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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: An apology for abolitionists: addressed by the anti-slavery society of Meriden, Conn., to their fellow citizens</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Authors: Philo Pratt</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em;'>Walter Webb</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em;'>Isaac I. Tibbals</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: November 16, 2022 [eBook #69367]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN APOLOGY FOR ABOLITIONISTS: ADDRESSED BY THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF MERIDEN, CONN., TO THEIR FELLOW CITIZENS ***</div> - - -<div class="transnote"> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>There is one Footnote in this book. Its anchor is denoted by <span class="fnanchor">[1]</span>, and -the Footnote has been placed at the end of the book.</p> - -<p>Some minor changes to the text are also noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a> -<span class="screenonly">These are indicated by a <ins class="corr">dashed blue</ins> underline.</span></p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<h1> -<span class="fs70">AN</span><br /> -<span class="bold fs180 ">APOLOGY</span><br /> -<span class="fs50">FOR</span><br /> -<span class="fs150 lsp2">ABOLITIONISTS:</span><br /> -<span class="fs90">ADDRESSED</span><br /> -<span class="fs50">BY THE</span><br /> -<span class="fs120 lsp2">ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY</span><br /> -<span class="fs50">OF</span><br /> -<span class="fs100 lsp2">MERIDEN, CONN.,</span><br /> -<span class="fs50">TO THEIR</span><br /> -<span class="fs135 lsp">FELLOW-CITIZENS.</span><br /> -</h1> - -<div class="p1 center"> -<span class="fs135 lsp">SECOND EDITION.</span><br /> -<hr class="r10" /> -<span class="fs120 lsp2">MIDDLETOWN:</span><br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs50">C. H. PELTON .... PRINT.</span><br /> -<hr class="r10" /> -<span class="fs120">1837.</span><br /> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[Pg 3]</span><br /></p> - -<p class="p2 noindent"><b>Fellow-Citizens</b>:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>A regard for your good opinion, and a wish to promote -the cause, which, as Abolitionists, lies near our hearts, is our -motive for addressing you. We think the opposition to our -enterprise arises either from commercial, political or domestic -connections with Slavery, or from misapprehensions -respecting our principles, measures and prospects. We desire -no better means of overcoming these obstacles than a -fair statement of facts; and to this we now solicit your attention.</p> -</div> - - -<h2 class="nobreak">DECLARATION OF SENTIMENTS.</h2> - -<p>We believe that all men are born free and equal, and endowed -by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, -among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.</p> - -<p>We believe Slavery is an infraction of these rights, a -violation of the principles of christianity, and under all -circumstances sinful.</p> - -<p>We believe that Slavery is a great national evil, political as -well as moral, opposed to the genius of a republican government, -highly dangerous to the peace and permanency of the -Union, and if persisted in, destined to bring upon us the -severest judgments of Heaven.</p> - -<p>We believe the immediate abolition of slavery would be -safe and wise, and that it is the duty of every friend of humanity -to use all fair and just means for its accomplishment.</p> - -<p>We believe we have a right to express and publish our -opinions respecting the customs and institutions of the people -of this and every other country; and if we think them in -any degree immoral, unequal, or oppressive, we are under -the highest obligations, in the exercise of all honest and -lawful means, to change them.</p> - -<p>We believe that Slavery in the several states can be lawfully -abolished only by the legislatures of the states in which -it prevails, and that the exercise of any other than moral -means to induce such abolition, is unconstitutional.</p> - -<p>We believe that Congress has a right to abolish Slavery -in the District of Columbia, and in the Territories, and to -prohibit the slave trade between the states, and that the exercise -of this right is required by the divine law, and by the -interests of our country.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span></p> - -<p>We believe that no class of men can rightfully be denied, -<em>on account of their color</em>, the enjoyment of equal rights with -others, in the protection, immunities and administration of -the government under which they live.</p> - - -<h2 class="nobreak">UTILITY OF THESE SENTIMENTS.</h2> - -<p>These are our sentiments. We regret to say they are not -collectively the sentiments of our countrymen. It is for our -zeal in propagating them, that we have been assailed with -unmeasured abuse and lawless violence. We think it of -high importance to our country and the world that they -should be received by all the people. What the effect of -their general reception in the free states would be, is very -apparent.</p> - -<p><em>We should abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia.</em> -There Congress has exclusive jurisdiction on all subjects -whatsoever, including of course the subject of Slavery.—This -is admitted by Martin Van Buren, Henry Clay, and -an overwhelming majority of the present Congress. The -Abolitionists are to a man in favor of the exercise of this -right. If, therefore, the free states were <em>thoroughly</em> abolitionized, -their Senators and Representatives, who yet compose -a majority in Congress, would at once bow to the -supremacy of their constituents, and abolish Slavery.</p> - -<p><em>We should prohibit the inter state Slave-Trade.</em> This -trade has recently been carried on to a greater extent than -ever was the foreign slave trade; it being estimated that not -less than 120,000 slaves were exported from Virginia alone, -within little more than a year, and removed for the most -part to the southwestern states. Four of these states are said -by their own papers, to have received within the same period, -about 250,000 slaves from the old states. How many -tender ties have in one short year been broken by this detestable -business! How much bodily suffering has been -endured! How much guilt has been contracted! This -cruel and wicked traffic is at the foundation of a system of -breeding slaves for market, which is prosecuted on a large -scale, corrupting all concerned, by its licentiousness and barbarity. -Congress has a right to prohibit and suppress this -trade, under that article of the Constitution which empowers -Congress to regulate commerce with foreign nations and -between the several states. Were a majority of the citizens -of the free states decided Abolitionists, this right could be -exercised. We should insist upon it. Why then do not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -they, who profess to regard the <em>slave trade</em> as the worst -feature of Slavery, join with us against it?</p> - -<p><em>We should prevent the annexation of Texas to the United -States.</em> The South has long had her eye on that fine and -extensive country, intending to get it by purchase or stratagem, -for the purpose of opening a market for her redundant -slave population, and of securing the balance of power in -the general government to the slave-holding interest. Every -enemy of Slavery and friend of <em>free</em> labor, ought to oppose -this design. We apprehend that if the annexation of Texas -to our country should not involve us in war with Mexico and -Great Britain, it would either lead to a dissolution of the -union, or indefinitely prolong the existence of Slavery. The -Abolitionists are now preparing petitions to Congress, protesting -against this insane measure; and were the citizens of -the free states generally to join them, and load the tables of -Congress with several millions of signatures to these protests, -the danger would be averted. But they will not do it, <em>because</em> -they are not Abolitionists; and we must, therefore, in -all probability <em>take</em> Texas.</p> - -<p><em>We should admit no new slave states to the Union.</em> Had -our sentiments prevailed when the Missouri question was -decided, the fine soil of that state would not now be cursed -with Slavery. She was admitted to the union by northern -men. They legalized the sin. It is a sad proof of the corruption -of <em>our</em> public sentiment that several of these traitors -to liberty, have, since that disgraceful vote was given, been -elevated to the first offices in the gift of New England; and -this without any signs of their repentance. Arkansas has -also been lately admitted to the Union by northern votes, -with the singular provision in her constitution, that her -legislature shall have no power to abolish Slavery; so that -the “peculiar institution” may last until the greatest knave -in the state is heartily weary and ashamed of it. Northern -men thus voted for <em>perpetual</em> Slavery; and this they did in -the confident expectation of being re-elected to Congress. -Had they known a majority of their constituents to be Abolitionists, -they would have voted differently. Should Florida -be <em>next</em> admitted to the Union as a <em>slave</em> state, the south -will have a majority in the Senate. Who can predict the -consequences? But were the free states thoroughly abolitionized, -Florida would never come into the Union as a <em>slave</em> -State; for Abolitionists are in <em>principle</em> opposed to it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span></p> - -<p><em>We should also prohibit the slave trade between the United -States and Texas.</em> In the constitution of Texas, whose -independence has already been acknowledged by our government, -Slavery is established as a permanent institution -of the country, and a monopoly of the slave trade -granted to the United States. Already thousands of slaves -have been sent there, and unless something is done to prevent -it, vessels will soon be fitted out in northern ports, to carry -slaves from Virginia to Texas, as well as to New Orleans; -and this, whether Texas is annexed to the United States, or -remains independent. Were the citizens of the free states -generally Abolitionists, they would not allow a legal commerce -in slaves from our Republic to a foreign nation.</p> - -<p><em>We should save our own youth from the pollution and -guilt of Slavery.</em> They would not directly participate in it. -When they go to the South they would neither buy nor -<em>hire</em> slaves. Hitherto nothing has been more common than -for our best and most intelligent young men, the sons of our -ministers and church members, to become slave-holders. -At home they were not taught the inherent and necessary -sinfulness of Slavery; at the South the practice was recommended -to them by the example and plausible pretexts of the -best men. They were accustomed from their childhood to -see slave-holders treated with respect because they were rich -in human chattels, without hearing a word respecting the -<em>extortion</em> by which their wealth comes. Hence many of -the merchants, physicians, lawyers, planters, teachers and -clergymen of the South, though northern men by birth, are -either slave-holders or abettors of the system. This would -not be the case, had our declaration of sentiments been taught -from the first by our parents and teachers, and been made the -<em>cherished</em> creed of the free states. Then the combined instructions -of the nursery, of the school, and of the pulpit, -together with the impressive power of a sound public sentiment, -would have <em>established</em> our youth in the love and -veneration of human rights; in sympathy for the colored -man; in hatred of oppression. Thus would the general -reception of our sentiments withdraw from Slavery one of its -main supports, and at the same time rescue our sons and -daughters from the unutterable calamity of becoming rich -by the spoiling of the poor.</p> - -<p><em>We should establish the liberties of the free states on a -firm foundation.</em> We are not so connected with the slave-states -that we must necessarily perish in their ruin. If the -judgments of heaven should overtake them, we may be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -spared; should their liberties be prostrated, ours may survive. -It depends on our character and conduct. A people -who respect the rights of others, will have their own rights -respected. Regarding man, of whatever color and condition, -as entitled to the sacred rights of liberty, of property, -and of personal security, they will neither forge chains for -others, nor suffer chains to be imposed on themselves. Nor -will God forsake them. Such are the character and security -of Abolitionists. Read our declaration of sentiments. We -go for <em>human nature</em>. We protest against Slavery, because -it is an infraction of the rights of <span class="allsmcap">MAN</span>. We know that our -entire country has forfeited her freedom, by oppressing the -colored man; still we believe we may, by hearty repentance -and the adoption of just and humane sentiments, appease the -wrath of heaven, and should our nation be rent in two, preserve -our own liberties. But if we continue to connive at -this wickedness, nothing is more certain than our ruin in the -common destruction of the country.</p> - -<p><em>The free people of color would rapidly improve in their -moral and physical condition.</em> A load of prejudice now -crushes them in the dust. They cannot rise because they -are deprived of the motives and facilities for self-improvement. -They are a proscribed people. <span class="smcap">It is a calamity -in this Christian country to be born with a -colored skin.</span> It shuts out human beings from schools -and colleges, from the mechanical arts, from the house of -God, from a share in the government of the nation, from -social intercourse with their fellow-creatures, from the best -incitements to virtue and enterprise. We freely confess, -that the Abolitionists, if a majority, would correct all these -evils, and cause men in this so called christian and democratic -country, to be treated, according to the bible without -distinction of color.</p> - -<p><em>We should do much to vindicate the honor and truth of -christianity.</em> Slavery is the <em>strongest</em> hold of infidelity at -the South, and a <em>strong</em> hold at the North. It is so because, -while natural religion declares Slavery to be sinful, the ministers -and professors of christianity practice it, and defend -their conduct from the bible. Such a religion, says the infidel -cannot be from God. It is thus that the church is bringing -into contempt and doubt our blessed religion. It would -greatly counteract this prolific cause of infidelity, were all -our churches, ministers, and theological professors, to embrace -and advocate the true doctrine of human rights as it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -is set forth in the word of God. We should then hold up -to the world, this internal evidence of the divine origin of the -bible, that, being written in ages of darkness and despotism, -it notwithstanding clearly recognizes and protects <span class="allsmcap">MAN</span> as -the possessor of natural, inalienable, sacred rights. Instead -of doing this, many northern preachers of the gospel, are -now blaspheming their religion, by saying that both Moses -and Christ tolerated Slavery.</p> - -<p><em>We should no longer uphold Slavery by recognizing -slave-holders as brethren in good and regular standing in -the Church.</em> We now receive to the table of the Redeemer, -without one word of admonition, men, who at the South, -make merchandize of the image of God, of their fellow-christians. -What is still more astonishing if not more -wicked, we receive slave-holders to our pulpits, to preach to -us about loving God and <span class="smcap">Man</span>! Thus we practically say, -that Slavery is consistent both with morality and the gospel -of Christ. Were we Abolitionists, it would be far otherwise; -for they do not think it right to lend the sanction of -the church to such outrageous wickedness.</p> - -<p>Such would be <em>some</em> of the happy results of the general -adoption of our sentiments in the free states, if nothing more -could be effected. But we doubt not it would issue in <span class="smcap">the -peaceable abolition of Slavery by the several -slave states</span>. This is the principal object of our enterprise; -and on a strong probability of success, we are willing -to rest its character.</p> - -<p><em>The constitutional action of Congress in the ways above -named, would do much to induce the South to abolish Slavery.</em> -Its abolition in the District of Columbia by the -assembled wisdom of the country, would exert a powerful -influence on the southern mind. It would be the testimony -of the nation, corroborating the testimony of every truly -civilized and christian people, to the impolicy and wickedness -of Slavery. The prohibition of the inter state slave-trade, -and the confinement of Slavery to its present local -limits would render it unprofitable to the old states, which -depend on this trade as the chief source of profit; and also -drive the new states to the necessity of introducing free labor; -for how could they otherwise cultivate their immense tracts -of virgin land, or supply the deficit occasioned by the rapid -consumption of life on their cotton and sugar plantations?</p> - -<p>We should make a still more <em>direct appeal to her interests</em>, -by saying: <em>You may keep your cotton, rice, and sugar,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -until you have abolished Slavery. We shall no longer use -the products of unrequited labor.</em> It would then be a question -of dollars and cents with her, whether or not she would -give liberty to her captives. We should not be obliged to -deny ourselves the use of her productions one year; for her -states would vie with each other to see which could obtain a -monopoly of northern patronage by first abolishing Slavery. -Many northern men have been bought by southern patronage -to <em>do wrong</em>; is it not equally possible to buy the south -with northern patronage to <em>do right</em>; Human nature is -every where the same. We should indeed regret to have -Slavery abandoned from an exclusive regard to self-interest. -We would rather it should be destroyed by the spirit of repentance; -for then the emancipated slave would still be -treated with justice and humanity. But no means of bringing -the South to repentance can be more promising, than the -<em>conscientious</em> refusal, by northern men, of all sects and parties, -to sustain Slavery, by consuming its produce. At present -this cannot be done on a scale sufficiently large to -secure, certainly and immediately, the abolition of Slavery; -but were the North completely abolitionized, no doubt she -would do it with the most triumphant success.</p> - -<p><em>We should move the South to abandon Slavery, by appealing -to her love of reputation.</em> The South shows herself -sensitive on this point. Said Mr. Calhoun in the United -States Senate, “do they, [his southern opponents,] expect the -Abolitionists will resort to arms, and commence a crusade -to liberate our slaves by force? Is this what they mean -when they speak of the attempt to abolish Slavery? If so -let me tell our friends of the South who differ from us, that -the war which the Abolitionists wage against us is of a very -different character and <em>far more effective</em>—it is waged not -against our <em>lives</em>, but our <em>character</em>.” Had he said <em>our -reputations and consciences</em>, he would have told the truth. -We do intend to make Slavery <em>disgraceful</em>. Sin ought to -be esteemed a reproach to any people. Were all northern -men of our way of thinking, this sin would be as infamous as -any other kind of <ins class="corr" id="tn-9" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'fraud and villany'"> -fraud and villainy</ins>. The <em>world</em> is now -pointing the finger of scorn at <em>slave-holding America</em>. The -free states bear a merited portion of the shame, because we -share largely in the responsibility. As we have taken -Slavery under our patronage, and consented to stand godfather -to it, what little respectability we have, is thrown -around it, to the great relief and joy of its southern parents.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -Let us retire from the relation. Instead of defending Slavery, -let us reiterate the just and indignant censures of the civilized -world, until all shall feel, that so great an enormity -cannot be practiced or connived at, without a forfeiture of -character. This would be the state of feeling, were the citizens -of the north generally Abolitionists; and he knows little -of human nature, who doubts that <em>such</em> a state of feeling, -would render the condition of a slave-holder, the last to be -sought, the first to be abandoned.</p> - -<p>In these ways, if in no others, we could reach and influence -the South. Although she should attempt to shut out -the light by a strict censorship of the press and post-office; -though she should make the utterance of our sentiments on -southern soil an offence against her laws; she could not -prevent the constitutional action of the general government; -she could not compel us to consume her produce; she could -not escape the withering contempt and indignant frown of -our virtuous public sentiment. We could reach her heart -in these ways, in spite of herself, and as we think to the certain -overthrow of Slavery. We could do more.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">We could convert the South to the practical -adoption of our sentiments by enlightening her -conscience.</span> This is the principal ground of our confidence. -If Slavery is sinful, we can prove it to be such; and -this proof, made plain to the understanding of the South, cannot -fail to awaken her conscience. Such is human nature. -Some would have us think that none but christians have -consciences, and therefore the first step to be taken for the -removal of Slavery is to send missionaries to convert the -masters to christianity, thus laying a foundation for successful -appeals to the conscience. But it seems to us the work -of centuries, if not an impracticable work, to convert the -masters, or a majority of them, to true holiness, while Slavery -lasts, <em>especially if they have no consciences</em>; and we think -also, if all were converted to such a christianity as consists -with a hearty belief that <em>Slavery is not condemned by the -Bible</em>, it would not much facilitate our enterprise. Nor -have we so much contempt for that word, which is mighty -through God to the pulling down of strong holds, as to doubt -that <em>our doctrines</em> will commend themselves to the <em>reason</em> of -our southern brethren, and receive a fruitful response from -their <em>consciences</em>.</p> - -<p>Some would have the world believe, if every person in -the free states were an Abolitionist, it would not hasten<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -<ins class="corr" id="tn-11" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'the emancipatton of'"> -the emancipation of</ins> the slaves; for, say they, we could not then -get a hearing at the south, and if we could, she is too much -exasperated at our interference to do any thing on the subject. -In our opinion, they are entirely mistaken.</p> - -<p>We believe <em>we can get a hearing at the South, or convey -a knowledge of our sentiments to the southern mind, and that -these sentiments are more potent than her prejudices and -passions</em>. In proof of it—</p> - -<p><em>She is now constantly receiving numerous publications -containing our views.</em> There were, the last year, about -five hundred regular southern subscribers to the publications -of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The Cincinnati -Philanthropist, the Alton Observer, the New York Evangelist, -and scores of other papers, religious and political, -have subscribers at the South, with whom from week to -week <ins class="corr" id="tn-11a" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'they abvocate this'"> -they advocate this</ins> cause. Many valuable anti-slavery -books are also doing a good work in the very midst of the -evil. Several thousands of Miss Grimke’s Appeal, together -with the writings of Jay, Child, Channing and others, are -daily tearing off the mask from Slavery, and awakening the -slumbering conscience of the South. Not unfrequently -slave-holders themselves come to the anti-slavery office in -New York and buy whole sets of our publications. The -speeches of her Senators, and the messages of her Governors -evince a better acquaintance with our writings and movements -than the great men of the North can boast. Her own -press is doing much to disseminate our sentiments. The -United States Telegraph of February 18, 1837, edited by -Duff Green, Washington, D. C., was nearly half filled with -extracts from our prints. Her clergy by publishing apologies -for slavery in refutation of our views, are also making -these views known and waking up a spirit of inquiry. Indeed, -such is human nature, and such is the course of the -south, that we have come to believe she will not allow us at -the north to <em>think aloud on the subject of Slavery without -knowing what we think and why we think so. She will not -allow us to form and express opinions on this subject</em> <span class="allsmcap">WITHOUT -KNOWING OUR OPINIONS AND THE GROUNDS OF -THEM</span>. She is too much interested, and knows that we have -too much power, to pass our sentiments by in utter contempt -without even ascertaining them.</p> - -<p>But were the free states completely abolitionized, not only -the presses of the Anti-Slavery Societies, assisted by a few -others, would carry our doctrines to the South; but <em>all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -religious, political and commercial papers of the North, indeed -the whole body of our literature, would breathe the -same spirit, would speak the same language</em>. Were she, -therefore, ever so much averse to the truth, these numberless -publications, aided by the English press and by private correspondence, -would force upon her a knowledge of our faith.</p> - -<p><em>The social intercourse of the North and South would also -afford us ample opportunities for publishing our sentiments.</em> -The citizens of every state in the Union are daily meeting -in the steam-boats, coaches, rail-road cars and hotels of our -country. We are constantly <em>walking arm in arm</em> with the -South, so that she cannot fail to learn what we think of Slavery, -and of the duty and pre-eminent safety of immediate -emancipation. If we are decided Abolitionists, we shall certainly -talk enough to let her know <em>what</em> we think and <em>why</em> -we think so.</p> - -<p><em>Many of the youth of the South must continue, as in times -past, to be educated in the free states.</em> Mr. Calhoun was -educated at Yale College. Who can doubt that an influence -might have been exerted on his mind, in relation to Slavery, -of the most happy character, if the officers of that institution, -if the surrounding community, if the literature of the day, -had all breathed the spirit of Arthur Tappan and Gerritt -Smith? There are now hundreds of southern youth in our -schools, and hundreds will succeed them, whose minds would -be set in deadly and deathless hostility to the robbery of -God’s poor, were their teachers Abolitionists. Some think -that in such an event, they would be kept at home. A few -might be, but not all. The salubrity of our climate, the excellence -of our institutions, the comparative purity of our morals, -give us an advantage, that the more virtuous and intelligent -of southern parents, would not relinquish, for fear that -their sons should embrace views, which in their own hearts -they must approve.</p> - -<p>It should also be remembered, that we not only educate -the most precious youth of the South, but we <em>supply many -of her pulpits, professorships, and shops with our own sons</em>. -The great body of southern merchants are northern men. -Such is the genius of Slavery that this will continue to be -the case. The result would be, were we all Abolitionists, -that the adopted sons of the South would soon form a strong -body of opposition to Slavery, laboring to overthrow it, by -their votes, their arguments and their example. Some may -think that lynch law would then drive us all from the South;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -or that we should be received there only on condition of letting -Slavery alone. They are mistaken. Were we <em>all</em> -Abolitionists, we should be defended. The national government -would protect us. The constitution guarantees the -rights of a citizen in all the states to the citizens of each state; -and had the North been thoroughly abolitionized, she would -have demanded and obtained redress for the blood of her -innocent citizens, who have been hung without color of law, -by southern ruffians. Be assured when we all become Abolitionists, -an end will be put to the reign of terror in every -part of the country. Men of all creeds and colors, will then -go where they please, speak what they please, and do what -they please, with perfect safety, so long as they commit no -offence against just and impartial law.</p> - -<p><em>The interests of a large class at the South must predispose -them to favor our enterprise.</em> Probably not more than -half of the whites are directly interested in the continuance -of Slavery. Many hire Slaves, who could on equally eligible -terms, and with more peace of conscience, hire them as -<em>free</em> laborers, were they emancipated. Some own land without -slaves; and it is admitted, that immediately on the abolition -of Slavery, the soil would rise in value, and continue -to appreciate with the general improvement of the country. -A multitude of the whites are too poor to own slaves, and -too ignorant to obtain a living, except by manual labor, and -Slavery makes that disreputable, and comparatively unprofitable. -All these classes need only open their eyes, to -see that Slavery is subversive of their interests: and we may -therefore rationally calculate on having their attention and -sympathy.</p> - -<p><em>What we have already effected at the South, is a pledge -of entire success</em>, the moment the leading influences at the -North shall second our efforts instead of counteracting -them. Several hundred slaves have been set at liberty -through the labors of those two distinguished Abolitionists, -David Nelson and James G. Birney. We have heard of -various other instances in which our doctrines have had -such successful access to the southern mind. We will mention -one. Some time since, in New York, a gentleman rose -in a monthly concert of prayer for the slaves, and said: “I -am a slave-holder from Virginia. I came to the North with -violent prejudices against the Abolitionists, in consequence -of what I read in northern papers; but I was determined -to investigate the matter for myself. Accordingly I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -sought lodgings in the family of an Abolitionist, obtained and -read your publications, and attended this monthly concert; -and I am now convinced that not only your doctrines but -your measures are righteous.” And he added, turning to -two gentlemen who sat beside him, “these gentlemen are -also slave-holders from Virginia, and my first converts to -abolitionism; and I know a thousand men in Virginia, who -if they could have the truth stated to them, would agree with -us.” He then exhorted the Abolitionists present to go on, -saying “you have only to correct the public sentiment of the -North so that their papers shall not misrepresent you at the -South, and <span class="allsmcap">THE WORK IS DONE</span>.” Besides many such -facts evincive of the power of truth over the southern mind, -and proving that the leaven is working there, we have frequent -admissions from the lips and pens of the defenders of -Slavery at the South, that the Abolitionists are disturbing the -conscience of her people, that there is more sympathy with -them there than it would be prudent to acknowledge; that if -the fanatics are suffered to go on they will succeed; that -they <em>may</em> build up a body of public sentiment which the -South cannot resist. These facts, these admissions, and the -very nature of man, convince us that we have many allies at -the South. The violence of the friends of Slavery, has -forced them to a temporary silence; but no doubt many of -them long to unburden their hearts, and are only waiting to -be sustained by a healthy public sentiment among us.—Were -we all Abolitionists, it would be less odious and less -hazardous to avow our sentiments at the South; and she -would find a body of Abolitionists on her own soil, too -respectable to be despised—too strong to be resisted.</p> - -<p>Our expectations of success in making known our sentiments -to our southern brethren, are rendered still more sanguine, -<em>by the history of emancipation in the West Indies</em>. -It will be impossible for our countrymen, to close their -eyes against the light, which the working of the British -abolition act, will constantly throw on the duty and safety -of immediate emancipation.</p> - -<p>We are nevertheless told, with surprising assurance, by -men great and small, that we have postponed the abolition -of Slavery, at least half a century; that our ultra doctrines -and violent measures have so incensed the South, that she -has settled down in the inflexible determination to keep her -slaves. Is this human nature? They who think so, seem -to imagine that the work of reform must be carried on solely<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -by coaxing and flattering the sinner: that a declaration of -his guilt and of his duty, sufficiently plain and unequivocal -to excite his displeasure, is the last way to bring him to repentance. -We think otherwise. We take the anger of the -South as a precious omen of success. The hit bird flutters. -She shows herself conscious of the truth of our charges. -Accuse a consistent temperance man of drunkenness, he will -smile in your face; accuse the drunkard himself and he will -be ready to fight you. The faithful reproof of sin always -irritates the sinner, and his irritation continues until he -either repents or forgets the admonition. Had our efforts -produced no such sensation among slave-holders, we should -be far more ready to despair. She believes unless this -discussion is stopped, Slavery must cease, or else she will -be disgraced in the eyes of the world, and exceedingly embarrassed -and trammeled in the possession of her slaves. -We do not, however, attribute all the wrath of the South -against us, to awakened conscience, and the anticipation of -our success. We have been shamefully misrepresented by -<em>northern</em> papers and mobs, which have not hesitated to -charge us with the worst of motives and the most hostile feelings -towards the South; as if we would gladly involve her in -a servile war. The belief of these calumnies has doubtless -excited her worst passions; and the moment she learns the -truth, it will create a re-action in our favor. Nor should it -be overlooked that many of her own citizens have no sympathy -for Slavery, and no strong prejudices against us. Facts -also show that argument can appease this very wrath, to -which our opponents attribute such indomitable energy. -When the students of Lane Seminary, under the Presidency -of the Rev. Dr. Beecher, commenced a discussion of the -subject of Slavery, about fifteen young men from the South, -all of them slave-holders or sons of slave-holders, were not a -little incensed at the faithful exposure of Slavery by their -fellow-students; but at the close of the discussion, all these -young men, save one, were thorough going Abolitionists; -and several of them are now lecturing in the free states for -the purpose of correcting our public sentiment, as a necessary -and infallible means of rectifying that of the South.</p> - -<p>We believe, therefore, that if we succeed in abolitionizing -the North, we shall the South. Were the North already -abolitionized, we should do all the good specified above. -We should preserve our own liberties, virtue and religion, -and save the South from man’s greatest curse, his own voluntary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -wickedness. Is it not, then, desirable that our sentiments -should prevail? Do they not carry with them the -clearest credentials of truth—the very best practical tendencies? -Is it not the grossest hypocrisy in the North to pretend -hostility to Slavery, when she refuses to do the good -which she would rejoice to do, were she a convert to abolitionism? -Is it not a crime in her to fight against the diffusion -of these sentiments? In one word—ought not the Abolitionists -to do all they can, in a constitutional and christian -manner, to propagate their views?</p> - -<p>Success at the North is certain; for she has an interest in -destroying Slavery: her political principles are opposed to -it; and the great mass of her citizens are intelligent and virtuous, -unbought by southern patronage, and accustomed to -abhor cruelty and injustice. Our success is also written in -the desperate, but ineffectual endeavors of the opposition, to -prevent the agitation of the subject. By their own showing, -Slavery cannot endure the light of free inquiry. If northern -abettors of Slavery were not convinced, that the discussion -will inevitably abolitionize the mass of the people, they -would rely on argument rather than on lawless violence. -Our progress too, has already been astonishing. In the -course of three years nearly a thousand Anti-Slavery Societies -have been organized; many enemies have become -friends, and many opposers, the able advocates of our cause. -The prejudices of the people have been softened, and thousands -are now on the eve of joining us, who lately were our -most bitter antagonists. We have made all this progress -notwithstanding the abuse of the political and commercial -press has been heaped upon us without measure, and no man -could join us but at the peril of his reputation, if not also his -life and property. We are, therefore, encouraged to persevere. -What have we to accomplish, which we have not in -part achieved, while our powers and facilities are constantly -augmenting.</p> - - -<div class="chapter"></div> -<h2 class="nobreak">VINDICATION OF MEASURES.</h2> - -<p>We propose to convert the country to our views by measures -which some of our opponents, (ashamed to deny our -doctrines,) allege to be the principal ground of their dissent. -We think they have failed to make a proper distinction between -our <em>measures</em> and the <em>abuse</em> of these measures. The -constitutional action of Congress, the pulpit, the press, public -debate, private conversation, anti-slavery societies, <em>these</em> are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -our measures. If any of our associates, through human infirmity, -prosecute any of these measures in ill-temper or with -indiscretion, we regret and condemn it. The measures -themselves, and the prosecution of them we approve, and -shall now attempt to vindicate.</p> - -<p>Some object to <em>our organizing Anti-Slavery Societies</em>, -which in our opinion they would not do, if they wished well -to our enterprise. For it is manifest that union gives us -strength, influence, courage, money and other facilities for -carrying on the work; it lays a foundation for concentrated, -permanent, economical effort. Societies have their stated -and occasional meetings, without giving offence and provoking -popular violence. They animate each other by -friendly correspondence, and prosecute their work systematically -and vigorously, by the gratuitous labors of their -most enlightened members. A general organization will -enable us to petition the various legislative bodies in behalf -of human rights, with unanimity and regularity, <ins class="corr" id="tn-17" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'until onr objects'"> -until our objects</ins> are gained. We see other ends to be secured by it. -There is no disputing our constitutional right to adopt this -measure; which we believe any men of common sense -would adopt in our circumstances. Even the wisdom of -Christ sanctions the measure, for what <ins class="corr" id="tn-17a" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'is his chnrch'"> -is his <em>church</em></ins> but a -<em>society</em> formed for the purpose of converting men to the -truth and progressively sanctifying them? Nor do we see -how we can testify to the South our abhorrence of Slavery -unless we form societies for the purpose. Had none been -formed, it might be doubted whether there are a thousand -decided Abolitionists in the country. It would be said in -Congress and believed at the South, that we are few in numbers, -and constantly becoming fewer and more contemptible. -The existence and rapidly increasing number of our <em>societies</em> -precludes the possibility of such misrepresentations and -mistakes. As soon as our plan is completed, in the formation -of a flourishing society in each village of the free states, -embodying a majority of the people, the South will know -what our public sentiment is. It will be concentrated upon -her. She will feel it. We learn from intelligent sources, -that the general opinion at the South now is, that all the citizens -of the North who are not Abolitionists, sympathize -with the slave-holders. It is natural they should think so. -We must, therefore, rank ourselves with the Abolitionists, -by joining an Anti-Slavery Society, if we would give our -decided testimony against the <span class="allsmcap">GREAT SOUTHERN SIN</span>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span></p> - -<p>Some object to <em>our employing itinerant lecturers</em>. We -think they would not object, if they had considered the matter -with friendly feelings. The subject of Slavery has so -many relations in this country, and involves so many questions -in morals, in biblical literature, in constitutional law, -in political economy, in history, and other departments of -learning, that our stated clergy, have not sufficient time for -its thorough investigation, were they disposed to make it. -We ought not to expect of them more than a faithful exposition -of the testimony of God against Slavery, and in favor of -immediate emancipation. As a general rule, they can do -no more. We need an extensive and thorough discussion of -the whole subject. Nor are all our clergymen yet Abolitionists. -Some are with us; others are against us. This -was to be expected. The subject has but just come before -the public mind. It found almost all our ministers colonizationists. -It would have been surprising, if they had all embraced -our views at the first blush, without discussion. We -don’t do things so in Connecticut. Hereafter we doubt not -they will all join us; but in the interim, we must employ -<ins class="corr" id="tn-18" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'intinerant lecturers'"> -<em>itinerant</em> lecturers</ins>, if we would disseminate what we believe -to be the truth. And who will be harmed by it? The -truth will hurt no one; and even “error,” we quote the -words of Jefferson, “may safely be tolerated, so long as reason -is left free to combat it.” Some think it an interference -with the rights of the stated ministry to introduce an itinerant -lecturer, without the advice and consent of the settled -pastor. How so? Suppose there are several clergymen in -the same village. One of them being an Abolitionist does -all he can, by conversation, the distribution of papers, and -public lectures, to make the people Abolitionists, without distinction -of sect or party. Is that an interference with the -rights of the other pastors? No; such a course has never -been thought so. Nor is there the least difference in the -two cases. The several churches introduce these pastors to -be their teachers. We, the Abolitionists, another body of -people, introduce a man to teach on a particular subject. -We have the right; he has a right to come; therefore no -right is violated.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> - -<p><em>Some object to our employing severe epithets in speaking<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -of Slavery and slave-holders.</em> They say our condemnation -is too hard, denunciatory and indiscriminate. We wish all -who allege this against us would illustrate their meaning -and sustain their charge by quoting the offensive expressions. -It would put them to great inconvenience. They -may think the language “hard” and “too hard,” when it -barely expresses what ought to be said, and cannot be better -said. We do indeed tell slave-holders their sins plainly, -calling things by their right names; but it is only in the -conclusion of an argument to prove the charge, that we -justify making it. Nor is our language any harder than -the sober language of moral philosophers, and of the most -eminent fathers of the church. Wesley says: “You, [the -slave-holder,] first acted the villain in making them slaves, -whether you stole them or bought them.” “This equally -concerns all slave-holders, of whatever rank and degree: -seeing <em>men-buyers are exactly on a level with men-stealers</em>.” -The younger President Edwards says: “To hold a man in -a state of Slavery is to be every day guilty of <em>robbing</em> him -of his liberty, or of <em>man-stealing</em>.” Grotius says: “Those -are men-stealers, who abduct, <em>keep</em>, sell or buy <em>slaves</em> or freemen. -To steal a man is the highest kind of theft.” Adam -Clarke says: “Among the heathen Slavery was in some -sort excusable; among <em>christians</em> it is <span class="allsmcap">AN ENORMITY AND -A CRIME FOR WHICH PERDITION HAS SCARCELY AN ADEQUATE -STATE OF PUNISHMENT</span>.” We use no language -more hard, more true, or more indiscriminate. We think -these great men understood how to do good, at least as well -as our critics. We are also fully persuaded, that the South -is far less incensed at our <em>language</em> than at our <em>sentiments</em>. -She is indignant at what we say, not the manner of saying it. -Dr. Channing had this vulgar prejudice, that we were injuring -our cause by using abusive language. And Mr. Leigh -of Virginia, took the very book, in which he reproves us, -and quoted passages which he declared in the United States -Senate, rivalled the most insulting language of Garrison. So -difficult is it to tell the truth about Slavery in palatable -terms.</p> - -<p>We are also censured for <em>sending pictures to the South -illustrative of the horrors of Slavery</em>. We do indeed employ -the art of painting, as well as the arts of printing and -speaking, to awaken sympathy for the Slave; but our pictures -are designed for the North, not the South. Though -some of them may find their way there, they are <em>never sent</em><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -to the slaves, are not apt to fall into their hands, and not -adapted to make them uneasy and turbulent. Were they -painted as large as life, and set up at the corner of every -street and on every plantation, the sole effect would be to -awe the slaves into subjection, by reminding them of the -consequences of disobedience.</p> - -<p>We are accused of <em>sending papers to the slaves</em>. The -charge is false. Our publications are sent exclusively to -the free white population. Were it in our power to send to -the slaves, we should indeed rejoice at it. If they could read -and the mails would carry them papers, we would prepare -tracts on purpose for them, explaining the doctrines and duties -of christianity, inculcating the forgiveness of injuries, -the patient endurance of wrong, the faithful service of their -masters, until such time as they <em>can be made free</em>. We -would even send them the Bible, which says: “Woe unto -him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness and his -chambers by wrong; <em>that useth his neighbor’s service without -wages and giveth him not for his work</em>.” Jer. xxii, 13.</p> - -<p>The foregoing are current objections to <em>specific</em> measures -of the Abolitionists. There are other objections of a more -general and sweeping character, which go to condemn <em>all</em> -our measures, calling upon us to disband our societies, to dismiss -our agents, to break up our printing presses, and interfere -in no way with Southern Slavery. We can give these -only a brief notice.</p> - -<p>It is a current objection to our enterprise, that <em>Slavery is -no concern of ours</em>: that the South alone is interested in the -subject, and we have no right to <em>interfere</em>. Interference is a -very indefinite term. We acknowledge we have no right -to interfere by force of arms; and have ever disclaimed the -intention of interfering, except by the constitutional and -peaceable action of Congress, and the application of truth to -the hearts and consciences of our southern brethren. As to -our having no right to interfere in <em>this manner</em>, because -Slavery is no concern of ours, it is a strange doctrine to be -promulgated in the nineteenth century by republicans and -christians. What interest had we in the struggle of Greece -and Poland with Turkish and Russian despotism? What concern -have we in the moral and political degradation of the -Hindoo, Hottentot and Chinese? We have the answer in -the motto of the christian church: <span class="smcap">Our country is the -world, our countrymen mankind</span>. As christians we -are concerned for the spiritual welfare of all classes at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -South; the great mass of whom are now sunk in infidelity -and vice. Their alarming destitution of the means of religion, -and the general corruption of their morals, are justly -attributed to Slavery. What would become of the virtue, intelligence -and religious institutions of Meriden, if all the real -estate and all the inhabitants of the town, were held as property -by one man? He might be an infidel; and if he were -a christian, what dependence could be placed on him to -support the gospel, or what confidence would the oppressed -people have in his religion? Such is the state of things at -the South. Slavery not only creates a distaste for true religion, -but withdraws from its support the laboring class, -which in every free country, embodies a great proportion of -the most devoted and liberal christians. <ins class="corr" id="tn-21" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Their is also'"> -There is also</ins> much in the habits which Slavery fosters, to indispose pious youth -to enter the ministry and to disqualify them for its laborious -duties; while many who enter upon the work, abandon it for -secular pursuits, or remove to the free states, where they can -preach the <em>whole</em> gospel with more security and success. -Not only must a slave-holding community be destitute of men -and means to make known the way of salvation, but the -preaching of the gospel will generally be inefficacious with -all classes; with the <em>masters</em>, for Slavery fosters in them the -worst passions of human nature, affords them facilities for -the unbounded indulgence of their appetites, and relieves -them from the necessity of personal exertion for a livelihood; -with the <em>poor white population</em>, for Slavery accumulates the -wealth of the community in a few hands, renders free labor -disreputable, and multiplies temptations to low and degrading -vices; with the <em>free people of color</em>, for Slavery holds -most of them in a state of abject poverty, ignorance and sin; -with the <em>slaves</em>, for Slavery robs them of the bible, of self-control, -of hope, of parent, wife and child, of the best motives -to be virtuous, and of the best evidences of christianity; -it makes them vicious; it makes them sceptics. We are -concerned for these perishing millions.</p> - -<p>Slavery is a concern of ours for it involves our personal -interests. It throws back upon us a moral pestilence; it scatters -the seeds of intemperance, licentiousness, and infidelity; -it popularizes gambling, Sabbath breaking, profaneness and -lawless violence; it casts an undeserved stigma on manual -labor, it encourages idleness and prodigality. It disgraces us -in the eyes of the whole world; it impairs our national -strength; it encroaches on the spirit of liberty; it is constantly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -undermining our free institutions. The northern -states have no greater enemy. Were Slavery abolished, her -religion, her morals, her liberties, her general prosperity -would be far more secure. The chief source of danger -to the integrity of our union, and to our domestic tranquility -would be removed; a greater market would be opened for -our manufactures, and a wider field for our industry <ins class="corr" id="tn-22" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'and enterprize; the'"> -and enterprise; the</ins> emancipated slaves would purchase our goods, -and our youth could enter into competition with the sons of -the South in raising cotton, &c. without becoming slave-holders. -Labor would soon cease to be disgraceful; property -would accumulate in every part of the land; education would -flourish; religion would revive; the entire country would -rejoice in peace and plenty under the smiles of an approving -providence. Tell us not, that we have no concern in -removing the greatest sin, curse and shame of the nation, and -in securing for ourselves and our posterity, a truly free and -virtuous government.</p> - -<p>It is said that <em>Slavery is an agitating subject, which cannot -be discussed without disturbing the peace and harmony -of our churches</em>. Why so? This subject can be discussed -in the churches in Great Britain without discord and -division. We think it could be here, were it not for the -corruption of our public sentiment, which can be corrected -only by free discussion. It is where the truth needs most to be -heard, that it creates most opposition and variance. Primitive -christianity was accused of turning the world upside down. -The temperance cause has occasioned strife, and separated -“very friends.” We hold to the Apostolic injunction: -“<em>first</em> pure, <em>then</em> peaceable.” We love a virtuous peace. A -truce with sin we abhor. If we must surrender our liberties, -and connive at iniquity, to avoid a war, we say with -Patrick Henry, “The war is inevitable, and let it come; I -repeat it, sir, let it come.” Who does not see that if polygamy -were common in our churches, it would create a terrible -excitement to preach against it, and lead to the dismission -of pastors? Yet any one would acknowledge, that -religion could never prosper, while the church was so -corrupt; and that she had better be torn into ten thousand -fragments, than that polygamy should continue in vogue; -for she would soon be re-organized in greater purity -and strength. So it is with a <em>slave-holding</em> Church; and -with a Church in which the <em>spirit</em> of Slavery is so rife, that -she will not live in peace with her Anti-Slavery members,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -nor tolerate the exercise of their Constitutional rights. But -we do not believe this of our Churches. We think the -more this “delicate and agitating” subject is discussed -among us, the less unpleasant excitement will prevail.</p> - -<p>It is said <em>that our measures to overthrow Slavery are unconstitutional</em>. -Our opponents may easily test this question -by bringing it before the U. S. Court. We claim to be acting -constitutionally. Our plan of operations is essentially the -same as that pursued by the early Anti-Slavery Societies, -of which such men as John Jay, Benj. Franklin, Benj. -Rush, and Jonathan Edwards, were active members; some -of whom were engaged in forming our federal Constitution. -Did they not understand that instrument? Did their contemporaries -ever dispute their right to discuss the merits -of Slavery? Have not our citizens, from time immemorial -and without restriction, exercised this right? Does not the -Constitution, instead of guaranteeing Slavery against this -moral influence, guarantee to us the right of employing it, -by forbidding Congress to pass any law abridging the freedom -of speech and of the press?</p> - -<p>We are told our measures are an <em>invasion of the rights -of property</em>. This objection assumes, what nature denies, -that <em>man</em> may be <em>rightfully</em> held as property. Blackstone -maintains in his Commentaries, that man cannot be reduced -by any just process to a state of absolute Slavery; that he -cannot be born in that state, nor sell himself into it, nor be -placed there when taken captive in war, without flagrant -injustice. We also hold it to be <em>self-evident</em>, that all men are -<em>born free and equal</em>, and entitled to certain <em>inalienable</em> rights, -among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. -The Slave owns himself by grant of his Creator. <em>Slavery</em> -is, therefore, an invasion of his rights of property. It is -the slave-master who makes an aggression on the property -of others, not we, who exhort him to relinquish that -property. The Slaves being the rightful owners of themselves, -the abolition of Slavery is merely an act declarative -of this indisputable title. Nor do we seek the destruction -of Slavery, except through the constitutional authorities. -Even were the slaves the <em>property</em> of their masters, -it would be lawful for us to <em>persuade</em> them to part with it. -Would it not? The Legislatures of the several states have -a right to abolish Slavery. Have they not? It has hitherto -been conceded, that the law making power of every<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -slave-holding country has this right. May we not then -persuade the states to exercise it, by convincing them of -the moral wrong and frightful impolicy of Slavery? Should -it be said that the government encouraged its citizens to -invest property under the protection of the slave code, and -therefore ought not to abolish Slavery without indemnifying -them, our answer is, that mankind are under a paramount -obligation not to invest property under the protection -of <em>immoral</em> laws; that all such laws are in their nature null -and void from the beginning; that governments have always -exercised the power of correcting abuses; and -there is no greater abuse than Slavery; none more unjust -and oppressive; none more pernicious and perilous to our -national interests.</p> - -<p>Some object, that the abolition of Slavery <em>on our plan</em>, -without compensation to the masters, <em>would be taking away -the bread of poor widows and orphans</em>. We have no plan. -We say only, that Slavery is wrong, and ought forthwith to -be abandoned. The South will adopt and prosecute her -own plan. When her Legislatures abolish Slavery, they -can, if they will, provide for widows and children, who are -left destitute by that act. If they will not do it, we will -raise contributions for their relief; for we deem the claims -of <em>charity</em>, nearly as imperative as the claims of justice. -But we can never sanction the <em>principle</em> of Slavery, by -saying, that slave-holders have a <em>right</em> to compensation for -restoring to the slaves their stolen rights. We must always -consider it a greater hardship to be unjustly held as a slave, -than to be made poor by freeing such slave. It is a sad -blunder in morals, that this man may make that man, perhaps -fifty other men, poor for life, lest he himself should -be a pauper; that this man may make that man poor by -<em>dishonesty</em>, lest he himself should become poor by <em>being -honest</em>.</p> - -<p>No objection to our measures is more senseless, or more -common, than an <em>alleged tendency to dissolve the Union</em>. -Which had we better surrender, the Union or our liberties? -The Union is a curse instead of a blessing, if we must -surrender for it, <em>freedom of speech and personal protection -in any part of the country</em>. And if Slavery continues to be -protected by public sentiment, and by popular violence, -how long could the Union last, even were <em>all</em> the abolitionists -this day laid in their graves? Slavery endangers the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -integrity of the Union, more than all other enemies; and -unless soon destroyed, will be the destroyer both of it and -us. If we love the Union, we should labor to overthrow -Slavery. Wesley somewhere defines fanaticism, to be the -expectation of accomplishing ends without the use of -means. Let us not hope for the peaceable destruction of -Slavery, by such a fanatical course. Let us do <em>something</em>; -and if we do any thing, what can be done which the abolitionists -are not attempting? In doing this we shall not -peril the Union, but preserve it. The South will never -venture on the mad experiment of secession, <em>because</em> the -North is opposed to Slavery. Such an act would be suicidal. -It would encourage the slaves to revolt. It would -leave her defenceless against the invasion of a foreign foe. -It would release us from <ins class="corr" id="tn-25" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'the constistutional'"> -the constitutional</ins> obligation to -suppress domestic violence, and to restore fugitives from -service. It would open several thousand miles of frontier, -over which her slaves would escape into a land of liberty. -It would make the south “a good country to emigrate -from,” and she would find herself losing her best citizens, -and her condition becoming more and more exposed and -perilous. She would be ruined. She knows it. Were our -legislators in Congress to retort her stereotyped threat to -dissolve the Union, with a challenge to do it, if she dares, -we should hear no more of this empty bravado.</p> - -<p>It is said, if our measures should be successful, <em>the -slaves would resort to the North</em>, and coming up upon our -farms, and into our shops, like the frogs of Egypt, reduce -the wages of our laborers. No apprehension is more -groundless. The free colored people of the South are -quite numerous, and very much oppressed; yet few of -them leave that part of the country; though the whites -would be very glad to have them do so, because they render -the slaves uneasy, and come into competition with slave -labor. But were slavery abolished, the whites would desire -to retain all the colored people, in order to employ -them in cultivating the soil; precisely as is now the case -in the West Indies. Nor would the slaves be willing to -leave the land of their nativity, and of their kindred, to reside -in the cold regions of the north, to the business and -climate of which they are uninured, and where they must -labor more severely to obtain a comfortable living. But<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -should they come, what then? Do you prefer perpetual -slavery?</p> - -<p>It is also objected to our enterprise, that <em>the immediate -abolition of slavery, would be “letting the slaves loose” to -be idlers, vagabonds, thieves, and cut-throats</em>. This objection -is more forcible against <em>gradual</em> emancipation, which -would throw upon society a multitude of freedmen, while -the rest of their brethren still remained in bondage. The -holders of slaves would not encourage the free by giving -them labor; who would, therefore, be more apt to be idle -and vicious; while their release would excite uneasiness -in the minds of the unemancipated. The objection is also -equally strong against <em>prospective</em> emancipation, according -to which the slaves would all be set free at once; but not -until some time after the passage of the act. Experience -and human nature both teach us, that slaves under such -circumstances are more apt to be overworked, than to be -better prepared for the enjoyment of freedom. The objection -is, therefore, good for <em>perpetual</em> slavery, or good for -nothing. It is good for nothing. Immediate emancipation -would indeed deliver the slave and his family at once from -the hands of an irresponsible master, and empower him to -go where he pleases and do what he pleases, so long as he -breaks none of the laws which restrain other men. And -why not? He could not otherwise rejoin his wife and -children, whom the slave trade has torn from him, nor -secure fair wages, nor be safe from oppression. But this -is <ins class="corr" id="tn-26" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'not lettting him'"> -not letting him</ins> loose <em>to do evil</em>. <span class="smcap">The laws of slavery -let the masters loose upon the slaves</span>, <em>instead of the -abolition of slavery letting the slaves loose upon the masters</em>. -Were there a law authorizing the inhabitants of Meriden -to seize the inhabitants of Berlin, to confine them to jail -limits, and work them without wages, to separate husbands -and wives, parents and children, and even to kill -them by that very indefinite thing, called “moderate correction;” -this law would let the inhabitants of Meriden -loose upon the inhabitants of Berlin; for it would protect -the former in the grossest outrages upon the latter. But -the repeal of this law would not let the inhabitants of Berlin -loose upon us. Extending them protection would not -be letting them loose upon us. Had we the power of -repealing the law; or if not, possessing the power of <em>not -enforcing</em> it, we should find our security in doing so. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -very way to make them respect <em>our</em> rights, would be to respect -<em>theirs</em>. Immediate emancipation places the slaves -under the <em>control</em> as well as protection of the laws of the -State against idleness, vagrancy, theft, murder, and all -other aggressions on the rights of men.</p> - -<p>We are told that the <em>Slaves are not fit to be free</em>; and -therefore our scheme of immediate emancipation, if adopted, -would prove a curse to them and the country. Nothing -is more false. The Slaves are <em>men</em>; and therefore they -are more fit for freedom than for slavery; more fit to be -treated as persons than as things; to be governed by appeals -to the reason and conscience than by brute force. -God made man to be free and adapted him to that condition. -A state of Slavery is unnatural to him. Nor can his nature -so change, that he shall be more fit to be treated as a brute, -than as a free moral agent. Slaves have often been set at -liberty, and have <em>always</em> proved their capacity for freedom, -by their industry, frugality and ready obedience to the laws.</p> - -<p>And why, we would ask, should they be thought unfit to -be put under the control and protection of the same laws, -which govern freemen? Do their vices or their ignorance, -disqualify them? While Slavery lasts, they will remain -equally degraded.</p> - -<p>Are they <em>Sabbath breakers</em>? Slavery has taught them -to desecrate the day of rest, by making it to them almost the -only day of recreation, the only day for visiting, for trading -and for tilling their gardens. Are they <em>thieves</em>? They -consider stealing from their masters to be only making <em>reprisals</em> -for the robbery of their just wages; while many of -them are strongly tempted to steal by the desire of more or -better food. Are they <em>liars</em>? They will continue such, -while they are slaves. They will pretend sickness, to -avoid labor; they will say they do not wish to be free, lest -their masters should sell them into distant banishment; they -will lie to conceal the unavoidable delinquences, <ins class="corr" id="tn-27" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'for while slaves'"> -for which slaves</ins> are daily upbraided and beaten. Are they <em>idle</em>? As -slaves they have no hope of reward to stimulate their exertions. -They will work much better, as one facetiously -expresses it, for Mr. <span class="smcap">Cash</span> than for Mr. <span class="smcap">Lash</span>. Let their -wives and children be dependent on their industry for support, -a far more noble and efficient motive than the fear of -violence, to call forth the energies of man. Are they <em>improvident</em>? -They cannot learn to save property, until they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -are allowed to hold it in their own right. Make them free, -and then that faculty of their nature, which the phrenologists -call “acquisitiveness” will prompt them to save their -earnings. Are they <em>licentious</em>? Then give them their -liberty, that the husband and father may be the legal -protector of his wife and daughters. Are they <em>revengeful</em>? -Redress their wrongs, and they will forgive their oppressors. -Are they <em>heathen</em>? Take your foot from their necks, -before you disgrace christianity, by attempting to convert -them. Are they <em>ignorant of letters</em>? So are a majority of -the freemen of the world; nor is it to be expected that -slave-holders will teach their slaves to read and write, until -they repent of Slavery itself. The vices of the Slaves are -inseparable from their condition. If they are not now fit -for freedom, Slavery, which unfitted them, will perpetuate -their unfitness. Nor is their degradation of mind and morals -a disqualification for freedom. You may find its counterpart -in the characters of a large class of citizens in every -country.</p> - -<p>While Slavery continues, what is the prospect of their -becoming <em>better</em> fitted for freedom? Where are the men -and the means? Who will teach them? Who will support -the teachers? The south cannot supply her <em>free</em> population -with instruction. Even with the aid of the north, -she is very destitute of the means of religion. Nor would -she be willing to adopt a general system of education for the -improvement of the Slaves. Instead of giving her money -to fit them for freedom, she would hunt from society -any persons, who should seriously propose the measure. -They know little of the spirit of Slavery, who imagine, that -the south was disposed to prepare her Slaves for freedom, -until the abolitionists roused her to resistance. Had she -really wished to free her Slaves, she would have welcomed -us as coadjutors, at least she would not have abandoned -her own plan, because ours was offensive to her. She never -intended to fit her Slaves for freedom. She does not intend -it now. Her laws, in most of the States, are against -it. The mass of her Slaves will, no doubt, be as unfit for -freedom fifty years hence, if Slavery should continue so -long, as they are to day. The British abolitionists were -once deceived by this syren song of preparation, but now -in allusion to the words of Paul; “the <em>glorious</em> gospel of the -blessed God;” they exclaim, <span class="allsmcap">THE GLORIOUS DOCTRINE OF<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION</span>! They found it the <span class="smcap">power of -God</span>, to awaken the slumbering conscience of the nation; -and the <span class="smcap">wisdom of God</span> as a measure of relief to their -Slaves. We shall find it so.</p> - -<p>Our opponents also object to <em>emancipation upon the soil</em>. -Not all, but some of them, are in favor of Colonization as -a remedy for Slavery, and others execrate us for our opposition -to it as a scheme for benefiting Africa. We are -especially averse to the former class. When men say, -that the Slaves ought not to be freed, until they can be colonized, -we <em>ought to make resistance</em>, for the following reasons:</p> - -<p>1. We ought to <em>resist every wicked prejudice</em>; and they -who object to emancipation on the soil, do so, in obedience -to such a prejudice. They say the colored people can -never rise in this country. They maintain that our aversion -to the race is instinctive and natural; though we find no -one averse to associating with them as <em>slaves</em>. The two -races are certainly on very <em>intimate</em> terms at the South. -It is only when they come as <em>freemen</em> between the wind -and our nobility, that they taint the air. We, therefore, -say, this prejudice is unnatural and sinful; and instead of -fostering it, we ought to rebuke, and check it in ourselves -and others. Some of us recollect the time, when as Colonizationists -we wished to get rid of the colored people, and -were indignant at them for being unwilling to leave the -country. May we not repent of such a feeling and condemn -in it others, without being hunted from society?</p> - -<p>2. <em>By retaining the emancipated slaves on the soil, we can -at less expense of men and means educate and christianize -them.</em> Were we to send them beyond the Mississippi or to -Africa, it would take ten times the number of Missionaries -and Teachers, that we are now supporting among the -heathen, to save them from sinking into barbarism. But -if they should be retained as free laborers in the service of -their present masters, those masters would provide for their -instruction, and without diverting means from other objects, -the delightful spectacle would soon be witnessed of Schools -and Churches springing up among them, through the voluntary -efforts of the ministers and christians of the South.</p> - -<p>3. <em>The labor of the Slaves is wanted on the plantations at -the South.</em> To withdraw such an amount of labor would -bankrupt the entire country. Nor could their places be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -supplied, except by the worst population of the old world; -by men, whose religion, whose morals, whose politics are -all, in the highest degree, hostile to our national interests. -The emancipated Slaves, on the contrary, would be prejudiced -in favor of the protestant faith, and prove the -staunchest friends of our free institutions.</p> - -<p>4. The <em>South will not consent to the colonization of the -Slaves</em>. She is willing we should contribute to carry off -the free people of color, “the nuisances,” “the disturbing -force,” as she terms them; and also those Slaves, whom -the more conscientious of her citizens, who dare not die -Slave-holders, may emancipate for the purpose. But she -is unwilling we should go a step further. She does not believe -we can get the means of doing more. We think, if a -place were provided in Africa, and we had the means necessary -to transport every Slave there, and were to go and -tell the south, about the sinfulness of holding Slaves, when -they <em>can</em> be colonized, and call upon her in <em>good earnest</em>, to -give them up, she would denounce us as fanatics, and pass -no more resolutions in favor of colonization. She is now -at peace with it, because she does not fear it, and hopes to -find it of use in repelling the abolitionists, in <em>letting off</em>, as -by a safety valve, the pious feeling of her own citizens, -and in expelling the free people of color.</p> - -<p>5. The Slaves <em>are unwilling to leave the country</em>; and -will never consent to do it, but on such a dread alternative -as no christian people should impose. <em>First</em> give them -their liberty, put them under the protection of impartial -law, and treat them with kindness, and then if they <em>ask</em> our -aid to remove their families to Africa, their determination -to leave this country will evidently be spontaneous.</p> - -<p>6. <em>It is better for them to remain in the employment of -southern capitalists, who are able to pay them wages for their -labor than to go out into the wilderness as paupers, where -there is no capital, and the very necessaries of life, are to be -created.</em></p> - -<p>7. <em>They cannot be colonized without an appalling expense -of money, life and comfort.</em></p> - -<p>8. To colonize the Slaves of this country <em>on account of -their color, would be in the highest degree dishonorable to -christianity</em>. Were Christ on earth, he would associate -with the despised colored man in preference to many who -think themselves <ins class="corr" id="tn-30" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'the best soeiety'"> -the best society</ins>. Can we act, as he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -would not and yet exemplify his religion? What, too, would -be the effect on the minds of the heathen, nearly all of whom -are <em>colored</em> men, were they to learn, that that nation, which -makes the loudest professions of attachment to christianity, -had banished more than two millions of her citizens to a -land of pagan darkness, being offended at the <em>color of their -skin</em>?</p> - -<p>9. To <em>send all the slaves to Africa would be fatal to the -natives of that Continent</em>. Said Mr. Pinney, agent of the -Colonization Society, and once Gov. of Liberia, ‘the colony -must be kept pure, or it will either enslave or exterminate -the African tribes.’ Send 2,500,000 of people to Africa, -four-fifths of whom are in heathenish darkness, and -all of whom have been taught, by the example of their masters, -that slavery is morally right, and labor disgraceful, -would they hesitate to buy Slaves of the native Princes, or -to reduce their captives to a state of servitude? It is said, -there is as strong a line of demarkation between the colonists, -and the heathen, though of the same color, as there -is between the white and colored people in this country. -But if they should not become slave-holders, would they not -gradually exterminate the native tribes for the sake of revenging -injuries, and possessing themselves of their lands? -Said Mr. Pinney, the colony must be kept pure, or such a -result is inevitable; and it cannot be kept pure, unless it is -conducted on a very small scale. We doubt whether a -commercial and military colony can be so far controlled -by <em>moral principle</em>, as to avoid these results. For if the -emigrants were all pious persons, and few in number, their -posterity might become both vicious and powerful. We -are not, therefore, without our objections to African colonization, -even if it should be distinctly abandoned as a -remedy for slavery, and conducted with caution, and -on a small scale. We know not to what it may grow. -We like better, the good, old, apostolic plan of sending <em>missionaries</em> -to the heathen—men, who have no commercial -and selfish interests to subserve, and who bear no hostile -weapons. There is danger that a colony, however carefully -guarded, will <em>misrepresent christianity</em> and fatally -prejudice the native mind against it. The fact, that not a -native has yet been converted to christianity, in connection -with the colony of Liberia, justifies the inquiry, whether the -<em>scheme</em> is a good one for Africa. The transportation of all -our Slaves would confessedly form a colony too large and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -corrupt for the safety of the native tribes; and we tremble -for the result of the present <em>experiment</em>.</p> - -<p>In this argument we have not denied the practicability of -colonizing two millions and a half of people, at an expense -of $125,000,000. We think it enough to show the thing -ought not to be done.</p> - - -<h2 class="nobreak">CONCLUSION.</h2> - -<p>With this view of our sentiments, of their practical value, -and of the propriety and wisdom of our measures, we leave -you to judge whether abolitionists deserve to be out-lawed in -their own country; to be loaded with abuse and contumely; -to be denied a right, conceded to all other decent men, of -advocating their cause in our public halls and churches; -and to be left, unprotected, to the violence of ill-minded -men? We beg you also to consider, how terrific would be -the prospects of our country, were we in obedience to popular -clamor, to disband our societies, and retire from the -field. Who would ever again venture to raise his voice in -behalf of the down-trodden slave? Should any one have -the temerity to do it, how soon would he be overwhelmed -by the violence of the pro-slavery party, encouraged by -past success, and maddened by the remembrance of the -formidable array of talent, wealth, and piety, which they -once encountered. We verily believe, that the peaceable -abolition of Slavery depends, under God, on our perseverance. -Moral means must continue to be used by us until -they issue in success, or slavery will terminate in a bloody -revolution. We anticipate such an event, as a possibility, -with painful emotions; and feel disposed to look, in the use -of all lawful means, to that God, who has promised to do -for us, exceeding abundantly above all that we can ask or -think, that so dire a catastrophe may be averted. We -earnestly solicit your co-operation.</p> - -<p>We might have said much more to correct misapprehensions, -refute calumnies, and fortify our positions; but our -limits forbid it. We may have said some things, which you -will disapprove; for we have ingenuously confessed our -most obnoxious sentiments; but if you will give us credit -for sincerity and weigh our arguments, we shall expect to -stand better in your opinion, than our calumniators would -have us.</p> - -<p class="pad30pc">With much respect,</p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td class="tdl" rowspan="3">In behalf of the Meriden<br />Anti-Slavery Society,</td> -<td class="tdl">}</td> -<td class="tdl">PHILO PRATT,</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">}</td> -<td class="tdl">WALTER WEBB,</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">}</td> -<td class="tdl">ISAAC I. TIBBALS.</td> -</tr> -</table> - - - -<div class="footnotes"><h2>FOOTNOTE:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> As our enterprise is not sectarian but national and catholic, it -is the highest pitch of arrogance for any sect to denounce this -measure as a violation of ecclesiastical order. Religious freedom -demands that all such claims should be at once and steadfastly -resisted.</p> - -</div> -</div> - - -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<div class="p4 transnote"> -<a id="TN"></a> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, -when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p> - -<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, -and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p> - -<p> -<a href="#tn-9">Pg 9</a>: ‘fraud and villany’ replaced by ‘fraud and villainy’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-11">Pg 11</a>: ‘the emancipatton of’ replaced by ‘the emancipation of’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-11a">Pg 11</a>: ‘they abvocate this’ replaced by ‘they advocate this’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-17">Pg 17</a>: ‘until onr objects’ replaced by ‘until our objects’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-17a">Pg 17</a>: ‘is his <em>chnrch</em>’ replaced by ‘is his <em>church</em>’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-18">Pg 18</a>: ‘<em>intinerant</em> lecturers’ replaced by ‘<em>itinerant</em> lecturers’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-21">Pg 21</a>: ‘Their is also’ replaced by ‘There is also’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-22">Pg 22</a>: ‘and enterprize; the’ replaced by ‘and enterprise; the’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-25">Pg 25</a>: ‘the constistutional’ replaced by ‘the constitutional’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-26">Pg 26</a>: ‘not lettting him’ replaced by ‘not letting him’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-27">Pg 27</a>: ‘for while slaves’ replaced by ‘for which slaves’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-30">Pg 30</a>: ‘the best soeiety’ replaced by ‘the best society’.<br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN APOLOGY FOR ABOLITIONISTS: ADDRESSED BY THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF MERIDEN, CONN., TO THEIR FELLOW CITIZENS ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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