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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cc7f6c0 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #69376 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69376) diff --git a/old/69376-0.txt b/old/69376-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c4e0424..0000000 --- a/old/69376-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1828 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anti-slavery catechism, by Lydia Maria -Child - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Anti-slavery catechism - -Author: Lydia Maria Child - -Release Date: November 18, 2022 [eBook #69376] - -Language: English - -Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM *** - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - - ANTI-SLAVERY - - CATECHISM. - - - BY MRS. CHILD, - - _Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called - Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic - Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’ - ‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &c._ - - - “On the nation’s naked heart - Scatter the living coals of Truth.” - - - Second Edition. - - - NEWBURYPORT: - PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE. - 1839. - - - - - Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835, - By CHARLES WHIPPLE, - In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. - - - - -ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM. - - -_Question._ Why do you consider it a duty to preach and publish -abolition doctrines? - -_Answer._ First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for the system -of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its details, is in direct -opposition to the precepts of the gospel. Secondly, I consider it -my duty as a conscientious citizen of this republic; for I believe -slavery is prejudicial to the best interests of my country; and I -dare not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we persevere -in our iniquity. - -_Q._ But the abolitionists are accused of showing the worst side of -slavery. Is it not true that they seek to give an exaggerated idea of -its evils? - -_A._ I believe every man, who candidly examines the subject, will -come to the conclusion, that every side appears to be the worst side. -Allow me to give a brief statement of the case. Between two and -three millions of people are compelled to labor without wages. They -gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would by working -one hour. It is not in human nature that they should be disposed to -be industrious under these circumstances. They try to do as little -as possible. The chief part of the labor that is got out of their -bones and sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn a -week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave. The planters -generally estimate that a slave can be fed and clothed at an expense -of from fifteen to twenty dollars a year. The following is the -printed testimony of Thomas Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder, -though reputed to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn -per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain health -and strength under moderate labor. But there is _often_ a defect -in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient. The present -economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave, -and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working -condition. Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his -comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave, seeing his -master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, naturally adopts the -same selfish course, and, when not restrained by higher principles, -becomes deceitful and selfish.” - -_Q._ If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really thinks slavery so -bad in its effects, why does he not emancipate his own slaves? - -_A._ If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an answer very -common among planters. He would tell you that he could not do it -because the laws of the State in which he lives impose such heavy -penalties, that the process of emancipation is extremely difficult -and expensive. - -_Q._ Who makes the laws of the Southern States? - -_A._ The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man say that he -would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the _laws_ would allow it, -it makes me think of an anecdote I have often heard. A little girl -had been ordered to perform some household work in the absence of -her mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her orders had -not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why have you not done as I bid -you?” The little girl replied, “I should have been glad to do it, -mother; but I could not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied -you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the reply. Now this -is plainly the case with the slave-holders. They make oppressive -laws, and persist in upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do -my duty, if I could; but the _laws_ will not permit it.” - -_Q._ Do the slaves have to work all the time? - -_A._ In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall not be -compelled to work _more_ than _fourteen_ hours a day, from September -to March, nor more than _fifteen_ hours a day, from March to -September; and it is reasonable to conclude that there would have -been no necessity for making such a law, unless some masters _did_ -compel their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts, who -are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work more than ten hours -a day, and are better fed than the slaves. It is an extraordinary -thing for a slave to be sent to the state prison for an offence. -Instead of punishment, it would in fact be amelioration of his lot. - -_Q._ But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work for -themselves. - -_A._ When they happen to have kind masters, they are sometimes -allowed a part of the time to earn something for themselves; but the -laws are extremely inefficient for the protection of property thus -acquired. If a white man sees fit to seize the products of their -industry, the law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave -States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence against a -white man, under any circumstances. Any note of hand, or written -contract with a slave is worth no more than a promissory note to a -dog; because no slave can bring an action at law. In several of the -States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained that he -has acquired any property. - -_Q._ I have been told that masters are allowed to kill their slaves. -Can this be true? - -_A._ The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing of a slave -as murder; but no instance has ever been recorded of a white man -executed for killing a slave. One law on this subject has the -following strange qualification: “Except said slave die of _moderate_ -punishment.” As if any punishment, that occasioned death, _could_ -be moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either bond or free, -should see a slave murdered, it avails nothing against the murderer; -because the laws of slave States do not allow a colored person, under -any circumstances, to testify against a white man. The laws of South -Carolina favor the master to such a degree, that when accused of -murdering a slave, he may be absolved simply upon _his own oath_, -that he did not commit the crime! - -_Q._ But I am told that white men are not unfrequently prosecuted for -cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the laws afforded the poor -creatures some protection. - -_A._ I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern Courts; -and those reports did more than any thing else to make me an -abolitionist. Prosecutions are always brought for the master’s -interest—never for the protection or redress of the slave. In -Martin’s Louisiana Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan -_vs._ Patten. In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor -for the damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves. -The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should pay the lady -the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration of which, the -slave should be placed in _his_ possession. The lady received all -the money, as an indemnification for the loss of property; but the -poor slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings, but -was actually given to the very man that had knocked his eye out! -This is a fair sample of the nature of all such prosecutions. In -Nott & McCord’s South Carolina Reports, 1818, it is stated that a -slave belonging to Mrs. E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two -men who were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced an action -to recover the value of her slave. The judge told the jury that -circumstances _might_ exist to authorize the killing of a negro, -_without the sanction of a magistrate, or even the order of a militia -officer_; but it was thought such circumstances were not connected -with _this_ case; the lady was therefore entitled to compensation -for injury done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his -parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once thought of -in the matter. - -_Q._ But do you really believe they hunt negroes with dogs and guns, -as some people say? - -_A._ There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact. Dogs are -trained for that express purpose. The planters justify the practice, -by saying it is absolutely necessary for their own safety; because -runaway negroes, who collect in the woods and swamps, will soon begin -to commit depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the evils -inevitably growing out of this bad system are made use of to justify -its cruelties. Free laborers would have no inducement to run away -and hide in swamps. It would obviously be for their own interest to -keep at work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with all the -keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt squirrels or hares. A -letter written near Edenton, N.C. among other items of news, states: -“We have had great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known in -the literary world resided for some time in the family of a Georgia -planter; and he himself stated to me that three negro hunts took -place during the first nine months of his stay there. He said, that -one night hearing a noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the -cause. “The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading their -guns, trying their flints, and going through the usual preparations, -apparently for a deer hunt, as buck shot and bullets were in demand. -The children of the family had partaken of the general excitement, -and arisen from their beds. As I entered the room, I could hear one -of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t kill Ralph, would you?’ -‘I would take him, and sell him, and get money for him,’ said the -next of age. ‘You will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’ -said the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat buck in -the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed down the heavy charge. -The moonlight from the window glanced along the barrel of the piece, -and caught the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled -up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but in vivid -sympathy with the paternal look and attitude. The anticipated joy of -vengeance seemed to be the predominating emotion.” - -_Q._ If the laws are as you say, I should think the slaves did not -stand a fair chance when they are _wrongfully_ accused. - -_A._ If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the Slave Laws, you -will be convinced for yourself that what I say is true; and the -effect is as you suppose. The poor slaves are completely in the power -of their masters. The same men who accuse them are often their judges -and executioners. In illustration of this, I will tell you a case -that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina. It was told by a woman who -lived there at the time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many -of the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical trades. The -planters in the back country were very desirous to purchase some of -them; but their masters found it so profitable to let them out, that -they would not consent to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy, -hit upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose: They wrote -anonymous letters, charging these intelligent slaves with having -projected an insurrection. These letters were scattered about in -Edenton, with the idea that the masters would be glad to sell such -dangerous fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves were -tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened owners; and a -large number of them were put to death, upon no other evidence than -anonymous letters. - -_Q._ It does not seem as if such things could take place in a -civilized country. Can you believe it? - -_A._ If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe you will -think it perfectly natural that such abuses should exist, wherever -one human being has arbitrary power over another. You would not like -to place yourself completely in the power even of the best man you -know; you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his will how -much work you should do in a day, what food you should eat, and what -clothes you should wear, and how and when you should be punished. -It is not considered entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish -all his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his own -children; what then do you suppose the poor slave has to expect, when -he becomes too old and infirm to be profitable to his master? - -_Q._ But the Southerners are said to be very honorable, generous men. - -_A._ Our Southern brethren are just what any human beings would be -under similar circumstances. They are generous with the proceeds of -other men’s labor, for the same reason that the heir is prodigal of -money, which another accumulates for him. He who can let out his -neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive all -their wages, will naturally be more profuse than a man who depends -entirely on his own exertions. Planters have heretofore generally -confessed that slavery is an evil, and many of them speak of its -detailed abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely the -necessary and inevitable results of the system they are helping to -support; and they never can cure the abuses until they are willing to -renounce the system itself. I suppose that few planters would think -of palliating the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet they -are all helping to support a system under which such cruelties can -be committed with impunity. Perhaps very humane and amiable masters -do even more mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are -always quoted as palliations of the whole system; and they approach -so _near_ to the right line, that they can more easily draw over -kind-hearted people, who have not thought much upon the subject. - -_Q._ What is the history of Mrs. Salarie? - -_A._ She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April, 1834, her -splendid mansion took fire. During the midst of the conflagration, -a rumor arose among the crowd that there were slaves chained in the -burning dwelling; but those who asked for the keys were reproved for -interfering with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors were -forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had collected around the -spot; and a New Orleans paper thus describes the horrible scene that -presented itself: “Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were -seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by the neck to -the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and torn from one extremity -to the other. Their bodies, from head to foot, were covered with -scars and sores, and filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of -sixty years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast to the -floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the appearance of having -been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually seen -making a feast of his brains.” - -_Q._ Every body must have thought her a very wicked woman. Did the -slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend to justify her measures? - -_A._ I have no doubt that every humane person, that heard of the -event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt it. For several months -previous to the discovery, her neighbors had been in the habit of -living in apartments as far as possible from her house, on purpose to -avoid the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet during -all that time no complaint was laid before the public authorities, -and no investigation demanded! I suppose neighbors were afraid to say -any thing, lest they should be accused of promoting discontent among -the negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings in the situation -of beasts, are more afraid of them than they would be of beasts; -because the human being has _reason_, which is always prone to offer -resistance to tyranny. The consciousness of this makes slave-holders -very irritable when any one in the community takes part with an -abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for his sufferings. - -_Q._ Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves well? - -_A._ So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses and -cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently make them forget -their interests. Passive obedience is obtained from human beings with -more difficulty than from animals; and when the master _is_ provoked, -the poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the shadow -of protection from the law. The law in no case recognises slaves as -human beings; on the contrary, it expressly declares they “shall -be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be _chattels personal_, in -the hands of their owners and possessors, their administrators and -assigns, to all intents, constructions, and _purposes whatever_.” An -act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates specific -articles, such as “slaves, working beasts, animals,” &c. Where even -the _laws_ consider human beings as animals, it is not a matter of -surprise that they are generally treated no better than self-interest -leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive that when -the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any way unfit for labor, -it is _not_ for the interest of his master to prolong his existence -by rendering it comfortable. Then again that part of the system -connected with _overseers_, shows plainly that the self-interest of -the master cannot effectually secure good treatment to the slave. -If planters were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard -to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are proverbially -unprincipled men) would have no motive for consulting the interest of -their employers—it would be a matter of indifference to them whether -much or little work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is -customary to give the overseer a certain _proportion_ of the profits -of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling desire to get the -greatest possible amount of work done. He does not care how much the -soil is exhausted, nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a -slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe the -story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s labor. If the poor -creature droops under his allotted task, he must be stimulated by the -whip, because the overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If -the “slave dies under _moderate_ punishment,” the master must furnish -a new laborer; and the loss falls on _him_, not on the overseer. -It is obviously natural for the latter personage to think more of -his own gains than of his employer’s losses. Every body knows that -men are prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their own; -because they do not meet with any personal loss from injury done to -the beast, and their object is to get their money’s worth of riding. -Is it not a fearful thing for one human being to be placed towards -another in the same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man -who hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of cruelty, -too well authenticated to be denied, they are prone to lay the blame -upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of Virginia, speaks of this class of men -as “the lowest of the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who -employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence, -and love of dominion.” If we had no such information concerning the -character of these men, we should naturally conclude that good people -would be averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers and -drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because slaves -are entirely deprived of the motives which induce free laborers -to work; and since overseers must be employed, it is necessary to -make it for their interest to get as much work out of the slave as -possible. The evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts -of the system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not, they -cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing the system. The -master and his subordinate agents _must_ have discretionary power to -punish, because their poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary -motives to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave _must_ not be -allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts; because -the oppressed being would naturally avail himself of this privilege, -and sell some of the cotton or tobacco, which he cultivates for -his master without wages. The laws _must_ punish them with great -severity; because the very nature of their condition is a constant -temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder. They _must_ be kept -brutally ignorant; because if they were otherwise, they could not be -kept in slavery. Licentiousness _must_ be countenanced among them; -because their master’s interest is connected with their increase, -and he might lose many good bargains if the laws did not allow him -to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband from his wife. The law -_must_ suppose a negro to be a slave, till he proves himself free; -because runaway slaves would of course pretend that they were free. -They _must_ not be allowed to witness against a white man; for a -slave may have had a wife or a child whipped to death by a white -man—and he may have many other good reasons for strong prejudice -against white men. An unnatural system _must_ be sustained by -unnatural means. Hence we find the same characteristic features in -every country where negro slavery has been allowed. - -_Q._ Some people think slavery as great a sin as the slave trade. Are -you of that opinion? - -_A._ There seems to me just the same difference as there is between -the thief and the man who pays him for stealing. What would you say -of a man who buys a horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following -circumstance, which took place a short time before our Revolution, -furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A Philadelphia negro was -accused of having stolen goods in his possession. He acknowledged -the fact, saying, “Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom -dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den, Massa? dey be only -a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny corkscrew; one cost sixpence, -and tudder a shilling; an me _pay Tom honestly for dem_, Massa.” -“Pretty story, truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen, -and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them. Don’t you -know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as the thief? You must be -severely whipped, you black rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black -rascal be whipt for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be -whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To be sure,” replied -the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey, “here be Tom’s Massa—hold him -fast, constable! He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de -piccaninny corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen from his old -fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew had neder.” - -I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion that the -slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader. So long as a -profitable market is kept open, the article will be supplied, despite -of difficulties and dangers. The only way to stop the trade, is to -shut up the market; and this can be done only by the entire abolition -of the system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody will be -tempted to steal a man. Slavery never exists without having more or -less of the slave-trade involved _in_ it. There is in the very heart -of our land a slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by -our laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign slave -trade. The new slave States at the extreme South have not slaves -enough, and the climate, together with the hard labor of the sugar -plantations, kills them very fast. The old slave States have a -surplus of slaves, which they send off to supply these markets. About -ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone. Niles, in -his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing in slaves has become -a _large_ business. Establishments are made at several places in -Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These -places are strongly built, and well supplied with _thumbscrews_, -_gags_, _cow-skins_, _and other whips_, _often bloody_.” In these -sales no regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married wife -is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother with her little -ones are sold in “_separate_ lots to suit purchasers.” A gentleman -in Charleston, S. C., writes to his friend in New York: “Curiosity -sometimes leads me to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw -the father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and expressing -an indignation in his countenance that he dares not speak; and the -mother pressing her infants closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild -and simple earnestness, ‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my -children!’ But the hammer went on, reckless whether it united or -sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a man apparently as white -as myself exposed for sale.” - -_Q._ I have heard some people say that the negroes do not care so -much about such separations as we should suppose. - -_A._ There is no doubt that their degraded situation tends to blunt -the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect; and it is a -fearful thing to think what Christians have to answer for, who thus -brutalize immortal souls. But there are numerous instances to prove -that the poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations -when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra, in Marion county, -Missouri, two boys were sold to a slave-trader, who did not intend -to leave the place until morning. During the night, the mother was -kept chained in an out-house, that she might not make any effort to -prevent the departure of her children. She managed to get loose from -her fetters, seized an axe, cut off the heads of her sleeping boys, -and then ended her own life by the same instrument. - -The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave an account of a -slave named Michael, who was sold by his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton, -by whom he was to be immediately shipped for the Southern markets. -At the mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived to -escape. He immediately returned to the place where his wife resided, -and having armed himself, declared he never would be sent to the -South, unless his wife was allowed to accompany him. He was finally -taken by stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding that -his oppressors were determined to separate him from his beloved wife, -he committed suicide. I believe the attachments of slaves are even -stronger than ours; for these ties constitute the only pleasure they -are allowed to have. Hundreds of instances might be told, where they -have preferred death to separation. - -_Q._ I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free colored persons, -to sell them as slaves. Is it so? - -_A._ It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to a -considerable extent. More than twenty free colored children were -kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia, in 1825; and in 1827 -two were stolen in open day. It is a common thing to decoy the -unsuspecting victims on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and -then seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says: “Beware -of kidnappers! It is well understood that there is at present in -this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation -of stealing colored children for the Southern market.” As the law -supposes every colored person to be a slave unless he can _prove_ -himself free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed to be -evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy time of it. - -_Q._ Some people say we ought to pity the masters as well as the -slaves. - -_A._ I agree with them entirely. The masters are to be deeply pitied; -because the long continuance of a wicked system has involved them -in difficulties, and at the same time rendered them generally blind -to the best means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are -likewise to be compassionated for the effects which early habits of -power produce on their own characters. Mr. Jefferson, who lived in -the midst of slavery, says: “The whole commerce between master and -slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the -most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission -on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it. The -parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, -puts on the same airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to -the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised -in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. -The man must be a prodigy, who can retain his morals and manners -undepraved in such circumstances.” The general licentiousness -produced by this system can never be described without using language -too gross to be addressed to a civilized community. Some idea of it -may be derived from the fact, that every female slave is completely -in the power of her master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his -drivers. The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white -man, under any circumstances; and the state of public opinion is -such that any pretensions to virtue on her part would be treated -with brutal ridicule. The slave is not allowed to have any right in -his wife and children. If his master’s interest can be served by his -keeping three or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of -husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner. The wife, or -the husband, is sometimes sold, and sent thousands of miles from each -other, and from their little ones, without the slightest hope of ever -meeting again. Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is -soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for the interest -of the master that they should do so. It is a shameful fact that the -laws and customs of our country make it absolutely impossible for a -large portion of our population to be virtuous, even if they wish to -be so. The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding -of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to the system would -be shocked by the detail of well authenticated facts, which prove -that about as little regard is paid to decency in one case as the -other. _Mulatto_ slaves bring a higher price than _black_ ones; hence -licentiousness in slave States becomes a profitable vice, instead of -being expensive, as it is under other forms of society. - -_Q_. I have been told that a great many of the slaves have very light -complexions. Is it so? - -_A._ In the old slave States, where the process of amalgamation -has been going on for a long time, this is remarkably the case. An -old soldier, who lately visited the South, said he was not so much -struck by any circumstance, as by the great change that had taken -place in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution. Now and -then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements for a runaway -slave, “who passes himself for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who -dislikes the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years -ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter one day, they -met a man driving a team, who had a perfectly fair complexion, with -blue eyes and brown hair. The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an -independent fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country, -where it is considered so disgraceful for a white man to work.” “O, -that fellow is a slave,” replied the Georgian. Almost every body -has heard of the recent case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a -perfectly white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and tried -as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves that a white man may, -without a _mistake_, be adjudged a slave. “A case of a slave sueing -for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of -which the following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of -about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he -was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as -a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the -jury, he was examined by the jury and two learned physicians, all -of whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any, race of -negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances. -All the physiological marks of distinction, which characterize the -African descent, had disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft, -straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the -hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head round and -well formed, forehead high and prominent, ears large, the tibia of -the leg straight, and feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of -his claims, he was proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman, -and that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and still -were slaves: _consequently he was found to be a slave_.” I have been -told of a young physician, who went into the far Southern States -to settle, and there became in love with a very handsome and modest -girl, who lived at service. He married her; and about a year after -that event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced himself -as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr. W*****, “Sir, I have a -trifling affair of business to settle with you. You have married a -slave of mine.” The young physician resented this language; for he -had not entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any -other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J. furnished -proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well that the laws of the -country would uphold him in it. After considerable discussion, the -best bargain he could make was either to pay eight hundred dollars, -or have his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first -alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When he had gone, -Dr. W. told his wife what had happened. The poor woman burst into -tears and said, “That as Mr. J. _was her own father_, she had hoped -that when he heard she had found an honorable protector, he would -have left her in peace.” - -_Q._ There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system; but don’t -you think it ought to be done away gradually? Ought not the slaves to -be fitted for freedom, before they are emancipated? - -_A._ The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them for -freedom while they remain slaves. The masters know very well that -their vassals will be servile just in proportion as they are brutally -ignorant; hence all their legislation tends to keep them so. It is a -disgraceful fact, that in half of these United States the working men -are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write. The law ordains -that twenty lashes shall be inflicted upon every slave found in an -assembly met together for the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any -white person who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or sells -him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two hundred dollars; -and any colored person who commits the same _crime_, is punished with -thirty-nine lashes, or with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones, -of Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally speaking, the -slaves appear to us to be without God and without hope in the world—a -_nation of heathen in our very midst_. We cannot cry out against the -Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people; for -we withhold the Bible from _our_ servants, and keep them in ignorance -of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston, S. C. says: “I -hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod, -there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same -language as ourselves, who never _heard_ of the plan of salvation by -a Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive laws is, that -“teaching slaves to read and write tends to excite dissatisfaction in -their minds,” and to produce insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is -fined five hundred dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read -or write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet even to -his own child, he is liable to be fined or whipped, according to the -discretion of the court. Such laws are necessary for the preservation -of this detestable system; and while such laws exist, how can the -slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British government -insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the -Colonies, the Jamaica legislature replied, that the practice could -not possibly be laid aside, “_until_ the negro women acquired more of -the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.” Fitting -men for freedom by keeping them slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of -making women modest by whipping them without clothing. - -_Q._ But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn the slaves at -once loose upon the community? - -_A._ The abolitionists never desired to have them turned loose. -They wish to have them governed by salutary laws, so regulated as -effectually to protect both master and slave. They merely wish -to have the power of punishment transferred from individuals to -magistrates; to have the sale of human beings cease; and to have -the stimulus of _wages_ applied, instead of the stimulus of the -_whip_. The relation of master and laborer might still continue; -but under circumstances less irksome and degrading to both parties. -Even that much abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more -expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole and keeping -them before his nose, than he can by the continual application of the -whip; and even when human beings are brutalized to the last degree, -by the soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense -enough left to be more willing to work two hours for twelve cents, -than to work one hour for nothing. - -_Q._ I should think this system, in the long run, must be an -unprofitable one. - -_A._ It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare that it takes -six slaves to do what is easily performed by half the number of free -laborers. Henry Clay says, “It is believed that slave-labor would no -where be employed in the farming portions of the United States, if -the proprietors were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of -the Southern market, which keeps it up in their own;” and he says the -effects of introducing slavery into Kentucky have been to keep them -in the rear of their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture, -manufactures, and general prosperity. General Washington, when -writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative value of the soil -in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes the very low price of land -in Virginia to the existence of slavery among them. John Randolph -declared that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that slaves -would soon be advertising for runaway masters. A distinguished writer -on political economy says: “The slave system inflicts an incalculable -amount of human suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste -of labor and capital.” - -_Q._ But the masters say the negroes would cut their throats, if they -were emancipated. - -_A._ It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by the -assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no intention to -deceive, are very liable to be blinded by having been educated in -the midst of a bad system. Listen to facts on this subject. On the -10th of October, 1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child -born after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government -of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born after the 1st of -January, 1813, should be free. In 1821, the Congress of Colombia -emancipated all slaves who had borne arms in favor of the Republic, -and provided for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole -slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the government of -Mexico granted immediate and entire emancipation to every slave. In -all these instances, _not one case of insurrection or of bloodshed -has ever been heard of, as the result of emancipation_. - -In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to fit the slaves -for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated during a civil war, and -armed against British invaders. They at once ceased to be property, -and were recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided on -the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political History of -the Colonies, that, “after this public act of emancipation, the -negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued -to work upon all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The -whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the -negroes continued to work for them.” General Lacroix, in his Memoirs -of St. Domingo, speaking of the same period, says: “The colony -marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor; cultivation -prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress.” -This prosperous state of things lasted about eight years, and would -perhaps have continued to the present day, had not Bonaparte, at the -instigation of the old French planters, sent an army to deprive the -blacks of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of abolition -are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo, as an argument to -prove that emancipation is dangerous; but historical facts prove -that the effort to _restore slavery_ occasioned all the bloodshed in -that island; while _emancipation produced only the most peaceful and -prosperous results_. - -In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican general, retook -Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately proclaimed freedom to -all the slaves. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only -13,000. _No disasters occurred in consequence of this step._ More -than seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe, in -an official document, alluding to the tranquillity which reigned -throughout the island, observed: “We shall have the satisfaction of -having given an example, which will prove that _all classes of people -may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration -which secures justice to all classes_.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent a -powerful French force, and again reduced the island to slavery, at -the cost of about 20,000 negro lives. - -In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape Colony were -emancipated from their long and cruel bondage, and admitted by law to -all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. Outrages were -predicted, as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures -so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots; but all went on -peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously remarked, “Hottentots as -they were, they worked much better for Mr. _Cash_, than they had ever -done for Mr. _Lash_.” - -_Q._ But they say the British have had difficulties in their West -Indies. - -_A._ The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to get up a -“raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even if you take their own -accounts, you will find that they have not been able to adduce any -instances of violence in support of their assertions. The real -facts are these: The measure was not carried in a manner entirely -satisfactory to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge of human -nature, combined with the practical evidence afforded by history, -led them to conclude that immediate and unqualified emancipation -was _safest_ for the master, as well as just to the slave; but -the planters raised such a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and -insurrection, that the British government determined to conciliate -them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained that the -slaves should work six years longer without wages, under the name -of _apprentices_; but no punishment could be inflicted without the -special order of magistrates. The colonies had a right to dispense -with the apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the -seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda were the only -ones that chose to do so. The act of Parliament provided that each -apprentice should work for his master _forty and a half_ hours a -week, and have the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not -satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty vexations, -to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts to work _fifty_ -hours in a week. While the people had been slaves, they were always -allowed _cooks_ to prepare their meals, a person to bring _water_ -to the gang during the hot hours, and _nurses_ to tend the little -children while their mothers were at work in the field; but because -the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that these privileges -should be continued, the masters saw fit to take them away. Each -apprentice was obliged to quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a -great distance, to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having -it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this operation -was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own time. No water was -allowed to be brought to quench their thirst; the aged and infirm, -instead of being left, as formerly, to superintend the children under -the shade, were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers -were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped at their -backs. In addition to all these annoyances, the planters obtained a -new proclamation from the governor, by which they were authorized -to require extra labor of the apprentices in times of emergency, -or _whenever they should deem it necessary_, in the cultivation, -gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they repaid them an -equal time at _a convenient season of the year_. This was very much -like taking from a New England laborer the month of July, and paying -it back to him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely well -when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally showed a -disposition to be orderly, submissive, and thankful; but this system -of privation and injustice soon created discontent. They knew that -they were to receive no wages, however industrious they might be; -and they were well aware that their masters no longer had a right -to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had been removed, without -supplying a good one in its place. In three of the colonies, the -apprentices refused to work on the terms required by their masters. -In Jamaica, a very small military force was sent into one parish, and -only on one occasion; but no violence was offered on either side; for -the apprentices confined themselves to _passive resistance_—merely -refusing to work on the required terms. In St. Christophers, -difficulties of a similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind -was committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an end; and -out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty were found to be -absent from their work; and some of these were supposed to be dead -in the woods. In Demarara, the principal difficulty occurred. The -laborers assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff; but -the _worst_ thing they did was to beat a constable with their fists. -_It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with a constable are the -only violence to persons or property, that has been attempted by the -eight hundred thousand slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!_ - -Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they were, and -unworthy to be named in connexion with such a great moral change) -were but temporary. The governor of Jamaica, after five months’ -trial of emancipation, declares, in his address to the Assembly, -“Not the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists -in any quarter; and those preparations which I have felt it my duty -to make, might, without the slightest danger, have been dispensed -with.” By recent news, we learn that the planters finding the system -of coercion was likely to be ruinous to their own interest, offered -the apprentices 2_s._ 6_d._ per day for extra work. The enemies of -abolition prophesied that nothing would induce the negroes to work -more than they were actually compelled to by law, and that the crops -would perish for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise. -As soon as _wages_ were offered, they came forward eagerly, and -offered to do more work than the planters were willing to pay for. We -have the testimony of one of their magistrates, that as soon as this -system was tried, “their apparent indifference was every where thrown -off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering, and diligent -manner.” - -_Q._ And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where they gave up -the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate and unqualified -emancipation? - -_A._ In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any kind, has -occurred. The Antigua journals declare, “The great doubt is solved; -the highest hopes of the negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole -people, comprising thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery -into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, but with -the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.” The Christmas -holidays were always seasons of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a -military force was always held in readiness; but the Christmas after -emancipation, the customary guard was dispensed with. Up to the -present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil in Antigua; and -a negro is at the head of the police in that island. The population -consists of 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks. - -_Q._ Yet people are always saying that free negroes cannot take care -of themselves. - -_A._ It is because people are either very much prejudiced or very -ignorant on the subject. In the United States, colored persons have -scarcely any chance to rise. They are despised, and abused, and -discouraged, at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to -laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They are whipped -or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read or write; they are not -allowed to testify in court; and there is a general disposition not -to encourage them by giving them employment. In addition to this, -the planters are very desirous to expel them from the State, partly -because they are jealous of their influence upon the slaves, and -partly because those who have slaves to let out, naturally dislike -the competition of the free negroes. But if colored people are -well treated, and have the same inducements to industry as other -people, they work as well and behave as well. A few years ago the -Pennsylvanians were very much alarmed at the representations that -were made of the increase of pauperism from the ingress of free -negroes. A committee was appointed to examine into the subject, and -it was ascertained that the colored people not only supported their -own poor, but paid a considerable additional sum towards the support -of white paupers. - -_Q._ I have heard people say that the slaves would not take their -freedom, if it were offered to them. - -_A._ I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like to see the -experiment tried. If the slaves are so well satisfied with their -condition, why do they make such severe laws against running away? -Why are the patroles on duty all the time to shoot every negro who -does not give an account of himself as soon as they call to him? Why, -notwithstanding all these pains and penalties, are their newspapers -full of advertisements for runaway slaves? If the free negroes are -so much worse off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws -bestow freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or mistress’s -life, or performs any meritorious service to the State?” That must -be a very bad country where the law stipulates that _meritorious_ -actions shall be rewarded by making a man more unhappy than he was -before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a woman, who -went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama. She was the wife of a -Baptist clergyman, professed to be a pious woman, and was considered -as such. I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware -at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained that -freedom was the greatest curse that could be bestowed on a slave; and -when I attempted to put the case home to her conscience, she, for -consistency’s sake, declared, that she should be quite as willing -to die and leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a -free laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred slaves, she -should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to make their condition -comfortable. I replied, “I am willing to believe that you would do -so, madam; but in case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress -in the family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or -seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose hands they -may fall? The condition of the slave depends on the character of -the master; and that is entirely a matter of _accident_”. The pious -woman rejoined, “Oh, I should take care of that. If they were good, -faithful servants, they would find at my death that papers of -manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told me that freedom -was the greatest curse that could be bestowed upon a slave,” replied -I: “Now is it possible, madam, that you would leave, as your dying -legacy to good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could -bestow?” - -_Q._ Do you suppose they really believe what they say, when they -declare that slaves are happier than freemen? - -_A._ I leave your own republican good sense to determine that -question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not take that ground in his -address to the Legislature in 1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks -by selling them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to be -a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule -for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that _it -ought to be applied only to crime of the highest order_!” - -But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy and contented -as slave-holders try to represent them—what would it prove? It would -merely prove that they had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before -they _could_ be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very -truly, “If you have made a _happy slave_, you have made a _degraded -man_.” - -_Q._ But how is it that some people, who really do not intend to -make false representations, bring back such favorable accounts of -slavery, after they have visited at the South? - -_A._ It is because they go among rich, hospitable planters, and see -favorite household slaves. Of the poor wretches on the plantations, -subject to the tender mercies of an overseer, they know as little, -as the guests of a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition -of his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master. They ask -questions of the master, and not of the slave. Even if they tried to -talk with the latter, the poor creatures would be afraid to speak -freely, lest any expressions of discontent might be reported to the -master, or the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk as -I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew they had a friend to -listen to them! - -_Q._ But do you think the suitable time has yet come to exert -ourselves on this subject? - -_A._ I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered by a -lady who had been brought up in the midst of slavery: “If thou were -a slave, toiling in the fields of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst -think the time had _fully_ come.” This explains the whole difficulty. -We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave, and imagine -what would be our feelings if we were in _his_ circumstances. We do -not obey the Scripture injunction, “remember those that are in bonds, -_as bound with them_.” - -But if we look at this question merely with a view to expediency, -without reference to justice or mercy, when can we hope that a time -will come _more_ propitious to the discussion of this subject? The -fact is, difficulties and dangers increase every day. In South -Carolina and Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual -increase of the _slaves_, without including the free blacks, in -the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It is a fact worthy of -consideration, that the licentiousness of the white man increases -the colored race; but the vices of colored men or women can never -increase the white race; for the children of such connections are of -course not white.—These people are increasing in the midst of us in -startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and Christian course, we can -identify their interests with the rest of the community, and make -them our friends; but if we persevere in the course we have pursued, -their feelings and interests _must_ be all in opposition to ours, and -there is great reason to fear the consequences. - -_Q._ Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing some good? - -_A._ Those who have examined into the subject, have so universally -come to the conclusion that Colonization is entirely ineffectual for -the abolition of slavery at any time, however remote, that it seems -hardly worth while to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend -to impeach the motives of benevolent individuals, who have been -engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its _practical tendency_ -is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph, and other slave-holders, -have advocated that Society, upon the avowed ground that by sending -off an inconvenient surplus it would increase the price of the -slaves left. In the new slave States, where they have not as yet an -“inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like the Colonization -Society; but the old slave States have been its warmest friends. -There is one brief objection to the idea of abolishing slavery by -Colonization: _it is impossible_. Even if it were desirable to remove -these valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if the -whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were devoted to it. The -Colonization Society has been in operation about nineteen years; they -have had immense funds; and they have transported to Africa, during -that time, about three thousand colored persons, of which _not one -thousand_ were manumitted slaves. Now the annual _increase_ of the -slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual increase of the free blacks is -about 10,000. _In nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been -able to carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in -one year!_ This is worse than the old story of the frog, who jumped -out of the well two feet every night, and fell back three feet every -morning. But even if the colored people _could_ be all carried out -of the country, what is the South to do for laborers? They have been -in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white men cannot -work in their climate, and by taking it for granted that black men -will not work for wages. If the climate is unsuitable for white -laborers, it is manifestly very impolitic to send off the black -ones. It would be far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in -Bermuda and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our country; -and it is worse than a childish game to be sending off ship-loads of -laborers to Africa, while we are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland, -Holland, and Switzerland. - -_Q._ I have heard some people say they gave their money to the -Colonization Society merely as a missionary establishment. - -_A._ It would be well for those people to examine into the matter, -and first ascertain whether it _is_ a missionary establishment. When -we send missions to India, the Sandwich Islands, &c., we send men -believed to be pious and enlightened. For the probable influence -of the emigrants carried out by the Colonization Society, let the -Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored persons -colonized from the United States will “carry religion and the arts -into the heart of Africa.” Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the -Society, says, “Of all classes of our population the most vicious is -that of the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend their -vices to all around them.” And the African Repository, which is the -organ of the Society, declares that “they are notoriously ignorant—a -curse and a contagion wherever they reside.” Now, are not these -admirable missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It would -be wise to put them under better and more encouraging influences at -home, before we attempt to send them to enlighten heathen lands. - -_Q._ Some say that these people are naturally inferior to us; and -that the shape of their skulls proves it. - -_A._ If I believed that the colored people were naturally inferior to -the whites, I should say that was an additional reason why we ought -to protect, instruct, and encourage them. No consistent republican -will say that a strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less -gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think the negroes -are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge, and make use of it, if -they could get a chance. If they do think so, why do their laws -impose such heavy penalties on all who attempt to give them any -education? Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation -of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored race are -naturally inferior, I wish you would read the history of Toussaint -L’Ouverture, the Washington of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black, -he was unquestionably one of the greatest and best men of his age. -I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New York, and Mr. Douglass of -Philadelphia preach a few times, before you hastily decide concerning -the capacity of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As for -the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if our Southern -brethren will emancipate all the slaves who have _not_ what is called -the “African conformation.” - -_Q._ What do you think about property in slaves? - -_A._ Let me reply to that question by asking others. If you were -taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab bought you, and paid -honestly for you, should you ever consider yourself the _property_ of -the Arab? Should you think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider -you? Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property in the -transmission? If you and your children had toiled hard for years, and -received only a peck of corn a week for your services, should you not -think that some compensation was due to _you_? - -_Q._ These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to answer a good -many things, when we once get into the habit of imagining how we -should think and feel if we ourselves were the slaves. But what have -the North to do on this subject? - -_A._ They cannot help having a great deal to do with it, either for -good or for evil. They are citizens of this republic; and as such -cannot but feel a painful interest in a subject which makes their -beloved country an object of derision to the civilized world. If the -slaves should make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound -to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a slave escapes -from his master unto us, we are bound to deliver him up to the lash. -The people of Pennsylvania, living so near the slave States, have a -great many of these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago, an -industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia was torn from his -home at midnight, and beaten in such a degree that the snow for some -distance was stained with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly -attached to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old; but -regardless of her situation, she plunged into the snow, and implored -mercy for her husband. Her shrieks and entreaties were of no avail. -The citizens of Philadelphia could not help her, because the free -States are bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil might be -cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if the surplus population -were not drained off to supply _new_ slave States. But in order to -accommodate slave-holders in this respect, Louisiana has been bought, -and Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the free -States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise for an eternal -slave market. Every time a member from the free States votes for the -admission of a slave state into the Union, he helps to increase the -political power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation -of this abominable system. It is high time for the free States to -begin to reflect seriously, whether they ought any longer to give -their money and their moral influence in support of this iniquity. - -_Q._ I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway slaves to -their masters. Are you sure it is so? - -_A._ When masters _bring_ their slaves into the free States, or -_send_ them, the slaves can legally take their freedom; but when -the slaves run away, we are obliged by law to give them up, let the -circumstances be what they may. Many conscientious people prefer to -obey the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver unto his -master the servant which hath escaped unto thee.” - -_Q._ But would you at once give so many ignorant creatures political -power, by making them voters? - -_A._ That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide; and -they would probably decide that it would not be judicious to invest -emancipated slaves with the elective franchise; for though it is not -their fault that they have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits -them for voters. At the present time, slaves _are_ represented in -Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three freemen; -which is just the same as if our farmers were allowed to count -every five of their oxen as three voters. This system gives the -Southern aristocracy great political power, entirely unchecked by -democratic influence, which comes in as a counterpoise in States -where the laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of -South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the management -of slaves, in which he says: “An addition of $1,000,000 to the -private fortune of Daniel Webster would not give to Massachusetts -more weight than she now possesses in the Federal Councils. On the -other hand, every increase of slave property in South Carolina, -is a fraction thrown into the scale by which _her representation -in Congress is determined_.” This country has been governed by a -President forty-eight years. During forty of those years we have been -governed by a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained -in office but four years; and the great middle section has never -given a President. The Middle States are politically stronger than -the Northern, and are therefore more likely to act independently, -and without reference to Southern support. Perhaps this may be the -reason why those States, large and wealthy as they are, have never -given a President to their country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted -politicians; and they are closely knit together by one common bond of -sympathy on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them -that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac. - -_Q._ You know that abolitionists are universally accused of wishing -to promote the amalgamation of colored and white people. - -_A._ This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause, -and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community. -By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one would really -suppose that in this free country a certain set of men had power to -compel their neighbors to marry contrary to their own inclination. -The abolitionists have never, by example, writing, or conversation, -endeavored to connect amalgamation with the subject of abolition. -When their enemies insist upon urging this silly and unfounded -objection, they content themselves with replying, “If there be a -natural antipathy between the races, the antipathy will protect -itself. If such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence, -we certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It is -a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid that the -moment we allow the colored ones to be educated, the girls will all -be running after them.” - -At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens rose to -say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads into the -school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,” said he, “the -first thing we shall know they will be marrying our daughters!” -After some other remarks, he concluded by saying, “it is impossible -for the colored and white race to live together in a kind social -relation—there is a natural antipathy—they cannot be made to mix -any better than oil and water.” A plain farmer replied, “I thought -you said just now, that you was afraid that they’d marry our -_darters_; if they won’t mix any better than _ile_ and water, what -are you afraid of?” Any one who observes the infinite variety of -shadings in the complexions of the colored people, will perceive -that amalgamation has for a long time been carried on. The only -justification that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is -not sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every child -must follow the condition of its _mother_; that is, if the mother is -a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they would change one -word, and say the child shall follow the condition of its _father_, -a large proportion of their slaves would be free at once; and the -others would soon become so, provided no new cargoes were in the mean -time smuggled in from Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly -told in a juvenile couplet, viz. - - “By universal emancipation, - We want to _stop_ amalgamation.” - -_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break down all -distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into our parlors? - -_A._ There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People have -pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether I would -invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I would not do so if -he were a white man; and I should not be likely to do it, merely -because he was black.” An educated person will not naturally like -to associate with one who is grossly ignorant. It may be no merit -in one that he is well-informed, and no fault of the other that he -is ignorant; for these things may be the result of circumstances, -over which the individual had no control; but such people will not -choose each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For these -reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any complexion, for -my companion; but when you ask me whether that man’s children shall -have as fair a chance as my own, to obtain an education, and rise in -the world, I should be ashamed of myself, both as a Christian and a -republican, if I did not say, yes, with all my heart. - -_Q._ But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can be -overcome? - -_A._ Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass away, -which are not founded in reason and justice. In France and England, -this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen would never -dream of taking offence because a colored gentleman sat beside them -in a stage-coach, or at the table of an hotel. Be assured, however, -that the abolitionists have not the slightest wish to force you to -give up this prejudice. If, after conscientious examination, you -believe it to be right, cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely -because your neighbors do. Look it in the face—apply the golden -rule—and judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could -not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution; but I -have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice will be removed. -The old feudal nobles of England would not have thought it possible -that their descendants could live in a community, where they and -their vassals were on a perfect civil equality; yet the apparent -impossibility has come to pass, with advantage to many, and injury -to none. When we endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel, -there is never any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of -peace. - -_Q._ But they say your measures are unconstitutional. - -_A._ Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on any -subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character of the -country are so deeply involved? This is all the abolitionists have -ever done; it is all they have ever desired to do. Nobody disputes -that Congress has constitutional power to abolish slavery and the -slave-trade in the District of Columbia. That District belongs in -common to all the States, and each of them has an interest in the -slaves there. The public prisons of that District, built _with the -money of the whole people_ of the United States, are used for the -benefit of slave-traders, and the groaning victims of this detestable -traffic are kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these -prisons, _paid with the money of the whole people_, act as jailers -to these slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be -completed. When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have we no -right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade -_there_? I do not see how any conscientious man can help believing it -to be a solemn duty. - -_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have tried -to excite insurrections among the slaves? - -_A._ This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in -truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments to the -slave-holders _only_. They have never sought for any communication -with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles would lead them -to teach patience and submission, until their deliverance could be -accomplished by peaceful measures. I believe the publications by the -Peace Society do not contain so much in defence of non-resistance -under injury, as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should -be discovered that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried -to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately -turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of disapprobation. -This false charge has been got up at the South merely to excite -sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph went the rounds of the -newspapers, concerning an _abolitionist_ who had been overheard -trying to persuade a negro lad to run away, and offering to forge -free papers for him. It was afterwards ascertained that the man was -a _kidnapper_, and took this means of getting the boy into his own -power, for the sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures -of a man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to the -South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these pictures, -if they do not know their letters. In the first place, the books are -sent to the masters. In the next place (as has been well observed), -the pictures represent a thing that is either true, or not true. -If it is not true, the negroes would look at the picture without -being reminded of any thing _they_ had ever seen or known—if told -that it represented a driver beating slaves, they would laugh at -such Munchausen stories of things that never happened. On the other -hand, if the representation is true, would the mere picture of a -thing be more likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing -itself? These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres -raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of the -charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that they are -always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations, or any species of -evidence. When I have read the resolutions passed at public meetings -against the abolitionists, I have smiled at the farce which those men -have been acting. In nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists -could most cordially and conscientiously concur. The enemies of -the cause have in several cities gravely met together to declare -that they do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The -abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous -gravity, they make known to the world that they do not approve of any -legislative interference with the Southern States. The abolitionists -have never dreamed of any such interference. They merely wish to -_induce the Southerners to legislate for themselves_; and they hope -to do this by the universal dissemination of facts and arguments, -calculated to promote a _correct public sentiment_ on the subject of -slavery. This is all they ever intended to do; and this they will -do, though earth and hell combine against their efforts. The men -engaged in this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and -therefore they are strong. - -_Q._ But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded? - -_A._ At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord God, -Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they will hear, or -whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of their words, though -briers and thorns be with thee, and thou dost dwell among scorpions.” -If public sentiment becomes universally reformed on this subject, it -cannot fail to have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in -the British dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never -would have voted for the bill, the king never would have signed it, -if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the step absolutely -necessary; and the public became enlightened by the exertions of -benevolent men, who were obliged to endure every form of obloquy -and rage, before the good work was completed. The slave-holders are -perfectly aware that the same causes will produce similar effects in -this country. One of the Southern editors has lately declared that -what is most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists -will make some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery -really _is_ wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it. -Another Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this -discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders -with abhorrence. - -_Q._ But if the system works so badly in every respect, why are -people so unwilling to give it up? - -_A._ Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish -unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The emperor of Russia, -and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant to abridge their own -power, for the sake of introducing a system of things more conducive -to the freedom, virtue and happiness of their subjects. They had -rather live in constant fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight -dagger, than to give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which -they have so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so -common to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who are -terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been presented -to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men are determined, if -possible, to prevent the abolitionists from proving to such minds -that _the dangers of insurrection all belong to slavery, and would -cease when slavery was abolished_. - -At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and virulent, -because their _interests_ are closely intertwined with the pernicious -system. Inquire into the private history of many of the men, who -have called meetings against the abolitionists—you will find that -some manufacture negro cloths for the South—some have sons who sell -those cloths—some have daughters married to slave-holders—some have -plantations and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed in -Southern commerce—and some candidates for political offices would bow -until their back-bones were broken, to obtain or preserve Southern -influence. The Southerners understand all this perfectly well, and -despise our servility, even while they condescend to make use of it. - -One great reason why the people of this country have not thought -and felt right on this subject, is that all our books, newspapers, -almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent the colored race -as an inferior and degraded class, who never could be made good and -useful citizens. Ridicule and reproach have been abundantly heaped -upon them; but their virtues and their sufferings have found few -historians. The South has been well satisfied with such a public -sentiment. It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and -it effectually rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In -this department of service, the Colonization Society has been a most -active and zealous agent. - -_Q._ But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent -proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists. - -_A._ They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when his -fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such imminent -peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him down over the wall -in a basket,” to save his life. As well might St. Stephen have been -blamed for the mob that stoned him to death. With the same justice -might William Penn have been called the cause of all the violent -persecutions against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent -out in the midst of a perverse generation, they _always_ come “not to -bring peace, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered violence -to no man—they have never attempted to stop the discussions of their -opponents; but have, on the contrary, exerted themselves to obtain a -candid examination of the subject on all sides. They merely claim the -privilege of delivering peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and -of publishing what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to -have them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth. - -_Q._ But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture on -this subject? - -_A._ _We_ have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing other -nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined with the -government and prejudices of the people. If good and conscientious -men leave ease, honor, and popularity behind them, to come here, and -labor among the poor and the despised, merely from zeal in a good -cause, shall we refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult, -mob, and stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and -Sandwich Islanders for abusing _our_ missionaries? We sent out agents -to England, to give her the benefit of our experience on the subject -of temperance; ought _we_ not to be willing to receive the benefit of -her experience on the subject of slavery? Let us candidly hear what -these men have to say. If it be contrary to reason and truth, reject -it; if it be the truth, let us ponder it in our hearts. - -_Q._ But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to the -dissolution of the Union. - -_A._ There must be something wrong in the Union, if the candid -discussion of _any_ subject can dissolve it; and for the truth of -this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the South should -be injudicious enough to withdraw from the Union for the sake of -preserving a moral pestilence in her borders, it is very certain that -slavery cannot long continue after that event. None of the frontier -States could long keep their slaves, if we were not obliged by law -to deliver up runaways; nor could they any longer rely upon the -free States, in cases of emergency, to support slavery by force of -arms. The union of these States has been continually disturbed and -embittered by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would -fain convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this -apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong, that -they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve it; but -they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle. “Duties are -ours; events are God’s!” - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, - when a predominant preference was found in the original book. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Pg 13: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’. - Pg 15: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’. - Pg 16: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’. - Pg 36: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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*/ - position: absolute; - color: #A9A9A9; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - text-indent: .5em; -} - - -/* general placement and presentation */ -.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.lsp {letter-spacing: 0.5em;} - -.antiqua {font-family: Blackletter, Fraktur, Textur, "Olde English Mt", "Olde English", Diploma, England, Gothic, serif;} - - -/* Poetry */ -.poetry-container {text-align: center;} -.poetry {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} -.poetry {display: inline-block; font-size: 90%} -.poetry .verse {text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} -.poetry .indentq {text-indent: -3.5em;} - -/* large inline blocks don't split well on paged devices */ -.x-ebookmaker .poetry {display: block; margin-left: 4.5em;} - - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -.transnote p {text-indent: 0em;} - - -/* custom cover (cover.jpg) */ -.customcover {visibility: hidden; display: none;} -.x-ebookmaker .customcover {visibility: visible; display: block;} - -/* Poetry indents */ -.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3em;} - - - /* ]]> */ </style> -</head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anti-slavery catechism, by Lydia Maria Child</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Anti-slavery catechism</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Lydia Maria Child</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: November 18, 2022 [eBook #69376]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***</div> - - -<div class="transnote"> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p class="customcover">The cover image was created by the transcriber -and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -<p>Some minor changes to the text are noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a> -<span class="screenonly">These are indicated by a <ins class="corr">dashed blue</ins> underline.</span></p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<h1> -ANTI-SLAVERY<br /> -<span class="fs150 lsp"> CATECHISM.</span><br /> -</h1> - -<hr class="r15" /> -<p class="center smcap">By MRS. CHILD,</p> - -<p class="negin1 fs70"><em>Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called -Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic -Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’ -‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &c.</em></p> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="p3 poetry"> - <div class="verse indentq">“On the nation’s naked heart</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Scatter the living coals of Truth.”</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="p3 antiqua pfs120 lsp">Second Edition.</p> - -<hr class="p3 r10" /> - -<p class="p3 pfs120">NEWBURYPORT:</p> -<p class="pfs90">PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.</p> -<p class="pfs120">1839.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<p class="p4 pfs90"> -Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,<br /> -By CHARLES WHIPPLE,<br /> -In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.</p> - - -<hr class="p6 chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[Pg 3]</span><br /></p> - -<p class="p2 pfs135">ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.</p> -</div> - -<hr class="r30a" /> -<hr class="r30b" /> - -<p class="p2"><em>Question.</em> Why do you consider it a duty to preach and -publish abolition doctrines?</p> - -<p><em>Answer.</em> First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for -the system of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its -details, is in direct opposition to the precepts of the gospel. -Secondly, I consider it my duty as a conscientious -citizen of this republic; for I believe slavery is prejudicial -to the best interests of my country; and I dare -not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we -persevere in our iniquity.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But the abolitionists are accused of showing the -worst side of slavery. Is it not true that they seek to -give an exaggerated idea of its evils?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> I believe every man, who candidly examines the -subject, will come to the conclusion, that every side -appears to be the worst side. Allow me to give a brief -statement of the case. Between two and three millions -of people are compelled to labor without wages. They -gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would -by working one hour. It is not in human nature that -they should be disposed to be industrious under these -circumstances. They try to do as little as possible. The -chief part of the labor that is got out of their bones and -sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn -a week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave. -The planters generally estimate that a slave can be fed -and clothed at an expense of from fifteen to twenty dollars -a year. The following is the printed testimony of Thomas -Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder, though reputed -to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn -per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain -health and strength under moderate labor. But there is -<em>often</em> a defect in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient. -The present economy of the slave system is -to get all you can from the slave, and give in return as -little as will barely support him in a working condition. -Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his -comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -seeing his master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, -naturally adopts the same selfish course, and, when not -restrained by higher principles, becomes deceitful and -selfish.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really -thinks slavery so bad in its effects, why does he not -emancipate his own slaves?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an -answer very common among planters. He would tell -you that he could not do it because the laws of the State -in which he lives impose such heavy penalties, that the -process of emancipation is extremely difficult and -expensive.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Who makes the laws of the Southern States?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man -say that he would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the -<em>laws</em> would allow it, it makes me think of an anecdote I -have often heard. A little girl had been ordered to -perform some household work in the absence of her -mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her -orders had not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why -have you not done as I bid you?” The little girl replied, -“I should have been glad to do it, mother; but I could -not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied -you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the -reply. Now this is plainly the case with the slave-holders. -They make oppressive laws, and persist in -upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do my -duty, if I could; but the <em>laws</em> will not permit it.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Do the slaves have to work all the time?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall -not be compelled to work <em>more</em> than <em>fourteen</em> hours a day, -from September to March, nor more than <em>fifteen</em> hours a -day, from March to September; and it is reasonable to -conclude that there would have been no necessity for -making such a law, unless some masters <em>did</em> compel -their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts, -who are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work -more than ten hours a day, and are better fed than the -slaves. It is an extraordinary thing for a slave to be -sent to the state prison for an offence. Instead of punishment, -it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work -for themselves.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span></p> - -<p><em>A.</em> When they happen to have kind masters, they are -sometimes allowed a part of the time to earn something -for themselves; but the laws are extremely inefficient -for the protection of property thus acquired. If a white -man sees fit to seize the products of their industry, the -law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave -States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence -against a white man, under any circumstances. Any -note of hand, or written contract with a slave is worth -no more than a promissory note to a dog; because no -slave can bring an action at law. In several of the -States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained -that he has acquired any property.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told that masters are allowed to kill -their slaves. Can this be true?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing -of a slave as murder; but no instance has ever been -recorded of a white man executed for killing a slave. -One law on this subject has the following strange qualification: -“Except said slave die of <em>moderate</em> punishment.” -As if any punishment, that occasioned death, <em>could</em> be -moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either -bond or free, should see a slave murdered, it avails -nothing against the murderer; because the laws of slave -States do not allow a colored person, under any circumstances, -to testify against a white man. The laws of -South Carolina favor the master to such a degree, -that when accused of murdering a slave, he may be -absolved simply upon <em>his own oath</em>, that he did not commit -the crime!</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But I am told that white men are not unfrequently -prosecuted for cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the -laws afforded the poor creatures some protection.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern -Courts; and those reports did more than any thing -else to make me an abolitionist. Prosecutions are -always brought for the master’s interest—never for the -protection or redress of the slave. In Martin’s Louisiana -Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan <em>vs.</em> Patten. -In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor for the -damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves. -The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should -pay the lady the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration -of which, the slave should be placed in <em>his</em><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -possession. The lady received all the money, as an -indemnification for the loss of property; but the poor -slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings, -but was actually given to the very man that had knocked -his eye out! This is a fair sample of the nature of all -such prosecutions. In Nott & McCord’s South Carolina -Reports, 1818, it is stated that a slave belonging to Mrs. -E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two men who -were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced -an action to recover the value of her slave. The judge -told the jury that circumstances <em>might</em> exist to authorize -the killing of a negro, <em>without the sanction of a magistrate, -or even the order of a militia officer</em>; but it was thought such -circumstances were not connected with <em>this</em> case; the -lady was therefore entitled to compensation for injury -done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his -parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once -thought of in the matter.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But do you really believe they hunt negroes with -dogs and guns, as some people say?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact. -Dogs are trained for that express purpose. The planters -justify the practice, by saying it is absolutely necessary -for their own safety; because runaway negroes, who collect -in the woods and swamps, will soon begin to commit -depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the -evils inevitably growing out of this bad system are -made use of to justify its cruelties. Free laborers would -have no inducement to run away and hide in swamps. -It would obviously be for their own interest to keep at -work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with -all the keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt -squirrels or hares. A letter written near Edenton, N.C. -among other items of news, states: “We have had -great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known -in the literary world resided for some time in the family -of a Georgia planter; and he himself stated to me that -three negro hunts took place during the first nine months -of his stay there. He said, that one night hearing a -noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the cause. -“The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading -their guns, trying their flints, and going through the -usual preparations, apparently for a deer hunt, as buck -shot and bullets were in demand. The children of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -family had partaken of the general excitement, and arisen -from their beds. As I entered the room, I could -hear one of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t -kill Ralph, would you?’ ‘I would take him, and sell -him, and get money for him,’ said the next of age. ‘You -will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’ said -the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat -buck in the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed -down the heavy charge. The moonlight from the window -glanced along the barrel of the piece, and caught -the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled -up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but -in vivid sympathy with the paternal look and attitude. -The anticipated joy of vengeance seemed to be the predominating -emotion.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> If the laws are as you say, I should think the -slaves did not stand a fair chance when they are <em>wrongfully</em> -accused.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the -Slave Laws, you will be convinced for yourself that -what I say is true; and the effect is as you suppose. -The poor slaves are completely in the power of their -masters. The same men who accuse them are often -their judges and executioners. In illustration of this, I -will tell you a case that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina. -It was told by a woman who lived there at the -time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many of -the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical -trades. The planters in the back country were very desirous -to purchase some of them; but their masters found -it so profitable to let them out, that they would not consent -to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy, hit -upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose: -They wrote anonymous letters, charging these intelligent -slaves with having projected an insurrection. -These letters were scattered about in Edenton, with the -idea that the masters would be glad to sell such dangerous -fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves -were tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened -owners; and a large number of them were put to death, -upon no other evidence than anonymous letters.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> It does not seem as if such things could take place -in a civilized country. Can you believe it?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -you will think it perfectly natural that such abuses should -exist, wherever one human being has arbitrary power -over another. You would not like to place yourself -completely in the power even of the best man you know; -you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his -will how much work you should do in a day, what food -you should eat, and what clothes you should wear, and -how and when you should be punished. It is not considered -entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish all -his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his -own children; what then do you suppose the poor slave -has to expect, when he becomes too old and infirm to be -profitable to his master?</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But the Southerners are said to be very honorable, -generous men.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> Our Southern brethren are just what any human -beings would be under similar circumstances. They -are generous with the proceeds of other men’s labor, for -the same reason that the heir is prodigal of money, which -another accumulates for him. He who can let out his -neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive -all their wages, will naturally be more profuse -than a man who depends entirely on his own exertions. -Planters have heretofore generally confessed that slavery -is an evil, and many of them speak of its detailed -abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely -the necessary and inevitable results of the system they -are helping to support; and they never can cure the -abuses until they are willing to renounce the system itself. -I suppose that few planters would think of palliating -the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet -they are all helping to support a system under which -such cruelties can be committed with impunity. Perhaps -very humane and amiable masters do even more -mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are always -quoted as palliations of the whole system; and -they approach so <em>near</em> to the right line, that they can -more easily draw over kind-hearted people, who have -not thought much upon the subject.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April, -1834, her splendid mansion took fire. During the midst -of the conflagration, a rumor arose among the crowd that -there were slaves chained in the burning dwelling; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -those who asked for the keys were reproved for interfering -with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors -were forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had -collected around the spot; and a New Orleans paper -thus describes the horrible scene that presented itself: -“Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were -seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by -the neck to the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and -torn from one extremity to the other. Their bodies, from -head to foot, were covered with scars and sores, and -filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of sixty -years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast -to the floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the -appearance of having been beaten until it was broken, -and the worms were actually seen making a feast of his -brains.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Every body must have thought her a very wicked -woman. Did the slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend -to justify her measures?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> I have no doubt that every humane person, that -heard of the event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt -it. For several months previous to the discovery, her -neighbors had been in the habit of living in apartments -as far as possible from her house, on purpose to avoid -the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet -during all that time no complaint was laid before the -public authorities, and no investigation demanded! I -suppose neighbors were afraid to say any thing, lest they -should be accused of promoting discontent among the -negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings -in the situation of beasts, are more afraid of them than -they would be of beasts; because the human being has -<em>reason</em>, which is always prone to offer resistance to tyranny. -The consciousness of this makes slave-holders -very irritable when any one in the community takes part -with an abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for -his sufferings.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves -well?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses -and cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently -make them forget their interests. Passive obedience is -obtained from human beings with more difficulty than -from animals; and when the master <em>is</em> provoked, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the -shadow of protection from the law. The law in no case -recognises slaves as human beings; on the contrary, it -expressly declares they “shall be deemed, sold, taken, -and reputed to be <em>chattels personal</em>, in the hands of their -owners and possessors, their administrators and assigns, -to all intents, constructions, and <em>purposes whatever</em>.” -An act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates -specific articles, such as “slaves, working -beasts, animals,” &c. Where even the <em>laws</em> consider human -beings as animals, it is not a matter of surprise that -they are generally treated no better than self-interest -leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive -that when the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any -way unfit for labor, it is <em>not</em> for the interest of his master to -prolong his existence by rendering it comfortable. Then -again that part of the system connected with <em>overseers</em>, -shows plainly that the self-interest of the master cannot -effectually secure good treatment to the slave. If planters -were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard -to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are -proverbially unprincipled men) would have no motive -for consulting the interest of their employers—it would -be a matter of indifference to them whether much or little -work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is customary -to give the overseer a certain <em>proportion</em> of the -profits of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling -desire to get the greatest possible amount of work -done. He does not care how much the soil is exhausted, -nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a -slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe -the story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s -labor. If the poor creature droops under his allotted -task, he must be stimulated by the whip, because the -overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If the -“slave dies under <em>moderate</em> punishment,” the master -must furnish a new laborer; and the loss falls on <em>him</em>, -not on the overseer. It is obviously natural for the latter -personage to think more of his own gains than of his -employer’s losses. Every body knows that men are -prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their -own; because they do not meet with any personal loss -from injury done to the beast, and their object is to get -their money’s worth of riding. Is it not a fearful thing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -for one human being to be placed towards another in the -same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man who -hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of -cruelty, too well authenticated to be denied, they are -prone to lay the blame upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of -Virginia, speaks of this class of men as “the lowest of -the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who -employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, -insolence, and love of dominion.” If we had no such -information concerning the character of these men, we -should naturally conclude that good people would be -averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers -and drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because -slaves are entirely deprived of the motives which -induce free laborers to work; and since overseers must -be employed, it is necessary to make it for their interest -to get as much work out of the slave as possible. The -evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts of the -system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not, -they cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing -the system. The master and his subordinate agents -<em>must</em> have discretionary power to punish, because their -poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary motives -to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave <em>must</em> not be -allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts; -because the oppressed being would naturally -avail himself of this privilege, and sell some of the cotton -or tobacco, which he cultivates for his master without -wages. The laws <em>must</em> punish them with great severity; -because the very nature of their condition is a -constant temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder. -They <em>must</em> be kept brutally ignorant; because if they -were otherwise, they could not be kept in slavery. -Licentiousness <em>must</em> be countenanced among them; because -their master’s interest is connected with their increase, -and he might lose many good bargains if the laws -did not allow him to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband -from his wife. The law <em>must</em> suppose a negro to be -a slave, till he proves himself free; because runaway -slaves would of course pretend that they were free. -They <em>must</em> not be allowed to witness against a white -man; for a slave may have had a wife or a child whipped -to death by a white man—and he may have many other -good reasons for strong prejudice against white men.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -An unnatural system <em>must</em> be sustained by unnatural -means. Hence we find the same characteristic features -in every country where negro slavery has been -allowed.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Some people think slavery as great a sin as the -slave trade. Are you of that opinion?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> There seems to me just the same difference as -there is between the thief and the man who pays him for -stealing. What would you say of a man who buys a -horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following circumstance, -which took place a short time before our Revolution, -furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A -Philadelphia negro was accused of having stolen goods -in his possession. He acknowledged the fact, saying, -“Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom -dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den, -Massa? dey be only a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny -corkscrew; one cost sixpence, and tudder a shilling; an -me <em>pay Tom honestly for dem</em>, Massa.” “Pretty story, -truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen, -and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them. -Don’t you know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as -the thief? You must be severely whipped, you black -rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black rascal be whipt -for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be -whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To -be sure,” replied the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey, -“here be Tom’s Massa—hold him fast, constable! -He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de piccaninny -corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen -from his old fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew -had neder.”</p> - -<p>I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion -that the slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader. -So long as a profitable market is kept open, the article -will be supplied, despite of difficulties and dangers. -The only way to stop the trade, is to shut up the market; -and this can be done only by the entire abolition of the -system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody -will be tempted to steal a man. Slavery never -exists without having more or less of the slave-trade -involved <em>in</em> it. There is in the very heart of our land a -slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by our -laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -slave trade. The new slave States at the extreme South -have not slaves enough, and the climate, together with -the hard labor of the sugar plantations, kills them very -fast. The old slave States have a surplus of slaves, -which they send off to supply these markets. About -ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone. -Niles, in his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing -in slaves has become a <em>large</em> business. Establishments -are made at several places in Maryland and Virginia, at -which they are sold like cattle. These places are strongly -built, and well supplied with <em>thumbscrews</em>, <em>gags</em>, <em>cow-skins</em>, -<em>and other whips</em>, <em>often bloody</em>.” In these sales no -regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married -wife is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother -with her little ones are sold in “<em>separate</em> lots to suit purchasers.” -A gentleman in Charleston, S. C., writes to -his friend in New York: “Curiosity sometimes leads me -to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw the -father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and -expressing an indignation in his countenance that he -dares not speak; and the mother pressing her infants -closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild and simple earnestness, -‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my children!’ -But the hammer went on, reckless whether it -united or sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a -man apparently as white as myself exposed for sale.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say that the negroes do -not care so much about such separations as we should -suppose.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> There is no doubt that their degraded situation -tends to blunt the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect; -and it is a fearful thing to think what Christians -have to answer for, who thus brutalize immortal souls. -But there are numerous instances to prove that the -poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations -when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra, -in Marion county, Missouri, two boys were sold to a -slave-trader, who did not intend to leave the place until -morning. During the night, the mother was kept chained -in an out-house, that she might not make any effort -to prevent the departure of her children. She managed -to get loose from her fetters, seized an axe, <ins class="corr" id="tn-13" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'cut off the the heads'"> -cut off the heads</ins> of her sleeping boys, and then ended her own -life by the same instrument.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span></p> - -<p>The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave -an account of a slave named Michael, who was sold by -his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton, by whom he was to be -immediately shipped for the Southern markets. At the -mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived -to escape. He immediately returned to the place where -his wife resided, and having armed himself, declared he -never would be sent to the South, unless his wife was allowed -to accompany him. He was finally taken by -stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding -that his oppressors were determined to separate him -from his beloved wife, he committed suicide. I believe -the attachments of slaves are even stronger than ours; -for these ties constitute the only pleasure they are allowed -to have. Hundreds of instances might be told, -where they have preferred death to separation.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free -colored persons, to sell them as slaves. Is it so?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to -a considerable extent. More than twenty free colored -children were kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia, -in 1825; and in 1827 two were stolen in open -day. It is a common thing to decoy the unsuspecting victims -on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and then -seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says: -“Beware of kidnappers! It is well understood that there -is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily -engaged in their vocation of stealing colored children -for the Southern market.” As the law supposes every -colored person to be a slave unless he can <em>prove</em> himself -free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed -to be evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy -time of it.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Some people say we ought to pity the masters as -well as the slaves.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> I agree with them entirely. The masters are to -be deeply pitied; because the long continuance of a -wicked system has involved them in difficulties, and at -the same time rendered them generally blind to the best -means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are likewise -to be compassionated for the effects which early -habits of power produce on their own characters. Mr. -Jefferson, who lived in the midst of slavery, says: “The -whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most -unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading -submission on the other. Our children see this, and -learn to imitate it. The parent storms; the child looks -on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same -airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst -of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily -exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with -odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy, who -can retain his morals and manners undepraved in such -circumstances.” The general licentiousness produced -by this system can never be described without using language -too gross to be addressed to a civilized community. -Some idea of it may be derived from the fact, -that every female slave is completely in the power of her -master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his drivers. -The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white -man, under any circumstances; and the state of public -opinion is such that any pretensions to virtue on her part -would be treated with brutal ridicule. The slave is not -allowed to have any right in his wife and children. If -his master’s interest can be served by his keeping three -or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of -husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner. -<ins class="corr" id="tn-15" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Ths wife, or the'"> -The wife, or the</ins> husband, is sometimes sold, and sent -thousands of miles from each other, and from their little -ones, without the slightest hope of ever meeting again. -Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is -soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for -the interest of the master that they should do so. It is a -shameful fact that the laws and customs of our country -make it absolutely impossible for a large portion of our -population to be virtuous, even if they wish to be so. -The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding -of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to -the system would be shocked by the detail of well authenticated -facts, which prove that about as little regard -is paid to decency in one case as the other. <em>Mulatto</em> -slaves bring a higher price than <em>black</em> ones; hence licentiousness -in slave States becomes a profitable vice, -instead of being expensive, as it is under other forms of -society.</p> - -<p><em>Q</em>. I have been told that a great many of the slaves -have very light complexions. Is it so?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span></p> - -<p><em>A.</em> In the old slave States, where the process of <ins class="corr" id="tn-16" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'amagamation has been'"> -amalgamation has been</ins> going on for a long time, this is remarkably -the case. An old soldier, who lately visited -the South, said he was not so much struck by any circumstance, -as by the great change that had taken place -in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution. -Now and then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements -for a runaway slave, “who passes himself -for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who dislikes -the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years -ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter -one day, they met a man driving a team, who had a -perfectly fair complexion, with blue eyes and brown hair. -The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an independent -fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country, -where it is considered so disgraceful for a white -man to work.” “O, that fellow is a slave,” replied -the Georgian. Almost every body has heard of the recent -case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a perfectly -white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and -tried as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves -that a white man may, without a <em>mistake</em>, be adjudged a -slave. “A case of a slave sueing for his freedom, was -tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of which the -following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of -about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the -ground that he was a free white person. The court -granted his petition to sue as a pauper upon inspection -of his person. Upon his trial before the jury, he was examined -by the jury and two learned physicians, all of -whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any, -race of negro blood could be discovered by any of the -external appearances. All the physiological marks of -distinction, which characterize the African descent, had -disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft, straight, -fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the -hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head -round and well formed, forehead high and prominent, -ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, and feet hollow. -Notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was -proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman, and -that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and -still were slaves: <em>consequently he was found to be a -slave</em>.” I have been told of a young physician, who went<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -into the far Southern States to settle, and there became -in love with a very handsome and modest girl, who lived -at service. He married her; and about a year after that -event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced -himself as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr. -W*****, “Sir, I have a trifling affair of business to settle -with you. You have married a slave of mine.” The -young physician resented this language; for he had not -entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any -other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J. -furnished proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well -that the laws of the country would uphold him in it. After -considerable discussion, the best bargain he could -make was either to pay eight hundred dollars, or have -his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first -alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When -he had gone, Dr. W. told his wife what had happened. -The poor woman burst into tears and said, “That as -Mr. J. <em>was her own father</em>, she had hoped that when he -heard she had found an honorable protector, he would -have left her in peace.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system; -but don’t you think it ought to be done away gradually? -Ought not the slaves to be fitted for freedom, before -they are emancipated?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them -for freedom while they remain slaves. The masters -know very well that their vassals will be servile just in -proportion as they are brutally ignorant; hence all their -legislation tends to keep them so. It is a disgraceful -fact, that in half of these United States the working -men are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write. -The law ordains that twenty lashes shall be inflicted -upon every slave found in an assembly met together for -the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any white person -who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or -sells him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two -hundred dollars; and any colored person who commits -the same <em>crime</em>, is punished with thirty-nine lashes, or -with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones, of -Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally -speaking, the slaves appear to us to be without God and -without hope in the world—a <em>nation of heathen in our very -midst</em>. We cannot cry out against the Papists for withholding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -the Scriptures from the common people; for we -withhold the Bible from <em>our</em> servants, and keep them in -ignorance of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston, -S. C. says: “I hazard the assertion, that throughout -the bounds of our synod, there are at least one hundred -thousand slaves, speaking the same language as -ourselves, who never <em>heard</em> of the plan of salvation by a -Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive -laws is, that “teaching slaves to read and write tends -to excite dissatisfaction in their minds,” and to produce -insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is fined five hundred -dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read or -write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet -even to his own child, he is liable to be fined or -whipped, according to the discretion of the court. Such -laws are necessary for the preservation of this detestable -system; and while such laws exist, how can the -slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British -government insisted that female slaves should no -longer be flogged naked in the Colonies, the Jamaica -legislature replied, that the practice could not possibly -be laid aside, “<em>until</em> the negro women acquired more of -the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.” -Fitting men for freedom by keeping them -slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of making women modest -by whipping them without clothing.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn -the slaves at once loose upon the community?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> The abolitionists never desired to have them turned -loose. They wish to have them governed by salutary -laws, so regulated as effectually to protect both -master and slave. They merely wish to have the power -of punishment transferred from individuals to magistrates; -to have the sale of human beings cease; and to -have the stimulus of <em>wages</em> applied, instead of the stimulus -of the <em>whip</em>. The relation of master and laborer -might still continue; but under circumstances less irksome -and degrading to both parties. Even that much -abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more -expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole -and keeping them before his nose, than he can by the -continual application of the whip; and even when human -beings are brutalized to the last degree, by the -soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -enough left to be more willing to work two hours for -twelve cents, than to work one hour for nothing.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> I should think this system, in the long run, must -be an unprofitable one.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare -that it takes six slaves to do what is easily performed by -half the number of free laborers. Henry Clay says, “It -is believed that slave-labor would no where be employed -in the farming portions of the United States, if the proprietors -were not tempted to raise slaves by the high -price of the Southern market, which keeps it up in their -own;” and he says the effects of introducing slavery into -Kentucky have been to keep them in the rear of -their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture, manufactures, -and general prosperity. General Washington, -when writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative -value of the soil in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes -the very low price of land in Virginia to the existence -of slavery among them. John Randolph declared -that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that -slaves would soon be advertising for runaway masters. -A distinguished writer on political economy says: “The -slave system inflicts an incalculable amount of human -suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste of -labor and capital.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But the masters say the negroes would cut their -throats, if they were emancipated.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by -the assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no -intention to deceive, are very liable to be blinded by -having been educated in the midst of a bad system. Listen -to facts on this subject. On the 10th of October, -1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child born -after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government -of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born -after the 1st of January, 1813, should be free. In 1821, -the Congress of Colombia emancipated all slaves who -had borne arms in favor of the Republic, and provided -for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole -slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the -government of Mexico granted immediate and entire -emancipation to every slave. In all these instances, <em>not -one case of insurrection or of bloodshed has ever been -heard of, as the result of emancipation</em>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span></p> - -<p>In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to -fit the slaves for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated -during a civil war, and armed against British invaders. -They at once ceased to be property, and were -recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided -on the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political -History of the Colonies, that, “after this public -act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both -in the south and west, and they continued to work upon -all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The -whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, -and the negroes continued to work for them.” General -Lacroix, in his Memoirs of St. Domingo, speaking of the -same period, says: “The colony marched as by enchantment -towards its ancient splendor; cultivation -prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its -progress.” This prosperous state of things lasted about -eight years, and would perhaps have continued to the -present day, had not Bonaparte, at the instigation of the -old French planters, sent an army to deprive the blacks -of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of -abolition are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo, -as an argument to prove that emancipation is dangerous; -but historical facts prove that the effort to <em>restore -slavery</em> occasioned all the bloodshed in that island; -while <em>emancipation produced only the most peaceful and -prosperous results</em>.</p> - -<p>In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican -general, retook Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately -proclaimed freedom to all the slaves. They -were 85,000 in number, and the whites only 13,000. <em>No -disasters occurred in consequence of this step.</em> More than -seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe, -in an official document, alluding to the tranquillity -which reigned throughout the island, observed: “We -shall have the satisfaction of having given an example, -which will prove that <em>all classes of people may live in perfect -harmony with each other, under an administration which -secures justice to all classes</em>.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent -a powerful French force, and again reduced the island -to slavery, at the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.</p> - -<p>In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape -Colony were emancipated from their long and cruel -bondage, and admitted by law to all the rights and privileges<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -of the white colonists. Outrages were predicted, -as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures -so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots; -but all went on peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously -remarked, “Hottentots as they were, they -worked much better for Mr. <em>Cash</em>, than they had ever -done for Mr. <em>Lash</em>.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But they say the British have had difficulties in -their West Indies.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to -get up a “raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even -if you take their own accounts, you will find that they -have not been able to adduce any instances of violence -in support of their assertions. The real facts are these: -The measure was not carried in a manner entirely satisfactory -to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge -of human nature, combined with the practical evidence -afforded by history, led them to conclude that immediate -and unqualified emancipation was <em>safest</em> for the master, -as well as just to the slave; but the planters raised such -a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and insurrection, -that the British government determined to conciliate -them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained -that the slaves should work six years longer without -wages, under the name of <em>apprentices</em>; but no punishment -could be inflicted without the special order of magistrates. -The colonies had a right to dispense with the -apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the -seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda -were the only ones that chose to do so. The act of -Parliament provided that each apprentice should work -for his master <em>forty and a half</em> hours a week, and have -the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not -satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty -vexations, to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts -to work <em>fifty</em> hours in a week. While the people -had been slaves, they were always allowed <em>cooks</em> to prepare -their meals, a person to bring <em>water</em> to the gang -during the hot hours, and <em>nurses</em> to tend the little children -while their mothers were at work in the field; but -because the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that -these privileges should be continued, the masters saw -fit to take them away. Each apprentice was obliged to -quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a great distance,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having -it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this -operation was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own -time. No water was allowed to be brought to quench -their thirst; the aged and infirm, instead of being left, -as formerly, to superintend the children under the shade, -were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers -were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped -at their backs. In addition to all these annoyances, -the planters obtained a new proclamation from the governor, -by which they were authorized to require extra -labor of the apprentices in times of emergency, or <em>whenever -they should deem it necessary</em>, in the cultivation, -gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they -repaid them an equal time at <em>a convenient season of the -year</em>. This was very much like taking from a New England -laborer the month of July, and paying it back to -him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely -well when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally -showed a disposition to be orderly, submissive, -and thankful; but this system of privation and injustice -soon created discontent. They knew that they were to -receive no wages, however industrious they might be; -and they were well aware that their masters no longer -had a right to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had -been removed, without supplying a good one in its place. -In three of the colonies, the apprentices refused to -work on the terms required by their masters. In Jamaica, -a very small military force was sent into one parish, -and only on one occasion; but no violence was offered -on either side; for the apprentices confined themselves -to <em>passive resistance</em>—merely refusing to work on the -required terms. In St. Christophers, difficulties of a -similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind was -committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an -end; and out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty -were found to be absent from their work; and some of -these were supposed to be dead in the woods. In Demarara, -the principal difficulty occurred. The laborers -assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff; -but the <em>worst</em> thing they did was to beat a constable with -their fists. <em>It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with -a constable are the only violence to persons or property, -that has been attempted by the eight hundred thousand -slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!</em></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span></p> - -<p>Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they -were, and unworthy to be named in connexion with such -a great moral change) were but temporary. The governor -of Jamaica, after five months’ trial of emancipation, -declares, in his address to the Assembly, “Not -the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists -in any quarter; and those preparations which I have -felt it my duty to make, might, without the slightest -danger, have been dispensed with.” By recent news, -we learn that the planters finding the system of coercion -was likely to be ruinous to their own interest, -offered the apprentices 2<em>s.</em> 6<em>d.</em> per day for extra work. -The enemies of abolition prophesied that nothing would -induce the negroes to work more than they were actually -compelled to by law, and that the crops would perish -for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise. -As soon as <em>wages</em> were offered, they came forward -eagerly, and offered to do more work than the planters -were willing to pay for. We have the testimony of one -of their magistrates, that as soon as this system was -tried, “their apparent indifference was every where -thrown off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering, -and diligent manner.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where -they gave up the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate -and unqualified emancipation?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any -kind, has occurred. The Antigua journals declare, -“The great doubt is solved; the highest hopes of the -negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole people, comprising -thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery -into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, -but with the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.” -The Christmas holidays were always seasons -of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a military force was -always held in readiness; but the Christmas after emancipation, -the customary guard was dispensed with. Up -to the present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil -in Antigua; and a negro is at the head of the police -in that island. The population consists of 2,000 whites, -30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Yet people are always saying that free negroes -cannot take care of themselves.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> It is because people are either very much prejudiced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -or very ignorant on the subject. In the United -States, colored persons have scarcely any chance to -rise. They are despised, and abused, and discouraged, -at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to -laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They -are whipped or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read -or write; they are not allowed to testify in court; and -there is a general disposition not to encourage them -by giving them employment. In addition to this, -the planters are very desirous to expel them from -the State, partly because they are jealous of their influence -upon the slaves, and partly because those who -have slaves to let out, naturally dislike the competition -of the free negroes. But if colored people are well -treated, and have the same inducements to industry as -other people, they work as well and behave as well. -A few years ago the Pennsylvanians were very much -alarmed at the representations that were made of the -increase of pauperism from the ingress of free negroes. -A committee was appointed to examine into the subject, -and it was ascertained that the colored people not only -supported their own poor, but paid a considerable additional -sum towards the support of white paupers.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard people say that the slaves would not -take their freedom, if it were offered to them.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like -to see the experiment tried. If the slaves are so well -satisfied with their condition, why do they make such -severe laws against running away? Why are the patroles -on duty all the time to shoot every negro who -does not give an account of himself as soon as they call -to him? Why, notwithstanding all these pains and penalties, -are their newspapers full of advertisements for -runaway slaves? If the free negroes are so much worse -off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws bestow -freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or -mistress’s life, or performs any meritorious service to -the State?” That must be a very bad country where -the law stipulates that <em>meritorious</em> actions shall be rewarded -by making a man more unhappy than he was -before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a -woman, who went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama. -She was the wife of a Baptist clergyman, professed -to be a pious woman, and was considered as such.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware -at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained -that freedom was the greatest curse that could be -bestowed on a slave; and when I attempted to put the -case home to her conscience, she, for consistency’s sake, -declared, that she should be quite as willing to die and -leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a free -laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred -slaves, she should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to -make their condition comfortable. I replied, “I am -willing to believe that you would do so, madam; but in -case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress in the -family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or -seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose -hands they may fall? The condition of the slave depends -on the character of the master; and that is entirely a -matter of <em>accident</em>”. The pious woman rejoined, “Oh, I -should take care of that. If they were good, faithful -servants, they would find at my death that papers of -manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told -me that freedom was the greatest curse that could be -bestowed upon a slave,” replied I: “Now is it possible, -madam, that you would leave, as your dying legacy to -good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could -bestow?”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Do you suppose they really believe what they say, -when they declare that slaves are happier than freemen?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> I leave your own republican good sense to determine -that question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not -take that ground in his address to the Legislature in -1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks by selling -them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to -be a punishment of the highest order; and according to -every just rule for the apportionment of punishment to -crimes, it would seem that <em>it ought to be applied only to -crime of the highest order</em>!”</p> - -<p>But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy -and contented as slave-holders try to represent them—what -would it prove? It would merely prove that they -had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before they <em>could</em> -be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very -truly, “If you have made a <em>happy slave</em>, you have made -a <em>degraded man</em>.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But how is it that some people, who really do not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -intend to make false representations, bring back such -favorable accounts of slavery, after they have visited at -the South?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> It is because they go among rich, hospitable -planters, and see favorite household slaves. Of the poor -wretches on the plantations, subject to the tender mercies -of an overseer, they know as little, as the guests of -a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition of -his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master. -They ask questions of the master, and not of the slave. -Even if they tried to talk with the latter, the poor creatures -would be afraid to speak freely, lest any expressions -of discontent might be reported to the master, or -the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk -as I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew -they had a friend to listen to them!</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think the suitable time has yet come -to exert ourselves on this subject?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered -by a lady who had been brought up in the midst -of slavery: “If thou were a slave, toiling in the fields -of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst think the time -had <em>fully</em> come.” This explains the whole difficulty. -We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave, -and imagine what would be our feelings if we were in -<em>his</em> circumstances. We do not obey the Scripture injunction, -“remember those that are in bonds, <em>as bound -with them</em>.”</p> - -<p>But if we look at this question merely with a view to -expediency, without reference to justice or mercy, when -can we hope that a time will come <em>more</em> propitious to the -discussion of this subject? The fact is, difficulties and -dangers increase every day. In South Carolina and -Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual -increase of the <em>slaves</em>, without including the free -blacks, in the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It -is a fact worthy of consideration, that the licentiousness -of the white man increases the colored race; but the -vices of colored men or women can never increase the -white race; for the children of such connections are of -course not white.—These people are increasing in the -midst of us in startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and -Christian course, we can identify their interests with the -rest of the community, and make them our friends; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -if we persevere in the course we have pursued, their -feelings and interests <em>must</em> be all in opposition to ours, -and there is great reason to fear the consequences.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing -some good?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> Those who have examined into the subject, have so -universally come to the conclusion that Colonization is -entirely ineffectual for the abolition of slavery at any -time, however remote, that it seems hardly worth while -to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend to impeach -the motives of benevolent individuals, who have -been engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its <em>practical -tendency</em> is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph, -and other slave-holders, have advocated that Society, -upon the avowed ground that by sending off an inconvenient -surplus it would increase the price of the slaves -left. In the new slave States, where they have not as -yet an “inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like -the Colonization Society; but the old slave States have -been its warmest friends. There is one brief objection -to the idea of abolishing slavery by Colonization: <em>it is -impossible</em>. Even if it were desirable to remove these -valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if -the whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were -devoted to it. The Colonization Society has been in -operation about nineteen years; they have had immense -funds; and they have transported to Africa, during that -time, about three thousand colored persons, of which -<em>not one thousand</em> were manumitted slaves. Now the annual -<em>increase</em> of the slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual -increase of the free blacks is about 10,000. <em>In -nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been able to -carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in -one year!</em> This is worse than the old story of the frog, -who jumped out of the well two feet every night, and -fell back three feet every morning. But even if the -colored people <em>could</em> be all carried out of the country, -what is the South to do for laborers? They have been -in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white -men cannot work in their climate, and by taking it for -granted that black men will not work for wages. If the -climate is unsuitable for white laborers, it is manifestly -very impolitic to send off the black ones. It would be -far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in Bermuda<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our -country; and it is worse than a childish game to be -sending off ship-loads of laborers to Africa, while we -are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland, Holland, and -Switzerland.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say they gave their -money to the Colonization Society merely as a missionary -establishment.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> It would be well for those people to examine into -the matter, and first ascertain whether it <em>is</em> a missionary -establishment. When we send missions to India, the -Sandwich Islands, &c., we send men believed to be pious -and enlightened. For the probable influence of the emigrants -carried out by the Colonization Society, let the -Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored -persons colonized from the United States will -“carry religion and the arts into the heart of Africa.” -Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the Society, says, “Of -all classes of our population the most vicious is that of -the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend -their vices to all around them.” And the African Repository, -which is the organ of the Society, declares that -“they are notoriously ignorant—a curse and a contagion -wherever they reside.” Now, are not these admirable -missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It -would be wise to put them under better and more encouraging -influences at home, before we attempt to send -them to enlighten heathen lands.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Some say that these people are naturally inferior -to us; and that the shape of their skulls proves it.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> If I believed that the colored people were naturally -inferior to the whites, I should say that was an additional -reason why we ought to protect, instruct, and encourage -them. No consistent republican will say that a -strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less -gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think -the negroes are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge, -and make use of it, if they could get a chance. If they -do think so, why do their laws impose such heavy penalties -on all who attempt to give them any education? -Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation -of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored -race are naturally inferior, I wish you would read -the history of Toussaint L’Ouverture, the Washington<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black, he was unquestionably -one of the greatest and best men of his -age. I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New -York, and Mr. Douglass of Philadelphia preach a few -times, before you hastily decide concerning the capacity -of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As -for the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if -our Southern brethren will emancipate all the slaves -who have <em>not</em> what is called the “African conformation.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> What do you think about property in slaves?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> Let me reply to that question by asking others. If -you were taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab -bought you, and paid honestly for you, should you ever -consider yourself the <em>property</em> of the Arab? Should you -think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider you? -Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property -in the transmission? If you and your children had -toiled hard for years, and received only a peck of corn -a week for your services, should you not think that some -compensation was due to <em>you</em>?</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to -answer a good many things, when we once get into the -habit of imagining how we should think and feel if we -ourselves were the slaves. But what have the North to -do on this subject?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> They cannot help having a great deal to do with -it, either for good or for evil. They are citizens of this -republic; and as such cannot but feel a painful interest -in a subject which makes their beloved country an object -of derision to the civilized world. If the slaves should -make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound -to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a -slave escapes from his master unto us, we are bound to -deliver him up to the lash. The people of Pennsylvania, -living so near the slave States, have a great many of -these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago, -an industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia -was torn from his home at midnight, and beaten in such -a degree that the snow for some distance was stained -with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly attached -to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old; -but regardless of her situation, she plunged into the -snow, and implored mercy for her husband. Her shrieks<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -and entreaties were of no avail. The citizens of Philadelphia -could not help her, because the free States are -bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil -might be cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if -the surplus population were not drained off to supply -<em>new</em> slave States. But in order to accommodate slave-holders -in this respect, Louisiana has been bought, and -Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the -free States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise -for an eternal slave market. Every time a member -from the free States votes for the admission of a slave -state into the Union, he helps to increase the political -power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation -of this abominable system. It is high time for the -free States to begin to reflect seriously, whether they -ought any longer to give their money and their moral -influence in support of this iniquity.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway -slaves to their masters. Are you sure it is so?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> When masters <em>bring</em> their slaves into the free -States, or <em>send</em> them, the slaves can legally take their -freedom; but when the slaves run away, we are obliged -by law to give them up, let the circumstances be what -they may. Many conscientious people prefer to obey -the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver -unto his master the servant which hath escaped unto -thee.”</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But would you at once give so many ignorant -creatures political power, by making them voters?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide; -and they would probably decide that it would not -be judicious to invest emancipated slaves with the elective -franchise; for though it is not their fault that they -have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits them for -voters. At the present time, slaves <em>are</em> represented in -Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three -freemen; which is just the same as if our farmers were -allowed to count every five of their oxen as three voters. -This system gives the Southern aristocracy great political -power, entirely unchecked by democratic influence, -which comes in as a counterpoise in States where the -laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of -South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the -management of slaves, in which he says: “An addition<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -of $1,000,000 to the private fortune of Daniel Webster would -not give to Massachusetts more weight than she now possesses -in the Federal Councils. On the other hand, every increase -of slave property in South Carolina, is a fraction thrown into -the scale by which <em>her representation in Congress is determined</em>.” -This country has been governed by a President forty-eight -years. During forty of those years we have been governed by -a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained -in office but four years; and the great middle section has never -given a President. The Middle States are politically -stronger than the Northern, and are therefore more likely to -act independently, and without reference to Southern support. -Perhaps this may be the reason why those States, large and -wealthy as they are, have never given a President to their -country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted politicians; and they -are closely knit together by one common bond of sympathy -on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them -that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> You know that abolitionists are universally accused of -wishing to promote the amalgamation of colored and white -people.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause, -and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community. -By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one -would really suppose that in this free country a certain set of -men had power to compel their neighbors to marry contrary -to their own inclination. The abolitionists have never, by example, -writing, or conversation, endeavored to connect amalgamation -with the subject of abolition. When their enemies -insist upon urging this silly and unfounded objection, they -content themselves with replying, “If there be a natural antipathy -between the races, the antipathy will protect itself. If -such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence, we -certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It -is a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid -that the moment we allow the colored ones to be educated, -the girls will all be running after them.”</p> - -<p>At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens -rose to say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads -into the school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,” -said he, “the first thing we shall know they will be marrying -our daughters!” After some other remarks, he concluded by -saying, “it is impossible for the colored and white race to live -together in a kind social relation—there is a natural antipathy—they -cannot be made to mix any better than oil and water.” -A plain farmer replied, “I thought you said just now, -that you was afraid that they’d marry our <em>darters</em>; if they won’t -mix any better than <em>ile</em> and water, what are you afraid of?” -Any one who observes the infinite variety of shadings in the -complexions of the colored people, will perceive that amalgamation -has for a long time been carried on. The only justification<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is not -sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every -child must follow the condition of its <em>mother</em>; that is, if the -mother is a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they -would change one word, and say the child shall follow the -condition of its <em>father</em>, a large proportion of their slaves would -be free at once; and the others would soon become so, provided -no new cargoes were in the mean time smuggled in from -Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly told in a juvenile -couplet, viz.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="verse indentq">“By universal emancipation,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">We want to <em>stop</em> amalgamation.”</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break -down all distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into -our parlors?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People -have pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether -I would invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I -would not do so if he were a white man; and I should not be -likely to do it, merely because he was black.” An educated -person will not naturally like to associate with one who is -grossly ignorant. It may be no merit in one that he is well-informed, -and no fault of the other that he is ignorant; for -these things may be the result of circumstances, over which -the individual had no control; but such people will not choose -each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For -these reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any -complexion, for my companion; but when you ask me whether -that man’s children shall have as fair a chance as my own, to -obtain an education, and rise in the world, I should be ashamed -of myself, both as a Christian and a republican, if I did not -say, yes, with all my heart.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can -be overcome?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass -away, which are not founded in reason and justice. In France -and England, this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen -would never dream of taking offence because a colored -gentleman sat beside them in a stage-coach, or at the table of -an hotel. Be assured, however, that the abolitionists have not -the slightest wish to force you to give up this prejudice. If, -after conscientious examination, you believe it to be right, -cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely because your neighbors -do. Look it in the face—apply the golden rule—and -judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could -not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution; -but I have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice -will be removed. The old feudal nobles of England would -not have thought it possible that their descendants could live -in a community, where they and their vassals were on a perfect -civil equality; yet the apparent impossibility has come to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -pass, with advantage to many, and injury to none. When we -endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel, there is never -any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of peace.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But they say your measures are unconstitutional.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on -any subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character -of the country are so deeply involved? This is all the -abolitionists have ever done; it is all they have ever desired -to do. Nobody disputes that Congress has constitutional -power to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in the District of -Columbia. That District belongs in common to all the States, -and each of them has an interest in the slaves there. The -public prisons of that District, built <em>with the money of the whole -people</em> of the United States, are used for the benefit of slave-traders, -and the groaning victims of this detestable traffic are -kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these prisons, -<em>paid with the money of the whole people</em>, act as jailers to these -slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be completed. -When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have -we no right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the -slave trade <em>there</em>? I do not see how any conscientious man -can help believing it to be a solemn duty.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have -tried to excite insurrections among the slaves?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in -truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments -to the slave-holders <em>only</em>. They have never sought for any -communication with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles -would lead them to teach patience and submission, until -their deliverance could be accomplished by peaceful -measures. I believe the publications by the Peace Society do -not contain so much in defence of non-resistance under injury, -as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should be discovered -that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried -to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately -turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of -disapprobation. This false charge has been got up at the -South merely to excite sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph -went the rounds of the newspapers, concerning an <em>abolitionist</em> -who had been overheard trying to persuade a negro -lad to run away, and offering to forge free papers for him. It -was afterwards ascertained that the man was a <em>kidnapper</em>, and -took this means of getting the boy into his own power, for the -sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures of a -man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to -the South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these -pictures, if they do not know their letters. In the first place, -the books are sent to the masters. In the next place (as has -been well observed), the pictures represent a thing that is -either true, or not true. If it is not true, the negroes would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -look at the picture without being reminded of any thing <em>they</em> -had ever seen or known—if told that it represented a driver -beating slaves, they would laugh at such Munchausen stories -of things that never happened. On the other hand, if the representation -is true, would the mere picture of a thing be more -likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing itself? -These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres -raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of -the charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that -they are always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations, -or any species of evidence. When I have read the resolutions -passed at public meetings against the abolitionists, I have -smiled at the farce which those men have been acting. In -nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists could most cordially -and conscientiously concur. The enemies of the cause -have in several cities gravely met together to declare that they -do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The -abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous -gravity, they make known to the world that they do not -approve of any legislative interference with the Southern -States. The abolitionists have never dreamed of any such interference. -They merely wish to <em>induce the Southerners to -legislate for themselves</em>; and they hope to do this by the universal -dissemination of facts and arguments, calculated to promote -a <em>correct public sentiment</em> on the subject of slavery. This is all -they ever intended to do; and this they will do, though earth -and hell combine against their efforts. The men engaged in -this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and -therefore they are strong.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord -God, Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they -will hear, or whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of -their words, though briers and thorns be with thee, and -thou dost dwell among scorpions.” If public sentiment becomes -universally reformed on this subject, it cannot fail to -have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in the British -dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never -would have voted for the bill, the king never would have -signed it, if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the -step absolutely necessary; and the public became enlightened -by the exertions of benevolent men, who were obliged to endure -every form of obloquy and rage, before the good work -was completed. The slave-holders are perfectly aware that -the same causes will produce similar effects in this country. -One of the Southern editors has lately declared that what is -most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists will make -some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery really -<em>is</em> wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it. Another<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this -discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders -with abhorrence.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But if the system works so badly in every respect, why -are people so unwilling to give it up?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish -unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The -emperor of Russia, and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant -to abridge their own power, for the sake of introducing a -system of things more conducive to the freedom, virtue and -happiness of their subjects. They had rather live in constant -fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight dagger, than to -give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which they have -so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so common -to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who -are terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been -presented to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men -are determined, if possible, to prevent the abolitionists from -proving to such minds that <em>the dangers of insurrection all belong -to slavery, and would cease when slavery was abolished</em>.</p> - -<p>At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and -virulent, because their <em>interests</em> are closely intertwined with -the pernicious system. Inquire into the private history of -many of the men, who have called meetings against the abolitionists—you -will find that some manufacture negro cloths -for the South—some have sons who sell those cloths—some -have daughters married to slave-holders—some have plantations -and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed -in Southern commerce—and some candidates for political -offices would bow until their back-bones were broken, -to obtain or preserve Southern influence. The Southerners -understand all this perfectly well, and despise our servility, -even while they condescend to make use of it.</p> - -<p>One great reason why the people of this country have not -thought and felt right on this subject, is that all our books, -newspapers, almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent -the colored race as an inferior and degraded class, who -never could be made good and useful citizens. Ridicule and -reproach have been abundantly heaped upon them; but their -virtues and their sufferings have found few historians. The -South has been well satisfied with such a public sentiment. -It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and it effectually -rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In this -department of service, the Colonization Society has been a -most active and zealous agent.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent -proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when -his fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such -imminent peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -down over the wall in a basket,” to save his life. As well -might St. Stephen have been blamed for the mob that stoned -him to death. With the same justice might William Penn -have been called the cause of all the violent persecutions -against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent out -in the midst of a perverse generation, they <em>always</em> come -“<ins class="corr" id="tn-36" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'not not to bring peace'"> -not to bring peace</ins>, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered -violence to no man—they have never attempted to stop -the discussions of their opponents; but have, on the contrary, -exerted themselves to obtain a candid examination of the subject -on all sides. They merely claim the privilege of delivering -peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and of publishing -what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to have -them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture -on this subject?</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> <em>We</em> have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing -other nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined -with the government and prejudices of the people. If -good and conscientious men leave ease, honor, and popularity -behind them, to come here, and labor among the poor -and the despised, merely from zeal in a good cause, shall we -refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult, mob, and -stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and -Sandwich Islanders for abusing <em>our</em> missionaries? We sent -out agents to England, to give her the benefit of our experience -on the subject of temperance; ought <em>we</em> not to be willing to -receive the benefit of her experience on the subject of slavery? -Let us candidly hear what these men have to say. If it be -contrary to reason and truth, reject it; if it be the truth, let us -ponder it in our hearts.</p> - -<p><em>Q.</em> But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to -the dissolution of the Union.</p> - -<p><em>A.</em> There must be something wrong in the Union, if the -candid discussion of <em>any</em> subject can dissolve it; and for the -truth of this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the -South should be injudicious enough to withdraw from the -Union for the sake of preserving a moral pestilence in her -borders, it is very certain that slavery cannot long continue after -that event. None of the frontier States could long keep their -slaves, if we were not obliged by law to deliver up runaways; -nor could they any longer rely upon the free States, in cases -of emergency, to support slavery by force of arms. The union -of these States has been continually disturbed and embittered -by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would fain -convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this -apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong, -that they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve -it; but they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle. -“Duties are ours; events are God’s!”</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<div class="p4 transnote"> -<a id="TN"></a> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, -when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p> - -<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, -and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p> - -<p> -<a href="#tn-13">Pg 13</a>: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-15">Pg 15</a>: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-16">Pg 16</a>: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-36">Pg 36</a>: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.<br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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