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diff --git a/old/69367-0.txt b/old/69367-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f551e95..0000000 --- a/old/69367-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1690 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of An apology for abolitionists: -addressed by the anti-slavery society of Meriden, Conn., to their fellow -citizens, by Philo Pratt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: An apology for abolitionists: addressed by the anti-slavery - society of Meriden, Conn., to their fellow citizens - -Authors: Philo Pratt - Walter Webb - Isaac I. Tibbals - -Release Date: November 16, 2022 [eBook #69367] - -Language: English - -Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN APOLOGY FOR ABOLITIONISTS: -ADDRESSED BY THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF MERIDEN, CONN., TO THEIR FELLOW -CITIZENS *** - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Bold text is denoted by =equal signs=. - - There is one Footnote in this book. Its anchor is denoted by [1], and - the Footnote has been placed at the end of the book. - - Some minor changes to the text are also noted at the end of the book. - - - - - AN - - APOLOGY - - FOR - - ABOLITIONISTS: - - ADDRESSED - - BY THE - - ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY - - OF - - MERIDEN, CONN., - - TO THEIR - - FELLOW-CITIZENS. - - SECOND EDITION. - - MIDDLETOWN: - - C. H. PELTON .... PRINT. - - 1837. - - - - -=Fellow-Citizens=: - - A regard for your good opinion, and a wish to promote the cause, - which, as Abolitionists, lies near our hearts, is our motive for - addressing you. We think the opposition to our enterprise arises - either from commercial, political or domestic connections with - Slavery, or from misapprehensions respecting our principles, - measures and prospects. We desire no better means of overcoming - these obstacles than a fair statement of facts; and to this we now - solicit your attention. - - -DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS. - -We believe that all men are born free and equal, and endowed by -their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, -liberty and the pursuit of happiness. - -We believe Slavery is an infraction of these rights, a violation of -the principles of christianity, and under all circumstances sinful. - -We believe that Slavery is a great national evil, political as well -as moral, opposed to the genius of a republican government, highly -dangerous to the peace and permanency of the Union, and if persisted -in, destined to bring upon us the severest judgments of Heaven. - -We believe the immediate abolition of slavery would be safe and wise, -and that it is the duty of every friend of humanity to use all fair -and just means for its accomplishment. - -We believe we have a right to express and publish our opinions -respecting the customs and institutions of the people of this and -every other country; and if we think them in any degree immoral, -unequal, or oppressive, we are under the highest obligations, in the -exercise of all honest and lawful means, to change them. - -We believe that Slavery in the several states can be lawfully -abolished only by the legislatures of the states in which it -prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral means to -induce such abolition, is unconstitutional. - -We believe that Congress has a right to abolish Slavery in the -District of Columbia, and in the Territories, and to prohibit the -slave trade between the states, and that the exercise of this right -is required by the divine law, and by the interests of our country. - -We believe that no class of men can rightfully be denied, _on account -of their color_, the enjoyment of equal rights with others, in the -protection, immunities and administration of the government under -which they live. - - -UTILITY OF THESE SENTIMENTS. - -These are our sentiments. We regret to say they are not collectively -the sentiments of our countrymen. It is for our zeal in propagating -them, that we have been assailed with unmeasured abuse and lawless -violence. We think it of high importance to our country and the world -that they should be received by all the people. What the effect of -their general reception in the free states would be, is very apparent. - -_We should abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia._ There -Congress has exclusive jurisdiction on all subjects whatsoever, -including of course the subject of Slavery.—This is admitted by -Martin Van Buren, Henry Clay, and an overwhelming majority of -the present Congress. The Abolitionists are to a man in favor of -the exercise of this right. If, therefore, the free states were -_thoroughly_ abolitionized, their Senators and Representatives, -who yet compose a majority in Congress, would at once bow to the -supremacy of their constituents, and abolish Slavery. - -_We should prohibit the inter state Slave-Trade._ This trade has -recently been carried on to a greater extent than ever was the -foreign slave trade; it being estimated that not less than 120,000 -slaves were exported from Virginia alone, within little more than -a year, and removed for the most part to the southwestern states. -Four of these states are said by their own papers, to have received -within the same period, about 250,000 slaves from the old states. -How many tender ties have in one short year been broken by this -detestable business! How much bodily suffering has been endured! How -much guilt has been contracted! This cruel and wicked traffic is -at the foundation of a system of breeding slaves for market, which -is prosecuted on a large scale, corrupting all concerned, by its -licentiousness and barbarity. Congress has a right to prohibit and -suppress this trade, under that article of the Constitution which -empowers Congress to regulate commerce with foreign nations and -between the several states. Were a majority of the citizens of the -free states decided Abolitionists, this right could be exercised. We -should insist upon it. Why then do not they, who profess to regard -the _slave trade_ as the worst feature of Slavery, join with us -against it? - -_We should prevent the annexation of Texas to the United States._ -The South has long had her eye on that fine and extensive country, -intending to get it by purchase or stratagem, for the purpose of -opening a market for her redundant slave population, and of securing -the balance of power in the general government to the slave-holding -interest. Every enemy of Slavery and friend of _free_ labor, ought -to oppose this design. We apprehend that if the annexation of Texas -to our country should not involve us in war with Mexico and Great -Britain, it would either lead to a dissolution of the union, or -indefinitely prolong the existence of Slavery. The Abolitionists -are now preparing petitions to Congress, protesting against this -insane measure; and were the citizens of the free states generally to -join them, and load the tables of Congress with several millions of -signatures to these protests, the danger would be averted. But they -will not do it, _because_ they are not Abolitionists; and we must, -therefore, in all probability _take_ Texas. - -_We should admit no new slave states to the Union._ Had our -sentiments prevailed when the Missouri question was decided, the -fine soil of that state would not now be cursed with Slavery. She -was admitted to the union by northern men. They legalized the sin. -It is a sad proof of the corruption of _our_ public sentiment that -several of these traitors to liberty, have, since that disgraceful -vote was given, been elevated to the first offices in the gift of New -England; and this without any signs of their repentance. Arkansas has -also been lately admitted to the Union by northern votes, with the -singular provision in her constitution, that her legislature shall -have no power to abolish Slavery; so that the “peculiar institution” -may last until the greatest knave in the state is heartily weary -and ashamed of it. Northern men thus voted for _perpetual_ Slavery; -and this they did in the confident expectation of being re-elected -to Congress. Had they known a majority of their constituents to be -Abolitionists, they would have voted differently. Should Florida -be _next_ admitted to the Union as a _slave_ state, the south will -have a majority in the Senate. Who can predict the consequences? But -were the free states thoroughly abolitionized, Florida would never -come into the Union as a _slave_ State; for Abolitionists are in -_principle_ opposed to it. - -_We should also prohibit the slave trade between the United States -and Texas._ In the constitution of Texas, whose independence has -already been acknowledged by our government, Slavery is established -as a permanent institution of the country, and a monopoly of the -slave trade granted to the United States. Already thousands of slaves -have been sent there, and unless something is done to prevent it, -vessels will soon be fitted out in northern ports, to carry slaves -from Virginia to Texas, as well as to New Orleans; and this, whether -Texas is annexed to the United States, or remains independent. Were -the citizens of the free states generally Abolitionists, they would -not allow a legal commerce in slaves from our Republic to a foreign -nation. - -_We should save our own youth from the pollution and guilt of -Slavery._ They would not directly participate in it. When they go -to the South they would neither buy nor _hire_ slaves. Hitherto -nothing has been more common than for our best and most intelligent -young men, the sons of our ministers and church members, to become -slave-holders. At home they were not taught the inherent and -necessary sinfulness of Slavery; at the South the practice was -recommended to them by the example and plausible pretexts of the best -men. They were accustomed from their childhood to see slave-holders -treated with respect because they were rich in human chattels, -without hearing a word respecting the _extortion_ by which their -wealth comes. Hence many of the merchants, physicians, lawyers, -planters, teachers and clergymen of the South, though northern -men by birth, are either slave-holders or abettors of the system. -This would not be the case, had our declaration of sentiments been -taught from the first by our parents and teachers, and been made the -_cherished_ creed of the free states. Then the combined instructions -of the nursery, of the school, and of the pulpit, together with -the impressive power of a sound public sentiment, would have -_established_ our youth in the love and veneration of human rights; -in sympathy for the colored man; in hatred of oppression. Thus would -the general reception of our sentiments withdraw from Slavery one of -its main supports, and at the same time rescue our sons and daughters -from the unutterable calamity of becoming rich by the spoiling of the -poor. - -_We should establish the liberties of the free states on a firm -foundation._ We are not so connected with the slave-states that we -must necessarily perish in their ruin. If the judgments of heaven -should overtake them, we may be spared; should their liberties -be prostrated, ours may survive. It depends on our character and -conduct. A people who respect the rights of others, will have their -own rights respected. Regarding man, of whatever color and condition, -as entitled to the sacred rights of liberty, of property, and of -personal security, they will neither forge chains for others, nor -suffer chains to be imposed on themselves. Nor will God forsake -them. Such are the character and security of Abolitionists. Read -our declaration of sentiments. We go for _human nature_. We protest -against Slavery, because it is an infraction of the rights of MAN. We -know that our entire country has forfeited her freedom, by oppressing -the colored man; still we believe we may, by hearty repentance -and the adoption of just and humane sentiments, appease the wrath -of heaven, and should our nation be rent in two, preserve our own -liberties. But if we continue to connive at this wickedness, nothing -is more certain than our ruin in the common destruction of the -country. - -_The free people of color would rapidly improve in their moral and -physical condition._ A load of prejudice now crushes them in the -dust. They cannot rise because they are deprived of the motives -and facilities for self-improvement. They are a proscribed people. -IT IS A CALAMITY IN THIS CHRISTIAN COUNTRY TO BE BORN WITH A -COLORED SKIN. It shuts out human beings from schools and colleges, -from the mechanical arts, from the house of God, from a share in -the government of the nation, from social intercourse with their -fellow-creatures, from the best incitements to virtue and enterprise. -We freely confess, that the Abolitionists, if a majority, would -correct all these evils, and cause men in this so called christian -and democratic country, to be treated, according to the bible without -distinction of color. - -_We should do much to vindicate the honor and truth of christianity._ -Slavery is the _strongest_ hold of infidelity at the South, and a -_strong_ hold at the North. It is so because, while natural religion -declares Slavery to be sinful, the ministers and professors of -christianity practice it, and defend their conduct from the bible. -Such a religion, says the infidel cannot be from God. It is thus that -the church is bringing into contempt and doubt our blessed religion. -It would greatly counteract this prolific cause of infidelity, were -all our churches, ministers, and theological professors, to embrace -and advocate the true doctrine of human rights as it is set forth in -the word of God. We should then hold up to the world, this internal -evidence of the divine origin of the bible, that, being written in -ages of darkness and despotism, it notwithstanding clearly recognizes -and protects MAN as the possessor of natural, inalienable, sacred -rights. Instead of doing this, many northern preachers of the gospel, -are now blaspheming their religion, by saying that both Moses and -Christ tolerated Slavery. - -_We should no longer uphold Slavery by recognizing slave-holders as -brethren in good and regular standing in the Church._ We now receive -to the table of the Redeemer, without one word of admonition, men, -who at the South, make merchandize of the image of God, of their -fellow-christians. What is still more astonishing if not more wicked, -we receive slave-holders to our pulpits, to preach to us about loving -God and MAN! Thus we practically say, that Slavery is consistent both -with morality and the gospel of Christ. Were we Abolitionists, it -would be far otherwise; for they do not think it right to lend the -sanction of the church to such outrageous wickedness. - -Such would be _some_ of the happy results of the general adoption of -our sentiments in the free states, if nothing more could be effected. -But we doubt not it would issue in THE PEACEABLE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY -BY THE SEVERAL SLAVE STATES. This is the principal object of our -enterprise; and on a strong probability of success, we are willing to -rest its character. - -_The constitutional action of Congress in the ways above named, would -do much to induce the South to abolish Slavery._ Its abolition in -the District of Columbia by the assembled wisdom of the country, -would exert a powerful influence on the southern mind. It would be -the testimony of the nation, corroborating the testimony of every -truly civilized and christian people, to the impolicy and wickedness -of Slavery. The prohibition of the inter state slave-trade, and the -confinement of Slavery to its present local limits would render -it unprofitable to the old states, which depend on this trade as -the chief source of profit; and also drive the new states to the -necessity of introducing free labor; for how could they otherwise -cultivate their immense tracts of virgin land, or supply the deficit -occasioned by the rapid consumption of life on their cotton and sugar -plantations? - -We should make a still more _direct appeal to her interests_, by -saying: _You may keep your cotton, rice, and sugar, until you have -abolished Slavery. We shall no longer use the products of unrequited -labor._ It would then be a question of dollars and cents with her, -whether or not she would give liberty to her captives. We should -not be obliged to deny ourselves the use of her productions one -year; for her states would vie with each other to see which could -obtain a monopoly of northern patronage by first abolishing Slavery. -Many northern men have been bought by southern patronage to _do -wrong_; is it not equally possible to buy the south with northern -patronage to _do right_; Human nature is every where the same. We -should indeed regret to have Slavery abandoned from an exclusive -regard to self-interest. We would rather it should be destroyed by -the spirit of repentance; for then the emancipated slave would still -be treated with justice and humanity. But no means of bringing the -South to repentance can be more promising, than the _conscientious_ -refusal, by northern men, of all sects and parties, to sustain -Slavery, by consuming its produce. At present this cannot be done on -a scale sufficiently large to secure, certainly and immediately, the -abolition of Slavery; but were the North completely abolitionized, no -doubt she would do it with the most triumphant success. - -_We should move the South to abandon Slavery, by appealing to her -love of reputation._ The South shows herself sensitive on this point. -Said Mr. Calhoun in the United States Senate, “do they, [his southern -opponents,] expect the Abolitionists will resort to arms, and -commence a crusade to liberate our slaves by force? Is this what they -mean when they speak of the attempt to abolish Slavery? If so let me -tell our friends of the South who differ from us, that the war which -the Abolitionists wage against us is of a very different character -and _far more effective_—it is waged not against our _lives_, but our -_character_.” Had he said _our reputations and consciences_, he would -have told the truth. We do intend to make Slavery _disgraceful_. Sin -ought to be esteemed a reproach to any people. Were all northern men -of our way of thinking, this sin would be as infamous as any other -kind of fraud and villainy. The _world_ is now pointing the finger -of scorn at _slave-holding America_. The free states bear a merited -portion of the shame, because we share largely in the responsibility. -As we have taken Slavery under our patronage, and consented to stand -godfather to it, what little respectability we have, is thrown -around it, to the great relief and joy of its southern parents. Let -us retire from the relation. Instead of defending Slavery, let us -reiterate the just and indignant censures of the civilized world, -until all shall feel, that so great an enormity cannot be practiced -or connived at, without a forfeiture of character. This would be -the state of feeling, were the citizens of the north generally -Abolitionists; and he knows little of human nature, who doubts -that _such_ a state of feeling, would render the condition of a -slave-holder, the last to be sought, the first to be abandoned. - -In these ways, if in no others, we could reach and influence the -South. Although she should attempt to shut out the light by a strict -censorship of the press and post-office; though she should make the -utterance of our sentiments on southern soil an offence against her -laws; she could not prevent the constitutional action of the general -government; she could not compel us to consume her produce; she could -not escape the withering contempt and indignant frown of our virtuous -public sentiment. We could reach her heart in these ways, in spite -of herself, and as we think to the certain overthrow of Slavery. We -could do more. - -WE COULD CONVERT THE SOUTH TO THE PRACTICAL ADOPTION OF OUR -SENTIMENTS BY ENLIGHTENING HER CONSCIENCE. This is the principal -ground of our confidence. If Slavery is sinful, we can prove it to be -such; and this proof, made plain to the understanding of the South, -cannot fail to awaken her conscience. Such is human nature. Some -would have us think that none but christians have consciences, and -therefore the first step to be taken for the removal of Slavery is -to send missionaries to convert the masters to christianity, thus -laying a foundation for successful appeals to the conscience. But it -seems to us the work of centuries, if not an impracticable work, to -convert the masters, or a majority of them, to true holiness, while -Slavery lasts, _especially if they have no consciences_; and we think -also, if all were converted to such a christianity as consists with a -hearty belief that _Slavery is not condemned by the Bible_, it would -not much facilitate our enterprise. Nor have we so much contempt for -that word, which is mighty through God to the pulling down of strong -holds, as to doubt that _our doctrines_ will commend themselves -to the _reason_ of our southern brethren, and receive a fruitful -response from their _consciences_. - -Some would have the world believe, if every person in the free states -were an Abolitionist, it would not hasten the emancipation of the -slaves; for, say they, we could not then get a hearing at the south, -and if we could, she is too much exasperated at our interference -to do any thing on the subject. In our opinion, they are entirely -mistaken. - -We believe _we can get a hearing at the South, or convey a knowledge -of our sentiments to the southern mind, and that these sentiments are -more potent than her prejudices and passions_. In proof of it— - -_She is now constantly receiving numerous publications containing -our views._ There were, the last year, about five hundred regular -southern subscribers to the publications of the American Anti-Slavery -Society. The Cincinnati Philanthropist, the Alton Observer, the New -York Evangelist, and scores of other papers, religious and political, -have subscribers at the South, with whom from week to week they -advocate this cause. Many valuable anti-slavery books are also -doing a good work in the very midst of the evil. Several thousands -of Miss Grimke’s Appeal, together with the writings of Jay, Child, -Channing and others, are daily tearing off the mask from Slavery, and -awakening the slumbering conscience of the South. Not unfrequently -slave-holders themselves come to the anti-slavery office in New York -and buy whole sets of our publications. The speeches of her Senators, -and the messages of her Governors evince a better acquaintance with -our writings and movements than the great men of the North can boast. -Her own press is doing much to disseminate our sentiments. The -United States Telegraph of February 18, 1837, edited by Duff Green, -Washington, D. C., was nearly half filled with extracts from our -prints. Her clergy by publishing apologies for slavery in refutation -of our views, are also making these views known and waking up a -spirit of inquiry. Indeed, such is human nature, and such is the -course of the south, that we have come to believe she will not allow -us at the north to _think aloud on the subject of Slavery without -knowing what we think and why we think so. She will not allow us -to form and express opinions on this subject_ WITHOUT KNOWING OUR -OPINIONS AND THE GROUNDS OF THEM. She is too much interested, and -knows that we have too much power, to pass our sentiments by in utter -contempt without even ascertaining them. - -But were the free states completely abolitionized, not only the -presses of the Anti-Slavery Societies, assisted by a few others, -would carry our doctrines to the South; but _all the religious, -political and commercial papers of the North, indeed the whole body -of our literature, would breathe the same spirit, would speak the -same language_. Were she, therefore, ever so much averse to the -truth, these numberless publications, aided by the English press and -by private correspondence, would force upon her a knowledge of our -faith. - -_The social intercourse of the North and South would also afford us -ample opportunities for publishing our sentiments._ The citizens -of every state in the Union are daily meeting in the steam-boats, -coaches, rail-road cars and hotels of our country. We are constantly -_walking arm in arm_ with the South, so that she cannot fail to learn -what we think of Slavery, and of the duty and pre-eminent safety of -immediate emancipation. If we are decided Abolitionists, we shall -certainly talk enough to let her know _what_ we think and _why_ we -think so. - -_Many of the youth of the South must continue, as in times past, to -be educated in the free states._ Mr. Calhoun was educated at Yale -College. Who can doubt that an influence might have been exerted on -his mind, in relation to Slavery, of the most happy character, if the -officers of that institution, if the surrounding community, if the -literature of the day, had all breathed the spirit of Arthur Tappan -and Gerritt Smith? There are now hundreds of southern youth in our -schools, and hundreds will succeed them, whose minds would be set in -deadly and deathless hostility to the robbery of God’s poor, were -their teachers Abolitionists. Some think that in such an event, they -would be kept at home. A few might be, but not all. The salubrity -of our climate, the excellence of our institutions, the comparative -purity of our morals, give us an advantage, that the more virtuous -and intelligent of southern parents, would not relinquish, for fear -that their sons should embrace views, which in their own hearts they -must approve. - -It should also be remembered, that we not only educate the most -precious youth of the South, but we _supply many of her pulpits, -professorships, and shops with our own sons_. The great body of -southern merchants are northern men. Such is the genius of Slavery -that this will continue to be the case. The result would be, were we -all Abolitionists, that the adopted sons of the South would soon form -a strong body of opposition to Slavery, laboring to overthrow it, by -their votes, their arguments and their example. Some may think that -lynch law would then drive us all from the South; or that we should -be received there only on condition of letting Slavery alone. They -are mistaken. Were we _all_ Abolitionists, we should be defended. The -national government would protect us. The constitution guarantees the -rights of a citizen in all the states to the citizens of each state; -and had the North been thoroughly abolitionized, she would have -demanded and obtained redress for the blood of her innocent citizens, -who have been hung without color of law, by southern ruffians. Be -assured when we all become Abolitionists, an end will be put to the -reign of terror in every part of the country. Men of all creeds and -colors, will then go where they please, speak what they please, and -do what they please, with perfect safety, so long as they commit no -offence against just and impartial law. - -_The interests of a large class at the South must predispose them -to favor our enterprise._ Probably not more than half of the whites -are directly interested in the continuance of Slavery. Many hire -Slaves, who could on equally eligible terms, and with more peace of -conscience, hire them as _free_ laborers, were they emancipated. -Some own land without slaves; and it is admitted, that immediately -on the abolition of Slavery, the soil would rise in value, and -continue to appreciate with the general improvement of the country. A -multitude of the whites are too poor to own slaves, and too ignorant -to obtain a living, except by manual labor, and Slavery makes that -disreputable, and comparatively unprofitable. All these classes need -only open their eyes, to see that Slavery is subversive of their -interests: and we may therefore rationally calculate on having their -attention and sympathy. - -_What we have already effected at the South, is a pledge of entire -success_, the moment the leading influences at the North shall -second our efforts instead of counteracting them. Several hundred -slaves have been set at liberty through the labors of those two -distinguished Abolitionists, David Nelson and James G. Birney. We -have heard of various other instances in which our doctrines have -had such successful access to the southern mind. We will mention -one. Some time since, in New York, a gentleman rose in a monthly -concert of prayer for the slaves, and said: “I am a slave-holder from -Virginia. I came to the North with violent prejudices against the -Abolitionists, in consequence of what I read in northern papers; but -I was determined to investigate the matter for myself. Accordingly -I sought lodgings in the family of an Abolitionist, obtained and -read your publications, and attended this monthly concert; and I am -now convinced that not only your doctrines but your measures are -righteous.” And he added, turning to two gentlemen who sat beside -him, “these gentlemen are also slave-holders from Virginia, and -my first converts to abolitionism; and I know a thousand men in -Virginia, who if they could have the truth stated to them, would -agree with us.” He then exhorted the Abolitionists present to go on, -saying “you have only to correct the public sentiment of the North so -that their papers shall not misrepresent you at the South, and THE -WORK IS DONE.” Besides many such facts evincive of the power of truth -over the southern mind, and proving that the leaven is working there, -we have frequent admissions from the lips and pens of the defenders -of Slavery at the South, that the Abolitionists are disturbing the -conscience of her people, that there is more sympathy with them there -than it would be prudent to acknowledge; that if the fanatics are -suffered to go on they will succeed; that they _may_ build up a body -of public sentiment which the South cannot resist. These facts, these -admissions, and the very nature of man, convince us that we have many -allies at the South. The violence of the friends of Slavery, has -forced them to a temporary silence; but no doubt many of them long -to unburden their hearts, and are only waiting to be sustained by -a healthy public sentiment among us.—Were we all Abolitionists, it -would be less odious and less hazardous to avow our sentiments at the -South; and she would find a body of Abolitionists on her own soil, -too respectable to be despised—too strong to be resisted. - -Our expectations of success in making known our sentiments to our -southern brethren, are rendered still more sanguine, _by the history -of emancipation in the West Indies_. It will be impossible for our -countrymen, to close their eyes against the light, which the working -of the British abolition act, will constantly throw on the duty and -safety of immediate emancipation. - -We are nevertheless told, with surprising assurance, by men great -and small, that we have postponed the abolition of Slavery, at least -half a century; that our ultra doctrines and violent measures have -so incensed the South, that she has settled down in the inflexible -determination to keep her slaves. Is this human nature? They who -think so, seem to imagine that the work of reform must be carried -on solely by coaxing and flattering the sinner: that a declaration -of his guilt and of his duty, sufficiently plain and unequivocal to -excite his displeasure, is the last way to bring him to repentance. -We think otherwise. We take the anger of the South as a precious -omen of success. The hit bird flutters. She shows herself conscious -of the truth of our charges. Accuse a consistent temperance man -of drunkenness, he will smile in your face; accuse the drunkard -himself and he will be ready to fight you. The faithful reproof -of sin always irritates the sinner, and his irritation continues -until he either repents or forgets the admonition. Had our efforts -produced no such sensation among slave-holders, we should be far more -ready to despair. She believes unless this discussion is stopped, -Slavery must cease, or else she will be disgraced in the eyes of the -world, and exceedingly embarrassed and trammeled in the possession -of her slaves. We do not, however, attribute all the wrath of the -South against us, to awakened conscience, and the anticipation of -our success. We have been shamefully misrepresented by _northern_ -papers and mobs, which have not hesitated to charge us with the -worst of motives and the most hostile feelings towards the South; -as if we would gladly involve her in a servile war. The belief of -these calumnies has doubtless excited her worst passions; and the -moment she learns the truth, it will create a re-action in our -favor. Nor should it be overlooked that many of her own citizens -have no sympathy for Slavery, and no strong prejudices against us. -Facts also show that argument can appease this very wrath, to which -our opponents attribute such indomitable energy. When the students -of Lane Seminary, under the Presidency of the Rev. Dr. Beecher, -commenced a discussion of the subject of Slavery, about fifteen -young men from the South, all of them slave-holders or sons of -slave-holders, were not a little incensed at the faithful exposure of -Slavery by their fellow-students; but at the close of the discussion, -all these young men, save one, were thorough going Abolitionists; and -several of them are now lecturing in the free states for the purpose -of correcting our public sentiment, as a necessary and infallible -means of rectifying that of the South. - -We believe, therefore, that if we succeed in abolitionizing the -North, we shall the South. Were the North already abolitionized, -we should do all the good specified above. We should preserve our -own liberties, virtue and religion, and save the South from man’s -greatest curse, his own voluntary wickedness. Is it not, then, -desirable that our sentiments should prevail? Do they not carry -with them the clearest credentials of truth—the very best practical -tendencies? Is it not the grossest hypocrisy in the North to pretend -hostility to Slavery, when she refuses to do the good which she -would rejoice to do, were she a convert to abolitionism? Is it not -a crime in her to fight against the diffusion of these sentiments? -In one word—ought not the Abolitionists to do all they can, in a -constitutional and christian manner, to propagate their views? - -Success at the North is certain; for she has an interest in -destroying Slavery: her political principles are opposed to it; and -the great mass of her citizens are intelligent and virtuous, unbought -by southern patronage, and accustomed to abhor cruelty and injustice. -Our success is also written in the desperate, but ineffectual -endeavors of the opposition, to prevent the agitation of the subject. -By their own showing, Slavery cannot endure the light of free -inquiry. If northern abettors of Slavery were not convinced, that the -discussion will inevitably abolitionize the mass of the people, they -would rely on argument rather than on lawless violence. Our progress -too, has already been astonishing. In the course of three years -nearly a thousand Anti-Slavery Societies have been organized; many -enemies have become friends, and many opposers, the able advocates -of our cause. The prejudices of the people have been softened, and -thousands are now on the eve of joining us, who lately were our most -bitter antagonists. We have made all this progress notwithstanding -the abuse of the political and commercial press has been heaped upon -us without measure, and no man could join us but at the peril of his -reputation, if not also his life and property. We are, therefore, -encouraged to persevere. What have we to accomplish, which we have -not in part achieved, while our powers and facilities are constantly -augmenting. - - -VINDICATION OF MEASURES. - -We propose to convert the country to our views by measures which some -of our opponents, (ashamed to deny our doctrines,) allege to be the -principal ground of their dissent. We think they have failed to make -a proper distinction between our _measures_ and the _abuse_ of these -measures. The constitutional action of Congress, the pulpit, the -press, public debate, private conversation, anti-slavery societies, -_these_ are our measures. If any of our associates, through human -infirmity, prosecute any of these measures in ill-temper or with -indiscretion, we regret and condemn it. The measures themselves, -and the prosecution of them we approve, and shall now attempt to -vindicate. - -Some object to _our organizing Anti-Slavery Societies_, which in our -opinion they would not do, if they wished well to our enterprise. -For it is manifest that union gives us strength, influence, -courage, money and other facilities for carrying on the work; it -lays a foundation for concentrated, permanent, economical effort. -Societies have their stated and occasional meetings, without giving -offence and provoking popular violence. They animate each other by -friendly correspondence, and prosecute their work systematically -and vigorously, by the gratuitous labors of their most enlightened -members. A general organization will enable us to petition the -various legislative bodies in behalf of human rights, with unanimity -and regularity, until our objects are gained. We see other ends to -be secured by it. There is no disputing our constitutional right to -adopt this measure; which we believe any men of common sense would -adopt in our circumstances. Even the wisdom of Christ sanctions the -measure, for what is his _church_ but a _society_ formed for the -purpose of converting men to the truth and progressively sanctifying -them? Nor do we see how we can testify to the South our abhorrence -of Slavery unless we form societies for the purpose. Had none been -formed, it might be doubted whether there are a thousand decided -Abolitionists in the country. It would be said in Congress and -believed at the South, that we are few in numbers, and constantly -becoming fewer and more contemptible. The existence and rapidly -increasing number of our _societies_ precludes the possibility -of such misrepresentations and mistakes. As soon as our plan is -completed, in the formation of a flourishing society in each village -of the free states, embodying a majority of the people, the South -will know what our public sentiment is. It will be concentrated upon -her. She will feel it. We learn from intelligent sources, that the -general opinion at the South now is, that all the citizens of the -North who are not Abolitionists, sympathize with the slave-holders. -It is natural they should think so. We must, therefore, rank -ourselves with the Abolitionists, by joining an Anti-Slavery Society, -if we would give our decided testimony against the GREAT SOUTHERN -SIN. - -Some object to _our employing itinerant lecturers_. We think they -would not object, if they had considered the matter with friendly -feelings. The subject of Slavery has so many relations in this -country, and involves so many questions in morals, in biblical -literature, in constitutional law, in political economy, in history, -and other departments of learning, that our stated clergy, have not -sufficient time for its thorough investigation, were they disposed -to make it. We ought not to expect of them more than a faithful -exposition of the testimony of God against Slavery, and in favor of -immediate emancipation. As a general rule, they can do no more. We -need an extensive and thorough discussion of the whole subject. Nor -are all our clergymen yet Abolitionists. Some are with us; others -are against us. This was to be expected. The subject has but just -come before the public mind. It found almost all our ministers -colonizationists. It would have been surprising, if they had all -embraced our views at the first blush, without discussion. We don’t -do things so in Connecticut. Hereafter we doubt not they will all -join us; but in the interim, we must employ _itinerant_ lecturers, if -we would disseminate what we believe to be the truth. And who will be -harmed by it? The truth will hurt no one; and even “error,” we quote -the words of Jefferson, “may safely be tolerated, so long as reason -is left free to combat it.” Some think it an interference with the -rights of the stated ministry to introduce an itinerant lecturer, -without the advice and consent of the settled pastor. How so? Suppose -there are several clergymen in the same village. One of them being -an Abolitionist does all he can, by conversation, the distribution -of papers, and public lectures, to make the people Abolitionists, -without distinction of sect or party. Is that an interference with -the rights of the other pastors? No; such a course has never been -thought so. Nor is there the least difference in the two cases. The -several churches introduce these pastors to be their teachers. We, -the Abolitionists, another body of people, introduce a man to teach -on a particular subject. We have the right; he has a right to come; -therefore no right is violated.[1] - -_Some object to our employing severe epithets in speaking of -Slavery and slave-holders._ They say our condemnation is too hard, -denunciatory and indiscriminate. We wish all who allege this against -us would illustrate their meaning and sustain their charge by quoting -the offensive expressions. It would put them to great inconvenience. -They may think the language “hard” and “too hard,” when it barely -expresses what ought to be said, and cannot be better said. We do -indeed tell slave-holders their sins plainly, calling things by their -right names; but it is only in the conclusion of an argument to -prove the charge, that we justify making it. Nor is our language any -harder than the sober language of moral philosophers, and of the most -eminent fathers of the church. Wesley says: “You, [the slave-holder,] -first acted the villain in making them slaves, whether you stole -them or bought them.” “This equally concerns all slave-holders, of -whatever rank and degree: seeing _men-buyers are exactly on a level -with men-stealers_.” The younger President Edwards says: “To hold -a man in a state of Slavery is to be every day guilty of _robbing_ -him of his liberty, or of _man-stealing_.” Grotius says: “Those are -men-stealers, who abduct, _keep_, sell or buy _slaves_ or freemen. To -steal a man is the highest kind of theft.” Adam Clarke says: “Among -the heathen Slavery was in some sort excusable; among _christians_ -it is AN ENORMITY AND A CRIME FOR WHICH PERDITION HAS SCARCELY AN -ADEQUATE STATE OF PUNISHMENT.” We use no language more hard, more -true, or more indiscriminate. We think these great men understood -how to do good, at least as well as our critics. We are also fully -persuaded, that the South is far less incensed at our _language_ -than at our _sentiments_. She is indignant at what we say, not the -manner of saying it. Dr. Channing had this vulgar prejudice, that we -were injuring our cause by using abusive language. And Mr. Leigh of -Virginia, took the very book, in which he reproves us, and quoted -passages which he declared in the United States Senate, rivalled the -most insulting language of Garrison. So difficult is it to tell the -truth about Slavery in palatable terms. - -We are also censured for _sending pictures to the South illustrative -of the horrors of Slavery_. We do indeed employ the art of painting, -as well as the arts of printing and speaking, to awaken sympathy -for the Slave; but our pictures are designed for the North, not -the South. Though some of them may find their way there, they are -_never sent_ to the slaves, are not apt to fall into their hands, -and not adapted to make them uneasy and turbulent. Were they painted -as large as life, and set up at the corner of every street and on -every plantation, the sole effect would be to awe the slaves into -subjection, by reminding them of the consequences of disobedience. - -We are accused of _sending papers to the slaves_. The charge is -false. Our publications are sent exclusively to the free white -population. Were it in our power to send to the slaves, we should -indeed rejoice at it. If they could read and the mails would carry -them papers, we would prepare tracts on purpose for them, explaining -the doctrines and duties of christianity, inculcating the forgiveness -of injuries, the patient endurance of wrong, the faithful service of -their masters, until such time as they _can be made free_. We would -even send them the Bible, which says: “Woe unto him that buildeth his -house by unrighteousness and his chambers by wrong; _that useth his -neighbor’s service without wages and giveth him not for his work_.” -Jer. xxii, 13. - -The foregoing are current objections to _specific_ measures of the -Abolitionists. There are other objections of a more general and -sweeping character, which go to condemn _all_ our measures, calling -upon us to disband our societies, to dismiss our agents, to break up -our printing presses, and interfere in no way with Southern Slavery. -We can give these only a brief notice. - -It is a current objection to our enterprise, that _Slavery is -no concern of ours_: that the South alone is interested in the -subject, and we have no right to _interfere_. Interference is a very -indefinite term. We acknowledge we have no right to interfere by -force of arms; and have ever disclaimed the intention of interfering, -except by the constitutional and peaceable action of Congress, -and the application of truth to the hearts and consciences of our -southern brethren. As to our having no right to interfere in _this -manner_, because Slavery is no concern of ours, it is a strange -doctrine to be promulgated in the nineteenth century by republicans -and christians. What interest had we in the struggle of Greece and -Poland with Turkish and Russian despotism? What concern have we in -the moral and political degradation of the Hindoo, Hottentot and -Chinese? We have the answer in the motto of the christian church: -OUR COUNTRY IS THE WORLD, OUR COUNTRYMEN MANKIND. As christians -we are concerned for the spiritual welfare of all classes at the -South; the great mass of whom are now sunk in infidelity and vice. -Their alarming destitution of the means of religion, and the general -corruption of their morals, are justly attributed to Slavery. What -would become of the virtue, intelligence and religious institutions -of Meriden, if all the real estate and all the inhabitants of the -town, were held as property by one man? He might be an infidel; -and if he were a christian, what dependence could be placed on -him to support the gospel, or what confidence would the oppressed -people have in his religion? Such is the state of things at the -South. Slavery not only creates a distaste for true religion, but -withdraws from its support the laboring class, which in every free -country, embodies a great proportion of the most devoted and liberal -christians. There is also much in the habits which Slavery fosters, -to indispose pious youth to enter the ministry and to disqualify them -for its laborious duties; while many who enter upon the work, abandon -it for secular pursuits, or remove to the free states, where they -can preach the _whole_ gospel with more security and success. Not -only must a slave-holding community be destitute of men and means to -make known the way of salvation, but the preaching of the gospel will -generally be inefficacious with all classes; with the _masters_, for -Slavery fosters in them the worst passions of human nature, affords -them facilities for the unbounded indulgence of their appetites, -and relieves them from the necessity of personal exertion for a -livelihood; with the _poor white population_, for Slavery accumulates -the wealth of the community in a few hands, renders free labor -disreputable, and multiplies temptations to low and degrading vices; -with the _free people of color_, for Slavery holds most of them in a -state of abject poverty, ignorance and sin; with the _slaves_, for -Slavery robs them of the bible, of self-control, of hope, of parent, -wife and child, of the best motives to be virtuous, and of the best -evidences of christianity; it makes them vicious; it makes them -sceptics. We are concerned for these perishing millions. - -Slavery is a concern of ours for it involves our personal interests. -It throws back upon us a moral pestilence; it scatters the seeds -of intemperance, licentiousness, and infidelity; it popularizes -gambling, Sabbath breaking, profaneness and lawless violence; it -casts an undeserved stigma on manual labor, it encourages idleness -and prodigality. It disgraces us in the eyes of the whole world; -it impairs our national strength; it encroaches on the spirit of -liberty; it is constantly undermining our free institutions. The -northern states have no greater enemy. Were Slavery abolished, her -religion, her morals, her liberties, her general prosperity would be -far more secure. The chief source of danger to the integrity of our -union, and to our domestic tranquility would be removed; a greater -market would be opened for our manufactures, and a wider field for -our industry and enterprise; the emancipated slaves would purchase -our goods, and our youth could enter into competition with the sons -of the South in raising cotton, &c. without becoming slave-holders. -Labor would soon cease to be disgraceful; property would accumulate -in every part of the land; education would flourish; religion would -revive; the entire country would rejoice in peace and plenty under -the smiles of an approving providence. Tell us not, that we have no -concern in removing the greatest sin, curse and shame of the nation, -and in securing for ourselves and our posterity, a truly free and -virtuous government. - -It is said that _Slavery is an agitating subject, which cannot be -discussed without disturbing the peace and harmony of our churches_. -Why so? This subject can be discussed in the churches in Great -Britain without discord and division. We think it could be here, -were it not for the corruption of our public sentiment, which can -be corrected only by free discussion. It is where the truth needs -most to be heard, that it creates most opposition and variance. -Primitive christianity was accused of turning the world upside down. -The temperance cause has occasioned strife, and separated “very -friends.” We hold to the Apostolic injunction: “_first_ pure, _then_ -peaceable.” We love a virtuous peace. A truce with sin we abhor. If -we must surrender our liberties, and connive at iniquity, to avoid -a war, we say with Patrick Henry, “The war is inevitable, and let -it come; I repeat it, sir, let it come.” Who does not see that if -polygamy were common in our churches, it would create a terrible -excitement to preach against it, and lead to the dismission of -pastors? Yet any one would acknowledge, that religion could never -prosper, while the church was so corrupt; and that she had better be -torn into ten thousand fragments, than that polygamy should continue -in vogue; for she would soon be re-organized in greater purity and -strength. So it is with a _slave-holding_ Church; and with a Church -in which the _spirit_ of Slavery is so rife, that she will not live -in peace with her Anti-Slavery members, nor tolerate the exercise -of their Constitutional rights. But we do not believe this of our -Churches. We think the more this “delicate and agitating” subject is -discussed among us, the less unpleasant excitement will prevail. - -It is said _that our measures to overthrow Slavery are -unconstitutional_. Our opponents may easily test this question -by bringing it before the U. S. Court. We claim to be acting -constitutionally. Our plan of operations is essentially the same as -that pursued by the early Anti-Slavery Societies, of which such men -as John Jay, Benj. Franklin, Benj. Rush, and Jonathan Edwards, were -active members; some of whom were engaged in forming our federal -Constitution. Did they not understand that instrument? Did their -contemporaries ever dispute their right to discuss the merits of -Slavery? Have not our citizens, from time immemorial and without -restriction, exercised this right? Does not the Constitution, instead -of guaranteeing Slavery against this moral influence, guarantee to -us the right of employing it, by forbidding Congress to pass any law -abridging the freedom of speech and of the press? - -We are told our measures are an _invasion of the rights of -property_. This objection assumes, what nature denies, that _man_ -may be _rightfully_ held as property. Blackstone maintains in his -Commentaries, that man cannot be reduced by any just process to a -state of absolute Slavery; that he cannot be born in that state, nor -sell himself into it, nor be placed there when taken captive in war, -without flagrant injustice. We also hold it to be _self-evident_, -that all men are _born free and equal_, and entitled to certain -_inalienable_ rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit -of happiness. The Slave owns himself by grant of his Creator. -_Slavery_ is, therefore, an invasion of his rights of property. It is -the slave-master who makes an aggression on the property of others, -not we, who exhort him to relinquish that property. The Slaves -being the rightful owners of themselves, the abolition of Slavery -is merely an act declarative of this indisputable title. Nor do we -seek the destruction of Slavery, except through the constitutional -authorities. Even were the slaves the _property_ of their masters, it -would be lawful for us to _persuade_ them to part with it. Would it -not? The Legislatures of the several states have a right to abolish -Slavery. Have they not? It has hitherto been conceded, that the law -making power of every slave-holding country has this right. May -we not then persuade the states to exercise it, by convincing them -of the moral wrong and frightful impolicy of Slavery? Should it be -said that the government encouraged its citizens to invest property -under the protection of the slave code, and therefore ought not -to abolish Slavery without indemnifying them, our answer is, that -mankind are under a paramount obligation not to invest property under -the protection of _immoral_ laws; that all such laws are in their -nature null and void from the beginning; that governments have always -exercised the power of correcting abuses; and there is no greater -abuse than Slavery; none more unjust and oppressive; none more -pernicious and perilous to our national interests. - -Some object, that the abolition of Slavery _on our plan_, without -compensation to the masters, _would be taking away the bread of poor -widows and orphans_. We have no plan. We say only, that Slavery is -wrong, and ought forthwith to be abandoned. The South will adopt -and prosecute her own plan. When her Legislatures abolish Slavery, -they can, if they will, provide for widows and children, who are -left destitute by that act. If they will not do it, we will raise -contributions for their relief; for we deem the claims of _charity_, -nearly as imperative as the claims of justice. But we can never -sanction the _principle_ of Slavery, by saying, that slave-holders -have a _right_ to compensation for restoring to the slaves their -stolen rights. We must always consider it a greater hardship to be -unjustly held as a slave, than to be made poor by freeing such slave. -It is a sad blunder in morals, that this man may make that man, -perhaps fifty other men, poor for life, lest he himself should be a -pauper; that this man may make that man poor by _dishonesty_, lest he -himself should become poor by _being honest_. - -No objection to our measures is more senseless, or more common, -than an _alleged tendency to dissolve the Union_. Which had we -better surrender, the Union or our liberties? The Union is a curse -instead of a blessing, if we must surrender for it, _freedom of -speech and personal protection in any part of the country_. And -if Slavery continues to be protected by public sentiment, and by -popular violence, how long could the Union last, even were _all_ the -abolitionists this day laid in their graves? Slavery endangers the -integrity of the Union, more than all other enemies; and unless soon -destroyed, will be the destroyer both of it and us. If we love the -Union, we should labor to overthrow Slavery. Wesley somewhere defines -fanaticism, to be the expectation of accomplishing ends without -the use of means. Let us not hope for the peaceable destruction of -Slavery, by such a fanatical course. Let us do _something_; and if -we do any thing, what can be done which the abolitionists are not -attempting? In doing this we shall not peril the Union, but preserve -it. The South will never venture on the mad experiment of secession, -_because_ the North is opposed to Slavery. Such an act would be -suicidal. It would encourage the slaves to revolt. It would leave her -defenceless against the invasion of a foreign foe. It would release -us from the constitutional obligation to suppress domestic violence, -and to restore fugitives from service. It would open several thousand -miles of frontier, over which her slaves would escape into a land -of liberty. It would make the south “a good country to emigrate -from,” and she would find herself losing her best citizens, and her -condition becoming more and more exposed and perilous. She would be -ruined. She knows it. Were our legislators in Congress to retort her -stereotyped threat to dissolve the Union, with a challenge to do it, -if she dares, we should hear no more of this empty bravado. - -It is said, if our measures should be successful, _the slaves would -resort to the North_, and coming up upon our farms, and into our -shops, like the frogs of Egypt, reduce the wages of our laborers. -No apprehension is more groundless. The free colored people of the -South are quite numerous, and very much oppressed; yet few of them -leave that part of the country; though the whites would be very glad -to have them do so, because they render the slaves uneasy, and come -into competition with slave labor. But were slavery abolished, the -whites would desire to retain all the colored people, in order to -employ them in cultivating the soil; precisely as is now the case in -the West Indies. Nor would the slaves be willing to leave the land of -their nativity, and of their kindred, to reside in the cold regions -of the north, to the business and climate of which they are uninured, -and where they must labor more severely to obtain a comfortable -living. But should they come, what then? Do you prefer perpetual -slavery? - -It is also objected to our enterprise, that _the immediate abolition -of slavery, would be “letting the slaves loose” to be idlers, -vagabonds, thieves, and cut-throats_. This objection is more forcible -against _gradual_ emancipation, which would throw upon society -a multitude of freedmen, while the rest of their brethren still -remained in bondage. The holders of slaves would not encourage the -free by giving them labor; who would, therefore, be more apt to be -idle and vicious; while their release would excite uneasiness in the -minds of the unemancipated. The objection is also equally strong -against _prospective_ emancipation, according to which the slaves -would all be set free at once; but not until some time after the -passage of the act. Experience and human nature both teach us, that -slaves under such circumstances are more apt to be overworked, than -to be better prepared for the enjoyment of freedom. The objection -is, therefore, good for _perpetual_ slavery, or good for nothing. -It is good for nothing. Immediate emancipation would indeed deliver -the slave and his family at once from the hands of an irresponsible -master, and empower him to go where he pleases and do what he -pleases, so long as he breaks none of the laws which restrain -other men. And why not? He could not otherwise rejoin his wife and -children, whom the slave trade has torn from him, nor secure fair -wages, nor be safe from oppression. But this is not letting him -loose _to do evil_. THE LAWS OF SLAVERY LET THE MASTERS LOOSE UPON -THE SLAVES, _instead of the abolition of slavery letting the slaves -loose upon the masters_. Were there a law authorizing the inhabitants -of Meriden to seize the inhabitants of Berlin, to confine them to -jail limits, and work them without wages, to separate husbands and -wives, parents and children, and even to kill them by that very -indefinite thing, called “moderate correction;” this law would let -the inhabitants of Meriden loose upon the inhabitants of Berlin; -for it would protect the former in the grossest outrages upon the -latter. But the repeal of this law would not let the inhabitants of -Berlin loose upon us. Extending them protection would not be letting -them loose upon us. Had we the power of repealing the law; or if -not, possessing the power of _not enforcing_ it, we should find -our security in doing so. The very way to make them respect _our_ -rights, would be to respect _theirs_. Immediate emancipation places -the slaves under the _control_ as well as protection of the laws of -the State against idleness, vagrancy, theft, murder, and all other -aggressions on the rights of men. - -We are told that the _Slaves are not fit to be free_; and therefore -our scheme of immediate emancipation, if adopted, would prove a -curse to them and the country. Nothing is more false. The Slaves are -_men_; and therefore they are more fit for freedom than for slavery; -more fit to be treated as persons than as things; to be governed by -appeals to the reason and conscience than by brute force. God made -man to be free and adapted him to that condition. A state of Slavery -is unnatural to him. Nor can his nature so change, that he shall -be more fit to be treated as a brute, than as a free moral agent. -Slaves have often been set at liberty, and have _always_ proved -their capacity for freedom, by their industry, frugality and ready -obedience to the laws. - -And why, we would ask, should they be thought unfit to be put under -the control and protection of the same laws, which govern freemen? Do -their vices or their ignorance, disqualify them? While Slavery lasts, -they will remain equally degraded. - -Are they _Sabbath breakers_? Slavery has taught them to desecrate -the day of rest, by making it to them almost the only day of -recreation, the only day for visiting, for trading and for tilling -their gardens. Are they _thieves_? They consider stealing from their -masters to be only making _reprisals_ for the robbery of their just -wages; while many of them are strongly tempted to steal by the -desire of more or better food. Are they _liars_? They will continue -such, while they are slaves. They will pretend sickness, to avoid -labor; they will say they do not wish to be free, lest their masters -should sell them into distant banishment; they will lie to conceal -the unavoidable delinquences, for which slaves are daily upbraided -and beaten. Are they _idle_? As slaves they have no hope of reward -to stimulate their exertions. They will work much better, as one -facetiously expresses it, for Mr. CASH than for Mr. LASH. Let their -wives and children be dependent on their industry for support, a -far more noble and efficient motive than the fear of violence, to -call forth the energies of man. Are they _improvident_? They cannot -learn to save property, until they are allowed to hold it in their -own right. Make them free, and then that faculty of their nature, -which the phrenologists call “acquisitiveness” will prompt them to -save their earnings. Are they _licentious_? Then give them their -liberty, that the husband and father may be the legal protector of -his wife and daughters. Are they _revengeful_? Redress their wrongs, -and they will forgive their oppressors. Are they _heathen_? Take -your foot from their necks, before you disgrace christianity, by -attempting to convert them. Are they _ignorant of letters_? So are a -majority of the freemen of the world; nor is it to be expected that -slave-holders will teach their slaves to read and write, until they -repent of Slavery itself. The vices of the Slaves are inseparable -from their condition. If they are not now fit for freedom, Slavery, -which unfitted them, will perpetuate their unfitness. Nor is their -degradation of mind and morals a disqualification for freedom. You -may find its counterpart in the characters of a large class of -citizens in every country. - -While Slavery continues, what is the prospect of their becoming -_better_ fitted for freedom? Where are the men and the means? Who -will teach them? Who will support the teachers? The south cannot -supply her _free_ population with instruction. Even with the aid -of the north, she is very destitute of the means of religion. Nor -would she be willing to adopt a general system of education for the -improvement of the Slaves. Instead of giving her money to fit them -for freedom, she would hunt from society any persons, who should -seriously propose the measure. They know little of the spirit of -Slavery, who imagine, that the south was disposed to prepare her -Slaves for freedom, until the abolitionists roused her to resistance. -Had she really wished to free her Slaves, she would have welcomed -us as coadjutors, at least she would not have abandoned her own -plan, because ours was offensive to her. She never intended to fit -her Slaves for freedom. She does not intend it now. Her laws, in -most of the States, are against it. The mass of her Slaves will, no -doubt, be as unfit for freedom fifty years hence, if Slavery should -continue so long, as they are to day. The British abolitionists were -once deceived by this syren song of preparation, but now in allusion -to the words of Paul; “the _glorious_ gospel of the blessed God;” -they exclaim, THE GLORIOUS DOCTRINE OF IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION! They -found it the POWER OF GOD, to awaken the slumbering conscience of the -nation; and the WISDOM OF GOD as a measure of relief to their Slaves. -We shall find it so. - -Our opponents also object to _emancipation upon the soil_. Not all, -but some of them, are in favor of Colonization as a remedy for -Slavery, and others execrate us for our opposition to it as a scheme -for benefiting Africa. We are especially averse to the former class. -When men say, that the Slaves ought not to be freed, until they -can be colonized, we _ought to make resistance_, for the following -reasons: - -1. We ought to _resist every wicked prejudice_; and they who object -to emancipation on the soil, do so, in obedience to such a prejudice. -They say the colored people can never rise in this country. They -maintain that our aversion to the race is instinctive and natural; -though we find no one averse to associating with them as _slaves_. -The two races are certainly on very _intimate_ terms at the South. -It is only when they come as _freemen_ between the wind and our -nobility, that they taint the air. We, therefore, say, this prejudice -is unnatural and sinful; and instead of fostering it, we ought to -rebuke, and check it in ourselves and others. Some of us recollect -the time, when as Colonizationists we wished to get rid of the -colored people, and were indignant at them for being unwilling to -leave the country. May we not repent of such a feeling and condemn in -it others, without being hunted from society? - -2. _By retaining the emancipated slaves on the soil, we can at less -expense of men and means educate and christianize them._ Were we -to send them beyond the Mississippi or to Africa, it would take -ten times the number of Missionaries and Teachers, that we are -now supporting among the heathen, to save them from sinking into -barbarism. But if they should be retained as free laborers in the -service of their present masters, those masters would provide for -their instruction, and without diverting means from other objects, -the delightful spectacle would soon be witnessed of Schools and -Churches springing up among them, through the voluntary efforts of -the ministers and christians of the South. - -3. _The labor of the Slaves is wanted on the plantations at the -South._ To withdraw such an amount of labor would bankrupt the -entire country. Nor could their places be supplied, except by the -worst population of the old world; by men, whose religion, whose -morals, whose politics are all, in the highest degree, hostile to our -national interests. The emancipated Slaves, on the contrary, would be -prejudiced in favor of the protestant faith, and prove the staunchest -friends of our free institutions. - -4. The _South will not consent to the colonization of the Slaves_. -She is willing we should contribute to carry off the free people of -color, “the nuisances,” “the disturbing force,” as she terms them; -and also those Slaves, whom the more conscientious of her citizens, -who dare not die Slave-holders, may emancipate for the purpose. But -she is unwilling we should go a step further. She does not believe we -can get the means of doing more. We think, if a place were provided -in Africa, and we had the means necessary to transport every Slave -there, and were to go and tell the south, about the sinfulness of -holding Slaves, when they _can_ be colonized, and call upon her in -_good earnest_, to give them up, she would denounce us as fanatics, -and pass no more resolutions in favor of colonization. She is now at -peace with it, because she does not fear it, and hopes to find it of -use in repelling the abolitionists, in _letting off_, as by a safety -valve, the pious feeling of her own citizens, and in expelling the -free people of color. - -5. The Slaves _are unwilling to leave the country_; and will never -consent to do it, but on such a dread alternative as no christian -people should impose. _First_ give them their liberty, put them under -the protection of impartial law, and treat them with kindness, and -then if they _ask_ our aid to remove their families to Africa, their -determination to leave this country will evidently be spontaneous. - -6. _It is better for them to remain in the employment of southern -capitalists, who are able to pay them wages for their labor than to -go out into the wilderness as paupers, where there is no capital, and -the very necessaries of life, are to be created._ - -7. _They cannot be colonized without an appalling expense of money, -life and comfort._ - -8. To colonize the Slaves of this country _on account of their color, -would be in the highest degree dishonorable to christianity_. Were -Christ on earth, he would associate with the despised colored man in -preference to many who think themselves the best society. Can we act, -as he would not and yet exemplify his religion? What, too, would -be the effect on the minds of the heathen, nearly all of whom are -_colored_ men, were they to learn, that that nation, which makes the -loudest professions of attachment to christianity, had banished more -than two millions of her citizens to a land of pagan darkness, being -offended at the _color of their skin_? - -9. To _send all the slaves to Africa would be fatal to the natives of -that Continent_. Said Mr. Pinney, agent of the Colonization Society, -and once Gov. of Liberia, ‘the colony must be kept pure, or it will -either enslave or exterminate the African tribes.’ Send 2,500,000 of -people to Africa, four-fifths of whom are in heathenish darkness, -and all of whom have been taught, by the example of their masters, -that slavery is morally right, and labor disgraceful, would they -hesitate to buy Slaves of the native Princes, or to reduce their -captives to a state of servitude? It is said, there is as strong a -line of demarkation between the colonists, and the heathen, though -of the same color, as there is between the white and colored people -in this country. But if they should not become slave-holders, would -they not gradually exterminate the native tribes for the sake of -revenging injuries, and possessing themselves of their lands? Said -Mr. Pinney, the colony must be kept pure, or such a result is -inevitable; and it cannot be kept pure, unless it is conducted on a -very small scale. We doubt whether a commercial and military colony -can be so far controlled by _moral principle_, as to avoid these -results. For if the emigrants were all pious persons, and few in -number, their posterity might become both vicious and powerful. We -are not, therefore, without our objections to African colonization, -even if it should be distinctly abandoned as a remedy for slavery, -and conducted with caution, and on a small scale. We know not to what -it may grow. We like better, the good, old, apostolic plan of sending -_missionaries_ to the heathen—men, who have no commercial and selfish -interests to subserve, and who bear no hostile weapons. There is -danger that a colony, however carefully guarded, will _misrepresent -christianity_ and fatally prejudice the native mind against it. The -fact, that not a native has yet been converted to christianity, in -connection with the colony of Liberia, justifies the inquiry, whether -the _scheme_ is a good one for Africa. The transportation of all our -Slaves would confessedly form a colony too large and corrupt for the -safety of the native tribes; and we tremble for the result of the -present _experiment_. - -In this argument we have not denied the practicability of colonizing -two millions and a half of people, at an expense of $125,000,000. We -think it enough to show the thing ought not to be done. - - -CONCLUSION. - -With this view of our sentiments, of their practical value, and of -the propriety and wisdom of our measures, we leave you to judge -whether abolitionists deserve to be out-lawed in their own country; -to be loaded with abuse and contumely; to be denied a right, conceded -to all other decent men, of advocating their cause in our public -halls and churches; and to be left, unprotected, to the violence of -ill-minded men? We beg you also to consider, how terrific would be -the prospects of our country, were we in obedience to popular clamor, -to disband our societies, and retire from the field. Who would ever -again venture to raise his voice in behalf of the down-trodden -slave? Should any one have the temerity to do it, how soon would he -be overwhelmed by the violence of the pro-slavery party, encouraged -by past success, and maddened by the remembrance of the formidable -array of talent, wealth, and piety, which they once encountered. We -verily believe, that the peaceable abolition of Slavery depends, -under God, on our perseverance. Moral means must continue to be used -by us until they issue in success, or slavery will terminate in a -bloody revolution. We anticipate such an event, as a possibility, -with painful emotions; and feel disposed to look, in the use of all -lawful means, to that God, who has promised to do for us, exceeding -abundantly above all that we can ask or think, that so dire a -catastrophe may be averted. We earnestly solicit your co-operation. - -We might have said much more to correct misapprehensions, refute -calumnies, and fortify our positions; but our limits forbid it. We -may have said some things, which you will disapprove; for we have -ingenuously confessed our most obnoxious sentiments; but if you will -give us credit for sincerity and weigh our arguments, we shall expect -to stand better in your opinion, than our calumniators would have us. - - With much respect, - } PHILO PRATT, - In behalf of the Meriden } WALTER WEBB, - Anti-Slavery Society, } ISAAC I. TIBBALS. - - -FOOTNOTE: - -[1] As our enterprise is not sectarian but national and catholic, -it is the highest pitch of arrogance for any sect to denounce this -measure as a violation of ecclesiastical order. Religious freedom -demands that all such claims should be at once and steadfastly -resisted. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, - when a predominant preference was found in the original book. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Pg 9: ‘fraud and villany’ replaced by ‘fraud and villainy’. - Pg 11: ‘the emancipatton of’ replaced by ‘the emancipation of’. - Pg 11: ‘they abvocate this’ replaced by ‘they advocate this’. - Pg 17: ‘until onr objects’ replaced by ‘until our objects’. - Pg 17: ‘is his _chnrch_’ replaced by ‘is his _church_’. - Pg 18: ‘_intinerant_ lecturers’ replaced by ‘_itinerant_ lecturers’. - Pg 21: ‘Their is also’ replaced by ‘There is also’. - Pg 22: ‘and enterprize; the’ replaced by ‘and enterprise; the’. - Pg 25: ‘the constistutional’ replaced by ‘the constitutional’. - Pg 26: ‘not lettting him’ replaced by ‘not letting him’. - Pg 27: ‘for while slaves’ replaced by ‘for which slaves’. - Pg 30: ‘the best soeiety’ replaced by ‘the best society’. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN APOLOGY FOR ABOLITIONISTS: -ADDRESSED BY THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF MERIDEN, CONN., TO THEIR FELLOW -CITIZENS *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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