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-Child
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Anti-slavery catechism
-
-Author: Lydia Maria Child
-
-Release Date: November 18, 2022 [eBook #69376]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
- at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
- generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***
-
-
-
-
-
- TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
-
- Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
-
- Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
-
-
-
-
- ANTI-SLAVERY
-
- CATECHISM.
-
-
- BY MRS. CHILD,
-
- _Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called
- Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic
- Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’
- ‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &c._
-
-
- “On the nation’s naked heart
- Scatter the living coals of Truth.”
-
-
- Second Edition.
-
-
- NEWBURYPORT:
- PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.
- 1839.
-
-
-
-
- Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,
- By CHARLES WHIPPLE,
- In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
-
-
-
-
-ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.
-
-
-_Question._ Why do you consider it a duty to preach and publish
-abolition doctrines?
-
-_Answer._ First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for the system
-of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its details, is in direct
-opposition to the precepts of the gospel. Secondly, I consider it
-my duty as a conscientious citizen of this republic; for I believe
-slavery is prejudicial to the best interests of my country; and I
-dare not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we persevere
-in our iniquity.
-
-_Q._ But the abolitionists are accused of showing the worst side of
-slavery. Is it not true that they seek to give an exaggerated idea of
-its evils?
-
-_A._ I believe every man, who candidly examines the subject, will
-come to the conclusion, that every side appears to be the worst side.
-Allow me to give a brief statement of the case. Between two and
-three millions of people are compelled to labor without wages. They
-gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would by working
-one hour. It is not in human nature that they should be disposed to
-be industrious under these circumstances. They try to do as little
-as possible. The chief part of the labor that is got out of their
-bones and sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn a
-week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave. The planters
-generally estimate that a slave can be fed and clothed at an expense
-of from fifteen to twenty dollars a year. The following is the
-printed testimony of Thomas Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder,
-though reputed to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn
-per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain health
-and strength under moderate labor. But there is _often_ a defect
-in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient. The present
-economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave,
-and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working
-condition. Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his
-comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave, seeing his
-master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, naturally adopts the
-same selfish course, and, when not restrained by higher principles,
-becomes deceitful and selfish.”
-
-_Q._ If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really thinks slavery so
-bad in its effects, why does he not emancipate his own slaves?
-
-_A._ If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an answer very
-common among planters. He would tell you that he could not do it
-because the laws of the State in which he lives impose such heavy
-penalties, that the process of emancipation is extremely difficult
-and expensive.
-
-_Q._ Who makes the laws of the Southern States?
-
-_A._ The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man say that he
-would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the _laws_ would allow it,
-it makes me think of an anecdote I have often heard. A little girl
-had been ordered to perform some household work in the absence of
-her mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her orders had
-not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why have you not done as I bid
-you?” The little girl replied, “I should have been glad to do it,
-mother; but I could not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied
-you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the reply. Now this
-is plainly the case with the slave-holders. They make oppressive
-laws, and persist in upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do
-my duty, if I could; but the _laws_ will not permit it.”
-
-_Q._ Do the slaves have to work all the time?
-
-_A._ In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall not be
-compelled to work _more_ than _fourteen_ hours a day, from September
-to March, nor more than _fifteen_ hours a day, from March to
-September; and it is reasonable to conclude that there would have
-been no necessity for making such a law, unless some masters _did_
-compel their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts, who
-are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work more than ten hours
-a day, and are better fed than the slaves. It is an extraordinary
-thing for a slave to be sent to the state prison for an offence.
-Instead of punishment, it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.
-
-_Q._ But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work for
-themselves.
-
-_A._ When they happen to have kind masters, they are sometimes
-allowed a part of the time to earn something for themselves; but the
-laws are extremely inefficient for the protection of property thus
-acquired. If a white man sees fit to seize the products of their
-industry, the law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave
-States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence against a
-white man, under any circumstances. Any note of hand, or written
-contract with a slave is worth no more than a promissory note to a
-dog; because no slave can bring an action at law. In several of the
-States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained that he
-has acquired any property.
-
-_Q._ I have been told that masters are allowed to kill their slaves.
-Can this be true?
-
-_A._ The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing of a slave
-as murder; but no instance has ever been recorded of a white man
-executed for killing a slave. One law on this subject has the
-following strange qualification: “Except said slave die of _moderate_
-punishment.” As if any punishment, that occasioned death, _could_
-be moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either bond or free,
-should see a slave murdered, it avails nothing against the murderer;
-because the laws of slave States do not allow a colored person, under
-any circumstances, to testify against a white man. The laws of South
-Carolina favor the master to such a degree, that when accused of
-murdering a slave, he may be absolved simply upon _his own oath_,
-that he did not commit the crime!
-
-_Q._ But I am told that white men are not unfrequently prosecuted for
-cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the laws afforded the poor
-creatures some protection.
-
-_A._ I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern Courts;
-and those reports did more than any thing else to make me an
-abolitionist. Prosecutions are always brought for the master’s
-interest—never for the protection or redress of the slave. In
-Martin’s Louisiana Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan
-_vs._ Patten. In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor
-for the damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves.
-The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should pay the lady
-the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration of which, the
-slave should be placed in _his_ possession. The lady received all
-the money, as an indemnification for the loss of property; but the
-poor slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings, but
-was actually given to the very man that had knocked his eye out!
-This is a fair sample of the nature of all such prosecutions. In
-Nott & McCord’s South Carolina Reports, 1818, it is stated that a
-slave belonging to Mrs. E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two
-men who were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced an action
-to recover the value of her slave. The judge told the jury that
-circumstances _might_ exist to authorize the killing of a negro,
-_without the sanction of a magistrate, or even the order of a militia
-officer_; but it was thought such circumstances were not connected
-with _this_ case; the lady was therefore entitled to compensation
-for injury done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his
-parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once thought of
-in the matter.
-
-_Q._ But do you really believe they hunt negroes with dogs and guns,
-as some people say?
-
-_A._ There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact. Dogs are
-trained for that express purpose. The planters justify the practice,
-by saying it is absolutely necessary for their own safety; because
-runaway negroes, who collect in the woods and swamps, will soon begin
-to commit depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the evils
-inevitably growing out of this bad system are made use of to justify
-its cruelties. Free laborers would have no inducement to run away
-and hide in swamps. It would obviously be for their own interest to
-keep at work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with all the
-keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt squirrels or hares. A
-letter written near Edenton, N.C. among other items of news, states:
-“We have had great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known in
-the literary world resided for some time in the family of a Georgia
-planter; and he himself stated to me that three negro hunts took
-place during the first nine months of his stay there. He said, that
-one night hearing a noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the
-cause. “The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading their
-guns, trying their flints, and going through the usual preparations,
-apparently for a deer hunt, as buck shot and bullets were in demand.
-The children of the family had partaken of the general excitement,
-and arisen from their beds. As I entered the room, I could hear one
-of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t kill Ralph, would you?’
-‘I would take him, and sell him, and get money for him,’ said the
-next of age. ‘You will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’
-said the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat buck in
-the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed down the heavy charge.
-The moonlight from the window glanced along the barrel of the piece,
-and caught the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled
-up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but in vivid
-sympathy with the paternal look and attitude. The anticipated joy of
-vengeance seemed to be the predominating emotion.”
-
-_Q._ If the laws are as you say, I should think the slaves did not
-stand a fair chance when they are _wrongfully_ accused.
-
-_A._ If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the Slave Laws, you
-will be convinced for yourself that what I say is true; and the
-effect is as you suppose. The poor slaves are completely in the power
-of their masters. The same men who accuse them are often their judges
-and executioners. In illustration of this, I will tell you a case
-that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina. It was told by a woman who
-lived there at the time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many
-of the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical trades. The
-planters in the back country were very desirous to purchase some of
-them; but their masters found it so profitable to let them out, that
-they would not consent to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy,
-hit upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose: They wrote
-anonymous letters, charging these intelligent slaves with having
-projected an insurrection. These letters were scattered about in
-Edenton, with the idea that the masters would be glad to sell such
-dangerous fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves were
-tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened owners; and a
-large number of them were put to death, upon no other evidence than
-anonymous letters.
-
-_Q._ It does not seem as if such things could take place in a
-civilized country. Can you believe it?
-
-_A._ If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe you will
-think it perfectly natural that such abuses should exist, wherever
-one human being has arbitrary power over another. You would not like
-to place yourself completely in the power even of the best man you
-know; you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his will how
-much work you should do in a day, what food you should eat, and what
-clothes you should wear, and how and when you should be punished.
-It is not considered entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish
-all his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his own
-children; what then do you suppose the poor slave has to expect, when
-he becomes too old and infirm to be profitable to his master?
-
-_Q._ But the Southerners are said to be very honorable, generous men.
-
-_A._ Our Southern brethren are just what any human beings would be
-under similar circumstances. They are generous with the proceeds of
-other men’s labor, for the same reason that the heir is prodigal of
-money, which another accumulates for him. He who can let out his
-neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive all
-their wages, will naturally be more profuse than a man who depends
-entirely on his own exertions. Planters have heretofore generally
-confessed that slavery is an evil, and many of them speak of its
-detailed abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely the
-necessary and inevitable results of the system they are helping to
-support; and they never can cure the abuses until they are willing to
-renounce the system itself. I suppose that few planters would think
-of palliating the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet they
-are all helping to support a system under which such cruelties can
-be committed with impunity. Perhaps very humane and amiable masters
-do even more mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are
-always quoted as palliations of the whole system; and they approach
-so _near_ to the right line, that they can more easily draw over
-kind-hearted people, who have not thought much upon the subject.
-
-_Q._ What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?
-
-_A._ She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April, 1834, her
-splendid mansion took fire. During the midst of the conflagration,
-a rumor arose among the crowd that there were slaves chained in the
-burning dwelling; but those who asked for the keys were reproved for
-interfering with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors were
-forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had collected around the
-spot; and a New Orleans paper thus describes the horrible scene that
-presented itself: “Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were
-seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by the neck to
-the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and torn from one extremity
-to the other. Their bodies, from head to foot, were covered with
-scars and sores, and filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of
-sixty years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast to the
-floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the appearance of having
-been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually seen
-making a feast of his brains.”
-
-_Q._ Every body must have thought her a very wicked woman. Did the
-slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend to justify her measures?
-
-_A._ I have no doubt that every humane person, that heard of the
-event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt it. For several months
-previous to the discovery, her neighbors had been in the habit of
-living in apartments as far as possible from her house, on purpose to
-avoid the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet during
-all that time no complaint was laid before the public authorities,
-and no investigation demanded! I suppose neighbors were afraid to say
-any thing, lest they should be accused of promoting discontent among
-the negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings in the situation
-of beasts, are more afraid of them than they would be of beasts;
-because the human being has _reason_, which is always prone to offer
-resistance to tyranny. The consciousness of this makes slave-holders
-very irritable when any one in the community takes part with an
-abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for his sufferings.
-
-_Q._ Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves well?
-
-_A._ So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses and
-cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently make them forget
-their interests. Passive obedience is obtained from human beings with
-more difficulty than from animals; and when the master _is_ provoked,
-the poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the shadow
-of protection from the law. The law in no case recognises slaves as
-human beings; on the contrary, it expressly declares they “shall
-be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be _chattels personal_, in
-the hands of their owners and possessors, their administrators and
-assigns, to all intents, constructions, and _purposes whatever_.” An
-act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates specific
-articles, such as “slaves, working beasts, animals,” &c. Where even
-the _laws_ consider human beings as animals, it is not a matter of
-surprise that they are generally treated no better than self-interest
-leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive that when
-the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any way unfit for labor,
-it is _not_ for the interest of his master to prolong his existence
-by rendering it comfortable. Then again that part of the system
-connected with _overseers_, shows plainly that the self-interest of
-the master cannot effectually secure good treatment to the slave.
-If planters were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard
-to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are proverbially
-unprincipled men) would have no motive for consulting the interest of
-their employers—it would be a matter of indifference to them whether
-much or little work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is
-customary to give the overseer a certain _proportion_ of the profits
-of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling desire to get the
-greatest possible amount of work done. He does not care how much the
-soil is exhausted, nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a
-slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe the
-story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s labor. If the poor
-creature droops under his allotted task, he must be stimulated by the
-whip, because the overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If
-the “slave dies under _moderate_ punishment,” the master must furnish
-a new laborer; and the loss falls on _him_, not on the overseer.
-It is obviously natural for the latter personage to think more of
-his own gains than of his employer’s losses. Every body knows that
-men are prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their own;
-because they do not meet with any personal loss from injury done to
-the beast, and their object is to get their money’s worth of riding.
-Is it not a fearful thing for one human being to be placed towards
-another in the same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man
-who hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of cruelty,
-too well authenticated to be denied, they are prone to lay the blame
-upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of Virginia, speaks of this class of men
-as “the lowest of the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who
-employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence,
-and love of dominion.” If we had no such information concerning the
-character of these men, we should naturally conclude that good people
-would be averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers and
-drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because slaves
-are entirely deprived of the motives which induce free laborers
-to work; and since overseers must be employed, it is necessary to
-make it for their interest to get as much work out of the slave as
-possible. The evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts
-of the system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not, they
-cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing the system. The
-master and his subordinate agents _must_ have discretionary power to
-punish, because their poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary
-motives to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave _must_ not be
-allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts; because
-the oppressed being would naturally avail himself of this privilege,
-and sell some of the cotton or tobacco, which he cultivates for
-his master without wages. The laws _must_ punish them with great
-severity; because the very nature of their condition is a constant
-temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder. They _must_ be kept
-brutally ignorant; because if they were otherwise, they could not be
-kept in slavery. Licentiousness _must_ be countenanced among them;
-because their master’s interest is connected with their increase,
-and he might lose many good bargains if the laws did not allow him
-to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband from his wife. The law
-_must_ suppose a negro to be a slave, till he proves himself free;
-because runaway slaves would of course pretend that they were free.
-They _must_ not be allowed to witness against a white man; for a
-slave may have had a wife or a child whipped to death by a white
-man—and he may have many other good reasons for strong prejudice
-against white men. An unnatural system _must_ be sustained by
-unnatural means. Hence we find the same characteristic features in
-every country where negro slavery has been allowed.
-
-_Q._ Some people think slavery as great a sin as the slave trade. Are
-you of that opinion?
-
-_A._ There seems to me just the same difference as there is between
-the thief and the man who pays him for stealing. What would you say
-of a man who buys a horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following
-circumstance, which took place a short time before our Revolution,
-furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A Philadelphia negro was
-accused of having stolen goods in his possession. He acknowledged
-the fact, saying, “Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom
-dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den, Massa? dey be only
-a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny corkscrew; one cost sixpence,
-and tudder a shilling; an me _pay Tom honestly for dem_, Massa.”
-“Pretty story, truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen,
-and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them. Don’t you
-know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as the thief? You must be
-severely whipped, you black rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black
-rascal be whipt for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be
-whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To be sure,” replied
-the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey, “here be Tom’s Massa—hold him
-fast, constable! He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de
-piccaninny corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen from his old
-fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew had neder.”
-
-I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion that the
-slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader. So long as a
-profitable market is kept open, the article will be supplied, despite
-of difficulties and dangers. The only way to stop the trade, is to
-shut up the market; and this can be done only by the entire abolition
-of the system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody will be
-tempted to steal a man. Slavery never exists without having more or
-less of the slave-trade involved _in_ it. There is in the very heart
-of our land a slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by
-our laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign slave
-trade. The new slave States at the extreme South have not slaves
-enough, and the climate, together with the hard labor of the sugar
-plantations, kills them very fast. The old slave States have a
-surplus of slaves, which they send off to supply these markets. About
-ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone. Niles, in
-his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing in slaves has become
-a _large_ business. Establishments are made at several places in
-Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These
-places are strongly built, and well supplied with _thumbscrews_,
-_gags_, _cow-skins_, _and other whips_, _often bloody_.” In these
-sales no regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married wife
-is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother with her little
-ones are sold in “_separate_ lots to suit purchasers.” A gentleman
-in Charleston, S. C., writes to his friend in New York: “Curiosity
-sometimes leads me to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw
-the father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and expressing
-an indignation in his countenance that he dares not speak; and the
-mother pressing her infants closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild
-and simple earnestness, ‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my
-children!’ But the hammer went on, reckless whether it united or
-sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a man apparently as white
-as myself exposed for sale.”
-
-_Q._ I have heard some people say that the negroes do not care so
-much about such separations as we should suppose.
-
-_A._ There is no doubt that their degraded situation tends to blunt
-the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect; and it is a
-fearful thing to think what Christians have to answer for, who thus
-brutalize immortal souls. But there are numerous instances to prove
-that the poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations
-when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra, in Marion county,
-Missouri, two boys were sold to a slave-trader, who did not intend
-to leave the place until morning. During the night, the mother was
-kept chained in an out-house, that she might not make any effort to
-prevent the departure of her children. She managed to get loose from
-her fetters, seized an axe, cut off the heads of her sleeping boys,
-and then ended her own life by the same instrument.
-
-The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave an account of a
-slave named Michael, who was sold by his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton,
-by whom he was to be immediately shipped for the Southern markets.
-At the mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived to
-escape. He immediately returned to the place where his wife resided,
-and having armed himself, declared he never would be sent to the
-South, unless his wife was allowed to accompany him. He was finally
-taken by stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding that
-his oppressors were determined to separate him from his beloved wife,
-he committed suicide. I believe the attachments of slaves are even
-stronger than ours; for these ties constitute the only pleasure they
-are allowed to have. Hundreds of instances might be told, where they
-have preferred death to separation.
-
-_Q._ I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free colored persons,
-to sell them as slaves. Is it so?
-
-_A._ It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to a
-considerable extent. More than twenty free colored children were
-kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia, in 1825; and in 1827
-two were stolen in open day. It is a common thing to decoy the
-unsuspecting victims on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and
-then seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says: “Beware
-of kidnappers! It is well understood that there is at present in
-this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation
-of stealing colored children for the Southern market.” As the law
-supposes every colored person to be a slave unless he can _prove_
-himself free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed to be
-evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy time of it.
-
-_Q._ Some people say we ought to pity the masters as well as the
-slaves.
-
-_A._ I agree with them entirely. The masters are to be deeply pitied;
-because the long continuance of a wicked system has involved them
-in difficulties, and at the same time rendered them generally blind
-to the best means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are
-likewise to be compassionated for the effects which early habits of
-power produce on their own characters. Mr. Jefferson, who lived in
-the midst of slavery, says: “The whole commerce between master and
-slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the
-most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission
-on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it. The
-parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath,
-puts on the same airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to
-the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised
-in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities.
-The man must be a prodigy, who can retain his morals and manners
-undepraved in such circumstances.” The general licentiousness
-produced by this system can never be described without using language
-too gross to be addressed to a civilized community. Some idea of it
-may be derived from the fact, that every female slave is completely
-in the power of her master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his
-drivers. The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white
-man, under any circumstances; and the state of public opinion is
-such that any pretensions to virtue on her part would be treated
-with brutal ridicule. The slave is not allowed to have any right in
-his wife and children. If his master’s interest can be served by his
-keeping three or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of
-husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner. The wife, or
-the husband, is sometimes sold, and sent thousands of miles from each
-other, and from their little ones, without the slightest hope of ever
-meeting again. Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is
-soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for the interest
-of the master that they should do so. It is a shameful fact that the
-laws and customs of our country make it absolutely impossible for a
-large portion of our population to be virtuous, even if they wish to
-be so. The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding
-of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to the system would
-be shocked by the detail of well authenticated facts, which prove
-that about as little regard is paid to decency in one case as the
-other. _Mulatto_ slaves bring a higher price than _black_ ones; hence
-licentiousness in slave States becomes a profitable vice, instead of
-being expensive, as it is under other forms of society.
-
-_Q_. I have been told that a great many of the slaves have very light
-complexions. Is it so?
-
-_A._ In the old slave States, where the process of amalgamation
-has been going on for a long time, this is remarkably the case. An
-old soldier, who lately visited the South, said he was not so much
-struck by any circumstance, as by the great change that had taken
-place in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution. Now and
-then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements for a runaway
-slave, “who passes himself for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who
-dislikes the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years
-ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter one day, they
-met a man driving a team, who had a perfectly fair complexion, with
-blue eyes and brown hair. The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an
-independent fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country,
-where it is considered so disgraceful for a white man to work.” “O,
-that fellow is a slave,” replied the Georgian. Almost every body
-has heard of the recent case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a
-perfectly white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and tried
-as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves that a white man may,
-without a _mistake_, be adjudged a slave. “A case of a slave sueing
-for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of
-which the following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of
-about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he
-was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as
-a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the
-jury, he was examined by the jury and two learned physicians, all
-of whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any, race of
-negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances.
-All the physiological marks of distinction, which characterize the
-African descent, had disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft,
-straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the
-hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head round and
-well formed, forehead high and prominent, ears large, the tibia of
-the leg straight, and feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of
-his claims, he was proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman,
-and that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and still
-were slaves: _consequently he was found to be a slave_.” I have been
-told of a young physician, who went into the far Southern States
-to settle, and there became in love with a very handsome and modest
-girl, who lived at service. He married her; and about a year after
-that event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced himself
-as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr. W*****, “Sir, I have a
-trifling affair of business to settle with you. You have married a
-slave of mine.” The young physician resented this language; for he
-had not entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any
-other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J. furnished
-proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well that the laws of the
-country would uphold him in it. After considerable discussion, the
-best bargain he could make was either to pay eight hundred dollars,
-or have his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first
-alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When he had gone,
-Dr. W. told his wife what had happened. The poor woman burst into
-tears and said, “That as Mr. J. _was her own father_, she had hoped
-that when he heard she had found an honorable protector, he would
-have left her in peace.”
-
-_Q._ There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system; but don’t
-you think it ought to be done away gradually? Ought not the slaves to
-be fitted for freedom, before they are emancipated?
-
-_A._ The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them for
-freedom while they remain slaves. The masters know very well that
-their vassals will be servile just in proportion as they are brutally
-ignorant; hence all their legislation tends to keep them so. It is a
-disgraceful fact, that in half of these United States the working men
-are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write. The law ordains
-that twenty lashes shall be inflicted upon every slave found in an
-assembly met together for the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any
-white person who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or sells
-him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two hundred dollars;
-and any colored person who commits the same _crime_, is punished with
-thirty-nine lashes, or with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones,
-of Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally speaking, the
-slaves appear to us to be without God and without hope in the world—a
-_nation of heathen in our very midst_. We cannot cry out against the
-Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people; for
-we withhold the Bible from _our_ servants, and keep them in ignorance
-of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston, S. C. says: “I
-hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod,
-there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same
-language as ourselves, who never _heard_ of the plan of salvation by
-a Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive laws is, that
-“teaching slaves to read and write tends to excite dissatisfaction in
-their minds,” and to produce insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is
-fined five hundred dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read
-or write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet even to
-his own child, he is liable to be fined or whipped, according to the
-discretion of the court. Such laws are necessary for the preservation
-of this detestable system; and while such laws exist, how can the
-slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British government
-insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the
-Colonies, the Jamaica legislature replied, that the practice could
-not possibly be laid aside, “_until_ the negro women acquired more of
-the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.” Fitting
-men for freedom by keeping them slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of
-making women modest by whipping them without clothing.
-
-_Q._ But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn the slaves at
-once loose upon the community?
-
-_A._ The abolitionists never desired to have them turned loose.
-They wish to have them governed by salutary laws, so regulated as
-effectually to protect both master and slave. They merely wish
-to have the power of punishment transferred from individuals to
-magistrates; to have the sale of human beings cease; and to have
-the stimulus of _wages_ applied, instead of the stimulus of the
-_whip_. The relation of master and laborer might still continue;
-but under circumstances less irksome and degrading to both parties.
-Even that much abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more
-expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole and keeping
-them before his nose, than he can by the continual application of the
-whip; and even when human beings are brutalized to the last degree,
-by the soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense
-enough left to be more willing to work two hours for twelve cents,
-than to work one hour for nothing.
-
-_Q._ I should think this system, in the long run, must be an
-unprofitable one.
-
-_A._ It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare that it takes
-six slaves to do what is easily performed by half the number of free
-laborers. Henry Clay says, “It is believed that slave-labor would no
-where be employed in the farming portions of the United States, if
-the proprietors were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of
-the Southern market, which keeps it up in their own;” and he says the
-effects of introducing slavery into Kentucky have been to keep them
-in the rear of their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture,
-manufactures, and general prosperity. General Washington, when
-writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative value of the soil
-in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes the very low price of land
-in Virginia to the existence of slavery among them. John Randolph
-declared that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that slaves
-would soon be advertising for runaway masters. A distinguished writer
-on political economy says: “The slave system inflicts an incalculable
-amount of human suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste
-of labor and capital.”
-
-_Q._ But the masters say the negroes would cut their throats, if they
-were emancipated.
-
-_A._ It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by the
-assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no intention to
-deceive, are very liable to be blinded by having been educated in
-the midst of a bad system. Listen to facts on this subject. On the
-10th of October, 1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child
-born after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government
-of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born after the 1st of
-January, 1813, should be free. In 1821, the Congress of Colombia
-emancipated all slaves who had borne arms in favor of the Republic,
-and provided for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole
-slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the government of
-Mexico granted immediate and entire emancipation to every slave. In
-all these instances, _not one case of insurrection or of bloodshed
-has ever been heard of, as the result of emancipation_.
-
-In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to fit the slaves
-for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated during a civil war, and
-armed against British invaders. They at once ceased to be property,
-and were recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided on
-the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political History of
-the Colonies, that, “after this public act of emancipation, the
-negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued
-to work upon all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The
-whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the
-negroes continued to work for them.” General Lacroix, in his Memoirs
-of St. Domingo, speaking of the same period, says: “The colony
-marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor; cultivation
-prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress.”
-This prosperous state of things lasted about eight years, and would
-perhaps have continued to the present day, had not Bonaparte, at the
-instigation of the old French planters, sent an army to deprive the
-blacks of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of abolition
-are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo, as an argument to
-prove that emancipation is dangerous; but historical facts prove
-that the effort to _restore slavery_ occasioned all the bloodshed in
-that island; while _emancipation produced only the most peaceful and
-prosperous results_.
-
-In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican general, retook
-Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately proclaimed freedom to
-all the slaves. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only
-13,000. _No disasters occurred in consequence of this step._ More
-than seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe, in
-an official document, alluding to the tranquillity which reigned
-throughout the island, observed: “We shall have the satisfaction of
-having given an example, which will prove that _all classes of people
-may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration
-which secures justice to all classes_.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent a
-powerful French force, and again reduced the island to slavery, at
-the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.
-
-In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape Colony were
-emancipated from their long and cruel bondage, and admitted by law to
-all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. Outrages were
-predicted, as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures
-so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots; but all went on
-peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously remarked, “Hottentots as
-they were, they worked much better for Mr. _Cash_, than they had ever
-done for Mr. _Lash_.”
-
-_Q._ But they say the British have had difficulties in their West
-Indies.
-
-_A._ The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to get up a
-“raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even if you take their own
-accounts, you will find that they have not been able to adduce any
-instances of violence in support of their assertions. The real
-facts are these: The measure was not carried in a manner entirely
-satisfactory to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge of human
-nature, combined with the practical evidence afforded by history,
-led them to conclude that immediate and unqualified emancipation
-was _safest_ for the master, as well as just to the slave; but
-the planters raised such a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and
-insurrection, that the British government determined to conciliate
-them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained that the
-slaves should work six years longer without wages, under the name
-of _apprentices_; but no punishment could be inflicted without the
-special order of magistrates. The colonies had a right to dispense
-with the apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the
-seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda were the only
-ones that chose to do so. The act of Parliament provided that each
-apprentice should work for his master _forty and a half_ hours a
-week, and have the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not
-satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty vexations,
-to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts to work _fifty_
-hours in a week. While the people had been slaves, they were always
-allowed _cooks_ to prepare their meals, a person to bring _water_
-to the gang during the hot hours, and _nurses_ to tend the little
-children while their mothers were at work in the field; but because
-the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that these privileges
-should be continued, the masters saw fit to take them away. Each
-apprentice was obliged to quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a
-great distance, to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having
-it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this operation
-was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own time. No water was
-allowed to be brought to quench their thirst; the aged and infirm,
-instead of being left, as formerly, to superintend the children under
-the shade, were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers
-were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped at their
-backs. In addition to all these annoyances, the planters obtained a
-new proclamation from the governor, by which they were authorized
-to require extra labor of the apprentices in times of emergency,
-or _whenever they should deem it necessary_, in the cultivation,
-gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they repaid them an
-equal time at _a convenient season of the year_. This was very much
-like taking from a New England laborer the month of July, and paying
-it back to him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely well
-when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally showed a
-disposition to be orderly, submissive, and thankful; but this system
-of privation and injustice soon created discontent. They knew that
-they were to receive no wages, however industrious they might be;
-and they were well aware that their masters no longer had a right
-to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had been removed, without
-supplying a good one in its place. In three of the colonies, the
-apprentices refused to work on the terms required by their masters.
-In Jamaica, a very small military force was sent into one parish, and
-only on one occasion; but no violence was offered on either side; for
-the apprentices confined themselves to _passive resistance_—merely
-refusing to work on the required terms. In St. Christophers,
-difficulties of a similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind
-was committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an end; and
-out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty were found to be
-absent from their work; and some of these were supposed to be dead
-in the woods. In Demarara, the principal difficulty occurred. The
-laborers assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff; but
-the _worst_ thing they did was to beat a constable with their fists.
-_It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with a constable are the
-only violence to persons or property, that has been attempted by the
-eight hundred thousand slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!_
-
-Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they were, and
-unworthy to be named in connexion with such a great moral change)
-were but temporary. The governor of Jamaica, after five months’
-trial of emancipation, declares, in his address to the Assembly,
-“Not the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists
-in any quarter; and those preparations which I have felt it my duty
-to make, might, without the slightest danger, have been dispensed
-with.” By recent news, we learn that the planters finding the system
-of coercion was likely to be ruinous to their own interest, offered
-the apprentices 2_s._ 6_d._ per day for extra work. The enemies of
-abolition prophesied that nothing would induce the negroes to work
-more than they were actually compelled to by law, and that the crops
-would perish for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise.
-As soon as _wages_ were offered, they came forward eagerly, and
-offered to do more work than the planters were willing to pay for. We
-have the testimony of one of their magistrates, that as soon as this
-system was tried, “their apparent indifference was every where thrown
-off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering, and diligent
-manner.”
-
-_Q._ And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where they gave up
-the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate and unqualified
-emancipation?
-
-_A._ In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any kind, has
-occurred. The Antigua journals declare, “The great doubt is solved;
-the highest hopes of the negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole
-people, comprising thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery
-into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, but with
-the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.” The Christmas
-holidays were always seasons of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a
-military force was always held in readiness; but the Christmas after
-emancipation, the customary guard was dispensed with. Up to the
-present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil in Antigua; and
-a negro is at the head of the police in that island. The population
-consists of 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.
-
-_Q._ Yet people are always saying that free negroes cannot take care
-of themselves.
-
-_A._ It is because people are either very much prejudiced or very
-ignorant on the subject. In the United States, colored persons have
-scarcely any chance to rise. They are despised, and abused, and
-discouraged, at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to
-laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They are whipped
-or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read or write; they are not
-allowed to testify in court; and there is a general disposition not
-to encourage them by giving them employment. In addition to this,
-the planters are very desirous to expel them from the State, partly
-because they are jealous of their influence upon the slaves, and
-partly because those who have slaves to let out, naturally dislike
-the competition of the free negroes. But if colored people are
-well treated, and have the same inducements to industry as other
-people, they work as well and behave as well. A few years ago the
-Pennsylvanians were very much alarmed at the representations that
-were made of the increase of pauperism from the ingress of free
-negroes. A committee was appointed to examine into the subject, and
-it was ascertained that the colored people not only supported their
-own poor, but paid a considerable additional sum towards the support
-of white paupers.
-
-_Q._ I have heard people say that the slaves would not take their
-freedom, if it were offered to them.
-
-_A._ I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like to see the
-experiment tried. If the slaves are so well satisfied with their
-condition, why do they make such severe laws against running away?
-Why are the patroles on duty all the time to shoot every negro who
-does not give an account of himself as soon as they call to him? Why,
-notwithstanding all these pains and penalties, are their newspapers
-full of advertisements for runaway slaves? If the free negroes are
-so much worse off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws
-bestow freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or mistress’s
-life, or performs any meritorious service to the State?” That must
-be a very bad country where the law stipulates that _meritorious_
-actions shall be rewarded by making a man more unhappy than he was
-before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a woman, who
-went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama. She was the wife of a
-Baptist clergyman, professed to be a pious woman, and was considered
-as such. I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware
-at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained that
-freedom was the greatest curse that could be bestowed on a slave; and
-when I attempted to put the case home to her conscience, she, for
-consistency’s sake, declared, that she should be quite as willing
-to die and leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a
-free laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred slaves, she
-should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to make their condition
-comfortable. I replied, “I am willing to believe that you would do
-so, madam; but in case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress
-in the family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or
-seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose hands they
-may fall? The condition of the slave depends on the character of
-the master; and that is entirely a matter of _accident_”. The pious
-woman rejoined, “Oh, I should take care of that. If they were good,
-faithful servants, they would find at my death that papers of
-manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told me that freedom
-was the greatest curse that could be bestowed upon a slave,” replied
-I: “Now is it possible, madam, that you would leave, as your dying
-legacy to good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could
-bestow?”
-
-_Q._ Do you suppose they really believe what they say, when they
-declare that slaves are happier than freemen?
-
-_A._ I leave your own republican good sense to determine that
-question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not take that ground in his
-address to the Legislature in 1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks
-by selling them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to be
-a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule
-for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that _it
-ought to be applied only to crime of the highest order_!”
-
-But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy and contented
-as slave-holders try to represent them—what would it prove? It would
-merely prove that they had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before
-they _could_ be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very
-truly, “If you have made a _happy slave_, you have made a _degraded
-man_.”
-
-_Q._ But how is it that some people, who really do not intend to
-make false representations, bring back such favorable accounts of
-slavery, after they have visited at the South?
-
-_A._ It is because they go among rich, hospitable planters, and see
-favorite household slaves. Of the poor wretches on the plantations,
-subject to the tender mercies of an overseer, they know as little,
-as the guests of a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition
-of his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master. They ask
-questions of the master, and not of the slave. Even if they tried to
-talk with the latter, the poor creatures would be afraid to speak
-freely, lest any expressions of discontent might be reported to the
-master, or the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk as
-I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew they had a friend to
-listen to them!
-
-_Q._ But do you think the suitable time has yet come to exert
-ourselves on this subject?
-
-_A._ I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered by a
-lady who had been brought up in the midst of slavery: “If thou were
-a slave, toiling in the fields of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst
-think the time had _fully_ come.” This explains the whole difficulty.
-We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave, and imagine
-what would be our feelings if we were in _his_ circumstances. We do
-not obey the Scripture injunction, “remember those that are in bonds,
-_as bound with them_.”
-
-But if we look at this question merely with a view to expediency,
-without reference to justice or mercy, when can we hope that a time
-will come _more_ propitious to the discussion of this subject? The
-fact is, difficulties and dangers increase every day. In South
-Carolina and Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual
-increase of the _slaves_, without including the free blacks, in
-the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It is a fact worthy of
-consideration, that the licentiousness of the white man increases
-the colored race; but the vices of colored men or women can never
-increase the white race; for the children of such connections are of
-course not white.—These people are increasing in the midst of us in
-startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and Christian course, we can
-identify their interests with the rest of the community, and make
-them our friends; but if we persevere in the course we have pursued,
-their feelings and interests _must_ be all in opposition to ours, and
-there is great reason to fear the consequences.
-
-_Q._ Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing some good?
-
-_A._ Those who have examined into the subject, have so universally
-come to the conclusion that Colonization is entirely ineffectual for
-the abolition of slavery at any time, however remote, that it seems
-hardly worth while to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend
-to impeach the motives of benevolent individuals, who have been
-engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its _practical tendency_
-is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph, and other slave-holders,
-have advocated that Society, upon the avowed ground that by sending
-off an inconvenient surplus it would increase the price of the
-slaves left. In the new slave States, where they have not as yet an
-“inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like the Colonization
-Society; but the old slave States have been its warmest friends.
-There is one brief objection to the idea of abolishing slavery by
-Colonization: _it is impossible_. Even if it were desirable to remove
-these valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if the
-whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were devoted to it. The
-Colonization Society has been in operation about nineteen years; they
-have had immense funds; and they have transported to Africa, during
-that time, about three thousand colored persons, of which _not one
-thousand_ were manumitted slaves. Now the annual _increase_ of the
-slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual increase of the free blacks is
-about 10,000. _In nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been
-able to carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in
-one year!_ This is worse than the old story of the frog, who jumped
-out of the well two feet every night, and fell back three feet every
-morning. But even if the colored people _could_ be all carried out
-of the country, what is the South to do for laborers? They have been
-in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white men cannot
-work in their climate, and by taking it for granted that black men
-will not work for wages. If the climate is unsuitable for white
-laborers, it is manifestly very impolitic to send off the black
-ones. It would be far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in
-Bermuda and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our country;
-and it is worse than a childish game to be sending off ship-loads of
-laborers to Africa, while we are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland,
-Holland, and Switzerland.
-
-_Q._ I have heard some people say they gave their money to the
-Colonization Society merely as a missionary establishment.
-
-_A._ It would be well for those people to examine into the matter,
-and first ascertain whether it _is_ a missionary establishment. When
-we send missions to India, the Sandwich Islands, &c., we send men
-believed to be pious and enlightened. For the probable influence
-of the emigrants carried out by the Colonization Society, let the
-Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored persons
-colonized from the United States will “carry religion and the arts
-into the heart of Africa.” Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the
-Society, says, “Of all classes of our population the most vicious is
-that of the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend their
-vices to all around them.” And the African Repository, which is the
-organ of the Society, declares that “they are notoriously ignorant—a
-curse and a contagion wherever they reside.” Now, are not these
-admirable missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It would
-be wise to put them under better and more encouraging influences at
-home, before we attempt to send them to enlighten heathen lands.
-
-_Q._ Some say that these people are naturally inferior to us; and
-that the shape of their skulls proves it.
-
-_A._ If I believed that the colored people were naturally inferior to
-the whites, I should say that was an additional reason why we ought
-to protect, instruct, and encourage them. No consistent republican
-will say that a strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less
-gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think the negroes
-are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge, and make use of it, if
-they could get a chance. If they do think so, why do their laws
-impose such heavy penalties on all who attempt to give them any
-education? Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation
-of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored race are
-naturally inferior, I wish you would read the history of Toussaint
-L’Ouverture, the Washington of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black,
-he was unquestionably one of the greatest and best men of his age.
-I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New York, and Mr. Douglass of
-Philadelphia preach a few times, before you hastily decide concerning
-the capacity of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As for
-the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if our Southern
-brethren will emancipate all the slaves who have _not_ what is called
-the “African conformation.”
-
-_Q._ What do you think about property in slaves?
-
-_A._ Let me reply to that question by asking others. If you were
-taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab bought you, and paid
-honestly for you, should you ever consider yourself the _property_ of
-the Arab? Should you think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider
-you? Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property in the
-transmission? If you and your children had toiled hard for years, and
-received only a peck of corn a week for your services, should you not
-think that some compensation was due to _you_?
-
-_Q._ These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to answer a good
-many things, when we once get into the habit of imagining how we
-should think and feel if we ourselves were the slaves. But what have
-the North to do on this subject?
-
-_A._ They cannot help having a great deal to do with it, either for
-good or for evil. They are citizens of this republic; and as such
-cannot but feel a painful interest in a subject which makes their
-beloved country an object of derision to the civilized world. If the
-slaves should make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound
-to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a slave escapes
-from his master unto us, we are bound to deliver him up to the lash.
-The people of Pennsylvania, living so near the slave States, have a
-great many of these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago, an
-industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia was torn from his
-home at midnight, and beaten in such a degree that the snow for some
-distance was stained with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly
-attached to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old; but
-regardless of her situation, she plunged into the snow, and implored
-mercy for her husband. Her shrieks and entreaties were of no avail.
-The citizens of Philadelphia could not help her, because the free
-States are bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil might be
-cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if the surplus population
-were not drained off to supply _new_ slave States. But in order to
-accommodate slave-holders in this respect, Louisiana has been bought,
-and Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the free
-States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise for an eternal
-slave market. Every time a member from the free States votes for the
-admission of a slave state into the Union, he helps to increase the
-political power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation
-of this abominable system. It is high time for the free States to
-begin to reflect seriously, whether they ought any longer to give
-their money and their moral influence in support of this iniquity.
-
-_Q._ I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway slaves to
-their masters. Are you sure it is so?
-
-_A._ When masters _bring_ their slaves into the free States, or
-_send_ them, the slaves can legally take their freedom; but when
-the slaves run away, we are obliged by law to give them up, let the
-circumstances be what they may. Many conscientious people prefer to
-obey the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver unto his
-master the servant which hath escaped unto thee.”
-
-_Q._ But would you at once give so many ignorant creatures political
-power, by making them voters?
-
-_A._ That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide; and
-they would probably decide that it would not be judicious to invest
-emancipated slaves with the elective franchise; for though it is not
-their fault that they have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits
-them for voters. At the present time, slaves _are_ represented in
-Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three freemen;
-which is just the same as if our farmers were allowed to count
-every five of their oxen as three voters. This system gives the
-Southern aristocracy great political power, entirely unchecked by
-democratic influence, which comes in as a counterpoise in States
-where the laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of
-South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the management
-of slaves, in which he says: “An addition of $1,000,000 to the
-private fortune of Daniel Webster would not give to Massachusetts
-more weight than she now possesses in the Federal Councils. On the
-other hand, every increase of slave property in South Carolina,
-is a fraction thrown into the scale by which _her representation
-in Congress is determined_.” This country has been governed by a
-President forty-eight years. During forty of those years we have been
-governed by a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained
-in office but four years; and the great middle section has never
-given a President. The Middle States are politically stronger than
-the Northern, and are therefore more likely to act independently,
-and without reference to Southern support. Perhaps this may be the
-reason why those States, large and wealthy as they are, have never
-given a President to their country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted
-politicians; and they are closely knit together by one common bond of
-sympathy on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them
-that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.
-
-_Q._ You know that abolitionists are universally accused of wishing
-to promote the amalgamation of colored and white people.
-
-_A._ This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause,
-and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community.
-By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one would really
-suppose that in this free country a certain set of men had power to
-compel their neighbors to marry contrary to their own inclination.
-The abolitionists have never, by example, writing, or conversation,
-endeavored to connect amalgamation with the subject of abolition.
-When their enemies insist upon urging this silly and unfounded
-objection, they content themselves with replying, “If there be a
-natural antipathy between the races, the antipathy will protect
-itself. If such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence,
-we certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It is
-a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid that the
-moment we allow the colored ones to be educated, the girls will all
-be running after them.”
-
-At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens rose to
-say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads into the
-school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,” said he, “the
-first thing we shall know they will be marrying our daughters!”
-After some other remarks, he concluded by saying, “it is impossible
-for the colored and white race to live together in a kind social
-relation—there is a natural antipathy—they cannot be made to mix
-any better than oil and water.” A plain farmer replied, “I thought
-you said just now, that you was afraid that they’d marry our
-_darters_; if they won’t mix any better than _ile_ and water, what
-are you afraid of?” Any one who observes the infinite variety of
-shadings in the complexions of the colored people, will perceive
-that amalgamation has for a long time been carried on. The only
-justification that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is
-not sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every child
-must follow the condition of its _mother_; that is, if the mother is
-a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they would change one
-word, and say the child shall follow the condition of its _father_,
-a large proportion of their slaves would be free at once; and the
-others would soon become so, provided no new cargoes were in the mean
-time smuggled in from Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly
-told in a juvenile couplet, viz.
-
- “By universal emancipation,
- We want to _stop_ amalgamation.”
-
-_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break down all
-distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into our parlors?
-
-_A._ There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People have
-pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether I would
-invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I would not do so if
-he were a white man; and I should not be likely to do it, merely
-because he was black.” An educated person will not naturally like
-to associate with one who is grossly ignorant. It may be no merit
-in one that he is well-informed, and no fault of the other that he
-is ignorant; for these things may be the result of circumstances,
-over which the individual had no control; but such people will not
-choose each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For these
-reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any complexion, for
-my companion; but when you ask me whether that man’s children shall
-have as fair a chance as my own, to obtain an education, and rise in
-the world, I should be ashamed of myself, both as a Christian and a
-republican, if I did not say, yes, with all my heart.
-
-_Q._ But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can be
-overcome?
-
-_A._ Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass away,
-which are not founded in reason and justice. In France and England,
-this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen would never
-dream of taking offence because a colored gentleman sat beside them
-in a stage-coach, or at the table of an hotel. Be assured, however,
-that the abolitionists have not the slightest wish to force you to
-give up this prejudice. If, after conscientious examination, you
-believe it to be right, cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely
-because your neighbors do. Look it in the face—apply the golden
-rule—and judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could
-not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution; but I
-have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice will be removed.
-The old feudal nobles of England would not have thought it possible
-that their descendants could live in a community, where they and
-their vassals were on a perfect civil equality; yet the apparent
-impossibility has come to pass, with advantage to many, and injury
-to none. When we endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel,
-there is never any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of
-peace.
-
-_Q._ But they say your measures are unconstitutional.
-
-_A._ Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on any
-subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character of the
-country are so deeply involved? This is all the abolitionists have
-ever done; it is all they have ever desired to do. Nobody disputes
-that Congress has constitutional power to abolish slavery and the
-slave-trade in the District of Columbia. That District belongs in
-common to all the States, and each of them has an interest in the
-slaves there. The public prisons of that District, built _with the
-money of the whole people_ of the United States, are used for the
-benefit of slave-traders, and the groaning victims of this detestable
-traffic are kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these
-prisons, _paid with the money of the whole people_, act as jailers
-to these slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be
-completed. When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have we no
-right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade
-_there_? I do not see how any conscientious man can help believing it
-to be a solemn duty.
-
-_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have tried
-to excite insurrections among the slaves?
-
-_A._ This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in
-truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments to the
-slave-holders _only_. They have never sought for any communication
-with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles would lead them
-to teach patience and submission, until their deliverance could be
-accomplished by peaceful measures. I believe the publications by the
-Peace Society do not contain so much in defence of non-resistance
-under injury, as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should
-be discovered that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried
-to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately
-turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of disapprobation.
-This false charge has been got up at the South merely to excite
-sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph went the rounds of the
-newspapers, concerning an _abolitionist_ who had been overheard
-trying to persuade a negro lad to run away, and offering to forge
-free papers for him. It was afterwards ascertained that the man was
-a _kidnapper_, and took this means of getting the boy into his own
-power, for the sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures
-of a man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to the
-South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these pictures,
-if they do not know their letters. In the first place, the books are
-sent to the masters. In the next place (as has been well observed),
-the pictures represent a thing that is either true, or not true.
-If it is not true, the negroes would look at the picture without
-being reminded of any thing _they_ had ever seen or known—if told
-that it represented a driver beating slaves, they would laugh at
-such Munchausen stories of things that never happened. On the other
-hand, if the representation is true, would the mere picture of a
-thing be more likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing
-itself? These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres
-raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of the
-charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that they are
-always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations, or any species of
-evidence. When I have read the resolutions passed at public meetings
-against the abolitionists, I have smiled at the farce which those men
-have been acting. In nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists
-could most cordially and conscientiously concur. The enemies of
-the cause have in several cities gravely met together to declare
-that they do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The
-abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous
-gravity, they make known to the world that they do not approve of any
-legislative interference with the Southern States. The abolitionists
-have never dreamed of any such interference. They merely wish to
-_induce the Southerners to legislate for themselves_; and they hope
-to do this by the universal dissemination of facts and arguments,
-calculated to promote a _correct public sentiment_ on the subject of
-slavery. This is all they ever intended to do; and this they will
-do, though earth and hell combine against their efforts. The men
-engaged in this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and
-therefore they are strong.
-
-_Q._ But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?
-
-_A._ At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord God,
-Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they will hear, or
-whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of their words, though
-briers and thorns be with thee, and thou dost dwell among scorpions.”
-If public sentiment becomes universally reformed on this subject, it
-cannot fail to have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in
-the British dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never
-would have voted for the bill, the king never would have signed it,
-if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the step absolutely
-necessary; and the public became enlightened by the exertions of
-benevolent men, who were obliged to endure every form of obloquy
-and rage, before the good work was completed. The slave-holders are
-perfectly aware that the same causes will produce similar effects in
-this country. One of the Southern editors has lately declared that
-what is most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists
-will make some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery
-really _is_ wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it.
-Another Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this
-discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders
-with abhorrence.
-
-_Q._ But if the system works so badly in every respect, why are
-people so unwilling to give it up?
-
-_A._ Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish
-unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The emperor of Russia,
-and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant to abridge their own
-power, for the sake of introducing a system of things more conducive
-to the freedom, virtue and happiness of their subjects. They had
-rather live in constant fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight
-dagger, than to give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which
-they have so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so
-common to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who are
-terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been presented
-to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men are determined, if
-possible, to prevent the abolitionists from proving to such minds
-that _the dangers of insurrection all belong to slavery, and would
-cease when slavery was abolished_.
-
-At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and virulent,
-because their _interests_ are closely intertwined with the pernicious
-system. Inquire into the private history of many of the men, who
-have called meetings against the abolitionists—you will find that
-some manufacture negro cloths for the South—some have sons who sell
-those cloths—some have daughters married to slave-holders—some have
-plantations and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed in
-Southern commerce—and some candidates for political offices would bow
-until their back-bones were broken, to obtain or preserve Southern
-influence. The Southerners understand all this perfectly well, and
-despise our servility, even while they condescend to make use of it.
-
-One great reason why the people of this country have not thought
-and felt right on this subject, is that all our books, newspapers,
-almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent the colored race
-as an inferior and degraded class, who never could be made good and
-useful citizens. Ridicule and reproach have been abundantly heaped
-upon them; but their virtues and their sufferings have found few
-historians. The South has been well satisfied with such a public
-sentiment. It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and
-it effectually rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In
-this department of service, the Colonization Society has been a most
-active and zealous agent.
-
-_Q._ But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent
-proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.
-
-_A._ They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when his
-fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such imminent
-peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him down over the wall
-in a basket,” to save his life. As well might St. Stephen have been
-blamed for the mob that stoned him to death. With the same justice
-might William Penn have been called the cause of all the violent
-persecutions against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent
-out in the midst of a perverse generation, they _always_ come “not to
-bring peace, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered violence
-to no man—they have never attempted to stop the discussions of their
-opponents; but have, on the contrary, exerted themselves to obtain a
-candid examination of the subject on all sides. They merely claim the
-privilege of delivering peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and
-of publishing what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to
-have them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.
-
-_Q._ But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture on
-this subject?
-
-_A._ _We_ have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing other
-nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined with the
-government and prejudices of the people. If good and conscientious
-men leave ease, honor, and popularity behind them, to come here, and
-labor among the poor and the despised, merely from zeal in a good
-cause, shall we refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult,
-mob, and stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and
-Sandwich Islanders for abusing _our_ missionaries? We sent out agents
-to England, to give her the benefit of our experience on the subject
-of temperance; ought _we_ not to be willing to receive the benefit of
-her experience on the subject of slavery? Let us candidly hear what
-these men have to say. If it be contrary to reason and truth, reject
-it; if it be the truth, let us ponder it in our hearts.
-
-_Q._ But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to the
-dissolution of the Union.
-
-_A._ There must be something wrong in the Union, if the candid
-discussion of _any_ subject can dissolve it; and for the truth of
-this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the South should
-be injudicious enough to withdraw from the Union for the sake of
-preserving a moral pestilence in her borders, it is very certain that
-slavery cannot long continue after that event. None of the frontier
-States could long keep their slaves, if we were not obliged by law
-to deliver up runaways; nor could they any longer rely upon the
-free States, in cases of emergency, to support slavery by force of
-arms. The union of these States has been continually disturbed and
-embittered by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would
-fain convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this
-apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong, that
-they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve it; but
-they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle. “Duties are
-ours; events are God’s!”
-
-
-
-
- TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
-
- Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
- corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
- the text and consultation of external sources.
-
- Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
- when a predominant preference was found in the original book.
-
- Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
- and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
-
- Pg 13: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.
- Pg 15: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.
- Pg 16: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.
- Pg 36: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.
-
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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 69376 *** + + TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE + + Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. + + Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. + + + + + ANTI-SLAVERY + + CATECHISM. + + + BY MRS. CHILD, + + _Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called + Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic + Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’ + ‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &c._ + + + “On the nation’s naked heart + Scatter the living coals of Truth.” + + + Second Edition. + + + NEWBURYPORT: + PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE. + 1839. + + + + + Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835, + By CHARLES WHIPPLE, + In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. + + + + +ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM. + + +_Question._ Why do you consider it a duty to preach and publish +abolition doctrines? + +_Answer._ First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for the system +of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its details, is in direct +opposition to the precepts of the gospel. Secondly, I consider it +my duty as a conscientious citizen of this republic; for I believe +slavery is prejudicial to the best interests of my country; and I +dare not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we persevere +in our iniquity. + +_Q._ But the abolitionists are accused of showing the worst side of +slavery. Is it not true that they seek to give an exaggerated idea of +its evils? + +_A._ I believe every man, who candidly examines the subject, will +come to the conclusion, that every side appears to be the worst side. +Allow me to give a brief statement of the case. Between two and +three millions of people are compelled to labor without wages. They +gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would by working +one hour. It is not in human nature that they should be disposed to +be industrious under these circumstances. They try to do as little +as possible. The chief part of the labor that is got out of their +bones and sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn a +week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave. The planters +generally estimate that a slave can be fed and clothed at an expense +of from fifteen to twenty dollars a year. The following is the +printed testimony of Thomas Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder, +though reputed to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn +per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain health +and strength under moderate labor. But there is _often_ a defect +in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient. The present +economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave, +and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working +condition. Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his +comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave, seeing his +master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, naturally adopts the +same selfish course, and, when not restrained by higher principles, +becomes deceitful and selfish.” + +_Q._ If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really thinks slavery so +bad in its effects, why does he not emancipate his own slaves? + +_A._ If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an answer very +common among planters. He would tell you that he could not do it +because the laws of the State in which he lives impose such heavy +penalties, that the process of emancipation is extremely difficult +and expensive. + +_Q._ Who makes the laws of the Southern States? + +_A._ The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man say that he +would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the _laws_ would allow it, +it makes me think of an anecdote I have often heard. A little girl +had been ordered to perform some household work in the absence of +her mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her orders had +not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why have you not done as I bid +you?” The little girl replied, “I should have been glad to do it, +mother; but I could not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied +you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the reply. Now this +is plainly the case with the slave-holders. They make oppressive +laws, and persist in upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do +my duty, if I could; but the _laws_ will not permit it.” + +_Q._ Do the slaves have to work all the time? + +_A._ In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall not be +compelled to work _more_ than _fourteen_ hours a day, from September +to March, nor more than _fifteen_ hours a day, from March to +September; and it is reasonable to conclude that there would have +been no necessity for making such a law, unless some masters _did_ +compel their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts, who +are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work more than ten hours +a day, and are better fed than the slaves. It is an extraordinary +thing for a slave to be sent to the state prison for an offence. +Instead of punishment, it would in fact be amelioration of his lot. + +_Q._ But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work for +themselves. + +_A._ When they happen to have kind masters, they are sometimes +allowed a part of the time to earn something for themselves; but the +laws are extremely inefficient for the protection of property thus +acquired. If a white man sees fit to seize the products of their +industry, the law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave +States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence against a +white man, under any circumstances. Any note of hand, or written +contract with a slave is worth no more than a promissory note to a +dog; because no slave can bring an action at law. In several of the +States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained that he +has acquired any property. + +_Q._ I have been told that masters are allowed to kill their slaves. +Can this be true? + +_A._ The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing of a slave +as murder; but no instance has ever been recorded of a white man +executed for killing a slave. One law on this subject has the +following strange qualification: “Except said slave die of _moderate_ +punishment.” As if any punishment, that occasioned death, _could_ +be moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either bond or free, +should see a slave murdered, it avails nothing against the murderer; +because the laws of slave States do not allow a colored person, under +any circumstances, to testify against a white man. The laws of South +Carolina favor the master to such a degree, that when accused of +murdering a slave, he may be absolved simply upon _his own oath_, +that he did not commit the crime! + +_Q._ But I am told that white men are not unfrequently prosecuted for +cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the laws afforded the poor +creatures some protection. + +_A._ I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern Courts; +and those reports did more than any thing else to make me an +abolitionist. Prosecutions are always brought for the master’s +interest—never for the protection or redress of the slave. In +Martin’s Louisiana Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan +_vs._ Patten. In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor +for the damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves. +The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should pay the lady +the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration of which, the +slave should be placed in _his_ possession. The lady received all +the money, as an indemnification for the loss of property; but the +poor slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings, but +was actually given to the very man that had knocked his eye out! +This is a fair sample of the nature of all such prosecutions. In +Nott & McCord’s South Carolina Reports, 1818, it is stated that a +slave belonging to Mrs. E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two +men who were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced an action +to recover the value of her slave. The judge told the jury that +circumstances _might_ exist to authorize the killing of a negro, +_without the sanction of a magistrate, or even the order of a militia +officer_; but it was thought such circumstances were not connected +with _this_ case; the lady was therefore entitled to compensation +for injury done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his +parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once thought of +in the matter. + +_Q._ But do you really believe they hunt negroes with dogs and guns, +as some people say? + +_A._ There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact. Dogs are +trained for that express purpose. The planters justify the practice, +by saying it is absolutely necessary for their own safety; because +runaway negroes, who collect in the woods and swamps, will soon begin +to commit depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the evils +inevitably growing out of this bad system are made use of to justify +its cruelties. Free laborers would have no inducement to run away +and hide in swamps. It would obviously be for their own interest to +keep at work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with all the +keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt squirrels or hares. A +letter written near Edenton, N.C. among other items of news, states: +“We have had great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known in +the literary world resided for some time in the family of a Georgia +planter; and he himself stated to me that three negro hunts took +place during the first nine months of his stay there. He said, that +one night hearing a noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the +cause. “The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading their +guns, trying their flints, and going through the usual preparations, +apparently for a deer hunt, as buck shot and bullets were in demand. +The children of the family had partaken of the general excitement, +and arisen from their beds. As I entered the room, I could hear one +of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t kill Ralph, would you?’ +‘I would take him, and sell him, and get money for him,’ said the +next of age. ‘You will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’ +said the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat buck in +the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed down the heavy charge. +The moonlight from the window glanced along the barrel of the piece, +and caught the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled +up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but in vivid +sympathy with the paternal look and attitude. The anticipated joy of +vengeance seemed to be the predominating emotion.” + +_Q._ If the laws are as you say, I should think the slaves did not +stand a fair chance when they are _wrongfully_ accused. + +_A._ If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the Slave Laws, you +will be convinced for yourself that what I say is true; and the +effect is as you suppose. The poor slaves are completely in the power +of their masters. The same men who accuse them are often their judges +and executioners. In illustration of this, I will tell you a case +that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina. It was told by a woman who +lived there at the time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many +of the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical trades. The +planters in the back country were very desirous to purchase some of +them; but their masters found it so profitable to let them out, that +they would not consent to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy, +hit upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose: They wrote +anonymous letters, charging these intelligent slaves with having +projected an insurrection. These letters were scattered about in +Edenton, with the idea that the masters would be glad to sell such +dangerous fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves were +tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened owners; and a +large number of them were put to death, upon no other evidence than +anonymous letters. + +_Q._ It does not seem as if such things could take place in a +civilized country. Can you believe it? + +_A._ If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe you will +think it perfectly natural that such abuses should exist, wherever +one human being has arbitrary power over another. You would not like +to place yourself completely in the power even of the best man you +know; you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his will how +much work you should do in a day, what food you should eat, and what +clothes you should wear, and how and when you should be punished. +It is not considered entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish +all his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his own +children; what then do you suppose the poor slave has to expect, when +he becomes too old and infirm to be profitable to his master? + +_Q._ But the Southerners are said to be very honorable, generous men. + +_A._ Our Southern brethren are just what any human beings would be +under similar circumstances. They are generous with the proceeds of +other men’s labor, for the same reason that the heir is prodigal of +money, which another accumulates for him. He who can let out his +neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive all +their wages, will naturally be more profuse than a man who depends +entirely on his own exertions. Planters have heretofore generally +confessed that slavery is an evil, and many of them speak of its +detailed abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely the +necessary and inevitable results of the system they are helping to +support; and they never can cure the abuses until they are willing to +renounce the system itself. I suppose that few planters would think +of palliating the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet they +are all helping to support a system under which such cruelties can +be committed with impunity. Perhaps very humane and amiable masters +do even more mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are +always quoted as palliations of the whole system; and they approach +so _near_ to the right line, that they can more easily draw over +kind-hearted people, who have not thought much upon the subject. + +_Q._ What is the history of Mrs. Salarie? + +_A._ She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April, 1834, her +splendid mansion took fire. During the midst of the conflagration, +a rumor arose among the crowd that there were slaves chained in the +burning dwelling; but those who asked for the keys were reproved for +interfering with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors were +forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had collected around the +spot; and a New Orleans paper thus describes the horrible scene that +presented itself: “Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were +seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by the neck to +the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and torn from one extremity +to the other. Their bodies, from head to foot, were covered with +scars and sores, and filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of +sixty years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast to the +floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the appearance of having +been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually seen +making a feast of his brains.” + +_Q._ Every body must have thought her a very wicked woman. Did the +slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend to justify her measures? + +_A._ I have no doubt that every humane person, that heard of the +event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt it. For several months +previous to the discovery, her neighbors had been in the habit of +living in apartments as far as possible from her house, on purpose to +avoid the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet during +all that time no complaint was laid before the public authorities, +and no investigation demanded! I suppose neighbors were afraid to say +any thing, lest they should be accused of promoting discontent among +the negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings in the situation +of beasts, are more afraid of them than they would be of beasts; +because the human being has _reason_, which is always prone to offer +resistance to tyranny. The consciousness of this makes slave-holders +very irritable when any one in the community takes part with an +abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for his sufferings. + +_Q._ Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves well? + +_A._ So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses and +cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently make them forget +their interests. Passive obedience is obtained from human beings with +more difficulty than from animals; and when the master _is_ provoked, +the poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the shadow +of protection from the law. The law in no case recognises slaves as +human beings; on the contrary, it expressly declares they “shall +be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be _chattels personal_, in +the hands of their owners and possessors, their administrators and +assigns, to all intents, constructions, and _purposes whatever_.” An +act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates specific +articles, such as “slaves, working beasts, animals,” &c. Where even +the _laws_ consider human beings as animals, it is not a matter of +surprise that they are generally treated no better than self-interest +leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive that when +the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any way unfit for labor, +it is _not_ for the interest of his master to prolong his existence +by rendering it comfortable. Then again that part of the system +connected with _overseers_, shows plainly that the self-interest of +the master cannot effectually secure good treatment to the slave. +If planters were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard +to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are proverbially +unprincipled men) would have no motive for consulting the interest of +their employers—it would be a matter of indifference to them whether +much or little work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is +customary to give the overseer a certain _proportion_ of the profits +of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling desire to get the +greatest possible amount of work done. He does not care how much the +soil is exhausted, nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a +slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe the +story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s labor. If the poor +creature droops under his allotted task, he must be stimulated by the +whip, because the overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If +the “slave dies under _moderate_ punishment,” the master must furnish +a new laborer; and the loss falls on _him_, not on the overseer. +It is obviously natural for the latter personage to think more of +his own gains than of his employer’s losses. Every body knows that +men are prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their own; +because they do not meet with any personal loss from injury done to +the beast, and their object is to get their money’s worth of riding. +Is it not a fearful thing for one human being to be placed towards +another in the same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man +who hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of cruelty, +too well authenticated to be denied, they are prone to lay the blame +upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of Virginia, speaks of this class of men +as “the lowest of the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who +employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence, +and love of dominion.” If we had no such information concerning the +character of these men, we should naturally conclude that good people +would be averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers and +drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because slaves +are entirely deprived of the motives which induce free laborers +to work; and since overseers must be employed, it is necessary to +make it for their interest to get as much work out of the slave as +possible. The evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts +of the system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not, they +cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing the system. The +master and his subordinate agents _must_ have discretionary power to +punish, because their poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary +motives to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave _must_ not be +allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts; because +the oppressed being would naturally avail himself of this privilege, +and sell some of the cotton or tobacco, which he cultivates for +his master without wages. The laws _must_ punish them with great +severity; because the very nature of their condition is a constant +temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder. They _must_ be kept +brutally ignorant; because if they were otherwise, they could not be +kept in slavery. Licentiousness _must_ be countenanced among them; +because their master’s interest is connected with their increase, +and he might lose many good bargains if the laws did not allow him +to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband from his wife. The law +_must_ suppose a negro to be a slave, till he proves himself free; +because runaway slaves would of course pretend that they were free. +They _must_ not be allowed to witness against a white man; for a +slave may have had a wife or a child whipped to death by a white +man—and he may have many other good reasons for strong prejudice +against white men. An unnatural system _must_ be sustained by +unnatural means. Hence we find the same characteristic features in +every country where negro slavery has been allowed. + +_Q._ Some people think slavery as great a sin as the slave trade. Are +you of that opinion? + +_A._ There seems to me just the same difference as there is between +the thief and the man who pays him for stealing. What would you say +of a man who buys a horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following +circumstance, which took place a short time before our Revolution, +furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A Philadelphia negro was +accused of having stolen goods in his possession. He acknowledged +the fact, saying, “Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom +dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den, Massa? dey be only +a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny corkscrew; one cost sixpence, +and tudder a shilling; an me _pay Tom honestly for dem_, Massa.” +“Pretty story, truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen, +and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them. Don’t you +know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as the thief? You must be +severely whipped, you black rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black +rascal be whipt for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be +whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To be sure,” replied +the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey, “here be Tom’s Massa—hold him +fast, constable! He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de +piccaninny corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen from his old +fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew had neder.” + +I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion that the +slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader. So long as a +profitable market is kept open, the article will be supplied, despite +of difficulties and dangers. The only way to stop the trade, is to +shut up the market; and this can be done only by the entire abolition +of the system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody will be +tempted to steal a man. Slavery never exists without having more or +less of the slave-trade involved _in_ it. There is in the very heart +of our land a slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by +our laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign slave +trade. The new slave States at the extreme South have not slaves +enough, and the climate, together with the hard labor of the sugar +plantations, kills them very fast. The old slave States have a +surplus of slaves, which they send off to supply these markets. About +ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone. Niles, in +his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing in slaves has become +a _large_ business. Establishments are made at several places in +Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These +places are strongly built, and well supplied with _thumbscrews_, +_gags_, _cow-skins_, _and other whips_, _often bloody_.” In these +sales no regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married wife +is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother with her little +ones are sold in “_separate_ lots to suit purchasers.” A gentleman +in Charleston, S. C., writes to his friend in New York: “Curiosity +sometimes leads me to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw +the father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and expressing +an indignation in his countenance that he dares not speak; and the +mother pressing her infants closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild +and simple earnestness, ‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my +children!’ But the hammer went on, reckless whether it united or +sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a man apparently as white +as myself exposed for sale.” + +_Q._ I have heard some people say that the negroes do not care so +much about such separations as we should suppose. + +_A._ There is no doubt that their degraded situation tends to blunt +the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect; and it is a +fearful thing to think what Christians have to answer for, who thus +brutalize immortal souls. But there are numerous instances to prove +that the poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations +when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra, in Marion county, +Missouri, two boys were sold to a slave-trader, who did not intend +to leave the place until morning. During the night, the mother was +kept chained in an out-house, that she might not make any effort to +prevent the departure of her children. She managed to get loose from +her fetters, seized an axe, cut off the heads of her sleeping boys, +and then ended her own life by the same instrument. + +The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave an account of a +slave named Michael, who was sold by his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton, +by whom he was to be immediately shipped for the Southern markets. +At the mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived to +escape. He immediately returned to the place where his wife resided, +and having armed himself, declared he never would be sent to the +South, unless his wife was allowed to accompany him. He was finally +taken by stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding that +his oppressors were determined to separate him from his beloved wife, +he committed suicide. I believe the attachments of slaves are even +stronger than ours; for these ties constitute the only pleasure they +are allowed to have. Hundreds of instances might be told, where they +have preferred death to separation. + +_Q._ I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free colored persons, +to sell them as slaves. Is it so? + +_A._ It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to a +considerable extent. More than twenty free colored children were +kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia, in 1825; and in 1827 +two were stolen in open day. It is a common thing to decoy the +unsuspecting victims on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and +then seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says: “Beware +of kidnappers! It is well understood that there is at present in +this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation +of stealing colored children for the Southern market.” As the law +supposes every colored person to be a slave unless he can _prove_ +himself free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed to be +evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy time of it. + +_Q._ Some people say we ought to pity the masters as well as the +slaves. + +_A._ I agree with them entirely. The masters are to be deeply pitied; +because the long continuance of a wicked system has involved them +in difficulties, and at the same time rendered them generally blind +to the best means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are +likewise to be compassionated for the effects which early habits of +power produce on their own characters. Mr. Jefferson, who lived in +the midst of slavery, says: “The whole commerce between master and +slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the +most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission +on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it. The +parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, +puts on the same airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to +the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised +in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. +The man must be a prodigy, who can retain his morals and manners +undepraved in such circumstances.” The general licentiousness +produced by this system can never be described without using language +too gross to be addressed to a civilized community. Some idea of it +may be derived from the fact, that every female slave is completely +in the power of her master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his +drivers. The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white +man, under any circumstances; and the state of public opinion is +such that any pretensions to virtue on her part would be treated +with brutal ridicule. The slave is not allowed to have any right in +his wife and children. If his master’s interest can be served by his +keeping three or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of +husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner. The wife, or +the husband, is sometimes sold, and sent thousands of miles from each +other, and from their little ones, without the slightest hope of ever +meeting again. Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is +soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for the interest +of the master that they should do so. It is a shameful fact that the +laws and customs of our country make it absolutely impossible for a +large portion of our population to be virtuous, even if they wish to +be so. The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding +of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to the system would +be shocked by the detail of well authenticated facts, which prove +that about as little regard is paid to decency in one case as the +other. _Mulatto_ slaves bring a higher price than _black_ ones; hence +licentiousness in slave States becomes a profitable vice, instead of +being expensive, as it is under other forms of society. + +_Q_. I have been told that a great many of the slaves have very light +complexions. Is it so? + +_A._ In the old slave States, where the process of amalgamation +has been going on for a long time, this is remarkably the case. An +old soldier, who lately visited the South, said he was not so much +struck by any circumstance, as by the great change that had taken +place in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution. Now and +then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements for a runaway +slave, “who passes himself for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who +dislikes the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years +ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter one day, they +met a man driving a team, who had a perfectly fair complexion, with +blue eyes and brown hair. The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an +independent fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country, +where it is considered so disgraceful for a white man to work.” “O, +that fellow is a slave,” replied the Georgian. Almost every body +has heard of the recent case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a +perfectly white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and tried +as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves that a white man may, +without a _mistake_, be adjudged a slave. “A case of a slave sueing +for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of +which the following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of +about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he +was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as +a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the +jury, he was examined by the jury and two learned physicians, all +of whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any, race of +negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances. +All the physiological marks of distinction, which characterize the +African descent, had disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft, +straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the +hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head round and +well formed, forehead high and prominent, ears large, the tibia of +the leg straight, and feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of +his claims, he was proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman, +and that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and still +were slaves: _consequently he was found to be a slave_.” I have been +told of a young physician, who went into the far Southern States +to settle, and there became in love with a very handsome and modest +girl, who lived at service. He married her; and about a year after +that event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced himself +as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr. W*****, “Sir, I have a +trifling affair of business to settle with you. You have married a +slave of mine.” The young physician resented this language; for he +had not entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any +other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J. furnished +proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well that the laws of the +country would uphold him in it. After considerable discussion, the +best bargain he could make was either to pay eight hundred dollars, +or have his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first +alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When he had gone, +Dr. W. told his wife what had happened. The poor woman burst into +tears and said, “That as Mr. J. _was her own father_, she had hoped +that when he heard she had found an honorable protector, he would +have left her in peace.” + +_Q._ There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system; but don’t +you think it ought to be done away gradually? Ought not the slaves to +be fitted for freedom, before they are emancipated? + +_A._ The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them for +freedom while they remain slaves. The masters know very well that +their vassals will be servile just in proportion as they are brutally +ignorant; hence all their legislation tends to keep them so. It is a +disgraceful fact, that in half of these United States the working men +are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write. The law ordains +that twenty lashes shall be inflicted upon every slave found in an +assembly met together for the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any +white person who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or sells +him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two hundred dollars; +and any colored person who commits the same _crime_, is punished with +thirty-nine lashes, or with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones, +of Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally speaking, the +slaves appear to us to be without God and without hope in the world—a +_nation of heathen in our very midst_. We cannot cry out against the +Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people; for +we withhold the Bible from _our_ servants, and keep them in ignorance +of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston, S. C. says: “I +hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod, +there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same +language as ourselves, who never _heard_ of the plan of salvation by +a Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive laws is, that +“teaching slaves to read and write tends to excite dissatisfaction in +their minds,” and to produce insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is +fined five hundred dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read +or write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet even to +his own child, he is liable to be fined or whipped, according to the +discretion of the court. Such laws are necessary for the preservation +of this detestable system; and while such laws exist, how can the +slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British government +insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the +Colonies, the Jamaica legislature replied, that the practice could +not possibly be laid aside, “_until_ the negro women acquired more of +the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.” Fitting +men for freedom by keeping them slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of +making women modest by whipping them without clothing. + +_Q._ But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn the slaves at +once loose upon the community? + +_A._ The abolitionists never desired to have them turned loose. +They wish to have them governed by salutary laws, so regulated as +effectually to protect both master and slave. They merely wish +to have the power of punishment transferred from individuals to +magistrates; to have the sale of human beings cease; and to have +the stimulus of _wages_ applied, instead of the stimulus of the +_whip_. The relation of master and laborer might still continue; +but under circumstances less irksome and degrading to both parties. +Even that much abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more +expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole and keeping +them before his nose, than he can by the continual application of the +whip; and even when human beings are brutalized to the last degree, +by the soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense +enough left to be more willing to work two hours for twelve cents, +than to work one hour for nothing. + +_Q._ I should think this system, in the long run, must be an +unprofitable one. + +_A._ It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare that it takes +six slaves to do what is easily performed by half the number of free +laborers. Henry Clay says, “It is believed that slave-labor would no +where be employed in the farming portions of the United States, if +the proprietors were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of +the Southern market, which keeps it up in their own;” and he says the +effects of introducing slavery into Kentucky have been to keep them +in the rear of their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture, +manufactures, and general prosperity. General Washington, when +writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative value of the soil +in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes the very low price of land +in Virginia to the existence of slavery among them. John Randolph +declared that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that slaves +would soon be advertising for runaway masters. A distinguished writer +on political economy says: “The slave system inflicts an incalculable +amount of human suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste +of labor and capital.” + +_Q._ But the masters say the negroes would cut their throats, if they +were emancipated. + +_A._ It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by the +assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no intention to +deceive, are very liable to be blinded by having been educated in +the midst of a bad system. Listen to facts on this subject. On the +10th of October, 1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child +born after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government +of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born after the 1st of +January, 1813, should be free. In 1821, the Congress of Colombia +emancipated all slaves who had borne arms in favor of the Republic, +and provided for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole +slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the government of +Mexico granted immediate and entire emancipation to every slave. In +all these instances, _not one case of insurrection or of bloodshed +has ever been heard of, as the result of emancipation_. + +In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to fit the slaves +for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated during a civil war, and +armed against British invaders. They at once ceased to be property, +and were recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided on +the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political History of +the Colonies, that, “after this public act of emancipation, the +negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued +to work upon all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The +whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the +negroes continued to work for them.” General Lacroix, in his Memoirs +of St. Domingo, speaking of the same period, says: “The colony +marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor; cultivation +prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress.” +This prosperous state of things lasted about eight years, and would +perhaps have continued to the present day, had not Bonaparte, at the +instigation of the old French planters, sent an army to deprive the +blacks of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of abolition +are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo, as an argument to +prove that emancipation is dangerous; but historical facts prove +that the effort to _restore slavery_ occasioned all the bloodshed in +that island; while _emancipation produced only the most peaceful and +prosperous results_. + +In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican general, retook +Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately proclaimed freedom to +all the slaves. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only +13,000. _No disasters occurred in consequence of this step._ More +than seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe, in +an official document, alluding to the tranquillity which reigned +throughout the island, observed: “We shall have the satisfaction of +having given an example, which will prove that _all classes of people +may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration +which secures justice to all classes_.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent a +powerful French force, and again reduced the island to slavery, at +the cost of about 20,000 negro lives. + +In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape Colony were +emancipated from their long and cruel bondage, and admitted by law to +all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. Outrages were +predicted, as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures +so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots; but all went on +peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously remarked, “Hottentots as +they were, they worked much better for Mr. _Cash_, than they had ever +done for Mr. _Lash_.” + +_Q._ But they say the British have had difficulties in their West +Indies. + +_A._ The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to get up a +“raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even if you take their own +accounts, you will find that they have not been able to adduce any +instances of violence in support of their assertions. The real +facts are these: The measure was not carried in a manner entirely +satisfactory to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge of human +nature, combined with the practical evidence afforded by history, +led them to conclude that immediate and unqualified emancipation +was _safest_ for the master, as well as just to the slave; but +the planters raised such a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and +insurrection, that the British government determined to conciliate +them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained that the +slaves should work six years longer without wages, under the name +of _apprentices_; but no punishment could be inflicted without the +special order of magistrates. The colonies had a right to dispense +with the apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the +seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda were the only +ones that chose to do so. The act of Parliament provided that each +apprentice should work for his master _forty and a half_ hours a +week, and have the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not +satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty vexations, +to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts to work _fifty_ +hours in a week. While the people had been slaves, they were always +allowed _cooks_ to prepare their meals, a person to bring _water_ +to the gang during the hot hours, and _nurses_ to tend the little +children while their mothers were at work in the field; but because +the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that these privileges +should be continued, the masters saw fit to take them away. Each +apprentice was obliged to quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a +great distance, to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having +it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this operation +was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own time. No water was +allowed to be brought to quench their thirst; the aged and infirm, +instead of being left, as formerly, to superintend the children under +the shade, were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers +were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped at their +backs. In addition to all these annoyances, the planters obtained a +new proclamation from the governor, by which they were authorized +to require extra labor of the apprentices in times of emergency, +or _whenever they should deem it necessary_, in the cultivation, +gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they repaid them an +equal time at _a convenient season of the year_. This was very much +like taking from a New England laborer the month of July, and paying +it back to him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely well +when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally showed a +disposition to be orderly, submissive, and thankful; but this system +of privation and injustice soon created discontent. They knew that +they were to receive no wages, however industrious they might be; +and they were well aware that their masters no longer had a right +to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had been removed, without +supplying a good one in its place. In three of the colonies, the +apprentices refused to work on the terms required by their masters. +In Jamaica, a very small military force was sent into one parish, and +only on one occasion; but no violence was offered on either side; for +the apprentices confined themselves to _passive resistance_—merely +refusing to work on the required terms. In St. Christophers, +difficulties of a similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind +was committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an end; and +out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty were found to be +absent from their work; and some of these were supposed to be dead +in the woods. In Demarara, the principal difficulty occurred. The +laborers assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff; but +the _worst_ thing they did was to beat a constable with their fists. +_It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with a constable are the +only violence to persons or property, that has been attempted by the +eight hundred thousand slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!_ + +Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they were, and +unworthy to be named in connexion with such a great moral change) +were but temporary. The governor of Jamaica, after five months’ +trial of emancipation, declares, in his address to the Assembly, +“Not the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists +in any quarter; and those preparations which I have felt it my duty +to make, might, without the slightest danger, have been dispensed +with.” By recent news, we learn that the planters finding the system +of coercion was likely to be ruinous to their own interest, offered +the apprentices 2_s._ 6_d._ per day for extra work. The enemies of +abolition prophesied that nothing would induce the negroes to work +more than they were actually compelled to by law, and that the crops +would perish for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise. +As soon as _wages_ were offered, they came forward eagerly, and +offered to do more work than the planters were willing to pay for. We +have the testimony of one of their magistrates, that as soon as this +system was tried, “their apparent indifference was every where thrown +off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering, and diligent +manner.” + +_Q._ And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where they gave up +the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate and unqualified +emancipation? + +_A._ In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any kind, has +occurred. The Antigua journals declare, “The great doubt is solved; +the highest hopes of the negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole +people, comprising thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery +into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, but with +the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.” The Christmas +holidays were always seasons of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a +military force was always held in readiness; but the Christmas after +emancipation, the customary guard was dispensed with. Up to the +present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil in Antigua; and +a negro is at the head of the police in that island. The population +consists of 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks. + +_Q._ Yet people are always saying that free negroes cannot take care +of themselves. + +_A._ It is because people are either very much prejudiced or very +ignorant on the subject. In the United States, colored persons have +scarcely any chance to rise. They are despised, and abused, and +discouraged, at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to +laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They are whipped +or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read or write; they are not +allowed to testify in court; and there is a general disposition not +to encourage them by giving them employment. In addition to this, +the planters are very desirous to expel them from the State, partly +because they are jealous of their influence upon the slaves, and +partly because those who have slaves to let out, naturally dislike +the competition of the free negroes. But if colored people are +well treated, and have the same inducements to industry as other +people, they work as well and behave as well. A few years ago the +Pennsylvanians were very much alarmed at the representations that +were made of the increase of pauperism from the ingress of free +negroes. A committee was appointed to examine into the subject, and +it was ascertained that the colored people not only supported their +own poor, but paid a considerable additional sum towards the support +of white paupers. + +_Q._ I have heard people say that the slaves would not take their +freedom, if it were offered to them. + +_A._ I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like to see the +experiment tried. If the slaves are so well satisfied with their +condition, why do they make such severe laws against running away? +Why are the patroles on duty all the time to shoot every negro who +does not give an account of himself as soon as they call to him? Why, +notwithstanding all these pains and penalties, are their newspapers +full of advertisements for runaway slaves? If the free negroes are +so much worse off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws +bestow freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or mistress’s +life, or performs any meritorious service to the State?” That must +be a very bad country where the law stipulates that _meritorious_ +actions shall be rewarded by making a man more unhappy than he was +before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a woman, who +went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama. She was the wife of a +Baptist clergyman, professed to be a pious woman, and was considered +as such. I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware +at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained that +freedom was the greatest curse that could be bestowed on a slave; and +when I attempted to put the case home to her conscience, she, for +consistency’s sake, declared, that she should be quite as willing +to die and leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a +free laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred slaves, she +should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to make their condition +comfortable. I replied, “I am willing to believe that you would do +so, madam; but in case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress +in the family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or +seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose hands they +may fall? The condition of the slave depends on the character of +the master; and that is entirely a matter of _accident_”. The pious +woman rejoined, “Oh, I should take care of that. If they were good, +faithful servants, they would find at my death that papers of +manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told me that freedom +was the greatest curse that could be bestowed upon a slave,” replied +I: “Now is it possible, madam, that you would leave, as your dying +legacy to good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could +bestow?” + +_Q._ Do you suppose they really believe what they say, when they +declare that slaves are happier than freemen? + +_A._ I leave your own republican good sense to determine that +question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not take that ground in his +address to the Legislature in 1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks +by selling them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to be +a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule +for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that _it +ought to be applied only to crime of the highest order_!” + +But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy and contented +as slave-holders try to represent them—what would it prove? It would +merely prove that they had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before +they _could_ be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very +truly, “If you have made a _happy slave_, you have made a _degraded +man_.” + +_Q._ But how is it that some people, who really do not intend to +make false representations, bring back such favorable accounts of +slavery, after they have visited at the South? + +_A._ It is because they go among rich, hospitable planters, and see +favorite household slaves. Of the poor wretches on the plantations, +subject to the tender mercies of an overseer, they know as little, +as the guests of a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition +of his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master. They ask +questions of the master, and not of the slave. Even if they tried to +talk with the latter, the poor creatures would be afraid to speak +freely, lest any expressions of discontent might be reported to the +master, or the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk as +I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew they had a friend to +listen to them! + +_Q._ But do you think the suitable time has yet come to exert +ourselves on this subject? + +_A._ I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered by a +lady who had been brought up in the midst of slavery: “If thou were +a slave, toiling in the fields of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst +think the time had _fully_ come.” This explains the whole difficulty. +We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave, and imagine +what would be our feelings if we were in _his_ circumstances. We do +not obey the Scripture injunction, “remember those that are in bonds, +_as bound with them_.” + +But if we look at this question merely with a view to expediency, +without reference to justice or mercy, when can we hope that a time +will come _more_ propitious to the discussion of this subject? The +fact is, difficulties and dangers increase every day. In South +Carolina and Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual +increase of the _slaves_, without including the free blacks, in +the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It is a fact worthy of +consideration, that the licentiousness of the white man increases +the colored race; but the vices of colored men or women can never +increase the white race; for the children of such connections are of +course not white.—These people are increasing in the midst of us in +startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and Christian course, we can +identify their interests with the rest of the community, and make +them our friends; but if we persevere in the course we have pursued, +their feelings and interests _must_ be all in opposition to ours, and +there is great reason to fear the consequences. + +_Q._ Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing some good? + +_A._ Those who have examined into the subject, have so universally +come to the conclusion that Colonization is entirely ineffectual for +the abolition of slavery at any time, however remote, that it seems +hardly worth while to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend +to impeach the motives of benevolent individuals, who have been +engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its _practical tendency_ +is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph, and other slave-holders, +have advocated that Society, upon the avowed ground that by sending +off an inconvenient surplus it would increase the price of the +slaves left. In the new slave States, where they have not as yet an +“inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like the Colonization +Society; but the old slave States have been its warmest friends. +There is one brief objection to the idea of abolishing slavery by +Colonization: _it is impossible_. Even if it were desirable to remove +these valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if the +whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were devoted to it. The +Colonization Society has been in operation about nineteen years; they +have had immense funds; and they have transported to Africa, during +that time, about three thousand colored persons, of which _not one +thousand_ were manumitted slaves. Now the annual _increase_ of the +slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual increase of the free blacks is +about 10,000. _In nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been +able to carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in +one year!_ This is worse than the old story of the frog, who jumped +out of the well two feet every night, and fell back three feet every +morning. But even if the colored people _could_ be all carried out +of the country, what is the South to do for laborers? They have been +in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white men cannot +work in their climate, and by taking it for granted that black men +will not work for wages. If the climate is unsuitable for white +laborers, it is manifestly very impolitic to send off the black +ones. It would be far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in +Bermuda and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our country; +and it is worse than a childish game to be sending off ship-loads of +laborers to Africa, while we are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland, +Holland, and Switzerland. + +_Q._ I have heard some people say they gave their money to the +Colonization Society merely as a missionary establishment. + +_A._ It would be well for those people to examine into the matter, +and first ascertain whether it _is_ a missionary establishment. When +we send missions to India, the Sandwich Islands, &c., we send men +believed to be pious and enlightened. For the probable influence +of the emigrants carried out by the Colonization Society, let the +Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored persons +colonized from the United States will “carry religion and the arts +into the heart of Africa.” Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the +Society, says, “Of all classes of our population the most vicious is +that of the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend their +vices to all around them.” And the African Repository, which is the +organ of the Society, declares that “they are notoriously ignorant—a +curse and a contagion wherever they reside.” Now, are not these +admirable missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It would +be wise to put them under better and more encouraging influences at +home, before we attempt to send them to enlighten heathen lands. + +_Q._ Some say that these people are naturally inferior to us; and +that the shape of their skulls proves it. + +_A._ If I believed that the colored people were naturally inferior to +the whites, I should say that was an additional reason why we ought +to protect, instruct, and encourage them. No consistent republican +will say that a strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less +gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think the negroes +are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge, and make use of it, if +they could get a chance. If they do think so, why do their laws +impose such heavy penalties on all who attempt to give them any +education? Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation +of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored race are +naturally inferior, I wish you would read the history of Toussaint +L’Ouverture, the Washington of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black, +he was unquestionably one of the greatest and best men of his age. +I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New York, and Mr. Douglass of +Philadelphia preach a few times, before you hastily decide concerning +the capacity of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As for +the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if our Southern +brethren will emancipate all the slaves who have _not_ what is called +the “African conformation.” + +_Q._ What do you think about property in slaves? + +_A._ Let me reply to that question by asking others. If you were +taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab bought you, and paid +honestly for you, should you ever consider yourself the _property_ of +the Arab? Should you think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider +you? Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property in the +transmission? If you and your children had toiled hard for years, and +received only a peck of corn a week for your services, should you not +think that some compensation was due to _you_? + +_Q._ These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to answer a good +many things, when we once get into the habit of imagining how we +should think and feel if we ourselves were the slaves. But what have +the North to do on this subject? + +_A._ They cannot help having a great deal to do with it, either for +good or for evil. They are citizens of this republic; and as such +cannot but feel a painful interest in a subject which makes their +beloved country an object of derision to the civilized world. If the +slaves should make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound +to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a slave escapes +from his master unto us, we are bound to deliver him up to the lash. +The people of Pennsylvania, living so near the slave States, have a +great many of these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago, an +industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia was torn from his +home at midnight, and beaten in such a degree that the snow for some +distance was stained with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly +attached to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old; but +regardless of her situation, she plunged into the snow, and implored +mercy for her husband. Her shrieks and entreaties were of no avail. +The citizens of Philadelphia could not help her, because the free +States are bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil might be +cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if the surplus population +were not drained off to supply _new_ slave States. But in order to +accommodate slave-holders in this respect, Louisiana has been bought, +and Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the free +States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise for an eternal +slave market. Every time a member from the free States votes for the +admission of a slave state into the Union, he helps to increase the +political power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation +of this abominable system. It is high time for the free States to +begin to reflect seriously, whether they ought any longer to give +their money and their moral influence in support of this iniquity. + +_Q._ I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway slaves to +their masters. Are you sure it is so? + +_A._ When masters _bring_ their slaves into the free States, or +_send_ them, the slaves can legally take their freedom; but when +the slaves run away, we are obliged by law to give them up, let the +circumstances be what they may. Many conscientious people prefer to +obey the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver unto his +master the servant which hath escaped unto thee.” + +_Q._ But would you at once give so many ignorant creatures political +power, by making them voters? + +_A._ That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide; and +they would probably decide that it would not be judicious to invest +emancipated slaves with the elective franchise; for though it is not +their fault that they have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits +them for voters. At the present time, slaves _are_ represented in +Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three freemen; +which is just the same as if our farmers were allowed to count +every five of their oxen as three voters. This system gives the +Southern aristocracy great political power, entirely unchecked by +democratic influence, which comes in as a counterpoise in States +where the laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of +South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the management +of slaves, in which he says: “An addition of $1,000,000 to the +private fortune of Daniel Webster would not give to Massachusetts +more weight than she now possesses in the Federal Councils. On the +other hand, every increase of slave property in South Carolina, +is a fraction thrown into the scale by which _her representation +in Congress is determined_.” This country has been governed by a +President forty-eight years. During forty of those years we have been +governed by a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained +in office but four years; and the great middle section has never +given a President. The Middle States are politically stronger than +the Northern, and are therefore more likely to act independently, +and without reference to Southern support. Perhaps this may be the +reason why those States, large and wealthy as they are, have never +given a President to their country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted +politicians; and they are closely knit together by one common bond of +sympathy on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them +that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac. + +_Q._ You know that abolitionists are universally accused of wishing +to promote the amalgamation of colored and white people. + +_A._ This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause, +and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community. +By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one would really +suppose that in this free country a certain set of men had power to +compel their neighbors to marry contrary to their own inclination. +The abolitionists have never, by example, writing, or conversation, +endeavored to connect amalgamation with the subject of abolition. +When their enemies insist upon urging this silly and unfounded +objection, they content themselves with replying, “If there be a +natural antipathy between the races, the antipathy will protect +itself. If such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence, +we certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It is +a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid that the +moment we allow the colored ones to be educated, the girls will all +be running after them.” + +At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens rose to +say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads into the +school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,” said he, “the +first thing we shall know they will be marrying our daughters!” +After some other remarks, he concluded by saying, “it is impossible +for the colored and white race to live together in a kind social +relation—there is a natural antipathy—they cannot be made to mix +any better than oil and water.” A plain farmer replied, “I thought +you said just now, that you was afraid that they’d marry our +_darters_; if they won’t mix any better than _ile_ and water, what +are you afraid of?” Any one who observes the infinite variety of +shadings in the complexions of the colored people, will perceive +that amalgamation has for a long time been carried on. The only +justification that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is +not sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every child +must follow the condition of its _mother_; that is, if the mother is +a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they would change one +word, and say the child shall follow the condition of its _father_, +a large proportion of their slaves would be free at once; and the +others would soon become so, provided no new cargoes were in the mean +time smuggled in from Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly +told in a juvenile couplet, viz. + + “By universal emancipation, + We want to _stop_ amalgamation.” + +_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break down all +distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into our parlors? + +_A._ There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People have +pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether I would +invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I would not do so if +he were a white man; and I should not be likely to do it, merely +because he was black.” An educated person will not naturally like +to associate with one who is grossly ignorant. It may be no merit +in one that he is well-informed, and no fault of the other that he +is ignorant; for these things may be the result of circumstances, +over which the individual had no control; but such people will not +choose each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For these +reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any complexion, for +my companion; but when you ask me whether that man’s children shall +have as fair a chance as my own, to obtain an education, and rise in +the world, I should be ashamed of myself, both as a Christian and a +republican, if I did not say, yes, with all my heart. + +_Q._ But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can be +overcome? + +_A._ Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass away, +which are not founded in reason and justice. In France and England, +this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen would never +dream of taking offence because a colored gentleman sat beside them +in a stage-coach, or at the table of an hotel. Be assured, however, +that the abolitionists have not the slightest wish to force you to +give up this prejudice. If, after conscientious examination, you +believe it to be right, cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely +because your neighbors do. Look it in the face—apply the golden +rule—and judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could +not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution; but I +have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice will be removed. +The old feudal nobles of England would not have thought it possible +that their descendants could live in a community, where they and +their vassals were on a perfect civil equality; yet the apparent +impossibility has come to pass, with advantage to many, and injury +to none. When we endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel, +there is never any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of +peace. + +_Q._ But they say your measures are unconstitutional. + +_A._ Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on any +subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character of the +country are so deeply involved? This is all the abolitionists have +ever done; it is all they have ever desired to do. Nobody disputes +that Congress has constitutional power to abolish slavery and the +slave-trade in the District of Columbia. That District belongs in +common to all the States, and each of them has an interest in the +slaves there. The public prisons of that District, built _with the +money of the whole people_ of the United States, are used for the +benefit of slave-traders, and the groaning victims of this detestable +traffic are kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these +prisons, _paid with the money of the whole people_, act as jailers +to these slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be +completed. When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have we no +right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade +_there_? I do not see how any conscientious man can help believing it +to be a solemn duty. + +_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have tried +to excite insurrections among the slaves? + +_A._ This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in +truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments to the +slave-holders _only_. They have never sought for any communication +with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles would lead them +to teach patience and submission, until their deliverance could be +accomplished by peaceful measures. I believe the publications by the +Peace Society do not contain so much in defence of non-resistance +under injury, as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should +be discovered that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried +to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately +turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of disapprobation. +This false charge has been got up at the South merely to excite +sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph went the rounds of the +newspapers, concerning an _abolitionist_ who had been overheard +trying to persuade a negro lad to run away, and offering to forge +free papers for him. It was afterwards ascertained that the man was +a _kidnapper_, and took this means of getting the boy into his own +power, for the sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures +of a man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to the +South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these pictures, +if they do not know their letters. In the first place, the books are +sent to the masters. In the next place (as has been well observed), +the pictures represent a thing that is either true, or not true. +If it is not true, the negroes would look at the picture without +being reminded of any thing _they_ had ever seen or known—if told +that it represented a driver beating slaves, they would laugh at +such Munchausen stories of things that never happened. On the other +hand, if the representation is true, would the mere picture of a +thing be more likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing +itself? These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres +raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of the +charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that they are +always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations, or any species of +evidence. When I have read the resolutions passed at public meetings +against the abolitionists, I have smiled at the farce which those men +have been acting. In nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists +could most cordially and conscientiously concur. The enemies of +the cause have in several cities gravely met together to declare +that they do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The +abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous +gravity, they make known to the world that they do not approve of any +legislative interference with the Southern States. The abolitionists +have never dreamed of any such interference. They merely wish to +_induce the Southerners to legislate for themselves_; and they hope +to do this by the universal dissemination of facts and arguments, +calculated to promote a _correct public sentiment_ on the subject of +slavery. This is all they ever intended to do; and this they will +do, though earth and hell combine against their efforts. The men +engaged in this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and +therefore they are strong. + +_Q._ But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded? + +_A._ At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord God, +Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they will hear, or +whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of their words, though +briers and thorns be with thee, and thou dost dwell among scorpions.” +If public sentiment becomes universally reformed on this subject, it +cannot fail to have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in +the British dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never +would have voted for the bill, the king never would have signed it, +if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the step absolutely +necessary; and the public became enlightened by the exertions of +benevolent men, who were obliged to endure every form of obloquy +and rage, before the good work was completed. The slave-holders are +perfectly aware that the same causes will produce similar effects in +this country. One of the Southern editors has lately declared that +what is most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists +will make some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery +really _is_ wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it. +Another Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this +discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders +with abhorrence. + +_Q._ But if the system works so badly in every respect, why are +people so unwilling to give it up? + +_A._ Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish +unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The emperor of Russia, +and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant to abridge their own +power, for the sake of introducing a system of things more conducive +to the freedom, virtue and happiness of their subjects. They had +rather live in constant fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight +dagger, than to give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which +they have so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so +common to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who are +terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been presented +to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men are determined, if +possible, to prevent the abolitionists from proving to such minds +that _the dangers of insurrection all belong to slavery, and would +cease when slavery was abolished_. + +At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and virulent, +because their _interests_ are closely intertwined with the pernicious +system. Inquire into the private history of many of the men, who +have called meetings against the abolitionists—you will find that +some manufacture negro cloths for the South—some have sons who sell +those cloths—some have daughters married to slave-holders—some have +plantations and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed in +Southern commerce—and some candidates for political offices would bow +until their back-bones were broken, to obtain or preserve Southern +influence. The Southerners understand all this perfectly well, and +despise our servility, even while they condescend to make use of it. + +One great reason why the people of this country have not thought +and felt right on this subject, is that all our books, newspapers, +almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent the colored race +as an inferior and degraded class, who never could be made good and +useful citizens. Ridicule and reproach have been abundantly heaped +upon them; but their virtues and their sufferings have found few +historians. The South has been well satisfied with such a public +sentiment. It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and +it effectually rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In +this department of service, the Colonization Society has been a most +active and zealous agent. + +_Q._ But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent +proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists. + +_A._ They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when his +fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such imminent +peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him down over the wall +in a basket,” to save his life. As well might St. Stephen have been +blamed for the mob that stoned him to death. With the same justice +might William Penn have been called the cause of all the violent +persecutions against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent +out in the midst of a perverse generation, they _always_ come “not to +bring peace, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered violence +to no man—they have never attempted to stop the discussions of their +opponents; but have, on the contrary, exerted themselves to obtain a +candid examination of the subject on all sides. They merely claim the +privilege of delivering peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and +of publishing what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to +have them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth. + +_Q._ But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture on +this subject? + +_A._ _We_ have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing other +nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined with the +government and prejudices of the people. If good and conscientious +men leave ease, honor, and popularity behind them, to come here, and +labor among the poor and the despised, merely from zeal in a good +cause, shall we refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult, +mob, and stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and +Sandwich Islanders for abusing _our_ missionaries? We sent out agents +to England, to give her the benefit of our experience on the subject +of temperance; ought _we_ not to be willing to receive the benefit of +her experience on the subject of slavery? Let us candidly hear what +these men have to say. If it be contrary to reason and truth, reject +it; if it be the truth, let us ponder it in our hearts. + +_Q._ But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to the +dissolution of the Union. + +_A._ There must be something wrong in the Union, if the candid +discussion of _any_ subject can dissolve it; and for the truth of +this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the South should +be injudicious enough to withdraw from the Union for the sake of +preserving a moral pestilence in her borders, it is very certain that +slavery cannot long continue after that event. None of the frontier +States could long keep their slaves, if we were not obliged by law +to deliver up runaways; nor could they any longer rely upon the +free States, in cases of emergency, to support slavery by force of +arms. The union of these States has been continually disturbed and +embittered by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would +fain convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this +apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong, that +they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve it; but +they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle. “Duties are +ours; events are God’s!” + + + + + TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE + + Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been + corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within + the text and consultation of external sources. + + Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, + when a predominant preference was found in the original book. + + Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, + and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. + + Pg 13: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’. + Pg 15: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’. + Pg 16: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’. + Pg 36: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’. + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 69376 *** |