessity -by conferring these places together with the hand of his daughter Helen -upon the King of Sicily on the occasion of their marriage[818] in 1259. -Manfred wisely appointed as governor of his trans-Adriatic possessions -a man with experience of the East, Filippo Chinardo, a Cypriote Frank, -and his High Admiral. Indeed, when Manfred fell in battle at Benevento, -fighting against Charles I of Anjou, in 1266, Chinardo, who married -Michael II’s sister-in-law and received Kanina as her dowry, continued to -hold his late master’s Epeirote dominions, but later in the same year was -assassinated at the instigation of the crafty Despot[819]. The latter had -doubtless hoped, now that his son-in-law was no more, to re-occupy the -places which had been his daughter’s and his sister-in-law’s dowries. But -a new claimant now appeared upon the scene. The fugitive Latin Emperor -of Constantinople, Baldwin II, by the treaty of Viterbo in 1267 ceded to -Charles I of Anjou “all the land which the Despot Michael gave, handed -over and conceded as dowry or by whatsoever title to his daughter Helen, -widow of the late Manfred, formerly Prince of Taranto, and which the -said Manfred and the late Filippo Chinardo (who acted as Admiral of the -said realm) held during their lives[820].” The Sicilian garrisons of -Valona, Kanina and Berat held out, however, against both Michael II and -Charles I, the latter of whom was for some years too much occupied with -Italian affairs to intervene actively beyond the Adriatic. Accordingly, a -devoted follower of Chinardo, Giacomo di Balsignano (near Bari), remained -independent as castellan of Valona; but in 1269 Charles, having made this -man’s brother a prisoner in Italy, declined to release him at the request -of Prince William of Achaia, unless Valona were surrendered. Although -he actually named one of his own supporters to take Balsignano’s place, -that officer held out at Valona for four years more, when he handed over -Valona, but was at once re-appointed castellan of both Valona and Kanina -by Charles. Thus, in 1273, began the effective rule of the Angevins over -Valona. In the following year, the Italian castellan received fiefs in -Southern Italy in exchange for Valona and Kanina, and a Frenchman, Henri -de Courcelles, was appointed in his stead[821]. Chinardo’s heirs, who had -at first been allowed to live on at Valona, were imprisoned at Trani. - -The Angevins attached considerable importance to Valona, especially -from a military point of view. Frequent mention is made of the castle -in the Angevin documents; Greek fire was deposited there, its well -is the subject of several inquiries, and it served as a base for -Charles I’s designs upon the Greek Empire, which were cut short by the -Sicilian Vespers. The chief Angevin officials were a castellan (usually -a Frenchman, _e.g._ Dreux de Vaux), a treasurer, and more rarely a -“captain” of the town, who was subordinate to the castellan, who was in -his turn under the Captain and Vicar-General of Albania. The garrison -sometimes consisted of Saracens from Lucera, and its fidelity could -not always be trusted, for a commission was on one occasion sent over -to inquire whether it had sold munitions to the Greek enemies of the -Angevins. Nor was the harbour, which the Venetians frequented, free from -pirates[822]. After the death of the vigorous Despot Michael II, it -was not so much from his feeble successor, Nikephoros I of Epeiros, as -from the able and energetic Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, that the -Angevins had to fear attacks upon Valona, especially after the defeat -of their army and the capture of its commander at Berat in 1281. There -is no documentary evidence of the presence of any Angevin governor -after 1284 at Valona, which, between that date and 1297, when we find -a certain “Calemanus” described as “Duke” of the Spinarza district, -and, therefore, almost certainly of Valona also, must have been occupied -by the Byzantines[823]. Nevertheless, the Angevins continued to regard -the Epeirote lands of Manfred and Chinardo as theirs on paper. They are -mentioned in the ratification of the treaty of Viterbo by the titular -Latin Empress Catherine in 1294, by which they were confirmed to King -Charles II, who in the same year transferred them to his son Philip of -Taranto[824], then about to marry Thamar, daughter and heiress of the -Despot Nikephoros I of Epeiros. - -The Byzantines evidently attached considerable importance to Valona and -its district, for the successive Byzantine governors were men of family -and position: Andronikos Asan Palaiologos, subsequently governor of the -Byzantine province in the Morea, who was son of the Bulgarian Tsar, John -Asên III, connected with the reigning imperial family, and father-in-law -of the future Emperor John Cantacuzene; Constantine Palaiologos, son of -Andronikos II; and a Laskaris[825]. Under these exalted personages were -minor officials, such as George Ganza, a friend of the Despot Thomas -of Epeiros, and his son Nicholas, who successively held the office of -Admiral of Valona for over twenty years, while the latter on one occasion -grandiloquently styles himself _protosevastos et protovestiarius et -primus camerlengus_ of the Emperor; the _sevastos_ Theodore Lykoudas, -and Michael Malagaris, prefect of the castle of Kanina[826]. During this -second Byzantine period, when Valona was _civitas Imperatoris Grecorum_ -(as a document styles it), there was a considerable trade with both -Ragusa and Venice, and a colony of resident Venetian merchants there. -Occasionally, however, serious quarrels arose between the Ganza family -and the Ragusans and Venetians, who demanded satisfaction from the -Emperor, and on one occasion Ganza’s son was killed. That there was -likewise traffic with the opposite Italian coast is clear from King -Robert of Naples’ repeated orders to his subjects to export nothing to -a place which belonged to the hostile Byzantine Empire, and to which -the Angevins still maintained their claims. For as late as 1328 Philip -of Taranto named a certain Raimond de Termes commander of Berat and -Valona[827], and death alone prevented him and his brother, John of -Gravina, who in 1332 received the kingdom of Albania with the town of -Durazzo in exchange for the principality of the Morea, from prosecuting -the Angevin claims. The Albanians, however, rose and attacked Berat and -Kanina in 1335, but were speedily suppressed by Andronikos III, the first -Emperor who had visited Albania since Manuel I[828]. - -But a more formidable enemy than Angevins or Albanians now threatened -Valona. The great Serbian Tsar, Stephen Dushan, was now making Serbia -the dominant power of the Balkan peninsula, and the value of the harbour -of Valona and the castle of Kanina could scarcely escape the notice -of that remarkable man. An entry in a Serbian psalter informs us that -the Serbs took Valona and Kanina[829] in the last four months of 1345 -or in the early months of 1346, and Serbian they remained till the -Turkish conquest. Dushan, like the Byzantines, showed his appreciation -of these places by appointing as governor of Valona, Kanina and Berat -his brother-in-law, John Comnenos Asên, brother of the Bulgarian Tsar, -John Alexander. This Serbian governor, a Bulgar by birth, married Anna -Palaiologina, widow of the Despot John II of Epeiros, and mother of the -last Despot of Epeiros, Nikephoros II, and became so far Hellenised as to -take the name of Comnenos (borne by the Greek Despots of Epeiros, whose -successor he pretended to be, and whose title of “Despot” he adopted), -and to sign his name in Greek in the two Slav documents which he has -bequeathed to us[830]. Although, like his predecessors, he preyed upon -Venetian and other shipping at Valona, for which the mighty Serbian Tsar -paid compensation, he became a Venetian citizen[831], and was allowed -to obtain weapons in Venice for the defence of Cheimarra and its port -of Palermo from Sicilian pirates[832]. After the death of Dushan and -in the confusion which ensued he embraced the cause of the latter’s -half-brother, the Tsar Symeon, who had married his step-daughter, -Thomais, against Dushan’s son, and he is last mentioned in 1363, when -nearly all the Venetians at Valona died of the plague, and he perhaps -with them[833]. Alexander, perhaps his son, followed him as “Lord of -Kanina and Valona,” and allied himself with Ragusa[834], of which he -became a citizen. The name of Porto Raguseo (Pasha Liman of the Turks), -at the mouth of the Dukati valley on the bay of Valona, still preserves -the memory of this connection, and was the harbour of the “argosies” of -the South Slavonic Republic, whose merchants had their quarters half-way -between Valona and Kanina. - -In 1371 those places came into the possession of the family of Balsha, -of Serbian origin, which a few years earlier had founded a dynasty -in what is now Montenegro. Balsha II, who with his two brothers had -already taken Antivari and Scutari (“their principal domicile”), killed -a certain George, perhaps Alexander’s son—for Alexander is thought to -have perished by the side of Vukashin at the battle of the Maritza in -1371—and in a Venetian document of the next year is described as “Lord -of Valona.” In consequence of his usurpation the inhabitants of Valona -fled for refuge to the islet of Saseno in the bay, and placed themselves -under the protection of Venice[835]. Under Balsha II Valona formed part -of a considerable principality, for on the death of his last surviving -brother, in 1378, the “Lord of Valona and Budua” had become sole ruler of -the Zeta—the modern Montenegro—and then, by the capture of Durazzo from -Carlo Topia, “Prince of Albania,” assumed the title of “Duke” from that -former Venetian duchy. By his marriage with Comita Musachi, he became -connected with a powerful Albanian clan[836]; but his ambition caused his -death, for Carlo Topia begged the Turks to restore him to Durazzo, while -Balsha, like other Christian rulers of his time, instead of concentrating -all his forces against the Turkish peril, wasted them in fighting against -Tvrtko I, the great King of Bosnia, for the possession of Cattaro. -Consequently, when the Turks marched against him, he could raise only a -small army to oppose them; he fell in battle on the Vojussa in 1385, and -his head was sent as a trophy to the Sultan. - -Upon his death his dominions were divided; Valona with Kanina, Saseno, -Cheimarra, and “the tower of Pyrgos[837]” alone remained to his widow. -Left with only a daughter, Regina, she felt unable to defend all these -places from the advancing Turks; so, in 1386, she offered “the castle -and town of Valona” to Venice on “certain conditions[838].” The cautious -Republic replied that her offer would be accepted, if she would hand over -freely “the castle of Kanina with its district and the town of Valona -with its district.” This shows that the Venetians, like their recent -Italian representatives, realised that Valona required Kanina for its -defence, as well as a certain _Hinterland_. The reply went on to add -that, in case she declined to accept this condition, Venice would be -content to take over these places, paying her half their rents for her -life, while she paid half their expenses. Under those circumstances, she -could remain at Valona, or come to Venice, as she chose. But, if she -would accept neither proposition, then Venice would be willing to take -Kanina and the other places, giving her all the rents for her life, on -condition that she paid all the expenses of their maintenance. Nothing -came of this negotiation; but in 1389 her envoy agreed to furnish three -rowers annually to the captain of the Venetian fleet in recognition of -Venetian dominion over the islet of Saseno, which commanded the bay. Thus -Venice, like the late Admiral Bettòlo, considered that the occupation -of that islet was sufficient. In 1393 Dame Comita Balsha made Venice a -second offer of Valona. But, in the meantime, the battle of Kossovo had -been fought; the Serbian Empire had fallen, and it was obvious that the -Turks had become the most powerful Balkan state. Thus, although Comita -was ready to give Venice the men whom she had promised in recognition of -Venetian rights over “the towers of Pyrgos and Saseno,” and disposed to -cede Valona, her offer was declined with thanks, because “we Venetians -prefer our friends to remain in their own dominions and govern them -rather than we.” Two years later her envoy, the Bishop of Albania, made -a third offer of all the four places which she held: Valona, Kanina, -Cheimarra, and the tower of Pyrgos, provision being made for her and -her son-in-law that they might go where they liked and live honourably -there. This meant in cash 7000 ducats for their lives out of the 9000 -which the bishop estimated as the total revenue of the above places. The -Venetians ordered their Admiral to inquire into the state of the places -and the amount which they produced, before deciding, and ere that Comita -died[839]. - -She was succeeded by her son-in-law, “Marchisa” (or Merksha) Jarkovich, -“King of Serbia,” a near relative of her own by blood and a cousin of the -Byzantine Emperor Manuel II. He must, therefore, have been a relative of -the latter’s Serbian wife, who was a daughter of Constantine Dragash, -Despot of part of Macedonia[840]. He at once, in 1396, offered to cede -Valona, Cheimarra, Berat, and the tower of Pyrgos to Venice, but was told -that his offer could not be accepted till the Venetians had accurate -information about them. He then turned to Ragusa, of which he became -an honorary citizen with leave to deposit all his property there for -safety. In 1398 he again applied to Venice, because he did not see how he -could defend his lands against the Turks. Venice thought it undesirable -that they should become Turkish, but decided first to send her Admiral to -inquire into their revenues, cost, and condition, expressing a preference -for leaving them in their present ruler’s hands. In 1400, as this inquiry -had not yet been made, another envoy was sent from Valona to Venice, only -to receive the same answer. Upon Merksha’s death, his widow sent yet -another envoy to Venice in 1415, with a like result, and was reminded of -her late husband’s and her subjects’ debts to the Republic. Then the end -came; a document of July 21, 1418, informs us that Valona had fallen into -the hands of the Turks[841]. Consequently, lest they should attack the -Venetian colony of Corfù or passing Venetian ships, the Venetian bailie, -who was about to proceed to Constantinople, was instructed to endeavour -to obtain its restitution with that of Kanina and its other appurtenances -to Regina Balsha, whose husband had been, like herself, a Venetian -citizen. If the Sultan refused, then the bailie was authorised to offer -up to 8000 ducats for Regina’s former possessions, and another offer was -made in 1424[842]. The Turks, however, retained Valona continuously for -273 years, and, with one brief interval, for 495. - -There is little record of its history in the Turkish period. In June, -1436, Cyriacus of Ancona spent two days there, and copied a Greek -inscription which he found on a marble base at the Church of Georgios -Tropæophoros[843]. In 1466 Venice was alarmed at the repairs executed -there by its new masters, which endangered Venetian interests owing to -its proximity to the Republic’s colonies in that part of the world—Corfù -and its dependencies, in the south, and Durazzo, Alessio, Dulcigno, -Antivari, Dagno, Satti, Scutari and Drivasto, in the north—and to the -quantity of wood for shipbuilding which it could furnish. Accordingly, -the Republic suggested to Skanderbeg to attack it with his own forces, -and with Venetian and colonial troops[844]. Nothing came of this -suggestion, but in 1472 a Corfiote, John Vlastos, offered to consign -Valona and Kanina to Venice on condition of receiving a fixed sum down -and an annuity; and the Republic instructed the Governor of Corfù to -enter into negotiations with him[845]. This also failed, and Valona, in -Turkish hands, became, as had been feared, a base for attack against the -Ionian Islands and even Italy. Thence, in 1479, the Turks moved against -the remaining possessions of Leonardo III Tocco, Count of Cephalonia; -thence, in the following year, they sailed to take Otranto[846]. In -1501, during the Turco-Venetian war, Benedetto Pesaro entered the bay of -Valona with a flotilla of light vessels, but a sudden hurricane caused -the death by drowning of all his men except those taken prisoners by the -Turks[847]. In 1518 the Governor of Valona, a renegade Cheimarriote, -succeeded, with the aid of Sinan Pasha, the Turkish Admiral, in -compelling Cheimarra to accept Turkish suzerainty by the concession -of large privileges. Sinan was so greatly pleased with Valona that he -became its governor. In the same year two Turkish subjects attempted from -Valona a _coup de main_ upon Corfù, and it was there that the former of -the two great Turkish sieges of that island, that of 1537, was decided -upon by Suleyman I[848]. In 1570 a further descent was made from Valona, -where the Turks had established a cannon-foundry, upon Corfù[849]. In -1638 the attack by the Venetian fleet upon certain Tunisian and Algerian -ships off Valona nearly provoked war with Turkey, and led to a temporary -prohibition of trade between the inhabitants of that and of other Turkish -possessions and Venice[850]. - -The Turco-Venetian war towards the close of the seventeenth century -led at last to the Venetian occupation of Valona, then a place of 150 -houses surrounded by a low wall. The motives were the fertility of -the district and the desire to expel the Barbary corsairs. Morosini’s -successor, Girolamo Cornaro, accompanied by many Greeks, after being -delayed two days by a storm off Saseno, landed at Kryoneri, a little to -the south of the town, early in September, 1690, where he was joined by -500 Cheimarriotes and Albanians. A Turkish attempt to prevent his landing -was repulsed; Kanina, weakly fortified by crumbling walls, was forced to -surrender, and its fall had as a natural consequence the capitulation -of Valona without a blow. Cornaro, leaving Giovanni Matteo Bembo and -Teodoro Cornaro as _provveditori_ of Valona and Kanina, proceeded to -attack Durazzo, but was forced by a storm to return to Valona, where, -on October 1, he died[851]. Venice intended at first to keep these -two acquisitions. Carlo Pisani was ordered to remain at “Uroglia” -(Gervolia opposite Corfù) with four galleys for their defence, while the -fortifications of Kanina were repaired and cisterns made. But when the -Capitan Pasha encamped on the banks of the Vojussa to intimidate the -Albanians, many of whom wished to join Venice, the garrisons began to -suffer from lack of food and consequent desertions. Thereupon, Domenico -Mocenigo, the new Venetian Captain-General, proposed and carried out -the demolition of Kanina by mines, and wrote to the home government -advocating the destruction of Valona on the ground that its preservation -would cripple the campaign in the Morea. A debate upon its fate followed -in the Senate. Francesco Foscari urged its retention on account of its -geographical position at the mouth of the Adriatic and on a fine bay, -well supplied with fresh water from Kryoneri (or “Acqua Fredda”). He -alluded to the valuable oak forests in the neighbourhood, whose acorns -furnished the substance known by the topical name of _valonea_ to dyers, -to the ancient pitch-mines, the salt-pans, and the fisheries. To these -material considerations he added the loss of prestige involved in the -surrender of a place whose capture had been celebrated with joy by -Pope Alexander VIII and announced as an important event to the King of -Spain, because it signified the destruction of the corsairs, so long -the terror of the Papal and Neapolitan coast of the Adriatic. Besides, -“Valona,” he concluded, “opens for us the door into Albania.” To him -Michele Foscarini replied, proposing to leave the decision to the naval -council, and this proposal was adopted. Mocenigo’s first idea had always -been to abandon the place, and his resolve was confirmed by the advance -of the Turkish troops under Chalil Pasha; but General Charles Sparre, a -Swedish baron, who was sent to execute his orders, found that the rapid -approach of the enemy made such an operation too dangerous. The Venetians -accordingly burnt the suburb, but prepared to defend the town. But at the -outset both Bembo and Sparre were killed by the Turkish artillery fire, -and, though the garrison made a successful sortie, the Captain-General -repeated his order to blow up Valona. Four cannon and one mortar were -left there to deceive the Turks, and on March 13, 1691, after a siege of -forty days, they too were removed and Valona evacuated and destroyed. -The Turks offered no opposition to the retreating Venetians, and the -opinion was freely expressed that the place could have been defended. -Thus, after six months, ended the Venetian occupation of Valona[852]. -When Pouqueville[853] visited it rather more than a century later, he saw -the remains of the two forts blown up by the Venetians, and found that -one street with porticoes recalled their former residence. In his time -the population was 6000, including a certain number of Jews banished from -Ancona by Paul IV. The place was then, as now, very unhealthy in summer, -but he foretold a brilliant future for it, if the marshes were once -drained. - -The Turks neglected Valona, as they neglected all their Albanian -possessions. Sinan Pasha had been so good and popular a governor that, -although a native of Konieh, he was nicknamed “the Arnaut,” and his -descendants long held the appointment as almost a family fief; indeed, -as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, the natives of Valona -besieged and cut to pieces a certain Ismail Pasha, who had endeavoured to -wrest the governorship of the town from one of Sinan’s descendants[854]. -A generation later, however, a sanguinary feud, which broke out between -the members of this governing family, led the other notables of Valona -to invoke the intervention of the famous Ali Pasha of Joannina, who had -already cast covetous eyes on the place, then ruled by Ibrahim Pasha. -But the treacherous “Lion of Joannina” carried off not only Ibrahim but -also the notables of Valona to the dungeons of his lake-fortress, where -they were subsequently put to death. Ibrahim, however, lingered on, and -was forced to address a petition to the Turkish government begging it, -in consideration of his age and infirmities, to bestow the governorship -of Valona and Berat upon his gaoler’s eldest son, Mouchtar Pasha, who -appointed a Naxiote Christian, Damirales, as his representative in the -former town. In 1820 the Turkish authorities, resolved to crush the -too-powerful satrap of Joannina, easily induced the people of Valona to -drive out Mouchtar’s partisans. But the population repeatedly gave the -Turks cause for alarm, and in 1828 Rechid Pasha treacherously executed -a powerful Bey of Valona, who had come to pay his respects to him at -Joannina. Nevertheless the local people continued to resist any obnoxious -Turkish authority[855]. - -During the first Balkan war, on November 28, 1912, Albanian independence -was proclaimed at Valona, and an Albanian government formed, of which -Ismail Kemal Bey was President[856]. But when an Albanian principality -was created in the following year, and Prince William of Wied was chosen -as its ruler, Valona recognised Durazzo as the capital. Meanwhile, Italy -had intimated that she could not consent to the inclusion of Valona, to -which she attached special importance, within the new Greek frontier; and -insisted on the islet of Saseno, which had formed part of the Hellenic -kingdom since 1864, being ceded to the Albanian principality. Greece -complied with this demand, and on July 15, 1914, the Greek garrison -abandoned Saseno at the order of the Venizelos Cabinet. When the European -war broke out, Italy took the opportunity, on October 30, to occupy -Saseno by troops under the command of Admiral Patris, who found it -inhabited by twenty-one persons, and re-christened the highest point -“Monte Bandiera” from the Italian flag which was hoisted there[857]. -She had sent a sanitary mission to Valona itself and, on December 25, -occupied that town. Then, as in 1690 and as in the days of Manfred and -his successors, Kanina was likewise in Italian hands, while for the first -time in its long history Valona has been connected with Great Britain, -for the new jetty there was the work of the British Adriatic Mission, -sent to rescue the retreating Serbian army. But, by the Tirana agreement -of August 3, 1920, Italy renounced Valona (assigned to her by the treaty -of London in 1915), and now holds Saseno alone. - - -RULERS OF VALONA - - Byzantine Empire -1081 - Normans of Sicily 1081-4 - Byzantine Empire 1084-1204 - Despotat of Epeiros 1204-57 - Manfred 1257-66 - Chinardo 1266 - Giacomo di Balsignano 1266-73 - Angevins of Naples 1273-(?)97 - Byzantine Empire (?) 1297-1345/6 - Serbs 1345/6-1417 - Turks 1417-1690 - Venetians 1690-1 - Turks 1691-1912 - Albanians 1912-14 - Italians Dec. 25, 1914-Aug. 3, 1920 - Albanians 1920- - - -2. THE MEDIÆVAL SERBIAN EMPIRE - -The late Professor Freeman once remarked during a great crisis in the -Balkans, that it was the business of a Minister of Foreign Affairs “to -know something of the history of foreign countries.” The demand, however -unreasonable it may seem, derives special importance from the fact, -that recent events have signally justified the forecasts of the eminent -historian and signally falsified those of the Minister whom he was -criticising. For in the Balkans, and especially in Greece and Serbia, -history is not, as it is apt to be in some western countries, primarily -a subject for examinations, but is, thanks to the popular ballads, an -integral part of the national life and a powerful factor in contemporary -politics. The glories of the Byzantine Empire exercise a continual -fascination upon the Greeks; the conquests of the Tsar Stephen Dushan in -Macedonia have been invoked as one of the Serbian claims to that disputed -land; whereas no Englishman of to-day has been known to demand a large -part of France on the ground that it belonged to the English Crown in the -reign of Dushan’s contemporary, Edward III. - -But there is a further reason for the study of Balkan history by -practical men. Our judgments of the Balkan peoples are often harsh and -unjust, because we do not realise the historic fact that they stepped -straight out of the fifteenth century into the nineteenth (and in some -cases into the twentieth), like Plato’s cave-dwellers who emerged -suddenly from darkness into the full light of day. For the centuries -of Turkish rule, interrupted in the case of Northern Serbia by the -twenty-one years of Austrian rule between the treaties of Passarovitz and -Belgrade in the eighteenth century, left them much as it found them—with -their material resources undeveloped, their roads reduced to mule-tracks, -their harbours undredged, their education neglected. Consequently, it was -manifestly unfair to expect those who were practically contemporaries of -our Wars of the Roses to enter the nineteenth century with the same ideas -and the same culture as the gradually evolved states of Western Europe. -The wonder rather is that so much progress has been accomplished in so -short a time, especially when we remember that the eminent personages who -direct the affairs of this world are apt to regard the Balkan peoples, -with their deeply-rooted historical traditions and aspirations, and their -extraordinarily keen sense of nationality, immensely stimulated by the -victories of 1912-13, as pawns in a game, to be moved about the board as -its exigencies demand. Let us Western Europeans, then, who have had no -personal experience of Turkish rule, be less censorious of those who have -lived under it for nearly four centuries at Semendria and for five at -Skopje. - -In the following pages I propose to give a general sketch of mediæval -Serbian history, emphasising those points which may help us to understand -the events of the last few years, and referring those who desire further -details to the great (if unpolished and unfinished) work of the late -Constantin Jireček, who for the first time has placed the history of -the Serbs in the Middle Ages upon the impregnable rock of contemporary -documentary evidence. - -The Serbs, like the Bulgars, are not original inhabitants of the Balkan -peninsula, where, at the dawn of history, we find three principal -races—the Greeks, the Illyrians (who are perhaps the ancestors of the -Albanians), and the Thracians. But a continuous residence of thirteen -centuries qualifies the Serbs to be considered a Balkan people. The -usually received account of their entry into the peninsula is that given -by the Byzantine Emperor, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in his treatise -“De Administrando Imperio,” written some three centuries later. He tells -us that the Emperor Herakleios (610-41) gave them the territory which was -later called “Serblia”—a country bounded in the time of Porphyrogenitus -by Croatia on the north, Bulgaria on the south, the river Rashka near -Novibazar on the east, and the present Herzegovina on the west. But a -chain of historical facts proves that Herakleios merely gave to the Serbs -what they had already taken. About a century before his time the Slavs, -whose oldest home was in Poland, had begun to cross the Danube, and about -578 had actually appeared before Salonika. Herakleios, occupied with -the war against the Persians in the East, could not defend the Western -Balkans. So he made a virtue of necessity, just as, in our own day, -governments have granted autonomy to lost provinces which they could no -longer protect. The Danubian principalities, Bulgaria, Eastern Roumelia, -Crete, and the Lebanon are examples. - -This arrangement suited both parties. The Byzantine Court could keep -up a formal suzerainty, and Constantine Porphyrogenitus could point in -proof of it to the quite unscientific etymology of the word “Serboi” -from the Latin _servi_, because they had become the “slaves” of the -Byzantine Emperor. This national name, which first occurs in the ninth -century, when we find Eginhard, the biographer of Charlemagne, describing -in 822 the “Sorabi” as “said to occupy a large part of Dalmatia,” is -still applied not only to the Balkan Serbs but to those of Saxony, -whose language, however, is so different that a Serb of Bautzen cannot -understand a Serb of Belgrade. The later Byzantine historians, full of -classical lore, sometimes call the Serbs Τριβαλλοί after the Thracian -tribe, which occupied in antiquity part of modern Serbia, and the king -of which is brought on the stage and made to talk broken Greek in the -_Birds_ of Aristophanes. Yet, despite this false etymology of their name, -Constantine Porphyrogenitus himself admits what was doubtless the fact, -that the Croats and Serbs were “subject to none.” “Thus,” in the words of -Finlay[858], “the modern history of the eastern shores of the Adriatic -commences with the establishment of the Sclavonian colonies in Dalmatia.” -Of the two pre-existing elements in the population, the Romans, as -Constantine Porphyrogenitus says, retired into the coast-towns, while the -Illyrian aborigines were pushed southward into the country which since -the eleventh century has borne the name of Albania from the district of -Albanon near Kroja. Under the name of Ἀρβανῖται the Albanians are first -mentioned in 1079. - -The history of mediæval Serbia falls naturally into three sections: (1) -from the entry of the Serbs into the Balkan peninsula to the close of the -twelfth century—a period during which the Byzantine Empire, after finally -crushing the Bulgarians, dominated the Near East, and the Serbs, divided -into two separate states, played a subordinate but restive part; (2) from -the rise of the Nemanja dynasty towards the close of the twelfth century -to the battle of Kossovo in 1389—a period which saw Serbia rise to be -for a brief space by far the greatest state in the peninsula; (3) the -decline, when Danubian Serbia existed at the pleasure of the Turks, till -in 1459 she received her death-blow. - -During the first of these periods the only serious resistance to -the Byzantine hegemony of the Balkan peninsula was offered by the -Bulgarians—a Finnish, or, according to others, Tartar tribe, which -entered it in 679, and became gradually absorbed in the Slavonic -population, which it had conquered. The vanquished imposed their language -upon the victors, but the victors, like the Angles in England, imposed -their name upon the vanquished. Two powerful Bulgarian monarchs, Krum -and the Tsar Symeon, in 813 and 913 threatened the very existence of -Constantinople, as did the Tsar Ferdinand in 1913; and Krum was wont -to pledge his nobles out of the silver-set skull of the Greek Emperor -Nikephoros I, whom he had slain in battle. The Serbs, however, maintained -friendly relations with these powerful neighbours till about the middle -of the ninth century, when history registers the first of the long series -of Serbo-Bulgarian wars, of which we have seen three in our own time. -When the Serbs were united, they were able to defeat the Bulgars. But the -rivalry of the hereditary princes, whom we find ruling over them at this -period, led to the formation of pro-Bulgar and pro-Byzantine parties, so -that the native ruler tended to become a Bulgarian or Byzantine nominee, -while there was a pretender in exile at Prêslav or Constantinople only -awaiting the opportunity to be restored by foreign aid. About 924, -however, the Bulgarian Tsar Symeon, instead of placing a puppet of his -own on the throne, carried away almost the whole Serbian people captive -into Bulgaria. Serbia thus remained barren; and when, after Symeon’s -death, the Serbian prince, Tchaslav, escaped from the Bulgarian court to -Serbia, he found there only fifty men, and neither women nor children. -By submitting to the Byzantine Emperor and with the latter’s help, he -restored the scattered Serbs to their own country. - -For the rest of the tenth century Serbian history is a blank, save for -the survival of the leaden seal with a Greek inscription belonging to -a Prince of Diokleia, the country called after the town of Doclea, -whose ruins still stand near Podgoritza. This was the time of the great -Bulgarian Tsar Samuel, under whom Bulgaria stretched to the Adriatic; -and Durazzo, the key of the Western Balkans, as Byzantine statesmen -considered it, became a Bulgarian port. In his days there lived on the -lake of Scutari a saintly Serbian prince, John Vladimir. Samuel carried -off this holy man to his own capital on the lake of Prespa. But the -Tsar’s daughter, according to the story, was so greatly moved by his -pious speeches and his beauty while engaged in washing his feet, that -she begged her father to release him. The saint escaped prison but -not matrimony; he married the love-sick Bulgarian princess; but not -long after was murdered as he was leaving church by an usurper of the -Bulgarian throne. His remains repose in the monastery of St John near -Elbassan; his cross is still preserved in Montenegro and carried every -Whitsunday in procession at dawn. - -The complete destruction of the first Bulgarian Empire by the Byzantine -Emperor Basil II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” in 1018, removed the danger of a -Bulgarian hegemony in the Balkans, and made the Danube again the frontier -of the Byzantine dominions, which surrounded on three sides the Serbian -lands. Manuel I added Σερβικός to the Imperial style; Serbian pretenders -were kept ready at Constantinople or Durazzo, in case the Serbian rulers -showed signs of independence, while high-sounding court titles rewarded -their servility. The internal condition of the Serbian people favoured -Byzantine policy. For them, as in our own day, there were two Serb -states, and two national dynasties, one ruling over the South Dalmatian -coast, the present Herzegovina, and Dioklitia, modern Montenegro, with -Scutari and Cattaro for its capitals; the other governing the more -inland districts from a central point in the valley of the Rashka (near -Novibazar), whence Serbia obtained the name of “Rassia,” by which she was -largely described in the West of Europe during the Middle Ages. Of these -two dynasties the former assumed the royal title—Hildebrand addressed a -letter to “Michael, King of the Slavs”—but the latter became the more -important, although its head contented himself with the more modest -designation of “Great _jupan_,” that is, the first among the _jupani_, or -Counts (Serbian _jupa_ = county). - -Whenever opportunity offered, however, the Serbs endeavoured to -emancipate themselves from Byzantium. Kedrenos informs us that “after -the death of the Emperor Romanos III (in 1034) Serbia threw off the -yoke of the Greeks”; Stephen Vojislav, ruler of Dioklitia, not only -seized a cargo of gold, which was thrown up on the Illyrian coast, but -saw a Byzantine army perish in the difficult passes of his country. -A second Imperial invasion, which started from Durazzo, met with the -same fate as that which befell the Austrian “punitive expedition” in -December 1914. The Serbs allowed the invaders to penetrate into the Zeta -valley, occupied the heights and utterly routed them as they returned, -laden with booty, through a narrow gorge. Michael, Vojislav’s son, made -peace with the Emperor, and received the title of _protospathários_, or -“sword-bearer,” at the Byzantine court, while he assumed at home the -title of king. But, after the crushing defeat of the Byzantines by the -Seljuks in Asia at the battle of Manzikert in 1071, the temptation to -rise was too strong for the Balkan Slavs to resist. Accordingly, at the -invitation of the Bulgarians, Michael sent them a leader in the person of -his son, Constantine Bodin, who was proclaimed at Prizren “Peter, Emperor -of the Bulgarians.” Bodin was, however, captured by the Byzantines, but -escaped and married the daughter of a citizen of Bari—the first example -but not the last of a Serbo-Italian union. At his request Pope Clement -III confirmed the rights of the Archbishopric of Antivari, the ancient -See, which is mentioned as an Archbishopric so early as 1067, and on -the holder of which Leo XIII in 1902 conferred the title of “Primate of -Serbia.” But Bodin, bellicose and crafty as Anna Comnena describes him, -fell again into the power of the Byzantines. Our countryman, Ordericus -Vitalis, describes him as “treating in a friendly fashion” the Crusaders -who passed through his territory. Usually, however, the Crusaders had -difficulty with the Serbs; and William of Tyre tells how at Nish, then a -“fortified town, filled with a valiant and numerous population,” certain -“Germans, sons of Belial,” set fire to the mills, thus provoking the -retaliation of the natives. - -The excellent Archbishop, who was sent in 1168 on an embassy to Monastir, -remarks that Serbia was a country “of difficult access”; and that the -Serbs, whose name he also derives from their supposedly original state -of servitude, were “an uncultured and undisciplined people, inhabiting -the mountains and forests, and not practising agriculture, but possessed -of much cattle great and small.... Sometimes their _jupani_ obey the -Emperor: at other times all the inhabitants quit their mountains and -forests ... to ravage the surrounding countries.” Yet the oldest piece of -Serbian literature—a book of the Gospels in Cyrillic letters[859]—dates -from this very period; and a priest of Antivari composed in Latin a -history of the rulers of Diokleia, who were gradually ousted by the -“Great _jupani_” of Rascia, who in their turn were forced to submit to -the chivalrous Byzantine Emperor, Manuel I. A court poet of the period, -Theodore Prodromos, represents the Serbian rivers Save and Tara, red with -blood and laden with corpses, addressing the conqueror, and the Serbian -_jupani_ trembling at the roar of the lion from the Bosporus. - -The death of Manuel I, in 1180, freed the Southern Slavs from Byzantine -rule; and the following decade saw the foundation of the great Serbian -state, which reached its zenith in the middle of the fourteenth century, -and then fell before the all-conquering Turk. As has usually happened -in Balkan history, this national triumph was the work of one man—Stephen -Nemanja, the first great name in Serbian history. - -The founder of the Serbian monarchy was a native of what is now -Podgoritza, whence he built up a compact Serbian state, comprising the -Zeta (modern Montenegro), and the Land of Hum (the “Hill” country, now -the Herzegovina), Northern Albania and the modern kingdom of Serbia, -with a sea-frontage on the Bocche di Cattaro, whose municipality in 1186 -passed a resolution describing him as “Our Lord Nemanja, Great _jupan_ -of Rascia.” Of the Serbian lands Bosnia alone evaded his sway, forming -a separate state, which, first under _bans_, and then under kings, -survived the Serbian monarchy till it, too, fell before the Turks; -while in the land of Hum he set up his brother, Miroslav, as prince. -Thus, he substituted for the aristocratic Serbian federation a single -state, embraced the Orthodox faith, which was that of the majority of -his people, and strove to secure its religious as well as ecclesiastical -union by extirpating the heresy of the Bogomiles, or _Babuni_ (whence -the name of the Babuna pass near Monastir, so famous in the fighting of -1915), then rife in the Balkans. At the same time he sent presents to St -Peter’s in Rome and St Nicholas’ at Bari. - -When Frederick Barbarossa stopped at Nish on the third Crusade in 1189, -Nemanja met him with handsome gifts; but we may doubt the statement of a -German chronicler that he did homage for his lands to the Teutonic ruler. -No German Emperor ever set foot in Nish again till the recent visit of -the Kaiser to King Ferdinand, when a modern chronicle, the _Wolffbureau_, -revived the memory of Barbarossa’s presence there. In 1195 Nemanja -retired from the world, at the instigation of his youngest son, who is -known in Serbian history as St Sava; and he died in 1200 as the monk -Symeon in the monastery of Chilandar on Mount Athos. He, too, received -the honours of a saint; his tomb is still revered in the monastery of -Studenitza, which he founded; and his life was written by his eldest son -and successor Stephen, and by Stephen’s brother St Sava—the beginning of -Serbian historical biography. - -Nemanja had never assumed the title of king, continuing to style himself -as “Great _jupan_”; but Stephen won for himself the title of “the -first-crowned king,” by obtaining, in 1217, a royal crown from Pope -Honorius III. There were diplomatic reasons for the assumption of this -title. The Byzantine Empire had now fallen before the Latin Crusaders; -Frankish principalities had arisen all over the Near East; and the Latin -ruler of Salonika had assumed the royal style. Bulgaria had arisen again, -and her sovereigns had revived the ancient title of Tsar; and the King -of Hungary had presumed to call himself king of “Rascia” also. To show -his connection with the former kings of Diokleia, Stephen added that -country to his style; to complete the independence of his kingdom, he -obtained through his saintly and diplomatic brother from the Œcumenical -Patriarch at Nice the recognition of a separate Serbian Church under -Sava himself as “Archbishop of all the Serbian lands.” Sava was buried -in the monastery of Mileshevo in the old _sandjak_ of Novibazar, whence -his remains were removed and burned by the Turks near Belgrade in 1595. -Many a pious legend has grown up around the name of the founder of the -national Church; but, through the haze of romance and beneath the halo -of the saint, we can descry the figure of the great ecclesiastical -statesman, whose constant aim it was to benefit his country and the -dynasty to which he himself belonged, and to identify the latter with the -national religion. - -While Stephen’s successor was a feeble character, the second Bulgarian -Empire reached its zenith under the great Tsar John Asên II, who boasted -in a still extant inscription in his capital of Trnovo, then the centre -of Balkan politics, that he had “conquered all the lands from Adrianople -to Durazzo.” The next Serbian King Vladislav was his son-in-law; St Sava -died as his guest. But the hegemony of Bulgaria disappeared at his death -in 1241; there, too, the national resurrection had been the work of -one man. The Greeks regained their influence in Macedonia, and in 1261 -recaptured Constantinople from the Latins. - -We have an interesting description of life at the Serbian court in -the time of the next King, Stephen Urosh I[860] (_c._ 1268), from the -Byzantine historian Pachymeres. There was a project for a marriage -between a daughter of the Greek Emperor, Michael VIII Palaiologos, and -a son of Stephen Urosh. First, however, two envoys were sent to report, -and the Empress specially charged one of them to let her know what sort -of a family it was into which her daughter was about to marry. The -pompous Byzantines were horrified to find “the great King,” as he was -called, living the simple life in a way which would have disgraced a -modest official of Constantinople, his Hungarian daughter-in-law working -at her spindle in an inexpensive gown, and his household eating like a -pack of hunters or sheep-stealers. The lack of security for travellers -deepened the unfavourable impression of the envoys, and the marriage was -broken off. Stephen Urosh II (1281-1321), surnamed Milutin (“the child of -grace”), greatly increased the importance of Serbia. We have different -pictures of this monarch from his Serbian and his Greek contemporaries. -One of the former extols his qualities as a ruler, one of the latter -portrays him as anything but an exemplary husband. But these characters -are not incompatible, as we know from the case of Henry VIII, whom -Stephen Urosh II resembled not only in the number of his wives, but in -his opportunist policy. His chief object was to enlarge his dominions at -the expense of Byzantium; he occupied Skopje, and established his capital -there—the Serbian residence had hitherto fluctuated between Novibazar, -Prishtina and Prizren—and so greatly impressed the Emperor Andronikos II -with his advance towards Salonika that the latter sacrificed his only -daughter, Simonis, to the already thrice-divorced monarch, giving as her -dowry the territories which his son-in-law had already taken from him. -Simonis, however, when she grew up—she was only a child at the time of -her engagement—preferred Constantinople to the society of her husband; -and nothing but his threat to come and take her by force induced her to -return. - -Behind this marriage of convenience there lay the project of uniting the -Greek and Serbian dominions under a Serbian sceptre—a project to which -the national party was resolutely opposed. At the same time, he not -only had—what all Serbian rulers have coveted—an outlet on the sea, but -actually occupied for a few years the port of Durazzo, that much-debated -spot, which during the Middle Ages was alternatively Angevin, Serbian, -Albanian and Venetian, till in 1501 it became Turkish. Nor was this -astute ruler only a diplomatist and a politician; he offered the -Venetians to keep open and guard the great trade route which traversed -his kingdom, and led across Bulgaria to the Black Sea. A munificent -founder of churches, his generosity is evidenced in Italy by the silver -altar, bearing the date 1319, which he gave to St Nicholas’ at Bari, and -on which he described himself as ruling from the Adriatic to the Danube; -but his name is better known by the verses of Dante, who has given him a -place in the _Paradiso_ among the evil kings for his issue of counterfeit -Venetian coin[861]—a common offence in the Levant during the Middle Ages: - - e quel di Rascia - Che male ha visto il conio di Vinegia. - -A disputed succession soon ended in the enthronement of the late King’s -illegitimate son, Stephen Urosh III, known in history by the epithet -“Detchanski” from the famous monastery of Detchani which he founded. He -had been blinded for conspiring against his father; but on his father’s -death he recovered his sight, which perhaps he had never entirely -lost. His reign is one of the most dramatic in Serbian history, for it -affords an example of those sudden alternations of triumph and disaster -characteristic of the Balkans, alike in the Middle Ages and in our own -day. On June 28, 1330, he utterly routed the Bulgarians at Velbujd, as -Köstendil was then called. Bulgaria became a vassal state of Serbia, -which had thus won the hegemony of the Balkan peninsula. Next year, -he was dethroned by his son, the famous Stephen Dushan, and strangled -in the castle of Zvetchan near Mitrovitza. A contemporary, Guillaume -Adam, Archbishop of Antivari, has left a description of Serbia during -this period. The palaces of the King and his nobles were of wood, and -surrounded by palisades; the only houses of stone were in the Latin -coast-towns. Yet “Rassia” was naturally a very rich land, producing -plenty of corn, wine and oil; it was well watered; its forests were full -of game, while five gold mines and as many of silver were constantly -worked. - -The reign of Stephen Urosh IV, better known as Stephen Dushan (1331-55), -marks the zenith of Serbia. As a conqueror and as a lawgiver, he -resembled Napoleon; and his Empire, like that of Napoleon, crumbled to -pieces as soon as its creator had disappeared. In the former capacity, -he aimed at realising the dream of his grandfather, Stephen Urosh II, -of forming a great Serbian Empire on the ruins of Byzantium. The civil -war between the young Emperor John V Palaiologos, aided by his Italian -mother, Anne of Savoy, and the ambitious John Cantacuzene, whose history -is one of the most interesting sources for this period, was Dushan’s -opportunity. Both parties in the struggle made bids for his support at -the unfortified village of Prishtina, which had been the Serbian capital. -His price was nothing less than the whole Byzantine Empire west of -Kavalla, or, at least, of Salonika. Anne of Savoy, less patriotic than -her rival, offered him what he asked, if he would send her Cantacuzene, -then his guest, either alive or dead. But the Council of twenty-four -great officers of state, whom the Serbian Kings were wont to consult, -acting on the Queen’s advice, repudiated the suggestion of assassinating -a suppliant. Dushan allowed the rival Byzantine factions to exhaust -themselves; and, while they fought, he occupied one place after another, -till all Macedonia, except Salonika, was his. - -With little exaggeration he wrote from Serres to the Doge of Venice, -which had conferred her citizenship upon him, styling himself “King of -Serbia, Diokleia, the land of Hum, the Zeta, Albania and the Maritime -region, partner in no small part of the Empire of Bulgaria, and lord -of almost all the Empire of Romania.” But for the ruler of so vast a -realm the title of King seemed insignificant, especially as his vassal, -the ruler of Bulgaria, bore the great name of Tsar. Accordingly, on -Easter Sunday 1346, Dushan had himself crowned at Skopje, whither he -had transferred his capital, as “Emperor of the Serbs and Greeks.” -Shortly before, he had raised the Archbishop of Serbia to the dignity -of Patriarch with his seat at Petch; and the two Slav Patriarchs, the -Bulgarian of Trnovo and the Serbian of Petch, placed the crown upon his -head. At the same time, on the analogy of the Western Empire with its -“King of the Romans,” he had his son, Stephen Urosh V, proclaimed King. -Byzantine emblems and customs were introduced into the brand-new Serbian -Empire; the Tsar assumed the tiara and the double-eagle, and wrote to the -Doge, proposing an alliance for the conquest of Constantinople. In the -papal correspondence with Serbia we read of a Serbian “Sebastocrator,” a -“Great Logothete,” a “Cæsar,” and a “Despot”; the governors of important -Serbian cities, such as Cattaro and Scutari, were styled “Counts”; those -of minor places, like Antivari, “Captains.” Thus it is easy to see why -the whole Serbian world was thrilled when, in the first Balkan war of -1912, the Crown Prince Alexander entered Skopje, the coronation-city of -Dushan—at the invitation of the Austrian Consul, “to restore order”! - -Dushan next extended his Empire to the south by the annexation of Epeiros -and Thessaly; and assigned Ætolia and Akarnania to his brother, Symeon -Urosh, and Thessaly and Joannina to the “Cæsar” Preliub. His dominions -now stretched to the Corinthian Gulf, and he thought that it only -remained to annex the independent Serb state of Bosnia, and to capture -Constantinople, establishing what a poetic Montenegrin ruler of our day -has called an “Empire of the Balkans.” This would have embraced all the -races of the variegated peninsula, and perhaps kept the Turks—who, in -1353, had made their first permanent settlement in Europe, by crossing -the Dardanelles and occupying the castle of Tzympe—beyond the Bosporus, -and the Hungarians beyond the Save. On St Michael’s day, 1355, he -assembled his nobles, and asked whether he should lead them against -Byzantium or Buda-Pesth. To their answer, that they would follow him, -whithersoever he bade them, his reply was “to Constantinople.” But on the -way he fell ill of a fever, and at Diavoli, on Dec. 20, he died, aged 48. -No Serbian ruler had ever approached so near the Imperial city; had he -succeeded, and had another Dushan succeeded him, the Turkish conquest 98 -years later might have been averted. - -Great as were his conquests, the Serbian Napoleon was no mere soldier. -His code of law, the “Zakonik,” like the “Code Napoléon,” has survived -the vast but fleeting Empire of its author. Dushan’s law-book is, indeed, -largely based on previous legislation, such as the canon law of the Greek -Church, the statutes of Budua and other Adriatic coast-towns, and, in -the case of trial by jury, on an enactment of Stephen Urosh II. For us, -however, its chief value is the light which it throws upon Serbia’s -political and social condition in the golden age of the Empire. - -Mediæval Serbia resembled neither of the Serb states of our day. It was -not, even under Dushan, an autocracy, like Montenegro before 1905, nor -yet a democratic monarchy, like the modern Serbian kingdom; but the -powers of the monarch were limited by the influence of the great nobles—a -class stamped out at the Turkish conquest and never since revived. -Society consisted of the Sovereign; the ecclesiastical hierarchy, ranging -from the Patriarch to the village priest; the greater and lesser nobles; -the peasants, some free, others serfs bound to the soil; slaves, servants -for hire; and, at Cattaro and in a few inland places, small communities -of burghers. But the magnates were the dominant section; on two occasions -even Dushan had to cope with their rebellions, and they formed a privy -council of twenty-four, which he consulted before deciding important -questions of public policy. Their lands were hereditary; and they enjoyed -the privilege of killing their inferiors with comparative impunity, -for a graduated tariff (as in Saxon England) regulated the punishment -for wilful murder—hanging for that of a priest or monk, burning for -parricide, fratricide, or infanticide, the loss of both hands and a fine -for that of a noble by a commoner, a simple fine for that of a commoner -by a noble. But the law secured to the peasant the fruits of his labour; -no village might be laid under contribution by two successive army-corps; -but, if the peasant organised or even attended a public meeting, he lost -his eyes and was branded on the face, while for theft or arson, the -culprit’s village was held collectively responsible. Next to the nobles -the Orthodox Church was the most influential class; indeed, the early -Archbishops of Serbia were drawn from junior members of the Royal family, -and their interests were consequently identical with those of the Crown, -of which they were the apologists in literature, like the “official” -journals of to-day. - -While the great Serbia of Dushan, like the smaller Serbia of our days, -was pre-eminently an agricultural state, it possessed the enormous -advantage of a coastline, which facilitated trade. Dushan allowed foreign -merchants to circulate freely, and showed special favour to those of -Ragusa whose argosies (or _ragusies_) were welcomed in his ports. He -allowed a Saxon colony to work the silver-mines of Novo Brdo, and to burn -charcoal. His bodyguard was composed of Germans, whose captain, Palmann, -obtained great influence with him. He sent missions to foreign countries -to obtain information; with Venice, of which he was a citizen, his -relations were particularly close—as those of Italians and Serbs ought -by nature to be; while foreign ambassadors were favourably impressed -with his hospitality by receiving free meals in every village through -which they passed. Already—so Nikephoros Gregoras tells us—the Serbs had -begun to commemorate the great deeds of their champions in their national -ballads, which attained their full development after the fatal battle -of Kossovo and have inspired the Serbian soldiers in their three last -wars. We hear, too, of architects from Cattaro, which was the Serbian -mint in the reigns of Dushan and his son. The Queen of Italy possesses a -collection of the coinage of the mediæval Serbian monarchy. - -Dushan’s Empire crumbled away at his death. Like that of Napoleon, -it had been made too fast to weld together the four races which it -contained—Serbs, Greeks, Albanians and Koutso-Wallachs. The creation of -a Serbian Patriarchate alienated the Greek Church, just as the creation -of a Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870 sowed the seeds of disunion between -Greeks and Bulgarians in Macedonia. Thus to the four different races -there were added four different creeds—the Serbian Patriarchists, the -Greek Patriarchists, the Albanian Catholics, and the Bogomile heretics, -these last always ready to invoke a foreign invader against domestic -persecution, even though that foreigner were a Mussulman. Even this -strongest of Serbian monarchs, whose foot every one who entered his -presence must kiss and who was “of all men of his time the tallest, and -withal terrible to look upon,” as the papal legate called him, was barely -equal to the task of checking the great nobles; and it was doubtless -distrust of them which led him to surround himself with a foreign guard. -The eminent Serbian historian and statesman, the late M. Novakovich, sums -up the failure of Dushan to found a permanent state in the judgment: -“Everything about his Empire was personal; the Serbian creations were -only personal.” - -The dying Tsar had made his nobles swear to maintain the rights of his -son, Stephen Urosh V, then a boy of nineteen. But the lad’s uncle, Symeon -Urosh, the viceroy of Akarnania and Ætolia, disputed the succession; some -nobles supported him, while others, availing themselves of the family -quarrel, set up as independent princes in their particular satrapies. -Symeon made Trikkala the capital of a brief Greco-Serbian Empire; and -his son ended as abbot of the famous monastery of Meteoron. After four -decades Serbian sway over Thessaly and Epeiros ceased to exist. An -inscription at Trikkala and a church at Meteoron are now almost its only -memories. Of the independent satraps the most important were the brothers -Balsha (by some erroneously connected with the French house of Baux), -who established themselves in the Zeta, the present Montenegro, with a -seaboard on the Adriatic at Budua and Antivari, and with Scutari as their -“principal residence”—“principale eorum domicilium,” as a Latin document -of 1369 says. This is the historical basis of the Montenegrin claim to -Scutari, where the Balsha family remained till (in 1396) it sold that -city to Venice. The rest of Albania was occupied by native chiefs, the -most famous of them being Carlo Topia at Durazzo, who boasted his descent -from the Angevins—a fact commemorated by the French lilies on his still -extant tomb near Elbassan—and from whom Essad Pasha Toptani derived his -origin. - -Still more famous was Vukashin, guardian and cup-bearer of the young -Tsar, who drove his master from the throne in 1366, and assumed the title -of king, with the government of the specially Serbian lands and Prizren -as his capital. A later legend makes the usurper murder his sovereign -during a hunting-party on the plain of Kossovo. But it has now been -proved that Stephen Urosh V survived his supposed murderer, who fell by -the hand of his own servant, fighting against the Turks at the battle of -the Maritza in 1371—the first great blow that Serbia received from her -future conqueror. His son, Marko Kraljevich, “the King’s son, Marko,” -that great hero of South Slavonic poetry, whose exploits were portrayed -by M. Meshtrovich in the Serbian pavilion of the Rome exhibition in -1911, retained Prilip; and it is recorded that, when in 1912 the Serbian -army attacked that place, their officers appealed to them in the name of -the national hero to liberate his residence from the Turks. Two months -after Vukashin Stephen Urosh V died also, and Lazar Grbljanovich, a -connection of the Imperial family, ascended the throne of an Empire so -diminished that he preferred the style of “Prince” to that of Tsar, which -was conferred upon him in the ballads. Serbia was no longer the leading -Slav state of the peninsula—for the great Bosnian ruler Stephen Tvrtko -I (1353-91) had won the hegemony of the Southern Slavs, and in 1376 had -himself crowned on the grave of St Sava at Mileshevo as “King of the -Serbs, and of Bosnia, and of the coast.” To secure the latter, he founded -the present fortress of Castelnuovo at the entrance of the Bocche di -Cattaro; and in 1385 Cattaro itself was his. - -Meanwhile the nation destined to destroy both the Serbian and the Bosnian -Kingdoms was rapidly advancing. The Turks took Nish in 1386, and in -1389 Lazar set out, attended by all his paladins, from his capital of -Krushevatz—for the Serbian royal residence had receded within the limits -of Danubian Serbia—to do battle with Murad I on the fatal field of -Kossovo. - -A Serbian ballad tells how on the eve of the battle the prophet Elijah -in the guise of a falcon flew with a letter from the Virgin into Lazar’s -tent, offering him the choice between the Empire of this world and the -Heavenly kingdom, and how he chose the latter. The armies met on St -Vitus’ day, June 15 (O.S.), 1389. Seven nationalities composed that of -the Christians; at least one Christian vassal helped to swell the smaller -forces of the Turks. While Murad was arraying himself for the fight, a -noble Serb, Milosh Kobilich[862], presented himself as a deserter and -begged to have speech of the Sultan. His request was granted, he entered -the royal tent, and stabbed Murad to the heart, paying with his own life -for this act, but gaining thereby immortality in Serbian poetry. None the -less, the Turks went undismayed into battle. At first, the Bosniaks drove -back one Turkish wing; but Bayezid I, the young Sultan, held his own on -the other, and threw the Christians into disorder. A rumour of treachery -increased their confusion; whether truly or no, it is still the popular -tradition that Vuk Brankovich, Lazar’s son-in-law, betrayed the Serbian -cause at Kossovo. Lazar was taken prisoner, and slain in the tent where -the dying Murad lay, and with him fell the Serbian Empire. - -At first Christendom believed that the Turks had been defeated. A -_Te Deum_ was sung in Paris to the God of battles; Florence wrote to -congratulate the Bosnian king, Tvrtko, on the supposed victory. But -Lazar’s widow, Militza, as a ballad beautifully tells the tale, soon -learnt the truth in her “white palace” at Krushevatz from the crows that -had hovered over the battlefield. The name of Kossovo is remembered -throughout the Serbian lands, as if it had been fought but yesterday. -Every year the anniversary is kept, in 1916, for the first time in -England; and it was the fact that the late Archduke Franz Ferdinand chose -this day of all days to make his entry into Sarajevo, which perhaps -contributed to his assassination. Although the battle of Kumanovo in 1912 -avenged Kossovo, yet the Montenegrins still wear a black band on their -caps in sign of mourning for it; in many a lonely village the minstrel -sings to the sound of the _gusle_ the melancholy legend of Kossovo. On -the field itself Murad’s heart is still preserved, while the Hungarian -Serbs treasure in the monastery of Vrdnik the shroud of Lazar. - -A diminished Serbian principality lingered on for another seventy years. -Bayezid recognised the late ruler’s eldest son, Stephen Lazarevich, -with the title of “Prince” (exchanged in 1404 for that of “Despot,” -thenceforth borne by the Serbian princes) on condition that he paid -tribute and came every year with a contingent to join the Turkish -troops, and gave him the hand of his youngest sister; while Vuk -Brankovich received the reward of his treachery by holding the old -capital of Prishtina as a vassal of the Sultan. For a time the Turkish -defeat at Angora by the Tartars in 1402 enabled the Serbian Despot to -play off one Turkish pretender against another, while he purchased -domestic peace by making Brankovich’s son George his heir. Thus he could -devote himself to organising his country and patronising literature in -the person of Constantine “the Philosopher,” who repaid his hospitality -by writing his biography. He appointed a species of Cabinet, with which -he discussed affairs of state, founded the monastery of Manassia, -obtained Belgrade by diplomacy from the Hungarians, fortified it and -adorned it with churches. In his time Venice began her colonies in -Albania and what is now Montenegro—at Durazzo in 1392, Alessio in 1393, -Drivasto and Scutari in 1396, Antivari and Dulcigno in 1421 (the former, -however, not definitely till 1444), while in 1420 Cattaro placed herself -under the protection of the Lion of St Mark, then master of most of the -Dalmatian coast, save where the Ragusan Republic formed an enclave in his -territory. - -Serbia under George Brankovich, who succeeded as “Despot” in 1427, was -thus practically a Danubian principality. The new Despot, a man of sixty -years, was an experienced diplomatist; but there are times in the Balkans -when force is more valuable than the subtlest diplomacy. A warlike -Sultan, in the person of Murad II, sat on the Turkish throne; and he soon -showed his intentions by demanding the whole of Serbia, and invading -that country. Brankovich had to move his capital from Krushevatz to the -bank of the Danube, where at Semendria he built the fine castle with the -red brick cross in its walls which is still a memorial of Serbia’s past, -while in order to secure himself an eventual refuge in Hungary, he handed -over Belgrade to the Hungarian monarch, notwithstanding the protests and -tears of its citizens. Brankovich in vain tried to purchase peace by -giving his daughter with a regal outfit to the Sultan. Ere long, however, -the Sultan, incited by a fanatic who accused him of sinning against -Allah by allowing the Serbian unbeliever to bar the way to Hungary and -Italy, demanded the surrender of Semendria. Brankovich fled to Hungary, -thence to his last maritime possessions of Antivari and Budua, and thence -to Ragusa; but the victories of John Hunyady, “the white knight of -Wallachia,” induced Murad in 1444 to restore to the Despot the whole of -Serbia, on payment of half its annual revenue. - -Brankovich by his “enlightened egoism” managed to maintain a precarious -autonomy till after the capture of Constantinople (1453). Then, Mohammed -II resolved to end what remained of Serbian independence, and to -capture the famous silver mines of Novo Brdo, which, as his biographer, -Kritoboulos, remarked, had not only largely contributed to the splendour -of the Serbian Empire, but had also aroused the covetousness of its -enemies. Indeed, the picture which the Imbrian writer draws of Serbia -on the eve of the Turkish conquest is almost idyllic, with her “cities -many and fair,” her “strong forts on the Danube,” her “productive soil, -swine and cattle, and abundant breed of goodly steeds.” But the flower -of the Serbian youth had been drafted into the corps of Janissaries to -fight against their fellow-Christians, the prince was a man of ninety and -a fugitive, while Mohammed, like the Germans of to-day, had marvellous -artillery. Still Belgrade, then a Hungarian fortress, resisted, thanks -to the skill of Hunyady and the fiery eloquence of the Franciscan -Capistrano. But the nonagenarian Despot was wounded in a quarrel with the -Hungarian governor, and on Christmas-eve, 1456, died. Of his sons the -two elder had been blinded by the late Sultan, so that his third son, -Lazar III, succeeded him. His speedy death resulted, at this eleventh -hour of Serbian history, in the union of both Serbia and Bosnia by the -marriage of one of his daughters with the Bosnian Crown Prince, Stephen -Tomashevich—an arrangement which even Dushan, in all his glory, had never -achieved. The Bosnian Despot of Serbia took up his abode at Semendria; -but the inhabitants, regarding their new master with disfavour, as a -Catholic and a Hungarian nominee, opened their gates to the Turks; before -the summer of 1459 was over, all Serbia had become a Turkish pashalik, -except Belgrade, which remained a Hungarian fortress till 1521. Four -years after the fall of Serbia her last Despot, then King of Bosnia, was -beheaded at Jajce, and his kingdom annexed by the Turks. Twenty years -after Bosnia, the Duchy of St Sava, the modern Herzegovina, met with the -same fate. - -Thus the history of mediæval Serbia was closed. But members of the -Brankovich family continued to bear the title of Despot in their -Hungarian exile, whither many of their adherents had followed them, -till the extinction of their house two centuries ago; the Serbian -Patriarchate, abolished in 1459, but revived by the Turks in 1557, -existed till 1767; but from the time of Mohammed II to that of Black -George in 1804, when Danubian Serbia rose from her long enslavement, -the noblest representatives of the Serbs maintained their freedom in -the Republics of Ragusa, “the South Slavonic Athens,” and Poljitza, -“the South Slavonic San Marino,” and among the barren rocks of free -Montenegro. - - -AUTHORITIES - -1. _Geschichte der Serben._ Von Constantin Jireček, Erster Band (Bis -1371); Zweiter Band, erste Hälfte (1371-1537). Gotha: Perthes, 1911, 1918. - -2. _Serbes, Croates et Bulgares._ Par Louis Leger. Paris: Maisonneuve, -1913. - -3. _Les problèmes serbes._ Par Stojan Novakovich. In _Archiv für -slavische Philologie_, Bände XXXIII.-IV. Berlin, 1912. - -4. _Listine._ By S. Ljubich. In _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum -Meridionalium_. Eleven vols. Agram, 1868-93. - -5. _Acta et Diplomata Res Albaniæ mediæ ætatis illustrantia._ Ed. L. -de Thallóczy, C. Jireček, E. de Sufflay. Vol. I. (344-1343); Vol. II. -(1344-1406). Vindobonæ, 1913-18. - -6. _Poésies populaires serbes._ Tr. by A. Dozon. Paris, 1877. - - -APPENDIX - -THE FOUNDER OF MONTENEGRO - -The parentage of Stephen Crnojevich, the founder of the like-named -Montenegrin dynasty, has hitherto rested merely on conjecture. The two -oldest writers on South Slavonic history, Orbini[863] and Luccari[864], -identified him with Stefano Maramonte, an adventurer from Apulia, who -is known from Venetian sources[865] to have been a totally different -person. Subsequent writers, such as Ducange[866], Fallmerayer[867], -Milakovich[868], and Lenormant[869], have usually adopted without -question this identification; while the first native historian of -Montenegro, the _Vladika_ Vasilj Petrovich[870], made him the son of a -certain John Crnojevich, who was descended from the Serbian royal family -of Nemanja. According to these respective theories, he first appeared in -Montenegrin history in 1419, 1421 or 1423. Hopf[871], and Count de Mas -Latrie[872], who were far nearer the truth, asserted him to have been a -son of Raditch Crnoje, who is described as “lord of the Zeta and Budua -and of the other parts of Slavonia” in 1392, as “baron of the parts of -the Zeta” in 1393, and as having fallen in battle in 1396, after having -been a “very powerful man” and an honorary citizen of Venice[873]. - -The Venetian documents, published by Ljubich, prove beyond all doubt that -Stephen Crnojevich was the son of George Jurash, or Jurashevich—a name -first mentioned[874] in a Ragusan document of 1403. Three years later -George Jurashevich and his brother Alexius dominated the Upper Zeta; in -1420 they were “barons of the Zeta” and were promised the possession of -Budua[875]—the very same places that Raditch Crnoje had held. These facts -might have suggested that they were his next-of-kin, not, as Hopf[876] -and Miklosich[877] supposed, members of a distinct clan. The identity of -the two families is proved by a document[878] of 1426, which mentions -for the first time _Stefaniza fiol del Zorzi Juras_, while subsequent -documents prove conclusively that this Stefaniza was none other than -Stephen Crnojevich. He had three brothers, one “lately dead” in 1443, and -in the next year mention is made of the three survivors as _Jurassin, -Stefanice, et Coicini, fratrum de Zernoievich_[879]. - -The exact relationship of Stephen’s father, George Jurashevich, to -Raditch Crnoje can only be surmised. We know however that Raditch had -several brothers[880]; if we assume that one was called George, or -Jurash, this man’s son would then be called Jurashevich; thus Stephen -would be Raditch’s grand-nephew—a degree of relationship which would -correspond with his death[881] in 1466, two generations after that of -his great-uncle. As the legitimate heirs of Raditch, the Jurashevich -naturally reverted to the more distinguished surname of Crnojevich, -a name found in that region in 1351, while Crnagora, the Serb name -for Montenegro, occurs in a Ragusan document[882] of 1362. There is a -tradition[883] that the family came originally from Zajablje in the -Herzegovina. - - -3. BOSNIA BEFORE THE TURKISH CONQUEST[884] - - -I. THE HISTORY OF BOSNIA DOWN TO 1180. - -The earliest known inhabitants of Bosnia and the Herzegovina belonged -to that Illyrian stock which peopled the western side of the Balkan -peninsula at the close of the fifth century B.C. At that period we find -two Illyrian tribes, the Ardiæi and the Autariatæ, in possession of those -lands. The former occupied West Bosnia, while the latter extended to -the south and gave their name to the river Tara, which forms for some -distance the present frontier between Montenegro and the Herzegovina. -Few characteristics of these remote tribes have been preserved by the -Greek and Roman writers, but we are told that the Ardiæi were noted even -among the Illyrians for their drunken habits, and that they were the -proprietors of a large body of slaves, who performed all their manual -offices for them. Of the Autariatæ we know nothing beyond the fact of -their power at that epoch. - -But the old Illyrian inhabitants had to acknowledge the superiority of -another race. About 380 B.C. the Celts invaded the peninsula, and, by -dint of continual pushing, ousted the natives of what is now Serbia, -and so became neighbours of the Ardiæi. Their next step was to drive -the latter southward into the modern Herzegovina, and to seize their -possessions in North Bosnia. Instead of uniting against the Celtic -invaders the Illyrian tribes fell to quarrelling among themselves over -some salt springs, which were unfortunately situated at the spot where -their confines met. This fratricidal struggle had the effect of so -weakening both parties that they fell an easy prey to the common foe. The -victorious Celts pursued their southward course, and by 335 B.C. both -Bosnia and the Herzegovina were in their power, and the Illyrians either -exiles or else subject to the Celtic sway. This is the first instance of -that fatal tendency to disunion which has throughout been the curse of -these beautiful lands. The worst foes of Bosnia and the Herzegovina have -been those of their own household. - -The Celtic supremacy left few traces behind it. While in the south a -powerful Illyrian state was formed, which offered a stubborn resistance -to Rome herself, the Celtic and Illyrian inhabitants of Bosnia and the -Herzegovina remained in the happy condition of having no history. But -when the South Illyrian state fell before the Romans, in 167 B.C., and -the legionaries encamped on the river Narenta, upon which the present -Herzegovinian capital stands, the people who dwelt to the north felt that -the time had come to defend themselves. One of their tribes had already -submitted to the Romans, but the others combined in a confederation, -which had its seat at Delminium, a fortress near the modern town of -Sinj, in Dalmatia, from which the confederates took the common name of -Dalmatians. The first struggle lasted for nearly a century, in spite -of the capture and destruction of Delminium by Scipio Nasica in 155 -B.C., and it was reserved for Caius Cosconius in 78 B.C. to subdue the -Dalmatian confederates and bring Bosnia and the Herzegovina for the first -time beneath the Roman sway. Those lands were then merged in the Roman -province of Illyricum, which stretched from the Adriatic to the western -frontier of modern Serbia and from the Save into North Albania. But -the spirit of the brave Dalmatians was still unbroken, and they never -lost an opportunity of rising against their Roman masters. Aided by -their winter climate, they resisted the armies of Cæsar’s most trusted -lieutenants, and the Emperor Augustus was twice wounded in his youthful -campaign against them. One of their revolts in the early years of the -Christian era was, in the words of Suetonius, “the greatest danger which -had threatened Rome since the Punic wars.” Under their chiefs Bato and -Pines they defied the legions of Tiberius for four long years, and it -was only when their last stronghold had fallen, and Bato had been taken -captive, that they submitted. Their power as an independent nation was -broken for ever, their country was laid waste, and in A.D. 9 finally -incorporated with the Roman Empire. North Bosnia became part of the -province of Pannonia; the Herzegovina and Bosnia south of a line drawn -from Novi through Banjaluka and Doboj to Zvornik, were included in the -province of Dalmatia. The Romans divided up the latter in their usual -methodical manner into three districts, grouped round three towns, where -was the seat of justice, and whither the native chieftains came to confer -with the Roman authorities. Thus Salona, near Spalato, once a city half -as large as Constantinople, but now a heap of ruins, was made the centre -of government for South Bosnia, while the Herzegovina fell within the -jurisdiction of Narona, a fortress which has been identified with Vid, -near Metkovich. - -The Roman domination, which lasted till the close of the fifth century, -has left a permanent mark upon the country. The interior, it is true, -never attained to such a high degree of civilisation as the more -accessible towns on the Dalmatian coast, and no such magnificent building -as the palace at Spalato in which Diocletian spent the evening of his -days adorned the inland settlements. But the conquerors developed, much -as the Austrians have done in our own time, those natural resources -which the natives had neglected. Three great Roman roads united Salona -and the sea with the principal places up country. One of these highways -skirted the beautiful lake Jezero, traversed the now flourishing town -of Banjaluka, which derives its modern name, “the Baths of St Luke,” -from the ruins of a Roman bath, and ended at Gradishka, on the Save. -Another connected Salona with the plain of Sarajevo, even then regarded -as the centre of the Bosnian trade, and the valley of the Drina, while a -branch penetrated as far as Plevlje, in the _sandjak_ of Novibazar, then -a considerable Roman settlement. The third, starting also from Salona, -crossed the south of the Herzegovina, where traces of it may still be -seen. Then, too, the mineral wealth of Bosnia was first exploited—the -gold workings near the source of the river Vrbas and the rich deposits of -iron ore in the north-west. The natives, hitherto occupied in fighting -or farming, were now forced to work at the gold diggings. Roman authors -extolled the Bosnian gold, the “Dalmatian metal” of Statius, of which as -much as 50 lbs. were obtained in a single day, and a special functionary -presided at Salona over the administration of the Bosnian gold mines. The -salt springs of Dolnja Tuzla, now a busy manufacturing town, were another -source of wealth, and the numerous coins of the Roman period discovered -up and down the country show that a considerable amount of money was in -circulation there. Many a Roman colonist must have been buried in Bosnian -soil, for numbers of tombstones with Latin inscriptions have been found, -and the national museum at Sarajevo is full of Roman cooking utensils, -Roman vases, and Roman instruments of all kinds. Most important of all, -it was during the Roman period that the first seeds of Christianity were -sown in these remote Balkan lands. The exact date of this event, which -was to exercise paramount influence for evil as well as good upon the -future history of Bosnia, is unknown, but we may safely assume that the -Archbishopric of Salona was the seat of the new doctrine, from which it -rapidly spread throughout the Dalmatian province. Several bishoprics, -which are mentioned as subordinate to the archiepiscopal See of Salona in -the sixth century, are to be found in Bosnia, and one in particular, the -bishopric of Bistue, lay in the very heart of that country. - -But the power of Rome on the further shore of the Adriatic and in the -mountains behind it did not long survive the break-up of the Western -Empire in 476. Bosnia and the Herzegovina experienced the fate of the -provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia, of which they had so long formed -a part. Twenty years earlier Marcellinus, a Roman general, had carved -out for himself an independent principality in Dalmatia, and his nephew -and successor, Julius Nepos, maintained his independence there for a -short space after the fall of the Empire. But Odoacer soon made himself -master of the old Roman province, and in 493 the Ostrogoths under -Theodoric overran the country, and for the next forty years Bosnia and -the Herzegovina owned their sway. This change of rulers made little -difference in the condition of the people. The Ostrogoths did not -interfere with the religious institutions which they found already in -existence. Under their government two ecclesiastical councils were held -at Salona, and two new bishoprics founded, bringing the total number up -to six. Theodoric, like the Romans before him, paid special attention to -the mineral wealth of Bosnia, and a letter is extant in which he appoints -an overseer of “the Dalmatian iron ore mines.” But in 535 began the -twenty years’ war between the Ostrogoths and the Emperor Justinian. These -lands at once became the prey of devastating armies, the battle-field of -Gothic and Byzantine combatants. In the midst of the general confusion -a horde of new invaders appeared, probably at the invitation of the -Gothic King, and in 548 we hear of the Slavs for the first time in the -history of the country. Further Slavonic detachments followed in the -next few years, and before the second half of the sixth century was far -advanced there was a considerable Slav population in the western part of -the Balkan peninsula. Even when the war had ended with the overthrow of -the Gothic realm, and Bosnia and the Herzegovina had fallen under the -Byzantine sway, the inroads of the Slavs did not cease. Other savage -tribes came too, and the Avars in particular were the terror of the -inhabitants. This formidable race, akin to the Huns, whom they rivalled -in ferocity, soon reduced the once flourishing province of Dalmatia to -a wilderness. During one of their marches through Bosnia they destroyed -nearly forty fortified places on the road from the Save to Salona, and -finally reduced that prosperous city to the heap of ruins which it has -ever since remained, while the citizens formed out of Diocletian’s -abandoned palace the town which bears the name of Spalato, or the Palace, -to this day. But the Avars were not to have an unchallenged supremacy -over the country. In the first half of the seventh century the Emperor -Herakleios summoned to his aid two Slavonic tribes, the Croats and Serbs, -and offered them the old Illyrian lands as his vassals if they would -drive out the Avars. Nothing loth they at once accepted the invitation, -and, after a fierce struggle, subdued the barbarians, whose hands had -been as heavy upon the Slavonic as upon the Roman settlers. The Croats, -who came somewhat earlier than the Serbs, took up their abode in what -is still known as Croatia, and in the northern part of Dalmatia, as far -as the river Cetina; the Serbs occupied the coast line from that river -as far south as the present Albanian town of Durazzo, and inland the -whole of modern Serbia (as it was before 1912), Montenegro, Bosnia, the -Herzegovina, and the _sandjak_ of Novibazar. From that time onwards these -regions have, under various alien dominations, never lost their Slavonic -character, and to this day even the Bosniaks who profess the faith of -Islâm, no less than their Orthodox brothers, are of Serbian stock. - -The history of Bosnia and the Herzegovina from this Slavonic settlement -in the first half of the seventh down to the middle of the tenth century -is very obscure. We have few facts recorded, and nothing is gained -by repeating the names of mythical rulers, whose existence has been -disproved by the researches of critical historians. But it is possible -to form some general idea of the state of the country during this period -of transition. Nominally under the suzerainty of the Byzantine Empire, -much in the same sense as modern Bulgaria was till 1908 under that of the -Sultan, Bosnia and its neighbouring lands were practically independent -and formed a loose agglomeration of small districts, each of which was -called by the Slavonic name of _jupa_ and was governed by a headman -known as a _jupan_. The most important of these petty chiefs was awarded -the title of great _jupan_, and the various districts composed a sort -of primitive confederation under his auspices. Two of the districts -received names which attained considerable importance in subsequent -history. The Slavonic settlers in the valley of the Upper Bosna adapted -the Latin designation of that river, Basante, to their own idiom by -calling the stream Bosna and themselves Bosniaks, and the name of the -river was afterwards extended to the whole country, which from that time -onwards was known as Bosnia—a term first found in the form “Bosona,” of -Constantine Porphyrogenitus[885]. Similarly Mount Hum, above the present -town of Mostar, gave its name to the surrounding district, which was -called the Land of Hum, or Zahumlje, until in the middle of the fifteenth -century it was re-christened the “Land of the Duke,” or the Herzegovina, -from the German _Herzog_. These derivations are much more probable than -the alternatives recently offered, according to which Bosnia means the -“land of salt” in Albanian, and the Herzegovina means the “land of -stones” in Turkish[886]. - -The Slavs, with the adaptability of many other conquerors, soon accepted -the religion which they found already established in these countries. -The Serbs, who settled at the mouth of the Narenta, alone adhered to -paganism, and erected on the ruins of the old Roman town of Narona a -shrine of their god Viddo, from whom the modern village of Vid derives -its name. Here heathen rites were celebrated for more than two hundred -years, and as late as the beginning of the last century the inhabitants -of Vid cherished ancient idols, of which the original significance had -long passed away. - -The political history of Bosnia was determined for many generations by -its geographical position on the boundary line between the Croatian and -Serbian settlements. It was here that these two branches of the Slavonic -race met, and from the moment when two rival groups were formed under -Croatian and Serbian auspices Bosnia became the coveted object of both. -That country accordingly submitted to Croatian and Serbian rulers by -turns. Early in the tenth century it seems to have acknowledged the -sway of Tomislav, first King of the Croats, and was administered as a -dependency by an official known as a _ban_, the Croatian name for a -“governor,” which survived to our own day. A little later the Serbian -Prince Tchaslav incorporated it in the confederation which he welded -together, and defended it against the Magyars, who now make their first -appearance in its history. Under a chieftain named Kés these dangerous -neighbours had penetrated as far as the upper waters of the river Drina, -where the Serbian Prince inflicted a crushing defeat upon them. But, in -his zeal to carry the war into the enemy’s country, he perished himself, -and with his death his dominions fell asunder, and Bosnia became for a -brief period independent. But Kreshimir, King of the Croats, recovered it -in 968, and for the next half-century it belonged to the Croatian crown. -But about 1019 the Emperor Basil II restored for a time the dormant -Byzantine sovereignty over the whole Balkan peninsula. After the bloody -campaigns which earned him the title of “the Bulgar-slayer” and ended in -the destruction of the first Bulgarian Empire, he turned his arms against -the Serbs and Croats, forcing the latter to receive their crown from -Constantinople and reducing Bosnia to more than nominal subjection to his -throne. - -Meanwhile the Herzegovina, or the “Land of Hum,” as it was then called, -had had a considerable history of its own. Early in the tenth century, -at the time when the Croatian King Tomislav was extending his authority -over Bosnia, we hear of a certain Michael Vishevich, who ruled over -the sister land and held his court in the ancient fortress of Blagaj, -above the source of the river Buna. Vishevich was evidently a prince of -considerable importance. The Pope addressed him as “the most excellent -Duke of the people of Hum”; the Byzantine Emperor awarded him the proud -titles of “proconsul and Patrician.” The Republic of Ragusa paid him an -annual tribute of thirty-six ducats for the vineyards of her citizens -which lay within his territory. His fleet, starting from the seaport -of Stagno, then the seat of a bishopric as well as an important haven, -ravaged the Italian coast opposite, and made the name of “Michael, King -of the Slavs,” as a chronicler styles him, a terror to the inhabitants -of Apulia. The great Bulgarian Tsar Symeon was his ally, and on two -occasions during his struggle with the Byzantine Empire he received -aid or advice from him. We find him seconding Tomislav’s proposal for -summoning the famous ecclesiastical council which met at Spalato in -925 and prohibited the use of the Slavonic liturgy. In short, nothing -of importance occurred in that region during his reign in which he -had not his say[887]. But after his death his dominions seem to have -been included, like Bosnia, in the Serbian confederation of Tchaslav; -and, when that collapsed, they were annexed by the King of Dioklitia, -whose realm derived its name from the town of Doclea in what is now -Montenegro, and took its origin in the valley of the Zeta, which divides -that kingdom in two. About the end of the tenth century however, the -powerful Bulgarian Tsar Samuel established his supremacy over the -Kingdom of Dioklitia, and the treacherous murder of its King a few -years later completed the incorporation of Dioklitia, and consequently -of the Herzegovina, in the Bulgarian Empire. But its connexion with -Bulgaria was short-lived. When Basil “the Bulgar-slayer” destroyed the -sovereignty of the Bulgarian Tsars he added the Herzegovina as well as -Bosnia to his own domains. Thus the twin provinces fell at the same -moment beneath the Byzantine sway, and from 1019 remained for a space -parts of that Empire, governed sometimes by imperial governors, sometimes -by native princes acting as imperial viceroys. Bosnia was the first to -raise the standard of revolt, and no sooner was the Emperor Basil II -dead than it regained its independence under _bans_ of its own, who -raised it to an important position among the petty states of that time. -The Herzegovina, less fortunate, only exchanged the sovereignty of the -Emperor at Constantinople for that of the King of Dioklitia, who in 1050 -made himself master of the land. For exactly a century it remained an -integral portion of that kingdom, and had therefore no separate history. -Even Bosnia succumbed a generation later to the monarchs of Dioklitia, -for about 1085 all the three neighbouring lands, Serbia, Bosnia and the -Herzegovina, had to accept governors from King Bodin of the Zeta, and -thus a great Serb state existed under his sceptre. - -But in the early years of the twelfth century a new force made itself -felt in South Slavonic lands, a force which even in our own day has till -lately exercised a powerful influence over the fortunes of the Balkan -peninsula. Since their unsuccessful incursion in the time of Tchaslav -the Hungarians had never abandoned their cherished object of gaining a -foothold there. But it was not till the union of Croatia in 1102, and of -Dalmatia in 1105, with the Hungarian Crown by Koloman, that this object -was attained. The Hungarian Kings thus came into close contact with -Bosnia, and were not long in extending their authority over that country. -So far from meeting with opposition they were regarded by the people as -valuable allies in the common struggle against the Byzantine Emperors -of the family of the Comnenoi, who aimed at restoring the past glories -and dimensions of their realm. Accordingly in 1135 we find an Hungarian -King, Béla II, for the first time styling himself “King of Rama”—the -name of a river in Bosnia, which Magyar chroniclers applied first to -the surrounding district and then to the whole country. From that time -onward, whoever the actual possessors of Rama, or Bosnia, might be, it -was always included among the titles of the Hungarian monarchs, and, -till our own time, the Emperor Francis Joseph in his capacity of King -of Hungary called himself also “King of Rama.” In his case the phrase -had certainly a more practical significance than it possessed in earlier -centuries. - -The precise manner in which this close connexion between Hungary and -Bosnia was formed is obscure. According to one theory Béla received -the country as the dowry of his Serbian wife; according to another the -Bosnian magnates, seeing the increasing power of Hungary and the revived -pretensions of the Byzantine Emperors, decided to seek the protection of -the former against the latter. At any rate a little later Béla assigned -Bosnia as a duchy to his second son, Ladislaus, leaving, however, the -actual government of that land in the hands of native _bans_. It is -now that we hear the name of one of these rulers for the first time. -Hitherto the Bosnian governors have been mere shadowy figures, flitting -unrecognised and almost unnoticed across the stage of history. But _ban_ -Borich, who now comes into view, is a man of flesh and blood. In the wars -between the Emperor Manuel Comnenos and the Hungarians he was the staunch -ally of the latter, and when a disputed succession to the Hungarian -throne took place he aspired to play the part of a king-maker and -supported the claims of Ladislaus, the titular “duke” of Bosnia. But he -made the mistake of choosing the losing side and, after being conquered -by the troops of the successful candidate, disappeared mysteriously in -1163. Short, however, as was his career, he had extended the eastern -borders of Bosnia to the river Drina, and we learn from the contemporary -Greek historian Cinnamus[888] that his country was “independent of Serbia -and governed in its own fashion.” Three years after his disappearance -from the scene Bosnia shared the fate of Croatia and Dalmatia, and fell -into the hands of Manuel Comnenos. But upon the death of that powerful -Emperor in 1180 the fabric which he had laboriously erected collapsed; -the Balkan peoples had nothing more to fear from the Byzantine Empire, -and Bosnia under her famous _ban_ Kulin attained to greater freedom and -prosperity than she had yet enjoyed. But the same period which witnessed -this political and material progress witnessed also the development of -that ecclesiastical schism which was one day destined to cause the loss -of all freedom and the suspension of all progress by facilitating the -Turkish conquest of the land. - - -II. THE GREAT BOSNIAN BANS (1180-1376). - -Kulin is the first great figure in Bosnian history. By nature a man of -peace, he devoted his attention to the organisation of the country, which -in his time was a ten days’ journey in circumference, the development -of its commerce, and the maintenance of its independence. He allowed -foreigners ready access to his dominions, employed two Italian painters -and goldsmiths at his court, and gave liberal mining concessions to two -shrewd burghers of Ragusa, which during the middle ages was the chief -emporium of the inland trade. He concluded in 1189 a treaty of commerce -with that city—the earliest known Bosnian document—in which he swore -to be its “true friend now and for ever, and to keep true peace and -genuine troth” with it all his life. Ragusan merchants were permitted to -settle wherever they chose in his territory, and no harm was to be done -them by his officials. Agriculture flourished under his rule, and years -afterwards, whenever the Bosnian farmer had a particularly prosperous -year, he would say to his fellows, “The times of Kulin are coming back -again.” Even to-day the people regard him as a favourite of the fairies, -and his reign as a golden age, and to “talk of _ban_ Kulin” is a popular -expression for one who speaks of the remote past, when the Bosnian -plum-trees always groaned with fruit and the yellow corn-fields never -ceased to wave in the fertile plains. Kulin’s position was strengthened -too by his powerful connections; for his sister was the wife of Miroslav, -Prince of the Herzegovina, which, as we have seen, had formed part of the -Kingdom of Dioklitia down to 1150, when it was conquered by the Serbian -great _jupan_, Desa. Some twenty years later Stephen Nemanja made his -brother Miroslav its prince, and thus was closely connected with Kulin. -The latter, like Nemanja in Serbia, threw off all ties of allegiance to -the Byzantine Empire on the death of Manuel Comnenos, and at the same -time ignored the previous relations which had existed between the Kings -of Hungary and the Bosnian _bans_. - -But it was Kulin’s ecclesiastical policy which rendered his reign most -memorable in the after history of Bosnia. In the tenth century there -had appeared in Bulgaria a priest named “Bogomil,” or the “Beloved of -God,” who preached a mystical doctrine, peculiarly attractive to the -intellect of a Slavonic race. From the assumption that there existed -in the universe a bad as well as a good deity the Bogomiles, as his -disciples were called, deduced a complete system of theology, which -explained all phenomena to their own satisfaction. But the Bogomiles did -not content themselves with metaphysics alone. They descended from the -serene atmosphere of abstract reasoning to the questions of ritual and -the customs of society. Appropriating to themselves the title of “good -Christians,” they regarded the monks as little short of idolators, set at -naught the authority of bishops, and defied the thunders of the popes. -Their worship was characterised by extreme simplicity and often conducted -in the open air, while in their lives they aimed at a plain and primitive -ideal. A “perfect” Bogomile, one who belonged to the strictest of the -two castes into which they were divided, looked upon marriage as impure -and bloodshed as a deadly sin; he despised riches, and owned allegiance -to no one save God alone, while he had the quaker’s objection to an -oath. No wonder that popes, trembling for their authority, branded them -as heretics and pursued them with all the horrors of fire and sword; no -wonder that potentates found them sometimes intractable subjects, and -sometimes useful allies in a struggle against ecclesiastical pretensions. - -The Bogomiles appear to have entered Bosnia about the middle of the -twelfth century, and speedily gained a hold upon the country. Kulin -at first remained uninfluenced by their teachings. Thus, in 1180, we -find the papal legate writing to him in the most courteous terms, and -addressing him as the “noble and powerful man, the great _ban_ of -Bosnia.” The legate sends him a letter and the Holy Father’s blessing, -and begs him to give him in return, as a token of his devotion, “two -servants and marten skins.” But Kulin found it politic later on to secede -from the Roman Church. For some time past the rival Archbishoprics of -Spalato and Ragusa had striven for ecclesiastical supremacy over Bosnia. -Béla III, King of Hungary, who had now time to devote to his ambitious -schemes against that country, warmly supported the claims of the See -of Spalato, to which he had appointed a creature of his own. Kulin was -naturally on the side of Ragusa, and was encouraged by his sister, whose -late husband, Miroslav, Prince of the Herzegovina, had had a similar -contest with the Archbishop of Spalato, and had concluded a treaty with -the Ragusans. The Pope took the part of Spalato, and Kulin retorted -by defying him, as Miroslav had done before. The latter had probably -been a Bogomile for some time before his death; the former now formally -abandoned the Roman Church, with his wife, his sister, his whole family, -and ten thousand of his subjects. The force of so potent an example was -at once felt. The Bogomile or Patarene heresy, as it was called by the -Bosniaks of other creeds, now spread apace, not only over Bosnia, but in -the neighbouring lands. The two Italian painters, whom we have mentioned -as residing at Kulin’s court, carried it to Spalato, where it extended -to the other Dalmatian coast towns; and the destruction of Zara by the -crusaders in 1202 was regarded by pious chroniclers as a judgment upon -that city for its heretical opinions. - -King Béla III was not slow to make Kulin’s defection the excuse for -posing as defender of the true faith. But his death and the quarrels -between his heirs gave Kulin a little breathing space, and it was not -till 1200 that he was in actual danger. By that time Béla’s sons, Emerich -and Andrew, had established themselves respectively as King of Hungary -and Duke of the Herzegovina, and accordingly threatened Bosnia from two -sides. Emerich, following his father’s policy, endeavoured to induce the -Pope to preach a crusade against the Bosnian heretics, and Innocent III, -who then occupied the chair of St Peter, hailed the King of Hungary as -overlord of Bosnia, and bade him summon Kulin to recant, or if the latter -remained obdurate invade Bosnia and occupy it himself. Thus menaced -by a combination of the spiritual and the temporal power, Kulin bowed -before the storm. He felt that at all costs Hungarian intervention must -be avoided, so he made the rather lame excuse that he had “regarded the -Patarenes not as heretics, but as Catholics,” and begged the Pope to send -him some safe adviser, who should guide his erring feet into the right -way. Innocent, pleased at Kulin’s submission, sent two ecclesiastics -to Bosnia to inquire into the religious condition of the country and -to bring back its ruler to the true fold. The mission was temporarily -successful. Early in the spring of 1203 the _ban_, his great nobles, -and the heads of the Bogomile community met in solemn assembly in the -“white plain,” or Bjelopolje, on the river Bosna, confessed their errors, -and drew up a formal document embodying their recantation. “We renounce -the schism of which we are accused”—so runs the deed—“we promise to -have altars and crosses in all our churches, to receive the sacrament -seven times a year, to observe the fasts ordained by the church, and -to keep the festivals of the saints. Henceforth we will no more call -ourselves ‘Christians,’ but ‘brothers,’ so as not to cast a slur upon -other Christians.” The oath thus taken was renewed by representatives -of the Bogomiles in the presence of the King of Hungary, who bade Kulin -observe his promises for the future. The cloud had passed away, but with -its disappearance Kulin too disappears from the scene. An inscription, -said to be the oldest in the country and ascribed to the year 1203-04, -which was found in 1898 at Muhashinovichi, on the river Bosna, refers -to a church erected by him to prove the sincerity of his re-conversion, -and prays God to grant health to him and his wife, Voyslava. We hear no -more of him after 1204; but his memory was not soon forgotten[889]. Two -centuries later a Bosnian King desired to have confirmed to him all the -“customs, usages, privileges and frontiers, which existed in the time of -Kulin,” and the rich Bosnian family of Kulenovich of our own time (whose -ancestral castle of Jaskopolje may be seen near Jajce, almost on the spot -where, in 1878, the great fight between the Austrians and the insurgents -took place) is said to derive its name and lineage from him. - -But the recantation of Kulin did not check the growth of the Bogomile -heresy. Under his successor, Stephen, the numbers of the sect increased, -and the efforts of Pope Honorius III and his legate to preach a crusade -against the heretics remained fruitless. The Holy Father might exclaim -that “the unbelievers in Bosnia, just as witches in a cave nourish their -offspring with their bare breasts, publicly preach their abominable -errors, to the great harm of the Lord’s flock”; but even this mixture -of metaphors failed to stimulate the flagging zeal of the Hungarian -Catholics. Even when the King of Hungary had pacified his rebellious -nobles by the golden bull, and was therefore able to turn his attention -to Bosnian affairs, the proposed crusade fell flat. The King worked upon -the cupidity of the Archbishop of Kalocsa by granting him spiritual -authority over Bosnia; but the only result was to stiffen the backs of -the recalcitrant Bosniaks. Imitating their neighbours in the Herzegovina, -who had lately made a Bogomile their Prince, they deposed the weak-kneed -Stephen and put Matthew Ninoslav, a Bogomile by birth and education, in -his place. The new _ban_ proved, however, more pliant than his poorer -subjects. Alarmed at the threatening attitude of the King of Hungary, -he recanted, as Kulin had done before him, and placed his country under -the protection of St Peter. But the conversion of their Prince had little -effect upon the masses. The monks of the Dominican order might boast that -they had converted, if not convinced, Ninoslav, but it was felt that -stronger measures must be taken against his people. In 1234 a crusade was -at last organised, and for the next five years the Bogomiles of Bosnia -experienced all those horrors of fire and sword which their fellows, -the Albigenses, had suffered in the south of France. Under different -names and in widely different spheres the two bodies of heretics had -adopted similar doctrines. Indeed, the Albigenses had looked to the -Bogomile “pope,” or primate, of Bosnia for spiritual instruction and -advice, and accepted their “vicar” at his hands. But while historians -and poets of renown have cast lustre upon the struggles and sufferings -of the martyrs of Provence the probably equally heroic resistance of -the Bosnian Bogomiles has made little impression upon literature. Yet -it is clear that they possessed all the stubborn valour of our own -puritans. In spite of the conquest of both Bosnia and the Herzegovina -in 1237 by the Hungarian King’s son, Koloman, who received the former -country from the King and the Pope as the reward of his labours, in -spite of the erection of forts and a Catholic Cathedral to keep the -unruly passions and heretical inclinations of the people in order, the -spirit of the Bogomiles remained unbroken. Ninoslav, furious at the -arbitrary substitution of Koloman for himself, once more appeared as -their champion, and the great defeat of the Hungarians by the Tartars in -1241 not only rid him of his rival, Koloman, but freed his land from all -fear of Hungarian intervention for some time to come. Even the incursion -of the Tartars into Bosnia was a small disadvantage as compared with -the benefits which that country had derived from their previous victory -over its foes. Ninoslav now felt himself strong enough to assist Spalato -in its struggle against the King of Hungary and to offer an alliance -to Ragusa against the growing power of the Serbian monarchy. A second -crusade in Bosnia in 1246 was not more successful than the first, and the -Pope in placing the Bosnian See under the authority of the Archbishop -of Kalocsa, expressly gave as his reason “the utter hopelessness of a -voluntary conversion of that country to the true faith.” Even the papal -permission to use the Slavonic tongue and the Glagolitic characters in -the Catholic service did not win over the Bogomiles to Rome. Crusades and -concessions had alike failed[890]. - -Ninoslav passes out of sight in 1250, and the next two generations are, -with the exception of the Turkish supremacy, the gloomiest period of -Bosnian history. Religious differences and a disputed succession made -the country an easy prey to the ambitious designs of the Hungarian -monarchs, who, after a brief support of Ninoslav’s relative, the Catholic -Prijesda I, in 1254 subdued not only Bosnia but the Herzegovina beneath -their sway. While the latter about 1284 fell under Serbian influence -the former was split up into two parts. The Upper, or hill-country, -Bosnia properly so-called, was allowed to retain native _bans_—Prijesda -I and his sons[891], Prijesda II and Stephen Kotroman, till 1302; Lower -Bosnia, _i.e._ the “salt” district of Soli (the modern Tuzla) with Usora, -for the sake of greater security, was at first entrusted to Hungarian -magnates, and then combined with a large slice of northern Serbia, known -as Matchva, in a compact duchy, which was conferred upon near relatives -of the Hungarian King. During this period the history of this distracted -land is practically a blank. Beyond the names of its successive rulers -we have little handed down to us by the chroniclers. “A sleep as of -death,” in the words of a Croatian writer, “had fallen upon the country. -The whole national and religious life of Bosnia had perished beneath the -cold blasts of the wind from beyond the Save.” Now and again we come upon -traces of the old Bogomile spirit and the old zeal of the persecutors. -Stephen Dragutin, who had been driven by lameness from the Serbian throne -and had become under Hungarian auspices Duke of Matchva and Bosnia -in 1284, was specially noted for his “conversion and baptism of many -heretics,” and it was in answer to his request that the Franciscans, who -have since played such an important part in Bosnian history, settled -in the country. But still the Pope complained that “the churches were -deserted and the priesthood uprooted.” Meanwhile two powerful families -began to make their influence felt, the Croatian clan of Shubich and the -race of Kotromanich, whose legendary founder (according to Orbini), a -German knight, had entered Bosnia in the Hungarian service and was the -ancestor of the Bosnian Kings. We now know, however, from a document of -the great Tvrtko[892], quoted by Pope Gregory XI, that Tvrtko’s uncle, -Stephen Kotromanich, was grandson of “the great” Prijesda I. The latest -authority on the subject[893] accordingly believed the Kotroman family to -have sprung from Upper Bosnia and to have been very probably related to -Borich and Kulin. The legend of its German, or Gothic, origin arose out -of its matrimonial connections with great families of Central Europe. -The family of Shubich was at first in the ascendant, and became lords -of part and then the whole of the land. In fact Paul Shubich, in 1299, -styled himself “lord of Bosnia” and early in the fourteenth century -his son, Mladen, ruled, under the title of “_ban_ of the Croats and -all Bosnia,” a vast tract of territory extending from the Save to the -Narenta and from the Drina to the Adriatic. But in 1322 he fell before a -combination of rivals, and young Stephen Kotromanich, who had been his -deputy in Bosnia, became independent and united both Upper and Lower -Bosnia under his sway[894]. - -Stephen Kotromanich proved himself to be the ablest ruler whom Bosnia -had had since Kulin, and laid the foundations upon which his successor -built up the Bosnian kingdom. His reign of over thirty years was marked -by a series of successes. He began in 1325 by annexing the Herzegovina, -which, as we have seen, had been under Serbian authority for the last two -generations, as well as the sea-coast from the river Cetina as far south -as the gates of Ragusa. Thus, for the first time in its history, Bosnia -had gained an outlet on the sea, and was not entirely dependent upon -foreigners for its imports. The Dalmatian coast with its fine harbours -is the natural frontage of the country behind, which even under the -Austrians touched the sea at only two small points. But in the first half -of the fourteenth century Bosnia had gained a considerable coast-line. -Kotromanich even coveted the islands as well, and specially Curzola, then -under the overlordship of Venice. But here his plans failed, although the -Ragusans were ready to lend him ships for the purpose. He rewarded them -by confirming all their old trading rights in his country and granting -them some territorial concessions near the mouth of the Narenta. He took -an active, if somewhat insidious, part in the operations which King -Charles Robert of Hungary and his successor, Louis the Great, conducted -for the restoration of their authority in Croatia and Dalmatia. Charles -Robert, who had bestowed upon Kotromanich a relative of his own wife -in marriage, found him a useful ally; but in the war between Louis the -Great and the Venetians for the possession of Zara the Bosnian ruler was -desirous of standing well with both sides. At the famous siege of Zara in -1345 and the following year he went, at the bidding of Louis, to rescue -the town from its Venetian besiegers. But the crafty Venetians knew their -man. They gave him a heavy bribe, and offered him a much heavier one if -he would persuade Louis to abandon the relief of the beleaguered city. -The money was well spent. At a critical moment of the siege, when it -had been arranged that the Hungarian and Bosnian army should support -the besieged in a sally from the gates, Kotromanich and his Bosniaks -hung back and the Venetians won the day. The quaint chronicle of this -famous siege expressly ascribes the defeat of the allies to the perfidy -of “that child of Belial, Stephen, _ban_ of Bosnia,” and it was largely -owing to his subsequent mediation that Zara ultimately surrendered to -Venice. But Kotromanich soon found that he required the good offices -of Venice himself. While he had been engaged in the west of the Balkan -peninsula there had grown up in the east under the mighty auspices of -Stephen Dushan the great Serbian Empire, which threatened at one moment -to swallow up Constantinople itself. Dushan is the greatest name in the -whole history of the peninsula, a name cherished to this day by every -patriotic Serb. But just as the restoration of Dushan’s Empire, the -daydream of Serbian enthusiasts, jeopardised the existence of Austrian -Bosnia, so the conquests of the great Serbian Tsar alarmed the Bosnian -ruler of that day. For the first half of his reign Dushan was too much -occupied with his eastern conquests and his law reforms to interfere with -his western neighbour. But he had not forgotten that the Herzegovina, -which Kotromanich had annexed, had once belonged to the Serbian monarchy, -and, as soon as he had leisure, he pressed his claims. Both parties -accepted the mediation of Venice, and for a time peace was preserved. But -in 1349 Kotromanich assumed the offensive, invaded Dushan’s dominions, -and penetrated as far south as the beautiful town of Cattaro, at that -time part of the Serbian Empire and now at last restored to its natural -owners, the Southern Slavs. Dushan retaliated next year by descending -upon Bosnia and laying siege to the strong castle of Bobovatz, the -residence of many Bosnian rulers. As has usually happened in the history -of the country, the persecuted Bogomiles flocked to the standard of -the invader, and Bosnia seemed to be at his feet. But the walls of -Bobovatz, behind which lay the lovely daughter of the _ban_, whom Dushan -had demanded in marriage for his son, resisted his attacks, and he -marched away southward through the Herzegovina to Cattaro. Next year the -hostilities ceased, and as a further security Kotromanich found a husband -for his daughter in King Louis the Great of Hungary, his old ally. - -The internal condition of Bosnia was less fortunate, however, in the -hands of Kotromanich than its external relations. The power of the -Bogomiles had greatly increased before his accession; they had a complete -organisation—a spiritual head called _djed_, or “grandfather,” with a -seat at Janjichi, and twelve “teachers” under him—while there was not -a single Catholic bishop living in the country. Moreover the rival -orders of Dominicans and Franciscans had begun to fight for the exclusive -privilege of applying the tortures of the Inquisition to the Bosnian -heretics—a conflict which naturally favoured the growth of that heresy. -Under these circumstances Kotromanich began his reign by openly favouring -the Bogomiles, who formed the bulk of his armies and were his best -bulwark against foreign aggression so long as he was their protector. -But in 1340, on the persuasion of the King of Hungary, he committed the -political blunder of embracing the Catholic faith and thus making his -Bogomile subjects look upon Stephen Dushan as their legitimate champion. -The evil results of his ecclesiastical policy were apparent when the -great Serbian Tsar invaded his dominions. - -Stephen Kotromanich, whose memory is preserved by his seal, the earliest -Bosnian coins and seven documents issued in his name[895], died in 1353, -and his nephew Tvrtko succeeded him. Tvrtko is the greatest name in -Bosnian history, and his long reign of nearly forty years, first as _ban_ -and then as first King of Bosnia, marks the zenith of that country’s -power. Beginning his career under circumstances of great difficulty, and -even driven at one moment from his throne, he lived to make himself King -not merely of Bosnia, but of Serbia, Croatia and Dalmatia as well, and to -unite beneath his sceptre a vast agglomeration of territory, such as no -other Bosnian ruler has ever governed. - -The first seventeen years of his reign were spent in a desperate but -successful struggle for the mastery of his own house. He was a mere boy -at the death of his uncle, and his mother, who acted as regent, was too -weak to cope with the disorders of the time. The magnates, many of whom -were zealous Bogomiles, were contemptuous of one who was both a child and -a Catholic, while they would have welcomed the great Serbian Tsar Dushan, -had he found time to repeat his invasion of Bosnia. But the death of -that monarch on his way to the siege of Constantinople in 1355 broke up -the Serbian Empire for ever and removed all fear of a Serbian occupation -of Bosnia. But with the removal of this danger another arose. Louis the -Great of Hungary had welcomed the growth and independence of Bosnia so -long as the Serbian Empire existed as a menace to his own dominions; -but, as soon as that Empire fell, he revived the ambitious designs of -his predecessors upon the Bosnian realm. As the son-in-law of the late -_ban_ he had some claims to the succession, and accordingly set to work -to humiliate Tvrtko and reduce him to a position of dependence upon the -Hungarian crown. He compelled him to surrender the Herzegovina, as far as -the Narenta, as the dowry of the Hungarian queen, and to take a solemn -oath that he would persecute the Bogomiles, that he would support Hungary -in war, and that either he or his younger brother Stephen Vuk would -always reside at the Hungarian court. In return he allowed him to remain -Bosnian _ban_—a mere puppet without power. But the crafty Louis, in his -desire to be absolute master of Bosnia overreached himself. Determined to -be doubly sure of his vassal, he incited the Bosnian magnates to revolt -against their chief. But those proud nobles, who had never regarded their -_ban_ as anything more than the first of their order, had no intention -of exchanging his easy sway for the iron hand of the Hungarian King. -Louis saw his mistake, and supported Tvrtko against the barons and the -Bogomiles. But the rebels would not recognise the authority of one -who relied upon Hungarian swords to enforce it. Aided by his brother -they deposed and drove out Tvrtko in 1365, and it cost him a desperate -struggle to recover his power. Bosnia was given up to all the horrors of -civil war, and, to crown all, a terrible conflagration, the like of which -had never been seen before, broke out and destroyed everything that came -in its way. “At that time,” writes a chronicler, “the highest mountains, -with the stones, birds, and beasts upon them, were consumed with fire, so -that the hills became plains, where new corn is sown and many a village -stands. And in these villages dwell Bogomiles, who boast that God set -these mountains ablaze for their sake.” At last Tvrtko prevailed, and in -1370 he was undisputed master of the country and his brother an exile. - -Freed from all fear of Louis, whose eyes were turned northward to -Poland, and master of his rebellious barons, Tvrtko began to extend his -dominions. The decline of the Serbian Empire gave him the opportunity -which he sought. Lazar, perhaps the most unfortunate name in Serbian -history, governed a remnant of that realm, which was threatened by -dissensions from within and the Turks from without. Tvrtko aided him -against his domestic rivals and received in return large portions of -Serbian territory, including a strip of coast as far as Cattaro and the -famous castle and monastery of Mileshevo, in the modern _sandjak_ of -Novibazar, where lay the remains of St Sava, the apostle of the Serbs. In -virtue of this territory, he considered himself the legitimate successor -of the Serbian monarchs, and while Lazar contented himself with the -modest title of _knez_, or “prince,” Tvrtko had himself crowned in 1376 -on the grave of St Sava at Mileshevo with two diadems, that of Bosnia and -that of Serbia. Henceforth he styled himself “Stephen Tvrtko, King of -the Serbs and of Bosnia and of the coast.” All his successors retained -the Serbian title which he could claim as great-grandson of Stephen -Dragutin, and, like the Serbian monarchs, invariably adopted, as Tvrtko -had done, the royal name of Stephen. Not a voice was raised against this -assumption of kingly power. Ragusa, ever anxious to be on good terms with -those in authority, was the first to recognise him as the legal successor -of the Serbian sovereigns, and promptly paid him the annual tribute which -she had rendered to them on the feast of St Demetrios, as well as a sum -for trading privileges in Bosnia. Venice followed suit and addressed -him as “King of Serbia,” and the King of Hungary was too busy to -protest. Tvrtko proceeded to live up to his new dignities. He moved his -residence from Srebrenik to Sutjeska and the strong castle of Bobovatz, -the picturesque ruins of which still testify to the past glories of -the first Bosnian King. Here Tvrtko organised a court on the Byzantine -model, as the rulers of Serbia had done before him. Rough Bosnian barons -held courtly offices with high-sounding Greek names, and privileges and -honours were distributed from the throne. Hitherto Bosnian coins had -been scarce, and Ragusan, Hungarian and Venetian pieces had fulfilled -most purposes of trade. But now money, of which excellent specimens -still exist, was minted bearing the proud title of “king” instead of -that of _ban_, and displaying a visored helmet surmounted by a crown of -fleurs-de-lis with a hop blossom above. Tvrtko took his new office very -seriously as a King by the grace of God, animated, as he once wrote, -“with the wish to raise up that which is fallen and to restore that which -is destroyed[896].” - - -III. THE KINGS OF BOSNIA (1376-1463). - -Tvrtko’s first care was to provide himself with an heir to his kingdom, -and he chose a Bulgarian princess as his queen, by whom he had a son, -afterwards King Stephen Tvrtko II. But, not content with the dignity and -the territory which he now possessed, the Bosnian monarch aspired to -found a sea power. He had, as we have seen, already gained a long strip -of seaboard from the mouth of the Cetina up to the walls of Cattaro. But -Ragusa, with its harbour Gravosa, the gem of the whole coast, was not, -and never seemed likely to be, his. He accordingly resolved, as he could -not capture Ragusa, to found at the entrance of the lovely Bocche di -Cattaro a new station, which should become its rival and the outlet of -all the inland trade. The picturesque little town of Castelnuovo stands -on the spot to-day, a place over which for a brief period in the last -century there floated the British flag. Tvrtko next obtained from Venice -an Admiral for his future fleet, and ordered galleys to be built there. -And, amidst the confusion which followed the death of Louis the Great -of Hungary, he obtained from the little Queen Maria, as the price of his -friendship, the ancient city of Cattaro, which, after having enjoyed the -protection of the Serbian Tsars, had lately acknowledged the Hungarian -rule. The finest fiord in Southern Europe was in his hands. - -But Tvrtko did not rest here. True to his policy of making profit out -of the misfortunes of others, he availed himself of the disturbances -which now broke out in Croatia to take the side of the Croats against -their Queen and his friend Maria. Croatia was soon in his hands, and the -Dalmatian towns began to surrender. Spalato and Traù, unable to obtain -help from Hungary, agreed to submit to him by a certain day; but when -that day arrived Tvrtko was occupied elsewhere. For on the same day on -which Spalato was to have opened its gates, June 15, 1389, the battle -of Kossovo was fought, that battle which decided for five centuries the -fate of the Balkan peninsula. In that memorable conflict, the name of -which will never be forgotten by the Southern Slavs, a Bosnian contingent -aided the Serbian army against the Turks. It was not the first time that -the Bosniaks had faced their future masters in battle. Two years earlier -they had helped Prince Lazar to rout a Turkish force, and they hoped for -the same result on the plain of Kossovo. Tvrtko himself was not present -at the fight; but his trusty lieutenant Vlatko Hranich inflicted heavy -losses on the left wing of the Turkish host, which was commanded by the -Sultan’s second son. But, according to the traditional account, when the -Serbian traitor Vuk Brankovich rode off the field the faithful Bosniaks -gave way. All was lost, and the Turkish supremacy was assured. Tvrtko -at first believed that his army had been successful. There is extant -a letter in which the city of Florence congratulated him on the glad -tidings of victory which he had sent. “Happy the kingdom of Bosnia,” -says this document, “to which it was granted to fight so famous a fight, -and happiest of all your majesty, for whom, as the victor, the true and -eternal glory of the heavenly kingdom is appointed[897].” - -Even when he had discovered the terrible truth Tvrtko continued his -Dalmatian campaign instead of concentrating all his energies upon the -defence of his realm against the Turks. He used the brief respite which -they gave his land to press on with his operations in the west. Here -he was speedily successful. All the Dalmatian coast towns, except Zara -and Ragusa, surrendered to him, as well as the large islands of Brazza, -Lesina and Curzola. Overjoyed at their submission, he confirmed the -privileges which they had previously enjoyed, and treated them with -the utmost consideration. Master of Dalmatia and Croatia in all but the -name, he assumed in 1390 the title of King of those countries, just as -fourteen years earlier he had proclaimed himself King of Bosnia and -Serbia. Tvrtko had now reached the summit of his power. He had achieved -the difficult feat of uniting Serbs and Croats under one sceptre; he had -made Bosnia the centre of a great kingdom, which possessed a frontage -on the Adriatic, from the Quarnero to Cattaro, save for the enclaves of -Zara and Ragusa, which embraced the territory inland as far as the river -Drina and included part of the modern _sandjak_ of Novibazar, as well as -other originally Serbian territories. The beginnings of a sea power had -been formed under his auspices, and Dalmatia in union with Bosnia was -no longer “a face without a head.” Even now Tvrtko’s ambition was not -appeased. He was anxious to conclude a political alliance with Venice and -a matrimonial alliance—for his wife had just died—with the great house of -Habsburg. But death prevented the accomplishment of his designs. On March -23, 1391, the great Bosnian monarch expired without even being able to -secure the succession for his son. - -It has been the fortune of each of the various Balkan races to produce -some great man, who for a brief space has made himself the foremost -figure of the peninsula. Bulgaria can point to her mighty Tsars Symeon -and Samuel, Serbia cherishes the memory of Stephen Dushan, the Albanians -have found a national hero in Skanderbeg, Bosnia attained her zenith -under Tvrtko I. But in each case with the death of the great man the -power which he had rapidly acquired as rapidly waned. Tvrtko’s realm -was no exception to this rule. Its founder had not lived long enough to -weld his conquests into an harmonious whole, to combine Catholic Croats -with Orthodox Serbs, Bosnian Slavs with the Latin population of the -Dalmatian coast towns, Bogomile heretics with zealous partisans of Rome. -The old Slavonic law of succession, which did not recognise the custom -of primogeniture, added to the difficulties by multiplying candidates; -and thus foreign princes found an excuse for intervention and the great -barons an excuse for independence. Deprived of his authority, the King -was unable to cope with an enemy like the Turk, whose vast hosts were -absolutely united in their obedience to the rule of one man, and the -Kings of Hungary, instead of assisting their brothers of Bosnia against -the common foe, turned their forces against a country which might have -been the bulwark of Christendom. - -The evil effects of Tvrtko’s death were soon felt. His younger brother, -or cousin[898], Stephen Dabisha, who succeeded him, felt himself too -feeble to govern so large a kingdom, and in 1393 ceded the newly won -lands of Dalmatia and Croatia to King Sigismund of Hungary. The two -monarchs met at Djakovo, in Slavonia, and concluded an agreement by which -Sigismund recognised Dabisha as King of Bosnia, while Dabisha bequeathed -the Bosnian crown after his death to Sigismund. A combination of Bosnian -magnates and Croatian rebels, however, refused to accept these terms, and -Dabisha himself broke the treaty which he had made. An Hungarian invasion -of his Kingdom and the capture of the strong fortress of Dobor, on the -lower Bosna, at once reduced him to submission, and a battle before the -walls of Knin, in Dalmatia, finally severed the brief connection between -that country and the Bosnian throne. To complete Dabisha’s misfortunes, -the Turks, who had been in no undue haste to make use of their victory at -Kossovo, invaded Bosnia for the first time in 1392, and gave that country -a foretaste of what was to come. - -On Dabisha’s death in 1395 the all-powerful magnates, disregarding the -treaty of Djakovo, made his widow, Helena Gruba, regent for his son. But -they retained for themselves all real power, governing their domains as -almost independent princes, maintaining their own courts and issuing -charters, coining their own money and negotiating on their own account -with foreign states, such as the Republics of Venice and Ragusa. One -of their number, Hrvoje Vuktchich, towered above his fellows, and his -career may be regarded as typical of his troublous times. For the next -quarter of a century Bosnian history is little else than the story of his -intrigues, and the neighbouring lands of Dalmatia and Croatia felt his -heavy hand. Even Sigismund, King of Hungary, and his Neapolitan rival, -Ladislaus, were bidding against one another for his support, and at the -end of the fourteenth century he was “the most powerful man between the -Save and the Adriatic, the pillar of two Kings and Kingdoms.” The shrewd -Ragusans wrote to him that “whatsoever thou dost command in Bosnia is -done”; the documents of the period style him _regulus Bosnensis_, or -“Bosnian kinglet”; he called himself “the grand _voivode_ of the Bosnian -Kingdom and vicar-general of the most gracious sovereigns King Ladislaus -and King Ostoja, the excellent lord, the Duke of Spalato.” The three -great islands of Brazza, Curzola, and Lesina, and the city of Cattaro -owned his overlordship, and his name will always be connected with the -lovely town of Jajce, at the confluence of the Pliva and the Vrbas, the -most beautiful spot in all Bosnia. Here, above the magnificent waterfall -on the hill, for which in olden times the Bosnian _bans_ and the Croatian -Kings had striven, Hrvoje bade an Italian architect build him a castle. -Whether the town of Jajce, “the egg,” derives its name from the shape -of the hill or from the fact that the castle was modelled on the famous -Castello dell’ Uovo at Naples, is doubtful. But he is now regarded as the -founder of the catacombs, which still bear his arms and were intended -to serve as his family vault[899]. For his capital of Spalato he even -issued coins, which circulated in Bosnia as freely as the currency of -the puppet kings whom he put on the throne. What Warwick the king-maker -is in the history of England, what the mayors of the palace are in the -history of France, that is Hrvoje in the annals of mediæval Bosnia. An -ancient missal has preserved for us the features of this remarkable -man, whose gruff voice and rough manners disgusted the courtly nobles -of the Hungarian court. But the uncouth Bosniak took a terrible revenge -on his gentle critics. When a wit made fun of his big head and deep -voice by bellowing at him like an ox, the company laughed at Hrvoje’s -discomfiture. But when, a little later, the fortune of war put the jester -in his power, Hrvoje had him sewn into the skin of an ox and thrown into -the river, with the words, “Thou hast once in human form imitated the -bellowing of an ox, now therefore take an ox’s form as well.” - -The great Turkish invasion, which took place in 1398 and almost entirely -ruined Bosnia, convinced the great nobles that a woman was unfitted -to rule. Headed by Hrvoje, they accordingly deposed Helena Gruba, and -elected Stephen Ostoja, probably an illegitimate son of Tvrtko, as -their King. So long as Ostoja obeyed the dictates of his all-powerful -vassal he kept his throne. Under Hrvoje’s guidance he repulsed the -attack of King Sigismund of Hungary, who had claimed the overlordship -of Bosnia in accordance with the treaty of Djakovo, and endeavoured to -recover Dalmatia and Croatia for the Bosnian crown under the pretext -of supporting Sigismund’s rival, Ladislaus of Naples. But the latter -showed by his coronation at Zara as King of both those lands that he -had no intention of allowing them to become Bosnian possessions, as -in the days of Tvrtko. Ostoja at this changed his policy, made his -peace with Sigismund, and recognised him as his suzerain. But he had -forgotten his maker. Hrvoje, aided by the Ragusans, laid siege to the -royal castle of Bobovatz, where the crown was preserved, and when -Sigismund intervened on behalf of his puppet summoned an “assembly” or -“congregation of the Bosnian lords” in 1404 to choose a new King. This -great council of nobles, at which the _djed_, or primate of the Bogomile -church, and his suffragans were present, is frequently mentioned at this -period, and contained in a rude form the germs of those representative -institutions which in our own country sprang from a like origin. -Hrvoje easily persuaded the council to depose Ostoja and elect Tvrtko -II, the legitimate son of Tvrtko I, in his place. But Sigismund was not -so lightly convinced. After a first futile attempt he sought the aid -of the Pope in a crusade against “the renegade Arians and Manichæans” -and marched into Bosnia in 1408 at the head of a large army. Tvrtko II -met him beneath the walls of Dobor, on the same spot where, fourteen -years before, another great battle had been fought. Once again the -Bosnian forces were defeated. Sigismund took Tvrtko as his prisoner to -Buda-Pesth, after beheading 126 captive Bosnian nobles and throwing -their bodies into the yellow waters of the Bosna. The victory had -decisive results. Hrvoje humbled himself before the King of Hungary, and -Ladislaus of Naples sold all his rights to Dalmatia to the Venetians in -despair. But the national party in Bosnia was not so easily dismayed. -Nothing daunted by the defeat of Tvrtko and the desertion of Hrvoje, -they restored Ostoja to the throne. Utter confusion followed. Sigismund -dismembered the country, placing Usora and Soli again under Hungarian -_bans_, bestowing the valuable mining district of Srebrenitza upon the -Despot of Serbia to be an apple of discord between the two Serb states, -and leaving Ostoja the Herzegovina and South Bosnia alone, while even -there every one did what was right in his own eyes, and members of the -royal family lived by highway robbery. Well might the Ragusans complain -that “our people travel among the Turks and other heathen, yet nowhere -have they met with so much harm as in Bosnia.” Yet one step lower was -Ostoja to fall. Hard pressed by the Hungarians and his released rival -Tvrtko, he summoned in 1415 the Turks to his aid, and thus set an example -which was ultimately fatal to his country. - -Since their great invasion in 1398 the Turks had not molested Bosnia. -Their struggle with Timour the Tartar in Asia and the confusion which -followed his great victory at Angora had temporarily checked their -advance in Europe, and it was not till their reorganisation under -Mohammed I that they resumed their plans. They were accordingly free to -accept the invitation of Ostoja and Hrvoje, who was now in opposition -to the Hungarian court, and aided them to drive out the Hungarian -army. The decisive battle was fought near the fortress of Doboj, the -picturesque ruins of which command the junction of the rivers Bosna -and Spretcha. A stratagem of the Bosniaks, who cried out at a critical -moment, “The Magyars are fleeing,” won the day. But they could not rid -themselves of their Turkish allies so easily. In the very next year -Mohammed appointed his general Isaac governor of the castle of Vrhbosna -(“the source of the Bosna”), which stood in the heart of the country, -on the site of the present capital of Sarajevo, and even great Bosnian -nobles were not ashamed to hold their lands by grace of the Sultan and -his governor. Under Ostoja’s son, Stephen Ostojich, who succeeded as -King in 1418, the country obtained a brief respite from the Turkish -garrison, which quitted Vrhbosna. But three years later the restoration -of Tvrtko II, after further years of exile, gave the Sultan another -opportunity for intervention. For Tvrtko’s title was disputed by Ostoja’s -bastard son, Radivoj, who called in the Turks to his aid, and was seen -by the traveller, De la Brocquière[900] as a suppliant of the Sultan at -Adrianople in 1433. Tvrtko purchased a temporary peace by the surrender -of several towns to them; but the fatal secret had been divulged that -the Sultan was the arbiter of Bosnia, and to him two other enemies of -the King turned, the Despot of Serbia and Sandalj Hranich, a great -Bosnian magnate of the house of Kosatcha, who was all-powerful in the -Herzegovina, so that Chalkokondyles calls it “Sandalj’s country[901].” -The two partners bought the Bosnian Kingdom from the Sultan for hard -cash, and Tvrtko was once more an exile. In 1436 the Turks again occupied -Vrhbosna, which from that time became a place of arms, from which they -could sally forth and ravage the land, and when Tvrtko returned in the -same year it was as a mere tributary of the Sultan Murad II, who received -an annual sum of 25,000 ducats from his vassal, and issued charters as -the sovereign of the country. Soon Murad overran Serbia, and occupied -the former Bosnian towns of Zvornik and Srebrenitza, which the Serbian -Despot still held, so that it seemed as if the independence of Bosnia was -over. Tvrtko knew not which way to turn. He implored the Venetians, who -twenty years before had taken the former Bosnian haven of Cattaro under -their protection, and were now masters of nearly all Dalmatia, to take -over the government of his Kingdom too. But the crafty Republic declined -the dangerous honour with many complimentary phrases. With Ladislaus IV -of Hungary he was more fortunate. He did not, indeed, survive to see the -fulfilment of the Hungarian King’s promise, for he was murdered by his -subjects in 1443. But the help of John Hunyady, the great champion of -Christendom, enabled his successor to stave off for another twenty years -the final blow which was to annihilate the Bosnian Kingdom. - -With Tvrtko II the royal house of Kotromanich was extinct, and the -magnates elected Stephen Thomas Ostojich, another bastard son of Ostoja, -as their King. Ostojich, whose birth and humble marriage diminished -his influence over his proud nobles, came to the conclusion that it -would enhance his personal prestige, and at the same time strengthen -his Kingdom against the Turks, if he embraced the Roman Catholic faith. -His father and all his family had been Bogomiles, like most Bosnian -magnates of that time, but Tvrtko II was a Catholic and a great patron -of the Franciscans, who had suffered severely from the Turkish inroads. -The conversion of Ostojich was full of momentous consequences for his -Kingdom; for, although he was personally disinclined to persecute the -sect to which he had belonged, and which had practically become the -established church of the land, the pressure of his protector Hunyady, -the Franciscans, and the Pope soon compelled him to take steps against -it. He was convinced that by so doing he would drive the Bogomiles, who -formed the vast majority of the people, into the arms of the Turks, and -the event justified his fears. But he had little choice, for the erection -of Catholic churches did not satisfy the zeal of the Franciscans. -Accordingly in 1446 an assembly of prelates and barons met at Konjitza, -the beautiful town on the borders of the Herzegovina, through which the -traveller now passes on the railway from Sarajevo to Mostar. The document -embodying the resolutions of this grand council has been preserved, and -bears the name and seal of the King[902]. It provided that the Bogomiles -“shall neither build new churches nor restore those that are falling -into decay,” and that “the goods of the Catholic Church shall never be -taken from it.” No less than 40,000 of the persecuted sect emigrated to -the Herzegovina in consequence of this decree, and found there a refuge -beneath the sway of the great magnate Stephen Vuktchich, of the house -of Kosatcha, who had succeeded his uncle Sandalj in 1435, made himself -practically independent of his liege lord of Bosnia and was at the same -moment on good terms with the Turks and a strong Bogomile. Thus the -old Bosnian realm was practically divided in two; Stephen Vuktchich, -by posing as a defender of the national faith, received a considerable -accession of subjects, and the Emperor Frederick III bestowed upon him -in 1448 the title of _Herzog_, or Duke, of St Sava, from which his land -gradually derived its present name of Herzegovina[903]. But both Bosnia -and the sister land were soon to feel the hand of the Turk. - -The accession of Mohammed II to the Turkish throne in 1451 was the -beginning of a new era for the Balkan peoples. Since the battle of -Kossovo the Sultans had been content to allow the Serbs the shadow of -independence under Despots of their own, while Bosnia had bought off -invasion by a tribute, more or less regularly paid, according to the -vicissitudes of the Ottoman power. But the new Sultan resolved to bring -the whole peninsula under his immediate sway, and lost no time in putting -his plans into execution. The capture of Constantinople startled the -whole of Christendom, and the great victory of Hunyady before the walls -of Belgrade was small compensation for that hero’s death. There was -no one left to champion the cause of the Balkan Christians, who were -still occupied with their own miserable jealousies. Bosniaks and Serbs -were disputing the possession of the frontier towns, which the Kings of -Hungary had long ago made an apple of discord between them, and Duke -Stephen of the Herzegovina was invoking the aid of the Turks at the very -moment when all religious and racial enmities should have been silenced -in the presence of the common foe. But it has been the misfortune of the -Balkan peoples to have, like the Bourbons, learnt nothing and forgotten -nothing in their centuries of suffering. They have never, save during -the Balkan war of 1912-13, learnt the lesson of their mutual jealousies, -and have never forgotten their historic aspirations from which those -jealousies spring. - -The King of Bosnia in this extremity sought aid from the west of Europe. -As an obedient son of the Roman Church, he had a right to expect the -help of the Pope; as a friend of the Venetians, he felt entitled to the -support of the Doge. But he met with little response to his appeals. -Venice, selfish as ever, was not anxious to embroil herself in Bosnian -affairs, and the Pope contented himself with proclaiming a new crusade, -addressing the King as the “warrior of Christ,” and promising him “a -glorious victory,” in which no one else seemed desirous to share. -Under these circumstances Ostojich had no alternative but to pay the -tribute, which he had refused in the first flush of Hunyady’s victory at -Belgrade. The one bright speck on the dark horizon was the possibility -of the union of Bosnia and Serbia under one ruler by the marriage of -Stephen Tomashevich, eldest son of Ostojich, with the eldest daughter -of the Serbian Despot[904]. On the latter’s death in 1458, the King of -Hungary acknowledged Stephen Tomashevich as Despot of all Serbia as far -as the river Morava, and it seemed for the moment as if the ancient -jealousies of the two neighbouring States had been finally settled and -a new bulwark erected against the Turks. But the aggrandisement of the -Bosnian royal family only increased its responsibilities. The important -town of Semendria, which the Despot George Brankovich had founded on the -Danube years before as a refuge from his enemies, and the two-and-twenty -square towers of which still stand out defiant of all the ravages of -Turks or Time, was strongly fortified, but its inhabitants regarded their -new master, a zealous Catholic and a Hungarian nominee, as a worse foe -than the Sultan himself. It is not, therefore, necessary to assume, with -Pope Pius II and the King of Hungary, that Bosnian treachery betrayed -them. When Mohammed II arrived at their gates they surrendered without -a blow. The other Serbian towns followed the example of Semendria, and -in 1459 Serbia had ceased to exist as a State and became a Pashalik of -the Turkish Empire. It was the turn of Bosnia next. But Ostojich was -spared the spectacle of his country’s fall. Two years later he fell in an -obscure quarrel in Croatia by the hands of his brother Radivoj and his -own son, Stephen Tomashevich, who succeeded to the sorry heritage of the -Bosnian throne, of which he was to be the last occupant. - -Stephen, son of Thomas, lost no time in seeking the aid of the Pope -against the impending storm. “I was baptized as a child,” he said through -the mouths of his envoys, “and have learnt to read out of Latin books. I -wish, therefore, that thou wouldst send me a crown and holy bishops as -a sign that thou wilt not forsake me. I pray thee also to bid the King -of Hungary to go with me to the wars, for so alone can Bosnia be saved. -For the Turks have built several fortresses in my kingdom and are very -friendly to the peasants, to whom they promise freedom; and the limited -understanding of the peasant observes not their deceit, for he believes -that this freedom will last for ever. And Mohammed’s ambition knows no -bounds; after me, he will attack Hungary and the Dalmatian possessions -of Venice, and then march by way of Carniola and Istria into Italy, -which he means to subdue; even of Rome he ofttimes speaks, and yearns -to have it. But I shall be his first victim. My father foretold to thy -predecessor and the Venetians the fall of Constantinople, and now I -prophesy that if ye help me I shall be saved; but if not, I shall fall, -and others with me.” To this eloquent appeal, which so exactly depicted -the position of affairs, the Pope replied by sending his legates to -the coronation—the first and last instance of a Bosnian King receiving -his crown from Rome. The ceremony took place in the lovely citadel of -Jajce, Hrvoje’s ancient seat, whither the new King had transferred his -residence from Bobovatz for greater security. The splendour of that -day and the absolute unanimity of the great nobles in support of their -lord cast a final ray of light over the last page of Bosnia’s history -as a Kingdom. Tomashevich made peace with all his own and his father’s -enemies—with the King of Hungary, with his stepmother, Queen Catherine, -and with her father, the proud Duke Stephen Vuktchich of the Herzegovina, -now seriously alarmed at the advance of the Turks, who had placed a -governor at Fotcha and had carved what was called the “Bosnian province” -out of the district round it. The King assumed all the pompous titles of -his predecessors—the sovereignty of Serbia, Dalmatia and Croatia—at a -time when he could not defend his own land, and made liberal grants of -privileges to Ragusa at the moment when he was imploring the Venetians to -grant him a castle on the coast as a place of refuge. - -The storm was not long in breaking. Mohammed II, learning that -Tomashevich had promised the King of Hungary to refuse the customary -tribute to the Turk, sent an envoy to demand payment. The Bosnian monarch -took the envoy into his treasury and showed him the money collected for -the tribute. “I do not intend,” he said, “to send the Sultan so much -treasure and so rob myself of it. For should he attack me, I shall get -rid of him the easier if I have money; and, if I must flee to another -land, I shall live more pleasantly by means thereof[905].” So the envoy -returned and told his master, and his master vowed vengeance upon the -King. In the spring of 1463 he assembled a great army in Adrianople -for the conquest of Bosnia. Alarmed at the result of his own defiant -refusal Tomashevich sent an embassy at the eleventh hour to ask for a -fifteen years’ truce. Konstantinovich, a Serbian renegade, who was an -eye-witness of these events, has fortunately preserved the striking scene -of Mohammed’s deceit. Concealed behind a money-chest in the Turkish -treasury, he heard the Sultan’s two chief advisers decide upon the plan -of campaign. “We will grant the truce,” said one of them, “and forthwith -march against Bosnia, else we shall never take it, for it is mountainous, -and besides, the King of Hungary and the Croats and other princes will -come to its aid.” So Mohammed granted the envoys the truce which they -desired, and they prepared to return and tell the good news to the King. -But early next day the eavesdropper went and warned them that in the -middle of the next week the Turkish army would follow on their heels. -But they laughed at his tale, for they believed the word of the Sultan. -Yet, sure enough, four days after their departure, Mohammed set out. -One detachment of his army he sent to the Save to prevent the King of -Hungary from effecting a junction with the Bosniaks, while the rest he -led in person to Sjenitza, on the Bosnian frontier. His march had been -so rapid and so secret that he encountered little or no resistance, -until he reached the ancient castle of Bobovatz, which had stood so many -a siege in Bosnia’s stormy history. The fate of this old royal residence -was typical of that of the land. Its governor, Prince Radak, had been -converted by force from the Bogomile faith to Catholicism. He could -have defended the fortress for years even against the great Turkish -army, if his heart had been in the cause. But he was, like so many of -his countrymen, a Bogomile first and a Bosniak afterwards. On the third -day of the siege he opened the gates to Mohammed, who found among the -inmates the two envoys, whom he had so lately duped. Radak met with the -fitting reward of his treachery. When he claimed from Mohammed the price -for which he had stipulated, the conqueror asked him how he could keep -faith with a Turk when he had betrayed his Christian master, and had him -beheaded. The giant cliff of Radakovitza served as the scaffold, and -still preserves the name, of the traitor. - -The fall of the virgin fortress filled the Bosniaks with dismay. At the -news of Mohammed’s invasion, Stephen Tomashevich had withdrawn with his -family to his capital of Jajce, hoping to raise an army and get help -from abroad while the invader was expending his strength before the -walls of Bobovatz. But its surrender left him no time for defence. He -fled at once towards Croatia, closely followed by the van of Mohammed’s -army. At the fortress of Kljuch (rightly so-called, as being a “key” -of Bosnia) the pursuers came up with the fugitive. The secret of the -King’s presence inside was betrayed to the Turks; and their commander, -anxious to avoid a lengthy siege, promised Tomashevich in writing that, -if he surrendered, his life should be spared. The King relied upon the -pardon and gave himself up to Mohammed’s lieutenant, who brought him -as his prisoner to the Sultan at Jajce. Meanwhile, the capital, like -the King, had thrown itself upon the mercy of the conqueror, and thus, -almost without a blow, the three strongest places in Bosnia had fallen. -Tomashevich himself helped the Sultan to complete his conquest. He wrote, -at his captor’s direction, letters to all his generals and captains, -bidding them surrender their towns and fortresses to the Turk. In a week -more than seventy obeyed his commands, and before the middle of June, -1463, Bosnia was a Turkish Pashalik, and Mohammed, with the captive -King in his train, set out for the subjection of the Herzegovina. But -the “heroic Herzegovina” offered greater obstacles to the invader than -“lofty Bosnia.” Against those bare limestone rocks the Turkish cavalry -was useless, while the natives, accustomed to every cranny of the crags, -harassed the strangers with a ceaseless guerilla warfare. Duke Stephen -and his son, Vladislav, who in better days had wasted their energies -in civil war, now joined hands against the common foe, and Mohammed, -after a fruitless attempt to capture his capital of Blagaj, withdrew to -Constantinople. But before he left he resolved to rid himself of that -encumbrance, the King of Bosnia, who could now be no longer of use to his -conqueror. Mohammed was bound by the solemn promise of his lieutenant -to spare his prisoner’s life. But, as soon as his wishes were known, -a legal excuse was invented for his inexcusable act of treachery. A -learned Persian in his camp, Ali Bestami by name, pronounced the pardon -to be invalid because it had been granted without the previous consent -of the Sultan. Mohammed thereupon summoned Tomashevich to his presence -on the “Emperor’s meadow,” near Jajce, whereupon the lithe Persian drew -his sword, and, with a spring in the air, cut off the head of the last -Bosnian King. According to another version, Tomashevich was first flayed -alive. By the command of the Sultan, the _fetva_, in which Ali Bestami -had composed the captive monarch’s sentence, was carved on the gate of -Jajce, where as late as the middle of the last century could be read the -words, “The true believer will not allow a snake to bite him twice from -the same hole,” an allegory by which the pliant Persian strove to excuse -his master’s treachery by representing his victim as the traitor. The -body of Tomashevich was buried by order of the Sultan at a spot only just -visible from the citadel of Jajce. In 1888 Dr Truhelka, the distinguished -archæologist and custodian of the museum of Sarajevo, discovered on the -right bank of the river Vrbas the skeleton of the King, the skull severed -from the trunk just as history had said, with two small silver Hungarian -coins, current in Bosnia in the fifteenth century, on the breast-bones. -When the present writer visited Jajce, he found the skeleton set up in -the Franciscan church there—a sad memorial of Bosnia’s past greatness. -His portrait adorns the Franciscan monastery of Sutjeska. His uncle, -Radivoj, and his cousin were executed after him; his half-brother and -half-sister carried off as captives, and his widow, Maria, became the -wife of a Turkish official[906]. - -Thus, after an existence of eighty-seven years, fell the Bosnian Kingdom. -Mainly by the faults of her people and the mistakes of her rulers, -mediæval Bosnia lost her independence. The country is naturally strong, -and under the resolute government of one man, uniting all creeds and all -classes beneath his banner, might have held out, like Montenegro, against -the Turkish armies. But the jealousies of the nobles, and the still -fiercer rivalries of the Roman Catholics and the Bogomiles, prepared the -way for the invader, and when he came the persecuted heretics welcomed -him as a deliverer, preferring “the mufti’s turban to the cardinal’s -hat.” This lesson of Bosnia’s fall is full of meaning for our own time, -and those who meditate on her future destinies should not forget her -past mistakes. She is perhaps the best and the saddest example of what -boundless mischief religious persecution can accomplish. - -Bosnia had entered upon her four centuries of submission to the Turks. -Her King was dead, his consort and his step-mother, Queen Catherine, in -exile, and his people at the mercy of the conqueror. Many of them were -enlisted in the Turkish corps of Janissaries; many more fled to Croatia, -Istria and the Dalmatian towns; a few took to the mountains, like the -more or less mythical hero Toma, the Robin Hood of the Bosnian ballads, -and lived as brigands and outlaws; most of the Bogomiles embraced the -faith of Islâm, and became in the course of generations more fanatical -than the Turks themselves. It seemed as if they would be left in sole -possession of the land, but the earnest appeal of a Franciscan monk -induced Mohammed to grant the Christians the free exercise of their -religion and thus stay the tide of emigration from the country. But, -though Bosnia could not defend herself, the Turks were not allowed -undisturbed possession. Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, had been -outwitted by the rapid march of Mohammed, but in the autumn of the very -year in which Bosnia fell he set out to her rescue. The campaign was -successful, and, aided by Duke Stephen’s eldest son Vladislav[907], and -a Herzegovinian contingent, the Hungarians recovered Jajce, Banjaluka, -and about twenty-five other towns. Even the return of Mohammed in the -next spring failed to secure the second surrender of Jajce. Such was the -terror of the Hungarian arms that the mere report of the King’s approach -made him throw his cannon into the Vrbas and raise the siege. Matthias -Corvinus now organised the part of Bosnia which he had conquered from the -Turks into two Duchies or _banats_, one of which took its name from Jajce -and the other from Srebrenik. Over these territories, which embraced -all Lower Bosnia, he placed Nicholas of Ilok, a Hungarian magnate, with -the title of King. Thus, under Hungarian rule, two portions of the old -Bosnian Kingdom remained free from the Turks for two generations more, -serving as a “buffer State” between the Ottoman Power and the Christian -lands of Croatia and Slavonia. - -The Herzegovina, which had repulsed the conqueror of Bosnia, did not -long survive the sister state. The great Duke Stephen Vuktchich died -in 1466 and his three sons Vladislav, Vlatko and Stephen, divided his -possessions between them. The eldest, however, whose quarrels with his -father had wrought such infinite harm to his country, did not long govern -the northern part of the Herzegovina, which fell to his share. He entered -the Venetian service, and thence emigrated to Croatia, where he died. The -second brother, Vlatko, assuming the title of Duke of St Sava re-united -for a time the remains of the Duchy under his sole rule, relying now on -Venetian, now on Neapolitan aid, but only secure as long as Mohammed II -allowed him to linger on as a tributary of Turkey. In 1481 he ventured to -invade Bosnia, but was driven back to seek shelter in his stronghold of -Castelnuovo. Two years later Bayezid II annexed the Herzegovina, whose -last reigning Duke died on the island of Arbe. The title continued, -however, to be borne by Vladislav’s son, Peter Balsha, as late as 1511. -The youngest embraced the creed and entered the service of the conqueror. -Under the name of Ahmed Pasha Herzegovich[908], or, “the Duke’s son,” -he gained a great place in Turkish history, and after having governed -Anatolia and commanded the Ottoman fleet, attained to the post of Grand -Vizier. His name and origin are still preserved by the little Turkish -town of Hersek, on the Gulf of Ismid, near which he was buried. - -All Bosnia and the Herzegovina, with the exception of the two newly -formed _banats_ of Jajce and Srebrenik, were now in the hands of the -Turks. On the death of Nicholas of Ilok the meaningless title of “King -of Bosnia” was dropped, and his successors contented themselves with -the more modest name of _ban_, which had already been so familiar in -Bosnian history. But the Turks did not allow the Hungarian viceroys -undisturbed possession of their lands. Jajce became the great object of -every Turkish attack, and against its walls the armies of Islâm dashed -themselves again and again in vain. But after the capture of the _banat_ -of Srebrenik in 1520, it was clear that the doom of Jajce could not be -long delayed. Two great feats of arms, however, shed lustre over the -last years of the royal city. Usref, the Turkish governor of Bosnia, -who will always be remembered as the founder of the noble mosque which -is the chief beauty of Sarajevo, had vowed that he would succeed where -his predecessors had failed. So he collected a large army and invested -Jajce. But, finding force useless, he pretended to raise the siege, so -as to take the place unawares. But Peter Keglevich, who was at that time -its _ban_, easily outwitted his crafty assailant. He bade the wives and -daughters of the garrison sally forth and dance and sing—for it was the -eve of a festival—on the “King’s meadow” outside the walls. Deceived -by this feint, the Turks made a night attack upon the town. As they -came near, they heard the sound of the _gusle_ and saw the feet of the -maidens dancing in the moonlight on the green sward. The sight was more -than they could bear. Casting their scaling ladders aside, they rushed -upon the damsels instead of climbing the walls. At that moment Keglevich -charged at the head of his men, while at the sound of the cannon a second -detachment, which he had sent out into the woods, attacked the besiegers -in the rear. Even the women bore their part in the fight, and not a Turk -left the field alive. Once again Keglevich held his capital against the -foe. Usref reappeared with a new army and laid siege to the city for a -year and a half. Hunger began to make its appearance, even horse-flesh -was unprocurable, and one mother threw her child into the Vrbas rather -than see it die a lingering death; it seemed as if the garrison must -surrender or starve. But Keglevich managed to despatch a trusty messenger -to Buda-Pesth, where, in Count Frangipane he found a ready listener. -Backed up by King Louis II of Hungary and the Pope, he raised an army -and relieved the town, after a great battle. Frangipane received from -the delighted King the title of “Defender and Protector of the Kingdoms -of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Slavonia” in return for this signal service. -But next year King Louis fell in the fatal battle of Mohács at the hands -of the Turks, and from that moment Hungary was unable to protect her -Bosnian outpost. Keglevich, weary of warfare and old in years, gave up -the _banat_ of Jajce to King Ferdinand I, who put a German garrison into -the capital. But the German soldiers had had no experience of Turkish -warfare, and their new commanders lacked the spirit of old Keglevich. -Usref saw that the moment had come to redeem his former failures. Hungary -and Croatia were in the throes of civil war, and not a hand was stretched -out to save the doomed city. A ten days’ siege by the allied forces of -Usref and his colleague, the Vizier of Serbia, was sufficient to make -Jajce surrender. Banjaluka held out a little longer, and its brave -governor set fire to the town rather than give it up to the enemy. With -its fall, in 1528, all Bosnia was in the possession of the Turks, and -for the next 170 years the German Emperors, who were now also Kings of -Hungary, could make no effort to substantiate the old Hungarian claims -to the lands south of the Save. Bosnia served as the starting-point from -which Turkish armies ravaged their adjoining territories, and until the -Ottoman power began to wane at the end of the seventeenth century, the -Habsburgs had quite enough to do in defending their own land. - -Left to themselves, the Turks organised the conquered provinces, without -interfering with the feudal system, which had struck its roots so deep -in Bosnian soil. A Turkish governor, called at first by the title -of _sandjak beg_ and then by those of Pasha and _Vali_, represented -the majesty of the Sultan, and moved his residence according to the -requirements of Turkish policy. In the early days his seat was at -Vrhbosna, round which the city of Sarajevo grew up; but, as the Turkish -arms advanced further, Banjaluka was chosen as the official capital, -while, when they receded at the close of the seventeenth century, the -Pasha moved to Travnik, whence he issued his proclamations as “_Vali_ of -Hungary.” But, however high-sounding his titles, the Turkish governor -was often, as the Bosnian Kings had been, the mere figure-head, while -all real power was in the hands of the great nobles, who gradually -became hereditary headmen or _capetans_ of the forty-eight divisions -of the province. So strong was their influence that they long resisted -all attempts to transfer the Turkish headquarters from Travnik back to -Sarajevo, and permitted the Pasha to visit the present capital only on -sufferance and to remain there no more than forty-eight hours. It was -not till 1850 that Omar Pasha put down all resistance and re-established -the seat of government at Sarajevo, where it has since remained. But -throughout the Turkish period the native aristocracy of Bosnia merely -tolerated the Sultan’s representatives, of whom there were no less than -214 in 415 years, or an average of one every twenty months, and at times -even flatly refused to obey orders from Constantinople itself. In a word, -Bosnia under the Turks was an aristocratic republic, with a titular -foreign head. - -The social condition of the country changed, indeed, very little with -the change of government. The Bogomiles, who had formed the bulk of the -old Bosnian aristocracy, hastened to embrace the faith of Islâm upon the -Turkish invasion. They had preferred to be conquered by the Sultan than -converted by the Pope; and, when once they had been conquered, they did -not hesitate to be converted also. The Mussulman creed possessed not a -few points of resemblance with their own despised heresy. It conferred, -too, the practical advantage upon those who embraced it of retaining -their lands and their feudal privileges. Thus Bosnia presents us with the -curious phenomenon of an aristocratic caste, Slav by race yet Mohammedan -by religion. Hence the country affords a striking contrast to Serbia. -There the Mohammedans were never anything more than a foreign colony -of Turks; here the Mohammedans were native Slavs, men of the same race -as the Christians, whom they despised. But, while the Bosnian nobles, -henceforth styled _begs_ or _agas_ according as they were of greater or -less distinction, never forgot that they were Bosniaks, they displayed -the customary zeal of converts, and out-Ottomaned the Ottomans in -their religious fanaticism. On the one hand, they carefully preserved -the heirlooms of their Bogomile forefathers, the Serb speech, and the -old Glagolitic script; on the other, they were keener in the cause of -Islâm than the Commander of the Faithful himself. The iron of papal -persecution had entered into their ancestors’ souls, and the legacy thus -inherited influenced the whole future of Bosnia. The Turks were not slow -to recognise the merits of these new allies. It soon became a maxim of -state that “one must be the son of a Christian renegade to attain to the -highest dignities of the Turkish Empire.” In the long list of Pashas of -Bosnia, we notice several who were called “the Bosniak” from their race. -As early as 1470 we find mention of a native governor, Sinan Beg, who -built the mosque at Tchajnitza, his birth-place. Just a century later -a Herzegovinian renegade became Grand Vizier, and his successor was a -member of the famous Bosnian family of Sokolovich, to whom tradition -ascribes the foundation of Sarajevo. The natural aptitude of the Bosniaks -for managing their own countrymen led the Sultans to choose their -representatives from among them; for, in a highly aristocratic community -like Bosnia, the head of an old family enjoyed far more respect, even -though he were poor, than an upstart foreigner, who had nothing to -commend him but his ostentation and his office. Now and again we hear -of a Turkish governor like Usref, the conqueror of Jajce, whose word is -supreme, and whose religious endowments are “richer than those in any -other province of the Empire.” But the general rule is that the native -nobles are the repositories of power, while the Sultan’s representative -is a mere fleeting figure, here to-day and gone to-morrow. - -While most of the Bogomiles had gone over to Islâm, there still remained -some who adhered to the ancient doctrines of that maligned sect. The -question has been much discussed as to the existence of these sectaries -in Bosnia to-day. That some of them were still to be found in the -beginning of the seventeenth century is clear from the report of a -traveller of that period. A century and a half later the Franciscans -asserted that the sect was extinct. This sweeping assertion does -not, however, accord with later discoveries. There are parts of the -Herzegovina, almost inaccessible till the construction of the railway -from Sarajevo to Mostar, where traditions of the Bogomiles still linger. -Thus, in the neighbourhood of Jablanitza, a region covered with Bogomile -tombstones, the women, although Mohammedans, go unveiled—a custom all the -more remarkable because the Mussulmans of Bosnia are, as a rule, far more -particular about veiling than their co-religionists at Constantinople. -It is, therefore, thought that this may be an old Bogomile observance, -and it is stated by a recent ecclesiastical historian that only a few -years before the Austrian occupation a family named Helej, living near -Konjitza, abandoned the “Bogomile madness” for the Mohammedan faith. - -Bosnia, “the lion that guards the gates of Stambûl,” as the Turkish -annalists called her, had to bear the full brunt of the struggle between -Christendom and Islâm, as soon as the power of the Turks was beaten back -from before the walls of Vienna, and driven out from within the walls -of Buda-Pesth. The tide of Ottoman invasion began to ebb at the close -of the seventeenth century from Hungary, Croatia and Slavonia, and the -rivers Save and Una once more formed the boundaries between the domains -of the Crescent and the Cross. Not without reason did the Bosniaks talk -of “going to Europe” when they traversed the Save. - -And now, after more than a century and a half of forgetfulness, the House -of Habsburg remembered the ancient claims of the Hungarian Crown to the -old Bosnian Kingdom. Henceforth, from being the starting-point of every -Turkish attack upon the Hungarian dominions, Bosnia became the object -of every expedition from beyond the Save and the Una. Ten times did the -Imperial troops enter the country without permanent results, until at -last in our own days the Austro-Hungarian forces occupied it with the -consent of Europe. The first expedition, led by Prince Louis of Baden -in 1688, entered Bosnia from the east, captured Zvornik, but collapsed -before the strong fortifications of Banjaluka. Two years later an -Imperial general beat the Turks near Dolnja Tuzla, and took back a number -of Catholic Bosniaks with him to Croatia. In that year, indeed, the -condition of the country was most miserable. Famine and pestilence raged -unchecked, and the quaint old Franciscan monk who wrote a chronicle of -that time, tells us how “blood-red snow fell upon the mountains,” and how -the devil went about with bow and arrows to slay the people. One memorial -of that _année terrible_ still remains in the shape of a Turkish copper -coin, which was minted in Sarajevo to defray the expenses of the Turkish -army, and is almost the only example of a separate Turkish currency for -Bosnia. A third invasion from the side of Croatia in 1693, although -fairly successful, pales beside the daring exploit of Prince Eugène in -1697. This twenty days’ campaign has never been forgotten, and it is all -the more interesting, because the dashing Prince of Savoy took the same -route which was followed by the main body of the Austro-Hungarian army in -1878. Crossing the Save at Brod with 6000 men, the Prince went straight -up the valley of the Bosna, along the course of the present railway to -Sarajevo, capturing on his way Doboj, Maglaj, Jeptche and the picturesque -Vranduk, rightly named in Turkish “the gate” of the country. Sarajevo -itself seemed at his mercy, but the Bosnian Christians did not respond -to his appeals, there was no rising of the _rajah_ in his favour, and -he retired with an immense booty and 40,000 Christian refugees, whom he -settled in Slavonia. The peace of Carlovitz two years later ratified the -old boundaries of the Turk and Christendom. - -But the war between the Emperor and the Sultan, which broke out in 1716, -and was terminated by the peace of Passarovitz, had favourable, if -only temporary, results for Bosnia as well as for Serbia. The military -efforts of the Imperial troops in Bosnia were unsuccessful, but at the -peace, just as Belgrade and half Serbia were rescued from the Turk, so -also north Bosnia was transferred to the Emperor in his capacity of King -of Hungary and Croatia. But the disastrous peace of Belgrade in 1739 -restored all that had been gained at Passarovitz in 1718. The strategy -of the Duke of Hildburghausen and Baron Raunach, the Imperial commanders -in Bosnia, utterly failed before Ostrvitza and Banjaluka, and the Save -and the Una once more became the frontiers. No Imperial army crossed -them again for half a century, and even then it merely crossed to return -empty-handed. The peace of Sistova in 1791 ratified that of Belgrade, and -Bosnia remained, in spite of Austrian victories, a Turkish province, in -fact till 1878, in name till 1908. - - -4. BALKAN EXILES IN ROME - -Those of us who are students of _Punch_ may remember a caricature, -which appeared in 1848, the year of almost universal revolution. Two -distinguished foreigners were represented as arriving at Claridge’s -Hotel and asking for accommodation. “I regret,” replied the manager, -“that I cannot oblige you; my hotel is entirely occupied by dethroned -monarchs, all except one single-bedded room, and that I am reserving, in -case of necessity, for His Holiness the Pope!” What London was to the -royal refugees of western Europe in 1848, that was Rome to the Balkan -exiles of the second half of the fifteenth century. The Pope was then -their generous host, and the Borgo their Claridge’s Hotel. In the words -of Pius II’s biographer, “he summoned to Rome almost all those whom the -Turks had ejected from their homes, and contributed money for their -maintenance[909].” - -There has never been a period in the history of the Near East, when such -a clean sweep has been made of principalities and powers. When Pope -Nicholas V celebrated the mid-century Jubilee, the Balkan peninsula and -the Levant were still largely occupied by a long series of Christian -States, which had existed there for well-nigh 250 years. The romantic -Duchy of Athens was still standing under the Acciajuoli of Florence; -the Morea was divided between the two brothers Thomas and Demetrios -Palaiologos; their more famous brother, the Emperor Constantine, had -just left his Peloponnesian palace at Mistra, the Sparta of the Middle -Ages, to ascend the throne of all the Cæsars at Constantinople. The -Italian family of Crispo, from whom the greatest Italian statesman of -our time traced his descent, still ruled from their castle at Naxos -over the far-flung Duchy of the Archipelago. Another Italian clan, the -Gattilusj of Genoa, in whose veins flowed both the Imperial blood of the -Greek Emperors and that of the House of Savoy, were still governing the -island of Lesbos and the city of Ænos in Thrace, with their respective -dependencies. A Genoese syndicate, the _Maona_ of the Giustiniani, the -forerunner of the Chartered Companies of our time, managed the rich -mastic-plantations of the island of Chios. The picturesque Kingdom -of Cyprus, with which were united the long-empty titles of King of -Jerusalem and King of Armenia, was still in the hands of the French -family of Lusignan, to which our Richard Cœur-de-Lion had sold it -more than two-and-a-half centuries earlier; but the most important -Cypriote harbour, that of Famagosta, where the Lusignans had been wont -to be crowned Kings of Jerusalem, had passed into the possession of -the Genoese Bank of St George, that famous institution, whose palace, -lately restored, is now the seat of the Genoese Harbour Board. The -family of Tocco, whose ancestors had migrated to Greece from Benevento, -had just lost almost the last fragment of its possessions on the Greek -mainland, but still retained the County Palatine of Cephalonia, which -embraced four of the Ionian Islands and included the mythical realm -of Odysseus. Venice was still the Queen of the Adriatic. The whole of -the Dalmatian coast was Venetian, save where the commercial Republic -of Ragusa maintained that independence, of which the recently erected -statue of Orlando was the symbol and still is the memorial. From the -southern extremity of Dalmatia, a chain of Venetian harbours—Antivari, -Dulcigno and Durazzo—names familiar to modern diplomacy—united the -northern territories of Venice with her colony of Corfù. Far to the -south she held Crete; off the east coast of Greece she occupied the long -island of Eubœa. In the north of the Balkan peninsula, Serbia was still -a Christian Principality, and the riches of its Prince, derived from -the Serbian mines, were almost fabulous. Montenegro, under the first of -its “Black Princes,” had started on its career of independence; Albania -was still largely unconquered, owing to the heroic resistance of the -great national hero, Skanderbeg; while its capital, Scutari, was still -a Venetian colony. The mediæval Kingdom of Bosnia with its elaborate -feudal system, still survived; the sister-land of the Herzegovina, then -known as Hum, was ruled by a great Slav magnate, Stephen Vuktchich, who -had lately received the title of Duke of St Sava, from which, in its -German form of _Herzog_, his former Duchy to-day retains the name of -the Herzegovina. Beyond the Danube, the two Roumanian principalities of -Moldavia and Wallachia were, the former still independent, the latter, -if tributary, still restive. And far away on the shores of the Black -Sea, the Greek Empire of Trebizond still lingered under the family of -Grand-Komnenos—whose Princesses were the most beautiful women, whose -Princes the most tragic figures of their time. - -Such was the map of the Near East in 1450, on the eve of the accession of -the greatest of the Sultans, Mohammed II. With his advent ancient Empires -and mediæval Principalities disappeared as by magic, and a political -earthquake shook the thrones of the Levant to their foundations. In -1453 the last Byzantine Emperor fell at his post on the walls of -Constantinople; the oldest political institution in the world came to an -end, and the Turkish capital was moved from Adrianople to the Bosporus. -In 1456 Moldavia was made to pay tribute, the Gattilusj were driven from -Ænos and the Acciajuoli from the city of Athens; in 1459 Serbia, in 1460 -the Morea and the rest of the Duchy of Athens ceased to exist. Next year -the Empire of Trebizond was incorporated with Turkey, the year following -the Gattilusj no longer ruled over Lesbos. In 1463 the last native King -of Bosnia was beheaded in the presence of the great Sultan on the meadow -opposite the lovely city of Jajce; in 1468 the death of Skanderbeg -deprived Albania of her brave defender. Two years later Venice lamented -the loss of Eubœa, the greatest blow that had ever befallen the Republic. -In 1479 the Tocchi were driven from their island county; by 1483 the -Herzegovina was wholly Turkish. The rulers and nobles of most of these -countries sought refuge in Rome, and thus the epilogue of the long and -tragic drama of Balkan history was played here. Italy was their nearest -land of refuge; it had been the cradle of many of their ancestors; and -the Pope was the head of Western Christendom, to whom some of them had -appealed in their distress. - -The most notable of these distinguished exiles was the Despot Thomas -Palaiologos, who sailed from Corfù for Ancona towards the end of 1460, -accompanied by most of his magnates, and bearing the head of St Andrew, -which had long been preserved at Patras. The relic was known to be a -valuable asset in the dethroned Despot’s balance-sheet, although Amalfi -already possessed a portion of the saint’s remains. Many Princes offered -large sums for it, and its fortunate possessor had accordingly no -difficulty in disposing of it to the Pope in return for an annuity. The -precious relic was deposited for safety in the castle of Narni, while -Thomas proceeded to Rome, where Pius II bestowed upon him the Golden -Rose, the symbol of virtues which he had scarcely displayed in his long -career of intrigue, a lodging in the Santo Spirito hospital, and an -allowance of 300 gold pieces a month, to which the Cardinals added 200 -more—a sum which his too numerous followers considered barely enough -for his maintenance and certainly not for theirs. Venice, however, -contributed a further sum of 500 ducats to his treasury, but the cautious -Republic begged him not to return to Corfù or any of her other colonies, -so as not to embarrass her then rather delicate relations with the Turks. -Meanwhile, on April 12, 1462, the day after Palm Sunday, Pius II received -the head of St Andrew at the Ponte Milvio, on the spot where the little -chapel of that Apostle with its commemorative inscription now stands. -A recent visit to the chapel, which has been completely isolated, and -is now standing alone in a network of tramlines and roads, suggests -the melancholy reflection that ere long it too may be sacrificed to -that _civile progresso_, which has cost this city so many interesting -mediæval monuments. Thomas’ fellow-countryman, the famous Cardinal -Bessarion, handed the case containing the head to the Pope, who bade the -sacred skull welcome among its relatives, the Romans, “the nephews of St -Peter”—a ceremony depicted on the tomb of Pius II in Sant’ Andrea della -Valle. Shortly afterwards, upon the death of his wife, whom he had left -behind in Corfù, Thomas summoned his two sons, Andrew and Manuel, and -his daughter Zoe to join him in Rome. But before they arrived, he died, -on May 12, 1465, and was buried in the crypt of St Peter’s, where all -efforts to find his grave have proved fruitless. But every visitor to -Rome unconsciously gazes upon his features, for on account of his tall -and handsome appearance he served as a model for the statue of St Paul, -which still stands at the steps of St Peter’s. - -Misfortunes make strange bedfellows, and a common disaster had brought -together as exiles in Rome, condemned to live upon the papal charity, -the former Greek Despot of the Morea and his enemy, the natural son of -the last Frankish Prince of Achaia. After two centuries of conflict, -the Greeks had succeeded, at the eleventh hour, in extinguishing the -rule of the Franks in the peninsula, only to fall themselves before the -all-conquering Turk. To consecrate the Greek conquest, Thomas Palaiologos -had married the heiress of Centurione II Zaccaria, the last Frankish -ruler, and the last legitimate descendant of a famous Genoese family, -which had made a fortune out of the alum-mines of Phocæa on the coast -of Asia Minor, become lords of the rich island of Chios in the days -before the Chartered Company, and had at last attained to the throne of -Achaia. But Centurione had left a natural son, Giovanni Asan, who had -raised the standard of revolt against the Greeks. Imprisoned by Thomas -in the splendid castle of Chlomoutsi, or Castel Tornese, the mint of -the Morea, whose ruins still stand on a tortoise-shaped eminence which -overlooks the fertile plain of Elis and the flourishing harbour of Zante, -he had escaped a lingering death by hunger, rallied his old adherents, -and actually received the congratulations of the King of Naples and the -Venetian Republic upon his release and their recognition of his title. -Thomas had, however, suppressed this rebellion with Turkish aid, and the -pretender had fled first to one of the Venetian colonies, and thence to -Naples, whence we find him writing for aid to the Bank of St George in -his ancestral city of Genoa[910]. In 1459 a Genoese document reveals -him begging the Genoese government to recommend him to the generosity -of Pius II. Genoa was at that time under French rule, and the Duke of -Calabria, who was the royal lieutenant, accordingly wrote to Pius II and -to Cardinal Lodovico Scarampi, the Patriarch of Aquileia, who was the -Pope’s Chamberlain, recommending to their notice “the magnificent lord -Centurione Zaccaria, not long ago Prince of the Morea.” I think that -there was a special reason for the activity of the Genoese government -on the exile’s behalf. There is in the Cathedral of Genoa a splendid -relic, known as “the cross of the Zaccaria,” and consisting of a piece -of the true cross, encased in gold and studded with precious stones. -This is said to have been brought by St John the Evangelist to Ephesus, -captured by the Turks when they took that place, and pawned by them -at Phocæa, which then belonged, as we saw, to the Zaccaria family. In -1307, in consequence of a quarrel between two of its members over the -accounts of the alum-mines, Tedisio Zaccaria begged the famous Catalan -chronicler, Ramon Muntaner, who was then encamped with the Catalan Grand -Company at the Dardanelles, to assist him in sacking the town. Muntaner -informs us that his share of the booty was this cross, and the problem -has hitherto been to find when and how it was brought to Genoa. Now, as -there is no mention of the cross at Genoa before 1466, I have no doubt -whatever that it was this last scion of the Zaccaria who brought it from -Greece, just as his brother-in-law, Thomas Palaiologos, had brought the -head of St Andrew, and disposed of it to the city of Genoa for a valuable -consideration, of which one portion was a letter of introduction to the -Pope. - -Until recently there was no trace of the “Prince of the Morea’s” sojourn -in Rome. I noticed, however, in a book by a German scholar, Gottlob, -on the subject of papal finance, an allusion to a certain “Prince of -Sani.” There being no such place, it seemed to me that the learned German -must have misunderstood the name of Giovanni Asani. Examination of the -original documents in the “Archivio di Stato” proved this surmise to -be correct. The _Liber depositarii Sancte Cruciate_ contains numerous -entries of twenty florins a month paid to _domino Johanni Zaccarie -olim Amoree principi_, beginning with September, 1464, and ending with -December 31, 1468, after which there is no more mention of the pension, -and the pensioner was therefore probably deceased. These sums, which Paul -II, and after him Sixtus IV, gave to Oriental potentates in distress, -were derived from the proceeds of the alum-mines, discovered at Tolfa -in 1462 by another exile from the Near East, Giovanni de Castro, who -had been engaged in the dyeing trade at Constantinople, had fled to -Rome after the Turkish conquest, and had been appointed treasurer of -the patrimony of the Church. Genoese workmen, formerly employed in the -alum-mines of Phocæa, were summoned to Tolfa, the Pope declared that the -discoverer deserved a statue, Court poets wrote more or less excellent -verses in his honour, and Pius told the world that the alum of Tolfa had -been given by Providence as the sinews of war against the Infidels, and -bade all good Christians deal exclusively with the papal alum factory. -Thus, by a curious coincidence, the last of the Zaccaria kept body and -soul together by a pittance derived from the sale of that mineral, which -had formed in happier days the foundation of his forefathers’ fortunes. - -In 1461 another very distinguished relative of the dethroned Imperial -family of Constantinople arrived in Rome—Queen Charlotte of Cyprus. There -are few more remarkable figures even in the romantic history of the Latin -Orient than this brave and masculine woman, the offspring of France and -Byzantium. Queen Charlotte was the only daughter and heiress of King -Jean II de Lusignan by his marriage with Helen daughter of Theodore II -Palaiologos, Despot of Mistra, and she was therefore grand-niece of -Thomas Palaiologos. Succeeding to the throne of Cyprus in 1458, at the -age of 18, she was already both an orphan and a widow—for her first -husband, a son of the King of Portugal, was dead—and she therefore -hastened to conclude a second marriage with her cousin, Louis, Count -of Geneva, second son of Louis, Duke of Savoy. Her consort had already -been engaged to a daughter of Robert III of Scotland, and those of us -who are of Scottish descent will learn with a flush of pride that our -business-like ancestors demanded a huge sum as damages for this breach -of promise. Possibly the young scion of the House of Savoy would have -done better to establish himself in Scotland rather than Cyprus; for -his Cypriote bride in the year after her marriage was driven from the -greater part of her realm by her late father’s illegitimate son James, -aided by the Sultan of Egypt. The castle of Cérines, or Kyrenia, however, -which overlooks the sea to the north of the island, and of which a full -description has recently been published by the British authorities, held -out; and there the royal pair took refuge. During an interval in the -siege, the intrepid Queen and her feeble husband journeyed to Rhodes on -board a galley of the Knights, which lay in the harbour, to ask for aid. -The Grand Master, Jacques de Milly, received them politely; but their -journey had no practical results, beyond the gift of some money, corn -and cannon, and after their return the Queen accordingly resolved to -leave her husband at Cérines, and seek assistance in the West. On this -journey, however, between Cyprus and Rhodes, her galley was stopped and -pillaged by the Venetians, while some Mameluke prisoners, who were on -board, cut the rigging and nearly murdered the Queen. Even thirty years -later the Republic had not paid the damages due for this high-handed -act of piracy[911]. At last, under the escort of Sor de Naves, the -Sicilian governor of Cérines, the Queen arrived at Ostia in the second -half of October, 1461, and proceeded up the Tiber till she reached St -Paul-outside-the-walls. There she landed, and was met by the Cardinals, -who escorted her to the city, where she took up her temporary residence -at San Ciriaco[912], the church mentioned by the British visitor of -1450, Capgrave, recently introduced to our notice, and which was the -predecessor of Sta Maria degli Angeli in the Baths of Diocletian. We have -in the _Commentaries_[913] of Pius II an interesting description of the -royal suppliant on the occasion of her first audience with the Pope. She -appeared to be twenty-four years of age, she was of a mediocre height, -and dressed like a Frenchwoman, her eyes sparkled with fire, and her -tongue was “like a torrent.” It seems possible, however, that the Holy -Father may have exaggerated her volubility, owing to the fact that she -spoke in a language which was not his own. For to the end of her days, -Queen Charlotte, although she could write French, Italian, and perhaps -Latin, was unable to speak French and always used Greek, the language of -her mother. Indeed, in the most important business transactions of her -life, she resorted to an interpreter, whom we may be surprised to find -a man of English extraction—not the last occasion, I fear, on which -treaties relating to the Eastern question have been negotiated by persons -imperfectly acquainted with the language in which they were negotiating. -The Queen humbly kissed the Pope’s feet, and on the next day delivered -a set speech to him through the medium of a translator. She began by -firing off a well-worn tag from the _Æneid_, which doubtless tickled the -palate of the classical Æneas Sylvius, whom she saw before her. “My first -husband,” she said, “is dead; my second is besieged: whether he be alive -or dead, I do not know. Cérines is our only refuge; on the way hither -the Venetians have robbed me. I can stand no more voyages by sea; I have -neither horses nor money for a journey by land.” - -The Pope, who had refused to receive officially the envoys of her rival, -bade the Queen be of good cheer, for he would not desert her. “You are -expiating,” he replied, “the faults of your father-in-law, who declined -to offer Us aid against the Turks, and of your husband, who would not -even take the trouble to meet Us when We were at Mantua. So We said, -‘the House of Savoy despises the Church’”—a remark which might have been -taken from a clerical newspaper of our own day. Pius II concluded by the -promise of horses and money for the journey to her father-in-law’s Court -in Savoy. She remained on this occasion some ten days more in Rome, until -she had seen the chief churches and had had four or five audiences with -the Pope, who gave her much corn and wine for revictualling Cérines and -twelve horses and 200 ducats for her journey. On November 5 she wrote -from San Ciriaco to the Florentine Republic, stating that her business -with the Pope was terminated, and asking for a passport for the dominions -of Florence. On the 20th she reached Bologna, where she was lodged gratis -at the “Osteria del Leone[914],” and whence she proceeded by way of -Venice and Milan to Savoy. The Duke of Milan and the Council of Geneva -gave her a good reception; but her father-in-law told her plainly that -the connection with Cyprus had “exhausted” his Duchy, and complaint was -afterwards made of the expense of entertaining her for nearly four months -at Lausanne and Thonon, where the Court then was. Her appeals to the King -of Aragon and to Pierre-Raymond Zacosta, the new Grand Master, were in -vain; so, after bequeathing the Crown of Cyprus to the House of Savoy -in the event of her death without heirs, the indomitable Queen returned -in September of 1462 to her island, and shut herself up once more in -the royal apartments at Cérines. Having obtained so little from the -Christian Powers, she sent the Count of Jaffa to ask the aid of Mohammed -II, offering to pay tribute and to surrender a city of the island to the -Turks—a fact, which is probably the origin of the erroneous statement -of the Greek historian, Phrantzes[915], that Mohammed II rendered Cyprus -tributary. The Sultan’s reply was to order her envoy to be sawn asunder. -Meanwhile, her craven husband had abandoned Cérines and fled to Rhodes, -whence he returned to Savoy in 1464. At last, when the garrison of -Cérines was reduced to eat the cats that prowled along the battlements, -the Queen likewise sought refuge in Rhodes, whither many of her knights -and vassals accompanied her. Sor de Naves surrendered the castle to her -relentless enemy, who thus, in October, 1463, was King of all Cyprus, -save where the Banca di San Giorgio still held Famagosta. - -The heroic Queen did not despair of recovering her Kingdom. She wrote -from Rhodes a year later to her husband, urging him to send assistance, -and telling him that her poverty alone prevented her from reconquering -it. But Louis had had enough of both his consort and his castles, as -the Italian chronicler[916] tells us, and remained for the rest of his -life, which ended in 1482, in his native land, without occupying himself -with either. Queen Charlotte continued to reside for several years in -Rhodes, whence she could watch Cypriote politics and where she received -a monthly allowance from the Order. The Holy See continued to recognise -her as lawful sovereign of Cyprus; and in 1471, when the usurper sent -the Archbishop of Nicosia to Rome to ask the Pope to crown him King and -to give him in marriage the hand of Princess Zoe, daughter of Thomas -Palaiologos and then a young widow, living there under the care of -Cardinal Bessarion, His Holiness refused both requests. This is the -version of the contemporary Greek chronicler; but the Italian annalist -cynically remarks that the Pope agreed to crown him if he would marry -the Holy Father’s niece, but that when the King of Cyprus saw the lady’s -portrait and heard her habits, he declined the crown on such terms. -Instead, he married the famous Catherine Cornaro, who in 1489 brought the -Kingdom of Cyprus to Venice. - -Upon the death of the bastard in 1473, we find Queen Charlotte renewing -her attempts to recover the island. She then waited at Rhodes, and -endeavoured to negotiate with the Sultan of Egypt, who arrested her -envoy, and with the Venetian Admiral then in the Levant, who plainly -told her that he marvelled at her ignorance of the fact that kingdoms -were obtained by might not by right, and that Catherine Cornaro was -the adopted daughter of his government. A plot to deliver Cérines to -her failed; and, although there was a party in the island favourable -to her, most of the Cypriotes preferred the Venetians, as being better -able to protect them. Venice ordered her exclusion from the coveted -kingdom, many of her followers abandoned her, when they found that all -chance of a restoration was over, and in 1475 she settled at Rome in -the Palazzo Spinola, or dei Convertendi, in the Piazza Scossa Cavalli, -where from September, 1476, Sixtus IV gave her a monthly allowance of -200 ducats. But in her Roman exile she did not abandon her schemes for -the recovery of Cyprus. She had adopted Alonzo, son of Ferdinand I, King -of Naples, and her plan was to proceed to Cairo on a Genoese galley, and -thence, with the aid of the Sultan of Egypt, to recapture her throne. -The Sultan actually invested her with the crown, and Venice was so much -alarmed that a Venetian envoy was authorised to proceed to Rome, and -offer her an annuity of 5000 ducats, if she would consent to reside on -Venetian territory. Her schemes failed; she returned to Rome in 1482, -and continued to be the honoured pensioner of the Pope. Such was the -honour which he showed her, that in November, 1483, on the occasion of an -audience, she was granted a seat “neither less distinguished nor lower -than the chair of the Pontiff”—a mark of attention, so the contemporary -diarist[917] remarks, “which was not approved by some.” On February -25, 1485, she ceded the Kingdom of Cyprus to her nephew Charles, Duke -of Savoy, whose descendants, the present Italian dynasty, have thus -inherited from her the titles of Kings of Cyprus, Jerusalem and Armenia. -This document was executed in the presence of several Cardinals, of her -Cypriote confessor, and of her councillor, James Langlois, who acted -as interpreter. In return for this act of cession, the Duke agreed to -pay to his aunt, as long as she remained in Rome, an annual pension of -4300 florins and to provide her with a residence worthy of her rank. A -subsequent deed charged this pension upon the rates of Nice. The Queen -did not long enjoy this annuity; on July 16, 1487, she died at her Roman -residence of paralysis, and was buried in St Peter’s “near the chapel -of St Andrew and St Gregory,” and not far from the spot, where, eleven -years before, her faithful Chamberlain, Hugh Langlois, lord of Beirût, -had been laid to rest. Eleven Cardinals were present at the mass held -in St Peter’s for the repose of her soul; but her body was not allowed -to rest permanently where it had been placed. In 1610, at the time of -the destruction of the old basilica by Paul V, her tomb was opened, when -it was found to contain the remains of a woman of moderate height, a -few pieces of black silk, and some gilded buckles[918]. These remains -were then re-interred in their present resting-place in the crypt of -St Peter’s, where a slab in the pavement bears the simple inscription: -“Karola Hierlm̅ Cipri et Armenie Regina obiit XVI Julii an D. -MCCCCLXXXVII.” Other memorials of the exiled Queen of Cyprus still exist -in Rome. One of the pictures (no. XXXI) in the Santo Spirito hospital -represents her as kneeling before Sixtus IV, and the inscription below -describes how “Charlotte, Queen of Cyprus, despoiled of her kingdom and -her fortune, flees as a suppliant to Sixtus IV, and is received by him -with the utmost benignity and munificence.” Torrigio adds, that on this -occasion the voluble Queen felt unequal to the task of expressing her -admiration for and gratitude to her benefactor. I think it is possible -to identify the personages who are depicted behind the kneeling Queen. -The two divines are probably John Chafforicios, her confessor, and -Lodovico Podochatoro, a member of a well-known Cypriote family, who -became secretary of Alexander VI and a Cardinal, and whose monument is -still admired in Sta Maria del Popolo. The laymen are, I would suggest, -Hugh Bousat and his wife, Charlotte Cantacuzene de Flory, daughter of -the Count of Jaffa, who were her pensioners and who were in receipt of -a small papal allowance as late as 1513, and Philip Langlois, who lived -about 40 years in Rome, and was granted an annuity of 15 ducats from -Julius II, increased to 20 in that year. The vestments, altar cloths, -and the four lbs. of silver, which the Queen bequeathed to St Peter’s, -have disappeared, but another proof of her piety is to be found in her -entry, recorded in Latin by her own hand, into the Confraternity of the -Santo Spirito on March 27, 1478. An example of the seal, which she used -in Rome, is preserved in Turin, and reproduces the streamers of the -Cypriote Order of the Sword, while her two rare coins are, I believe, in -the King of Italy’s collection. Her little band of courtiers lingered on -for many years here; Innocent VIII recommended them to the charity of the -Duke of Savoy as distinguished by lineage and virtue; and one of them, -Giorgio Flatro, by marrying his daughter to Pietro Aldobrandini, became -the ancestor of Clement VIII. As late as January 1520, Leo X assigned -70 ducats out of the alum-mines of Tolfa to two other Cypriotes of the -lineage of Lusignan—Eugène and John, natural sons of Queen Charlotte’s -rival, whom the cautious Venetian Republic had removed from Cyprus with -their mother and sister in 1477, and had imprisoned in the castle of -Padua, lest they should embarrass Catherine Cornaro[919]. This is another -example of papal generosity, which contrasts with the selfish conduct -of the Venetian Republic, and incidentally disproves the statement of -Count Mas Latrie[920], that the two illegitimate sons of James II died at -Padua, where their sister is buried. - -Another exiled Queen was living in Rome at the same time as Charlotte -of Cyprus, and, like her, died and was buried here. Most visitors to -this city have seen the tomb of the Queen Dowager Catherine of Bosnia -in Ara Cœli; but perhaps her story is less familiar, because the very -interesting history of Bosnia is little known. Queen Catherine was -the daughter of Stephen Vuktchich, the Duke of St Sava, from whom the -Herzegovina derives its name, and boasted her descent through her mother -Helen from the mediæval Princes and Tsars of Serbia. Like her father -and most of the Bosnian rulers and nobles of the fifteenth century, she -belonged to the Bogomile or Patarene heresy, which corresponded with -the Albigensian heresy of Provence, which coloured several centuries of -Bosnian history, largely contributed to the Turkish conquest of that -country, and survived there in the case of one family down to the memory -of persons still living. Owing, however, to the efforts of the papal -legate, the young Princess was converted to Catholicism probably at the -time of her marriage in 1445, or 1446, to King Stephen Thomas of Bosnia. -A Slav poet has commemorated her beauty and sung of her wedding; but her -fate was hard, and many a tragedy was in store for her. To marry her, -Stephen Thomas had put away his first wife, a woman of obscure birth, -whom his proud barons would not accept as their Queen, and it was the -discarded consort’s son, Stephen Tomashevich, who murdered him to obtain -the crown on July 10, 1461, assassination or abdication being the usual -alternative of Balkan monarchs. Thus, at the age of 37, Catherine was -left a widow, with two children of her own, Sigismund and Catherine. In -view, however, of the political situation, the stepmother and the stepson -agreed to bury the past, and the Queen Dowager remained in Bosnia till -the fall of the Kingdom in 1463. Both her children were then captured -by the Turks and forced to embrace Islâm, while she managed to escape -to the Republic of Ragusa, where the authorities offered her an annual -rent for the land and houses of her late husband, and where she presented -“marvellous choral books,” destroyed by fire in 1667, to the Franciscan -convent. Thence she crossed the Adriatic and came to Rome, where we find -her in receipt of a monthly pension of 100 ducats from 1466. In addition -to this, Pope Paul II paid to one Jacopo Mentebone, a Roman citizen, a -sum of 20 ducats a month from October, 1467, “for the rent of a house let -with all the necessary utensils to the Queen of Bosnia.” At the time of -her death, she was residing “near the Church of San Marco de Urbe in the -Rione Pigna,” surrounded by a considerable court of faithful Slavs, and -she was a personage of importance, figuring for example at the wedding of -Zoe Palaiologina in 1472. She had, however, bitter disappointments. Her -father, the Duke of St Sava, who died in 1466, cut her out of his will; -the Duke of Milan, Galeazzo Maria Sforza, whom she begged to lend her -money for ransoming her children, declined to assist her. After a twelve -years’ residence here, she felt her end approaching, and on October 20, -1478, made her last testament, a very curious document of great political -interest. After directing that she should be buried in the church of Ara -Cœli, she expressed the hope, that one day the Kingdom of Bosnia would -once more submit to Christian rule—an aspiration accomplished in October, -1908. Meanwhile, mindful of the munificence of the Holy See and of the -benefits which she had received from Paul II and Sixtus IV, who had -always treated her hospitably, helping her according to her royal dignity -with an annual pension and provision sufficient for her necessities, she -bequeathed her kingdom in trust to the Holy See, until such time as her -son or her daughter should return “from the vomit of Mahomet” to the -true faith. Should they, however, remain Mohammedans, then Bosnia was to -be at the absolute disposition of the Pope and his successors. It was -this clause which prompted a well-known Slavonic journalist in Rome to -announce immediately after the Austro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia in -1908, that the Emperor Francis Joseph would receive the Bosnian crown, -as the last native King of Bosnia had received it, from the hands of the -Pope. Having thus disposed of her phantom kingdom, Catherine proceeded -to bequeath the rest of her real and personal property to the three -faithful ladies-in-waiting, Paola Mirkovich, Helena Sempovich and Maria -Misglenovich, who had shared her Roman exile. To the first she also -left a legacy of 50 ducats, a dress of black satin lined with squirrel, -and another of black cloth lined with lynx; to the second 25 ducats and -a long gown of black cloth with a lining of marten-skin; to the third -30 ducats and a long, simple gown of black cloth. To her major-domo, -Radich Klesich, she left 50 ducats, a scimitar inlaid with silver, and a -Turkish dress of red silk woven with gold, as well as a sum of 38 ducats, -which she had borrowed from him; to her servants, George Zubravich and -Abraham Radich, respectively 50 and 30 ducats. To her son Sigismund she -bequeathed his father’s sword, inlaid with silver; but, if he remained -an infidel, the precious heirloom was to pass to her nephew Balsha, whom -we find thirty years later as titular “Duke of St Sava.” To both her -children she also left a silver dagger, two cups and two tankards of -silver, with lids inlaid with emeralds. To the church of Ara Cœli she -devised her royal mantle of cloth of gold and a silk dossal of divers -colours for the altar, which had been used in her private chapel; to the -hospital of San Gerolamo degli Schiavoni all the furniture and sacred -vessels of the latter. The relics in her possession she bequeathed to -the Franciscan church of St Catherine at Jajce—a church in which she had -always been deeply interested. In 1458, at her request, and again in -1462, Pius II had granted indulgences to all who visited this church, -which was believed to contain the body of St Luke, brought thither -from the castle of Rogus in Epeiros[921], and of which a beautiful -Italian _campanile_ still remains. Finally, after naming her executors, -she directed that her will, together with the royal sword, should be -presented to the Cardinal bishop of Porto, the vice-chancellor of the -Church, then Rodrigo Borgia, afterwards Pope Alexander VI. - -Five days later the testatrix died, and was buried in Ara Cœli, as she -had directed. It is said that over her grave was placed a Slavonic -inscription, which ran as follows: “To the Bosnian Queen Catherine, -daughter of Stephen, Duke of St Sava, and of the race of Helen of the -house of Tsar Stephen, and wife of the Bosnian King Thomas, who lived -54 years and died in Rome October 25, 1478, this Monument was erected -by her own written orders.” This Slavonic inscription has, however, -long ago disappeared. It was fortunately copied by Palatino[922] in -1535 as an example of Slavonic writing from the monument in Ara Cœli, -with an accurate Latin version. Casimiro Romano[923], the historian of -that church, states that the monument of Queen Catherine, with that of -Cardinal Alibret, was moved from the floor of the presbytery in front -of the high altar in 1590 to its present position on a pillar behind an -ambon to the left as one faces the altar. The Slavonic inscription was -probably then lost and the present Latin inscription substituted. This -latter corresponds with neither the Slavonic text nor the truth; for it -describes how “To Catherine, the Bosnian Queen, _sister_ of Stephen, Duke -of St Sava, born of the race of Helen and of the house of Prince Stephen, -wife of Thomas, King of Bosnia, who lived 54 years and fell asleep at -Rome on October 25, 1478, this monument was erected by her own written -orders.” This inscription was obviously composed by someone ignorant -of her genealogy, for she was the daughter, not the “sister” of Duke -Stephen, and the word _sorori_ is probably a misunderstanding of the Slav -_poroda_ (“race”). On either side of her head is a coat of arms, that of -her husband and that of her father. The latter is so greatly worn, that -it can no longer be distinguished, but the former, which I examined from -a ladder, still shows, on a close inspection, the two crowns and the two -horsemen, but not the mailed arm with the sword, which was in the centre, -as may be seen from the representation of this monument in Ciacconius’ -_Lives and Acts of the Popes and Cardinals_. The two crowns in the -quarterings are those of Bosnia and Serbia, for from 1376 the Bosnian -Kings always styled themselves also Kings of Serbia; the arm with the -sword represents Primorje, or “the Coastland”—also a part of the Bosnian -royal title; the two horsemen are the Kotromanich emblem. Considering the -worn appearance of the actual monument, and the sharply cut lettering of -the Latin inscription, I think that the latter can never have been placed -on the floor of the church, but was a later addition, cut at a time when -the Slavonic inscription was misunderstood, or perhaps even mislaid. -It is said by Luccari[924], the old historian of Ragusa, that another -portrait of Queen Catherine exists in Rome, and is to be found in the -Sala di Costantino in the Vatican, where a woman in the foreground may -perhaps be the Queen. - -The Pope did not forget the household of the testatrix. From the next -month after her death her three ladies, Paola, Helena, and Maria, with a -fourth named Praxina, received 14 ducats monthly from the papal treasury. -Her will did not, however, prevent him from recognising another person -as King of Bosnia. One of the paintings (No. 27) in the Santo Spirito -hospital represents the visit of “the King of Bosnia and Wallachia” to -the Pope, and the inscription adds how this monarch “although exhausted -by age visits the thresholds of the Apostles and submissively venerates -Sixtus IV by kissing his feet.” It does not seem to have occurred to -anyone to ask who this mysterious personage was, although the last -native King of Bosnia had been killed eight years before the accession -of Sixtus IV, and the conjunction of the crowns of Bosnia and Wallachia -is curious. It is not difficult, however, to identify this sovereign. -One of the old books, which alludes to the picture, calls him “N.” which -is the initial of Nicholas of Ilok on the Danube (the place where Prince -Odescalchi’s Hungarian castle is situated). This great magnate, when -the Hungarians temporarily captured Jajce from the Turks, received from -Matthias Corvinus in 1471 the title of “King of Bosnia”—by which he is -described in papal documents[925] of 1475-6. As he was also _voivode_ of -Transylvania, whose inhabitants were Wallachs, he is called also “King -of Wallachia” in the inscription. His visit to Rome may be fixed from a -letter of Sixtus IV, dated May 2, 1475, in which he is stated as having -been “lately present.” Doubtless, he came for the Jubilee of that year, -and this is the explanation of Wadding’s erroneous statement, that Queen -Catherine did not come to Rome till 1475. - -Another Slavonic sovereign sought refuge in Rome. This was Stephen -Brankovich, Despot of Serbia, who had been blinded by Murad II years -before, and who, after the fall of his country had sought a refuge with -Skanderbeg, the heroic champion of the Albanians. There he married -Angelina, sister-in-law of Skanderbeg and daughter of Giorgio Arianiti, a -great Albanian chieftain. As the struggle in Albania became more and more -desperate, Skanderbeg, at the end of 1465, came to Rome to ask the aid -of Paul II, who received him with extraordinary honours, due to one who -was “the first soldier of Jesus Christ.” A memorial of his stay here is -the Vicolo Scanderbeg, where the house, No. 116, bears his portrait over -the door with the following inscription: “Geor. Castriota A. Scanderbeg -Princeps Epiri ad fidem iconis rest. an. Dom. MDCCCXLIII.” Thence, at -the end of January, 1466, he returned to defend his fortress of Kroja, -where two years later he died, and Albanian independence with him. Before -that event the Serbian Despot had left him for Rome, for from December, -1467, he was drawing a papal pension of 40 ducats a month, continued to -his widow from December, 1479. Here, too, her brother Costantino Arianiti -found a living, becoming protonotary apostolic under Sixtus IV, who gave -him a monthly pension of 32 ducats from October, 1476, increased to 40 -from November, 1479—not, indeed, much to keep up the position of one who -styled himself “Prince of Macedonia.” - -The Turkish annexation of the County Palatine of Cephalonia in 1479 -brought another band of Oriental exiles to Rome. The Tocco family, -however, which had ruled over the dominions of Ulysses for more than -a century, had gone from Benevento to Greece, and Leonardo III was, -therefore, merely returning to the land of his forebears. On February 29, -1480, he arrived in Rome with his son Carlo and his brothers Giovanni -and Antonio. A man so well connected was sure of a good reception—for -he had married a niece of King Ferdinand of Naples, while the Pope’s -nephew had married his sister-in-law, and he was himself related to -the Imperial houses of both Byzantium and Serbia. Accordingly, the -Cardinals’ servants met him outside the Lateran Gate and escorted him -to the house which he had hired between the Via Pellicciaria and the -Botteghe Oscure. Sixtus IV, whose predecessor had already given him -periodical sums of 1000 to 1200 ducats from 1466, gave him 1000 gold -pieces and promised him 2000 a year—an event commemorated by another of -the paintings in the Santo Spirito hospital, where we are shown how the -Pope “nourished with his royal bounty the rulers of the Peloponnese and -of Epeiros, Andrew Palaiologos and Leonardo Tocco.” After staying rather -more than a month here, he returned to Naples, leaving his natural son, -Ferdinando, behind him—a spirited youth, who once said in the hearing of -the diarist, Volaterranus, “though we have lost our rings, we have still -got our fingers entire.” Leonardo received valuable fiefs in the south of -Italy, but died in Rome under the pontificate of Alexander VI owing to -the collapse of his house. His son Carlo III lived in the Via S. Marco, -where, after enjoying a monthly pension, he died under Leo X, and we -find that Pope paying monthly pensions of 60 and 32 ducats respectively -to two other members of the family, Carlo’s sister Raymunda, Contessa de -Mirandola, and his son and heir (Giovanni) Leonardo IV, Despot of Arta, -and a small sum to Giovanni’s widow, Lucrezia[926]. The family of Tocco -has only lately become extinct by the deaths of the Duca della Regina in -1908 and of his only son, the Duca di S. Angelo, in the motor accident -near Cassino in 1907. At Naples in the Corso Vittorio Emanuele may still -be seen a collection of the family portraits in the fine old Palazzo -del Santo Piede (now Troise) so-called, from the foot of St Anna, which -Leonardo III brought with him from Greece. - -The heirs of the Palaiologoi were less fortunate than those of Leonardo -Tocco. Upon the death of Thomas, Cardinal Bessarion drew up a scheme of -education for his children, to whom the Pope continued his allowance. He -laid it down, that they must not have an expensive retinue, like their -father, but that they must be brought up by Latin priests as Latins. They -were allowed a Greek doctor, one Kritopoulos, but were to dress like -Franks and to show the utmost reverence to the Cardinals. They were to -be taught to walk with dignity, to speak in a soft voice, not to stare -about them, not to boast of their Imperial lineage but to remember that -they were exiles and strangers, forced to live on charity. They were -to learn by heart a humble address to the Pope, to talk little, never -to laugh, and to acquire the art of kneeling with elegance. In short, -they were to be perfect prigs. The result of Bessarion’s educational -programme was what might have been expected. Zoe, or Sophia, indeed, soon -escaped his tutelage by marrying a Caracciolo, after being regarded as a -suitable bride for James II of Cyprus. The historian Phrantzes, an old -and tried friend of the family, who was then in Rome on a visit, speaks -with enthusiasm of the generosity of the bridegroom. Soon left a widow, -and again wooed by the Cypriote King, she married by proxy in St Peter’s -in 1472 the Grand Duke Ivan III of Russia—a ceremony commemorated by the -above-mentioned painting in the Santo Spirito hospital, in which, besides -relieving Leonardo Tocco, Sixtus IV is described as presenting “Sophia, -daughter of Thomas Palaiologos, married to the Duke of the Ruthenians, -with a dowry of 6000 gold pieces and other gifts[927].” These latter -included 4400 ducats for her travelling expenses to Russia, whither -many of the family’s retainers followed her, and where, in consequence -of her Imperial origin, her husband took the title of Tsar. But her -brother Andrew, who remained all his life a hanger-on of the papal -court, profited little by Bessarion’s precepts. Falling into dissolute -habits, he married a disreputable woman named Catherine; his garments -moved the pity or contempt of the Romans; his allowance was reduced, he -was relegated to a back seat at papal functions; and, after ceding all -his rights to Charles VIII of France at San Pietro in Montorio, he died -at Rome in 1502 in such misery that his widow had to beg his funeral -expenses from the Pope. His portrait is supposed to be represented in a -lunette of the third room of the Borgia apartments, where is also that -of the Turkish Prince Djem, younger son of Mohammed II, and so long the -prisoner of the Vatican. Thus the son of the conqueror of Constantinople -and the nephew of its gallant defender are both depicted in the same room. - -Besides these exiled Princes, a number of Greek authors found a permanent -or temporary home in Rome, whither their famous fellow-countryman, -Bessarion of Trebizond, had preceded them. Created a Cardinal in 1439 -for his services to the Union of the Churches, he had shortly afterwards -settled in a house to the right of the church of the SS. Apostoli, which -gave him his title, and his abode became a literary centre, where Greeks -and Italians alike congregated. Theodore Gazes of Salonika, George of -Trebizond, and Nicholas Saguntino of Eubœa frequented his house, and -another Greek man of letters, Andronikos Kallistos, lived with him, till -poverty forced him to migrate to Florence and thence to England, where -he died. But with the exception of Bessarion, who rose to be titular -Archbishop of Nice and Latin Patriarch of Constantinople, as well as -bishop of Tusculum, and who narrowly missed being elected Pope on the -death of Paul II, these learned fugitives met with the usual fate of -scholars. Sometimes their misfortunes were their own fault. Thus George -of Trebizond, a man who could not endure criticism, quarrelled with -his patron over the rival merits of Plato and Aristotle, with Gazes -over their respective translations of the _maestro di color che sanno_, -and with Valla over the pre-eminence of Cicero over Quintilian; at -last, this cantankerous old man, the scourge of all authors except -Aristotle, crept about Rome in rags supported by a stick, till he -found near his humble abode a rest in the church of Sta Maria sopra -Minerva, where the inscription on his tomb has long been illegible. His -adversary Gazes, for whom Bessarion had obtained a benefice in Magna -Græcia, retired thither in disgust, because Sixtus IV paid him only -50 gold pieces for his translation of Aristotle’s _Natural History of -Animals_. Of Bessarion we have still several memorials: the tomb which -he erected during his lifetime in the monastery of the SS. Apostoli, -the cup which now belongs to the Greek monastery of Grottaferrata, of -which he was Abbot commandatory; the beautiful little house, called the -_casino di Bessarione_ on the Via Appia within the city near the church -of SS. Nereus and Achillios. This “vineyard within the walls of the -city _in loco qui dicitur S. Cæsarii in Turri sub proprietate ejusdem -monasterii S. Cæsarii_[928],” he bequeathed in 1467 with his property -at “_Cecchignola nova extra portam Appii_,” on the right of the Via -Ardeatina, to the chapel of S. Eugenia in the SS. Apostoli. When the -_Zona archeologica_ was being made in 1910, it was proposed to destroy -this picturesque house, then an inn, but now deserted; but it was happily -spared, after a protest. Argyropoulos, the translator of Aristotle, who -died here in 1486, has been immortalised by Ghirlandajo in the Sistine -Chapel, where he is the original of the bearded old man in the scene of -the calling of the first disciples, and also in the Cancelleria[929]. The -list of these literary wanderers may fitly close with Janus Laskaris, the -Greek grammarian, founder of a Greek school at the foot of the Quirinal, -whose tomb lies not far from the heart of O’Connell in S. Agata in -Subura, where a touching epitaph expresses the mingled joys and sorrows -of a Roman exile. - - -5. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM, 1099-1291 - -No event of the late war was so dramatic, or has made such a powerful -appeal to the imagination, as the liberation of Jerusalem on December 9, -1917, after a Moslem occupation of 673 years. While the name of Athens -is full of meaning for the cultured alone, and many excellent citizens -are not quite sure “whether the Greeks or the Romans came first,” -that of Jerusalem is known in every peasant’s cottage of Christendom -and represents the aspirations of an ancient race scattered all over -the globe. But to us Anglo-Saxons the redemption of the Holy City has -special significance, because a British general at the head of a force -gathered from every part of the British Empire, and aided by our French -and Italian allies, has repeated the achievement of Godfrey of Bouillon -and the Crusaders, among them a brother of the King of England, and -Edgar Etheling, the descendant of our Saxon line, in 1099, and has -accomplished what even our lion-hearted monarch failed to do in 1192, and -our soldierly Prince Edward in 1271. Thus the aspiration of the poet of -_Gerusalemme Liberata_, - - Sottrare i Cristiani al giogo indegno; - Fondando in Palestina un novo regno (I. 23), - -has been realised by Britons from lands whose very existence was unknown -at the time of the Crusades. - -The present essay is not intended to be a drum-and-trumpet history of the -Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem and its almost constant wars, but an account -of the organisation and social life of the Crusading kingdom. First, as -to its extent. The Kingdom of Jerusalem attained its zenith at the end -of the reign of Baldwin II in 1131, when it stretched from the Egyptian -frontier at El-ʿArîsh, “the river of Egypt” of the Book of Numbers, on -the south-west, and from Aila, the modern ʿAkaba (on the gulf of the same -name), the Eloth of the First Book of Kings, and the site of Solomon’s -Red Sea naval station, on the south-east, to the stream now called Nahr -Ibrahîm, which flows into the sea between Beirût and Giblet, the modern -Jebeil—about 300 miles as the crow flies. To the east the kingdom rarely -overstepped the Jordan except at the triangle of Banias, the ancient -Cæsarea Philippi; indeed, in the north it was only thirteen miles broad, -but in the Dead Sea region it attained a breadth of 100 miles. This did -not, however, comprise the whole of the Latin territory. To the north of -the above-mentioned stream stretched the county of Tripolis, of which -the foundations were laid by Count Raymond of Toulouse in 1102, to the -rivulet, now called Wâdi-Mehika, between Maraclée and Valénia (the modern -Bâniyâs), which flowed at the foot of the castle of Margat—a further -distance of about 100 miles. From that rivulet began the Principality -of Antioch, whose first Prince was, in 1098, Bohemond of Taranto, and -which at one time extended almost to Aleppo in the east and embraced a -large slice of the Kingdom of Armenia almost as far west as Tarsus, but -latterly extended no farther north than a little beyond Alexandretta. On -the north-east it was bounded until 1144 by the County of Edessa, the -modern Urfa, founded by Baldwin I in 1098, which began at the forest of -Marris and extended eastward beyond the Euphrates; but, owing to the -permanent state of war, in which the forty-six years of its existence -were passed, it never had any fixed boundaries. Thus, a Syrian writer -could truly say that, in 1129, “everything was subject to the Franks, -from Mardîn and Schabachtana to El ʿArîsh,” far more than the “Dan to -Beersheba” of the Israelites[930]. - -The first diminution of the Crusading States was the loss of the County -of Edessa in 1144. In 1170, at the other extremity, they were cut off -from the Red Sea by the capture of Aila. Jerusalem and most of the -kingdom, except Tyre and a few fortresses, fell before Saladin in 1187, -after the battle of Hattin, which the Crusaders identified with the site -of the Sermon on the Mount, and the greater part of the Principality of -Antioch and of the County of Tripolis in the next year. By the treaty of -1192, the Christians obtained the coast from Tyre to Jaffa; and Frederick -II, by the so-called “bad peace” of 1229, recovered the Holy City, except -two mosques, the two other towns—Bethlehem and Nazareth—most closely -associated with the life of our Lord, and all the chief pilgrimage roads. -Fifteen years later, however, the Kharezmians, a Turkish tribe, finally -captured Jerusalem, murdered the Latin Christians, and desecrated the -Holy Sepulchre and the tombs of the Latin Kings. Saladin, in 1187, had -treated Jerusalem as an English gentleman would; the Kharezmians treated -it in the German fashion. - -The battle of Gaza completed the disaster of 1244. From that time the -recovery of Jerusalem was manifestly impossible. The Crusade of the -saintly Louis IX was a failure; that of our Prince Edward was weakly -supported, ended in a separate peace, concluded by the people of Acre -against his will, and was only remarkable for one of the most beautiful -stories of conjugal devotion in English history. Meanwhile Antioch -had fallen in 1268 before Beibars, the Mameluke Sultan of Egypt; and -Jaffa had entered upon the long captivity from which our armies at -last redeemed it on November 17, 1917. The Kingdom of Jerusalem was -thenceforth a mere phantom of its former self. Kings of Cyprus were -crowned Kings of Jerusalem at Tyre, with all the pomp and splendour of -the Middle Ages; Acre continued to be, as it had been since its recapture -by Cœur-de-Lion, the capital of Frankish Palestine, where even on the eve -of its fall, as a traveller[931] tells us, dwelt “the richest merchants -under Heaven, gathered from all nations, where resided the King of -Jerusalem and many members of his family, the Princes of Galilee and -Antioch, the lords of Tyre, Tiberias and Sidon, the Counts of Tripolis -and Jaffa, all walking about the squares with their golden coronets on -their heads.” - -There, too, were the headquarters of the Military Orders, the Templars, -the Knights of St John, the Brothers of the German House, and the Masters -and Brothers of St Thomas of Canterbury. But the end of this carnival -of Kings and Princes in exile was at hand. Since the second capture -of Jerusalem, the kingdom had been slowly but surely dying, as its -inhabitants knew full well. Signs and wonders foretold to the pious the -coming catastrophe; shrewd business men hastened to sell their property -in the doomed country. Tripolis followed the fate of Antioch in 1289; -Acre, Tyre, Sidon and Beirût were taken by Melik-el-Aschraf, the Sultan -of Egypt, in 1291; and, with the fall of the last two strongholds of the -Templars, Tortosa and Château Pèlerin, ended the rule of the Franks in -Palestine. In Gibbon’s phrase, “A mournful and solitary silence prevailed -along the coast which had so long resounded with the world’s debate.” - -Let us now see how Frankish Palestine was organised. At the head of the -Latin Kingdom stood the King. During the first three reigns the monarchy -was elective; and it was not till 1131 that it became hereditary, as -Baldwin II was the first sovereign who left progeny. When the Crusaders -entered Jerusalem, the election of their first ruler was by means -of an examination, from which few of us would emerge unscathed. The -electors questioned the servants of the various candidates about their -masters’ morals and characters. Godfrey’s attendants stated that their -master’s chief defect was, that he would linger on in church, after -the service was over, asking questions about the images and pictures, -and thereby making his household late for meals, “which thus lost all -their relish[932].” But this interest in ecclesiastical archæology, -which seemed such a drawback to the hungry men-at-arms, was counted -as a recommendation by the pious electors, and Godfrey was elected. -He declined, however, to take the title of King, preferring that of -“Protector of the Holy Sepulchre,” and refusing to wear a golden crown -in the city where Our Lord had worn a crown of thorns[933]. His modesty -was also probably due to a tactful desire to disarm the opposition of the -clergy, who had desired that Jerusalem should not have a lay ruler. He -died, however, next year, and Baldwin I, Count of Edessa, his brother, -who was elected his successor, then took the title of King, but salved -his conscience by being crowned not in Jerusalem, but at Bethlehem. -Baldwin II’s daughter, Mélisende, and her husband, Fulk, were the first -to be crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, where -was also the royal mausoleum. Adelaide, Baldwin I’s Queen, is buried at -Patti. During the Moslem occupation of Jerusalem the King was crowned at -Tyre; and, when the whole of the Holy Land was lost, the Kings of Cyprus, -who were titular Kings of Jerusalem, assumed the former crown at Nicosia -and the latter at Famagosta. From Queen Charlotte of Cyprus, in 1485, the -title passed to Duke Charles of Savoy, and thus to the present Italian -dynasty. - -The Latin sovereigns of Jerusalem were mostly above the average in -character and intelligence. Bravery and piety were essential to their -position as chiefs of a crusading colony in the midst of a hostile -country. Godfrey “excelled his contemporaries in the handling of arms and -in all the exercises of chivalry”; Baldwin I was described in his epitaph -as “a second Judas Maccabæus”—a comparison confirmed by his warlike -achievements; of Baldwin II we are told, that “his memory was blessed -by all, because of the excellence of his faith and the glorious deeds -which ennobled his reign.” Baldwin III was also a lover of literature -and a graceful speaker, of whom a Moslem rival said that “there was -not such another king in the world.” His brother, Amaury I, prompted -Archbishop William of Tyre to compose his valuable history, and both -these sovereigns possessed considerable legal knowledge. The Archbishop’s -pupil, Baldwin IV, was unfortunately a leper, and Baldwin V died in his -boyhood. Fulk was generous and experienced in warfare, but signally -lacked the common royal faculty of remembering faces. Queen Mélisende, -who was the real ruler in her husband’s lifetime, was an excellent woman -of business, of whom it was said that “she had in her bosom the heart of -a man[934]”; indeed, so masterful was she, that on one occasion her son -had to besiege her in the Tower of David. Unfortunately, Guy de Lusignan, -who was King at the moment of Saladin’s fatal attack, was notoriously -inferior to the task of saving his wife’s kingdom. Had he not been -so good-looking and so irresistible to Princess Sibylla, the fall of -Jerusalem might have been at least postponed. - -Society was constructed by the crusaders on feudal lines. According -to the thirteenth century edition of the _Assises de la Haute Cour_, -by Jean d’Ibelin, Count of Jaffa, one of Godfrey’s first acts was to -appoint a commission to enquire from men of various nationalities then -in Jerusalem the usages of their respective countries. From the report -of this commission were drawn up the usages and assizes of the Kingdom -of Jerusalem, including a High Court, presided over by the King, for -the nobility; a “Court de la Borgesie,” presided over by an officer -styled the “Vicomte,” for the middle class; and a third court, under an -official, called “rays,” for the Syrians. As time went on, these usages -were modified; and, at the arrival of each large batch of new crusaders, -the King used to assemble the Patriarch and other notables at Acre, and -enquire from the newcomers about their laws, while occasionally special -missions of investigation were sent abroad. The written original of the -_Assises_ was called the _Letres dou Sepulcre_, because it was deposited -in a large chest in the Holy Sepulchre; and, whenever a moot point -arose, this chest was opened in the presence of nine persons, including -the King, or his deputy, and the Patriarch, or the Prior of the Holy -Sepulchre[935]. The _Assizes of Jerusalem_, of which the _Assises de la -Cour des Bourgeois_ have also been preserved, are the most endurable -monument of the Franks in Palestine, and not in Palestine alone; for -they formed the basis of the _Assizes of Cyprus_, and of the feudal -organisation of the Principality of Achaia. - -William of Tyre expressly tells us[936] that the Counts of Tripolis were -always lieges of the King of Jerusalem. But the Princes of Antioch (which -had its own code) and the Counts of Edessa seem to have merely recognised -him as _primum inter pares_ by virtue of his possession of the Holy -City, and the Princes of Antioch, beginning with Bohemond himself, were -at times reluctantly forced to confess themselves vassals of the Greek -Emperor. Thus, the existence of four practically independent states, -instead of one centralised government, and the consequent lack of what -the Italians would call a _fronte unico_ against the Infidels, formed one -cause of the collapse of Frankish rule, notably in the case of Edessa, -sacrificed to the jealousy of the Prince of Antioch. Moreover, feudal -regulations impeded the exercise of the royal power. Not only were the -lieges not obliged to perform military service outside the realm; not -only had the King to consult a great council of magnates on all important -questions—for we hear of Parliaments held in the Patriarch’s palace at -Jerusalem, in a church at Acre, and at Tyre, Nâbulus and Bethlehem—but -Baldwin I was forced to revoke an ordinance for the cleaning of the -streets of Jerusalem, because he had omitted to ask the consent of the -citizens. Thus, Frankish Jerusalem was a limited monarchy, and its King -really only the first of the barons—a system unsuited to a state of -almost constant war. - -The kingdom proper contained four great baronies—the County of Jaffa and -Ascalon, which comprised the fertile plain of Sharon; the _seigneurie_ of -Krak and Montréal, which lay in the biblical land of Moab to the east and -south-east of the Dead Sea, and dominated the caravan-route from Syria to -Egypt; the Principality of Galilee, of which the capital was Tabarie (the -Tiberias of St John); and the _seigneurie_ of Sidon, or Sagette. Besides -these great baronies, upon which in turn smaller tenures depended, it -also included twelve lesser fiefs, likewise directly dependent on the -Crown, of which the most curious was that of St Abraham, the mediæval -name of Hebron, and the most important that of Toron, founded by a member -of the great crusading family of St Omer, which succeeded Tancred in -the Principality of Galilee, but played an even more conspicuous part -in Frankish Greece than in Frankish Palestine. The romantic title of -Prince of Galilee survived at the Cypriote Court after the loss of the -Holy Land; and a Lusignan bearing that scriptural name intervened in the -tortuous politics of the Morea in the fourteenth century. Nazareth was -naturally included in the Principality of Galilee; it was the See of an -Archbishop, and was governed by a “Viscount.” - -As in Greece, the Latin barons erected castles over the country; and the -remains of some of these, particularly Krak de Montréal and Krak des -Chevaliers, are among the finest specimens extant of mediæval military -architecture, while others, notably that of the famous family of d’Ibelin -at Beirût, were decorated with paintings and mosaics by Syrian and Greek -artists. We may infer from the description of the castle of St Omer -at Thebes in the _Chronicle of the Morea_, that the subject of these -paintings may sometimes have been the Frankish Conquest of the Holy Land, -in which the baronial family had taken part. - -Each great feudatory presided over the high court of justice of his -fief; and the _Assizes_ enumerate twenty of them, besides the King and -the Archbishop of Nazareth, who possessed the right of coinage. M. -Schlumberger has published a number of these coins, among them those of -Jerusalem, bearing a representation of the Holy Sepulchre, the Tower -of David, or the Cupola of the Temple. The inscriptions on the coins -of Edessa and on some of those of Antioch are in Greek—a proof of the -preponderance of the Greek population there. Ecclesiastically, the Latin -states of Syria were organised under two Patriarchs—those of Jerusalem -and Antioch; and the first Archbishop of the kingdom was he of Tyre, -whose function it was to crown the King in the Patriarch’s absence. - -The Salic law did not obtain in the Holy Land; and as, by some mysterious -law of population, common also to Frankish Greece, many noble families -consisted of daughters only, women played an important part in the -crusading states. On two occasions, the election of the Patriarch of -Jerusalem (Amaury in 1159 and Heraclius in 1180) was due to female -influence, and, on the second occasion the personal predilection of the -Queen-Mother Agnes prevailed (to the great detriment of Church and State -alike) over the disinterested advice of William of Tyre, who urged the -election of a candidate from beyond the sea, and recalled an old prophecy -that, as the Emperor Heraclius had brought the true cross to Jerusalem, -so in the time of another Heraclius would it be lost—a prophecy verified -at the battle of Hattin[937]. This was the Patriarch who visited London -in 1185 to seek aid from Henry II, and consecrated the Priory of St John -of Jerusalem at Clerkenwell, where a thanksgiving for the deliverance of -the Holy City was recently held. - -The competition for the hands of noble heiresses was another result -of the extinction of families in the male line, and frequently caused -serious political complications and encouraged penniless adventurers, -like Guy de Lusignan, whose success aroused the jealousy of less -fortunate rivals. Thus, the great disaster of Hattin, which led to -the fall of Jerusalem in 1187, was indirectly due to the revenge of -an Englishman, Girard de Rideford, for his failure as a suitor. He -had come to the Holy Land as a knight-errant to make his fortune; and -Count Raymond II of Tripolis had promised him the hand of his ward, -the wealthy heiress of Boutron. A rich Pisan, however, arrived with a -weighing-machine, placed the lady (probably an opulent beauty) in one -scale and his money-bags in the other, and gave the Count her weight in -gold. The baffled Briton became a Templar and rose to be Seneschal and -Master of the Order, but never forgot how he had been cheated[938], and -persuaded the weak monarch to reject Raymond’s strategy on the eve of -Hattin. - -An even more romantic but equally fatal example was that of Renaud -de Châtillon, who, coming to Palestine as a younger son to seek his -fortune in the suite of Louis VII of France at the time of the second -crusade, married the widowed Princess-Regent of Antioch, and governed -the Principality for his stepson. Local gossips, and especially the -Patriarch, criticised this _mésalliance_, whereupon the audacious -Frenchman had the Patriarch stripped, smeared with honey, and exposed, a -feast for the flies, during a long summer day. A born soldier of fortune, -he put his sword at the disposal of the Greek Emperor for an attack on -an Armenian baron, and when a little difference arose as to the payment -of the costs of the expedition, paid himself by ravaging the then Greek -province of Cyprus. We next find him begging the Emperor’s pardon in -his shirt-sleeves, with a rope round his neck. Then he was captured by -the Saracens in the course of a cattle-lifting expedition, and kept for -fifteen years a prisoner at Aleppo. Finding, on his liberation, that his -wife was dead and his stepson reigning at Antioch, he looked out for a -second heiress, and found one in the widowed baroness of Montréal. There, -in the land beyond Jordan, he was in his element. His next enterprise -was, indeed, a bold one. He constructed a flotilla at Krak—“the stone of -the Desert,” as it was picturesquely called—conveyed it on camel-back to -the Gulf of ʿAkaba, and sailed down into the Red Sea with the object of -plundering Mecca and Medina, and conquering the Hedjaz and the Yemen. For -this daring attempt, and for intercepting, in time of peace, the Moslem -caravan, Saladin swore twice to kill him with his own hand. The second of -these acts provoked the invasion which led to the capture of Jerusalem, -and in Saladin’s tent, as a captive after the battle of Hattin, the -adventurous Frenchman, who declared that, to Princes, treaties were -“scraps of paper,” was beheaded. His seal with the gateway of Krak upon -it still survives as a memorial of his strange career. The love affairs -of the nobles were also sometimes fatal to the interests of the state. -Thus the charms of a beautiful Armenian were partly responsible for the -loss of Edessa, and an attractive Italian widow was a prominent figure in -the last days of Jerusalem. - -The middle class was a far more important body than in either the -England or the France of that day. Palestine during the Crusades was not -visited exclusively for religious or military reasons. Besides being -a goal of pilgrimage, it was also what California or Australia was in -the middle of the last century—a place where shrewd men of business -could make money rapidly. Long before the first Crusade, there had been -an Italian colony from Amalfi at Jerusalem, in the capture of which a -Genoese detachment had assisted; colonies from Venice, Genoa, Pisa and -Marseilles followed; in the monastery of La Cava is a deed of Baldwin -IV, granting the ships of the monks access to the Syrian coast; we even -find an “English quarter” at Acre[939]. Owing to the small numbers of the -nobility, and the constant need of recruiting its ranks after its losses -in battle, it was easy for the wealthy members of the middle class to -enter the aristocracy, while, from the nature of its occupations, it was -thrown into much closer contact with the natives. Mixed marriages were -consequently commoner among the _bourgeoisie_, although Baldwin I and II -and Josselin I of Edessa married Armenians, and Baldwin III and Amaury I -Greeks. - -The issue of these mixed marriages was known as the _Poulains_[940]. -These half-castes, who corresponded to the Γασμοῦλοι of Frankish Greece, -are not depicted in flattering terms by contemporary writers. Jacques de -Vitry[941], the Bishop of Acre, describes them as “nourished in delights, -soft and effeminate, more accustomed to baths than to battles, given to -uncleanliness and luxury, dressed in soft garments like women, slothful -and idle, cowardly and timid, little esteemed by the Saracens,” with -whom they were ready to make peace, and from whom they were prone to -accept assistance against their fellow Christians in their internecine -quarrels. They were, alike by nature and interest, opposed to the arrival -of fresh bodies of Crusaders, because war interfered with their business -and interrupted their commercial relations with the Moslems, whose family -life they imitated, veiling their wives, shutting them up in Oriental -seclusion, and allowing them to go out thrice a week to the baths, but -only once a year to church. This undue preference of cleanliness to -godliness had disastrous effects, for it led the ladies to intrigue all -the more to get out. - -The worthy Bishop, speaking doubtless from personal experience, adds -that the _Poulains_ swindled the ingenuous pilgrims by overcharges at -inns, by exorbitant prices in shops, and by giving them poor exchange. -Worse still, they despised these Christian “boxers” and exiles, calling -them fatuous idiots for their pains—for to the _Poulains_ the Holy -Land had no halo. They wore flowing robes, as even the first King of -Jerusalem had done, while a coin of Tancred of Antioch represents -him with a turban; and their whole outlook was Oriental rather than -European. Indeed, Foucher, Baldwin I’s chaplain, remarked quite early -how soon the Westerner became an Easterner in Palestine, and how the -Crusader who married an Armenian or a Syrian soon forgot the land of -his birth, adopting the comfortable maxim—“ubi bene, ibi patria.” Hence -the marked contrast between the Frankish residents, and still more the -_Poulains_, and the newly-arrived Crusaders. Hence, too, the often far -too harsh judgments passed by the latter, especially after the second -crusade in 1148. Like the Philhellenes, who went to Greece in the War -of Independence, expecting to find the Peloponnese peopled by the -superhuman heroes of Plutarch, instead of by men like themselves, they -did not realise that poor human nature, even under conditions far more -favourable, could not have possibly shone resplendent in the tremendous -setting of the Holy Land. Consequently, they were often disillusioned, -whereas men like William of Tyre, born and living in the country, were -far fairer in their judgments, because they measured the Holy Land by -the standard of other and more prosaic lands and not by the unattainable -perfection of the greatest figure in all history, with whom it must ever -be associated. - -Society in the Crusading States was, it must be remembered, even apart -from the _Poulains_, an extraordinary mixture of races. Even an Austrian -army did not contain so many nationalities as the Crusaders. The Franks, -as they were generically called, included Normans (at first the dominant -race), French (who ousted the Normans, and thenceforth maintained their -influence, culture and language, as they did nearly two centuries -later at the Court of Athens), English, Welsh, Irish, Scots, Flemings, -Italians, Germans (these not very numerous), and Scandinavians. Jacques -de Vitry considered the Italians as the most satisfactory. He describes -them as “prudent, temperate in eating and drinking, ornate and prolix -in speaking, but circumspect in counsel, diligent in managing their own -public affairs, and a very necessary element in the country, not only in -battle, but at sea and in business, especially in the import trade. Since -they are sober in food and drink, they live longer than other Western -nations in the East”; and “they would be very formidable to the Saracens, -if they would cease fighting among themselves.” Unfortunately, the -rivalries between Venetians, Genoese, and Pisans were even more serious -than the feuds between the Normans and the French; and the possession -of the Church of St Saba at Acra (two pillars of which are now outside -St Mark’s Venice) led to an Italian colonial war, in which we may find -one cause of the final loss of the Holy Land. These Italian colonies, -indeed, formed practically an _imperium in imperio_. Their respective -quarters in the Syrian towns were the property of their governments, -which appointed their officials (called “Consuls” in the Genoese and -Pisan colonies, “Bailies” in the Venetian), often from among the most -celebrated families of the Venetian Republic. Venice had also what we -should call a Consul-General, a “Bailie” for all Syria; and both she and -Genoa received a large portion of the harbour dues at Tyre and Acre. -The Italian colonies had their own tribunals, like the consular courts -in Turkey in our own day. Thus, Italian interests in the Holy Land were -considerable and mainly commercial. To Venice and Genoa foreign affairs -were—the affairs of their merchants. - -The French and the English settlers were “less composed and more -impetuous, less circumspect in action and more full of superfluity in -food and drink, more lavish in expense and less cautious in talk, hasty -in counsel, but more fervent in almsgiving, and more vehement in battle, -and most useful for the defence of the Holy Land, and very formidable to -the Saracens.” - -Besides these various elements among the Crusaders, Palestine contained -a large variety of indigenous races. Of these the native Christians -of Arab speech, collectively known as Syrians, were the most favoured. -Baldwin I gave them marked privileges at Jerusalem, and they could give -evidence on oath. But they were of little use in war, except as archers; -and are accused by Jacques de Vitry of betraying the secrets of the -Christians to the Saracens, whose customs they largely imitated. The -Maronites of the Lebanon were, however, noted for their military prowess -and for the help which they rendered to the Franks. - -Next to the Syrians came the Armenians, reckoned the best fighters of -the Orientals, who, from the proximity of the Kingdom of Lesser Armenia -to the County of Edessa, often assisted the Frank Counts, and copied -their feudal arrangements. It is noticeable that the _Assizes of Antioch_ -have come to us through the Armenian, and that the Court of Sis, like -that of Jerusalem, had its seneschal, its marshal, and its constable. -The Greeks were regarded as opponents of the Latins; and, when Saladin -took Jerusalem, he allowed them to remain. But we could scarcely expect -them to view with sympathy the annexation of the Greek states of Edessa -(still governed by a Greek official at the time of the Latin conquest) -and Antioch, which only fourteen years before had been nominally a part -of the Greek Empire. And Anna Comnena describes her father’s alarm at -the march of large armies of foreigners across his rich and peaceful -dominions who might (and in 1204 did) say with the Roman centurion: _Hic -manebimus optime!_ - -Historians of the Moslem Arabs admit that, except in war time, Christians -and Moslems lived together in harmony. There are examples of friendship, -and even of adopted brotherhood, between Frank barons and Moslem emirs, -who used to grant each other mutual permits to hunt. Every reader of _The -Talisman_ knows of the mutual courtesies between Richard I and Saladin, -who sent medical aid to a sick opponent, but even more curious was the -action of Guy de Lusignan, whose first act, on exchanging the Kingdom of -Jerusalem for that of Cyprus, was to ask his former captor how to keep -the island. Many Franks spoke Arabic; and it was even found necessary for -commercial purposes to coin money bearing in Arabic characters the name -of Mohammed and the date of the Moslem era! The merchants of Tyre and -Acre, where these heretical coins were minted, protested that “business -is business”; but the Papal Legate, who accompanied Louis IX on the sixth -crusade, was so scandalised that he reported the matter to Pope Innocent -IV, who excommunicated all who coined them. The wily merchants, however, -circumvented his prohibition by minting similar coins with Christian -inscriptions and the year of our Lord, both in Arabic, and with a cross -in the centre of the coin. Of this hybrid currency, which began in 1251, -there are several specimens. Like Frederick II in Sicily, the later -Princes of Antioch and Counts of Tripolis had Saracen guards; and, under -the name of _Turcoples_, given originally to Turks born of Greek mothers, -Moslems entered the Christian armies as light cavalry. Of actual Turks -there were few, for they had overrun Syria too short a time before the -Crusades to take root in Palestine. Like the Franks, and like the Turks -in the Balkans, they were only a garrison. - -Special interest attaches to the Jews, at this period only a small -section of the population, and, as usual, exclusively urban. Benjamin of -Tudela, who visited Palestine about 1173, found two hundred Jews in the -ghetto at Jerusalem beneath the Tower of David, where they had a monopoly -of the dyeing trade, and twelve, all dyers, at Bethlehem. The largest -Jewish colonies were, as was natural, in the great commercial towns, Tyre -and Acre; and the total in the whole of the Latin states was only 7000 to -8000. They could not hold land, and were classed below the Moslems, but -practised successfully as doctors and bankers, and had their own judges. -Many had come from the south of France. A few Samaritans still survived -at Nâbulus, the biblical Shechem, and at Cæsarea. - -Below all these freemen came the slaves, including Christians, partly -prisoners of war and partly imported. The _Assizes of Jerusalem_ contain -special regulations for the slave-trade (largely in Venetian and Genoese -hands), but the legislators felt some scruples about allowing a Christian -slave to be sold to a Moslem. There was one other very undesirable -element in the population—persons who had left their country for their -country’s good; for it was not unusual to pardon criminals on condition -that they made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and never returned. The Bishop -of Acre complains of this practice of making the Holy Land a convict -station, just as some of our colonies did in the first half of the last -century; and he quotes the Horatian tag, that people, who cross the sea, -change the climate, but not their character. Nor does he approve of the -tourist, who came from mere curiosity and not from devotion. - -Among this heterogeneous mass the smallness of the Frankish forces makes -us marvel that the Latin Kingdom lasted for 99 years at Jerusalem and for -nearly 200 at Acre. The _Assizes_[942] inform us that the paper strength -of the royal army was only 577 knights and 5025 foot-soldiers, to which -we must add the contingents of the two great Military Orders and the -_Turcoples_. At no time, in actual warfare, did the total armed forces of -the four Crusading States much exceed 25,000; at Hattin—the Hastings of -the Holy Land—Guy de Lusignan had only some 21,000 men under his command; -Baldwin I crossed the Euphrates with only 80 knights to take Edessa; and -some of the great battles of Tancred were fought by only 200 knights. -William of Tyre[943], writing a few years before the catastrophe of 1187, -explains the greater success of the Franks in the earlier years of the -kingdom by their piety and courage as contrasted with the immorality -and diminished martial spirit of his contemporaries. Other causes were -the lack of military skill of the Moslems of that generation, and the -disunion of their chiefs. When, however, Saladin united Syria and Egypt -in his strong hand, the fate of the little Frankish colony was sealed. -Disunion of allies neutralised the splendid courage of our Richard I in -his attempt to restore what had been lost; Frederick II was a Crusader -_malgré lui_; and in the thirteenth century many Franks, realising that -the end was at hand, left for the Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus, or for -Armenia, leaving as the most important factors in the Latin population -the Italian colonies and the Religious Orders. - -The Knights of St John, who originally took their name from St John the -Merciful[944], a Cypriote who became Patriarch of Alexandria, arose at -the time of the conquest in connection with the hospital, founded at -Jerusalem a generation earlier by a citizen of Amalfi. Their first aim -was to tend and nourish the sick, then to guard pilgrims up from the -coast, and next to fight against the Infidels. They never forgot their -original object, and pilgrims were enthusiastic in their praise. Indeed, -Saladin is said to have gained admission to their hospital at Acre as -a patient to see whether all that he heard about their beneficence was -true. Gradually, as the feudal barons found it harder to defend their -castles, they handed them to the Knights, who specially chose difficult -frontier positions. Margat, Krak des Chevaliers, Chastel-Rouge, Gibelin -and Belvoir were their chief fortresses; and Mount Tabor was one of their -possessions. - -The Templars, founded in 1118 to protect the pilgrims on their way from -the coast, enjoyed a less enviable reputation. William of Tyre[945] -remarks, that “for a long time they maintained their original object, but -subsequently forgot the duty of humility.” They were accused of greed and -selfishness, and of being too anxious to stand well with Moslem Princes, -with whom they sometimes made a separate peace, to the detriment of -Christendom. Thus they warned a Moslem chief of an intended raid by our -Prince Edward. Their treachery to the sect of the Assassins scandalised -the Court of Jerusalem and immensely damaged Christian interests. The -chief of that terrible community, the “Old Man,” as he was called, whose -territory was separated from the County of Tripolis by boundary stones, -marked on the Christian side with a cross, on that of the Assassins -with a knife, had sent an envoy to King Amaury I, offering to embrace -Christianity, on condition that the Templars consented to forego the -tribute paid to them by the Assassins. All had been arranged, and the -diplomatist was on his way home, when the Templars assassinated the -Assassin[946]. - -The Templars’ vow of poverty contrasted ill with their immense wealth, -which enabled them, in 1191, to buy Cyprus from Richard I, and to lend -a large sum to our Henry III. They acted as bankers; and through their -hands passed the money collected in the West for future crusades. -They were suspected, too, of heretical opinions, and were accused of -initiating their novices with pagan rites. They possessed eighteen -fortresses, of which Tortosa was the most important; but the Order did -not long survive the loss of the Holy Land, being abolished by Clement V -in 1312. - -Less important were the Teutonic Knights, the _Brüder vom deutschen -Hause_ of Freytag’s well-known historical novel—an off-shoot of the -Hospitallers—because the Germans contributed little towards the -foundation of the Frankish states, and their distinct Order was not -founded till after the first capture of the Latin capital. Their -principal sphere of activity was not in Palestine but in Prussia, where -they laboured to civilise the barbarous Prussians—a task in which they -do not appear to have been altogether successful. A lasting memorial of -their activity is the former Prussian fortress of Thorn—a name said to be -derived from the castle of Toron in the Holy Land, once their possession. -To us a more interesting Order is that of the Hospital of “the Master -and Brothers of St Thomas of Canterbury,” at Acre, founded in 1191, in -which Edward I showed interest, and which was transferred after the fall -of Acre to Cyprus, where it still existed in 1350. A hospital for poor -British pilgrims was also founded at Acre in 1254[947]. - -Palestine was a fruitful land during the Frankish period, although we -hear much of the plagues of locusts and field-mice. Contemporary visitors -wrote enthusiastically about the gardens of Jericho and the fertile -plains of Jezreel and Tripolis, with its vineyards, its olive-yards, -and its sugar plantations, whence the cane was taken to the factory at -Tyre. The wines of Engaddi were as noted as in the Song of Solomon; and -the vintages of Bethlehem and Jerusalem were highly esteemed. Jericho -produced grapes so huge that “a man could scarcely lift a bunch of -them”—a statement which shows that the vines had not degenerated since -the days when the spies of Moses “cut down” from the brook of Eschcol -“one cluster of grapes, and bare it between two upon a staff.” Even the -silent waters of the Dead Sea were then traversed by fruit barges; and in -the so-called “Valley of Moses” to the south of it the olive-trees formed -“a dense forest.” There was more wood than now, and consequently more -water, but corn had to be imported, for the harvests of Moab, Hebron, -Bethlehem (“the house of bread”), and Jericho did not suffice to feed -the population. The Sea of Galilee was as full of fish as in the time -of Our Lord, and boats plied upon its waters. But, owing to the general -insecurity of the open country, few of the cultivators of the soil were -Franks; and, where we find Latin peasants, they are usually not far from -the shelter of fortified towns. Of manufactures the most important were -those of silk at Tripolis, Tiberias, and Tyre, dyeing, and pottery; the -glass of Tyre is specially praised by its Archbishop, and the goldsmiths -had a street all to themselves at Jerusalem. - -Civilisation, so far as comfort was concerned, had reached a high level. -Every castle had its baths; and minstrels and dancers appeared at the -entertainments of the barons, while we read of theatrical performances at -a coronation. A considerable amount of gambling went on in royal circles. -Baldwin III was devoted to dice; the Prince of Antioch and the Count of -Edessa were so busy with their dice-boxes during a campaign, that they -demoralised many of their officers; the Count of Jaffa was so deeply -engrossed in a game of dice that he was playing in the street of the -Tanners at Jerusalem, that he allowed himself to be assassinated. Hunting -with the falcon, and, in Arab fashion, with the cat-like animal known as -the _carable_, were favourite amusements. It seems strange that nothing -was done to encourage horse-breeding; and, as the Moslems were loth to -sell horses to be used against themselves, the Franks usually imported -their steeds from Apulia. Every spring it was the custom of the Frankish -chivalry to take their horses to feed on the rich grass at the foot of Mt -Carmel; and there, by the brook Kishon, where Elijah slew the prophets of -Baal, tournaments were held, in which Saracen chiefs sometimes took part, -and after which the combatants refreshed themselves with sherbet, made -from the snows of Lebanon. - -We must not expect a military colony, always fighting for its existence, -to be very productive of literature. But perhaps the best specimen of -mediæval history, the great work of William of Tyre, was produced by -a Frank born in the Holy Land. The author possessed the two greatest -qualities for writing the history of his own times: personal acquaintance -with the principal actors in the drama by reason of his high official -position, and at the same time fearless love of truth. He tells us that -he was well aware of the perils to which he thus exposed himself; and, -if it be true that he was poisoned in Rome by order of a rival whom he -had denounced, his forebodings were only too accurate. Having been a -diplomatist, a prelate, a royal tutor, and chancellor of the kingdom, he -possessed an unrivalled experience of men and affairs; and, as is usual -with such persons, he was much more moderate in his judgments of human -frailty than purely literary or monastic chroniclers. The abrupt close of -his work in 1183 has been ascribed to the desire of powerful enemies to -suppress the facts about the last years of Jerusalem—a further proof of -his dreaded influence. - -A lesser luminary was Renaud, baron of Sagette, who amazed the pundits of -Saladin by his Oriental scholarship; and the cult of French novels was -diffused among the nobles of the Holy Land, whose legal knowledge was -considerable. Philip of Navarre[948], the celebrated pleader, who has -left a treatise showing how to make the worse cause appear the better in -the feudal courts, tells us that he owed his knowledge of legal practice -to the accident of being appointed reader of romances to the Seneschal of -Jerusalem, who in return taught him law. The pleader, who also composed -a historical work, and a treatise on the four ages of man, and was -an opponent of the higher education of women, is described by Florio -Bustron, the Cypriote historian, as a “huomo universale.” - -In estimating the architectural results of the Frankish rule, we must -remember the short time available—so far as all but the coast towns were -concerned. But a traveller, who visited the country in 1185, tells us -that the Franks had done much for the mural decoration of their churches, -of which, beginning with Tancred’s church on Mt Tabor in 1111, they -erected a number down to the catastrophe of Hattin. William of Tyre -specially mentions the munificence of Queen Mélisende in founding a -church and convent at Bethany, of which her youngest sister was Superior, -and her splendidly bound copy of the Gospels is in the British Museum. -In the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, and in the Cathedral and Castle of -Tortosa, still linger traces of the Crusaders. It has been remarked that -in their architecture more than in aught else the Franks of Palestine -remained Westerners. - -In conclusion we may ask how Frankish society in Palestine compares with -Frankish society in Cyprus and in the Latin Principalities of the present -Greek Kingdom. Very different from either Frankish Palestine or Frankish -Greece was the condition of the Kingdom of Cyprus, created by a mere -accident of the Crusades, which nominally continued the tradition of the -Kingdom of Jerusalem. While the reason of the latter’s existence was war, -Cyprus was essentially a commercial state, to which the loss of Acre was -a blessing in disguise. So long as the Kings of Cyprus, in their capacity -of Kings of Jerusalem, had territory on the opposite coast of Syria, -they were necessarily involved in continental wars, and could not devote -themselves to the development of their own island; as was the case of the -Kings of England, so long as they held the _damnosa hereditas_ of the -Plantagenets in France. Cyprus was, like England, defended by the sea; -like England, she became one of the marts of the world, in an age when -the crusading spirit had died away, and trade was the attraction that led -men to the East. The Popes, by prohibiting trade with the Saracens after -the loss of the Holy Land, procured for Cyprus a monopoly; and Famagosta -surpassed Constantinople, Venice and Alexandria. Moreover, warned by the -example of Jerusalem, the Kings of Cyprus cut down the privileges of the -nobles, who were denied the right of coinage and jurisdiction over the -middle class. Consequently, the Cypriote monarchy was more independent, -and continued to prosper until it allowed—and this should be to us a -warning—foreign competitors, under the guise of commerce, to creep into -its cities and ultimately to dictate its policy. - -All the Latin states in the East, whether in Jerusalem, Cyprus, or Greece -proper, presented examples of that difficult political experiment—the -rule of a small alien minority over a large native majority of a -different religion, an experiment worked most successfully in those -states, like Lesbos under the Genoese Gattilusj, where the Latin rulers -became assimilated with the ruled. But in Frankish Greece the feudal -states were not commercial; and the Venetian and Genoese colonies were, -except in Negroponte, quite distinct from them. The Frank conquerors -of Greece did not go thither with the noble aims which led some of the -leaders of the first Crusade to the Holy Land; on the contrary, they -turned aside from the recovery of the Holy City to partition a Christian -Empire. Yet the moral standard of the Franks in Greece was much higher -than that of their predecessors in Palestine, or their contemporaries -in Cyprus. Possibly, the reason was that they lived healthier lives, -and had fewer temptations. Big maritime commercial towns, like Tyre and -Acre, and Famagosta, did not exist, and country life was more developed. -Certainly, the _Chronicle of the Morea_ is more edifying reading than the -_Letters_ of Jacques de Vitry on the condition of Acre at the time of his -appointment as its bishop in 1216. But in one respect Frankish Palestine -and Frankish Greece present the same strange phenomenon—that union of -antiquity with the Middle Ages, of the biblical and the classical with -the romantic, which inspired the second part of _Faust_. To find the -feudal system installed at Hebron and Athens, at Shechem and Sparta, -at Tiberias and Thebes, to read of Princes of Galilee and of Princes -of Achaia, causes surprise only surpassed by that which we should have -felt in August, 1914, had we been told that before four Christmases had -passed, Australians and New Zealanders would have shared in the taking of -Jerusalem. - - -AUTHORITIES - -1. _Recueil des Historiens des Croisades._ Seventeen vols. Paris: -Imprimerie Nationale, 1841-1906. - -2. _Gesta Dei per Francos._ Ed. J. Bongars. Two vols. Hanover, 1611. - -3. _Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem, 1100-1291._ Von R. Röhricht. -Innsbruck: Wagner, 1898. - -4. _Regesta Regni Hierosolimitani, 1097-1291_, and _Additamentum_. Von R. -Röhricht. Œniponti: Lib. Acad. Wagneriana, 1893-1904. - -5. _Les Colonies franques de Syrie aux xiiᵐᵉ et xiiiᵐᵉ siècles._ Par E. -Rey. Paris: Picard, 1883. - -6. _Numismatique de l’Orient Latin, avec Supplément._ Par G. -Schlumberger. Paris: Leroux, 1878-82. - -7. _Renaud de Châtillon, prince d’Antioche._ Par G. Schlumberger. Paris: -Plon, 1898. - -8. _Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzzüge._ Von H. Prutz. Berlin: Siegfried, -1883. - -9. _Revue de l’Orient Latin._ Eleven vols. Paris: Leroux, 1893-1908. - - -6. A BYZANTINE BLUE STOCKING: ANNA COMNENA - -One of the differences between classical and modern literature is the -rarity of female writers in the former and their frequency in the latter. -While we have lady historians and poets in considerable numbers, while -the fair sex has greatly distinguished itself in fiction, including that -branch of it which is called modern journalism, ancient Greek letters -contain the names of few celebrated women except Sappho; Myrtis and -Corinna, the competitors of Pindar; Erinna, whose poetic fancy her mother -strove to restrain by chaining her to her neglected spinning-wheel; -and Elephantis, whose poetry was considered too realistic for display -upon drawing-room tables. Novels were in those days chiefly written by -bishops—a class of men not now usually associated with light literature. -In Latin literature, although Juvenal has drawn a picture of the learned -lady weighing in the critical balance the respective claims of Homer and -Virgil, the poem attributed to Sulpicia is almost the sole surviving -example of female composition. It has been reserved for Byzantine -literature to present us with the rare phenomenon of a first-class lady -historian—first-class, that is to say, according to the standards of -that day—in the person of the Imperial Princess, Anna Comnena, a writer -better known to the general public than are most Byzantine authors owing -to the fact that Sir Walter Scott introduced her as one of the characters -in _Count Robert of Paris_, and based one of the chief episodes of that -novel upon a historical event recorded in her life of her father. - -Since Scott’s time, novelists and dramatists have done something -to popularise Byzantine history. Neale, in his _Theodora Phranza_, -daughter of the last Byzantine historian, has described the capture of -Constantinople by the Turks; Sardou produced on the stage a far more -famous Theodora, the consort of Justinian, whom Prokopios so virulently -besmirched in his _Secret History_. Mr Frederic Harrison has portrayed in -_Theophano_ the ambitious and unscrupulous wife and widow of the Emperors -Romanos II and Nikephoros Phokas. Jean Lombard in _Byzance_ depicted, -with immense erudition, the games and ceremonial of the Imperial city and -court in the time of the Iconoclast Emperor, Constantine V Copronymos, -and endeavoured to solve the Balkan question by marrying and placing -on the throne the Slav Oupravda and the Greek Eustokkia; while Marion -Crawford gave us in _Arethusa_ a story from a much later period, the year -1376, based upon the struggle at the Court of John V between the Venetian -adventurer, Carlo Zeno, and the Genoese, for the possession of the isle -of Tenedos, the key of the Dardanelles. - -Anna Comnena was born in 1083 at an interesting moment in the history -not only of the Greek Empire, but of Christendom. It was the time when -the Mediæval West and the Mediæval East first met; when the Normans, -after their recent conquest of England and Southern Italy, first crossed -the Adriatic and Ionian seas to attack the Greek Empire, soon to be -followed by the hosts of the First Crusade. Just as, with the accession -of William the Conqueror fifteen years earlier, a new order of things -had begun in Northern Europe, so with the accession of her father, the -Emperor Alexios I Comnenos, in 1081, two years before her birth, a new -era, and practically a new dynasty—though Alexios was not the first -of the family to seize the throne—had begun at Byzantium. From 1025, -the end of the long and glorious reign of Basil II, whom the Greeks of -to-day still admire as the “Bulgar-slayer,” the destroyer of the first -Bulgarian Empire on those self-same battlefields of Macedonia where -King Constantine defeated the Bulgarians in the second Balkan war of -1913, the Byzantine throne had been occupied by no less than twelve -sovereigns, whose consecutive reigns filled a period scarcely longer than -that embraced by the single reign of the great Basil. After the death -of his brother and successor, Constantine VIII, there began a period -of palace intrigues and female influence, for Constantine’s two mature -daughters, Zoe and Theodora, assigned the throne to whomsoever they -chose; and the successive marriages of the elderly Zoe furnished Psellos -with a _chronique scandaleuse_ of the Imperial Court and boudoir, and MM. -Schlumberger and Diehl with their brilliant modern paraphrases of the -contemporary writer. When, with the death of Theodora, the Macedonian -dynasty came to an end in the person of its last representative, -revolution succeeded revolution. Every general of aristocratic birth was -justified in believing that he carried in his baggage the red boots which -were the peculiar mark of the Imperial dignity, and a female regency -enabled the Empress Eudokia to bestow the Empire with her hand. At last, -the ablest and astutest of the Byzantine commanders, Alexios Comnenos, -deposed the feeble old voluptuary, Nikephoros Botaneiates, whose -Slavonic ministers had discredited his authority by their “barbarous” -pronunciation and foreign origin, and placed himself and his descendants -upon the throne for 100 years. - -These internal dissensions had naturally injured the external prestige -of the Empire and contracted its frontiers. It was then that there came -the final separation between the Eastern and the Western Churches; it -was then, too, that, by the loss of Bari, Brindisi, and Otranto, the -Byzantine Empire forfeited its last Italian possessions. Meanwhile, -the advance of the Seljuk Turks in Asia Minor had pushed back the -Greek frontier in a second continent close to the capital; and Anna -Comnena[949] declares that, on her father’s accession, “the Bosporus was -the eastern, and Adrianople the western, limit of the Greek sceptre.” -Alexios, she proudly adds, “widened the circle of the Empire, and made -the Adriatic its western, the Euphrates and the Tigris its eastern, -border.” - -Yet, as she truly says, her father had to contend all the time against -enormous difficulties, alike domestic and foreign. At the outset of his -reign, his throne was surrounded with possible pretenders. Both his -immediate predecessors were alive, although the one was a bishop, the -other in a monastery, besides four sons of dethroned Emperors who had -received the Imperial title during their fathers’ reigns, and several -persons who had endeavoured unsuccessfully to seize and keep the crown. -There were constant conspiracies against Alexios so long as he sat on the -throne, while the eternal theological questions, which were the favourite -mental distraction of Byzantium, caused him constant anxiety, for there, -as in the Balkans to-day, theology and politics were inextricably -mingled. From abroad there came, too, the menace of invasion on all -sides—from the wild tribes of the Patzinaks and Cumans on the north, from -the Normans on the west, from the Turks on the east. And, worse than all, -the unhappy Alexios was suddenly called upon to cope with the hurricane -of the First Crusade, and to find his Empire overrun by swarms of fierce -warriors, whose motives he suspected and whose intentions he judged from -their acts to be predatory. - -Alexios owed his crown to a successful insurrection; but he was no -vulgar upstart. He belonged to a rich family of Paphlagonia, where the -Comnenoi held property at Kastamon, the modern Kastamouni, the place -known in contemporary history as the exile for nearly thirty years of -the late Mirdite Prince, Prenk Bib Doda. The Comnenoi had first come -into prominence about a century earlier under Basil II; and one of the -clan, the distinguished general, Isaac Comnenos, had occupied the throne -from 1057 to 1059. Anna’s father was this man’s nephew, and, in spite -of his uncle’s brief reign, the real founder of the dynasty. For the -Emperor Isaac, in a moment of discouragement and disillusionment, not -only abdicated but failed to induce his brother John, the father of -Alexios, to accept the heavy burden of the crown. It was not, however, -to his timorous and unambitious father, but to his energetic mother, -Anna Dalassene, that Alexios owed his success. She was resolved that -her son should be Emperor, and during four intervening reigns, she was -waiting and intriguing for the diadem which her husband had allowed to -go out of his family. A great lady herself, the daughter of an eminent -official and soldier, whose skill in never failing to kill his man had -earned him the nickname of “Charon,” she belonged, like the Comnenoi, to -a powerful Asiatic family, one of whose members had been at first thought -by Constantine VIII as worthy to succeed him, and had subsequently -been regarded as a possible husband for the old Empress Zoe. Like many -eminent Byzantine personages, she had known the reverses of fortune, and -had at one time been exiled to Prinkipo. Such was the esteem which the -Emperor Alexios felt for the mother, who had constantly encouraged and -facilitated his ambition, that when, at the outset of his reign, he was -compelled to leave his capital to fight against the Normans in Albania, -he entrusted to her the absolute authority over the Empire during his -absence. This is only one of many instances proving the influence of -women in the Byzantine system. Thus, the mother of Alexios made history, -his daughter wrote it; his mother made him Emperor, his daughter -preserved the memory of his reign. Such were the origin and parents of -the hero of the _Alexiad_. Let us now look at its author. - -The literary Princess has given us in her history of her father a -considerable amount of autobiographical information. Anna Comnena was -not at all disposed to hide her light under a bushel, nor did she ever -forget that she had been born in the purple chamber—the room to which -an Empress was always removed when her confinement was imminent. Like -most members of the reigning Imperial family, she received an excellent -literary education. “I am not destitute of letters,” she writes in her -preface, “but have thoroughly studied classical Greek”; and she adds -that she had applied herself diligently to the mathematical quadrivium, -to rhetoric, the philosophy of Aristotle, and the dialogues of Plato. In -another passage she alludes to her knowledge of geometry. Her quotations -show a wide range of reading. Her history contains citations from, -or allusions to, Homer, Sappho, Sophokles, Euripides, Aristophanes, -Herodotus, Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, Demosthenes, the _Tactics_ of -Ælian, and the astronomer Eudoxos, while she repeats a whole sentence -from Polybios and another from John of Epiphania, and shows, as Byzantine -writers always do, great familiarity with the Bible. Niketas summed her -up as “acquainted with every art.” - -Nor need we, who have in our own history a similarly learned lady of -royal lineage, Lady Jane Grey, wonder at the erudition of this Byzantine -blue stocking. There had been a recrudescence of literary culture in -the eleventh century at Byzantium[950], as in the sixteenth century in -London. Shortly before Anna’s birth the Imperial Court had been the scene -of the many-sided activities of that remarkable man, Michael Psellos, -“the Prince of Philosophers,” as he was called by his contemporaries, the -Voltaire of mediæval Greek literature, at once philosopher, historian, -lawyer, monk, courtier and prime minister, who demonstrated, as other -learned statesmen have proved in our own time, that great intellectual -attainments may coincide with a poor character and political ineptitude. -Another writer, the historian Michael of Adalia, or Attaleiates, who -had gained by his legal abilities the favour of successive sovereigns, -dedicated his history of his own time to the Emperor Nikephoros -Botaneiates, and made a sufficient fortune out of speculations in real -estate to found an almshouse for his less fortunate fellows. But in the -time of Psellos and Attaleiates learning had disciples on the throne, as -well as in the lecture-hall. The Imperial family of Doukas was noted -for its devotion to literature; the collection of genealogies of gods -and heroes, known under the title of _Ionia_ (or _Violarium_), has been -by some ascribed to the ambitious Empress Eudokia, wife of Constantine X -Doukas and of his successor; while the Emperor Michael VII Doukas, who -had been a pupil of Psellos and is known in history by the nickname of -“Parapinakes,” or the “Peck-filcher,” from his fraudulent manipulation of -the corn-monopoly, spent his time in composing iambics and anapæsts quite -in the fashion of our classically-educated eighteenth century statesmen, -who lost us the American colonies and were stronger at Greek verses than -at political economy. Even the old _roué_ Botaneiates, was, if we believe -his panegyrist Attaleiates, a lover of books. When Alexios succeeded him, -he further encouraged literature; one of his physicians, Kallikles, was -a writer of epitaphs, not always on his own patients; and the historian, -John Skylitzes, who was a captain of the bodyguard, dedicated some legal -treatises to this Emperor. - -It was not, therefore, remarkable that Alexios’ daughter was highly -educated, nor that her husband, Nikephoros Bryennios, was, like herself, -a historian, although, like Julius Cæsar, he modestly described his -work as merely supplying “the materials for those who wished to write -history.” A soldier by profession, the son of the pretender of the -same name who had revolted against Michael VII, and had been crushed -by Alexios, he defended Constantinople against Godfrey of Bouillon in -1097, and fought against the Sultan of Ikonium in 1116. Taking Xenophon, -another literary soldier, as his model, he possessed, like Attaleiates, a -much simpler and more straightforward style than his learned consort, and -his soldierly prose is, although a glorification of his father-in-law, -pleasing to read. - -But the cultured Anna, unlike her husband, had other besides literary -ambitions, of which her distracted account of her father’s death-bed -shows no trace. We learn, however, from the later historian, Niketas, -of the mundane designs which agitated the bosoms of the Empress and her -daughter at that solemn moment, of the efforts made by Irene to induce -her expiring husband to disinherit his son in favour of his son-in-law, -and how, when the dying Emperor lifted up his hands to heaven with a -forced smile on his pallid cheeks, his wife bitterly reproached him with -the words: “Husband, all thy life thou hast been versed in every kind -of deceit, saying one thing and thinking another; and now that thou art -dying, thou art true to thine old ways.” Gibbon has summed up the remark -in the caustic sarcasm: “You die as you have lived—a hypocrite.” Nor was -the virtuous Anna inclined to acquiesce in the accession of her brother -John II. She had been, till his birth, the heiress-presumptive, and as -such had been betrothed as a child to the son of the dethroned Emperor, -Michael VII, the young Constantine Doukas, who died, however, before -their marriage. She had thus missed the throne once, and was determined -not to miss it again. - -Scott, in his novel, has completely misrepresented the character of her -husband by representing him as plotting to seize the throne, even during -the lifetime of Alexios. Such a conception of the honest Bryennios is -quite erroneous. For Anna’s plot was entirely frustrated by the sluggish -indifference and greater humanity of her consort. So greatly annoyed was -his wife at his reluctance to accept the crown by killing or blinding -his brother-in-law, that she bitterly reproached nature in a phrase -which must be left in the obscurity of the original language, for having -made the mistake of creating her a woman and him a man. The conspiracy -was discovered; but the Emperor treated his sister with more mercy than -she deserved, contenting himself with bestowing her richly furnished -palace upon his favourite and faithful minister. Even this punishment, -at the instance of the minister himself, was rescinded; her palace was -restored to the princess; her husband held office under the new Emperor -and accompanied him in the Syrian campaign of 1137; but her pride was -wounded by her brother’s magnanimity. She retired in Byzantine fashion to -the convent of Our Lady of Grace, founded by her mother, the ex-Empress -Irene, whose charter has been preserved. - -At the age of thirty-five her career at Court was over; her old friends, -courtier-like, turned away from her to worship the rising sun; her -mother, her favourite brother, her husband, whom, despite his weakness of -character and unwillingness to reign, she loudly praises in her history -and regarded with obvious affection[951], successively passed away. -Their son, Alexios, who took his mother’s surname, held office under her -nephew, the Emperor Manuel, as Lord High Admiral. She bitterly complains, -with her customary rhetorical exaggeration, of her hard lot since her -eighth year, when her brother John was associated with his father in -the Imperial dignity; to enumerate her sufferings and her enemies, she -exclaims, “requires the Siren eloquence of Isokrates, the deep voice of -Pindar, the vehemence of Polemon, the muse of Homer, the lyre of Sappho.” -For twenty-nine years she had not seen or spoken with any of her father’s -friends, of whom many were dead, and many were afraid to visit her. She -compares herself with Niobe, and introduces into her history transparent -allusions to her treatment by “the great,” and to the folly of her -father’s successors—both monarchs of distinction[952]. Under these -circumstances, she endeavoured to console herself with the composition of -her history—a work written mostly, as she tells us, under the reign of -her nephew, Manuel I, who ascended the throne in 1143. By 1148, at the -age of 65, she had finished her work; the date of her death is unknown. - -The princess had set herself the filial task of writing a biography of -her father from 1069 to his death in 1118, thus covering the whole of his -reign and twelve years before it. Her history thus formed a continuation -of those composed by Attaleiates and by her husband, the former of whom -had narrated the events of the years 1034 to 1079, the latter those -of the years 1070 to 1079. As it had been the object of the former to -glorify the still living Botaneiates, so it was the aim of the latter to -whitewash Alexios, representing him as a legitimate sovereign, who had -merely renounced the throne, once occupied by his uncle. - -She begins her history by describing her father’s exploits during the -three previous reigns, the “three labours of Hercules[953],” as she -characteristically calls his suppression of the rebellions of Oursel -Bailleul, or Russell Balliol, a member of the family which founded -Balliol College (whom Scott has, by a pardonable anachronism, represented -as a fellow-prisoner of Count Robert of Paris in the dungeon), and his -victory over the two pretenders from Durazzo, her husband’s father, -Nikephoros Bryennios, and Basilakios. She then proceeds to trace the -career of the famous Norman leader, Robert Guiscard, and the causes of -his war against the Byzantine Empire, the first attack of the Latin -West against the Greek East and the forerunner of the Fourth Crusade. -The second book is devoted to her father’s revolt against the Emperor -Nikephoros Botaneiates and his seizure of the throne. With the third book -begins his reign. She describes the Norman invasion, how Guiscard crossed -the Adriatic, besieged and took Durazzo, the historic town which has -played so large a part in the Balkan history of the last seven years, and -which was then the western gate of the Byzantine Empire, just as in the -days of Catullus and Plautus it had been the “tavern of the Adriatic.” -In the sixth book we have Guiscard’s second expedition and death at the -Cephalonian village, which, under the name of Phiskardo, still recalls -the end of that famous Norman leader. Here is related the legend that in -the opposite island of Ithake there was a ruined city, called Jerusalem; -and thus was fulfilled the prophesy that Guiscard should die when he had -reached Jerusalem. Similar prophecies were similarly accomplished in the -case of Pope Silvester II, who died after celebrating mass in the Church -of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, and in that of our King Henry IV, dying, -as Shakespeare has narrated, in the Jerusalem chamber. Next follow the -military operations in Asia Minor and against the Cumans, or “Scythians,” -as the classically-educated writer calls them, in Europe. Then, after -some account of the affairs of Crete and Cyprus and of the Dalmatian -revolt, the tenth book treats of the heresy of Neilos, and introduces us -to the First Crusade. - -At this point the chief interest of this history for modern readers -begins, for Anna Comnena is writing of a movement of world-wide -importance, and her descriptions of the Crusading chiefs are those of an -eyewitness. The eleventh book deals with the progress of the Crusaders in -Asia—the capture of Nice, the foundation of the Principality of Antioch -and of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the accession of Baldwin I, the quarrel -of Alexios and Bohemond about Antioch and Laodicea, and Bohemond’s -strangely contrived journey to Italy in a coffin with the odorous carcase -of a dead cock. Books twelve and thirteen describe his second invasion -of Albania, his siege of Durazzo, and his second pact of vassalage with -Alexios, who gave him Antioch as a fief for life with the County of -Edessa. The fourteenth book records his death, the siege of Tyre and the -Turkish war, and gives an interesting account of the Bogomile heretics -at Philippopolis. The last book is also partly occupied with their -treatment by the Emperor, and ends with a somewhat mutilated description -of the death of Alexios. Thus, as a later Greek epigram expressed it, the -_Alexiad_ ended when Alexios died. - -As its name implies, the _Alexiad_ is a biography rather than a -history, with the Emperor as the central figure, placed in what his -admiring daughter regarded as the most favourable light, but what, -according to modern ideas, is sometimes quite the reverse. The Imperial -biographer was well aware that she would be accused of partiality, and -is at considerable pains to repudiate in advance the charge of filial -prejudice. She specially pleads her unbiased judgment in dealing with her -father’s career, declares that she does not like to praise her relatives -or to repeat scandal, adapts Aristotle’s famous saying about Plato by -averring that, if her father is dear to her, truth is dearer, and sums -up her aim as “love of her father and love of truth[954].” She admits -that he had some defects, that he stammered[955] and found difficulty -in pronouncing the letter R; and she candidly avows that he was merely -an instrument in the hand of his mother, Anna Dalassene, an excellent -woman of business, when he first ascended the throne[956]. But she is -apt to forget her precept of impartiality when she comes to describe -his achievements. With characteristic exaggeration she exclaims that, -“not even if another Demosthenes and all the chorus of the orators, not -even if all the Academy and all the Stoic philosophers combined together -to extol the services of Alexios, could they attain unto them”; and in -another passage she asks, “what echo of Demosthenes or whirling words -of Polemon, why, not all the muses of Homer, could worthily hymn his -successes; I should say that not Plato himself, nor all the Porch and -Academy combined together could have philosophised in a manner such as -befitted his soul[957].” - -She tells us that her father hated not only lying but the appearance of -lying; yet, she naïvely applauds his sharp practice in sending letters -to Bohemond’s officers, in which he thanked them for letters to himself -which they had never written, in order to compromise them with their -chief; she acknowledges without a blush how he deceived the Crusaders -at the taking of Nice; and she describes with admiration how he invited -the Bogomile heretic, Basil, to a private colloquy, telling him that -he admired his virtue and urging him to make a full statement of his -doctrine, while all the time a secretary, concealed behind a curtain, -took down the statements which fell from the unsuspecting heresiarch’s -mouth and which were used as evidence against him to send him to the -stake. Such tactics only evoke from the complaisant daughter the -laudatory comment, that her father’s theological skill in dealing with -heretics like the Manichæans should earn him the title of “the thirteenth -apostle[958].” Modern readers will agree with Finlay that “even Anna’s -account makes the Bogomilian a noble enthusiast, and her father a mean -traitor.” - -Yet Alexios was, in spite of these moral defects, a brave soldier, who, -however, usually followed the plan of gaining a victory by craft, if -craft were possible. His character was a combination, not uncommon in -the Near East, of courage and intrigue; he was no coward, but he was a -born schemer, rather than a statesman. Like many Byzantine rulers, he -had a weakness for theology—a dangerous taste in an autocrat—and his -daughter describes with admiration how he lectured the heretic Neilos on -the doctrine of the Trinity, and how he ordered a monk named Zygavenos to -compile a list and refutation of all the heresies, under the title of “A -Dogmatic Panoply.” He had the politician’s love for an immediate success, -rather than for a lasting benefit, although he was, as his daughter -tells us, fond of playing chess, in which immediate success counts for -less than a far-seeing plan. Thus, to obtain the temporary advantage -of securing the aid of the Venetian fleet against the Normans, he gave -the Venetians enormous commercial concessions throughout his Empire, -which were one of the causes, 120 years later, of the Latin capture of -Constantinople. The policy of Alexios Comnenos has had disciples in -Southern and South-Eastern Europe in our own day; but the most successful -Greek statesman of our time attained his wonderful triumphs by frankness -and honesty of purpose, to which the Byzantine Emperor was a stranger. - -But Anna’s partiality is not limited to her father; it extends to other -members of her family, except, of course, her brother, the Emperor John -II, who was, in reality, an excellent sovereign. Although she despised -her husband’s weakness in not seizing the throne, she praises in Homeric -language his skill as an archer, and devotes a long passage to the -learning and wisdom, the strength and physical beauty, which made “my -Cæsar,” as she affectionately calls him, what Achilles was among the -Homeric Greeks. Like Achilles, he was a fine soldier, but, like not a few -soldiers of Byzantium, he was also a student and a writer, who composed -his history at the command of that “most learned mind and intelligence” -as he called his wife’s mother, the Empress Irene[959]. Of that lady her -daughter writes with enthusiasm, comparing her with Athena, and praising -her for her zealous study of the branch of science which was most -appreciated at the Byzantine Court—dogmatic theology. The Empress, so her -daughter tells us, did not like publicity; she preferred to stay at home -and read religious books; and, when she was obliged to perform any Court -function, she blushed like a girl[960]. - -Of her _fiancé_, the young Constantine, the Princess writes with an -enthusiasm which seems to come from the heart. She describes him as -“a living statue,” and says that “if any one merely looked at him, he -would speak of him as a descendant of the fabled age of gold”; and she -confesses that after all these years the memory of this youth filled -her eyes with tears. To the beauty of his mother, the Dowager-Empress -Maria, by whom she was in part educated, she has dedicated a glowing -passage, in which she likens her to a cypress in stature, with a skin -white as snow—in short, a statue such as neither Phidias nor Apelles ever -produced, “for such a harmony of all the members was never yet seen in -any human body.” Thus, the Court circle of the reign of Alexios Comnenos, -if we may believe his daughter, was a galaxy of that beauty which modern -society journals assume to be the attribute of royal ladies. - -It must not, however, be imagined that Anna Comnena, because she wrote -like a Princess and a daughter, is not a valuable historian. She -possessed a first-hand knowledge of the events of a large part of her -father’s reign; and, as she tells us, she drew her information about -the events, of which she had not been an eyewitness, largely from -her father’s fellow-comrades in war, men like George Palaiologos, the -defender of Durazzo, as well as from her father himself. Writing in the -reign of Manuel I, when no one was interested in flattering the long-dead -Alexios, she could claim, like Tacitus, that the time had arrived to -describe his distant reign “sine irâ et studio.” From her birth and -position, she possessed what mere scribes in all ages lack, an intimate -acquaintance with the men who are really making history. She knew courts, -and, a princess of the blood royal herself, she made the frank admission -that even her father, against whom there were constant plots, was no -exception to the rule that subjects usually dislike their sovereigns[961]. - -She had access to State papers, which to the ordinary literary man would -have remained inaccessible for generations. Thus, she gives us the -_ipsissima verba_ of the golden bull appointing the Empress-mother, Anna -Dalassene, regent in the absence of her son, and the text of her father’s -letter to the Emperor Henry IV, his “most Christian brother,” urging him -to attack Guiscard in Southern Italy, offering him money, and suggesting -a marriage between one of Henry’s daughters and his own nephew. These -curious pieces are of interest as a specimen of the Byzantine Chancery’s -epistolary style; and we note the care with which the Byzantine Emperor, -who regarded himself as the sole heir of all the Cæsars, avoided giving -the Imperial title to this Western “brother,” whom Anna describes by the -Latinised form _rex_, while reserving for her father the more dignified -title of _basileús_[962]. She gives, too, the full text of the lengthy -agreement made between Alexios and Bohemond in 1108, which she probably -had from her husband, who negotiated that treaty—a document of much -value for the historical geography of the Holy Land during the Latin -domination[963]. She has apparently used for her account of Guiscard a -now lost Latin Chronicle, perhaps the work of the Archdeacon John of -Bari, which was employed by William the Apulian as material for his Latin -poem on that Norman chief, for she quotes the envoy of the Bishop of Bari -as having described to her an incident in the campaign of Guiscard, at -which he was present[964]. - -She had access, also, to the simple and unvarnished memoirs of retired -veterans, and was therefore well posted in military affairs. Her accurate -use of technical military terms would do credit to a war-correspondent -of the scientific school, while the glowing rhetoric of some of her -descriptions would win the admiration of the modern descriptive writer, -who, not being allowed to see anything of the operations, has to fall -back upon the scenery. As examples of her military phraseology[965] may -be cited the words ἐξώπολον for the circle outside the camp, κοπός (or -σκοπός) used in soldiers’ slang to designate their “fatigue parties,” -and ἀρχοντόπουλοι, a term originally applied to the corps of soldiers’ -sons first formed by her father, but extended in modern Greek to mean -the children of any notables. She twice uses the technical term for a -galley, and gives an elaborate description of the cross-bow, then an -unknown weapon to the Greeks. More interesting still, she allows us to -read, imbedded in her severely literary Greek, occasional specimens of -the vulgar idiom used by the ordinary people in their conversation. Thus, -she has preserved the popular lines about the successful conspiracy -which placed her father on the throne; she cites a satiric verse about -him during the Cuman war, and alludes to the comic song, sung in the -vernacular, during the conveyance to execution of Michael Anemas, who -had tried to kill him[966]. She so far forgets the dignity of historical -narrative as to perpetrate two atrocious puns. - -We find in her pages, too, some of the modern geographical names which -had already, in popular speech, replaced the classical denominations for -various Balkan mountains, rivers and towns. Thus, like her husband, she -uses the modern name “Vardar” for the famous Macedonian river, instead of -the classical “Axios”; she calls the Homeric “Ossa” by its present title -of “Kissavos”; she describes the poetic “Peneios” as the “Salamvrias,” -and uses the contemporary term “Dyrrachion” (whence comes the modern -Italian “Durazzo” and the modern Serbian “Dratch”), as well as the older -form “Epidamnos.” She apologetically asks no one to blame her for using -such a vulgar name as “Vojussa,” with which the war has made us so -familiar, for the classic river “Aoos[967].” - -As a rule she adopts an exaggeratedly lofty style. Just as it was said -of Dr Johnson, that he would have made “little fishes talk like whales,” -so the learned Princess makes a man address a crew of boatmen in the -language of Homer[968]. Her contemporary, the annalist Zonaras, says of -her that “she employed an accurately Attic Greek style,” and that “she -had applied herself to books and to learned men and did not merely hold -incidental converse with them.” But she frequently descends to quite -every-day words, with which students of such mediæval Greek works as -the _Chronicle of the Morea_ and of the ordinary language of to-day are -familiar. Thus, she describes an army, just as the Chronicler described -it, as φοσσάτον; the French forms “liege” and “sergeants” are scarcely -disguised under her Greek renderings λίζιος and σεργέντιοι. The classic -word for “plains” (πεδία) becomes, in her prose, κάμπαι; the poetic -τέμπη assume (as in Attaleiates) the guise of κλεισούραι, while κουλᾶ -thrice displaces the classic ἀκρόπολις; φάμουσα, the vulgar word for -“libels,” has crept into her pages; and πιγκέρνης has supplanted οἰνοχόος -as the term for the court butler[969]. She remarks that those who led a -nomadic life were called in “the common dialect, ‘Vlachoi’”; she quotes -the popular Byzantine _mot_, that “the Scythians (_i.e._ Cumans) missed -seeing May by a single day,” because they were defeated on April 29, -and makes her father, when Bohemond at first rejected his presents, -humorously apply to himself the current saying, “Let a bad thing return -to its own master” (αὐθέντην)[970]. - -One of the most interesting features of Anna Comnena’s history is -the aspect which the First Crusade assumes in her pages. To Western -historians the Crusades appeared as, on the whole, a great material -benefit to Europe, quite apart from their religious and moral motives -and results. But we learn from this Byzantine Princess, herself an -eye-witness of the Crusaders’ arrival in her father’s capital, how this -religious movement struck the Eastern Christians. The incursion of vast -masses of more or less undisciplined soldiers into the Byzantine Empire -naturally inspired alarm in the mind of its ruler, who feared—and the -diversion of the Fourth Crusade from the redemption of the Holy Land -to the capture of Constantinople three generations later justified his -fears—that the pilgrims might be tempted to occupy his territories on -the way. East and West rarely thoroughly understand one another; and the -mutual reproaches of bad faith, which Greek historians have flung at the -Crusaders and Latin historians at Alexios, were probably largely due, -as is usually the case when two different nationalities quarrel, to a -misunderstanding of one another’s mentality. - -Alexios could scarcely feel reassured, when he heard that one of the -Crusading chiefs was that same Bohemond who had fought against him -in Thessaly, and whose father had sought a shadowy pretext to invade -his Empire and capture Durazzo, “the Metropolis of Illyricum[971].” -Anna tells us what were the Emperor’s feelings when he first heard the -news of the forthcoming Crusade and the approaching advent of vast -Frankish armies. “He feared,” she wrote, “their attack, knowing their -unrestrainable dash, their changeable and easily influenced minds, -and all the other qualities, or concomitant attributes, of the French -character.... For the French race is extremely hot-blooded and keen, and -whenever it has once started on any course, impossible to check.” She -accused the Crusaders of treating treaties like “scraps of paper” and -of inordinate love of lucre; “for the Latin race,” she wrote, “is in -other respects most devoted to money.” In her eyes these “barbarians,” -as she called them in the contemptuous language of a highly cultivated -Greek, were actuated by motives very different from the ostensible aim -of freeing the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidels. “In appearance,” she -remarked, “they were on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but in truth they -wanted to oust the Emperor from his throne and seize the capital.” She -noticed the sudden ups and downs of the French character, rapidly going -from one extreme to the other, and pathetically described how one cause -of her father’s rheumatism in his feet was the constant exertion to which -they subjected that patient monarch, by worrying him with their requests -all day and all night, so that he could not even find time to take his -meals[972]! - -In these circumstances, it was perhaps hardly to be expected that he -should be very enthusiastic about taking an active part in the Crusade, -although he more than once ransomed captured Crusaders. Nor was his -enthusiasm increased by such acts of spoliation as the erection into -a Latin County and a Latin Principality respectively of Edessa, still -governed at the time of the Latin conquest by a Greek governor, and of -Antioch, which only fourteen years earlier had been nominally a part of -the Greek Empire. Again, no sovereign, and not least the ceremonious -Emperor of Byzantium, could have been expected to put up with such an -affront as that described by Sir Walter Scott after Anna Comnena, when a -boorish Crusading noble seated himself on the Emperor’s seat. Yet Alexios -took this unwarranted act of rudeness with great tact and dignity, -even though it had been accompanied by an insulting remark about “a -yokel remaining alone seated while so many nobles were standing in his -presence.” Indeed, he not only deigned to ask who this unmannerly churl -might be, but gave him some excellent advice, derived from long personal -experience, of the safest way to wage war against the Turks. The arrogant -Frank paid with his life at the battle of Dorylæum for his neglect of the -Emperor’s well-meant warning[973]. - -The literary Princess was not, however, so far led away by her national -prejudices as to see no good in the Crusaders. She said of a very good -Greek horseman, that “one would have thought him to be not a Greek, -but of Norman origin,” so well did he ride. Indeed, the incapacity of -the French to fight on foot struck her so forcibly that she remarked: -“A Frenchman on horseback is unrestrainable and would ride through the -walls of Babylon, but once dismounted he is at the mercy of the first -comer.” For that reason her father bade his archers kill the horses of -the Western cavaliers, for then the riders would be helpless[974]. She -specially eulogises the honesty of the Comte de St Gilles, Isangeles, as -she calls him, who “differed in all things from all the Latins, as much -as the sun differs from the stars[975].” While she expresses the horror -felt by her fellow-countrymen at the Church militant as represented by -the fighting Latin clergy, armed with shield and spear[976], in her -character of Guiscard, who did so much harm to her father, she praises -his courage and strategic ability, and her description of Bohemond’s -personal appearance is so detailed and so flattering that it may have -been prompted by a very feminine motive. “No such man, whether barbarian -or Greek,” she wrote of him, “was ever seen in the land of the Greeks -(for he was a marvel to behold and a wonder to be narrated)[977].” Of -the warlike wife of Guiscard, Gaïta, she says with mixed admiration and -alarm, that “she was a Pallas, but not an Athena,” skilled in battle but -not in arts, and terrible when armed with her lance and piercing voice. - -Students of Balkan geography are no less indebted to Anna Comnena than -are historians of the First Crusade. Her pages are full of the names of -places, rendered household words to us by the events of the last seven -years. On this subject she had access to a very high authority, her -father, who possessed a minute knowledge of both coasts of the Adriatic -with their harbours, a list of which he sent to his Admiral, and with -the prevailing winds of that turbulent sea. Alexios was, in fact, an -Adriatic specialist, as he would be described in the jargon of to-day. No -writer on the historical geography of Durazzo could afford to neglect our -author, who minutely describes the origin, topography, and contemporary -condition of that famous town. She tells us that at that time most of -the inhabitants were colonists from Amalfi and Venice; and she describes -the walls of that now squalid little Albanian town as at that time so -broad that more than four horsemen could safely ride abreast along them, -while there stood a bronze equestrian statue over the eastern gate. She -talks of the old Bulgarian capitals of “Pliskova” and “Great Pristhlava” -(Pliska and Prêslav); she narrates the origin of Philippopolis, where she -herself had lived for some time; and she makes one interesting allusion -to the comparatively recent Norman Conquest of England in the passage, in -which she says that Bohemond was aided in his second invasion of Albania -by men from “Thule” (Britain)[978], which she also mentions as furnishing -the Varangian guard. We know from a contemporary British historian how -glad the English exiles were to fight in Greece against the Normans, and -how Alexios built a town for them at Civetot, the modern Guemlek, on the -Asiatic coast near Constantinople. We hear, too, how 300 of them defended -Kastoria. - -She uses the correct word _jupan_ (or “count”) for the Serbian -chieftains[979], but designates both King Michael (who was the first -ruler of Dioklitia to bear the royal title and whose dominions included -Scutari, Montenegro, the Herzegovina and the coast), and his son and -co-regent, Bodin, as Exarchs of the Dalmatians[980]. She mentions also -the contemporary “great” _jupan_ of the other and inland Serbian state -of Rascia, the modern _sandjak_ of Novibazar, Vukan, describing him as -“wielding the entire authority over the Dalmatians,” of whom she says -that, “although they were Dalmatians, still they were Christians.” It is -interesting to find in this passage that one of his nephews already bore -the name of Urosh, so famous in the later Serbian dynasty of Nemanja, -which etymologists derive from the Magyar word _úr_, meaning “lord.” The -identification of the Serbians with “Dalmatians” would tend to prove the -predominantly Serbian character of Southern Dalmatia in the eleventh -and twelfth centuries. She was acquainted, too, with the pirates, who -infested the mouth of the river Narenta, and whom she twice mentions -under the name of “Vetones.” - -The name of the Albanians was known to Anna Comnena, as to her -predecessors, Attaleiates and Skylitzes, the first Byzantine authors who -applied it to that mysterious race. She notices the exclusive admiration -felt by the Albanians, as by the modern British school-boy, for physical -prowess, and remarks that in that country bodily strength and size were -the principal requirements that made a man a suitable candidate for the -purple and the diadem[981]. In the case, however, of that tall but inane -guardsman, Prince William of Wied, gigantic size was not sufficient to -ensure the loyalty of the Albanians. Anna Comnena is also the first -writer who mentions the existence of the Wallachs[982] in Thessaly, soon -to be called “Great Wallachia” by her successor Niketas, and “Wallachia” -by Benjamin of Tudela, at a place called Ezeva near Mount Ossa. Notices -of this kind are what make her history valuable to us rather than the -classical reminiscences, which to her and her contemporaries were -doubtless its chief merit. She complained of having to insert “barbarous -names[983],” which “befouled” her historical style, in her polished -narrative, just as some modern imitators of Cicero objected to employing -words for recent inventions unknown to the Roman orator. She cited as an -excuse the example of Homer, who disdained not to mention the Bœotians -and certain barbarous islands for the sake of historical accuracy. -Fortunately, the more plastic Greek language is usually quite equal to -this difficulty, and even the uncouth names of French Crusaders and -Serbian _jupani_ are admitted to the honours of the Greek declensions by -this skilled writer, of whom a contemporary said that, if the ancients -had known her, “they would have added a fourth Grace and a tenth Muse.” - -The time has come when it is no longer the fashion to decry Byzantine -history and to deny the name of literature to the writings of the -mediæval Greeks. Finlay rehabilitated the Byzantine Empire from the -contempt which Gibbon had thrown upon it; in Greece a succession of -modern writers, beginning with Paparregopoulos, in his great _History of -the Hellenic Nation_, have reminded his countrymen that Greek history is -a whole, and that contemporary Hellas owes as much, or more, to the great -figures of the Middle Ages as to the heroes of classical antiquity; in -France MM. Schlumberger and Diehl have combined, in truly French fashion, -great erudition with great literary skill in dealing with the “Byzantine -epic” of the tenth and eleventh centuries, and with the female figures -that in various ages filled the Court of Constantinople. Of these Anna -Comnena is perhaps the most curious. We are too much accustomed to regard -Byzantine personages as merely so many stained-glass portraits, all -decorations and angles, instead of men and women of like passions with -ourselves. Anna Comnena was, in her loves and her dislikes, her vanities -and her ambitions, very much a woman. Beneath her Attic prose, acquired -by study and polished by art, there transpire the feminine feelings, -which lend a peculiar turn to her history. Among the sovereigns, lawyers, -statesmen, soldiers, and ecclesiastics who form the _corpus_ of the -Byzantine historians, she is the only woman. - - -AUTHORITIES - -1. _Nicephori Bryennii Commentarii._ Bonn: Weber, 1836. - -2. _Michaelis Attaliotæ Historia._ Bonn: Weber, 1853. - -3. _Annæ Comnenæ Porphyrogenitæ Alexias._ Two vols. Leipzig: Teubner, -1884. - -4. _Princesses Byzantines._ Par Paul Adam. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1893. - -5. _Figures Byzantines._ Par Charles Diehl. Deuxième Série. Paris: Armand -Colin, 1908. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] XL. 5. - -[2] Plutarch, _Sulla_, 13. - -[3] Two Athenian inscriptions (Böckh, C.I.G., I. 409) allude to this -restoration. - -[4] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 28. - -[5] _Epist._ II. 2, 45. - -[6] _Epistolæ ad Diversos_, IV. 5, 4. - -[7] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (ed. 4), II. 440, -inclines however to the view that their enfranchisement was of earlier -date. - -[8] Juvenal, I. 73, X. 170. Tacitus, _Annales_, II. 53-55, 85; III. 38, -63, 69; IV. 13, 30, 43; V. 10. - -[9] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 403, 404, xi. - -[10] In 1888 an inscription, containing this proclamation, was found at -the Bœotian Karditza. Karolides, note 31 to Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._ -II. 448. - -[11] Suetonius, _Nero_, 19, 22-24. - -[12] Tacitus, _Historiæ_, II. 8, 9. - -[13] Pausanias, X. 34. - -[14] _Ibid._ VII. 20. - -[15] Eusebius, _Hist. Eccl._ III. 4; IV. 23; _Liber Pontificalis_, I. -125, 131, 155. - -[16] The passages of Zosimos (I. 29), who says Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν τοῦ τείχους -ἐπεμελοῦντο μηδεμιᾶς, ἐξότε Σύλλας τοῦτο διέφθειρεν, ἀξιωθέντος -φροντίδος, and of Zonaras (XII. 23) seem to support Finlay’s view that -this was not a new wall. Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._, II. 490, agrees -with it. - -[17] Hertzberg: _Die Geschichte Griechenlands unter der Herrschaft der -Römer_, III. 79. - -[18] Ἄλλος μετά τινος σαφηνείας Θουκυδίδης, μάλιστά γε ἐν ταῖς Σκυθικαῖς -ἱστορίαις.—Photios, Cod. 82. - -[19] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 186-89. - -[20] Zonaras, XII. 26. - -[21] Trebellius Pollio, _Gallien_, 13. - -[22] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 438-40. - -[23] A Greek inscription alluding to Jovian may still be read over the -west door, but Mustoxidi (_Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 406-7) differs from -Spon and Montfaucon in thinking that some other Jovian is meant. - -[24] _In Eutropium_, II. 212 _et seq._ - -[25] Procopios, _De bello Vand._, I. ch. 22. - -[26] Hertzberg thinks it was the bronze statue of Athena Promachos which -was carried off. But Gregorovius’ view (_Geschichte der Stadt Athen im -Mittelalter_, I. 49), that given in the text, seems more probable. - -[27] Agathias, II. chs. 30, 31. - -[28] III. 217 (ed. Bonn). - -[29] Menander in _Hist. Gr. Min._ II. 98. - -[30] _Hist. Eccles._ VI. 10. - -[31] Leunclavius, _Jus Græco-Romanum_, I. 278. - -[32] The latest study of this Chronicle is by N. A. Bees in Βυζαντίς, I. -57-105. - -[33] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, I. 36-72; Μνημεῖα, I. 41-46. - -[34] Schlumberger, _Sigillographie de l’Empire Byzantin_, 172. - -[35] III. 53. - -[36] Neroutsos, Χριστιανικαὶ Ἀθῆναι in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. -Ἑταιρίας, III. 30. - -[37] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 217-20. - -[38] _Ibid._ III. 220-24. - -[39] Kedrenos (ed. Bonn), II. 170. - -[40] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, 409. - -[41] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 243. - -[42] The two large tombs in the crypt at Hosios Loukas are according -to tradition those of Romanos II and Theophano who is known to English -readers as the eponymous heroine of Mr Frederic Harrison’s novel. Leo -Diakonos (p. 49) calls her “the Laconian”; some say she was of low -origin, others of a noble family of Constantinople. I noticed a great -number of Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra, near Sparta. - -[43] Kedrenos, II. 475, 482, 516, 529; Zonaras (ed. Leipzig), IV. 123; -_Early Travels in Palestine_, 32. - -[44] An absolutely historical fact, because the Princes of Achaia claimed -to be suzerains of the two Dukes of Athens and Naxos. - -[45] G. de Vinsauf, _Itin. Ricc. I_, II. 24. - -[46] _Athenische Mitteilungen_, XXXIV. 234-36. - -[47] _Niketas Choniates_ (ed. Bonn), pp. 840-42. - -[48] Geoffroy de Villehardouin, _La Conquête de Constantinople_ (ed. -Bouchet), I. 226-32. - -[49] Pitra, _Analecta sacra et classica_, VII. 90, 93. - -[50] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 101. - -[51] Μόνη ἔμβασις, Monemvasia. - -[52] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 102. - -[53] _The Chronicle of the Morea_, p. 296. - -[54] Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 108. - -[55] Βυζαντινὰ χρονικά, II. 427. - -[56] Μοῦλος is still Moreote Greek for “a bastard”; in the first part of -the word we perhaps have the French _gars_. - -[57] _Cantacuzene_ (ed. Bonn), bk. IV. ch. 13. - -[58] Mazaris _apud_ Boissonade, _Anecdota Græca_, III. 164-78. - -[59] Finlay, IV. 267; Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 131-33; Rev. F. Vyvyan -Jago in the _Archæologia_, XVIII. 83 _sqq._ I am indebted to the courtesy -of the Rev. S. Gregory, the present rector of Landulph, for the following -copy of the brass plate there: - - Here lyeth the body of Theodoro Paleologus - of Pesaro in Italye, descended from ye Imperyall - lyne of ye last Christian Emperors of Greece, - being the Sonne of Camilio ye Sonne of Prosper - the Sonne of Theodoro the Sonne of John ye - Sonne of Thomas, second brother to Constantine - Paleologus the 8th of that name, and last of - yt lyne yt raygned in Constantinople until subdewed - by the Turkes; who married with Mary - ye daughter of William Balls of Hadlye in - Souffolke gent, and had issue 5 children: Theodoro, - John, Ferdinando, Maria, and Dorothy & departed - this lyfe at Clyfton ye 21st January, 1636. - -[60] _Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters_, in Ersch und -Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 212, 321, LXXXVI. 24. - -[61] _Voyaige d’Oultremer_, p. 89. - -[62] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, I. 138. - -[63] Finlay, I. 338, note. - -[64] Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 300 (4th ed.). - -[65] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, V. 155-61. - -[66] L. 8096. - -[67] P. 275. - -[68] L. 8469. - -[69] P. 160. - -[70] The form _Abarinos_ does not occur in the French, Italian, and -Aragonese versions of the _Chronicle_, because the Franks always called -the place _port de Junch_, or _Zonklon_, from the rushes which grew -there—a name very frequent, in a more or less corrupt form, in the -Venetian documents of the thirteenth century, _e.g._ in that locus -classicus for Frankish names the list of depredations by pirates in -Greece drawn up in 1278 (Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, -Abth. II. B. XIV. 237). - -[71] Pp. 61, 66, 68 (ed. Burckhardt). - -[72] _Geogr._ III. 16. - -[73] _Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea_, I. 188. - -[74] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 332. - -[75] Ed. Predelli, II. 231, 248. - -[76] Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rer. Austr._ pt. II. vol. XII. 464-88. - -[77] Albericus Trium Fontium, _Chronicon_, II. 439. - -[78] A. Dandolo, _Chronicon Venetum_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum -Scriptores_, XII. 335; L. de Monacis, _Chronicon_, p. 143; Magno, _apud_ -Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 179. - -[79] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, III. 61. - -[80] _Innocentii III Epistolæ_, XI. 111-113, 238, 240, 252, 256. - -[81] Henri de Valenciennes (ed. Paulin Paris), ch. 35. - -[82] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 136. - -[83] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8071-8092. - -[84] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, p. 382. - -[85] Sathas in _Annuaire des études grecques_, vol. XIII. 122-133. - -[86] D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Voyage paléographique dans le département -de l’Aube_, pp. 332-340. - -[87] Muntaner, ch. 240; Thomas, _Diplomatarium_, I. 111; Predelli, -_Commemoriali_, I. 198. - -[88] _Hist. de’ suoi Tempi_, VIII. 50. - -[89] Raynaldi, _Annales ecclesiastici_, V. 22, 23. - -[90] Thomas, _Dipiomatarium_, I. 120-122. - -[91] Çurita, _Anales de la Corona de Aragon_, bk. X. ch. 30. - -[92] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8086-8092; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, -pp. 1, 274. - -[93] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 309, _n._ 2; a much more -probable explanation, derived from the word _bort_ (“bastard”), than that -of Ducange (note to Cinnamus, p. 392), who says that he was so called -because our Black Prince had conferred on him the freedom of Bordeaux. - -[94] Rubió in _Anuari de l’Institut_ (1907), 253. - -[95] _La Grèce continentale_, 217; _Recherches historiques_, I. 409. - -[96] _Ibid._, I. 409-10. - -[97] St Genois, _Droits primitifs ... de Haynaut_, I. 337. - -[98] _Ibid._, I. 215. - -[99] _Mélanges historiques: choix de Documents_, III. 240 - -[100] _Lettere di Collegio_ (ed. Giomo), p. 66. - -[101] Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 178. - -[102] _Idem, apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. -321, 360. Cf. _J. H. S._ XXVIII. 238. - -[103] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, II. 166. - -[104] Lampros, Ἔγγραφα (_Documents_), pp. 305, 324-27. - -[105] Lampros, Ὁ τελευταῖος κόμης τῶν Σαλώνων (_The Last Count of -Salona_). - -[106] Gregorovius, _Briefe_, pp. 309, 310. - -[107] “Nicolai de Marthono Liber,” in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 657. - -[108] The earlier fourteenth-century traveller, Ludolf von Suchem, who -mentions Athens, did not actually visit it. - -[109] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας (_Report of the -Historical and Ethnological Society_), v. 827. - -[110] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 309. - -[111] Cornelio Magni, _Relazione_, pp. 14, 49. - -[112] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 276. - -[113] Michael Laskaris, the Athenian patriot of the fourteenth century, -in K. Rhanghaves’ play, _The Duchess of Athens_, is unhappily a poetic -anachronism. - -[114] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (_Memorials of Greek History_), -III. 427. - -[115] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 55. - -[116] The anonymous traveller (?Domenico of Brescia) who describes Athens -about 1466 speaks of the city as “ultimamente murata.” (_Mitteilungen des -K. deutschen Arch. Instituts_, XXIV. 74.) - -[117] Tozzetti, _Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in ... Toscana_, V. -439, 440. This letter, dated “Kyriaceo die, iv Kal. Ap.,” fixes the year -of the second visit, because March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and we -know from another letter, written before June 1444, that Cyriacus left -Chalkis for Chios, where the letter about Athens was written, on “v Kal. -Mart.” of that year. - -[118] _Jahrbuch der K. preussischen Kunstsammlungen_, IV. 81. - -[119] _Studi e documenti di Storia e di Diritto_, XV. 337. - -[120] Jorga in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, VIII. 78. - -[121] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα (_Memorials_), III. 141. The legend places -the scene in a still more romantic spot than Megara—the monastery of -Daphni, the mausoleum of the French dukes. - -[122] A contemporary note in MS., No. 103 of the Liturgical section of -the National Library at Athens, fixes the date as “May 4, 1456, Friday”; -but in that year June 4, not May 4, was on a Friday, which agrees with -the date of June 1456 given by Phrantzes, the _Chronicon breve_, the -_Historia Patriarchica_, and Gaddi. - -[123] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203. - -[124] De Rossi, _Inscriptiones Christianæ Urbis Romæ_, II. i. 374. - -[125] Spon, _Voyage_, II. 155, 172. - -[126] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 216-18. - -[127] The portraits of the six Florentine Dukes of Athens in Fanelli’s -_Atene Attica_ are unfortunately imaginary. On the other hand, the -figure of Joshua in one of the frescoes at Geraki in Lakonia seems to be -intended to portray one of the Frankish barons of that Castle. - -[128] Ἱστορία τῆς Πόλεως Ἀθηνῶν κατὰ τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας (Ἐν Ἀθήναις, Κ. -Μπὲκ’ 1904-6.) - -[129] Barcelona, _L’Avenç_, 1906. Cf. _Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis -Catalans_ (1907-8, 1911, 1913-14). _Estudis Universitaris Catalans_, -VIII. (1915). - -[130] Vols. XXVII. 3-93, 380-456, 555-634, 771-852; XXVIII. 154-212. - -[131] Lampros, _op. cit._, II. 729; Παρνασσός, VII. 23. - -[132] Cod. Palat. 226, f. 122; Lampros, _op. cit._, I. 421, note. - -[133] Pressutti, _Regesta Honorii III_, II. 304; _Les Registres d’Urbain -IV_, III. 426; Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, II. 28; -_Les Registres de Clément IV_, I. 214, 245. - -[134] Lampros, _op. cit._, III. 119. - -[135] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 42, 53. - -[136] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 50, 91. - -[137] “Geschichte Griechenlands,” in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine -Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 18, 19; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 475; -_Anuari_ (1911). - -[138] Lampros, _op. cit._, p. 344. - -[139] _Ibid._, pp. 234-6, 238. - -[140] _Ibid._, p. 344. - -[141] _Ibid._, pp. 279, 350. - -[142] _Ibid._, p. 335. - -[143] _Ibid._, p. 283. - -[144] _Ibid._, p. 315. - -[145] _Ibid._, pp. 240, 282, 330. - -[146] _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, II. 156, note 1. - -[147] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 476. - -[148] _Op. cit._, pp. 82-8. - -[149] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, V. 824-7. - -[150] _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 647-53, 656. - -[151] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 57, 63. - -[152] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 206, 208; Hopf, _Chroniques_, p. -229; Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 257; Gregorovius, _Briefe aus -der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli,”_ p. 308; Chalkokondyles, pp. 145, 213. - -[153] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVII. 430-1. - -[154] _Op. cit._, II. 747-52; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 43-56. - -[155] _Op. cit._, III. 407-9; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 216-24. - -[156] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203. - -[157] Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων, II. 153. - -[158] p. 385. - -[159] p. 520. - -[160] p. 124. - -[161] _Elogiographus_, 300-1. - -[162] Loysii Neroczi de Pictis nomine Neroczi eius patris pro venditione -cuiusdam domus. - -[163] R. Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Aul. della Repubblica, Balie, no. -29 c. 67. - -[164] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 292. - -[165] p. 38. - -[166] _Apud_ Pagnini, _Della Decima_, II. 251. - -[167] V. 28. - -[168] Sauger, _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs_, p. 65. - -[169] See _The Mad Duke of Naxos_. - -[170] See _The Last Venetian Islands in the Ægean_. - -[171] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine -Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 166; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 482; -_Veneto-Byzantinische Analekten_, p. 414. - -[172] _Les Ducs de l’Archipel_, p. 13, in the Venetian _Miscellanea_, -vol. IV. - -[173] Sanuto, _Diarii_, VIII. 328, 337, 355, 366. - -[174] _Ibid._, XI. 393, 394, 705. - -[175] _Ibid._, II. 701. - -[176] _Ibid._ - -[177] Hopf, _Gozzadini_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _op. cit._, LXXVI. 425; -LXXXVI. 166. - -[178] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XII. 22, 175, 503. - -[179] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XI. 450, 525, 748; XII. 175; XX. 354, 356, 376. - -[180] _Ibid._, XVII. 35. - -[181] _Ibid._, XXIV. 380, 384, 387-8. - -[182] _Ibid._, XXIV. 467, 596, 645; XXV. 158, 185. - -[183] Stavrakes, Στατιστικὴ τοῦ πληθυσμοῦ τῆς Κρήτης, 183 _sqq._; -Pashley, _Travels in Crete_, II. 326. - -[184] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 3. Cf. Gerland, -_Histoire de la Noblesse crétoise au Moyen Age_. - -[185] Cf. Gerola, _La dominazione genovese in Creta_. - -[186] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, vol. 85, pp. -221-2, 241-3, 312-4; Paparregopoulos, V. 52. - -[187] Cf. Gerola, _Per la Cronotassi dei vescovi cretesi all’ epoca -veneta; Monumenti veneti nell’ isola di Creta_, II. 64, 67. - -[188] See Pashley, I. 11-17, on this point. He identifies the two places, -like Gerola (_Mon. ven._ I. 17), who derives the name of Canea from -λαχανιά (“vegetable garden”), the first syllable being mistaken for the -feminine of the article. - -[189] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa_, IV. 611 -_et sqq._ - -[190] Cornelius, _Creta Sacra_, II. 355. - -[191] Pashley, II. 150-156. - -[192] Zinkeisen, IV. 629-723. - -[193] Pashley, II. 285. - -[194] _The totall discourse_ (ed. 1906), pp. 70-83. - -[195] Zinkeisen, IV. 789, 808. Like the British Government in 1819, the -Turks did not know what Parga was. - -[196] To this period belongs the fountain at Candia, described by Pashley -(I. 203), and still standing. An inscription on it states that it was -erected by Antonio Priuli in 1666, “when the war had been raging for four -lustres.” - -[197] Zinkeisen, IV. 992. - -[198] Paparregopoulos, V. 552. - -[199] _Childe Harold_, IV. 14. - -[200] Von Hammer, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, VI. 573, VII. -182; Tournefort, _Voyage du Levant_, I. 62. - -[201] Stavrakes, 138 _sqq._ - -[202] Pashley, II. 150-156. - -[203] _Ibid._ I. 54. - -[204] Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, II., Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, 222-300; -Κρητικὸν Θέατρον, which includes a comedy, a pastoral tragi-comedy, a -tragedy and an imitation of Simeon’s _Zeno_. - -[205] Paparregopoulos, V. 636-38. - -[206] Stavrakes, 139-41. - -[207] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 399 and vi. - -[208] _Ibid._ p. 401. - -[209] Mustoxidi, p. 441. Aleman belonged to a family from Languedoc, -which received the barony of Patras after the Frank conquest of the -Morea, and whose name is still borne by the bridge near Thermopylæ, the -scene of the heroic fight of 1821. - -[210] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 68. There is, -however, a document of Philip II of Taranto in favour of the Greek -clergy: Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 223. - -[211] Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας, Mustoxidi, pp. 443-50. - -[212] Mustoxidi, p. 452. - -[213] Mustoxidi, pp. 456-64, lx-lxxii. - -[214] Finlay, V. 62; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 315. - -[215] This mediæval name, “the black saint,” applied first to a fortress, -then to a chapel on the site of the fortress, then (like Negroponte) -to the whole island, is said by Saint-Sauveur (_Voyage Historique, -Littéraire et Pittoresque_, II. 339) to have come in with the Tocchi, -and to be derived from the black image of the Virgin in the cathedral at -Toledo. It occurs, however, in a Neapolitan document of 1343, a Venetian -document of 1355, and a Serbian golden bull of 1361 and is mentioned in -the French version of the _Chronicle of the Morea_, probably written -between 1333 and 1341. It has now been officially superseded by the -classic Levkas. - -[216] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 168. - -[217] Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 253. - -[218] “Celsam Buthroti accedimus urbem,” III. 293. - -[219] Cicero _ad Atticum_, IV. 8 _a_; Marmora, p. 431. - -[220] Marmora, p. 387. - -[221] _Ibid._ p. 396; Saint-Sauveur, I. 345. - -[222] Marmora, p. 420. - -[223] Viscount Kirkwall, _Four Years in the Ionian Islands_, I. 28. - -[224] Marmora, p. 312. - -[225] Lounzes, Περὶ τῆς πολιτικῆς καταστάσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ Ἑνετῶν, -pp. 188-90; Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186. - -[226] The words are quoted in the Ὁδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας (1902). - -[227] Mustoxidi, p. lxvi. - -[228] Marmora, pp. 394, 419, 445. - -[229] Lounzes, p. 101. - -[230] Saint-Sauveur, II. 15-21. - -[231] Marmora, p. 369. - -[232] Idromenos, p. 87. - -[233] Saint-Sauveur, II. 22-31. - -[234] Marmora, p. 430. - -[235] Lounzes, pp. 178-82; Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας; -Pinkerton’s _Collection of Travels_, IX. 4; Marmora, pp. 255, 286, 370, -430, 437. The last writer approvingly says about the Jews, _loro non -conviene di stabile, che il sepolcro_. - -[236] Viaro Capodistria, _Remarks respectfully submitted to the -Consideration of the British Parliament_, p. 64. - -[237] Marmora, p. 433; Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (4th -ed.), V. 644. - -[238] _Ibid._ V. 530. - -[239] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 90, and the same -author’s essay Περὶ τῆς ἐν ταῖς Ἰονίοις νήσοις ἐκπαιδεύσεως. - -[240] Paparregopoulos, V. 635; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 127; -Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία, pp. 138, 165. - -[241] Quirini, _Primordia Corcyræ_, pp. 167, 168; Mustoxidi, -_Illustrazioni Corciresi_, I. 10, 11. - -[242] Marmora, p. 425. - -[243] Finlay, V. 284-5; Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp. -91-3; Paparregopoulos, V. 645-7. - -[244] Saint-Sauveur, III. 112, 140, 199, 260, 268, 277. - -[245] Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 125. - -[246] Marmora, p. 389. - -[247] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186. Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. p. xxxvii; -Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, I. 157-93. - -[248] Quoted by Lounzes, p. 63 _n._ - -[249] Saint-Sauveur, III. 8, 91. When, in the sixteenth century, the -Cephalonians claimed precedence over Zante, they quoted to the Venetians, -in support of their claim, the fact that in the Homeric catalogue the -people of Zakynthos are only cited as the subjects of Odysseus (Sathas, -Μνημεῖα, IV. p. iv). - -[250] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186; Saint-Sauveur, III. 201. - -[251] Andreades, Περὶ τῆς οἰκονομικῆς διοικήσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ -Βενετοκρατίας (1914). - -[252] Lounzes, pp. 83-5; Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 160, 186; Grivas, -Ἱστορία τῆς νήσου Ἰθάκης. - -[253] Lounzes, p. 77; Saint-Sauveur, II. 351. - -[254] Saint-Sauveur, II. 239-48. - -[255] Mrs Dawes, _Saint Spiridion_, translated from L. S. Brokines’s work -Περὶ τῶν ἐτησίως τελουμένων ἐν Κερκύρᾳ λιτανειῶν τοῦ Ἁγίου Σπυρίδωνος. -See also Marmora, pp. 261-7. - -[256] _Ibid._ p. 333. - -[257] Marmora, pp. 301-12; M. Mustoxidi, Ἱστορικὰ καὶ Φιλολογικὰ -Ἀνάλεκτα, 24-44, 83-97; Paparregopoulos, V. 667; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη -Ἑλλάς, 112-18. - -[258] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp. 24, 80, 94; Marmora, -p. 414; _Anagrafi dell’ Isola di Corfù_, 1761; Daru, _Histoire de -Venise_, V. 213; Saint-Sauveur, II. 154. - -[259] One plan is in Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 126, -the other in Marmora, pp. 364-5. - -[260] Marmora, p. 345. - -[261] Finlay, V. 85-6; Marmora, pp. 348-50. - -[262] Marmora, p. 370. - -[263] Pinkerton’s _Collection of Travels_, IX. 4. - -[264] Marmora, pp. 389-91; Mrs Dawes, _Saint Spiridion_. - -[265] Paparregopoulos, V. 672. A Latin inscription of 1684 at Santa Maura -bears Morosini’s name. - -[266] Viscount Kirkwall, _Four Years in the Ionian Islands_, I. 29-30. - -[267] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa_, V. 501-2. - -[268] Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 132. - -[269] A recent Greek writer in the Ὀδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας states, -I know not on what authority, that, as a reward for their bravery, -Schulenburg called Mt Abraham at Corfù after the patriarch. The name -occurs in Marmora long before Schulenburg’s time. - -[270] Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_, I. 464. - -[271] _Leben und Denkwürdigkeiten Johann Mathias Reichsgrafen von der -Schulenburg_, II; Zinkeisen, _op. cit._ V. 520-31; Daru, _Histoire de -Venise_, V. 145-53; Greek chronicle of Epeiros printed by Pouqueville, -_Voyage de la Grèce_, V. 294-9; Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία, pp. 81-6. - -[272] Two plans, one of the siege, one of the works executed by -Schulenburg, are in the British Museum, and are reproduced by Jervis, pp. -139, 145. - -[273] Daru, V. 159, 171. - -[274] Saint-Sauveur, II. 99, III. 251-3; Andreades, I. 278. - -[275] Saint-Sauveur, II. 148. I copied down the dates 1759 and 1778 from -two of the ruins there. - -[276] Paparregopoulos, V. 686; Daru, V. 198-9; Jervis, p. 153. - -[277] Paparregopoulos, V. 701; Saint-Sauveur, II. 288. - -[278] Saint-Sauveur, II. 150-3; Hazlitt, _The Venetian Republic_, II. -311; Romanin, _Storia documentata di Venezia_, VIII. 289-99; Legrand, -_Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, III. 332-6. - -[279] Saint-Sauveur, II. 199-206. - -[280] Romanin, IX. 134-8. - -[281] Daru, V. 221; Saint-Sauveur, III. 38-49. - -[282] Daru, V. 30. - -[283] Saint-Sauveur (an eye-witness), II. 63 _et sqq._ - -[284] Romanin, X. 240-5; Rodocanachi, _Bonaparte et les Îles Ioniennes_, -pp. 24, 26. - -[285] Πολιορκία καὶ ἄλωσις τῆς Μονεμβασίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῷ 1821. -Ἀθήνησι, 1874. - -[286] p. 398. - -[287] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, II. 287; -Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 397. - -[288] Lampros, Μιχαὴλ Ἀκομινάτου, II. 137; Niketas, 97, 581-92. - -[289] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 2065. - -[290] _Ibid._ ll. 2630, 2644. - -[291] _Ibid._ ll. 2765-9. - -[292] _Ibid._ ll. 2891-6; Romanos, Γρατιανὸς Ζώρζης, 136. The French -version of the _Chronicle_ omits the Naxian and Cephalonian contingents. - -[293] _Epistolæ_, vol. II. p. 622; _Les Registres d’Innocent IV_, vol. -III. 306, 397. - -[294] _La Grèce Continentale_, p. 412; Sir T. Wyse, _Excursion into the -Peloponnesus_, I. 6. Cf. Tozer in _J.H.S._ IV. 233-6. - -[295] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 1306; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, p. 27. - -[296] _Les Registres d’Urbain IV_, II. 100, 341; Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, -ll. 4534, 4547, 4580, 4584, 4643, 5026, 5569, 5576. - -[297] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 164, 192-3, 204, 215, -220, 226, 248. - -[298] _Antique Memorie di Cerigo_, _apud_ Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς -Ἱστορίας, VI. 301. - -[299] Sanudo, _Istoria del Regno_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques -gréco-romanes_, 127; _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 181; -Sansovino, _Cronologia del Mondo_, fol. 185; Hopf _apud_ Ersch und -Gruber, LXXXV. 310. - -[300] Miklosich und Müller, _op. cit._ V. 155-61; Phrantzes, 399, 400; -Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν, 400. - -[301] _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 363; _Libro de los Fechos_, 107; -Muntaner, _Cronaca_, ch. 117; Bartholomæus de Neocastro and Nicolaus -Specialis _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ XIII. 1185; X. 959. - -[302] Chs. 199, 201. - -[303] Thomas, _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, I. 127. - -[304] Miklosich und Müller, _l.c._ - -[305] Phrantzes, 57; Manuel Palaiologos, _Theodori Despoti Laudatio -Funebris_, _apud_ Migne, _Patrologia Græca_, CLVI. 228-9; Chalkokondyles, -80. - -[306] Hopf, _op. cit._ LXXXVI. 79: see Appendix. - -[307] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 269; II. 181. - -[308] Montfaucon, _Palæographia Græca_, 81, 89; Ἑλληνομνήμων, 336-46. - -[309] Miklosich und Müller, V. 171-4; Παρνασσός, VII. 472-6. - -[310] _Ibid._ III. 258. - -[311] P. 447. - -[312] Chalkokondyles, 476, 485; Phrantzes, 396-7; Spandugino (ed. 1551), -44-5. - -[313] Magno, _Annali Veneti_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, -203-4; _Pii II. Commentari_, 103-4. - -[314] Phrantzes, 415; Magno, 204; Sathas, VI. 95; Chalkokondyles, 556. -Regina, fol. 52, 56 (for a copy of which I am indebted to Mr Horatio F. -Brown: see Appendix). The actual date is uncertain; Phrantzes and Magno -give 1464, and the Venetian document above quoted points to that year; -but Malatesta’s secretary in his account of the war (Sathas, _l.c._) puts -it in 1463, before the siege of Corinth. - -[315] Sanudo, _Diarii_, I. 703. - -[316] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, V. 228-30, 238-9, 241; Miklosich und -Müller, _op. cit._ III. 293-309. - -[317] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, IV. 230; Sanudo, _Diarii_, -XXIX. 482. - -[318] Feyerabend, _Reyssbuch des Heyligen Lands_, fol. 182; Faber, -_Evagatorium_, III. 314. The name was so long preserved that a wine-shop -in Venetian dialect was called “Malvasia.” - -[319] Sanudo, _Diarii_, VII. 714; XXIII. 536; XXIV. 669; XXV. 64; XXIX. -402; XXXI. 227; XXXV. 363; XLIV. 475; LV. 296; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, III. 56. - -[320] Sanudo, _Diarii_, XI. 349; XXXIII. 366; Sathas, IV. 224, 227, 229, -234; Lamansky, _Les Secrets de l’État de Venise_, p. 659; Feyerabend, -_op. cit._ fol. 112. - -[321] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, VI. 236, 238. - -[322] Paruta, _Historia Venetiana_, I. 451-3. - -[323] Lami, _Deliciæ Eruditorum_, XV. 203; Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII. -310-3, 320-1, 335, 344, 377-8, 441-3. - -[324] _Ibid._ 342, 413, 450, 454. - -[325] Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII. 396; Meliarakes, Οἰκογένεια Μαμωνᾶ. - -[326] Litta, _Le famiglie celebri italiane_, vol. v. Plate XIV. - -[327] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_ (ed. Baluze), II. 477. - -[328] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 201, 213, 218, 222; -_Recueil des Historiens des Croisades_. _Documents Arméniens_, II. 508. - -[329] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 1559, 3187; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, -102; _Libro de los Fechos_, 25, 26; _Cronaca di Morea_, _apud_ Hopf, -_Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 424; Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον -Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 461; Sanudo, _Istoria del Regno di Romania_, _apud_ -Hopf, _op. cit._ 100. - -[330] Canciani, _Barbarorum Leges Antiquæ_, III. 507; Muntaner, -_Cronaca_, ch. 261. - -[331] _Archivio storico italiano_, Ser. IV. I. 433. - -[332] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, 482. - -[333] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_, II. 265. - -[334] Rubió y Lluch, _op. cit._ 481. - -[335] Cairels _apud_ Buchon, _Histoire des Conquêtes_, 449; Henri de -Valenciennes _apud_ Buchon, _Recherches et Matériaux_, II. 203, 205-6. - -[336] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_, II. 261-2, 264, 477, 835-7; _Honorii III -Opera_, IV., 414. - -[337] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1747), I. 492. - -[338] _Regesta Honorii III_, II. 96, 167, 207, 333. - -[339] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 478; and _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, -_Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 276. - -[340] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 3196-3201, 3295-6, 4613; _Le Livre -de la Conqueste_, 119, 160; _Cronaca di Morea_, 438-9; _Libro de los -Fechos_, 56, 75. - -[341] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 201, 213, 218, 222. - -[342] Litta, _l.c._ - -[343] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 7915; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 260. - -[344] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. -321. The original document has now been rendered illegible by the damp. - -[345] _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 465; _Libro de los Fechos_, 114. - -[346] _Ibid._ 120; Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 177; Sanudo, _op. -cit._ 125. - -[347] D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Voyage paléographique dans le Département -de l’Aube_, 337. - -[348] Sanudo, _l.c._ - -[349] _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 87, 89. - -[350] Raynaldi _op. cit._ V. 95; Thomas, _Diplomatarium -Veneto-Levantinum_, I. 120-1. - -[351] _Archivio Veneto_, _l.c._; Misti, XVI. f. 97tᵒ. (See Appendix.) - -[352] Rubió y Lluch, _l.c._; Çurita, _Anales de la Corona de Aragon_, II. -f. 537. - -[353] Misti, XVII. f. 71; XVIII. f. 10; XX. ff. 37tᵒ, 40; XXIII. ff. -26, 30tᵒ, 46tᵒ; XXIV. 53tᵒ, 63, 102tᵒ, 103 (see Appendix); Predelli, -_Commemoriali_, II. p. 153. - -[354] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium_, III. 160; -Predelli, _Commemoriali_, II. 181; Misti, XXVII. f. 3; XXVIII. f. 28. - -[355] Orbini, _Regno degli Slavi_, 271. - -[356] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VII. 224; Jauna, _Histoire générale des -royaumes de Chypre, etc._, II. 882. - -[357] Rubió y Lluch, _op. cit._ 436, 482; Çurita, _l.c._; Misti, XXXIV. -f. 88tᵒ. - -[358] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 230. - -[359] Misti, XLI. f. 58. - -[360] Thomas and Predelli, _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 292; -_Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 295, 302. - -[361] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, II. 210. - -[362] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. p. 310 (given in full by Lampros, -Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, 399). - -[363] Sathas, _op. cit._ II. 145. - -[364] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 119; Sathas, _op. cit._ III. 431; -_Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum_, IX. 90-91; Misti, XLVIII. ff. -143, 148. - -[365] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 513; Thomas and Predelli, _op. cit._ -203. - -[366] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 119; Sathas, _op. cit._ 430-1. - -[367] Sathas, _op. cit._ II. 270-1. - -[368] Sanudo and Navagero, _apud_ Muratori, _S.R.I._ XXII. 890, XXIII. -1080; Cronaca di Amadeo Valier (Cod. Cicogna, N. 297), II. f. 259; _Revue -de l’Orient latin_, IV. 546. - -[369] Sanudo and Navagero, _ibid._, XXII. 911, XXIII. 1081; _Revue de -l’Orient latin_, V. 196. - -[370] Sathas, _op. cit._ III. 429-30; Hopf, _Dissertazione documentata -sulla storia di Karystos_ (tr. Sardagna, 91-5). - -[371] _La Grèce continentale et la Morée_, 286. - -[372] _Sigillographie_, 177. - -[373] Γεωγραφία τοῦ νομοῦ Κεφαλληνίας, pp. 153, 190. - -[374] Pertz, _Monumenta Germaniæ historica_, XVIII. 46. - -[375] _Gesta Regis Ricardi_, Rolls Series, II. 197-200, 203-5. - -[376] _Libro de los fechos_ (Aragonese version of “The Chronicle of the -Morea”), pp. 53-4. - -[377] A. Dandolo _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ XII. 336; _Misti_, -VI. fol. 17, quoted in _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 93. - -[378] Albericus Trium Fontium, II. 558. - -[379] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, V. 44. - -[380] Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. p. -215. - -[381] Riccio, _Saggio di Codice Diplomatico, Supplemento_, pt I., p. 87; -Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XI. 415. - -[382] Miklosich und Müller, _op. cit._ II. 139. - -[383] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 48. - -[384] _Dell’ Origine dei Principi Turchi_ (ed. 1551), pp. 12, 26, 27, 62. - -[385] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, I. i. 319; II. i. 351, 352; Magno -_apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 196. - -[386] p. 57 (ed. Sinner). - -[387] Jorga, “Notes et Extraits pour servir à l’Histoire des Croisades,” -in _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 84. - -[388] _Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum_, p. v. - -[389] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 160; Meliarakes, _op. cit._ -150. - -[390] Lunzi, _Della condizione politica delle Isole Ionie_, p. 190. - -[391] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, VI. 215-6; cf. Lunzi, _op. -cit._ p. 197. - -[392] Sathas, _op. cit._ V. 157; Meliarakes, _op. cit._ 191; Sanudo, -_Diarii_, V. 883, 1009. - -[393] Karavias, Ἱστορία τῆς νήσου Ἰθάκης ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαιοτάτων χρόνων μεχρὶ -τοῦ 1849. - -[394] Sathas, _op. cit._ VI. 285. - -[395] De la Ville, _Napoli Nobilissima_ (1900), xii. 180-1. - -[396] _Geschichte Griechenlands_ in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine -Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 170, 173, 177, and 179; _Geschichte der Insel -Andros_, p. 128. - -[397] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, III. 26, 39, 190. - -[398] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 14; II. 145, 163, 168, 178; -III. 181. Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 278, 354. - -[399] Library of St Mark, Venice, MS. Ital. Cl. VI. 286, vol. II. ff. 94, -95. - -[400] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, VI. 236, 238. - -[401] Lamansky, _Secrets de l’État de Venise_, p. 58. - -[402] Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII. 451. - -[403] _Ibid._ IV. 245. - -[404] _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs de l’Archipel_, p. 296. - -[405] Lamansky, _op. cit._ pp. 641-2, 651 _et sqq._; Sathas, _op. cit._ -IV. 310-40. - -[406] _M. C. Scrutinio alle voci_, vols. VII. and VIII. - -[407] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, pp. 373-6. - -[408] _L’Isole le più famose del Mondo_, p. 77. - -[409] P. 206. - -[410] _Relatione della Rep. Venetiana_, pp. 18-9. - -[411] _Voyage de Levant_, pp. 348-9. - -[412] _Viaggio di Levante_ (Ital. tr.), p. 3. - -[413] _Relation d’un Voyage_, p. 196. - -[414] _L’Archipelago_, p. 42. - -[415] Vol. I. p. 687. - -[416] _Voyage_, I. 145-7. - -[417] _Journey into Greece_, pp. 62-5. - -[418] _Viaggio all’ Arcipelago_, p. 68. - -[419] _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_, pp. 14-20. - -[420] _L’Egeo Redivivo_, pp. 331-2. - -[421] _Naukeurige Beschryving_ (French tr.), pp. 267, 354. - -[422] _Voyage du Levant_, I. 108. - -[423] Vols. XV. to XVIII. - -[424] Delle _Notizie Storiche della Lega_, p. 41. - -[425] Greek mediæval scholars, owing to the disturbed political -conditions, have scarcely had time since Salonika became Greek to -continue the historical studies of Tafel, Papageorgiou, and Tafrali—for -even the last composed his two valuable treatises on the topography -of Salonika and its history in the fourteenth century early in 1912, -therefore before the reconversion of the mosques into churches and while -the city was still Turkish. But the well-known mediævalist. Professor -Adamantiou, has already written a handbook on Byzantine Thessalonika, Ἡ -Βυζαντινὴ Θεσσαλονίκη (Athens, 1914); M. Risal has popularised the story -of this “Coveted City,” _La Ville convoitée_ (3rd ed., Paris, 1917); K. -Zesiou, the epigraphist, has examined the Christian monuments; the late -Professor Lampros published “eight letters” of its Metropolitan Isidore, -who flourished towards the end of the fourteenth century; and K. Kugeas -has edited the note-book of an official of the archbishopric who was at -Salonika between 1419 and 1425, a few years before its conquest by the -Turks. See Πρακτικὰ τῆς ... Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ 1913, pp. 119-57; -Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, IX. 343-414; _Byz. Zeitschr._ XXIII. 144-63. - -[426] Migne, _Patr. Gr._, CXVI. 1116, 1169, 1173, 1185 (where “Maximian -Herculius” of the text is corrected to Galerius, the younger Maximian). - -[427] Akropolites (ed. Teubner), I. 82. - -[428] Adamantiou, 49. - -[429] _A History of the Eastern Empire_, pp. 381-401, 485-8. - -[430] ii. 451. - -[431] _Ibid._, pp. 529, 531-2. - -[432] Migne, _Patr. Gr._, CX. 26. - -[433] Kameniates, pp. 491, 519; Theodore Studita, in Migne, _Patr. Gr._, -XCIX. 917. - -[434] An inscription found in 1874 confirms Kameniates: _Byz. Zeitschr._ -X. 151-4. - -[435] Schlumberger, _Sigillographie_, pp. 102-6. - -[436] Ellissen, _Analekten_, IV. 46-53. - -[437] Tafel, _De Thessalonica_, p. 474. - -[438] Eustathios (ed. Bonn), p. 449. - -[439] Eustathios, p. 452. - -[440] Niketas, pp. 384-401, 471. - -[441] Salonika was still Lombard in May 1223: Pitra, _Analecta sacra et -classica_, VII. 335-8, 577. - -[442] _Mission au Mont Athos_, p. 64; Wroth, _Catalogue of the Coins -of the Vandals_, pp. 193-203; Schlumberger, _Mélanges d’Archéologie -byzantine_, I. 57. - -[443] Migne, _Patr. Gr._ CIX. 644. - -[444] II. 234, 393, 568-82; Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 673-5, 740, 795; -Kydones, in Migne, _Patr. Gr._ CIX. 649; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. pp. -viii-xxxvi. - -[445] Müller, _Byz. Analekten_ in _Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie_, -IX. 394; Chalkokondyles, pp. 47, 174; Phrantzes, p. 47; Doukas, pp. 50, -199; _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 291; Βυζαντίς, I. 234. - -[446] Doukas, p. 197; Phrantzes, pp. 64, 122; Chalkokondyles, p. 205; -Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 133-50. - -[447] Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, I. 257. - -[448] Perhaps the name is a reminiscence of the bishop of Samaria, to -whom Mount Athos belonged from 1206 to 1210: Innocent III, Epp. IX. 192. - -[449] p. 235; Anagnostes; Phrantzes, pp. 90, 155; Doukas, pp. 199-201; -_Byz. Zeitschr._ XXIII. 148, 152; Ν. Ἑλλ., V. 369-91. - -[450] Nikephoros Gregoras, I. 29; Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et -Diplomata_, I. 125. - -[451] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, XVII. 227-9; XXVIII. -791-809; Dandolo, _Chronicon_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XII. 370. - -[452] _Ibid._ 371; M. da Canal, _La Cronique des Veneciens_, in _Archivio -Storico Italiano_, VIII. 488; _Annales Januenses_, _apud_ Pertz, _M.G.H. -Script._ XVIII. 245. - -[453] _Atti_, XXVIII. 500-4. - -[454] Ogerii Panis, _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz, _ibid._ 119; _Atti_, XXVIII. -805. - -[455] _Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Documents Arméniens_, II. -747; Lanfranci Pignolli, etc. _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz, _ibid._ 249. - -[456] Pachymeres, I. 420; II. 558; Nikephoros Gregoras, I. 526; Sanudo, -_Istoria del Regno di Romania_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, -146; _Atti_, XXXI. ii. 37 n²; M. Giustiniani, _La Scio Sacra del rito -Latino_, 7. - -[457] Doukas, 161-2; Friar Jordanus, _Mirabilia descripta_ (tr. H. Yule), -57. - -[458] Genoese document of April 25, 1288, in Pandette Richeriane, -fogliazzo II. fasc. 25, cp. Appendix. - -[459] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _op. cit._ 133; _Documents Arméniens_, II. -789; Carini, _Ricordi del Vespro_, II. 4; Ptolomæi Lucensis _Historia -Ecclesiastica_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XI. 1186. - -[460] J. Aurie _Annales Januenses_, _apud_ Pertz, _op. cit._ XVIII. -307-8, 312, 315-8, 322-4, 336-7, 340, 344; _Documents Arméniens_, I. -745-54; II. 795-6, 801-2, 827; _Liber Jurium Reipublicæ Genuensis_, II. -275; _Notices et extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, XI. -41-52. - -[461] Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 129. - -[462] J. a Varagine _Chronicon Genuense_; F. Pipini _Chronicon_; and R. -Caresini _Continuatio_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ IX. 56, 743; XII. 406. - -[463] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _op. cit._ 146. - -[464] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1749), IV. 319; _Les -Registres de Boniface VIII_, III. 290-3. - -[465] Pachymeres, II. 436, 510, 558; Muntaner, _Cronaca_, ch. 117; _Le -Livre de la Conqueste_, 362; _Libro de los Fechos_, 107; B. de Neocastro -_Historia Sicula_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XIII. 1186. - -[466] Cantacuzene, I. 370; N. Gregoras, I. 438. - -[467] Muntaner, _op. cit._ ch. 234; J. Aurie _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz, -_M.G.H._ XVIII. 315; _Atti_, XXXI. ii. p. xxxvii. n¹. - -[468] _Atti_, I. 73-5; XI. 322; _Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, -Storia e Belle Arti_, V. 361-2; B. Senaregae _De Rebus Genuensibus -Commentaria_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XXIV. 559. - -[469] Muntaner, _l.c._; Pachymeres, II. 638; Giomo, _Lettere di -Collegio_, p. 96. - -[470] Cantacuzene, I. 371. - -[471] G. Adae _De modo Sarracenos extirpandi_, in _Documents Arméniens_, -II. 531-3, 537, 542, who makes them “sons of Paleologo”; _Jean XXII, -Lettres Communes_, V. 302. - -[472] _Secreta Fidelium Crucis_ and _Epistolæ_, _apud_ Bongars, _Gesta -Dei per Francos_, II. 30, 298. - -[473] Brocardus, _Directorium ad passagium faciendum_, in _Documents -Arméniens_, II. 457-8, makes Martino “nephew of the late Benedetto.” - -[474] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 413-5; -_Supplément_, 16; Pls. XIV, XXI; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα τῶν ἀδελφῶν -Μαρτίνου καὶ Βενεδίκτου Β’ Ζαχαρίων, δυναστῶν τῆς Χίου, 1314-1329, pp. -9-13; _ibid._ Μεσαιωνικὰ νομίσματα τῶν δυναστῶν τῆς Χίου, 6-11, Pl. I; -Promis, _La Zecca di Scio_, 34-6, Pl. I. - -[475] _Libro de los Fechos_, 137. - -[476] Minieri Riccio, _Saggio di Codice diplomatico_. _Supplemento_, II. -75-7, where the year “MCCCXV” will not tally with “Indictionis octavæ” (= -1325). Gittio (_Lo Scettro del Despota_, 18) gives both correctly. - -[477] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_, V. 95; _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 87, -89. - -[478] Schlumberger, _op. cit._ 326, 415-6, Pls. XII-XIII; Promis, _La -Zecca di Scio_, 36-7, Pl. I; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα, 13-15; Μεσαιωνικὰ -νομίσματα, 12-14, Pl. I; Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα καὶ μολυβδόβουλλα τῶν κατὰ -τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας δυναστῶν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, 31-2. - -[479] Cantacuzene, I. 370-91; N. Gregoras, I. 438-9; Phrantzes, 38; -Chalkokondyles, 521-2; Friar Jordanus, _op cit._ 57; Ludolphi _De Itinere -Terræ Sanctæ_, 23-4; _Continuazione della Cronaca di Jacopo da Varagine_, -in _Atti_, X. 510; Brocardus, _l.c._; _Archives de l’Orient latin_, I. -274. - -[480] _Benoît XII, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales_, I. 182-3; -Ludolphi _l.c._ - -[481] _Clément VI, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales_, I. 150, 171, -182, 431-3. - -[482] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VI. 342-3. - -[483] Cantacuzene, II. 582-3; Caresini _op. cit._; Cortusii Patavini -duo; G. Villani, _Historie Fiorentine_, and Stellae _Annales Genuenses_, -_apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XII. 417, 914; XIII. 918; XVII. 1081; Folieta, -_Clarorum Ligurum Elogia_, 90. - -[484] Doukas, 162-3; Cantacuzene, I. 388-90, 476-95; N. Gregoras, I. -525-31, 534-5, 553; Phrantzes, 38; Chalkokondyles, 521; Friar Jordanus, -_op. cit._ 57. - -[485] P. Lampros, Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα, 69-70, 72. - -[486] Jerosme Justinian, _La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios, -ou Chios_, part I. 19; part II. 166; Boschini, _L’Arcipelago_, pp. 72, -74; Piacenza, _L’Egeo Redivivo_, pp. 200, 216; Coronelli, _Isola di -Rodi_, p. 360. To this occupation of Ikaria refers the ballad in _Journal -of Hellenic Studies_, I. 293-300. - -[487] G. Stellae _Annales Genuenses_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. -Script._, XVII. 1086-90; Uberti Folietæ _Historiæ Genuensis Libri xii_ -(Genoa, 1585), fo. 137-8ᵛ; 313ᵛ; Ag. Giustiniani, _Castigatissimi -Annali della eccelsa & Illustrissima Republi. di Genoa_ (Genoa, 1537), -CXXXIIⱽ-IVⱽ; P. Interiano, _Ristretto delle Historie Genovesi_ (Genoa, -_s.a._), fo. 107ᵛ-8ᵛ; _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, _Delle Imprese e del -Dominio dei Genovesi nella Grecia_, pp. 261-70; Cantacuzene, II. 583-4; -Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 765-7; Chalkokondyles, p. 522. - -[488] Comte de Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 366-70; -Promis, _La Zecca di Scio_, 14 n². _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia -patria_, XXXV. 52, 210; Rhodokanakes, Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος I. 8-9, n. 15; J. -Justinian, part II. 143; _Araldica e Diritto_ (Jan. 1915), p. 46. - -[489] _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, pp. 271-85; _Liber Iurium Reipublicæ -Genuensis_, II. (_Historiæ Patriæ Monumenta_, IX.), 558-72, 1498-1512. - -[490] Promis, p. 39. - -[491] XIX. 140-1. - -[492] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, pp. 422 f. and -Plate XIV, 19, 25. - -[493] _Liber Iurium_, II. 714-20; _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, 285-91. - -[494] Stella, _op. cit._ pp. 1217-20; Folieta, _op. cit._ fo. 531; Ag. -Giustiniani. _op. cit._ CLXXIIⱽ. - -[495] _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 4. - -[496] Cantacuzene, III. 81-4; Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 842, 851. - -[497] Vlastos, Χιακά, 228-31. - -[498] G. Stella, p. 1091; Raphayni Caresini _Continuatio Chronicorum -Andreæ Danduli_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._, XII. 420-1; -Sanudo, _Vite de’ Duchi di Venezia_, _ibid._ XXII. 621-2; Matteo Villani, -_Istorie_, _ibid._ XIV. 117-18. - -[499] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria_, XIII. 198; J. -Justinian, part II. 165; J. Stellae, _Annales Ianuenses_, in _Rer. Ital. -Script._, XVII. 1307-8. - -[500] Chalkokondyles, p. 519. - -[501] _Atti_, VI. 20, 353-4; XIII. 222, 231, 260-2, 996-7; Doukas, p. 314. - -[502] Doukas, pp. 322-8. - -[503] Veneroso, _Genio Ligure risvegliato, Prove_, p. 30. - -[504] _Atti_, VII. part II. 94-6, 480-7; _The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph -ben Joshua_ (transl. Bialloblotzky), p. 289. - -[505] _Atti_, XXVIII. 761, 767. - -[506] _Annual of the Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. (1909-10) 154-5; Χιακὰ -Χρονικά. (Athens, 1914), II. 127. - -[507] Thuani, _Historiarum sui temporis Libri cxxxviii._ (ed. 1620), II. -368-70; Bosio, _Dell’ Istoria della Sacra Religione et illᵐᵃ Militia di -San Giovanni Gierosolimitano_, III. 757-9; Luccari, _Copioso Ristretto -degli Annali di Rausa_, p. 147; A. Mauroceni, _Historia Veneta_, p. 335; -Rhodokanakes, facing I. 359. - -[508] Vlastos, Χιακά, 232-4. - -[509] _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 146. - -[510] F. W. Hasluck, _ibid._ pp. 137-84. - -[511] J. Justinian, part III. 116-18. - -[512] P. Belon du Mans, _Les observations de plusieurs singularitez -et choses memorables_ (Paris, 1588), pp. 185-7; N. de Nicolay, _Les -navigations, peregrinations et voyages, faicts en la Turquie_ (Antwerp, -1576), pp. 66-7. - -[513] _Ibid._ p. 76. - -[514] Belon, p. 186. - -[515] N. de Nicolay, p. 67. - -[516] Targioni Tozzetti, _Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse -parti della Toscana_ (ed. 2), V. 436; J. Justinian, part II. 71-7. - -[517] Pp. 43-4. - -[518] Published by G. Porro-Lambertenghi in _Miscellanea di Storia -Italiana_, VI. 541-8. - -[519] Tozzetti, V. 454. - -[520] Thevet in _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 183-4. - -[521] J. Justinian, part I. 34-7; M. Giustiniani, _La Scio Sacra del Rito -Latino_, pp. 15-16, 78-88; E. Alexandrides in Χιακὰ Χρονικά (Athens, -1911), I. 10-17; Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii -Ævi_, II. 90-2. - -[522] Miklosich und Müller, III. 260-4; _Atti_, XXVIII. 563-8; J. -Justinian, part II. 82. - -[523] J. Justinian, part I. 31-3; part II. 170-1; Thevet in _Ann. of -Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 183 - -[524] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria_, I. 296; II. 1, 396; -XI. 343; XVII. 241-51; XXVIII. 522, 543, 545-50, 805-6; XXXIV. 157, 253, -268, 322, 326, 345; _Les Registres de Boniface VIII_, I. 222-3; _Giornale -Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia e Belle Arti_, I. 218; IX. 3-13. - -[525] Doukas, 40-3, 46; Nikephoros Gregoras, III. 554; Chalkokondyles, -520; Kritoboulos: lib. II. c. 13; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 39; M. -Villani, _Istorie_, and G. Stellae, _Annales Genuenses_, _apud_ -Muratori, _R.I.S._, XIV. 447; XVII. 1094; Pii II _Commentarii_, 245; Ag. -Giustiniano, _Annali della Repubblica di Genova_ (ed. 1854), II. 95; P. -Bizari, _Senatus populique Genuensis ... historiæ_, 134; U. Folietæ, -_Historiæ Genuensium libri XII_ (ed. 1585), 141-2; _Clarorum Ligurum -Elogia_ (ed. 1573), 97-8. - -[526] Servion, _Gestez et chroniques de la Mayson de Savoye_, II. 138-9. - -[527] M. Villani, _Istorie_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._, XIV. 447. - -[528] N. Gregoras, III. 503-4, 565. - -[529] Servion, _op. cit._ II. 138-9, 143. - -[530] Phrantzes, 48. - -[531] Misti, XXVIII. f. 73 (Doc. of Sept. 20, 1358). - -[532] Predelli, _I Libri Commemoriali della Repubblica di Venezia_, II. -266; _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 84-5. - -[533] Predelli, _op. cit._ III. 156 (Documents of Jan. 11, 14, 1382). - -[534] Raynaldi _Annales ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1752), VII. 19, 172; -Innocentii VI Epistolæ secretæ, IV. f. 164 (Reg. Vat. 238). Νέος -Ἑλληνομνήμων, XII. 474-5. - -[535] Raynaldi _op. cit._ 224. The invitation to Francesco, otherwise -practically identical with that to John V, contains the important -variant, that the Turkish race “tam potenter tamque fortiter _terram tuam -... obsidet_.” Gregorii XI Secret. Anno II. ff. 85-6 (Reg. Vat. 268). -Jauna, _Histoire générale des roiaumes de Chypre ... etc._ II. 882. - -[536] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VII. 249; Wadding, _Annales Ordinis Minorum_, -VIII. 289; Gregorii XI Secret. Anno IV. f. 63 (Reg. Vat. 270). - -[537] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, I. 433, -513, 531; II. 129-30, 159, 212, 250, 252-3, 255-6, 264-6. - -[538] Libri Bullarum, IV. (1365-6), f. 270ᵛ. - -[539] Chalkokondyles, 520-1; Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 13 - -[540] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 86-7. - -[541] Hasluck in _B.S.A._, XV. 262; Conze, _Reise auf der Insel Lesbos_, -5; Newton, _Travels and Discoveries in the Levant_, I. 115. - -[542] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 39-40, VII. 144, 344; _Narrative of the -Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, at Samarkand_, -A.D. 1403-6 (tr. Markham), 23; Bondelmonti, _Liber Insularum Archipelagi_ -(ed. de Sinner), 115. - -[543] _Atti_, XIII. 169, 953-67. - -[544] Bauyn, _Mémoires du voiage fait en Hongrie_, f. 351-2; Froissart, -_Chroniques_ (ed. K. de Lettenhove), XV. 345, 347. The relationship was -as follows: - - Amedeo V of Savoy - | - +----------------+----------------+ - | | - Catherine = Leopold I Anne = Andronikos III - | of Austria | - | | - Catherine = Enguerrand Maria = Francesco I - of Austria | de Coucy Palaiologina | Gattilusio - | | - Enguerrand VII de Coucy Francesco II Gattilusio - -[545] _Le Livre des faicts du bon Messire Jean le Maingre dit Boucicaut_ -(ed. Paris, 1825), part I. ch. 28; Delaville le Roulx, _La France en -Orient au XIVᵉ siècle_, II. 33 (Doc. of April 15, 1397). - -[546] _Ibid._ II. 34-5, 48, 91-3; Froissart, _Chroniques_, XVI. 38, 40, -261 (Doc. of June 24, 1397); Doukas, 52-3. - -[547] Bauyn, _Mémoires du voiage_, f. 35; Froissart, _Chroniques_, XVI. -41-2. - -[548] _Le Livre des faicts_, part I. ch. 28; Froissart, _Chroniques_, -XVI. 46, 48-50. Le Roulx, _op. cit._ II. 43-5 (Doc. of Aug. 10, 1397). - -[549] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 248-51. - -[550] _Le Livre des faicts_, part I. ch. 31; _Narrative_, 24. - -[551] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 93; Constantine the Philosopher, -_Life of Stephen Lazarevich_ in _Glasnik_, XLII. 279; _Archiv für -slavische Philologie_, XVIII. 429. - -[552] Doukas, 75-6. - -[553] _Narrative_, 23-4; _Mélanges historiques. Choix de documents_, III. -174. - -[554] _Le Livre des faicts_, part II. chs. 14, 31; Le Roulx, _op. cit._ -I. 484 n¹; II. 189. - -[555] _Narrative_, 22-3. - -[556] Gioffredo, _Storia delle Alpi Marittime_, in _Monumenta Historiæ -Patriæ_, IV. 1001-2, 1077. - -[557] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 89-90, 217. - -[558] _Ibid._ I. 219. - -[559] _Bibliotheca Carmelitana_, II. 943; Fontana, _Sacrum Theatrum -Dominicanum_, 238; Sp. P. Lampros, _Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts on -Mount Athos_, II. 305. - -[560] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta_, II. 140, 234, 338. - -[561] Noiret, _Documents inédits pour servir à l’histoire de la -domination vénitienne en Crète de 1380 à 1485_, pp. 107, 127. - -[562] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 40; VII. 341. From _Giornale Ligustico_, I. -219, it has been assumed that he was still alive on May 25, 1409; but the -Greek is confirmed by Noiret, _Documents_, 161, where Nicolò is described -as regent on April 4, 1405, and by Libri Bullarum, XXIV. (1409-16) f. -194ᵛ, where Jacopo is addressed as “lord of Mytilene” on April 12, 1409. - -[563] Bondelmonti, _Liber Insularum_, 115. - -[564] Noiret, _Documents_, p. 161; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, -II. 127; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 279-80, 282. - -[565] Innocent VII. Ann. I. Lib. Mist. ff. 53-4. Bened. XIII. Avin. t. -XL. ff. 157-9. - -[566] Probably between April 12 and May 25. _Giornale Ligustico_, I. -217-9; Libri Bullarum, _l.c._ - -[567] Inscription at Ænos, _B.S.A._, XV. 251, 254: Χριστιανικῆς -Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας Δελτίον, VIII. 16. - -[568] Lib. IV. c. 13. - -[569] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 43-4; III. 24-5; Noiret, _Documents_, 230-1. - -[570] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, V. 176, 188, 315. - -[571] Libri Bullarum, XXIV. (1409-16). - -[572] Doukas, 106, 108; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, III. 118-20; _Revue_, IV. 574; -V. 193. - -[573] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 219-20. - -[574] Between March 13, 1426 (probably after May 11, 1428) and October -14, 1428. _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 219-20; II. 86-7. Hopf’s assumption -that it was Jacopo who was killed in the fall of the tower must be wrong, -because Bondelmonti, writing in 1422, speaks of that event as having -occurred _meis diebus_. The allusion to the lord of Foglia Vecchia as a -distinct person in the document of May 11, 1428, indicates that Jacopo -was still alive. - -[575] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 40, 492; VII. 95; Gioffredo, _op. cit._ -1077; Anselme, _Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la Maison de -France_, IV. 501. - -[576] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, V. 114. - -[577] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 347; Bertrandon de la Brocquière, _Le -Voyage d’Outremer_ in _Recueil de Voyages et de Documents_ (ed. Ch. -Schefer), XII. 173-4. - -[578] _B.S.A._ XV. 258. - -[579] _B.S.A._ XV. 254-6; Χρ. Ἀρχ. Ἑτ. Δελτίον, VIII. 13, 16-7, 19-20, -29-30. - -[580] _l.c._ - -[581] Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln des Thrakischen Meeres_, 55-6; Pl. II. -7, 8; _Athenische Mitteilungen_, XXXIV. 26-7; _Atti_, XI. 341. - -[582] Tozzetti, _Relazioni d’alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse parti della -Toscana_ (ed. 1773), V. 452. - -[583] _Joannis Canabutzæ magistri ad principem Æni et Samothraces in -Dionysium Halicarnassensem commentarius_, 2, 14; _B.S.A._ XV. 256. - -[584] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 44. - -[585] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 220-1; II. 86-9; III. 314-5; _Revue de -l’Orient latin_, V. 371-2; VI. 96. - -[586] _Documenti diplomatici tratti dagli Archivj Milanesi_, III. 49 n¹. - -[587] _Giornale Ligustico_, II. 90-3, 292-6, 313-4, 316; _Atti_, XXIII. -265; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 112. - -[588] Chalkokondyles, 462; Pero Tafur, _Andanças é viajes_ in _Colleccion -de libros españoles raros ó curiosos_, VIII. 159, 187; _Giornale -Ligustico_, II. 292-3; Lampros, _Catalogue_, II. 305. A Genoese document -(_Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 67), proves that Alexios IV died in 1429, -not, as usually assumed, _c._ 1445. - -[589] Phrantzes, 191. - -[590] Stefano Magno _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 199. - -[591] Phrantzes, 193-5; Chalkokondyles, 306; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, -VII. 75; _Ekthesis Chronica_, 7. - -[592] _Description des Îles de l’Archipel_ (ed. Legrand), 92; Phrantzes, -96; _Ath. Mitt._ XXII. 119 n³. - -[593] Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 37, Pl. III, 4; Libri Bullarum, -XXXIV. (1432-3), f. 112. - -[594] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, III. 24-5; Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 436. - -[595] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 449, 451; De Rossi, _Inscriptiones -Christianæ Urbis Romæ_, II. part I. 372 n⁴; _Atti_, XIII. 983. - -[596] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 435-6, 447, 451-2; Pero Tafur, in _op. -cit._ VIII. 134, 187. - -[597] Colucci, _Delle Antichità Picene_, XV. pp. cxxxiii, cxxxvii-cxli; -Codex Vat. lat. 5250, ff. 11-13, 15-17 (mostly published in _Ath. Mitt._ -XXII. 115-7); Ciriaci Anconitani codex (in Biblioteca Capitolare of -Treviso), I. 138, f. 152ᵛ _et seqq._ - -[598] _Ibid._ f. 152 _et sqq._; Colucci, _Delle Antichità_, XV. p. -cxxxii; Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 459; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 341-2; De -Rossi, _Inscriptiones_, II. part I. 370 n¹; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, -VII. 53, 384. - -[599] Conze, Hauser und Niemann, _Archaeologische Untersuchungen auf -Samothrake_, I. 1 n¹, 2, 16, Pls. IV-VIII, LXII; vol. II. Pl. IX; Conze, -_Reise auf den Inseln_, 62, Pl. XII; Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 14; _Annali -dell’ Instituto_ (1842), XIV. 141 and _tav. d’agg._ p. 3, where the date -should be, ͵ϛϡξγʹ = 1454/5; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 94; _Ath. Mitt._, -XXXIV. 28. - -[600] Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 11, published by Ziebarth, _Eine -Inschriftenhandschrift der Hamburger Stadtbibliothek_, 15; _Ath. Mitt._, -XVIII. 361; XXXI. 405-8; Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 82, Pl. III, 5, -9, 13. - -[601] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 435; Moschides, Ἡ Λῆμνος, I. 168. - -[602] Leonardi Chiensis, _De vera nobilitate_, 55; _Revue de l’Orient -latin_, VII. 427. - -[603] _Ibid._ VIII. 54; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 347-9. - -[604] Chalkokondyles, 519. But Ænos was described in 1457 as _semper in -servitute Teucrorum_ (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 366). - -[605] _Giornale Ligustico_, II. 295-6; _Revue_, VIII. 43. - -[606] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 350; _Revue_, VIII. 29, 65; -Chalkokondyles, 519. Folietæ _Clarorum Ligurum Elogia_ (ed. 1573), 97-8; -B. Campofulgosi _Exemplorum, hoc est, dictorum factorumque memorabilium -... lib. IX_ (ed. Bâle), 328 (who makes her the wife of Luchino); Æneæ -Sylvii, _Opera ... omnia_, 355-6 (who calls the heroine a virgin, and who -heard the story told in 1455 by the bishop of Caffa, who had heard it in -Lesbos). Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 317-8. - -[607] _Atti_, XIII. 247. - -[608] Phrantzes, 327. - -[609] Doukas, 266. - -[610] Kritoboulos, lib. I. cc. 74-5; Doukas, 314, 328; Magno _apud_ Hopf, -_Chroniques_, 198-9. - -[611] Pp. 321-2. - -[612] Doukas, 326, 328-35; Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 5; Campofulgosi -_Exemplorum_, 526; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, 26; Ag. -Giustiniani, _Annali_, II. 384; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 354. - -[613] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 349-50. - -[614] Kritoboulos, lib. II. cc. 11-16; III. 24; Doukas, 335; -Chalkokondyles, 469; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 25; _Ecthesis Chronica_, 17-18. -Sa’d al-Dīn (tr. Bratutti), _Chronica dell’ origine e progressi di casa -Ottomana_, II. 168; Hadji Khalfa, _Cronologia historica_ (tr. Carli), -130; Hammer, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_ (ed. 1828), II. 20 nᵃ; -Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 82, Pl. III, 11. - -[615] Doukas, 335-7; Chalkokondyles, 469. - -[616] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 353-5; Raynaldi _Annales_, X. 56, 59, -61-2; Reg. Vat. 443, f. 140. - -[617] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 231. - -[618] Guglielmotti, _Storia della Marina Pontificia_, 260 n; Æneæ Sylvii -_Opera ... omnia_ (ed. Bâle), 370. - -[619] Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 23; Doukas, 338; Chalkokondyles, 469; -the two last say that Imbros was also captured in 1456—a statement -contradicted not only by Kritoboulos, but by the omission of Imbros from -the list of papal islands in _Atti_, VI. 937-8 and in Raynaldi _Annales_, -X. 88, which shows that the capture of the other three took place before -Dec. 31, 1456. Pius II’s letter (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 113) shows that -Imbros was “still under the rule of the infidels” in 1459. - -[620] Doukas, 338; Kritoboulos, lib. III. c. 10; _Atti_, VI. 800; -Raynaldi, _Annales_, X. 111; Chalkokondyles, 519; Letter of Scarampi to -Gaetani of Sept. 15, 1457, _apud_ Guglielmotti, _Storia della Marina -Pontificia_, II. 280; Reg. Vat. 443, f. 113. - -[621] _Giornale Ligustico_, III. 313-4. - -[622] Doukas, 346; Chalkokondyles, 520, 528; Kritoboulos, lib. IV. c. -2; Æneæ Sylvii, _Opera ... omnia_ (ed. Bâle), 355; Ag. Giustiniani, -_Annali_, II. 384; Magno, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques_, 201. - -[623] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 363-4. - -[624] J. Paulides, Μαρία Γατελούζη in Ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὴν Βάρβιτον. Rhodokanakes, -Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος, I. 115 n. 101; II. 107. - -[625] Raynaldi _Annales_, X. 179-80. - -[626] Kritoboulos, lib. III. cc. 14, 15, 17, 18, 24; Chalkokondyles, -469-70, 483, 494; Æneæ Sylvii _Opera_, 370; Magno, _apud_ Hopf, -_Chroniques_, 200 (confused); Phrantzes, 413-4. - -[627] Raynaldi, _Annales_, X. 285-6; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 113-5. - -[628] _Giornale Ligustico_, III. 180-1 n; V. 352-3, 355-61, 363; _Atti_, -V. 429; Rymer, _Fœdera_, XI. 418, 441. - -[629] _Atti_, VII. part I. 77-8, 108; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 364-6; -Doukas, 341. - -[630] Βυζαντίς, II. 266; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 342-3; VIII. 94-5, 361. - -[631] S. Cali (Καλή, the Greek equivalent of “Bonne”). - -[632] Leonardi Chiensis _De Lesbo a Turcis capta_, _apud_ Hopf, -_Chroniques_, 359-66 (an eye-witness); Magno, _ibid._ 201-2; Doukas, -345-6, 512; Chalkokondyles, 518-21, 523-9, 553; Kritoboulos, lib. IV. cc. -11-14; Phrantzes, 94; Malipiero, _Annali Veneti_, in _Archivio Storico -Italiano_, VII. 11; Pii II _Commentarii_, 244; _Atti_, VII. part I. -159-60, 190; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 366-7; Sabellici _Historiæ Rerum -Venetarum_ (ed. 1556), 867, 873; Cambini and Spandugino _apud_ Sansovino, -_Historia Universale dell’ Origine et Imperio de’ Turchi_ (ed. 1573), -ff. 156, 191; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 26; Bosio, _Dell’ Historia della sacra -religione di San Giovanni_, I. 196; _The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben -Joshua_ (tr. Bialloblotzky), 289. - -[633] _Atti_, VII. part I. 227, 242, 244. - -[634] Sabellici _op. cit._ 883; Malipiero in _Arch. Stor. It._, VII. -28; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, VI. 93, 97; Magno _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques_, 204; -Chalkokondyles, 565; Phrantzes, 415. - -[635] Sabellici _op. cit._ 885-6; Malipiero, _l.c._; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. -244, VI. 98; Phrantzes, _l.c._; Sanudo and Navagiero _apud_ Muratori, -_R.I.S._, XXII. 1170; XXIII. 1123, 1132; Kritoboulos, lib. V. c. 7; Sa’d -al-Dīn, II. 223; Cepio, _De P. Mocenigi rebus gestis_, 30. - -[636] Sathas, _op. cit._ VI. 99; Malipiero, 37; Sabellicus, 890; -Navagiero, 1125; Secreta, XXII. f. 186; Magno, 204. - -[637] Malipiero, 50; Sanudo and Navagiero in _R.I.S._, XXII. 1190, XXIII. -1128; Magno, 206; Phrantzes, 448. - -[638] Magno, 205, 208; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, V. 48; Malipiero, 50, 59, 67, -107, 121; Sanudo, 1190, 1210; Kritoboulos, lib. V. c. 15; Miklosich und -Müller, Acta, III. 297; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 299-318. - -[639] Malipiero, 44; Sabellicus, 895; Cambini _apud_ Sansovino, f. 158; -Phrantzes, 447; Sa’d al-Dīn, II. 244; Hammer, II. 98 nᵃ; Piacenza, -_L’Egeo Redivivo_, 439. - -[640] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 370-2. - -[641] _Ibid._ V. 367-70. - -[642] Gottlob, _Aus der Camera Apostolica_, 293. - -[643] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, I. 537-9. - -[644] Anonymous, Οἱ Γατελοῦζοι ἐν Λέσβῳ, 70 n¹. - -[645] _Atti_, XXXIV. 322, 326, 345. - -[646] P. 521. - -[647] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 436-43; -_Supplément_, 18-19; Pls XVI, XVII, XXI; Lampros, _Catalogue_, II. 305; -Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 41, 491-2; VII. 87-8. - -[648] Fontana, _Sacrum Theatrum Dominicanum_, 81; _Scriptores Ordinis -Prædicatorum_ (ed. Echard), I. 816-7; Rovetta, _Bibliotheca Provinciæ -Lombardiæ Sacri Ordinis Prædicatorum_, 76; _Bullarium Ordinis Fr. -Prædicatorum_ (ed. Bremond). III. 210-11, 236, 336. - -[649] _De vera nobilitate_, 53, 55, 82-3. - -[650] Reg. Vat. 443, ff. 111-2. - -[651] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, 449. - -[652] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_, III. 132, 319. - -[653] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 189. - -[654] Rycaut in Knolles, _Turkish History_, II. 87 (ed. 1687). - -[655] Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, V. 339. Paparregopoulos, V. 575. - -[656] Finlay, VI. 11. - -[657] P. 308. - -[658] _Historia Patriarchica_, 102-7; Cobham, _The Patriarchs of -Constantinople_; Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._ V. 502-36; Finlay, V. 130-49. - -[659] The Serb Patriarchate of Ipek was practically removed to Carlovitz -in 1738, and ceased to exist even in name in 1766. The Bulgarian -Patriarchate of Ochrida was formally abolished in 1767. - -[660] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 128. - -[661] Paparregopoulos, V. 471. - -[662] Rycaut, in Knolles, _op. cit._ II. 90. Ranke, _Fürsten u. Völker -von Süd. Europa_, p. 69, says that it ceased between 1630 and 1650. -Paparregopoulos (V. 471) puts the date of its abolition in 1638; Finlay -(V. 163-4) at 1676. - -[663] Paparregopoulos says that “all but one” were Greeks; but he -includes the Albanian family of Ghika and the Kallimachai, who came, -as their latest biographer, M. Jorga, has shown, from Moldavia. See my -notice in _The English Historical Review_, XVIII. 577. Blancard, _Les -Mavroyéni_. - -[664] Finlay, V. 21, 31. - -[665] Zinkeisen, III. 360. - -[666] Paparregopoulos, V. 489. - -[667] Paparregopoulos, V. 494. - -[668] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. pp. liv-lxi; and vols. VII.-IX., which contain -documents relating to them from 1464 to 1570, some of their literary -productions, and a picture of one of them fully armed. - -[669] Finlay, V. 122 - -[670] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XIII. 273-317. - -[671] Θρήνος τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, l. 354 _apud_ Ellissen, _Analekten_, -III. - -[672] Gregorovius, _Storia della Città di Roma nel medio evo_ [ed. -1901], III. 826; IV. 207, 240; Pastor, _Geschichte der Päpste_, II. 382; -Lanciani, _Wanderings in the Roman Campagna_, 217. - -[673] Paruta, _Storia della Guerra di Cipro_, 79-80. - -[674] _Op. cit._ 294. - -[675] _Memorie istoriche dei Monarchi Ottomani_, 401. - -[676] Paruta, 299-300. _Négociations de la France dans le Levant_, III. -191. - -[677] pp. 212-214. - -[678] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 171. - -[679] Paruta, 391. - -[680] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 175, where the dates of their -deaths, given in his Χρονικὸν Ἀνέκδοτον Γαλαξειδίου, p. 153, are -corrected; Philadelpheus, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας, I. 40. - -[681] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, III. 529. - -[682] Crusius, _Turco-Græcia_, VII. 10, 19; Laborde, _Athènes aux xvᵉ, -xviᵉ et xviiᵉ siècles_, I. 55-60. - -[683] It is headed Περὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς and has last been published and -annotated by my friend K. Philadelpheus, in his excellent Ἱστορία τῶν -Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας, I. 189-92. He assigns to it the date 1628. - -[684] Philadelpheus, I. 202-8; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (ed. -2), pp. 447-50. - -[685] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων (ed. 2), I. 191, -336. - -[686] Konstantinides thinks his figures much too high (_op. cit._ 442-7). - -[687] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, II. 77-83. Konstantinides (pp. -421-2) relying on a statement of Sanuto that the governor of Athens, even -before 1470, was styled only _subashi_, thinks that all the time down -to 1610 Athens was merely a district of a _sandjak_. Philadelpheus (I. -287-90) agrees with the latter view, but extends the duration of this -arrangement to 1621 or even later. - -[688] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, pp. 178-9. - -[689] See the Greek history of Epeiros given in Pouqueville, _Voyage dans -la Grèce_, V. 82-90. - -[690] Finlay, _History of Greece_, V. 57, 90-1, 94, 96, 101, 108. - -[691] Dapper, _Description des Îles de l’Archipel_, p. 224. - -[692] Spon, _Voyage_, II. 23 (ed. 1679). - -[693] Finlay, V. 108, 114. - -[694] Laborde, I. 67-70. An Austrian archæologist has suggested that the -Hermes, Paris, or Perseus, of Antikythera, discovered some 20 years ago, -and now at Athens, was part of the spoil of a vessel bound for England -which foundered in 1640 off that island. - -[695] His genealogy is given in Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 197, -n. 2. - -[696] Sathas, p. 209. - -[697] _Ibid._ pp. 197-210. - -[698] Nani, _Istoria della R. Veneta_, pt. II. p. 134. - -[699] Randolph, _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 9; Guillet, _Athènes -ancienne et nouvelle_, pp. 28-38. It must be added, however, that the -Capuchins of Athens, upon whose notes this book was based, may from -theological bias have exaggerated the misdeeds of the Orthodox clergy. -On this ground the local historian, Alexandrakos, in his Ἱστορία τῆς -Μάνης, p. 18, indignantly rejects these accusations. But in 1894 I heard -in Athens a similar story about a Thessalian priest, implicated in a -celebrated case of brigandage. - -[700] Finlay, V. 116-7; Spon, I. 123; Sathas, pp. 308-10; -Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 493; Leake, _Travels in -the Morea_, III. 450. - -[701] Laborde, I. 63; Philadelpheus (I. 184, 187) puts his visit in 1621. -The passage about Athens is in his _Voyage de Levant_ (ed. 1645), pp. -473-5. - -[702] Laborde, I. 75, 201; Guillet, p. 223. - -[703] His _Relation d’État présent de la ville d’Athènes_ is reprinted in -full in Laborde’s book. - -[704] Laborde, I. 176; Finlay, V. 104, n. 2; Ray’s _Collection of Curious -Travels and Voyages_, vol. II.; Randolph, _The Present State of the -Morea_; Magni, _Relazione della città d’Atene_. - -[705] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 135. - -[706] Laborde, II. 358, 363. The Venetian report, given in Δελτίον τῆς -Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑτ. V. 226, says the _borgo_ in 1687 contained “4000 and -more houses.” - -[707] Gregorovius, _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, II. 417 n. - -[708] _Ubi supra_, II. 187. - -[709] There is a picture, taken from Stuart, of this Παναγία στὴν πέτρα -in Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 280. See his Μνημεῖα, I. 93. It was -destroyed by Hadji Ali, to provide materials for the defences of Athens -against the Albanians in 1778. - -[710] Laborde, I. 126 n. - -[711] In the third volume of Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία. - -[712] Spon, II. 180. Even now there is no synagogue in Athens. - -[713] _E.g._ the thief who pillaged the king’s study at Tatoi in 1902 -was an Albanian from Markopoulo, between Athens and Laurion. Many of the -names of the Attic villages—_e.g._ Tatoi, Liosia and Liopesi—are Albanian. - -[714] Printed by Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, II. 238-43. - -[715] Guillet, who tells the story, upon which Spon casts doubt, places -this under Ahmed I. Spon says the boon was granted about 1645. - -[716] Ἄρχοντες, νοικοκυραῖοι, παζαρῖται, ξωτάρηδες. - -[717] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 102. - -[718] _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 22. - -[719] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 120. - -[720] Ἐπῆραν τὰ παιδιὰ ἀπὸ τὴν Ἀθήνα [_sic_] are the words. This -chronicle, which is dated 1606, has been re-published by Kampouroglos in -his Μνημεῖα, I. 89-90, and by Lampros, _Ecthesis Chronica and Chronicon -Athenarum_, 85-6. - -[721] Spon, II. 103. - -[722] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 33; Paparregopoulos, V. 597. - -[723] The θρῆνος for him is published in Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 7-27, -and by Legrand, _Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, II. 123-47. - -[724] Laborde, I. 208. - -[725] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 174. - -[726] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 120. - -[727] Vernon, in Ray’s _Collection of Curious Travels and Voyages_, II. -22. - -[728] Spon, II. 194; Paparregopoulos, V. 645. Philadelpheus has treated -exhaustively of the Athenian schools in the Turkish period (II. ch. XIX.). - -[729] In Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, vol. III. - -[730] Kampouroglos, (Ἱστορία, II. 37) thinks that it had been the -metropolitan church of Athens during the whole Frankish period. -Philadelpheus (I. 178, 273, 312) agrees with him. When I visited it I -could see not only that it had been a mosque, but that it might easily -have been a church. There are old pillars inside it, a continuation of -those in the Roman market outside. - -[731] Ἱστορία, II. 275, 304. Philadelpheus, I. 273. This identification -is conclusively proved not only by tradition among very old Athenians, -but by an entry in a Gospel found at Ægina with the words τοῦ Καθολικοῦ -τῆς Ἀθήνας τοῦ Ἁγίου Παντελεήμονος. This church stood in the square where -the public auctions are still held. - -[732] Spon, II. 155, 172. “Deli-Dagh” is a translation of “Monte Matto,” -the Italian version of Hymettos. Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 50. - -[733] Babin in Laborde, I. 188 n. - -[734] Finlay, V. 100. - -[735] Spon, II. 192-4; Laborde, I. 163. - -[736] Laborde, I. 81, 198; Spon, II. 121. - -[737] Spon, II. 122. - -[738] Spon, II. 107-8; Laborde, I. 81. - -[739] Babin, in Laborde, I. 199. - -[740] Randolph, _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_, p. -5. - -[741] Spon, II. 179. - -[742] The Greeks call any large beast a δράκος. - -[743] Spon, II. 211, 213, 220, 223, 230; Randolph, _Present State of the -Morea_, p. 1. - -[744] Vernon, _ubi supra_, II. 22, 25. - -[745] Spon, II. 16, 23, 28, 41, 51, 57-62, 65, 73, 232, 246; Finlay, V. -100; Vernon, _ubi supra_, II. 27. - -[746] Paparregopoulos, V. 590. - -[747] Spon, II. 219, 270-3. - -[748] Randolph, _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 4. - -[749] Pègues, _Histoire ... de Santorin_, 591-619. - -[750] Spon, I. 149. - -[751] Randolph, _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_, -8-14. - -[752] Sanger, _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs_, 305-24; Sathas, -Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία, 345; Dowling, _Hellenism in England_, 46-7, 80-5. - -[753] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 172-3. - -[754] Hopf, _Veneto-byzantinische Analekten_, pp. 422-6; and in Ersch und -Gruber, LXXXVI. 177. - -[755] _Racconto historico della Veneta Guerra in Levante_ (Colonia, -1691), I. 62, 65. - -[756] Laborde, _Athènes aux xvᵉ, xviᵉ et xviiᵉ siècles_, II. 74-8. - -[757] Ἡμερολόγιον Μάτεση _apud_ Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, I. 198; -Chiotes, Ἱστορικὰ Ἀπομνημονεύματα, III. 281, 318. - -[758] _La Morea combattuta dall’ armi Venete_ (Venetia, 1686), pp. 180-2. - -[759] Locatelli, I. 151, 161, 167, 174, 213. - -[760] Mateses _apud_ Sathas, I. 210; Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_, -II. i. 139; Locatelli, I. 263, 276. - -[761] _Ibid._ I. 338. - -[762] _Journal d’Anna Akerhjelm_, _apud_ Laborde, II. 307. - -[763] Locatelli, I. 348. - -[764] Morosini’s dispatches _apud_ Laborde, II. 121-31. - -[765] Locatelli, II. 3. - -[766] Laborde, I. 116-17. - -[767] Morosini’s dispatch _apud_ Laborde, II. 158; Chandler, _Travels in -Asia Minor and Greece_ (ed. 1825), II. 111. - -[768] _Apud_ Laborde, II. 277; Locatelli, II. 3; Ranke, “Die Venezianer -in Morea,” in _Sämmt. Werke_, XLII. 297. - -[769] Locatelli, II. 8; Morosini’s dispatch _apud_ Laborde, II. 162. - -[770] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑταιρίας, V. 222-7: Locatelli, II. 24-34. - -[771] Laborde, II. 358. - -[772] _Ibid._ II. 279. - -[773] _Ibid._ II. 279, 313. - -[774] _Ibid._ II. 179, 317. - -[775] _Ibid._ II. 150, 172, 176, 180, 182; Fanelli, _Atene Attica_, pp. -113, 308, 317. - -[776] Laborde, II. 90; Mateses _apud_ Sathas, I. 216. - -[777] _Atene Attica_, p. 344. - -[778] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 43; Philadelpheus, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, -II. 315; Δελτίον, V. 545. - -[779] Mateses, _loc. cit._; Locatelli, II. 50; Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. -189, 296; Ἱστορία, I. 343; III. 256. - -[780] Δελτίον, V. 457; Lampros, Ἱστορικὰ Μελετήματα, p. 217. - -[781] Locatelli, II. 109, 164, 247; Garzoni, _Istoria della Repubblica di -Venezia_ (ed. 1720), I. 365. - -[782] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 34-6. - -[783] _Ibid._ I. 211; Philadelpheus, II. 62. - -[784] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, II. 339; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, -p. 494, n. 1. - -[785] J. Benizelos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν _apud_ Philadelpheus, II. 273. - -[786] Garzoni, I. 432-4, 509-10; Δελτίον, V. 525. - -[787] Garzoni, I. 622, 629; Tournefort, _Relation d’un voyage du Levant_, -I. 141. - -[788] Authorities, the reports of the Venetian governors, used by Ranke -for his essay “Die Venezianer in Morea” (_Sämmt. Werke_, XLII. 277-361), -and by Zinkeisen (_Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, V. 473-89), -have since been published by the late Professor Lampros in his Ἱστορικὰ -Μελετήματα, pp. 199-220, and in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς -Ἑταιρίας, II. 282-317, 686-710; V. 228-51, 425-567, 605-823. For the -campaign of 1715 Brue, _Journal de la campagne_; Diedo, _Storia della -Repubblica di Venezia_, IV. 73-107; the Greek poem by Manthos of Joannina -(an eye-witness), “Conquête de la Morée par les Turcs” in Legrand, -_Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, III. 280-331; Ferrari, _Delle notizie -storiche della lega ... contra ... Acmet III_, pp. 41-69; _Chronique -de l’expédition des Turcs en Morée_, 1715, _attribuée à Constantin -Dioikétès_. - -[789] _Itinéraire_ (ed. 1826), I. 80-2; Lampros, p. 209. - -[790] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, pp. 385-90. - -[791] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 99, 102, which disprove the -statement that it was introduced from Naxos about 1580. - -[792] French Consular dispatches _apud_ Zinkeisen, V. 486, n. 2. - -[793] _Voyages_, I. 462. - -[794] IV. 83. - -[795] Lamprynides, Ἡ Ναυπλία, 230-40. - -[796] I. 138. - -[797] Δελτίον, V. 802; Ferrari, p. 44. - -[798] _History of Modern Greece_, I. 242 n.; Depellegrin, _Relation du -voyage dans la Morée_, p. 14; Lamprynides, p. 284. - -[799] Philadelpheus, II. 69. - -[800] Zinkeisen, V. 499 n.; Gerola, _Monumenti Veneti nell’ Isola di -Creta_, I. ii. 535. - -[801] _Art. Am._ II. 658; _Epist. ex Ponto_, IV. xiv. 45. - -[802] _H. N._ III. 26. - -[803] II. 627; V. 650. - -[804] VII. 480. - -[805] III. 12, § 2. - -[806] Ed. Wesseling, 323, 329, 332, 489, 497, 549, 608, 611-12. - -[807] Ed. Teubner, p. 13. - -[808] _Travels in Northern Greece_, I. 2. - -[809] _Voyage dans la Grèce_, I. 284. - -[810] _Acta et Diplomata res Albaniæ mediæ ætatis illustrantia_, I. 4, 5, -7. - -[811] Procopius (ed. Teubner), II. p. 23. - -[812] III. 56. - -[813] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, 167, 191, 202 n. - -[814] Ed. Teubner, I. 49-50, 126, 132, 137, 161, 177, 187, 193-94; II. -168-69, 189, 194, 197; _Recueil des historiens des Croisades: Historiens -occidentaux_, III. 177. - -[815] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, II. xii. 118, 184. - -[816] Niketas, 118-19. - -[817] _Font. Rer. Aust._ II. xii. 472, 570. - -[818] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, III. -240; M. Sanudo, _ap._ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 107; Ughelli, -_Italia Sacra_, VI. 774. - -[819] Del Giudice, _Codice Diplomatico del Regno di Carlo Iᵒ e IIᵒ -d’Angiò_, I. 308; Pachymeres, I. 508. - -[820] Buchon, _Recherches et Matériaux_, I. 33. - -[821] Del Giudice, II. i. 239; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 73, 84, 85, 93, 94. - -[822] _Ibid._ 106, 115, 117, 127, 139; _Archivio Storico Italiano_, ser. -IV. ii. 355; _Font. Rer. Aust._ ii. xiv. 226, 243. - -[823] _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 146, 157. - -[824] Ducange, _Histoire de l’Empire de Constantinople_ (ed. 1729), II. -_Recueil_, 21, 22. - -[825] _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 159; _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, I. -150, 233; Miklosich und Müller, III. 109. - -[826] _Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 135, 161; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 214, 215, 220, -237; _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 94. - -[827] _Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 125, 130, 136-38, 147-49, 154, 159-62, 191; -_Arch. Ven._ XX. 92; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 217, 245. - -[828] Cantacuzene, I. 495. - -[829] _Starine_, IV. 29; Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_, I. 385 (thus -disproving Hopf’s statement, for which there is no authority, that Valona -became Serbian in 1337). - -[830] _Spomenik_, XI. 29, 30. - -[831] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium_, III. 176; -Predelli, _I Libri Commemoriali_, III. p. 307. - -[832] Hopf _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. -458ᵇ. - -[833] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 58. - -[834] _Ibid._ XXVII. 264; Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, 178. - -[835] Orbini, _Il regno degli Slavi_, 289; _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. -100-103. For the history of Saseno cp. Lampros in Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XI. -57-93. - -[836] _Ibid._ VII. 145; _Historia della casa Musachia_ _ap._ Hopf, -_Chroniques_, 290. - -[837] From _turri del Prego, turris Pirgi_, Hopf has evolved Parga, which -in 1320 formed part of the Despotat of Epeiros (_Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 170), -and became Venetian in 1401. Pyrgos was at the mouth of the Semeni (_Act. -et Dip. Alb._ II. 107, III). - -[838] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 226. - -[839] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 263, 266, 308, 349. - -[840] Miklosich und Müller, II. 230; Hopf, _Chroniques_, _l.c._; -Chalkokondyles, 251. - -[841] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 384, 412, 423; V. 81, 120; XII. 198, -199, 263; Gelcich, _La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi_, 204. - -[842] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 173. - -[843] _Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum_, p. XXI. - -[844] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ XXII. 372. - -[845] Hopf _ap._ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 159ᵃ. - -[846] Sathas, Μνημ. VI. 135, 137, 139, 173, 218. - -[847] Sathas, Μνημ. IX. 174. - -[848] A. Mauroceni, _Historia Veneta_ (ed. 1623), 172. - -[849] Sathas, Μνημ. IX. 218; Paruta, _Storia della guerra di Cipro_, 225. - -[850] Predelli, _Commem._ VII. pp. 190-93. - -[851] Garzoni, _Istoria della Repubblica di Venezia_ (ed. 1720), I. -365-71. - -[852] _Ibid._ 390-407; _Epirotica_, 254. - -[853] _Voyage_, I. 285. - -[854] Aravantinos, Χρονογραφία τῆς Ἠπείρου, I. 190-92, 248-49. - -[855] _Ibid._ I. 261, 288, 306, 311, 319, 328-29, 383, 400-1, 409-10. - -[856] _Diplomatische Aktenstücke_ (Wien, 1914), p. 71. - -[857] _Il Messaggero_, Oct. 31, 1914. - -[858] I. 333. - -[859] Lost in 1903, but recently re-discovered at Corfù. See _Morning -Post_, July 25, 1916. - -[860] _Ur_ = “Prince” in Hungarian. - -[861] Justly, as _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, I. 131 show. - -[862] Jireček (II. 120 n. 2) has shown that the form “Obilich” was -substituted in the eighteenth century, because “Kobilich” (= “son of a -mare”) was considered vulgar. - -[863] _Il Regno degli Slavi_, p. 294. - -[864] _Copioso Ristretto degli Annali di Rausa_, pp. 85, 132. - -[865] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium_, XXI. 123. - -[866] _Historia Byzantina_, I. 347. - -[867] _Abhandlungen der historischen Classe der k. bayrischen Akademie -der Wissenschaften_, VIII. 698. - -[868] _Istorija Crne Gore_, p. 43. - -[869] _Turcs et Monténégrins_, pp. 20, 30, 33. - -[870] _Istorija o Černoj Gorê_, Italian translation by Ciàmpoli, pp. 23, -25, 29-30. - -[871] In Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 101; -_Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 534. - -[872] _Trésor de Chronologie_, p. 1773. - -[873] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ IV. 301, 305, 372, 377. - -[874] Gelcich, _La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi_, p. 226. - -[875] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ V. 68; XVII. 36. - -[876] Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 42-3. - -[877] _Die serbischen Dynasten Crnojević_, p. 61. - -[878] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ XXI. 10. - -[879] _Ibid._ XXI. 164-5, 167-8, 202, 205, 382, 384. - -[880] Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, p. 566. - -[881] Between May 2 and November 11: _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ XXII. -364, 383. - -[882] _Ibid._ XXVII. 212. - -[883] _Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina_, -II. 229. - -[884] I have drawn largely for this essay from the _Wissenschaftliche -Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina_, of which twelve volumes -were published during the Austro-Hungarian occupation, and which throw -new light on many points of Bosnian history. I have also visited all -the chief places of historic interest in the occupied territory and the -_sandjak_ of Novibazar. - -[885] P. 159 (ed. Bonn). - -[886] _Wiss. Mitth._ I. 333, 434. - -[887] Constantine Porph. III. 156, 160. - -[888] Pp. 104, 131-32 (ed. Bonn). - -[889] _Wiss. Mitth._ VII. 215-20; Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, -1; Theiner, _Vetera Monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium historiam -illustrantia_, I. 6, 12-13, 15, 19-20, 22. - -[890] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, 24, 28-30, 32-34; Theiner, _Vetera -Monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia_, I. 31-32, 55-56, -72, 113, 120, 128-30, 133, 137, 147, 162-63, 168-73, 201-06; Thomas -Archidiaconus in _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, XXVI. 91, 103, 105, 113, 121, -195. - -[891] _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 260, 262. - -[892] _Ibid._ XI. 278; Orbini, _Il Regno degli Slavi_, 350. - -[893] L. v. Thallóczy in _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 268-73 (reprinted in his -_Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im Mittelalter_, 7-75). - -[894] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._ 42, 44, 60, 69; Theiner, _Mon. Hung._ I. -230, 273-76, 303, 348, 359-60, 364, 375-78, 395, 403, 456, 458, 463; -_Mon. Slav._ I. 135. - -[895] _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 184, 235, 239-44; Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._ -101-03, 105-07; Thallóczy, _op. cit._, 273. - -[896] _Wiss. Mitth._ IV. 324-42; Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._ 187. - -[897] Makuscev, _Monumenta historica Slavorum Meridionalium_, I. 528; -Doukas (Italian version), 354 (ed. Bonn). - -[898] Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_, II. 126. - -[899] _Wiss. Mitth._ II. 94-124; IV. 390-93; VI. 284-90; Thallóczy, _op. -cit._, 303. - -[900] _Recueil de Voyages et de Documents_ (Paris, 1892), XII. 195; -Thallóczy, _op. cit._, 79-109. - -[901] P. 249; _Wiss. Mitth._ II. 125-51. - -[902] Farlati, _Illyricum Sacrum_, IV. 68. - -[903] Another theory is that he received the ducal title from the Pope -in 1449, when he turned Catholic, or the King of Aragon, or that he -took it with the agreement of the Sultan. (_Wiss. Mitth._ III. 503-09; -X. 103 n.; Thallóczy, _Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im -Mittelalter_, 146-59.) But he is styled _dux terre Huminis_ as early as -Aug. 23, 1445 (_Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Mer._ XXI. 226), “Duke of St Sava” -in 1446 (Farlati, _l.c._), and “Duke” in a dubious inscription of that -year (_Wiss. Mitth._ III. 502). - -[904] Chalkokondyles, 459; Kritoboulos, III. ch. 2. - -[905] Chalkokondyles, 532; Kritoboulos, IV. ch. 15. - -[906] _Wiss. Mitth._ I. 496; III. 384; Hopf, _Chroniques_, 333; _Historia -Politica_, 33; Chalkokondyles, 535-44; Makuscev, I. 309, 532; II. 25. - -[907] Kritoboulos, V. chs. 4-6. - -[908] _Wiss. Mitth._ IV. 395; _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, VI. 114, 126; XXV. -386; Orbini, 388. - -[909] Campani _Vita Pii II, apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._, III. pt ii. 981. - -[910] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, VI. 648-9. - -[911] _Mélanges historiques_, IV. 395. - -[912] Her stay in Rome on this occasion may be dated approximately by two -letters which she wrote there on October 23 and November 5 (_Mon. Pat. -Script._ II. 115; Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’île de Chypre_, III. 114). -Capgrave, _Ye Solace of Pilgrimes_, 138. - -[913] P. 179 (Ed. 1614). - -[914] _Cronaca di Bologna_, _apud_ Muratori _R.I.S._ XVIII. 742. - -[915] P. 94. - -[916] _Mélanges historiques_, V. 411. - -[917] Volaterranus _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ (ed. 1904), XXIII. 87, 127, -148. - -[918] Torrigio, _Le sagre grotte Vaticane_ (ed. 1675), 285-6, 288-9, 299; -J. Burchardi, _Diarium_ (ed. 1883), I. 272-3. - -[919] _Archivio storico italiano_, Ser. III. iii. 226, 234-5. - -[920] _Histoire de l’île de Chypre_, III. 346-7, 408, 412-3. - -[921] Theiner, _Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram -illustrantia_, II. 318, 373-4. - -[922] _Libro nel qual s’ insegna a scriver ogni sorte lettera_ (ed. 1578) -f. 55; (ed. 1553) f. 54. - -[923] _Memorie Istoriche della Chiesa e Convento di S. Maria in Araceli_, -129, 148 (which give the Slavonic inscription, taken from Palatino). - -[924] _Copioso ristretto degli Annali di Ragusa_, 10; Thallóczy, _op. -cit._, 110-20, 309-10. - -[925] Theiner, _Vet. Mon. Hung._ II. 442, 447, 452; Makuscev, _Monumenta -historica Slavorum Meridionalium_, II. 95. - -[926] _Arch. stor. ital._ Ser. III. iii. 229; Gottlob, _Aus der Camera -Apostolica_, 292-4. - -[927] Mas Latrie, _Histoire_, III. 174; Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, -II. 474. - -[928] Migne, _Patrologia Græca_, CLXI. pp. lxxxvi-vii. - -[929] Steinmann, _Die Sixtinische Kapelle_, I. 386; Abb. 25; Schrader, -_Mon. Ital._ IV. 216. - -[930] William of Tyre, Bk XVI. 29; Jacques de Vitry (ed. Bongars), -1068-9, Röhricht, _Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem_, 191. - -[931] Ludolphi, _De Itinere Terræ Sanctæ_, 40-1. - -[932] William of Tyre, Bk IX. 2. - -[933] _Recueil des Hist., Lois_, I. 22; Jacques de Vitry, 1116. - -[934] William of Tyre, Bk XVII. 1. - -[935] _Recueil des Hist., Lois_, I. 22-26. - -[936] Bk XI. 10. - -[937] _Recueil des Hist., Hist. Occid._, II. 47, 58; _Morning Post_, Jan. -11, 1918. - -[938] _Ibid._ II. 36, 50; _Archives de l’Orient Latin_, I. 663-8. - -[939] Röhricht, _Regesta Regni Hieros._, pp. 285, 321, 325. - -[940] From _pullus_, a “colt,” and probably of the same origin as the -Moreote termination -όπουλος. - -[941] Pp. 1088-9. - -[942] _Lois_, I. 426-7. - -[943] Bk XXI. 7. - -[944] Jacques de Vitry, p. 1082. - -[945] Bk XII. 7. - -[946] William of Tyre, Bk XX. 29-30; Jacques de Vitry, p. 1063. - -[947] Radulfus de Diceto, II. 80-1; _Annales de Dunstapliâ_, 126; -Röhricht, _Regesta_, pp. 321, 361; _Geschichte_, 965; Mas Latrie, _Hist. -de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 81-2, 213. - -[948] Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, I. 200, 256. - -[949] I. 214-5. - -[950] _Ibid._ I. 178-82; II. 54. - -[951] _Ibid._ I. 231. - -[952] _Ibid._ II. 230, 253-54, 316-17. - -[953] _Ibid._ I. 34. - -[954] _Ibid._ I. 151; II. 252, 273. - -[955] _Ibid._ I. 30. - -[956] _Ibid._ I. 113. - -[957] _Ibid._ II. 18, 58. - -[958] _Ibid._ II. 106, 186, 259, 296. - -[959] _Ibid._ I. 230-1; II. 89-90. - -[960] _Ibid._ I. 101, 181; II. 149. - -[961] _Ibid._ I. 204; II. 149, 253. - -[962] _Ibid._ I. 109-11, 120-3. - -[963] _Ibid._ II. 209-22. - -[964] _Ibid._ I. 128. - -[965] _Ibid._ I. 220, 227, 246; II. 82, 83, 169. - -[966] _Ibid._ I. 69, 240; II. 162. - -[967] _Ibid._ I. 28, 55, 169, 174; II. 81. - -[968] _Ibid._ I. 89. - -[969] _Ibid._ II. 13, 26, 60, 71, 104, 114, 115, 138, 176, 204, 209. - -[970] _Ibid._ II. 8, 15, 97. - -[971] _Ibid._ I. 27. - -[972] _Ibid._ I. 199; II. 76, 78, 86, 205, 241-2. - -[973] _Ibid._ II. 94, 111. - -[974] _Ibid._ II. 65, 199. - -[975] _Ibid._ II. 99. - -[976] _Ibid._ II. 84. - -[977] _Ibid._ II. 206. - -[978] _Ibid._ I. 84, 128-9, 154, 179, 183, 197; II. 170, 256. - -[979] _Ibid._ II. 53. - -[980] _Ibid._ I. 57. - -[981] _Ibid._ I. 27, 153, 202. - -[982] _Ibid._ I. 169. - -[983] _Ibid._ I. 222; II. 81, 194. - - - - -INDEX - - - Abarinos, 108, 109 - - Abdul Hamid II, 269, 271 - - Abraham, Mount, 224, 226 - - Academy, the, 3, 542 - - Acciajuoli, family of (dukes of Athens), 100, 130, 136, 138, 142 ff., - 148, 154, 390, 498, 499 - Angelo, cardinal, 138 - Antonio I, 80, 100, 139, 142 ff., 154, 159, 255 - Antonio II, 147, 150, 159 - Donato, 138, 139 - Francesca, 81, 144, 263 - Francesco, 150 - Franco, 146, 147, 150, 151, 153, 159 ff. - Nerio I, 127, 129, 130, 135 ff., 154, 156, 159, 169, 254, 263 - Nerio II, 80, 100, 146 ff., 159, 160, 236 - Nicholas, 96 - - Achaia, 7 ff., 12, 13, 18 ff., 26, 31, 70 ff., 78, 79, 81 ff., 89 - ff., 100, 103, 107 ff., 111, 112, 114 ff., 120, 125 ff., 138, - 143, 164, 166, 178, 202, 232, 246 ff., 262, 263, 265, 283, 290, - 298, 321, 325, 327, 418, 419, 500, 501, 520, 533 - - Achaian League, 1 - - Acheron, 111 - - Achilleios, St, Thessalian archbishop, 47 - - Achilles, 25, 115, 543 - - _Achilles, Romance of_, 118 - - Achmet Pasha, 264 - son of Turakhan, 102 - - Achsah, 113 - - Acre, 58, 517, 518, 520, 523 ff., 532 - - _Acts of the Apostles, The_, 9, 10, 270, 392 - - Adalia, 175 - Michael of, 537 - - Adam, Guillaume, archbishop of Antivari, 125, 246, 450 - - Adamantiou, Prof., 269 n. - - Adelaide, queen of Baldwin I of Jerusalem, 518 - - Admetos, 62 - - Adorno, Gabriele, 304 - - Adrianople, 25, 106, 255, 299, 334, 335, 339, 448, 484, 488, 499, 535 - - Adriatic Sea, 49, 175, 271, 380, 429 ff., 439, 443, 444, 449, 451, - 454, 461, 462, 474, 480, 481, 498, 508, 534, 535, 540, 548 - - Ædepsos, baths of, 5, 246 - - Ægean Islands, 20, 37, 197, 355, 357 - - Ægean Sea, 37, 55, 149, 151, 162, 166, 168, 171, 175, 234, 239, 267, - 283, 289, 294, 298, 316, 340, 384, 399, 417 - - Ægeopelagos, 68 - - Ægina, 6, 44, 45, 53, 61, 66, 117, 131, 143, 144, 172, 173, 271, 373, - 394 n., 413, 415 ff., 422 - - Aeironesion, 430 - - Ælian, _Tactics_, 537 - - Æneas of Gaza, 311 - - _Æneid_, the, 205, 504 - - Ænos, 106, 298, 306, 313, 318 ff., 323 ff., 331, 333, 334, 338, 339, - 344, 351, 353, 498, 499 - - Æschylus, 150, 237, 375 - _Agamemnon_ of, 171 - - Ætolia, 15, 37, 356, 451, 453 - - Africa, 29, 168 - - Aga, Isouf, 396 - - Agallianos, 38 - - Agamemnon, 136 - - Aglauros, grotto of, 408 - - Agnes, queen-mother of Jerusalem, 521 - - Agora, 131 - - Agrippa, 7 - - Ahmed I, sultan, 382, 389 - III, sultan, 425 - - Aigion, 7, 72, 101, 106, 376, 418 - - Aigle, Guillaume de l’, 320 - - Aila (ʿAkaba, Eloth), 516, 517 - - Aivan Serai, 319 - - ʿAkaba, _see_ Aila - - ʿAkaba, gulf of, 523 - - Akamir, Slav chieftain, 39 - - Akarnania, 12, 37, 131, 223, 356, 379, 404, 451, 453 - - Akerhjelm, Anna, 408 - - Akominatos, Michael, 53, 54, 60, 63, 64, 66, 88, 111, 112, 135, 156, - 232 - - Akova, 72 - the lady of, 95 - - Akrocorinth, 52, 62, 87, 88, 96, 101, 104, 129, 136, 145, 156, 397, - 405 - - Akropolis, the, 3, 6, 7, 15, 18, 30, 32, 33, 46, 47, 53, 63, 65, 76, - 85, 111, 121, 128 ff., 135 ff., 140, 142, 144, 147, 148, 150 - ff., 157, 160, 274, 279, 381, 387, 389, 393, 395, 396, 407 ff., - 411, 412, 414, 415 - - Aktian festival of Augustus, 23 - - “Aktian games,” 6 - - Aktion, battle of, 6 - - Alaric, 25, 26, 27, 29 - - Albania, and the Albanians, 50, 59, 103 ff., 129, 146, 149, 188, 193, - 217, 228, 361, 368, 370, 383, 384, 388 n., 412, 419, 430 ff., - 434 ff., 438 ff., 442, 443, 447, 449, 450, 453, 454, 456, 461, - 480, 498, 499, 512, 536, 541, 549 - - Albanon, 443 - - Albigenses, the, 472 - - Alcestis, 62 - - Aldobrandini, the, 175 - Pietro, 507 - - Aldoin, count of Acerra, 276 - - Aleman, Guillaume, 72, 78, 89, 200 - - Aleppo, 516, 522 - - Alessio, 437, 456 - - Alexander V, pope, 198 - VI, pope, 507, 510, 513 - VIII, pope, 439 - crown prince of Serbia, 451 - of Trebizond, 328, 329, 349 - the Great, 51, 270 - the name of, 390 - Severus, 17 - - Alexandrakos, historian, 383 n. - - Alexandretta, 516 - - Alexandria, 43, 289, 371, 528, 532 - - _Alexiad_, the, 537, 541 - - Alexios IV, emperor of Trebizond, 177, 328, 329 - nephew of Manuel I, 275, 276 - - Alfonso V, king of Aragon, 143, 149, 151, 156, 159, 327, 334 - V, king of Portugal, 340 - - Alfred, king of England, 32 - - Algerines, the, 228 - - Algiers, 380, 384 - - Ali, pasha of Joannina, 224, 440 - Turkish admiral, 374 - - Alibret, cardinal, 510 - - Alikianou, 186 - - Alkinoös, 229 - - Alkmaion, 153 - - Almiro, gulf of, 246 - - Alonzo of Naples, 506 - - Alpheios, valley of the, 72 - - Alps, the, 275 - - Al Rashid, Haroun, 40 - - Altavilla, family of, 202 - - Amalasuntha, 430 - - Amalfi, 499, 523, 528, 548 - - Amari, 45 - - Amaury I, 519, 521, 523, 529 - - Ambelaki, 413 - - Ambelokepoi, 395 - - Ambrakian gulf, the, 205, 404, 426 - - Ambrose, St, archbishop of Milan, 271 - - Amedeo of Savoy, pretender to Achaia, 137, 263 - V of Savoy, 320 n. - VI of Savoy, 316, 317 - VIII of Savoy, 326 - - America, and the Americans, 93, 311, 367 - - Ammiraglio, ponte dell’, 52 - - Amoiroutses, George, 154, 360 - - Amorgos, 8, 165, 167 - - Amphiktyonic Council, the, 7, 16 - - Amphissa, 63 - - Ampurias, 122 - - Anacletos, bishop of Rome, 16 - - Anæa, 283 - - Anand, Col. Thomas, 195 - - _Anaphiótika_, the, 416 - - Anargyroi, monastery of the, 36, 413 - - Anastasios II, 269 - - Anatolia, 492 - - Ancona, 340, 372, 439, 499 - - Andravida, 71, 73, 88, 93 - Norman arch of, 84 - - Andreville, _see_ Andravida - - Andrew, St, 17, 41, 106 - St, head of, 499 ff. - duke of the Herzegovina, 470 - - Andronikos, the Syrian, 7 - - Andros, 43, 142, 163, 166, 168, 170, 171, 173, 174, 176, 373, 394, - 398, 400 - - Androusa, 97 - - Androutsos, 228 - - Anemas, Michael, 545 - - Anephorites, pass of, 142 - - Angelos, family of (despots of Epeiros), 88, 115, 124, 182, 200, 201, - 263 - Helene, 80, 115, 116, 431 - Isaac II, emperor, 54, 55, 58 - Manuel, 278 - Michael I, 58, 69, 199, 431 - Michael II, 199, 200, 249, 431 ff. - Nikephoros I, 262, 432, 433 - Nikephoros II, 318, 434 - Theodore, emperor of Salonika, 277, 278 - Thomas, 433 - - Angevins, the, 95, 116, 118, 124, 166, 169, 199 ff., 208, 209, 262, - 263, 432 ff., 441, 454 - - Angles in England, the, 444 - - Angora, 99, 254, 322, 323, 456, 483 - - Anguillara, count of, 340 - - Anjou, house of, 93, 95, 252 - Charles I of, 93, 116, 166, 200, 249 - Charles II of, 94 - - Anna, St, foot of, 513 - Lady, of Epeiros, 83, 84 - - Anne of Savoy, 278, 299, 305, 314, 320 n., 450 - - Anoe, 265 - - Anopaia, pass of, 33 - - Antelme of Clugny, 72 - - Antikyra (Aspra Spitia), 5 - - Antikythera, _see_ Cerigotto - - Antioch, 50, 516 ff., 520 ff., 524, 526, 527, 530, 541, 547 - George of, admiral, 51 - Marie of, 76, 117 - - Antiparos, island of, 170 - - Anti-Paxo, 204, 214 - - Antirrhion, 417 - - Antivari, 435, 437, 446, 450, 451, 454, 456, 498 - - Antonine, Maritime and Jerusalem Itineraries, 429 - - Antonines, the, 14 ff. - - Antonius, Caius, 4 - - Antony, 6 - - Antwerp, 174 - - Aoos, _see_ Vojussa - - Apelles, 543 - - Apellikon, 2 - - Apollo, statue of, 381 - - Apollonios of Tyana, 10 - - Apollos, 9, 10 - - Apostoles, Arsenios, 241 - - Apulia, 43, 49, 69, 109, 262, 385, 458, 466, 530 - - Aquileia, patriarch of, 340, 501 - - Aquinas, St Thomas, 311 - - Arabs, the, 36, 37, 191, 202, 526 - - Aragon, 82, 123, 124, 128, 130, 140, 141, 143, 149, 151, 152, 158, - 159, 200, 285, 504 - - Arangio, family of, 301 - Francesco, 304 - - Arbe, island of, 492 - - Arcadia (Mesarea), 59, 72, 88 - - Arcadius, son of Theodosius, 25 - - Arch of Trajan, _see_ Philopappos - - Archipelago, duchy of the, 70, 81, 85, 112, 120, 154, 161 ff., 170, - 171, 178, 184, 194, 289, 310, 312, 314, 324, 332, 352, 399, - 401, 498 - - Archivio di Stato, 502 - - Archon Eponymos of Athens, 12, 13, 19, 31 - - Ardiæi, the, 460 - - Areopagos, the, 9, 11, 16, 21, 31, 66, 135, 396, 407 - - Aretousa, 198 - - Arezzo, 145 - - Argives, the, 23 - - Argolis, 100 - - Argos, 15, 19, 26, 62, 76, 87, 88, 98, 102, 106, 111, 114, 121, 124 - ff., 136, 159, 232, 372, 424 - - Argostoli, 215 - - Argyroi, family of the, 267 - - Argyropoulos, 515 - - Ariadne, 162 - - Arian controversy, the, 22, 23, 25 - monks, 26 - - Arianiti, Angelina, 512 - Costantino, 512 - Giorgio, 512 - - Ariobarzanes II, king of Cappadocia, 3 - - Aristarchos, 270 - - Aristides, philosopher, 16 - - Aristion, 2, 3 - - Aristogeiton, 6, 410 - - Aristophanes, 35, 65, 393, 537 - the _Birds_, 443 - the School of, 153 - - Aristotle, 2, 3, 32, 84, 144, 311, 514, 515, 537, 541 - study of, 141, 147 - _Natural History of Animals_, 515 - - Arius, 23 - - Arkadia (Kyparissia), 14, 72, 89 - - Armeni, 45 - - Armenia, and the Armenians, 197, 276, 278, 361, 498, 506, 516, 526, - 528 - - Arnauts, the, _see_ Albanians - - Arsenios, metropolitan of Corfù, 46 - - Arta, 53, 70, 88, 163, 264, 377, 379, 513 - - Arundel, earl of, 381 - - Asan, Alexander, 344 - Manuel, 332 - Matthew, 238, 343 - - Ascalon, 520 - - Asên, Alexander, 434, 435 - George, 435 - II, John, of Bulgaria, 448 - III, John, of Bulgaria, 433 - John Alexander, of Bulgaria, 434 - John Comnenos, 434 - - Asia, 323, 446, 483, 541 - Minor, 58 - Minor, king and despot of, 290 - - Asian Diocese, the, 20, 21 - - Asklepios, shrine of, 30 - - Aspra Spitia, _see_ Antikyra - - Assassins, sect of the, 528, 529 - - _Assicurati_, the, 213 - - _Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois_, 520 - - _Assizes of Antioch_, 526 - _of Cyprus_, 520 - _of Jerusalem_, 71, 112, 520, 527 - _of Romania_, 122 - - Assos, 336 - - Atalante, 76, 111, 395 - channel, the, 246, 249, 255 - - Athanasios, metropolitan, 405 - - Athena, 413, 543, 548 - goddess, 12, 25, 46 - statue of, 30, 32 - Archegetis, gate of (Temple of Augustus), 7, 13, 153, 410 - Promachos, statue of, 30 n. - - Athenais, _see_ Eudokia, empress - - Athenion, 2 - - Athens, 1 ff., 5 ff., 29 ff., 36 ff., 45 ff., 53, 54, 60, 61, 63 ff., - 74 ff., 80 ff., 85, 97, 98, 100, 110 ff., 121 ff., 129 ff., 135 - ff., 167, 169, 171, 198, 232, 233, 236, 242, 247 ff., 268, 273, - 277, 278, 290, 292, 351, 356, 371, 372, 377 ff., 381, 383 n., - 385 ff., 406 ff., 418, 425, 498, 499, 515, 525, 533 - archbishops of, 66, 67, 88, 130, 131 - castle of, 157 - cathedral of Our Lady of, 65, 138, 139, 156 - Christian Archæological Museum, 94, 131, 235 - church of St Mary of, 140, 141 - convent of St Andrew, 378 - dukes and duchy of, 59, 70, 74, 76, 78 ff., 82, 83, 85, 92, 95, 96, - 100, 114 ff., 125 ff., 132, 133, 138, 144, 147, 149, 151, 153, - 154, 245, 360 - first bishop of, 17 - National Library at, 160 - the Olive Grove, 19 - the _Sindici_ of, 130 - the Sire of, 114 - university of, 14, 15, 17, 21, 23, 31, 32 - _also see_ Churches - - Athos, Mount, 281 n., 331, 447 - - Attaleiates, _see_ Michael of Adalia - - Attica, 4, 16, 22, 25, 47, 49, 54, 63, 64, 66, 75, 76, 97, 110 ff., - 118, 123, 127 ff., 137, 141, 142, 144, 146, 182, 236, 356, 387, - 389, 393, 414, 416 - - Atticus (_also see_ Herodes Atticus), 5, 205 - - Augerinos, _see_ Molivos - - Augustin, St, 230 - - Augustus, temple of, _see_ Athena Archegetis - Aktian festival of, 23 - (Octavian), emperor, 6, 7, 461 - - Aurelian, 20 - - Aurelius, Marcus, 14, 15, 17 - - Australia, 523 - - Australians, 533 - - Austria, and the Austrians, 323, 407, 462, 471, 474 - - Austria-Hungary, 422 - - Autariatæ, the, 460 - - Avars, the, 34, 35, 37, 109, 463 - - Avarinos, 235 - - Avesnes, Jacques d’, 58 - - Axios, river, _see_ Vardar - - - Baal, prophets of, 530 - - Babin, jesuit, 386, 392, 393, 413 - - Babuna, pass of, 447 - - Babylon, 548 - - Baden, Prince Louis of, 496 - - Badoer, governor, 426 - - Baffo, family of, 174 - - Bairam, the season of, 393, 396 - - Balbi, commander, 424 - - Baldaja, Lope de, 239 - - Balduini, Antonelli, 147 - - Baldwin I, Latin emperor, 58, 63, 110 - II, Latin emperor, 115, 200, 233, 246, 290, 318, 431 - I of Jerusalem, 516, 518 ff., 523, 524, 526, 528, 541 - II of Jerusalem, 516, 518, 519, 523 - III of Jerusalem, 519, 523, 530 - IV of Jerusalem, 519, 523 - V of Jerusalem, 519 - - Balkans, the, 18, 25 - - Ballester, archbishop of Athens, 130, 158 - - Balliol, Russell (Oursel Bailleul), 540 - - Balsha, family of, 435, 453, 454 - II, 435 - Dame (Comita Musachi), 435, 436 - Peter, 492 - Regina, 435, 437 - titular duke of St Sava, 509 - - Balsignano, Giacomo di, 432, 441 - - Baltaoghli, admiral, 333 - - Baltos, 404 - - Banca, Paolo, 304 - - Bandiera, Monte, 441 - - Banias, the triangle of, 516 - - Bâniyâs, _see_ Valénia - - Banjaluka, 461, 462, 491, 493, 494, 496, 497 - - Baphius, _De Felicitate Urbis Florentiæ_, 161 - - Barbarossa, Frederick, 447 - Khaireddîn, admiral, 172, 173, 187, 219, 266, 268, 365 - - Barbary, 193, 228, 438 - - Barberini manuscript, the, 148 - - Barcelona, 57, 110, 128, 157 - - _Barcelona_, the _Customs of_, 122 - - Bargello of Florence, 125 - - Bari, 109, 432, 446, 447, 449, 535, 544 - St Nicholas of, 93 - - Barozzi, the, 167 - Francesco, 400 - - Basante, river, _see_ Bosna - - Basil I, emperor, 42, 43, 44 - II, “the Bulgar-slayer,” emperor, 47, 48, 53, 65, 113, 272, 273, - 275, 430, 445, 465, 466, 534 ff. - - Basil, heretic, 542 - - Basilakios, 540 - - Basilike, 389 - - Basingstoke, Master John of, 66 - - Bassano, 309 - - Bato, 461 - - Baudrand, _Geographia_, 267, 268 - - Bautzen, 443 - - Baux, family of, 453 - Jacques de, 97, 107, 128, 201 - - Bayezid I, sultan, 137, 159, 171, 237, 254, 280, 319 ff., 455 - II, sultan, 365, 492 - - Beaufort, duc de, 195 - Henry, bishop of Winchester, 171 - - Beaumont, John, viscount, 345 - - Bees, N. A., 35 - - Beibars, sultan of Egypt, 517 - - Beirût, 506, 516, 518, 521 - - Beithmann, minister, 411 - - Béla II, king of Hungary, 467 - III, king of Hungary, 469, 470 - - Belgrade, 442, 443, 448, 456, 457, 486, 497 - - Bellarbe, Romeo de, 128 - - Belvoir, 528 - - Bembo, commander, 425 - Giovanni Matteo, 438, 439 - - Benaldes, Dr Argyros, 407, 414, 415 - - Benedict, archbishop of Patras, 249 - of Peterborough, 61, 262 - XII, pope, 293 - - Benevento, 199, 202, 263, 431, 498, 512 - - Benizelos, family of, 390, 397, 414 - Angelos, 393 - Demetrios, 393 - Joannes, 393 - Palaiologos, 416 - - Benizelou, Philothee, 378 - - Benjamin of Tudela, 52, 53, 60, 275, 527, 549 - - Bentley, 83 - - Bérard, 77, 112 - - Berat, 431 ff., 436, 440 - - Bergikios, Joannes, 198 - - Bergotes, K., 261 - - Berlin, 65 - Museum, 148 - - Berre, Louis Cossa of, 326 - - Beshik, lake, 273 - - Bessarion, Cardinal, of Trebizond, 372, 500, 505, 513 ff. - - Bestami, Ali, 348, 490 - - Bethany, 531 - - Bethlehem, 517, 518, 520, 527, 529, 530 - - Béthune, Conon de, 83 - - Bettòlo, admiral, 436 - - Biandrate, 277 - - Bistue, 462 - - Bjelopolje, 470 - - Black Cape, _see_ Karaburun - Mountain, the, 229 - Prince, 128 n. - Sea, the, 58, 272, 283, 285, 289, 295, 300, 328, 333, 341, 449, 499 - - Blagaj, 465, 490 - - Bobovatz, 475, 478, 482, 487, 489 - - Boccaccio, 79, 93, 114, 138 - _History of the King of Scotland and the Queen of England_, 212 - - Boccanegra, Simone, 303 - - Bocche di Cattaro, 447, 454, 478 - - Bodin, Constantine (Peter of Bulgaria), king of the Zeta, 446, 466, - 549 - - Bodleian Library, 389 - - Bœotia, and the Bœotians, 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 25, 49, 55, 63, 75, 76, - 82, 97, 110 ff., 123, 124, 128, 132, 144, 151, 153, 161, 356, - 550 - - Bœthius, _Consolation of Philosophy_, 32 - - Bogomiles (Patarenes), the, 447, 469 ff., 475 ff., 480, 485, 489 ff., - 494 ff., 508, 541 - - Bohemond of Taranto, 516, 520, 541, 542, 544, 546, 548 - - Bologna, 69, 84, 311, 314, 504 - - Bonaparte, _see_ Napoleon I - - Bondelmonti, 330, 331 - - Boniface of Montferrat, 58, 59, 62, 63, 67, 69, 83, 87, 110, 113, - 121, 177, 245, 246, 277, 278 - of Verona, 117, 120, 121, 123, 133, 236 - VIII, pope, 76, 118, 286, 314 - - Bonne of Savoy, 326 - - _Book of Guido_, 47 - - _Book of the Customs of the Empire of Romania_, 71, 73 - - Bordeaux, 128 - - Bordo de San Superan, Pedro, 97, 100, 128 - - Borgia, Rodrigo, _see_ Alexander VI, pope - - Borgo, the, 497 - - Borich, _ban_ of Bosnia, 467, 473 - - Boris of Bulgaria, 272 - - Boschini, 267 - - Bosna (Basante), river, 464, 470, 471, 483, 496 - - Bosnia, 173, 365, 422, 435, 447, 451, 454, 457, 460 ff., 498, 499 - - Bosporos, the, 47, 181, 299, 322, 446, 451, 499, 535 - - Botaneiates, Nikephoros, emperor, 535, 537, 538, 540 - - Boua, family of, 368 - Peter, “the lame,” 103 - Grivas, family of, 264 - - Boubounistra gate, the, 141 - - Bouchart, William, jouster, 82, 118 - - Boucicault, Marshal, 305, 313, 320 ff. - - Boudonitza (Mendenitza), bishop of, 395 - marquesses and the marquisate of, 62, 63, 81, 85, 111, 119, 124, - 127, 134, 143, 150, 245 ff., 290 - - Boulgaris, family of, 218 - - Boulgaris, Eugenios, 213 - - Boulogne, 368 - - Bouniales, poet, 198, 384 - - Bourbons, the, 486 - - Bourbon, Marie de, 201, 321 - - Bousat, Hugh, 507 - - Boutron, 522 - - Boyl, bishop of Megara, 129 - - Bracciolini, Poggio, 311 - - Branas, Alexios, 276 - Theodore, 332 - - Brankovich, George, 281, 456, 487 - Lazar III, 457 - Maria, 490 - Stephen, 512 - Vuk, 455, 456, 479 - - Brazza, island of, 479, 481 - - Brenthe, the Hellenic, 72 - - Brescia, 144, 417 - Domenico of, 148 n. - - Brienne, family of, 124, 136, 158 - Hugh de, 116 - Isabelle de, 125 - Walter I de, 118 ff., 123, 250 - Walter II de, 121, 124 ff., 138, 203, 251 - - Brindisi, 121, 535 - Margaritone of, 261, 262 - - Bristol, 344 - - British, the, 186, 198, 207, 208, 211 ff., 227, 229, 234, 298, 364, - 478, 503, 515, 516, 549 - Adriatic Mission, 441 - Museum, 226 n., 270, 531 - School at Athens, 72 - - Brod, 496 - - Brokines, L. S., 219 - - Brown, Mr Horatio F., 63, 239 n. - - Brue, interpreter, 425 - - Brunswick, duke of, 404 - Prince Maximilian William of, 404 - - Brusa, 294, 320 - - Brutus, 5, 6 - - Bruyères, Geoffroy de, 72 - Hugues de, 72, 89 - - Bryennios, Nikephoros, 538 ff. - - Buchon, historian, 70, 86, 118, 132, 233, 257 - - Buckingham, duke of, 345, 381 - - Buda-Pesth, 451, 483, 493, 496 - - Budua, 451, 454, 456, 458, 459 - - Bulgaria, and the Bulgarians, 18, 29, 34, 40 ff., 46, 48, 49, 59, 65, - 271 ff., 277, 316, 361, 370, 418, 442 ff., 450, 453, 464, 466, - 469, 480, 535 - - Buna, river, 465 - - Buondelmonti, _Liber Insularum_, 263 - - Burgundy, 75, 90, 112, 113, 321 - duke of, 320 - Louis of, 95 - - Bury, Professor, 272 - - Bustron, Florio, 531 - - Butrinto, 205, 217, 219 ff., 224, 225, 373, 403, 417, 426 - - Byron, Lord, 66, 196, 204, 386 - _Corsair_, 399 - _The Siege of Corinth_, 425 - - _Byzantinische Zeitschrift_, 109 - - Byzantium, 22, 120, 123, 136, 232, 283, 299, 313, 316, 323, 329, 351, - 445, 449 ff., 502, 512, 534, 536, 537, 543, 547 - - - Cæsar, 5, 7, 50, 140, 538 - - Cæsarea, 527 - Philippi, 516 - - Caffa, 307, 309, 329, 333 - - Caffaro, historian, 61 - _Liberatio Orientis_, 261 - - Cairo, 506 - - Caius Antonius, 4 - - Calabria, 49, 67, 210, 369 - duke of, 344, 501 - - Calbo, Antonio, 264 - - Calemanus, 432 - - Caligula, 8 - - Caliph, the, 37 - - Calixtus III, pope, 340, 343, 352 - - Calvi, Francesco, secretary, 331 - - Cambrai, bishop of, 158 - - Camogli, 345 - - Campi, Andriolo, 304 - Giovanni, 304 - - Campo-fregoso, Gian Galeazzo de, 328 - Ludovico de, 328, 332, 345 - - Canaia (Panaia), island, 161, 246 - - Canale, Nicolò da, 351 - - Cancelleria, the, 515 - - Candia, 44, 130, 163, 167, 176, 179 ff., 183 ff., 190 ff., 222, 356, - 365, 384, 385, 403 - - Canea, 180, 181, 184, 186, 187, 189, 190, 192, 194, 356, 416, 418, 426 - - Caneto, Nicolò de, 304 - - Cantacuzenes, the, 130 - - Cantacuzene, John, emperor, 62, 96, 103, 104, 269, 278, 279, 291, - 292, 299, 305, 306, 313 ff., 318, 433, 450 - Manuel, 96, 97, 316 - Matthew, 315, 316 - Michael (Saïtan Oglou), 375 - de Flory, Charlotte, 507 - - Canterbury, archbishop of, 345 - St Thomas of, 518, 529 - - Caopena, family of, 131, 143 - - Cape Colonna (Cape Sunium), 83 - Matapan, 29 - - Capello, Vettor, 349, 350, 372 - - Capgrave, 503 - - Capistrano, franciscan, 457 - - Capitan Pasha, the, 268, 365, 438 - - Capodistria, Count Viaro, 211 - - Capsulum, 332 - - Capuchins, the, 383, 386, 388, 393, 397, 400, 410, 411 - - Caracalla, 17, 18 - - Caracciolo, 106, 513 - - Cargèse, 385 - - Carlini, archbishop, 421, 425 - - Carlo, duke of Regina, 265 - - Carlone, 308 - - Carlovitz, and treaty of, 203, 223, 361 n., 417, 422, 424, 497 - - Carmel, Mt, 530 - - Carniola, 487 - - Carrey, Jacques, painter, 387, 395 - - _Casa dei Mercanti_, 59 - - Casape, 372 - - Cassino, 513 - - Cassius, 6 - - Castello dell’ Uovo, 96, 482 - - Castelnuovo, 454, 478, 492 - - Castel Rosso, _see_ Karystos - Tornese, _see_ Chlomoutsi - - Castile, 158 - - Castro, Giovanni de, 502 - - Catalan Chronicle, the, 95 - Grand Company, 95, 119, 121, 130, 236, 279, 288, 501 - - Catalans, the, 76, 77, 96, 97, 115, 119 ff., 129 ff., 143, 167, 169, - 182, 236, 250 ff., 288, 290, 318, 341 - - Cataluña, 57, 119, 120, 130, 131 - - Catherine of Austria, 320 n. - queen of Bosnia, 488, 491, 508 ff., 512 - daughter of Stephen Thomas of Bosnia, 508 - of Savoy, 320 n. - of Valois, Latin empress, 97, 201, 252, 290, 433 - wife of Andrew Palaiologos, 514 - - Cattaneo, family of, 313, 337 - Andriolo, 288, 289, 294, 295, 296 - Domenico, 294 ff., 316 - Luchino, 295 - - Cattaro, 424, 435, 445, 451 ff., 456, 475, 477 ff., 484 - - Catullus, 271, 540 - - Caumont, de, traveller, 107 - - Ceba, commander, 328 - - Celts, the, 275, 460 - - Cephalonia, 4, 13, 37, 50, 55, 61, 69, 70, 81, 136, 139, 144, 153, - 154, 202 ff., 209, 213, 215, 216, 221, 222, 232, 243, 257, 261 - ff., 325, 374, 498, 512 - counts of, 82, 84, 135, 139, 146 - - Cerigo (Kythera), 69, 183, 204, 217, 221, 223, 225, 226, 228, 233 - ff., 242, 245, 267, 422, 426 - - Cerigotto (Antikythera), 225, 234, 245, 381 n., 426 - - Cérines (Kyrenia), 503 ff. - - Cerone, Signor, _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, 156 - - Certosa, the, 96, 145, 154 - - Cetina, river, 464, 474, 478 - - Chafforicios, John, 507 - - Chaironeia, 2, 3, 12, 96 - - Chalandritza, 72, 290 - - Chalcedon, the council of, 31 - - Chalil Pasha, 439 - - Chalkidike, peninsula of, 270, 274 - - Chalkis, 54, 69, 148 n., 159, 160, 193, 306, 356, 379, 396, 397 - - Chalkokondyles, family of, 76 - Laonikos, historian, 101, 145, 152, 159, 237 ff., 280, 281, 351, - 371, 390, 484 - Demetrios, 145, 369, 371 - father of the historian, 146, 147 - - Chalouphes, Nikephoros, 52 - - Chamaretos, Joannes, 88 - - Champagne, 64, 75, 87, 88, 90, 111, 116 - count of, 58 - - Champlitte, Guillaume de, 58, 67, 74, 87, 89, 246 - Robert de, 74, 90 - - Chandak, the, 44 - - _Charbon_, 72 - - Charkondyles, _see_ Chalkokondyles - - Charles IV, emperor, 184 - V, emperor, 219, 220, 373, 374 - I of Anjou-Naples, 93, 109, 116, 166, 200, 247, 249, 285, 431, 432 - II of Anjou-Naples, 94, 108, 201, 262, 433 - III of Durazzo, 201, 202 - I of England, 61, 381 - V of France, 127 - VI of France, 321 - VII of France, 303, 344 - VIII of France, 106, 240, 381, 514 - II of Navarre, 127 - of Savoy, 506, 519 - XII of Sweden, 223 - of Taranto, 133 - Robert of Hungary, 474 - - Charlotte of Cyprus, 502 ff., 519 - - Charvati, 59 - - Chases, 46 - - Chastel-Rouge, 528 - - Châtaignier, M., consul, 387 - - Château Pèlerin, 518 - - Chateaubriand, 419 - - Châtillon, Renaud de, 522 - - Chaucer, 114 - _The Knight’s Tale_, 64 - - Cheimarra, 404, 434 ff., 438 - - Cherson, 272 - - Chian Chartered Company, 337, 342, 345, 373, 501 - - Chilandar, monastery of, 447 - - Chinardo, Filippo, admiral, 199, 200, 431 ff., 441 - - Chios, 148, 160, 168, 173, 250, 283, 287 ff., 296, 298 ff., 313, 314, - 319, 322, 325, 328, 332, 334, 336, 337, 341, 342, 344 ff., 349, - 356, 373, 417, 420, 498, 501 - - Chlomoutsi (Castel Tornese), 78 ff., 85, 91, 405, 501 - - Choniates, Niketas, historian, 53, 86 - - Chortatzai, 181 - - Chosroes, king of Persia, 32 - - Choumnos, Nikephoros, rhetorician, 269 - - _Chronicle of Galaxidi_, 376 - - _Chronicle of Monemvasia_, 35 - - _Chronicle of the Morea_, _see_ Morea - - _Chronicon Breve_, 160 - - Chrysostom, 84, 149 - - Church of - Ara Cœli, Rome, 508 ff. - Georgios Tropæophoros, Valona, 437 - La Martorana (Sta Maria dell’ Ammiraglio), 52 - Landulph, 106, 107 - Our Lady, Athens (_also see_ Parthenon), 31, 46, 61, 65, 85, 112, - 140, 141, 145, 151 - St Andrew, Salonika, 274 - St Arsenios, Corfù, 210 - St Athanasios, Kastro, Thasos, 330 - St Catherine, Jajce, 510 - Salonika, 279 - St Demetrios, Salonika, 279, 281 - the Bombardier, Athens, 396 - St Elias, Salonika, 275 - St George, Salonika, 271, 274, 279 - St James, Compostella, 74 - St John Baptist, Lesbos, 319 - St John Baptist, Salonika, 281 - St Mark, Venice, 143, 407 - St Martin, Tours, 79 - St Mary’s-on-the-rock, Athens, 145, 388 - St Nicholas, Ænos, 326 - St Panteleemon, Athens, 390, 394 - Salonika, 275 - St Peter, Rome, 74, 500, 506, 507, 513 - St Saba, Acra, 525 - St Sophia, Salonika, 279, 282 - Constantinople, 22, 33, 54, 235, 282 - Monemvasia, 235 - St Spiridion, Corfù, 210, 222, 224, 225 - St Theodore, Patras, 78 - SS. Jason and Sosipater, Corfù, 218, 237 - SS. Nereus and Achillios, Rome, 515 - SS. Peter and Paul, Naples, 376 - San Ciriaco, Rome, 503 - San Clemente, Salonika, 272 - San Giacomo, Sestri Ponente, 314, 324, 351 - San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice, 131 - San Pietro in Montorio, Rome, 240 - Sant’ Andrea della Valle, Rome, 500 - Sant’ Antonio, Naxos, 171 - Sta Maria de Clusurio, Boudonitza, 248 - della Pace, Rome, 198 - della Passione, Milan, 371 - del Popolo, Rome, 507 - sopra Minerva, Rome, 515 - the Archangels, Athens, 378 - the Chrysopege, Ænos, 326 - the Holy Apostles, Athens, 360 - the Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem, 531 - the Panagia Gorgoepekoos, Athens, 40, 233, 378 - the Prophet Elias, Athens, 131 - the SS. Apostoli, Rome, 514 - the Twelve Apostles, Salonika, 279 - the Virgin, Corfù, 24 - Salonika, 275, 281 - - Ciacconius, _Lives and Acts of the Popes and Cardinals_, 511 - - Cicero, 4, 5, 16, 99, 205, 270, 514, 550 - - Cicon, Agnes de, 117 - Sibylle de, 248 - - Cilicia, 4 - - Cinnamus, 468 - - Cistercians, the, 118 - - Civetot, 549 - - Claudius, emperor, 8, 18, 20 - - Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez de, 323 - - Clement III, pope, 446 - V, pope, 529 - VI, pope, 253, 293 - VII, pope, 158 - VIII, pope, 507 - IX, pope, 195 - XI, pope, 424 - St, relics of, 272 - - Cleopatra, 6 - - Clerkenwell, priory of St John of Jerusalem, 522 - - Clermont, castle of, 78, 91 - - Clugny, Antelme of, 72 - - Cocco, Constantine, 400 - - Colomboto, Spineta, 340 - - Colonna, Marcantonio, 374 - - Columbus, Christopher, 311 - - _Commemoriali_, the, 109 - - Communio, abbey of, 247 - - Comnena, Anna, 430, 446, 526, 533 ff. - - Comnenos, family of, 61, 231, 247, 297, 350, 353, 467, 536 - Alexios I, 34, 50, 51, 430, 534 ff., 546 ff. - II, 539 - III, 54 - Andronikos I, 275 - David, 275 - Isaac I, 536 - John, father of Alexios I, 536 - John II, 539, 543 - Manuel I, emperor, 52, 171, 275, 434, 445, 446, 467 ff., 539, 540, - 544 - - Compar, Fale (Valle) de, 262 - - Compostella, 74 - - Condocalli, Cristofalo, 221, 374 - - _Conqueste, Le Livre de la_, 86, 108, 125, 133 - - Conquistadors, the, 123 - - Conrad III, king of the Romans, 303 - - Conradin, 73 - - Constance, daughter of Duke of Athens, 158 - - Constans I, emperor, 23 - II, emperor, 36, 37, 47 - - Constantine I the Great, emperor, 3, 20 ff., 31, 37, 38, 269 - V Copronymos, emperor, 39, 534 - VII Porphyrogenitus, emperor, 32, 39, 44, 46, 430, 442, 443, 464 - VIII, emperor, 535, 536 - X Doukas, emperor, 538 - XI, emperor, _see_ Palaiologos - king of Greece, 273, 535 - “the Philosopher,” 456 - (Cyril), Slavonic apostle, 272 - - Constantinople, 1, 20, 22, 25, 26, 29 ff., 33, 37 ff., 47 ff., 55, - 58, 59, 65, 67, 68, 80, 86 ff., 92, 98, 100, 102, 104, 105, - 107, 110, 113, 115, 116, 128, 151, 152, 159, 162, 164 ff., 171, - 173, 174, 181, 186, 192, 194, 199, 202, 203, 209, 212, 218, - 228, 233 ff., 266, 268 ff., 276 ff., 280, 282, 284, 287, 290 - ff., 298, 306 ff., 311 ff., 319 ff., 326, 329, 333 ff., 338, - 344, 348, 349, 352, 355, 357 ff., 369 ff., 375, 377 ff., 385, - 387, 389, 391, 392, 395, 398, 411 ff., 416, 429 ff., 437, 444, - 445, 448 ff., 456, 461, 465, 466, 475, 476, 486, 487, 490, 494, - 495, 498, 499, 502, 514, 532, 534, 538, 543, 546, 549, 550 - the patriarch of, 39, 113 - university of, 23, 31 - - Constantius II, emperor, 23 - - Contarini, Bartolommeo, 150 - - Conversano, count of, 126, 128 - - Conybeare, Mr F. C., 66 - - Copaic basin, the, 120 - - Copronymos, Constantine V, emperor, 39, 534 - - Coquerel, Mahiot de, 128 - - Cordoba, Gonsalvo de, 203 - - Corfù, 1, 10, 11, 21, 24, 33, 46, 49 ff., 55, 69, 72, 74, 90, 105, - 179, 188, 197, 199 ff., 204 ff., 237, 242, 283, 369, 370, 373 - ff., 403, 406, 413, 414, 425, 426, 430, 437, 438, 446 n., 498 - ff. - the Old Fortress, 225 - San Rocco, 220 - - Corinna, 533 - - Corinth, 1 ff., 5, 7 ff., 13, 15, 16, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 29, 31, 33, - 35, 37, 40, 41, 47, 50, 52, 53, 62, 82, 84, 87, 88, 100, 102, - 104, 124, 138, 139, 141, 203, 231, 233, 236, 239, 242, 247, - 250, 356, 380, 397, 398, 405, 406, 409, 410, 412, 414, 417, - 418, 421, 423, 425 - archbishop of, 62, 84 - baron of, 127 - gulf of, 5, 7, 26, 41, 44, 51, 63, 70, 76, 98, 100, 101, 111, 144, - 374, 375, 405, 422, 424, 451 - - Corinth, isthmus of, 8, 67, 81, 85, 94, 118, 219 - - _Corinthians, Epistles to the_, 10 - - Cornaro, admiral, 268 - Andrea, baron of Skarpanto, 250, 251 - governor of Crete, 193 - _Historia di Candia_, 266 - Catherine, 505, 507 - Girolamo, 414, 418, 421, 438 - Vincenzo, _Erotokritos_, 198 - - Corogna, Januli da, 167 - - Coron, _see_ Koron - - Coronelli, 423 - - Coronello, Francesco, 174 - - Cornaro, Teodoro, 438 - - Correr, Pietro, 134 - - Corsica, 188, 302, 385 - - Coruña, 167 - - Corvinus, Matthias, 491, 511 - - Cosconius, Caius, 461 - - Cossa, Louis, lord of Berre, 326 - - Costa, Alamanno, count of Syracuse, 180 - - Coucy, Enguerrand VI de, 320 n. - VII, de, 320 - - Courcelles, Henri de, 432 - - Courtenay, Emperor Peter of, 90 - - Crawford, Marion, _Arethusa_, 534 - - Crécy, 299 - - Cremona, 314 - - Crete, and the Cretans, 4, 10, 16, 19 ff., 36, 37, 43 ff., 47, 58, 68 - ff., 75, 78, 81, 82, 98, 162, 163, 166 ff., 172, 176 ff., 204, - 209, 217, 221, 222, 240 ff., 250, 267, 273, 275, 280, 283, 298, - 325, 356, 357, 362, 366, 373, 385, 400, 403, 416, 426, 443, - 498, 541 - - “Creticus” (Quintus Metellus), 4 - - Creveliers, Hugues, 399 - - Crimea, the, 228 - - Crispi, Francesco, Italian prime minister, 69 - - Crispo, family of (dukes of Naxos), 68, 69, 79, 498 - Elisabetta, 339 - Francesco I, 170 - III, 172, 175 ff. - Giacomo I, “The Pacific,” 171 - II, 332, 339 - IV, 173, 174 - Giovanni III, 172 - IV, 172, 176, 177, 266 - - Crispus, Sallustius, 173 - - Crnoje, Raditch, 458, 459 - - Crnojevich, John, 458 - - Crnojevich, Stephen, 458, 459 - - Croatia, and the Croats, 442, 443, 463 ff., 467, 468, 474, 476, 479 - ff., 487 ff., 491 ff., 496, 497 - - Crusade, the first, 532, 534, 536, 541, 546, 548 - the fourth, 57, 61, 67, 110, 162, 177, 234, 276, 277, 283, 293, - 430, 540, 546 - - Crusaders, the, 58, 59, 63, 67, 318, 516 ff., 524, 525, 531, 541, - 542, 546, 547, 550 - - Crusius, Martin, _see_ Kraus - - Culuris, _see_ Salamis - - Cumans (Scythians), the, 536, 541, 546 - - Curzola, 474, 479, 481 - - Cybo, Kalojanni, 300, 306 - - Cyclades, the, 8, 21, 38, 44, 68, 78, 83, 84, 161 ff., 179, 232, 254, - 265 ff., 355, 381, 384, 387, 398 ff. - - Cyclopean stones, 63 - - Cydonia, 180 - - Cyprus, 78, 187, 198, 218, 221, 243, 285, 286, 298, 302, 304, 356, - 373 ff., 377, 379, 422, 498, 502 ff., 517, 519, 522, 526, 528, - 529, 531, 532, 541 - - Cyriacus of Ancona, 65, 147 ff., 152, 160, 171, 264, 310, 311, 330 - ff., 352, 437 - - Cyril (Constantine), Slavonic apostle, 272 - - Cyrillic alphabet, the, 272 - - - Dabisha, Stephen, 480, 481 - - Da Corogna, family of, 131 - - Dadi, 246, 247 - - Dagno, 437 - - Daimonoyannes, 233 - family of, 234, 242, 368 - - Dalassene, Anna, 536, 541, 544 - - dalle Carceri, family of, 168 - Maria, 250 - Nicolò II, 169, 170 - Ravano, 59 - Realdo, 59 - - Dalmatia, 243, 272, 380, 443, 461 ff., 467, 468, 474, 476, 479 ff., - 488, 491, 493, 498, 549 - - dal Verme, Luchino, 184 - - Damala, baron of, 290, 291 - - Damaris, 9 - - Damascus, 321 - - Dambira, Father, 405 - - Damestre, 405 - - Damietta, 325 - - Damirales, 440 - - Dandolo, Andrea, historian, 168 - Enrico, doge, 68, 162 - Leonardo, 183 - Marino, 166 - - Danegeld, 307 - - Danielis of Patras, 42, 43, 55 - - Danilo I, bishop of Montenegro, 424 - - Dante, 64, 73, 114, 272 - _Paradiso_, 303, 449 - _Purgatorio_, 111 - - Danube, river, 34, 47, 81, 225, 366, 443, 445, 449, 456, 487, 499, 511 - - Daphni, abbey of, 118, 150 n., 397 - pass of, 407 - - Dardanelles, the, 21, 194, 301, 313, 334, 340, 375, 451, 501, 534 - - David, the tower of, 519, 521, 527 - - Dead Sea, the, 516, 520, 530 - - _Decameron_, the, 79 - - De Cigalla, family of, 131 - Dr (Dekigallas), 167 - - Decius, emperor, 18, 20 - - _Decuriones_, 21 - - _Defensor_, 22 - - Deffner, Dr, 60 - - Dei, Benedetto, 161 - - de la Brocquière, Bertrandon, traveller, 326, 327, 484 - - de la Motraye, traveller, 423 - - de la Roche, family of (dukes of Athens), 82, 118, 125 - Guillaume (William), 80, 115, 116, 249 - Guy I, 64, 76, 79, 92, 112 ff., 232, 248, 249 - Guy II, 76, 81, 82, 116 ff., 123, 124, 133 - Jacqueline, 292 - John, 83, 115, 116 - Othon, 58, 63, 64, 67, 75, 110 ff., 156, 248 - - de la Salle (Sala), 425 - - de la Trémouille, Audebert, 72 - - Delenda, family of, 131 - - Deli-Dagh, _see_ Hymettos - - della Valle, Pietro, 222 - - Delminium, 461 - - Delos (Le Sdiles), 2, 4, 15, 44, 148, 265, 381, 399 - confederacy of, 14 - - Delphi (Kastri), 1, 3, 10, 13, 15, 22, 46, 51, 116, 137, 375, 397 - oracle of, 11, 16, 24 - - Delyannes, M., Greek prime minister, 72, 89 - - Demakes, Michael, 405 - - Dematra, castle of, 116 - - Demetrias, 44, 50 - - Demetrios, St, 269 ff., 273, 275 ff., 281, 478 - - Demetrius, king of Salonika, 248 - - Demetsana, 72 - - Demosthenes, 22, 410, 537, 542 - lantern of, _see_ Lysikrates - - De Novelles, family of, 122, 157 - - Dentuto, Cristoforo, 331 - - Denys, St, of France, 141 - - _Derben-aga_, 38 - - Dervenaki, pass of, 102 - - Desa, _jupan_, 468 - - Desimoni, 301 - - Deslaur, Roger, 119 ff. - - Deslaurs, the, 137 - - Detchani, monastery of, 449 - - Detchanski, Stephen, _see_ Urosh III of Serbia - - Devon, earls of, 90 - - Dexippos, historian, 19 - - Dezia, Jacomo, 176 - - Diakonos, Leo, 47 n. - - Diakophto, 72 - - Diana, temple of, 330 - - Diavoli, 451 - - Diedo, 423 - - Diehl, M., 535, 550 - - Digby, Sir Kenelm, 381 - - Diocletian, emperor, 20, 21, 461, 463, 503 - - Diogenes, Constantine, 275 - - Diokleia or Dioklitia, 444 ff., 448, 450, 466, 468, 549 - - _Diolkos_, 44 - - Dionysios, archbishop of Trikkala, 379 - of Halikarnassos, 327, 330, 352 - the Areopagite, 9, 17, 141, 411 - - Dionysos, 30, 162 - theatre of, 13, 14, 18, 412 - - Diplovatatzes, George, 340 - - Djakovo, 481, 482 - - Djem, prince of Turkey, 514 - - Djouneïd of Aïdin, 325 - - Doboj, 461, 496 - - Dobor, 481, 483 - - Doclea, 444, 466 - - Dodekannesos, the, 37, 68, 163 - - Dodona, ruins of, 148 - shrine of, 33 - - Doge’s Palace, the, 57, 79 - - Dolnja Tuzla, 462, 496 - - Domenico of Brescia, 148 n. - - Dominicans, the, 467 - - Domitian, emperor, 12, 13 - - Domoko, 62, 254 - - _Don Quixote_, 375 - - D’Oria, family of, 326, 328 - Andrea, 373 - Corrado, 305 - Domenico, 295 - Lanfranchino, 295 - Marco, 351 - Orietta, 333 - Valentina, 326 - - Dorians, the, 91 - - Dorotheos, the _Chronicle_ of, 371 - - Dorylæum, battle of, 547 - - Doukas, family of, 538 - Constantine X, emperor, 538 - son of Michael VII, 539, 543 - Michael VII, emperor, 49, 538, 539 - historian, 335, 337, 340, 341 - - Dousmanes, family of, 414 - General, 405 - George, 405 - - Doxapatres, 88 - - Dragash, Constantine, 436 - - Dragutin, Stephen, 473, 478 - - Drakos, 379 - - Drapperio, Francesco, 307 - - Dratch, _see_ Durazzo - - Drin, Albanian river, 430 - - Drina, Bosnian river, 462, 465, 468, 474, 480 - - Drivasto, 437, 456 - - Drizzacorne, Lanfranco, 303 - - Dromokaïtes, George, 340 - - _Droungários_, 37 - - Drusus, 8 - - Drymalia, 165 - - Ducange, historian, 458 - - Duchesne, Monsignor, 278 - - Dukati, the, 434 - - Dulcigno, 228, 437, 456, 498 - - Durazzo, 50, 51, 70, 128, 271, 275, 429 ff., 434, 435, 437, 438, 440, - 444, 445, 448, 449, 454, 456, 464, 498, 540, 541, 544 ff., 548 - Charles III of, 201, 202 - - Dushan, Stephen (Urosh IV of Serbia), 253, 279, 299, 434, 441, 450 - ff., 457, 475, 476, 480 - - Dushmani, 405 - - Dyme, 2, 4, 6 - - - Echinades islands, 374 - - Edessa (Urfa), 516 ff., 520, 521, 523, 526, 528, 530, 541, 547 - - Edrisi, Arabian geographer, 52, 55 - - Edward I of England, 516, 517, 528, 529 - III of England, 299, 441 - - Eginhard, biographer of Charlemagne, 443 - - Egypt, 89, 91, 177, 286, 325, 327, 423, 503, 505, 506, 516 ff., 520, - 528 - - Eichstätt, bishop of, 35 - - El-ʿArîsh, 516, 517 - - Elateia, 14, 18 - - Elbassan, 454 - monastery of St John, 445 - - Elena, St, 141 - - Elephantis, 533 - - Eleusinian mysteries, the, 7, 14, 19, 23 ff. - - Eleusis, 14, 26, 66, 118, 396, 397 - - Elgin, Lord, 381, 386, 407 - marbles, the, 66 - - “El Greco” (Theotokopoulos, Domenicos), 198 - - Elijah, the prophet, 455, 530 - - Elis, 67, 71, 73, 78, 88, 89, 414, 418, 501 - - Eloth, _see_ Aila - - Emerich, king of Hungary, 470 - - Emerson, historian, 425 - - Emo, Angelo, 228 - - Engaddi, 529 - - Enghien, the house of, 136, 158 - Marie d’, 136 - Sohier d’, 158 - Walter d’, 125 - - England, and the English, 50, 66 ff., 85, 125, 171, 193, 197, 212, - 214, 220, 279, 286, 300, 307, 344, 372, 381, 387 ff., 422, 444, - 452, 455, 482, 514, 516, 517, 523, 525, 532, 534, 548, 549 - - Enrique III of Castile, 323 - - Eparchos, Antonios, _Lament for the Fall of Greece_, 212 - - Epeiros, 12, 25, 26, 29, 33, 39, 47, 69, 70, 83, 88, 92, 111, 114, - 116, 119, 124, 146, 199, 200, 202, 203, 248, 249, 262, 263, - 277, 379, 404, 417, 431 ff., 451, 453, 510, 513 - Old, 20, 21 - the lady of, 83, 117 - - “Epeirotes,” “king of the”, _see_ Tocco, Carlo II - - Ephesus, 288, 501 - council of, 31 - - Ephors, the, 16 - - Epidamnos, _see_ Durazzo - - Epidauros, 3, 376 - the Hieron of, 14 - Limera, 231 - - Epimenides, 178 - - Epiphania, John of, 537 - - _Epitome of Strabo’s Geography_, 39 - - Eponymos Archon, _see_ Archon Eponymos - - Erastus, 9 - - Erechtheion, the, 65, 396 - - Eregli, 284 - - Eresos, 348 - - Erinna, 533 - - Eros, statue of, 8, 10 - - _Erotokritos_, 198 - - Eschcol, brook of, 530 - - Eschive, lady of Beyrout, 118 - - Estañol, Beranger, 122, 123 - - Este, Azzo VII d’, 249 - - Estives, 83, _see_ Thebes - - Etheling, Edgar, 516 - - Etna, 126 - - Eubœa, 5, 12, 37, 53, 54, 69 ff., 76, 81, 83, 85, 111, 114, 116 ff., - 120, 121, 123, 125, 130, 131, 143, 150, 151, 166 ff., 184, 186, - 232, 236, 246, 248 ff., 252, 254, 256, 290, 335, 343, 350, 356, - 366, 367, 375, 378, 379, 383, 389, 393, 398, 498, 499, 514, _see_ - Negroponte - - Eudokia, empress, 30, 39, 40, 535, 538 - - Eudoxos, astronomer, 537 - - Eugène, prince of Savoy, 223, 496 - - Eumolpidæ, 26 - - Euphrates, river, 516, 528, 535 - - Euphrosyne, empress, 55 - - Euripides, 537 - - Euripos, 50, 379, 389 - - Eurotas, the, 90 - - Eurychos, harbour, 430 - - Eusebius, historian, 16 - - Eustathios, archbishop of Salonika, 53, 269, 275, 276, 279 - - Eustokkia, 534 - - Evagrios, historian, 34 - - Evrenos Beg, 99, 137 - - Exarch, the Bulgarian, 135 - - Exedra, the, 15 - - Exoe, 265 - - Ezerits, the, 41, 45, 46 - - Ezeva, 549 - - - Faber, Father, 240 - - Fadrique, family of, 130, 137 - Don Alfonso, 123 ff., 236, 250, 251 - - Fair Havens, 10 - - Fallmerayer, Professor, 34 ff., 39, 59, 72, 107, 109, 414, 458 - - Famagosta, 298, 323, 498, 505, 519, 532 - - Fanelli, _Atene Attica_, 154 n., 413 - - Ferdinand of Bulgaria, 444, 447 - I of Hungary, 493 - of Majorca, 95, 288 - I of Naples, 506, 512 - of Spain, 106 - - Feredchik, 338 - - Ferrara, 171, 249 - - Ferrari, historian, 268 - - _Fethijeh Jamisi_, 152 - - _Fiammengo, Antonio_, _see_ le Flamenc - - Fiesole, Mino da, 343 - - Finlay, George, historian, 1, 29, 85, 96, 110, 161, 221, 311, 443, - 542, 550 - - Flangineion, school, 212, 371, 407 - - Flangines, 212, 371 - - Flatro, Giorgio, 507 - - Flavian dynasty, the, 12 - - Flemings, the, 58, 94, 96, 525 - - Fleuri, Marquis de, 399 - - Flor, Roger de, 201, 236, 287 - - Florence, 96, 125, 136, 138, 144, 147, 148, 154, 159, 160, 369, 455, - 479, 498, 504, 514 - archbishop of, 136 - the Certosa, 96, 145, 154 - gonfaloniere of, 139 - Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli, 154 - National Museum at, 343 - - Florenz of Hainault, 94 - - Floriano, Colonel, 223 - - Foglia Nuova, 285, 294 ff., 300 ff., 306, 307, 309, 313, 337, _see_ - Phocæa - Vecchia, 296, 300 ff., 306, 307, 313, 316, 322, 323, 326 ff., 330, - 335, 337, 351 ff., _see_ Phocæa - - Folco of Forlì, Benedetto, 328 - - Fontana, Giovanni, 340 - - Forbin, 378 - - Forneto, Pasquale, 303 - Raffaelle di, 304 - - Fortune, temple of, 15 - - Forum, the (Salonika), 271 - - Foscari, the, 297 - Francesco, 439 - - Foscarini, Giacomo, 187 ff., 267 - Michele, 439 - - Fotcha, 488 - - Foucher, chaplain, 524 - - Foucherolles, family of, 124 - - France, and the French, 31, 57, 58, 72, 74, 75, 86, 89, 90, 96, 106, - 111, 114, 121, 125, 130, 131, 155, 156, 174, 193, 195, 197, - 201, 230, 231, 257, 271, 299, 321, 345, 361, 372, 376, 385 ff., - 400, 422, 424, 441, 472, 482, 502, 514, 516, 522, 523, 525, - 527, 532, 546 ff., 550 - - France, king of, 82, 117, 184, 240, 305, 320, 351 - St Denys of, 141 - St Louis of, 91 - - Francis Joseph, emperor of Austria, 467, 509 - - Franciscans, the, 473, 476, 485, 495 - - Frangipane, count, 493 - - Franks, the, 59, 60, 67, 68, 70 ff., 75 ff., 83, 84, 86, 88, 92 ff., - 96, 99, 105, 108, 111, 115, 117, 118, 120 ff., 126, 135, 170, - 186, 232, 233, 348, 368, 370, 371, 386 ff., 393, 396, 500, 517, - 518, 520, 525 ff., 530 ff. - - Franz Ferdinand, archduke, 455 - - Frederick II, emperor, 517, 527, 528 - III, emperor, 485 - II, king of Sicily, 122, 123, 127, 290 - III, king of Sicily, 126, 127, 158 - of Randazzo, 126 - - Free Laconians, the, 7, 16 - - Freeman, Prof., 441 - - Frères Prêcheurs, 292 - - Froissart, 81, 144 - - Fulk, son-in-law of Baldwin II, 518, 519 - - Furies, the, 11 - - - Gaddi, 151 n., 160 - - Gagliano, battle of, 118 - - Gaidaronisi, islet of, 168 - - Gaius, 9 - - Galata, 284, 292, 314 - - Galates, family of, 217, 264 - - _Galatians, Epistles to the_, 10 - - Galaxidi, 63, 375, 376 - - _Galaxidi, Chronicle of_, 376 - - Galen, 84 - - Galerius, 270, 271 - - Galilee, 517, 520, 521, 530, 533 - - Gallienus, emperor, 19 - - Gallio, 9 - - Gallipoli, 288, 315, 316 - - Ganza, George, 433 - Nicholas, 433 - - Gardiki, 99, 105 - - Garibaldi, Francesco, 304 - - Garzoni, Antonio, 243 - Giulio de, 192 - - Gasmoûloi, the, 86, 96, 233 - - Gaspari, Demetrios, 407, 413 - Peter, 407, 413, 414 - Stamati, 405 - - Gastouni, 414, 420 - - Gattilusio, Andronico, 319 - Baptista, 342 - Caterina, 328, 329 - Costanza, 328 - Domenico, 297, 319, 332, 334 ff., 339 ff., 352, 353 - Dorino I, 148, 297, 324, 326 ff., 332 ff., 346, 352, 353 - II, 297, 298, 331, 338, 339, 351, 353 - Eugenia, 321, 322, 329 - Francesco I, 296, 303, 306, 313 ff., 320 n., 325, 327, 353 - II (Jacopo), 296, 319 ff., 345, 352, 353 - III, 297, 330 ff., 353 - Ginevra, 328, 332, 345 - Giorgio, 331, 338 - Giuliano, 321, 344, 345, 351 - Hector, 351 - Helene, 322 - Jacopo (Francesco II), _see above_ - Jacopo, son of Francesco II, 297, 324 ff., 330, 353 - Luchetto, 314 - Luchino, 342, 347, 348, 352 - Maria, 328, 349, 352, 353 - Nicolò I, 296 ff., 318 ff., 323 ff., 352, 353 - II, 297, 335 ff., 339 ff., 345 ff., 351, 353 - Oberto, 314 - Palamede, 297, 298, 324 ff., 331, 332, 334, 337, 338, 352, 353 - Stefano, 351 - - Gattilusj, the, 283, 301, 307, 312 ff., 326, 327, 498, 499, 532 - - Gautier III, titular duke of Athens, 158 - - Gavi, 284 - - Gaza, Æneas of, 311 - battle of, 517 - - Gazes, Theodore, 269, 514, 515 - - Geneva, the Council of, 504 - - Geneva, Count Louis of, 502 - Robert of, 158 - - Gennadios II, 359, 360 - - Genoa, and the Genoese, 76, 113, 126, 137, 165, 166, 168, 169, 171, - 178, 180 ff., 184, 199, 201, 218, 234, 279, 283 ff., 298 ff., - 313 ff., 498, 501, 523, 525 - - Genseric, king of the Vandals, 29 - - Gentili, general, 230 - - George of Antioch, admiral, 51 - count of Corinth, 238 - I, king of England, 223, 404 - king of Greece, 5, 75, 112, 269 - of Trebizond, 514 - St, head of, 131, 159 - - Georgians, the, 66, 67 - - Georgirenes, archbishop of Melos, _A Description of the present state - of Samos, Nicaria, Patmos and Mount Athos_, 399 - - Gerace, marquess of, 149, 159 - - Gerakares, Liberakes, 384, 385, 415 ff. - - Geraki, 72, 85, 154 n., 257 - - Germanicus, 8 - - Germanos, archbishop, 57 - - Germany, and the Germans, 58, 85, 171, 193, 197, 224, 372, 388, 407, - 410, 446, 447, 452, 457, 493, 518, 525, 529 - - Gerola, Prof., _Venetian Monuments in the island of Crete_, 197 - - Gerovolia (Uroglia), 438 - - Ghika, family of, 365 n. - - Ghirlandajo, 515 - - Ghisi, the, 164 ff., 246 - Bartolommeo II, 125 - George I, 120 - III, 265 - - Gibbon, 392, 518, 538, 550 - - Gibelin, 528 - - Giblet (Jebeil), 516 - - Giorgio, family of, _see_ Zorzi - - Giovanni of Novara, 331 - - Gipton, _see_ Lamia - - Giraud, M., consul, 387, 388, 411 - - Gislenus, St, 36 - - Giustiniani, Alessandro Rocca, 311 - Andriolo Banca, 311 - Gerolamo Garibaldi, _La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios, - ou Chios_, 311 - Leonardo, 310 - Timoteo, 308 - Vincenzo, 308 - Negri, 309 - Banca, 148, 311 - the, 173, 283, 301, 304, 305, 307, 311, 312, 334 - the _Maona_ of the, 373, 498 - the Palazzo, 309 - - Giustiniano, Orsato, 350 - - Gladstone, Rt Hon. W. E., 215, 299, 414 - - Glagolitic alphabet, the, 272 - - Glarentza, 78, 79, 91, 93, 105, 249, 265, 380, 398 - - Glossa, Cape, 430 - - Godfrey of Bouillon, 516, 518, 519, 538 - - Goethe, _Faust_, 70, 86, 533 - - Golden Book, the, 207, 217, 305 - Rose, the, 500 - - Gonzaga, Charles, duc de Nevers, 381, 382 - - Gonzalez de Clavijo, Ruy, 323 - - Gorgon’s head, story of the, 141, 147 - - Gortyna, 21 - - Gortys, the, 72 - - Goths, the, 18 ff., 25, 26, 29 - - Gottlob, German scholar, 502 - - Govino, 205, 219, 224, 227 - - Gozzadini, Giacomo I, 176 - of Bologna, the, 69 - - Grabusa, 196, 403, 416, 417 - - Gradenigo, family of, 181, 297 - Marco, 183, 184 - Tito, 183, 184 - - Gradishka, 462 - - “Graikoi,” 32 - - Grand-Komnenos, family of, 499 - - Granvali, corsair, 266 - - Gravia, pass of, 63 - - Gravina, John of, 80, 95, 97, 202 - - Gravosa, harbour, 478 - - Grbljanovich, Lazar, 454, 455, 477, 479 - Militza, 455 - - Great Britain, 422, 426, 441 - - Greco-Turkish war of 1897, 205 - - Greek Church, the, 77, 199, 359 ff. - - Gregoras, Nikephoros, historian, 121, 125, 453 - - Gregorian Calendar, the, 362 - - Gregorovius, 30 n., 85, 157 - _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, 155 - - Gregory, metropolitan of Corinth, 53 - II, pope, 38 - VII, pope, 49 - XI, pope, 126, 253, 317, 473 - of Nazianzos, 24 - Rev. S., 107 - - Greveno, 105 - - _Grifon_, 72 - - Grimaldi, family of, 298 - Bonne de’, 326 - Carlo de’, 331 - Giovanni de’, 324 - Oberto de’, 297, 330, 353 - Pietro de’, 326 - - Grimani, bishop, 267 - admiral, 383 - governor-general, 420, 423, 424 - - Gritzena, 72 - - Grivas, Theodore Boua, 379 - - Grottaferrata, 68, 515 - - Gruba, Helena, 481, 482 - - Guemlek, 549 - - Guillet, author, 386 ff., 394 - - Guiscard, Bohemond, 50, 51, 430 - Gaïta, 548 - Robert, 49, 50, 430, 540, 544, 548 - - Gyaros, island, 6, 8, 64, 174 - - - Habsburg, family of, 480, 493, 496 - - Hadji Ali, 388 n. - - Hadrian, 13 ff., 23, 141 - palace of, _see_ Olympian Zeus - the arch, porch, stoa of, 13, 156, 378, 410, 415 - - Hagia Laura, monastery of, 331 - - Hagiostephanitai, family of, 180 - - Hainault, 36, 133 - Florenz of, 94 - Matilda of, 80, 95 ff. - - Hajji Kalifeh, 266 - - Halil, son of the sultan Orkhan, 315, 316 - - Halmyros, 53 - - Hamilton, the duke of, 148 - - Hamza, admiral, 334, 335, 339 - - Hardrada, Harold, 48, 64, 396 - - Harmodios, 6, 410 - - Harold, king of England, 48 - - Haroun Al Rashid, 40 - - Harrison, Frederic, _Theophano_, 47 n., 534 - - Hasân-Babâ, pirate, 384 - - Hattin, battle of, 517, 522, 523, 527, 531 - - Hayes, Louis des, 267, 386, 395 - - _Hebraïká_, the, 211 - - Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra, 47 - - Hebron (St Abraham), 521, 530, 533 - - Hedjaz, the, 523 - - Helej, family of, 496 - - Helen of Serbia, 508, 510 - - Helikon, the muses of, 22 - - Helios, sun-god, 30 - - “Helladikoi,” the, 32, 38 - - “Hellenotamias,” 14 - - Helots, 186 - - Henry IV, emperor, 544 - emperor of Romania, 113, 163, 164, 247, 277 - II, king of England, 286, 522 - III, king of England, 66, 529 - IV, king of England, 171, 540 - VI, king of England, 307, 340, 345 - VIII, king of England, 197, 368, 449 - - Hera, temple of, 13 - - Heraclius, patriarch of Jerusalem, 521, 522 - - Herakleios, emperor, 442, 443, 463 - - Heredia, grand-master of the knights of St John, 84 - - Hermoniakos, Constantine, 83 - - Hermonymos, George, 369 - - Herod, king of the Jews, 7 - - Herodes Atticus, the Odeion of, 15, 54, 153, 396 - - Herodotus, 83, 115, 145, 149, 162, 237, 537 - - Hersek, 492 - - Hertzberg, 30 n., 107, 265 - - Heruli, 19 - - Herzegovich, Ahmed Pasha, 492 - - Herzegovina (duchy of St Sava, the land of Hum or Zahumlje), 365, - 422, 443, 445, 447, 450, 457, 459 ff., 468, 470 ff., 483 ff., - 488, 489, 491, 492, 495, 499, 508, 549 - - Hesychasts (or Quietists), the, 279 - - Hethum II of Armenia, 286 - - Hexamilion, the, 98 ff., 149 - - Hide, Sir H., consul, 398 - - Hierokles, the _Synekdemos_, 108, 429 - - Hildburghausen, duke of, 497 - - Hildebrand, 445 - - Hippocrates, 84, 311 - - Hippodrome, the, 22 - - _Historia Patriarchica_, 160 - - Hobson, Launcelot, 388 - - Holland, 95, 378 - - Holy House of the Hospital, the, 289 - - Holy Land, the, 77, 95, 117, 133, 179, 286, 289, 392, 515 ff., 544, - 546 - Sepulchre, the, 57, 74, 416, 517, 518, 520, 521, 547 - - Hombergk, Hessian officer, 387 - - Homer, 192, 223, 275, 311, 371, 534, 537, 539, 542, 545, 550 - the _Iliad_, 83 - the _Odyssey_, 207, 231 - - Honorius, son of Theodosius, 25 - III, pope, 75, 78, 85, 156, 248, 447, 471 - - Hopf, Dr, 85, 86, 94, 97, 107 ff., 134, 155, 157, 161, 175, 177, 235, - 237, 248, 255, 265 ff., 420, 458, 459 - - Horace, 5, 369 - - Hormisdas, pope, 271, 429 - - Hosios Loukas, 47 n., 397 - - Hospital, knights of the, 144, 529 - - Hranich, Sandalj, 484, 485 - Vlatko, 479 - - Hugues, duke of Burgundy, 318 - - Hum, the land of, _see_ Herzegovina - Mt, 464 - - Humbert II, dauphin of Vienne, 253 - - Humphry, duke of Buckingham, 345 - - Hungary, and the Hungarians, 58, 149, 381, 406, 448, 456, 467, 469 - ff., 486 ff., 491 ff., 496, 497, 511 - - Huns, the, 33, 463 - - Hunyady, John, 456, 457, 484 ff. - - Hydra, 358 - - Hyginos, 16 - - Hymettos (Deli-Dagh), 66, 114, 145, 152, 395 - - Hypatia, 32 - - - Iatraioi, the, 384 - - Iatropoulos, 136 - - Iatros, 136 - - Ibelin, family of d’, 521 - Jean d’, _Assises de la Haute Cour_, 519, 520 - - Ibrahim I, sultan, 193, 194, 398 - Pasha, 440 - - Iconium (Ikonium), bishop of, 10 - sultan of, 52, 538 - - Ikaria, 290, 296, 300, 301 - - Ilissos, 388, 395 - - Illyricum, and the Illyrians, 21, 24, 25, 26, 460, 461, 546 - - Imbros, 297, 306, 332, 334, 339, 340, 343, 344, 350, 353 - - Indictions, cycle of, 22, 25 - - Innocent III, pope, 78, 89, 112, 233, 247, 470 - IV, pope, 526 - VI, pope, 317 - VIII, pope, 300, 351, 507 - XI, pope, 403 - - _Ionia_ (_Violarium_), 538 - - Ionian Islands, the, 1, 6, 21, 37, 44, 51, 69, 78, 84, 198 ff., 267, - 355, 403, 417 ff., 422, 426, 498 - Sea, 29 - - Ipek, Serb patriarchate of, 361 n., _see_ Petch - - Ipsala, 338 - - Ipsili, monastery of, 401 - - Ipso, 224 - - Irene, empress, wife of Leo IV, 36, 39, 40 - - Irene, empress, wife of Alexios I, 538, 539, 543 - - Irish, the, 189, 525 - - Isaac, governor of Vrhbosna, 483 - II, Greek emperor, 58, 232, 277 - - Isabella, marchioness of Boudonitza, 134 - of Spain, 106 - - Isidore, metropolitan of Athens, 152; - of Salonika, 269 n. - - Ismael, admiral, 339, 341, 344 - - Ismaïdi, mosque, 378 - - Ismail Kemal Bey, 440 - Pasha, 440 - - Ismid, gulf of, 492 - - Isokrates, 371, 539 - - Isthmian games, 11 - - Istria, 272, 487, 491 - - Italy, and the Italians, 11, 49 ff., 55, 58, 67, 73, 93, 125, 138, - 139, 145, 174, 175, 184, 198, 224, 233, 238, 253, 271, 275, - 277, 280, 298, 311, 315, 343, 344, 349, 369, 371, 374, 375, - 432, 438, 440, 441, 449, 453, 456, 487, 499, 513, 516, 525, - 534, 541, 544 - - Itea, 51, 375 - - Ithake, 21, 61, 69, 202 ff., 216, 217, 228, 261 ff., 379, 540 - - Ivan III, grand duke of Russia, 106, 368, 513 - - Ivry, Galeran d’, 249 - - - Jablanitza, 495 - - Jacob, metropolitan, 405, 414 - - Jacobus, physician, 31 - - Jacques I of Cyprus, 319 - - Jaffa, 116, 504, 517, 519, 520 - count of, 507, 530 - - Jagellon, Alexander, of Poland, 106 - - Jajce, 457, 471, 481, 487, 489 ff., 495, 510, 511 - - Jala Göl, lake, 338 - - James II of Aragon, 123, 235 - II of Cyprus, 513 - II of England, 388, 399 - St, of Compostella, 74 - - Janissaries, the, 362 ff., 368, 389, 425, 457, 491 - - Janjichi, 475 - - Janus, king of Cyprus, 323 - statue of, 405 - - Jarkovich (“Marchisa” or Merksha), 436, 437 - - Jaskopolje, castle of, 471 - - Jason, bishop of Tarsus, 10 - - Jean, count of Lecce, 158 - - Jebeil (Giblet), 516 - - Jeptche, 496 - - Jeremiah, 65 - - Jericho, 430, 529, 530 - - Jerome, St, 25, 33 - - Jerusalem, 30, 58, 116, 498, 506, 515 ff., 540, 541, 547 - - _Jerusalem, Assizes of_, 71, 112, 520, 527 - - Jerusalem, patriarch of, 416 - - Jesuits, the, 396, 397, 400 - - Jews, the, 46, 53, 60, 98, 113, 174, 186, 191, 200, 210, 211, 214, - 216, 224, 230, 270, 271, 275, 276, 278, 313, 362, 379, 397, - 419, 439, 527 - - Jezero, lake, 462 - - Jezreel, plain of, 529 - - Jireček, Constantin, 442, 455 n. - - Joanna I, queen of Naples, 97, 201, 252 - - Joannina, 145, 213, 224, 356, 371, 379, 425, 440, 451 - - John V, emperor, 534 - VI, emperor, 160, 329 - VII, emperor, 278 - hagiographer, 269 - XXII, pope, 78, 124, 251, 289, 290 - I of Aragon, 156, 157 - of Austria, 374, 376 - of Bari, 544 - of Basingstoke, 66 - count of Cephalonia, 82 - king of England, 66 - II, despot of Epeiros, 434 - of Epiphania, 537 - of Gravina, 80, 95, 97, 202, 263, 433 - of Randazzo, 126, 158 - IV of Trebizond, 329, 333 - St, the Evangelist, 288, 331, 501 - St, the Merciful, 528 - the Reader, historian, 269 - - Jolanda of Montferrat, 278 - - Jonson, Ben, _The Fox_, 197 - - Jordan, river, 516, 523 - - Jorga, M., 365 n. - - Joseph I, patriarch, 359 - - Joshua, 154 n. - - Josselin I of Edessa, 523 - - Jove, baths of, 330 - - Jovian, emperor, 24 - - Julian the Apostate, emperor, 23, 24 - - Julius II, pope, 507 - - Junch, port de, 108 n., _see_ Navarino - - Junis, admiral, 336, 338, 339 - - Jupiter Cassius, altar of, 224 - - Jurashevich (Jurash), George, 459 - Alexius, 459 - - Justin, St, 141 - _History_, 414 - - Justinian, emperor, 29, 32 ff., 36, 98, 414, 429, 463, 534 - - Juvenal, 4, 8, 533 - - - Kabasilas, Neilos, theologian, 269 - Nicholas, theologian, 269 - Simeon, 377, 378 - - Kadmeia, the, 95, 115, 247 - - Kaïkos, 336 - - Kainepolis, 29 - - Kaisariane (Syriane), monastery of, 152, 390, 395, 397 - - Kakè Skála, the, 114, 397 - - Kalamata, 72, 89, 384, 404, 419, 423 - - Kalamos, islet, 223, 404 - - Kalavryta (La Grite), 57, 72, 83, 104, 105, 149, 418, 420 - - Kallergai, the, 182, 185, 374 - - Kallerges, Alexios, 181, 182, 194 - - Kallikles, physician, 538 - - Kallimachai, the, 365 n. - - Kallirrhoe, 54, 66, 145 - - Kallistos, Andronikos, 514 - - Kallone, 333 - - Kalochairetes, priest, 218 - - Kalocsa, archbishop of, 471, 472 - - Kalopheros, 263 - - Kalophrenas, priest and copyist, 159 - - Kalothetos, John, 316 - Leon, 291, 293 - - Kameniates, John, historian, 269, 273 - - Kampouroglos, D. G., 160, 394 - - Kamurgi, Ali, 425 - - Kamytzes, Manuel, 55 - - Kanaboutzes, John, 327, 330, 352 - - Kanina, 429 ff., 441 - - Kapnikarea, 30 - - Kapsi, Joannes, 399 - - Karaburun (the “Black Cape”), 273, 274 - - Kara-Djouneïd, 298 - - Kara Mustapha Pasha, 224 - - Karavias, 264 - - Karditza, inscription on church at, 11 n., 117, 132, 133, 134 - - Karlili, 356 - - Karyatides, 271 - - Karydi, battle of, 114, 249 - - Karytaina, castle of, 72, 85, 89 - - Karystos (Castel Rosso), 117, 150, 236, 254 ff., 306, 307 - - Kassander, king of Macedon, 270 - - Kassandra, 270 - - Kassimié mosque, the, 271 - - Kassim Pasha, 242 - - Kassopo, 11, 224 - - Kastamouni (Kastamon), 536 - - Kastoria, 50, 549 - - Kastos, islet, 223 - - Kastrades, 224 - - Kastri, _see_ Delphi - - Kastritza, 105 - - Kastro, 330, 340, 343 - - Katalianos, 131 - - Katsones, Lampros, 228 - - Kavalla, 6, 356, 450 - - Kedrenos, historian, 273, 445 - - Keglevich, Peter, 492, 493 - - Kehr, Professor, 309 - - Kekaumenos, Michael, 430 - - Kenchreæ, 9, 101 - - Kendal, duchess of, 223 - - Keos, island of, 63, 112, 135, 165, 167, 306 - - Kephissia, 15, 397 - - Kephissos, the, 95, 120, 122, 126, 132 ff., 250 - - Kerpine, village, 72 - - Kés, Magyar chieftain, 465 - - Kharezmians, the, 517 - - Khoja, Janum, 224 - - Kielapha (Kielefa), 404, 424 - - Kimolos, 162, 174 - - “Kirjath-sepher,” 113 - - Kishon, 530 - - Kissavos (Ossa), 545, 549 - - “Kleidion,” 273 - - _Kleisourárches_, 38 - - Kleonides, palace of, 153 - - Klepsydra fountain, the, 7 - - Klesich, Radich, 509 - - Kljuch, 489 - - Knights of St John, Rhodes, and Malta, 73, 84, 89, 128, 144, 167, - 171, 296, 318, 319, 321, 325, 343, 346, 373, 380, 401, 518, 528 - of St Mary of Bethlehem, 343 - of Santo Stefano, 380 - Templars, 73, 89, 248, 518, 528, 529 - Teutonic, 68, 73, 89, 529 - - Knin, 481 - - Knossos, 4 - - Kobilich, Milosh, 455 - - Koenigsmark, Otto William von, 404, 407 - - Kokkinos, castle, 297, 329, 330, 332, 343, 350, 353 - - Kolchis, 349 - - Koloman, 467, 472 - - Kommagene, 13 - - Konieh, 440 - - Konjitza, 485, 496 - - Konstantinides, K., 158 - - Konstantinovich, 488 - - Kontostephanos, admiral, 430 - - Köprili, Ahmed, 195, 196, 384, 385 - - Koraes, 213 - - Koran, the, 362 - - Koron (Korone, Coron), 41, 50, 68, 89 ff., 98, 106, 154, 227, 241, - 362, 373, 377, 382, 404, 414, 420, 424 - - Koronos, castle of, 262 - - Korydalleus, 393 - - Kos, 268, 290, 318 - - Kosatcha, house of, 484, 485 - - Kosmas, 38 - - Kossovo, 137, 436, 444, 453 ff., 479, 481, 486 - - Köstendil (Velbujd), 450 - - Kostobokes, the, 14, 18 - - Kotroman, Stephen, 473 - - Kotromanich, family of, 473, 484, 511 - Stephen, 473 ff. - Stephen Tvrtko I, 435, 454, 455, 473, 476 ff., 482, 483 - II, 478, 483 ff. - - Koundoura, 68, 88 - - Koutso-Wallachs, 55, 60, 100, 453 - - Krak, de Montréal, 520, 521, 523 - des Chevaliers, 521, 528 - - Kraljevich, Marko, 454 - - Kraus (Crusius), Martin, 36, 267, 377, 378, 394 - - Kreshimir, king of the Croats, 465 - - Kritoboulos, Hermodoros Michael, historian, 151, 152, 325, 332, 334, - 339 ff., 343, 344, 457 - - Kroja, 443, 512 - - Krum of Bulgaria, 444 - - Krumbacher, Prof., 108, 109 - _History of Byzantine Literature_, 57 - - Krushevatz, 454 ff. - - Kryoneri (Acqua Fredda), 438, 439 - - Kugeas, K., 269 n. - - Kulenovich, family of, 471 - - Kulin, _ban_ of Bosnia, 468 ff. - - Kumanovo, 455 - - Kydones, Demetrios, essayist, 269, 278 - - Kydonia, 4 - - Kyparissia (or Arkadia), 14, 72, 89 - - Kyrenia (Cérines), 503 ff. - - Kythera, _see_ Cerigo - - Kythnos, 8, 12 - - - Laborde, 413 - - La Cava, monastery of, 523 - - Lacedæmonia (La Crémonie), and the Lacedæmonians, 7, 23, 41, 73, 83, - 90, 91, 382 - - Laconia (Lakonia), and the Laconians, 6, 32, 59, 60, 72, 88, 100, - 131, 154, 368, 419 - - Laconians, the Free, 7, 16 - - La Crémonie, _see_ Lacedæmonia - - “Ladies’ Parliament,” 79 - - Ladislaus, duke of Bosnia, 467 - IV, king of Hungary, 484 - king of Naples, 138, 202, 481 ff. - - La Grite, _see_ Kalavryta - - La Guilletière, 386 - - Lake Copais Company, 132 - - La Martorana, church of, 52 - - Lamia (Gipton or Zeitounion), 59, 62, 63, 83, 113, 115, 117, 119, - 131, 157, 246, 248, 251, 254 - - Lampros, Professor, 64, 155 ff., 159, 160, 269 n., 392, 430 - - Lampsakos, 115 - - Landulph, church of, 106, 107 - - Langlois, Hugh, 506 - James, 506 - Philip, 507 - - Languedoc, 200 n. - - Laodicea, 541 - - La Patre, _see_ Neopatras - - Laranda, Pedro de, 346 - - Larissa, 6, 16, 29, 33, 47, 50, 53, 62, 248, 360, 371 - - Larissa of Argos, the, 87 - - Larmena, 251, 252 - - Larsa, Guglielmo de, 62 - - Lasithi, 185 - - Laskaris, 433 - Chrysanthos, 382 - Janus, 515 - Joannes, 263, 373 - Manuel, 382 - Michael, 146 - - La Sole, _see_ Salona - - Latin Church, the, 187, 190 - - Laudisio, 334 - - Laurence, St, 303 - - Laurentios of Megara, 397 - - Laurion, 2, 389 n. - - Lazar (prince) of Serbia, 454, 455, 477, 479 - III of Serbia, 457 - - Lazarevich, Stephen, 322, 455 - - Leaina, mistress of Harmodios, 410 - - Leake, Col., 39, 429 - - Lebanon, the, 443, 526, 530 - - Lecce, 116, 118, 119, 121, 158 - - le Flamenc, Antoine, 117, 132 ff. - Jean, 133 - - Leicester, archdeacon of, 66 - - Lemnos, 83, 239, 297, 306, 322, 329, 332, 334, 335, 339 ff., 343, - 344, 350, 351, 353, 356 - - Lenormant, historian, 458 - - Leo I the Great, emperor, 31 - III the Isaurian, emperor, 37, 38 - IV, emperor, 39 - VI, emperor, 43, 77 - III of Armenia, 286 - X, pope, 209, 241, 507, 513 - XIII, pope, 446 - mathematician, 43, 269 - metropolitan, 275 - - Leonardo of Chios, 332, 344, 348, 352 - _Treatise concerning true nobility against Poggio_, 352 - - Leondari, 105, 356 - - Leonidas, 25, 62, 87, 245, 255, 410 - - Leonidi, 60, 91 - Tzakones of, 72 - - Leontios, emperor, 37 - professor, 30 - - Leopold I of Austria, 320 n. - - Lepanto, 83, 98, 106, 109, 174, 221, 222, 256, 264, 356, 373 ff., - 380, 384, 397, 405, 417, _also see_ Naupaktos - - Lesbos, 148, 171, 283, 287, 290, 294 ff., 301, 306, 310 ff., 356, - 388, 498, 499, 532, _also see_ Mytilene - St Bonne’s, 346 - St Nicholas’, 346 - - Le Sdiles, _see_ Delos - - Lesina, 479, 481 - - Le Tenedee, 185 - - _Letres dou Sepulcre_, 520 - - Levkas, _see_ Santa Maura - - Levkimo, 214 - - Libanios, sophist, 24 - - Liberius, senator, 430 - - Licario, admiral, 164 ff., 204, 234 - - Licinius, 21, 269 - - Ligurian Republic, the, 283, 313 - traders, 113 - - Lille de Charpigny, Hugues de, 72 - - Limehouse, 388 - - Limponas, family of, 390, 407, 414 - Michael, 392 - - Liopesi, 146 - - Liosia, 146 - - Lithgow, 192 - - Livadia, 46, 122, 123, 128, 129, 131, 139, 159, 228, 356, 360, 395, - 398 - - Livadostro (Rive d’Ostre), 76, 111, 144 - - Ljubich, 459 - - Lluria, Roger de, 126, 157, 165, 201, 235, 287 - - Locatelli, historian, 404, 409 - - Loir, du, 267 - - Lombards, the, 58, 69 - - London, 106, 171, 351, 366, 371, 399, 400, 441, 497, 522, 537 - Crown Street, Soho, 400 - Greek Street, 399 - Hog Lane, 400 - - Longinus, 18 - - Longo, Paride Giustiniani, 337, 345 - Tommaso, 304 - - Loredano, Antonio, admiral, 176, 177, 264 - Lucrezia, 176 - Luigi, 350 - Taddea, 176 - - Louis, prince of Baden, 496 - of Burgundy, 95 - VII of France, 522 - IX (St Louis) of France, 64, 91, 114, 517, 526 - XIV of France, 195 - count of Geneva, 502 - the Great, king of Hungary, 474 ff. - II, king of Hungary, 493 - of Savoy, 502, 505 - - Louvre, the, 332 - - Loverdo, Gerasimos, 264 - - Lucan, 9, 429 - - Lucca, 197 - - Luccari, historian, 458, 511 - - Lucera, 432 - - Lucian, 16, 98 - - Luke, baron, 72 - St, 10, 141, 510 - St, the younger, 45 - - Lüneburg, 408 - - Lung’ Arno Acciajuoli, the, 154 - - Lusignan, family of, 498 - Charlotte de (queen of Cyprus), 502 ff., 519 - Eugène de, 507 - Guy de, 519, 522, 526, 528 - James de, 503 - Jean II de, 502 - John de, 507 - - Lyceum, the, 3 - - Lycurgus, 31, 71, 186, 228, 419 - arsenal of, _see_ Pinakotheke - - Lykabettos, 141 - - Lykoudas, Theodore, 433 - - Lysikrates, choragic monument of (Lantern of Demosthenes), 65, 153, - 386, 410 - - - Macedon, Philip of, 63, 96, 119 - - Macedonia, 1, 4, 6, 21, 37, 39, 45, 47, 92, 103, 119, 135, 153, 270, - 273, 277, 279, 318, 338, 339, 357, 436, 441, 448, 450, 453, - 512, 535 - - Machiavelli, family of, 144 - Nicolò, 145 - - Macola, Joannes, 414 - - Macrinus, 17 - - Magistros, Thomas, grammarian, 269 - - Maglaj, 496 - - Magni, Cornelio, 387 - - Magno, Stefano, 263, 264 - - Magyars, the, 465 - - Mahmûd Pasha, 336, 338, 345 ff., 365 - - Maina, 72, 79, 89, 91, 92, 228, 236, 237, 373, 376, 381, 382, 384, - 385, 399, 415, 417, 418, 420, 426 - - Maisy, Jean de, 120, 121 - - Majorca, 129, 295 - Ferdinand of, 95, 288 - - Makarios, Greek metropolitan, 139 - St, head of, 141 - - Makryplagi, pass of, 423 - - Malagaris, Michael, 433 - - Malamos, 379 - - Malatesta, 239 n. - - Malaxos, _Patriarchal History_, 371 - - Malea, Cape, 233, 240 - - Malerba, family of, 202 - - Maliac gulf, 161, 246 - - Malipiero, 405, 416 - - Malmsey, the _Podestà_ of, 241 - wine, 70, 88, 234, 236, 237, 240 - - Malta, 193, 308, 380 - count of, 178, 180 - - Malvasia, _see_ Monemvasia - - Mamonades, the, 234 - - Mamonas, 233, 242 - Paul, 237 - - Manassia, monastery of, 456 - - Mandoukio, 224 - - Mandrachi, 327 - - Manfred of Sicily, 122, 123, 199, 200, 431, 433, 441 - - Manthos, poet, 425 - - Mantineia, 13, 104 - - Mantua, 504 - - Manuel I, Greek emperor, _see_ Comnenos - - Manzikert, battle of, 446 - - Maraclée, 516 - - Maramonte, Stefano, 458 - - Marathon, 3, 15, 66, 112, 114, 375, 390 - - Marcellinus, general, 463 - - “Marchesopoulo,” the, 62, 247 - - “Marchesotto,” the, 253 - - Marcus Aurelius, 14, 15, 17 - - Mardîn, 517 - - Margaret of Montferrat, 248, 277, 381 - - Margaritone, Sicilian admiral, 55, 202, 261, 262 - - Margat, castle of, 516, 528 - - Maria, dowager-empress, 543 - duchess of Athens, _see_ Melissene, Maria - queen of Hungary, 479 - queen of Sicily, 158, 253 - Giorgio, privateer, 399 - - Marie, princess of Antioch, 76 - de Bourbon, 201 - - Maritza, battle of the, 435, 454 - river, 318, 338 - - Markopoulo, 389 n. - - Markos II, patriarch, 360 - - Marmara, 290 - - Marmora, Andrea, historian, 207, 208, 210, 212, 219, 221, 224 n. - - Marmora, sea of, 100, 284 - - Marris, forest of, 516 - - Marseilles, 299, 326, 395, 523 - - Martin I, pope, 37 - - Martoni, Nicolò da, 159 - - Marulla of Verona, 81, 123 - of Lemnos, 350 - - Marullus, 369 - - Mas Latrie, count de, 175, 458 - - Matagrifon, barony of, 71, 80 - - Matapan, Cape, 29, 45 - - Matchva, 473 - - Matilda of Hainault, 80, 95 ff. - - Maurice, emperor, 34, 36, 231 - - Mavrogenes, family of, 365 - Nicholas, 365 - - Maximian Herculius, 270 n. - - Mazarin, cardinal, 195 - - Mazaris, satirist, 60, 98 - - Mecca, 523 - - Medici, family of, 136, 144, 242, 384 - Cosimo I de’, 380 - Lorenzo de’, 369 - - Medina, 523 - - Meerbeke, William of, 84 - - Megalopolis, 6, 16, 72 - - Meganisi, 403 - - Megara, 5, 12, 13, 26, 29, 80, 110, 114, 127, 129, 131, 139, 150, - 194, 397, 399, 406 - - Megarid, the, 63, 76, 111 - - Megaskyr, the, 156 - - Megaspelæon, monastery of, 10 - - Melanoudion, 347, 348 - - Meletios, geographer, 416 - monk, 49 - - Meliarakes, Antonios, 261 - - Melik-el-Aschraf, sultan of Egypt, 518 - - Melings, the, 41, 45, 46 - - Mélisende, daughter of Baldwin II, 518, 519, 531 - - Melissene, Maria, duchess of Athens, 80, 127, 146 - - Melissenos, family of, 144, 376 - - Melos, 162, 164, 165, 167, 170, 194, 351, 399 - - Mendenitza, _see_ Boudonitza - - Menelaos, 114 - - Meniates, Elias, 213 - - Mentebone, Jacopo, 508 - - Merbaka, Argive church of, 84 - - Merksha (Jarkovich), 436, 437 - - Mesarea, _see_ Arcadia - - Mesembria, 316 - - Meshtrovich, M., 454 - - Mesolonghi, 404 - - Messe, the Homeric, 91 - - Messenia, and the Messenians, 16, 67, 68, 87, 88, 97, 131, 154, 376, - 419 - - Messina, 71, 276, 376 - - Metaxas, family of, 404 - Nikodemos, 212 - - Metellus, Quintus, 4 - - Meteoron, monastery of, 453 - - Methodios, Slavonic apostle, 272 - - Methone, 41, 50, 67, 68, 263, _also see_ Modon - - Methymna, _see_ Molivos - - Metkovich, 461 - - Mezzomorto, admiral, 425 - - Miani, admiral, 202 - - Michael II, the Stammerer, emperor, 42 - III, emperor, 272 - of Adalia (Attaleiates), 537, 538, 540, 546, 549 - king of Dioklitia, 549 - - Michiel, Venetian commissioner, 418 - - Miklosich, 459 - - Milakovich, historian, 458 - - Milan, 110, 153, 159, 160, 231, 271, 303, 314, 327, 328, 371, 504, 509 - - Mileshevo, monastery of, 448, 454, 477 - - Milly, Jacques de, 503 - - Miltiades, palace of, 153 - - Milton, 382 - - Milutin, Stephen, _see_ Urosh II of Serbia - - Minotaur, the, 363 - - Minotto, 425 - - Miquez, João (Joseph Nasi), 174 - - Mirandola, Contessa de, 513 - - Mirkovich, Paola, 509, 511 - - Miroslav, prince of the Herzegovina, _see_ Nemanja family - - Misglenovich, Maria, 509, 511 - - Misti, 258 ff. - - Mistra, 79, 86, 91, 92, 96, 98 ff., 102, 103, 105, 136, 149, 237, - 343, 356, 368, 382, 398, 405, 419, 420, 422, 498 - Hebrew inscriptions at, 47 n. - - Mithridates, king of Pontus, 2, 119 - - Mithridatic war, the first, 4 - - Mitrovitz, 20 - - Mitrovitza, 450 - - Mnesikles, 145 - - Moab, land of, 520, 530 - - Moawyah, caliph, 37 - - Mocenigo, admiral, 241, 307 - Domenico, 439 - - Modène, Raimond de, 401 - - Modon, 87, 88, 90, 91, 98, 106, 184, 240, 241, 323, 362, 373, 376, - 382, 405, 408, 418, 420 ff. - - Mœsian Diocese, the, 20 - - Mohács, battle of, 493 - - Mohammed I, sultan, 256, 307, 325, 483 - II, sultan, 22, 83, 102 ff., 150 ff., 159, 238, 239, 264, 307, 334 - ff., 343, 345 ff., 356, 358 ff., 364, 365, 367, 394, 395, 425, - 457, 486 ff., 499, 504, 505, 514 - IV, sultan, 194 - - Moldavia, 365, 371, 382, 499 - - Molivos (Augerinos, Methymna), 318, 333, 341, 348, 352 - - Monaco, 298, 324 - cathedral of, 139 - - Monastir, 446, 447 - - Moncada, Matteo de, 157 - - Monemvasia, 35, 39, 51, 54, 55, 68, 70, 79, 88, 91, 92, 94, 105, 106, - 108, 165, 221, 231 ff., 245, 368, 371, 373, 405, 406, 414, 416, - 419, 424, 426 - wine-trade at, 244, _also see_ Malmsey wine - - Mongols, the, 322 - - Monopoli, 69, 262 - - Monoyannes, Paul, 204, 243 - - Montenegro (the Zeta), 435, 445, 447, 450, 452, 453, 456 ff., 464, - 466, 490, 498, 549 - - Monte Santangelo, 93 - - Montferrat, Jolanda of, 278 - William of, 248 - - Montona, Matteo de, 140, 142 - - Montréal, 520, 523 - - Moors, 380 - - Morava, river, 486 - - Moravia, 272 - - Morea, the, 67, 68, 71, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 82, 85 ff., 106, 107, - 128, 136, 143, 147, 152, 153, 164, 168, 171, 181, 186, 193, - 195, 198, 200 n., 201, 204, 214, 218, 221, 223, 233, 234, 236 - ff., 240 ff., 249, 250, 264, 288, 290, 293, 299, 329, 344, 355, - 356, 358, 361, 365 ff., 372, 373, 375 ff., 382, 383, 394, 397, - 398, 401, 405, 406, 409, 412 ff., 416 ff., 433, 434, 439, 498 - ff., 521 - - _Morea, Chronicle of the_, 69, 70, 73, 80, 81, 83 ff., 89, 91 ff., - 96, 108, 121, 125, 126, 203 n., 246, 247, 521, 532, 545 - - Morlachs, the, 403 - - Morlay, Guillaume de, 72 - - Morocco, 286 - - _Morokampos_, 52 - - Morosini, Andrea, 266 - Francesco, 36, 48, 195, 196, 203, 217, 222, 223 n., 225, 228, 383, - 384, 386, 395, 403 ff., 408, 409, 411 ff., 416, 420, 423, 424, - 438 - Ruggiero, 286 - - “Moses,” “Valley of,” 530 - - “Mosque of the Conqueror,” 152 - - Mostar, 464, 485, 495 - - Mota, Bertranet, 159 - - Mottoni, count di San Felice, 407, 411 - - Mouchli, 104 - - Mouchtar Pasha, 440 - - Mouseion hill, the, 407 - - Mousouros, Markos, scholar, 198, 241, 373 - - Muazzo, Venetian governor, 317 - Zuan Zorzo, 266 - - Muhashinovichi, 471 - - Muktar, 224 - - Mummius, 2, 3, 16, 413 - - Muntaner, Ramon, 75, 81, 82, 95, 96, 114, 116, 122, 123, 236, 288, 501 - - Murad, Turkish governor of Ænos, 339 - I, sultan, 307, 316, 319, 333, 454, 455 - II, sultan, 100, 101, 149, 280, 281, 325, 332, 456, 484, 512 - III, sultan, 174, 398 - - “Murmures,” the, 238 - - Musa, sultan, 255, 256 - - Musachi, Comita, _see_ Balsha, Dame C. - - Museo Correr, Venice, 79 - - Mustapha Pasha, Kara, 224 - - Mycenæ, 16, 59 - - Mykonos, 164, 255, 265 ff., 373, 399 - - Myrtis, 533 - - Mytilene, 40, 287, 294, 318, 323, 324, 326, 327, 332, 335, 336, 341, - 346, 347, 349, 350, 352, _also see_ Lesbos - - - Nâbulus (Shechem), 520, 527, 533 - - Nahr Ibrahîm, 516 - - Naples, 57, 80, 84, 94, 95, 106, 108, 109, 116, 124, 138, 143, 149, - 154, 169, 184, 200 ff., 210, 240, 252, 262, 264, 373, 376, 482, - 501, 506, 513 - - Naples, Castel dell’ Uovo of, 80, 96, 482 - - Napoleon I (Bonaparte) of France, 230, 231, 385, 450, 453 - III of France, 271 - - Narenta, river, 461, 464, 474, 476, 549 - - Narni, castle of, 500 - - Narona, 461, 465 - - Nasi, the, 174 - Joseph (João Miquez), 174 - - Nasica, Scipio, 461 - - Natale, Bernardo, 350 - - Naupaktos, 33, 48, 53, 83, 98, 431, _also see_ Lepanto - - Nauplia, 50, 55, 62, 67, 76, 87, 88, 98, 106, 111, 114, 121, 124, - 125, 136, 150, 156, 221, 232, 241 ff., 284, 356, 368, 371, 373, - 377, 382, 383, 397, 398, 405, 406, 413 ff., 418, 419, 421 ff. - - Nausikaa, 206 - - Navailles, duc de, 195 - - Navarino (Zonklon), 35, 97, 105 ff., 194, 235, 373, 376, 377, 380, - 382, 404, 408, 419, 424 - - Navarre, and the Navarrese, 57, 97, 128, 131, 136, 159, 201 - Philip of, 531 - - Navarrese Company, the, 97, 107, 109, 127, 136, 169, 235, 254 - - Naves, Sor de, 503, 505 - - Navigajosi, 297 - - Naxos, 37, 68, 70, 75, 79, 81, 127, 161 ff., 165 ff., 180, 184, 188, - 232, 339, 351, 356, 373, 398, 400, 401, 417, 498 - - Nazareth, 517, 521 - - Neale, J. M., _Theodora Phranza_, 534 - - Negro, Lucchino, 304 - - Negroponte, 69, 75, 81, 82, 115, 121, 123, 126, 133, 134, 140, 142, - 143, 151, 203 n., 234, 251, 252, 254, 265, 266, 280, 300, 306, - 307, 316, 356, 372, 386, 393, 406, 409, 412, 414, 425, 532 - - Neilos, heretic, 541, 542 - - Nemanja, family of, 443, 458, 549 - Miroslav, 447, 468 ff. - St Sava, 447, 448, 454, 477 - Stephen I, 447, 469 - II, 447, 448 - - Neopatras, 115 ff., 124, 126, 143, 149, 158, 159, 251, 254 - archbishop of, 127 - - Neophytos, bishop of Maina, 382 - - Nepos, Julius, 463 - - Neptune, temple of, 331 - - Neri, donkey-driver, 154 - - Nero, 10 ff., 16, 224, 381 - - Neroutsos, historian, 154, 161 - - Neuilly, Jean de, 72, 89 - - Nevers, comte de, 320, 321 - duc de, 381, 382 - - “New France,” 75, 82, 85, 246 - - Nice (Nicæa), 58, 114, 163, 164, 180, 199, 277, 278, 294, 324, 326, - 431, 448, 506, 541, 542 - archbishop of, 514 - council of, 22, 218 - Greek emperor of, 79, 92, 232, 249 - - Nicholas V, pope, 311, 349, 497 - archbishop of Thebes, 116 - bishop of Methone, 53 - canon of Athens, 156 - of Ilok, 491, 492, 511 - the patriarch, 34, 273 - - Nicomedia, 20 - - “Nicopolis Actiaca,” 380 - - Nicosia, 519 - archbishop of, 505 - - Niger, Pescennius, 17 - - _Nika_ sedition, the, 33 - - Nike Apteros, temple of, 65, 145, 407 - - Nikephoros I, emperor, 40, 41, 444 - II Phokas, emperor, 44, 45, 47, 178, 191, 534 - I, despot of Epeiros, 262, 432, 433 - II, despot of Epeiros, 318, 434 - Chalouphes, 52 - - Niketas of Chonæ, historian, 59, 60, 62, 75, 86, 269, 275, 537, 538, - 549 - - Nikli, 72, 79, 92, 114 - - Nikon, monk and saint, 45, 46, 53 - - Nikopolis, 6 ff., 10, 15, 20, 23, 25, 29, 33, 37, 46, 48, 55 - battle of, 81, 144, 320, 321 - - Nikouses, Panagiotes, 195, 365 - - Ninoslav, Matthew, 471 ff. - - Nio, lady of, 176 - - Niobe, 539 - - Nish, 20, 149, 446, 447, 454 - - Nitardus, bishop of Thermopylæ, 253 - - Nivelet, Guy de, 72 - - _Nizam-djedid_, the, 366, 367 - - Nointel, marquis de, 387, 388, 396 - - Normans, the, 34, 49 ff., 54, 67, 232, 261, 275, 276, 441, 525, 534, - 536, 542, 549 - - Norwegians, 48 - - Noukios, secretary, 220 - - Novakovich, M., 453 - - Novara, Giovanni of, 331 - - Novelles, family of de, 122, 157 - Ermengol de, 157 - - Novello, Jacopo di, 219 - - Novi, 461 - - Novibazar, 442, 445, 448, 449, 460 n., 462, 464, 477, 480, 549 - - Novo Brdo, 452, 457 - - Nymphæum, treaty of, 283, 284, 314 - - - Obilich, 455 n. - - Ochrida, 50, 273, 429 - Bulgarian patriarchate of, 361 n. - - Octavian, emperor, 6, 15 - - Octavian, _see_ Augustus - - Oddo, bishop of Verdun, 233 - - Odeion of Herodes Atticus (Serpentzes), 15, 54, 153, 396 - of Perikles, 3, 153 - - Odescalchi, prince, 511 - - Odoacer, 463 - - Œcumenical Patriarch, the, 147, 154, 174, 209, 241, 324, 359, 361, - 372, 384, 392, 405, 415, 420, 424, 448 - - Œneus, fortress, 429 - - Œnoussai, the, 290, 300 - - Œta, Mount, 115 - - Oliverio, Giovanni, 303 - Pietro, 304 - - Olympia, 3, 10, 11, 15, 25, 26, 30, 71 - - Olympiads, the, 25 - - Olympian Zeus, temple of (Palace of Hadrian), 7, 141, 147, 396, 410 - - Olympic games, 24 - - Olympos, 117 - - Omar, son of Turakhan, 102, 104, 151, 152 - Beg of Aïdin, 293 - Pasha, 494 - - Opilio, senator, 430 - - Opuntian Lokris, 76, 111 - - Orbini, historian, 458, 473 - - Orchan (Orkhan), sultan, 315, 362 - - Orchomenos, 3 - - Orient, prefecture of the, 21 - - Origen, 84, 148 - - Orlando, statue of, 498 - - Oropos, 144, 161 - - Orsini, family of, 84 - John I, 262, 263 - II, 83, 434 - Matthew (Maio, Majo, Matteo), 69, 202, 232, 262, 263 - Nicholas, 263 - Richard, 262 - - Orthodox Church, the, 63, 77, 152, 197, 209, 231, 359 ff., 417, 452 - - Ossa (Kissavos), 545, 549 - - Ostia, 503 - - Ostoja, Stephen, of Bosnia, 482 ff. - - Ostojich, Radivoj, of Bosnia, 484, 487, 490 - Stephen, of Bosnia, 484 - Stephen Thomas, of Bosnia, 484 ff., 508 - - Ostrogoths, the, 29, 33, 463 - - Ostrvitza, 497 - - Otranto, 219, 430, 438, 535 - - Oupravda, 534 - - Ovid, 429 - _Metamorphoses_, 414 - - Oxford, Balliol College, 540 - Lincoln College, 372, 392 - - - Pachymeres, historian, 448 - - Pachys, St, 165 - - Padua, 211, 213, 311, 507 - - Palaiokastrizza, monastery, 199 - - Palaiokastro, 329, 340, 343, 344, 350, 353 - - Palaiologina, Anna, 434 - gate of, 282 - Eudokia, 279 - - Palaiologos, family of, 102 ff., 115, 149, 237, 240, 329, 334, 351, - 352, 381, 390, 411 - Andrew, 106, 240, 500, 513, 514 - Andronikos II, 94, 108, 117 ff., 235, 278, 279, 286, 287, 381, 433, - 449 - III, 236, 278, 291 ff., 320 n., 434 - IV, 280, 307, 317 - Asan, 433 - Constantine XI, 100 ff., 146, 149, 159, 307, 329, 334, 498 - Constantine, son of Andronikos II, 433 - Demetrios, 102, 104 ff., 238, 239, 297, 298, 343, 344, 350, 353, - 416, 498 - George, 544 - Graitzas, 105, 368 - Helen, 502 - John V, emperor, 269, 278, 299, 306, 313 ff., 450 - VI, emperor, 100, 160, 306, 329, 332 - John, despot of Selymbria, 321 ff. - Manuel II, emperor, 98, 99, 237, 278, 280, 321 ff. - Manuel, governor of Monemvasia, 239 - son of Thomas, 106, 500 - Maria, 314 - Michael VIII, 79, 92, 93, 115, 233 ff., 283 ff., 314, 432, 448 - Mohammed, 106 - Simonis, 449 - Theodore I, 98, 136, 139, 236, 237 - II, 100, 107, 238, 502 - Thomas, 100, 102 ff., 218, 238 ff., 368, 498 ff., 505, 513, 514 - Zoe (Sophia), 368, 500, 505, 508, 513, 514 - - Palaiopolis, 220 - - Palamas, Gregorios, theologian, 269 - - Palamedi, 424, 425 - - Palazzo del Santo Piede, Naples, 513 - - Paleochora, 265 - - Palermo, 52, 57, 110, 126, 155, 265, 434 - - Palestine, 67, 171, 377, 516 ff. - - Pallantion, 14 - - Pallavicini, family of, 251, 257, 312 - Alberto, 119, 249, 250, 257 - Guglielma, 250 ff. - Guido, marquess, 59, 62, 245, 247, 248 - Isabella, 249 - Mabilia, 249 - Manfredo, 252 - Marulla, 252 - Rubino, 247, 249 - Tommaso, 249 - Ubertino, 248, 249 - - Palmann, 452 - - Panaia (Canaia), 161, 246 - - Pannonia, 461, 462 - - Pantheon, 13, 333 - - Papadopouloi, family of the, 188, 189 - - Papageorgiou, 269 n. - - Papamichalopoulos, K., 231 - - Papaplis, D. Lorenzo, 411 - - Paparregopoulos, K., historian, 73, 77, 88, 107, 550 - - Paphlagonia, 536 - - Parga, 194, 204, 205, 217, 219, 222, 373, 403, 417 - - Paris, 31, 114, 230, 369, 381 n., 455 - Matthew, 66 - Robert of, count, 540 - - Parma, 59, 245, 249 - - Parnassos, 53, 63, 119, 137, 246 - - Paros, 84, 148, 162, 170, 172 ff., 194, 365, 398, 399 - - Parthenon (Our Lady of Athens), 3, 4, 25, 30, 31, 46, 54, 61, 63, 65, - 66, 112, 113, 137 ff., 148, 152, 156, 158, 273, 378, 387, 394 - ff., 407 ff., 411 ff., 415 - - Parthian war, the, 12 - - Paruta, historian, 241, 266, 374, 377 - - Pashalik of Thessaly, 104 - - Passarovitz, peace and treaty of, 69, 196, 204, 225 ff., 268, 426, - 442, 497 - - Passau, 72 - - Passavâ, 72, 89, 380, 404 - - Patarenes, _see_ Bogomiles - - Pateroi, family of the, 188, 189 - - Pateropouloi, family of the, 186 - - Patesia, 142 - - Patras, 2, 6, 13, 15, 17, 26, 33, 34, 40 ff., 45, 53 ff., 71, 72, 89, - 94, 100 ff., 106, 124, 156, 194, 200, 219, 227, 356, 380, 397, - 398, 405, 414, 415, 418 ff., 499 - archbishops of, 78, 84, 89, 249, 376 - - Patrikios, Petros, historian, 269 - - Patris, admiral, 441 - - Patti, 519 - - Patzinaks, the, 536 - - Pau, Don Pedro de, 130, 156, 157 - - Paul, metropolitan, 275 - II, pope, 372, 502, 508, 509, 512, 514 - III, pope, 209 - IV, pope, 439 - V, pope, 309, 382, 506 - St, 9, 10, 16, 184, 270, 271, 392, 410, 500 - - Paula, 25 - - Paullus, Æmilius, 429 - - Pausanias, 13, 15, 16, 30, 141, 147 - - Pavia, 311 - - Paxo, 69, 202, 209, 214, 215, 220, 227 - - Paynim, the, 289 - - Pedemontano, Francesco, 330 - - Pedro IV of Aragon, 127 ff., 141, 152, 158, 253, 254 - the Cruel of Castile, 158 - - Pegalotti, 79, 422 - - Peisistratos, 13, 64, 111 - - Pelagonia, 249, 430 - - Pellestello (Cape Sunium), 83 - - Peloponnese, the, 1, 6, 7, 13, 15, 26, 34 ff., 39 ff., 43 ff., 52, - 53, 59, 60, 67, 68, 86, 87, 91, 97 ff., 112, 115, 116, 147, - 204, 231, 232, 234 ff., 275, 290, 368, 375, 382 ff., 423, 513, - 524, _see_ Morea, the - - Peña y Farel, 131 - - Peneios (Salamvrias), 545 - - Pentele, monastery of, 378 - - Pera, 294, 296, 307, 314, 319, 328, 333 - - Perikles, 23, 33, 54, 66, 113, 410 - the Odeion of, 3, 153 - - Peroules, family of, 414 - Spyridon, 407 - - Perseus, 381 n., 429 - - Persia, and the Persians, 32, 33, 145, 162, 193, 413, 443 - - Peruzzi, the, 79 - - Pesaro, Antonio da, 176 - Benedetto, 438 - - Pescatore, Enrico, 178, 283 - - Pescennius Niger, 17 - - Petalas, 264 - - Petch, 451, _see_ Ipek - - Peter, envoy of Justinian, 429 - of Aragon, 235 - of Bulgaria, _see_ Bodin, Constantine - of Courtenay, emperor, 90 - II of Sicily, 158 - St, 10, 17 - chair of, 78 - Thomas, St, bishop, 317 - - Peterborough, Benedict of, 61, 262 - - Petrarch, 184 - - Petrovich, Vasilj, 458 - - Petty, William, 381 - - Phaidros, archon, 18 - - Phaleron, 387, 397, 409, 425 - - Phanar, the, 360 - - Phanari, 420 - - Phaneromene, monastery of, 397 - - Pharsala (-os), 5, 33, 62, 254 - - Pharygæ, 245 - - Pheræ, the ancient, 62 - - Phidias, 30, 395, 543 - - Philadelphia, 299 - - Philaras, Leonardos, 382 - - Philip IV of France, 286 - VI of France, 293 - - Philip of Macedon, 63, 96, 119 - of Navarre, 531 - of Savoy, 81, 94, 95, 250 - II of Spain, 374 - I of Taranto, 95, 97, 201, 250, 290, 433 - II of Taranto, 158, 200, 201 - - Philippi, 6 - - Philippicus, emperor, 37 - - Philippopolis, 336, 541, 548 - - Philopappos (Arch of Trajan), 407, 410 - Antiochos, 13 - - Philopator, 3 - - Phiskardo, 50, 540 - - Phocæa, 285 ff., 294 ff., 299, 300, 313, 500 ff., _see_ Foglia - - Phokas, Nikephoros, emperor, 44, 45, 47, 178, 191, 534 - - Phokis, 16 - - Pholegandros, 174 - - Pholoe, Mt, 26 - - Phrantzes, George, historian, 35, 100, 104, 105, 146, 151 n., 160, - 218, 231, 237, 239, 329, 359, 369, 505, 513 - - Phthiotis, 115 - - Phyle, 112, 114 - - Piacenza, 268 - - Pialì Pasha, 174, 308 - - Piedmont, 94, 95 - - Pieri, Mario, historian, 212 - - Pikermi, 390 - - Pinakotheke (arsenal of Lycurgus), the, 145, 410 - - Pindos, 25 - - Pinerolo, 95 - - Pines, 461 - - Piræus (Porto Leone or Porto Drako), 3, 5, 21, 24, 36, 48, 54, 64, - 66, 76, 111, 124, 130, 139, 144, 151, 232, 396, 405, 406, 409 - ff., 413 - - Pisa, and the Pisans, 50, 51, 144, 275, 380, 523 - - Pisani, admiral, 225, 226 - - Pisani, Carlo, 438 - - Piso, emperor, 4, 19, 270 - - Pitti, family of, 144 - Laudamia, 160, 161 - Nerozzo, 154, 161 - - Pius, Antoninus, 14, 141 - II, pope, 239, 288, 311, 341, 343, 344, 349, 372, 487, 497, 500, - 501, 503, 504, 510 - V, pope, 374 - - Plaka, 394 - - Platæa, battle of, 12, 22 - - Plato, 14, 16, 31, 32, 99, 113, 192, 327, 442, 514, 537, 541, 542 - - Plethon, George Gemistos, 99 - - Plevlje, 462 - - Pliny, the elder, 429 - - Pliska, 548 - - Pliskova, 548 - - Pliva, river, 481 - - Plotinos, hagiographer, 269 - - Plutarch, 12, 53, 198, 524 - - Pnyx, the, 407 - - Podgoritza, 444, 447 - - Podochatoro, Lodovico, 507 - - Poitiers, battle of, 125 - - Poland, and the Poles, 106, 149, 403, 424, 443, 477 - - Polemon, 539, 542 - - Poli, 372 - - Polinos, 174 - - Poljitza, 457 - - Pollux, 45 - - Polybios, historian, 1, 2, 12, 537 - - Polydoros, tomb of, 331 - - Polygnotos, painter, 16, 30 - - Pompei, Count Tomaso, 409 - - Pompey, 4, 5, 50 - - Ponte dell’ Ammiraglio, 52 - - Ponte Molle, the, 106 - - Porcacchi, 267 - - Poros, 413, 414 - - Porphyrogenitus, Constantine VII, emperor, 32, 39, 44, 46, 430, 442, - 443, 464 - - Porte, the, 150, 174, 192, 194, 195, 221, 308 - - Porto, bishop of, 510 - delle Quaglie, 373 - Drako, _see_ Piræus - Leone, _see_ Piræus - Raguseo, 430, 434 - - Portugal, and the Portuguese, 210, 275, 502 - - Poseidon, statue of, 413 - temple of, 8 - - Potamo, 219, 224 - - Pou, Pedro de (Petrus de Puteo), 126, 157 - - _Poulains_, the, 523, 524, 525 - - Pouqueville, traveller, 154, 225 n., 378, 429, 430, 439 - - _Pozzi_, the, 307 - - Prætorians, the, 364 - - Prato, Jacopo da, 156 - Ludovico da, 139, 156 - - Praxagoras, historian, 21 - - Praxina, lady, 511 - - Predelli, Signor, 155 - - Preliub, 451 - - Premarini, family of, 266 - - Prenk Bib Doda, Mirdite prince, 536 - - Prêslav, 444, 548 - - Prespa, lake of, 444 - - Prevesa, 205, 217, 223, 225, 228, 356, 380, 404, 417, 426 - - Prijesda I, 473 - II, 473 - - Prilip, 454 - - Primorje, 511 - - Prinkipo, island, 40, 536 - - Prishtina, 449, 450, 456 - - Pristhlava, Great, 548 - - Priuli, Antonio, 195 n. - - Prizren, 446, 449, 454 - - Prodromos, Theodore, 446 - - Proklos, 31, 32, 84 - - Prokopios, _Secret History_, 534 - - Propylæa, the, 7, 65, 76, 141, 145, 148, 396, 408, 409 - - Protimo, Nicolò, of Eubœa, 151 - - _Protonotários_, 37 - - Provence, 59, 472, 508 - - Prussia, 529 - - Psara (Santa Panagia), island, 300, 301, 358 - - Psaromelingos, Michael, 182 - - Psellos, Michael, philosopher, 43, 49, 357, 535, 537, 538 - - Pteleon, 256 - - Ptolemy, 108, 429 - - Pulati, 405 - - Pulcheria, sister of Theodosius, 30 - - Puteo, Petrus de, _see_ Pou, Pedro de - - Pylos, 97, 107 ff., 235, _see_ Navarino - - Pyrgos, the tower of, 435, 436 - - Pyrrha, 161 - - Pythagoras, 153 - - - Quarnero, the, 480 - - Quartus, 9 - - Quietists (Hesychasts), 279 - - Quintilian, 514 - - Quintus Metellus, 4 - - Quirini, the, 175 - archbishop, 210, 211, 213 - Nicolò, 166 - - - Radak, prince, 489 - - Radakovitza, cliff of, 489 - - Radich, Abraham, 509 - - Radivoj Ostojich of Bosnia, 484, 487, 490 - - Raffaele of Quarto, 317 - - Ragusa, 433, 434, 436, 452, 456, 457, 466, 468 ff., 472, 474, 478 - ff., 488, 498, 508, 511 - - Ralles, Demetrios, 369 - Michael, 368 - - Rama, 467 - - Rampano, castle of, 240 - - Randazzo, Frederick of, 126 - John of, 126, 158 - - Randolph, traveller, 196, 268, 387, 391, 395, 397, 399 - - Rapallo, 308 - - Rashka, river, 442, 445 - - Rassia, or Rascia (_also see_ Serbia), 445, 450, 549 - - Raugraf von der Pfalz, Col., 407 - - Raunach, baron, 497 - - Ravenna, exarchate of, 271 - - Ravenika, parliament of, 113, 247, 248 - - Raymond of Toulouse, count, 516 - II of Tripolis, count, 522 - - Recanelli, Pietro, 304, 306 - - Rechid Pasha, 440 - - Red Sea, 516, 517, 523 - - Regina, duke of, 265, 513 - - Renaud, baron of Sagette, 531 - - Rendi, Demetrios, notary, 127, 128 - Maria, 139 - - Renier, Sebastiano, 243 - - Rethymno, 184, 186 ff., 192, 194, 356 - - Rhanghaves, K., _The Duchess of Athens_, 116, 146 n., 257 - - Rheims, cathedral of, 407 - - Rhiza, the, 186 - - Rhodes, 167, 176, 184, 289, 298, 301, 335, 344, 356, 400, 503, 505 - - Rhoïdes, Venizelos, 414 - - Rhoka, 44 - - Rhyndakenos, Joannes Laskaris, 297, 331, 339, 344, 353 - - Richard I “Cœur-de-Lion” of England, 71, 498, 517, 526, 528 - - Richard, count of Acerra, 276 - - Richelieu, 382 - - Richeriane, Pandette, 295 - - Rideford, Girard de, 522 - - Risal, M., 269 n. - - Rive d’Ostre (Livadostro), 76, 111, 144 - - Robert of Geneva, 158 - king of Naples, 80, 433 - count of Paris, 540 - III of Scotland, 502 - of Taranto, prince of Achaia, 109, 169, 201, 202, 263 - - Rocaforte, 133 - - Roger, king of Sicily, 51, 52, 430 - - Rogus, castle of, 510 - - Roman church, the, 91 - civil wars, 17 - conquest, 18 - senate, 20 - - Romania, empire of, 58, 77, 82, 116, 117, 163, 180, 321, 450 - - _Romania, Assizes of_, 122 - _Book of the Customs of the Empire of_, 71, 73, 112, 250 - - Romano, Casimiro, historian, 510 - - Romanos II, emperor, 47, 534 - III, emperor, 445 - - Romans, empress of the, 136 - - _Romans, Epistle to the_, 10 - - Rome, 1, 2, 4, 7, 12, 18, 20, 23, 25, 31, 33, 50, 74, 94, 106, 116, - 139, 198, 240, 270, 272, 299, 309, 317, 332, 355, 357, 361, - 368, 369, 374, 375, 429, 443, 447, 454, 460 ff., 472, 480, 487, - 497 ff., 531 - the Borgo, 497, 514 - Botteghe Oscure, 512 - Chapel of S. Eugenia in the SS. Apostoli, 515 - Lateran gate, 512 - Palazzo Spinola, 506 - Piazza Scossa Cavalli, 506 - Ponte Milvio, 500 - the Quirinal, 515 - S. Agata in Subura, 515 - Santo Spirito hospital, 500, 507, 511, 512, 514 - Via Appia, 515 - Via Ardeatina, 515 - Via Pellicciaria, 512 - Via S. Marco, 513 - Vicolo Scanderbeg, 512 - _also see_ Churches - - Roquebrune, village, 298 - - Rosso, Castel, _see_ Karystos - - Roumania, and the Roumanians, 20, 60, 361, 370 - - Roumelia, Eastern, 443 - - Roupel, fort, 273 - - Roussillon, 119, 122 - - Roustavéli, Chota, poet, 66 - - Rozières, Gautier de, 72 - - Rubió y Lluch, Don Antonio, 127, 155 ff. - - Rumeli, castle of, 417 - - Rumili, _beglerbeg_ of, 355, 356 - - Russia, and the Russians, 106, 227, 228, 230, 272, 367, 368, 377, - 424, 427, 514 - - Ruthenians, duke of the, 514 - - Rycaut, Sir Paul, 364, 407 - - - Sacred Way, the, 141 - - Saewulf, Icelandic pilgrim, 47 - - Sagette, 521, 531 - - Sagredo, historian, 374, 424 - - Saguntino, Nicholas, 514 - - Said Achmet Pasha, 336 - - St Abraham, _see_ Hebron - - St Achilleios, 47 - - St Andrew, 17, 41, 106 - - S. Angelo, duca di, 513 - - St Bartholomew, chapel of, 129 - - St Basil, lake, 273 - - St Dionysios, 31 - - St George, 31 - bank of, 305, 309, 341 ff., 498, 501 - banner of, 308, 313 - church of, 117 - harbour of, 346 - order of, 129 - seal of, 122 - - St Gilles, comte de, 548 - - St Jerome, 25, 33 - - St John the Evangelist, 288, 331, 501 - the Merciful, 528 - the Hunter, monastery of, 114 - knights of, 73, 84, 89, 128, 167, 171, 296, 318, 373, 401, 518, 528 - - St Luke, 10, 141, 510; - the younger, 45 - - St Mark, the lion-banner of, 68, 183, 201, 202, 221, 229, 230, - 240, 243, 266, 335, 399, 401, 409, 456 - - St Martin of Tours, church of, 79 - - St Mary of Bethlehem, knights of, 343 - - St Nicholas of Bari, 93 - - St Nikon, 45, 46, 53 - monastery of, 45 - - St Omer, castle of, 84, 125 - family of, 75, 77, 80, 112, 113, 521 - Jacques de, 58, 63 - Nicholas I de, 58, 63, 81, 94 - Nicholas II de, 76, 108, 117 - Othon de, 117 - tower at Thebes, 94 - - St Paul, _see_ Paul, St - - St Peter, 10, 17 - Thomas, bishop, 317 - - Saint-Sauveur, M., consul, 226, 227 - - St Sava, duke of, 485, 492, 499, 509, 510 - of Serbia, 447, 448, 454, 477 - - St Spiridion, 209, 210, 218, 225 - - St Theodora, 218, 271, 281 - - St Theodore, 52, 62 - - St Thomas of Canterbury, 518, 529 - - St Willibald, bishop of Eichstätt, 35 - - SS. Apostoli, monastery of the, 515 - - SS. Theodores, castle of the, 348 ff. - - Saïtan Oglou, _see_ Cantacuzene, Michael - - Sala (De La Salle), 425 - - Saladin, 517, 519, 523, 526, 528, 531 - - Salamis (Culuris), 36, 66, 117, 236, 390, 397, 413, 414, 416 - - Salamvrias (Peneios), 545 - - Salic law, the, 93, 127 - - Sallust, 69, 173 - - Salmenikon, castle of, 106 - - Salona (La Sole), 63, 80, 83, 85, 111, 119, 121, 123, 125, 126, 128, - 130, 131, 137, 254, 257, 375, 376, 395, 397, 461 ff. - Thomas of, 117 - - Salonika, 18, 37, 44, 53, 54, 58, 59, 63, 110, 113, 199, 268 ff., - 318, 322, 323, 356, 360, 443, 447, 449, 450, 514 - archbishop of, 31 - king of, 67, 87, 110, 245, 248 - “The Triangle,” 281 - the Vardar gate, 270, 271 - the “White Tower” or “the Tower of Blood,” 281 - - Samareia tower, the, 281 - - Samaria, bishop of, 281 n. - - Samarkand, 323 - - Samos, 290, 296, 300, 301, 366 - - Samothrace (Sanctus Mandrachi), 83, 297, 306, 326, 327, 331, 338 ff., - 344, 350, 351, 353 - - Samuel, tsar of Bulgaria, 47, 50, 272, 273, 430, 444, 466, 480 - - San Ciriaco, 503, 504 - - San Felice, count di, 407, 411 - - San Gallo, 148, 413 - - San Gerolamo degli Schiavoni, hospital of, 509 - - San Giorgio, Banca di, 298, 505 - - San Michele di Murano, 176 - - San Nicolo, fortress of, 424 - - San Pietro, Montorio, 514 - - San Rocco, 220 - - San Salvatore, 224, 226 - - Sancho IV of Castile, 286 - - Sangallo, 65 - - Sant’ Andrea della Valle, 500 - - Sant’ Angelo, castle of, 199, 202, 205, 218, 219, 372 - - Sant’ Ippolito, family of, 202 - - Sta Maria degli Angeli, 503 - - Sta Maria del Popolo, 507 - di Castello, district of, 284 - - Santa Maura (Levkas), 69, 81, 106, 202 ff., 216, 217, 222, 223, 225, - 226, 230, 263, 356, 375, 403, 417, 426 - - Santa Panagia, _see_ Psara - - Santameri, castle of, 105 - mountains, 77, 94 - tower at Thebes, 117, 163 - - Santo Stefano, knights of, 380 - - Santorin, 38, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 176, 267, 400 - - Sanudo, family of (dukes of Naxos), 68, 69, 164, 170 - Angelo, 164, 232 - Dandolo, 68, 162 - Fiorenza, 81, 168, 169 - Giovanni I, 167, 168, 170 - Guglielmo, 165, 167 - Marco I, 68, 162, 163, 166, 180 - II, 90, 164 ff., 170 - Maria, 170 - Marino, historian, 75, 78, 83, 90, 92, 177, 246, 289 - Nicolò I, 167, 169, 289, 291, 294 - II “Spezzabanda” 169, 184 - - Sanuto, _Diarii_, 175, 176 - - Sapienza, island of, 90, 426 - - Sappho, 343, 533, 537, 539 - - Saraceno, Pietro, 130 - - Saracens, the, 40, 43 ff., 218, 273, 274, 286, 325, 432, 522, 524 - ff., 530, 532 - - Sarajevo, 455, 462, 484, 485, 490, 492, 494 ff. - - Sarantaporon, battle of, 270 - - Saronic gulf, 5, 9, 114, 236, 405 - - Sarpi, Fra Paolo, 192 - - Saru-Khan, 294 - - Saseno, island, 429, 430, 435, 436, 438, 440, 441 - - Sathas, historian, 98, 371 - - Satines (Sethines, Setines, Sithines, Sythines), 83, 109, 135, 143, - 150, _also see_ Athens - - Satti, 437 - - Sauger, historian, 266 - - Save, river, 446, 451, 461 ff., 473, 474, 481, 488, 493, 496, 497 - - Savona, 314 - - Savoy, 82, 94, 323, 498, 502 ff. - - Saxony, 443 - - Scandinavians, 525 - - Scarampi, Lodovico, cardinal, 340, 344, 501 - - Scaramuccia, 307 - - Schabachtana, 517 - - Schlumberger, M., 257, 521, 535, 550 - - Schmitt, Dr, 70, 86, 93, 108 - - Scholarios, Georgios, 359 - - Schulenburg, Count John Matthias von der, 223 ff., 228, 413, 426 - - Scio, 391 - - Scotland, and the Scots, 368, 502, 503, 525 - - Scott, Sir Walter, 539, 540, 547 - _Count Robert of Paris_, 534 - _The Talisman_, 526 - - Scutari, 299, 435, 437, 444, 445, 451, 454, 456, 498, 549 - - Scythian wars, the, 19 - - Scythians (Cumans), 536, 541, 546 - - Sebastiani, 268 - - Secundus, 270 - - Selenitza, 429 - - Selim II, sultan, 174, 366, 373 - - Selino, 181, 186 - - Seljuks, the, 446 - - Selymbria, 100, 321, 322 - - Semendria, 442, 456, 457, 487 - - Sempovich, Helena, 509, 511 - - Seneca, 9 - - Sepolia, 142 - - Septimius Severus, 17 - - Serbia (Rassia), and the Serbs, 41, 59, 100, 137, 253, 272, 276, 279, - 281, 299, 316, 345, 361, 370, 427, 434, 441 ff., 460, 461, 463 - ff., 472 ff., 483 ff., 493, 494, 497 ff., 508, 511, 512, 549 - - Sergeant, family of, 214 - - Sergius, 341 - - Seriphos, 8 - - Serpentzes (Odeion of Herodes Atticus), 15, 54, 153, 396 - - Serres, 450 - - Sestri Ponente, 314, 324, 351 - - Sethines, _see_ Satines - - Sette Pozzi, 284 - - Severus, Alexander, 17 - Septimius, 17 - - Sforza, Francesco, 153, 159, 328 - Galeazzo Maria, 303, 509 - - Sgouros, clan of, 55 - Leon, 62, 63, 65, 67, 87, 88, 90, 156, 245 - - Shakespeare, 69, 114, 541 - _A Midsummer Night’s Dream_, 64 - - Sharon, 520 - - Shechem, _see_ Nâbulus - - Shishman, John, 316 - - Shubich, family of, 473, 474 - Mladen, 474 - Paul, 474 - - Sibylla, princess, 519 - - Sicily, 2, 4, 36, 51, 54, 68, 93, 118, 119, 122, 123, 125, 126, 130, - 158, 200, 232, 253, 261, 262, 275, 373, 374, 430, 431, 441, 527 - - Side, 235 - - Sidon, 517, 518, 521 - - Siena, 145 - - Sigismund, emperor, 309 - king of Hungary, 481 ff. - son of Stephen Thomas of Bosnia, 508, 509 - - Sikinos, 174 - - Sikyon, 4, 5, 101, 139 - - Silas, 9, 270 - - Silius Italicus, 429 - - Silvester II, pope, 540 - - Simeon, _Zeno_, 198 n. - - Simokatta, Theophylact, historian, 35, 36 - - Simon, archbishop of Thebes, 158 - - Simonides, 167 - - Simplikios, philosopher, 32 - - Sinan Beg, 495 - Pasha (the Arnaut), admiral, 438, 440 - - Sinj, 461 - - Siphnos, 167, 174, 384 - - Sirmium, 20 - - Sis, court of, 526 - - Siscar, Raymond de, 341 - - Sistova, 497 - - Sixtus II, pope, 17 - IV, pope, 502, 506, 507, 509, 511, 512, 514, 515 - - Sjenitza, 488 - - Skanderbeg, 103, 104, 149, 399, 437, 480, 498, 499, 512 - - Skaramangka, Mount, 390 - - Skaramangkou torrent, the, 310 - - Skarpanto, 250 - - Skiathos, 173, 246 - - Skironian cliffs, the, 13, 397 - - Skleros, poet, 198 - - Skopelos, 164, 173, 246 - - Skopje (Skoplje), 299, 442, 449 ff. - - Skordiloi, the, 188 - - Skorta, 72, 89, 95 - - Skouphos, _Rhetoric_, 198 - - Skylitzes, John, historian, 275, 538, 549 - - Skyros, 19, 335, 395 - - Slavesians, 46 - - Slavochorio, 59 - - Slavonia, 481, 491, 493, 496, 497 - - Slavs, the, 33 ff., 39 ff., 47, 59, 68, 72, 91, 224, 271, 272, 274, - 275, 278, 365, 443, 446, 454, 463, 464, 494 - - Smyrna, 283, 285, 286, 293, 296, 298, 300, 313, 317, 351, 409, 425 - - Sobieski, 403 - - Sobiewolsky, Hessian lieutenant, 408 - - Sofia, 355 - - Sokolli, Mohammed, 375 - - Sokolovich, family of, 495 - - Sokrates, gymnasium of, school of, _see_ Tower of the Winds - - Soli (Tuzla), 473, 483 - - Solomon, king, 516 - the Song of, 529 - - Solon, 71, 112, 153 - - Sommaripa, family of, 170, 172, 174, 267 - Crusino, 148 - Euphrosyne, 254 - Giovanfrancesco, 266 - - Sonetti, Bartolomeo dalli, 310 - - Sophianos, 233 - - Sophocles, 237, 537 - - Sosipater, bishop of Ikonium, 10 - - Soter, Arsinöe, 332 - Ptolemy, 332 - - Spain, and the Spaniards, 43, 106, 130, 135, 154, 193, 210, 275, 286, - 361, 372, 374, 376, 381 ff., 439 - - Spalato, 461, 463, 466, 469, 470, 472, 479, 481, 482 - - Spandugino (Spandounis), Theodore, 263, 369 - - Spantounes, tomb of, 281 - - Sparre, Charles, general, 439 - - Sparta, 1, 7, 11, 15, 16, 19, 26, 31, 45 ff., 53, 102, 114, 116, 149, - 228, 397, 533 - - Spata, 146 - - Spercheios, river, 47 - - Spetsai, island, 358 - - Spetsopoulo (Sette Pozzi), 284 - - Sphakia, and the Sphakiotes, 44, 186, 188, 189, 194 - - Spinalonga, 178, 191, 196, 403, 417, 422, 426 - - Spinarza, hills and district of, 431, 433 - - Spinola, 307 - - Spinula, Percivalis, 295 - - Spiridion, St, 209, 210, 218, 225 - - Spon, Dr, traveller, 24 n., 214, 267, 380, 386 ff., 391, 393, 394, - 398, 410, 411, 413 - - Sporades, 246, 373 - - Spretcha, river, 483 - - Srebrenik, 478, 491, 492 - - Srebrenitza, 483, 484 - - Stadion, the, 15, 141 - - Stagno, 466 - - Stambûl, 109, 496 - - Stamford Bridge, battle of, 48, 64 - - Stampalia, 175 - - Standia, 195 - - Statius, 9, 462 - - Staurakios, 39, 40 - - Steel, Mr D., 132 - - Stephanas, 9 - - Stephanopouloi, the, 384, 385 - - Stephen, _ban_ of Bosnia, 471 - captain of the “Helladikoi,” 38 - doctor, 36 - Ostoja of Bosnia, 482 ff. - Ostojich of Bosnia, 484 - Thomas Ostojich of Bosnia, 484 ff., 508 - Tomashevich of Bosnia, 457, 486 ff., 508 - - Stilicho, general, 25, 26 - - Stiris, 46 - - Stoa Poikile, the, 16, 30 - - Strabo, geographer, 6, 15, 39 - - Stradioti, the, 368, 369 - - _Strategós_, 37 - - Stratia, 221 - - Stromoncourts, the, 137 - - Stromoncourt, Thomas de, 59, 63, 119 - - Struma, river, 273, 276 - - Stuart, 378, 388 n. - - Studenitza, monastery of, 447 - - Studita, Theodore, 269 - - Stylida, 246 - - Stylites, 45 - - Stymphalos, lake, 13 - - Suda, 191, 192, 196, 403, 417, 422, 426 - bay, 43, 187, 188, 191 ff. - - Suetonius, 461 - - Suidas, 371 - - Suli, rock of, 204 - - Suleyman, son of Bayezid I, sultan, 254, 255, 280 - the Magnificent, 106, 172, 219, 365, 438 - - Sulla, 3, 5, 13, 15, 18, 119 - - Sulpicia, 534 - - Sunium, Cape (Pellestello or Cape Colonna), 83 - - Superan, Pedro Bordo de, 97, 100, 128 - - Sutjeska, 478, 490 - - Svernetsi, 431 - - Sweden, Charles XII of, 223 - - Sykaminon, barony and castle of, 144, 146, 154, 161 - - Sylvius, Æneas, 504 - - Symeon, tsar of Bulgaria, 272, 430, 444, 466, 480 - liturgical writer, 269 - - Synesios, philosopher, 27, 31 - - Syra, 162, 165, 166, 312, 400 - - Syracuse, count of, 180 - - Syria, and the Syrians, 68, 170, 177, 295, 303, 325, 519 ff., 525 - ff., 532 - - Syriane, _see_ Kaisariane - - - Tabarie, _see_ Tiberias - - Tabor, Mt, 528, 531 - - Tacitus, 544 - emperor, 20 - - Tafel, 269 n. - - Tafrali, 269 n. - - Tafur, Pero, traveller, 329 - - Tagliacozzo, 73 - - Talmud, the, 53 - - Tancred of Antioch, 521, 524, 528, 531 - - Taphians, the pirate, 223, 403 - - Tara, river, 446, 460 - - Taranto, house of, 97 - Bohemond of, 516 - Charles of, 133 - Manfred of, 431 - Philip I of, 95, 97, 201, 250 - II of, 158, 200, 201 - Robert of, 109, 169, 201, 202, 263 - - Taronites, 414 - - Tarsus, 10, 275, 516 - - _Tartarin_ of the Zaccaria, the, 286 - - Tartaro, Arrigo, 294 - - Tartars, the, 300, 318, 456, 472 - - Tasso, 368 - - Tatoi, 389 n. - - Taygetos, Mt, 35, 42, 59, 68 - - Tchajnitza, 495 - - Tchaslav, prince of Serbia, 444, 465 ff. - - Tegea, 6, 72, 92, 114 - - Temenos, fortress, 44, 163, 179 - - Tempe, the vale of, 13, 59, 62, 119 - - Templars, Knights, 73, 89, 248, 518, 528, 529 - - Temple of Nike Apteros, 65, 145, 153, 396, 407 - - Tenedos, 185, 290, 301, 307, 313, 314, 317, 325, 534 - - Tenos, island of, 8, 69, 83, 148, 152, 164, 175, 194, 255, 265 ff., - 357, 373, 398 ff., 403, 417, 424, 426 - - Teodoro, Nicolò di S., 304 - Pietro di S., 304 - - _Terciers_, the, 69 - - Termes, Raimond de, 433 - - Tertius, 9 - - Teutonic Knights, 68, 73, 89, 529 - - Thamar, daughter of Nikephoros I, 433 - - Thasos, island, 288, 297, 306, 330 ff., 335, 336, 340, 341, 344, 350, - 351, 353 - - Theagenes, 31, 32 - - Thebes (Estives), and the Thebans, 4, 10, 15, 25, 33, 37, 38, 45, 48, - 50 ff., 60, 63, 75 ff., 82 ff., 94, 95, 100 ff., 108, 112 ff., - 116 ff., 121, 123, 125, 127 ff., 131, 133, 134, 139, 142, 144, - 146, 147, 149, 151, 153, 157 ff., 163, 247, 249, 253, 356, 398, - 406 ff., 521, 533 - archbishop of, 293 - congress of, 317 - - Themes, military districts, 37, 44 - - Themistokles, the haven of, 111 - the palace of, 153 - - Theodatus, 429 - - Theodora, consort of Justinian, 534 - daughter of Constantine VIII, 535 - St, 218, 271 - relics of, 281 - - Theodore, St, the Warrior, 62 - relics of, 52 - - Theodoric, 29, 463 - - Theodoricus, actor, 352 - - Theodosian Code, the, 27 - - Theodosios, deacon, 45 - - Theodosius I, emperor, 24, 25, 271 - II, emperor, 26, 30, 31 - - Theophano, empress, 40, 47 - - Theophilos, emperor, 218 - - Theophrastos, 3 - - Theotokes, Nikephoros, 213 - - Theotokopoulos, Domenicos (“El Greco”), 198 - - Therasia, 167 - - Thermia, 174, 266 - - Thermisi, 106, 422 - - Thermopylæ, 15, 18, 25, 29, 33, 34, 47, 62, 87, 101, 119, 200 n., 245 - ff., 253, 255 - - Theseus, 13, 31, 64, 114, 413 - - Thespiæ, 8 - - _Thessalonians, Epistles to the_, 9 - - Thessalonike, wife of Kassander, 270 - - Thessaly, 5, 6, 12, 19 ff., 25, 29, 34, 37, 39, 50, 55, 59, 61, 62, - 100, 115 ff., 130, 133, 151, 224, 245, 246, 248, 253, 277, 356, - 358, 371, 451, 453, 546, 549 - the Pashalik of, 104 - - Thévenot, 267 - - Thomais, wife of Symeon Urosh, 434 - - Thomas, despot of Epeiros, 433 - of Salona, 117 - St, of Canterbury, 518, 529 - - Thorn, Prussian fortress of, 529 - - Thou, de, 308 - - Thourion, the, 120 - - Thrace, 106, 318, 331, 336, 338, 344, 357, 498 - - Thracian sea, the, 313 - - Thrasyllos, monument of, 141 - - Thucydides, 19, 33, 44, 64, 99, 153, 162, 311, 537, 549 - - Thule (Britain), 549 - - Tiber, river, 20, 503 - - Tiberias (Tabarie), 517, 520, 530, 533 - - Tiberius, emperor, 7, 8, 12, 461 - - Tiepolo, duke of Crete, 178, 180 - - Tigris, river, 535 - - _Timarion_, 275 - - Timotheos, archbishop of Eubœa, 378 - - Timotheus, 9 - - Timour the Tartar, 99, 322, 323, 483 - - Timourtash, Turkish commander, 140 - - Tirana, 441 - - Tiryns, 16 - - Tithe, count of the, 223 - - Titus, 10, 183 - - Tocco, family of, 84, 148, 153, 203, 263, 325, 498, 499, 512, 513 - Antonio, 203, 512 - Carlo I, 136, 139, 146, 263, 265 - II, 148, 263, 264, 356 - III, 512, 513 - Ferdinando, 513 - Francesco, 265 - Giovanni, 512 - Leonardo I, 202, 216, 263 - II, 265 - III, 264, 438, 512 ff. - IV (Giovanni), 513 - Lucrezia, 513 - Raymunda, 513 - - “Tokmak Hissari,” 104 - - Toledo, 203 n. - - Tolfa, 502, 507 - - Toma, 491 - - Tomashevich, Stephen, of Bosnia, 457, 486 ff., 508 - - Tomislav, king of the Croats, 465, 466 - - Topia, Carlo, 435, 454 - - Toptani, Essad Pasha, 454 - - Toron, 521, 529 - - Torrigio, 507 - - Tortosa, 518, 529, 531 - - Totila, king of the Ostrogoths, 33 - - Tournai, siege of, 223 - - Tournay, Othon de, 72 - - Tournefort, 268, 424 - - Tours, church of St Martin at, 79 - - Tower of the Winds (School or Gymnasium of Sokrates), 7, 153, 410 - - Tozer, 107 - - Trachinian plain, the, 62 - - Trajan, emperor, 12, 13 - arch of, _see_ Philopappos - - Trani, 432 - - Transylvania, 511 - - Traù, 479 - - Traversari, Ambrogio, 311 - - Travnik, 494 - - Trebizond, 58, 154, 163, 328, 329, 345, 349, 351, 360, 372, 499, 514 - - “Triangle, the,” 281 - - Triboles, Jacobo, 212 - - Trieste, 176 - - Trikkala, 356, 453 - - Tripoli, 275, 285, 380, 516 ff., 520, 522, 527 ff. - - Tripolitsa, 116, 131, 406, 421 - - Triptolemos, temple of, 145, 388 - - Triumvirs, the, 6 - - Trnovo, 448, 451 - - Troad, the, 336 - - Troy, 141, 196, 345 - - Truhelka, Dr, 490 - - Tsaoush-Monastir, 281 - - Tübingen, 377 - - Tudela, Benjamin of, 52, 53, 60, 275, 527, 549 - - Tunis, and the Tunisians, 228, 285 - - Turakhan, Turkish commander, 99, 101 ff., 146, 151, 152 - - _Turcoples_, 527 - - Turin, 94, 95, 507 - treaty of, 317 - - Turkey, and the Turks, 50, 51, 69, 73, 77, 80, 81, 88, 93, 98 ff., - 135, 137 ff., 149 ff., 159, 160, 167, 170 ff., 182, 183, 186, - 187, 192 ff., 202 ff., 207, 208, 213, 217 ff., 235, 240 ff., - 245, 253 ff., 264 ff., 268 ff., 273, 274, 279 ff., 285 ff., - 294, 300, 301, 305 ff., 313, 315 ff., 325, 329, 331, 333 ff., - 355 ff., 403 ff., 412, 414 ff., 435 ff., 444, 446 ff., 451, 454 - ff., 477, 479 ff., 483 ff., 499 ff., 504, 508, 511, 525, 527, - 535, 536, 547 - - Tuscany, 96, 144, 385 - grand duke of, 382 - - Tusculum, bishop of, 514 - - Tuzla, _see_ Soli - - Tvrtko I, Stephen, of Bosnia, 435, 454, 455, 473, 476 ff., 482, 483 - II, Stephen, of Bosnia, 478, 483 ff. - - Tyre, 284, 517 ff., 525 ff., 529, 530, 532, 541 - William of, 446 - - Tzakones of Leonidi, the, 60, 72, 91, 98, 233 - - Tzakonia, 238 - - Tzympe, castle of, 451 - - - Una, river, 496, 497 - - University of Athens, 14, 15, 17, 21, 23, 31, 32 - of Bologna, 84 - of Constantinople, 23, 31 - - Urban IV, pope, 181 - V, pope, 317 - - Urfa, _see_ Edessa - - Uroglia (Gerovolia), 438 - - Urosh I, Stephen, of Serbia, 448 - II (Stephen Milutin) of Serbia, 303, 448 ff., 452 - III (Stephen “Detchanski”) of Serbia, 449 - IV (Stephen Dushan) of Serbia, 253, 279, 299, 434, 441, 450 ff., - 457, 475, 476, 480 - V, Stephen, of Serbia, 451, 453, 454 - Symeon, 434, 451, 453 - - Uscocs of Dalmatia, the, 380 - - Üsküb, the pasha of, 238 - Isa of, 238 - - Usora, 473, 483 - - Usref, governor of Bosnia, 492, 493, 495 - - Uzes, the, 49 - - - Valaincourt de Mons, Matthieu de, 72 - - Valaresso, Marino, 430 - - Val di Compare, 61, 261 ff., _see_ Ithake - - Vale of Tempe, the, 13 - - Valencia, 129 - - Valénia (Bâniyâs), 516 - - Valens, emperor, 19, 24, 25 - - Valentinian I, emperor, 22, 24 - - Valerian, emperor, 17, 18, 98, 148 - - Valéry, Erard de, 73 - - Valideh, sultan, 405 - - Valla, 514 - - Valle, Pietro della, 222 - - Valois, Catherine of, 97, 201, 252, 290 - - Valona, 193, 219, 429 ff. - - Vandals, the, 29 - - Vaqueiras, Rambaud de, 59, 83 - - Vardar (Axios), river, 274, 278, 545 - gate, the, 270, 271 - - Varna, battle of, 100, 149, 332 - - Vatatzes, emperor, 180, 283 - - Vathi, harbour, 265 - - Vatican, the, 65, 148, 156 ff., 272, 514 - Sala di Costantino, 511 - - Vatika, 233, 238, 240 - - Velbujd, _see_ Köstendil - - Velestino, 37, 40, 62 - - Veligosti, 72 - - Venice, and the Venetians, 47 ff., 55, 57, 58, 63, 64, 68 ff., 74, - 76, 79 ff., 84, 89 ff., 98 ff., 106, 109, 111, 121, 123 ff., - 131, 136, 137, 142, 143, 151, 162, 163, 165 ff., 181 ff., 212 - ff., 225 ff., 239 ff., 251 ff., 261 ff., 275, 277, 280, 281, - 283, 284, 286, 291, 299, 305, 306, 314, 316, 317, 324 ff., 340, - 341, 346, 349 ff., 361 ff., 371 ff., 375, 377, 379, 383, 385, - 393, 396, 398, 399, 401, 403 ff., 433 ff., 450, 452, 454, 456, - 458, 474, 475, 478, 480, 481, 483, 484, 486 ff., 498 ff., 504 - ff., 523, 525, 532, 542, 548 - - Venier, family of, 69, 181, 204, 234, 235, 242, 245 - admiral, 406 - Tito, lord of Cerigo, 183, 184 - - Venizelos, M., 269, 440 - - Venus, 69, 204, 234, 242 - - Verdun, bishop Oddo of, 233 - - Verneda, engineer, 411, 413 - - Vernon, traveller, 387, 399 - - Verona, 69, 250 - Boniface of, 117, 120, 121, 123, 133, 236 - Marulla of, 81 - Ravano dalle Carceri of, 59 - - Verres, 4 - - Verus, 15 - - Vespasian, emperor, 11, 12 - - Vespers, the Sicilian, 200, 285, 432 - - Vetones (pirates), 549 - - Vetrano, pirate, 55, 199, 283 - - Via Egnatia, the, 271 - - Viaro, family of, 234, 245 - - Vicolo Scanderbeg, the, 512 - - Victory, statue of, 413 - - Vid, 461, 465 - - Viddo, god, 465 - - Vido, islet, 219 - - Vienna, 403, 496 - - Vienne, the dauphin of, 253, 300 - - Vignoso, Simone, 299 ff., 306 - - Villani, 121 - - Villehardouin arms on church at Athens, 233 - chronicler, 199 - family of (princes of Achaia), 95 ff., 237, 238 - Geoffroy I de, 67, 71, 72, 74, 78, 83, 87, 89, 90, 111, 202, 232 - II de, 75, 78, 90, 91, 164, 232, 247, 248, 262 - Guillaume (William) de, 73, 79, 80, 83, 91 ff., 95, 98, 105, 114, - 115, 164, 166, 232, 233, 284, 432 - Isabelle de, 80, 94, 95 - Marguérite de, 80 - Matilda of Hainault, 80, 95 ff. - - _Violarium_, _see_ _Ionia_ - - Visconti, Filippo Maria, 303 - - Vishevich, Michael, 465 - - Vitalis, Ordericus, 446 - - Viterbo, 93 - treaty of, 116, 200, 263, 290, 431, 433 - - Vitry, Jacques de, bishop of Acre, 524 ff., 532 - - Vitturi, 142 - - Vitylos, port of, 237, 404 - - Vlachoi, dialect, 546 - - Vladimir, John, of Serbia, 444 - - Vladislav, king of Serbia, 448 - - Vlastos, John, 437 - - Vojislav, Michael, 445, 446 - Stephen, 445 - - Vojussa (Aoos), river, 431, 435, 438, 545 - - Volaterranus, diarist, 513 - - Volo, 194, 383 - gulf of, 246, 256 - - Voltaire, 77, 537 - - Voltri, 308 - - von der Pfalz, Col. Raugraf, 407 - - Vonitza, 205, 217, 225, 426 - - von Katzenellenbogen, Berthold, 58, 62 - Koenigsmark, Countess, 408, 410 - Otto William, 404, 407, 408, 409, 412, 414 - Ranke, 408 - Suchem, Ludolf, 140 n. - - Vostitza (Aigion), 72 - - Voyslava, wife of Kulin of Bosnia, 471 - - Vranduk, 496 - - Vrbas, river, 462, 481, 490, 491, 493 - - Vrdnik, monastery of, 455 - - Vrhbosna, 483, 484, 494 - - Vuk, Stephen, 477 - - Vukan, 549 - - Vukashin of Serbia, 435, 454 - - Vuktchich, Hrvoje, 481 ff. - Stephen, duke of St Sava, 485, 486, 488, 489, 491, 499, 508, 510 - (Ahmed Pasha Herzegovich), son of Duke Stephen, 491, 492 - Vladislav, 489, 491 - Vlatko, 491, 492 - - - Wadding, 512 - - Wâdi-Mehika, 516 - - Wallachia, and the Wallachs, 55, 59, 60, 115, 133, 149, 246, 345, - 365, 382, 389, 393, 456, 499, 511, 549 - - Welsh, the, 525 - - Wheler, Sir George, 267, 386, 392, 410 - - Widman, Venetian governor of Corfù, 230 - - William, canon of Athens, 156 - II of Sicily, 275 - of Meerbeke, 84 - of Montferrat, marquess, 248 - of Tyre, archbishop, 446, 519, 520, 522, 524, 528, 530, 531 - of Wied, prince, 440, 549 - son of Frederick II of Sicily, 123 - the Apulian, 544 - the Conqueror, 49, 534 - - Willibald, St, bishop of Eichstätt, 35 - - Wilpert, Monsignor, 272 - - Winchelsea, Lord, 387 - - Winchester, bishop of, 171 - - Wine-trade at Monemvasia (_also see_ Malmsey wine), 244 - - Wyse, Sir T., 233 - - - Xanthopoulos, Nikephoros Kallistos, historian, 269 - - Xeromeros, 404 - - Xystos (Pope Sixtus II), 17 - - - Yemen, the, 523 - - Yenidjé-Vardar, 281 - - York, archbishop of, 345 - duke of, 399 - - - Zabarella, biographer, 69 - - Zaccaria, family of, 283 ff., 300, 313, 326, 330, 337 - Bartolommeo, 250, 251, 290 - Benedetto I, 284 ff., 295, 296, 314 - II, 289 ff., 296 - Caterina, 218 - Centurione, 100, 102, 103, 283, 293, 325 - II, 500, 501 - Clarisia, 295 - cross of the, 288 - Fulcho, 284 - Giovanni Asan, 501, 502 - Leonardo, 295 - Manfred, 295 - Manuele, 284, 285, 295, 296 - Martino, 289 ff., 296 - Nicolino, 287 ff., 295, 296 - Odoardo, 295 - Paleologo, 287, 288, 295, 296 - Tedisio (Ticino), 287, 288, 295 ff., 501 - - Zachias, sultan, 382 - - Zacosta, Pierre-Raymond, 504 - - Zagan Pasha, 106, 153 - - Zahumlje, _see_ Herzegovina - - Zajablje, 459 - - “Zakonik,” the, 451 - - Zante (Zakynthos), 29, 53, 55, 69, 131, 162, 202, 203, 214 ff., 216 - n., 221 ff., 226, 227, 229, 230, 242, 261 ff., 325, 413, 417, - 501 - - Zara, 470, 474, 475, 479, 480, 482 - - Zarnata, 404, 420, 424 - - Zealots, the, 279 - - Zehn, German officer, 387 - - Zeitounion, _see_ Lamia - - Zemenos, bishopric of, 236 - - Zeno, doge, 181 - governor of the Morea, 416 - Carlo, 534 - Pietro, 142, 170, 171 - - Zesiou, K., 269 n. - - Zeta, _see_ Montenegro - - Zeus, 11 - statue of, 25, 413 - Olympios, temple of, 3, 13, 30, 31 - Panhellenios, temple of, 14 - - Zia, island of, 176, 266 - - Zichna, district of, 339 - - Zlatica, village, 336 - - Zoe, daughter of Constantine VIII, 535, 536 - - Zonaras, 545 - - Zonklon, _see_ Navarino - - Zorzi (Giorgio), family of, 63, 84, 151, 203, 255 ff. - Chiara, 80, 150 - Francesco, 252 ff. - Giacomo, 254, 255 - Nicolò I, 251 ff. - II, 254, 255 - son of Giacomo, 255 - - Zubravich, George, 509 - - Zvetchan, castle of, 450 - - Zvornik, 461, 484, 496 - - Zygavenos, monk, 542 - - Zygomalas, Theodosios, 36, 377 - _Political History of Constantinople from 1391 to 1578_, 371 - - -CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. 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