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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #69444 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69444)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Present status and prospects of the
-Peace Movement, by Bertha von Süttner
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Present status and prospects of the Peace Movement
-
-Author: Bertha von Süttner
-
-Release Date: November 29, 2022 [eBook #69444]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-             Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-             images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRESENT STATUS AND PROSPECTS
-OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT ***
-
-
-
-
-
-          PRESENT STATUS AND PROSPECTS OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT.
-
-
-                    BY BARONESS BERTHA VON SÜTTNER.
-
-
-Letters of condolence and of cynicism come to my desk in these latter
-days in increasing number. There is a note of triumph and of mockery in
-one group: “What has become of the famous Peace idea? The South African
-war, following immediately upon the close of the Peace Conference at The
-Hague, has not yet reached its end, and already the horizon in Eastern
-Asia is lurid with the glare of a world-war. Are you convinced now of
-the absurdity of your claims, ye dreamers of peace?” Through the second
-group runs an undertone of commiseration: “What suffering must have come
-to you, honored madame, and to your friends, in seeing your beautiful
-illusion shattered. Sad, sad; but thus it is. War is an historic law,
-and your ideals are simply—ideals. You will have to reef your sails in
-the face of such a storm of facts.”
-
-It is true that a feebly manned boat cannot battle against storm and
-surf. But the simile ill fits the effort to establish peace. That is no
-boat; it is a rock. The waves may top it with their wrathful spume, but
-naught can affect its granite permanence.
-
-Let me set aside metaphor and reply to my correspondents. Let me
-endeavor to show them the point of view from which the advocates of
-peace regard the present condition of the world, and the nature of the
-duties and prospects, the hopes and self-denials to be descried
-therefrom.
-
-In the first place, we admit candidly that we have been mistaken; not,
-however, in the principles we have enunciated, but in our estimate of
-present culture. We had regarded public conscience as being permeated by
-a longing for international right and by an abhorrence of despotism to a
-greater degree than the facts of the case warrant.
-
-The warlike events that surge about us and threaten us furnish no proof
-against the principles of the peace movement. They merely prove that
-these principles have not yet entered fully into the conscience of
-nations and of their leaders; that the movement is not yet sufficiently
-advanced in its spread, its organization, its methods of action, to
-verify the hopes fostered by the conference at The Hague for an early
-eradication of old, deeply-rooted institutions of brute force. In other
-words, we have been mistaken, not in the fundamental statements we have
-made, but in the conception that they were more widely accepted than
-they have proved to be.
-
-These truths remain: (1.) Culture is synonymous with the repression of
-brute force; (2.) Nations are oppressed by their brazen breast-plate,
-and, if its weight increases, they will be crushed by it; (3.) Right
-relations are as possible between nations as they have gradually been
-proven to be between individuals, tribes, boroughs, cities and
-provinces; (4.) The abolition of war as a legal institution of human
-society, when such abolition is made a matter of principle, will result
-in undreamed-of increase of material wealth and moral elevation. All
-these truths, and many theories begotten of them, have not lost an iota
-of their logical content and of their blessed potentiality from the fact
-that foolish humanity, through its most powerful agents, government,
-church and press, still emphasizes dogmas opposed to them.
-
-The advocates of peace maintain their principles. Not only so; they do
-not rest from their labors; they will not allow the results thus far
-obtained to slip from their grasp. The institutions created at The
-Hague, despite the resistance of bellicose Powers, are faithfully
-guarded by those who helped to create them. The Interparliamentary
-Union, now in session at Paris, has assumed the task of popularizing,
-developing and executing the Articles of The Hague. Their co-operators
-in England continue to protest against the South African war and the
-subjugation of the Boers, in spite of the supercilious jingoism of
-government and of the hypnosis of the masses. The Social Democrats, the
-Ethicists—men of independent tendencies, all of them—lift up warning
-voices against the fever of Imperialism in general, and specifically
-against the reckless love of adventure which first scents loot and then
-seeks revenge in expeditions against a country with four hundred million
-peace-loving inhabitants.
-
-To save, to save, to avert universal war—that is the purpose for which
-the enemies of war will strive untiringly until the very last moment. If
-their strength be insufficient, where shall we place the blame? The
-fault is not theirs. It rests with the millions of their contemporaries,
-who, though at heart they desire the same result, yet turn away in
-contempt or apathy from those who are laboring for it, instead of aiding
-these labors by the weight that lies in the consensus of the masses.
-With those who ignore, suspect and belittle the work of peace—even in
-cases where that work has brought about positive results, where it has
-matured practical propositions—instead of co-operating with sincere
-workers in their elaborations of these propositions and enforcing them
-with opponents—with those must the fault lie.
-
-Great changes come to pass slowly, but in times like the present, when
-upheavals are fierce and dangers lie near, it might be hoped that
-swifter advances should be made in the conflict between the new and the
-old. Just as, immediately before the vote was taken on the Heinze law, a
-group of devoted men was formed to oppose that measure, which succeeded
-in defeating it, so, in the face of the present conspicuous and
-overwhelming manifestation of the principle of brute force, the friends
-of right might resolutely band themselves together, and, with shields
-upraised, declare a crusade for the liberation of politics from the
-thraldom of that immoral tradition.
-
-Possibly the hope that such a step could be taken might again involve an
-over-estimate of our contemporaries. What matters it? Kant said: “Man
-cannot think too highly of man,” and it is better to have erred in this
-direction than, by lukewarm doubt, to have condoned the fault of those
-here criticised.
-
-What we see happening to-day furnishes proof, furnishes wonderfully
-objective illustrations and experimental demonstrations, not against,
-but in favor of our doctrines.
-
-In the first place, let us consider the war in the Transvaal. True, it
-broke out immediately after the conference at The Hague, and in despite
-of the principles of arbitration and of mediation there announced, and
-subscribed to even by England herself. Yet it was no triumph for the
-dogma of the necessity of war; it was rather a triumph for the
-_advocates_ of war. For our opponents, in giving voice to the slogan,
-“The South African war and the Chinese horrors were the direct result of
-the conference,” commit—purposely, without a doubt—the blunder of
-confusing sequence in time with sequence of cause and effect. It is the
-familiar, senseless, exploded, “_Post hoc, ergo propter hoc_.”
-
-Seeds which lay slumbering in the world’s soil long before the
-conference at The Hague sprouted in these two instances. For all that
-the conference itself could achieve was not in the nature of a harvest,
-but merely a sowing of seed.
-
-The newly created institutions are not yet in operation, their spirit
-has not yet become incarnate in the flesh and blood of the nations, of
-potentates, of the press. And Mr. Chamberlain was able to accomplish his
-purpose, in spite of the pleading of Krüger for arbitration, even unto
-the last minute. Every intermediation was refused, and none was honestly
-and earnestly considered.
-
-Several European rulers, who, as their panegyrists maintain, are
-soldiers, body and soul, had no desire to restrain the arm of England;
-they wished Queen Victoria success and noted the progress of the war
-with semi-joyous interest. But with the people of non-English countries
-there was pronounced opposition to this war; there was a manifestation
-of the very thing whereof we dream as a foundation of an alliance of
-European States, namely, a European conscience. This conscience rose in
-rebellion against the fact that a war of conquest should be waged in
-this our day; that a great country should seek to subjugate small, free
-republics. From every side came protests, petitions, actions of various
-sorts, to move the English to call a halt in this war. In England itself
-the peace party untiringly made remonstrances in this direction. The
-deeply rooted sentiment, “My country, right or wrong,” had to give way
-to a sense of justice deeper still, and, as boldly as Zola and Picquart
-entered the lists against the General Staff, even so boldly did noted
-Englishmen battle against the imperialistic ministry of their native
-land. Ten years ago these things would not have happened. Neither Europe
-nor America would have opposed this war so determinedly; still less
-possibility would there have been of so powerful a counter-current as
-arose in England itself. All these things are symptoms of the new
-spirit.
-
-But, in spite of the sentiment of the nations, the various governments
-have refrained from any peace-making intervention; and in London this
-attitude has been regarded as the correct one. But it was correct
-according to ancient standards only; it was in direct contravention to
-the new lines officially marked out at The Hague.
-
-The progress of the war in the Transvaal has shown, forcibly and
-terribly, what a false relation the possible advantages of war bear to
-its positive disadvantages. Fifty thousand of her youth, healthy and
-vigorous youth, has England lost in the past ten months; sixty-one
-million pounds sterling of her national wealth have been wasted; the
-respect and sympathy of the world have been recklessly sacrificed; the
-character of the nation has been brutalized by the passions aroused, and
-freedom, the pride of the British people, freedom of speech, as well as
-freedom of the individual, has been imperilled, for even now the spectre
-of conscription is raising its head. The fruits of half a century of
-national education have been destroyed in this one attack of war-fever.
-And in place of the great, submarine Channel-tunnel already planned, the
-fortification of Dover has been begun. India is devastated by a famine,
-and the money wasted in South Africa for the destruction of human life
-might have saved the famished ones.
-
-And the end, the “bitter end,” of this campaign is not yet. There are no
-more decisive battles fought nowadays, even where one side has
-overwhelming force. There is nothing now save mutual extermination of
-the troops in the field, devastation of the land in which the combat
-takes place, cessation of commerce, danger of further complications and
-the carrying of infectious diseases into other lands.
-
-The reports of Mr. Burdett-Coutts in the House of Commons in reference
-to the horrible condition of the sick and wounded in South Africa are a
-confirmation of what the advocates of peace have constantly voiced,
-namely, that, with our present means of destruction and our present
-methods of warfare, sanitation is an illusion.
-
-And then came the news of the insurrection of the Boxers and the
-massacres of the missionaries in China. This, too, is the harvest of
-seed sown in Europe in these latter years. Apart from the fact that
-hatred of strangers is a barbarism, concerning which we lack the right
-to grow indignant so long as the story of anti-Semitic riots and
-expulsion of foreigners has a place upon European annals, everything was
-done by Europeans in China to arouse a righteous hatred of foreigners
-there. Dogmas and wares have been thrust upon the Chinese; there has
-been contemptuous treatment, appropriation of territory, open
-declarations as to the partition of China, backed by plans for the
-building of fleets. And running side by side with these things, in
-constant confirmation of mercenary greed and of militarism, with an
-inherent, blind tendency to expansion, the peaceable, non-military
-Empire was supplied with guns and cannons from our own factories and
-with instructors from our barracks.
-
-Well, what matters it? No one cares to bother with the intricately
-interwoven network of origins and causes back of it all. Here were we
-faced by facts—a country in wild uproar, the government overthrown or in
-league with the rebels against foreigners, the legations bombarded,
-Ketteler murdered—such facts require action.
-
-Here the opponents of the peace movement seem to be in the right.
-Surely, it is impossible to quietly look on while such things are
-happening; there is no opportunity for arbitration. What is there left
-but war? Is not that in some cases the only resource, the “_ultima
-ratio_?” Now, are ye convinced, ye dreamers, that conditions may at any
-time arise which will force upon men a resort to arms? Therefore there
-must be no cessation of armaments, no relaxation in the cultivation of a
-warlike spirit. Confess that you are beaten, that you have no answer.
-
-Nay, but we do answer. As a well-ordered State maintains a police force
-to execute the decrees of its judges, to secure robbers and maniacs, to
-overpower mobs that throw stones and apply torches, to protect those who
-are persecuted by violence, so would an alliance of Culture-States, such
-as we contemplate, require an armed force to serve international right
-as an executive power. Power in the service of the right differs
-essentially from the power which pronounces all its decisions and
-purposes to be right. The individuals of a community are not as yet so
-virtuous, so rational, and so reliable as to render unnecessary every
-kind of protection and punishment. It is the same with nations. The
-nations of the earth are not as yet so cultured and so peaceable that a
-union of nations could exist without a tribunal or an armed force.
-
-What has come to pass before our eyes? Spontaneously, without previous
-agreement, all nations decided to hurry their ships and troops to the
-relief of those whose lives were in danger; to punish the criminals, to
-restore order in the convulsed Empire of China; to re-establish
-organized government there. And since such an enterprise can succeed
-only when it is undertaken unanimously, there was suddenly formed a
-“world army,” a confraternity of previously antagonistic nations, to
-battle side by side in the name of civilization against an outburst of
-barbarism. Thus has the impulse of events begun the realization of that
-fundamental requirement urged by the advocates of the peace movement
-from the very first—unanimity among the Culture-States, a comradeship of
-co-operation, a setting aside of conflicting individual rights in the
-service of a higher solidarity of interest.
-
-This solidarity of interest has now been recognized in the face of the
-Chinese danger. We recognized it long ago in the face of the danger of
-militarism. The threatened world-war, the ruin that impended, seemed to
-us such an abomination of barbarism, and the prevention of that calamity
-so imperative a duty of civilization, that conflicts of interest and all
-little bickerings and minor contentions might well be set aside.
-
-A campaign carried on with a common mind and for a common purpose, such
-as that undertaken in China, would not have been prevented if it had
-been preceded by a cessation of further armaments, as suggested by
-Russia at The Hague, or even by a decided reduction of the standing
-armies. For—let my readers note carefully this fact—the “Culture-Army,”
-the police of international civilization, needs but be composed of a
-small but representative section of the various nations. The entire
-available force of Europe, America and Japan could not be sent to China
-at present, at any rate. When arms are used in the service of right
-only, the power of such police, or, instead of police—for the word has
-an unpleasant sound—let us say of such a knighthood of culture, would be
-overwhelming. For crime—within the limits of a civilized community this
-holds true as well—is usually committed by single individuals or small
-bands. It is the same among nations. If questions of common morals
-arose, whose validity is recognized as of interest to all, every single
-disturber of the peace, every single tyrant, every single land-grabber
-would be resisted in the execution of his purpose and would be punished
-by all. Had all civilized nations hastened to the aid of the
-Armenians,[1] had they all advised Spain to relinquish Cuba, or hindered
-America in its desire to subjugate the Philippines; had they all
-insisted that England must listen to Krüger’s proposals for arbitration,
-the cruelties and conflicts of the latest slaughters of multitudes could
-have been avoided. Different nations can advance with united purpose
-against a common danger, and they can do so by means of the very
-elements that otherwise support and foster antagonism, namely, by means
-of their armies. Twice has this been demonstrated; once not long ago in
-Crete, and now in China. The German Kaiser could command the troops he
-sent to Eastern Asia to fight shoulder to shoulder with Frenchmen,
-Russians and Japanese. And it has been possible to appoint one general
-for this international army.
-
-Footnote 1:
-
-  Let it not be objected that a “man’s house is his castle,” and that
-  interference with internal affairs is excluded with nations as it is
-  with individuals. Massacres are not internal affairs. If one man
-  throws down another in my neighbor’s house and is preparing to kill
-  him, and the victim’s cries reach my ears, it is not a breach of the
-  peace if I hasten to help him or call the police.
-
-The possibility that all Culture-States can enter into an alliance,
-though contested by our opponents, has been proven in fact. Humanity is
-forced into solidarity by normal evolution along the lines of natural
-law. What the force of circumstances has brought about could have been
-accomplished by free will and design, and, so accomplished, it would
-have been more systematically done, and would have rested upon more
-secure foundations.
-
-And now, no one has faith in the present casual and transient coalition,
-and many prophesy that the Powers will quarrel over China, and that the
-long-dreaded world-conflict will arise in consequence. This, too, is
-used as an argument against us. “A concert? Unanimity? The slightest
-disturbance unhinges it all. Rivalry is aroused. No one Power is willing
-to grant the other a privilege or an advantage. When the coalition
-campaign has reached its end, or even before that, conflicting interests
-will assert themselves and the European war will be upon us.”
-
-True, that war will break out, if there be no forum for the settlement
-of chance contentions, a forum which, by common agreement, would adjust
-all differences. Everything goes to prove how necessary such a forum is.
-The sad fact that it is not as yet in operation surely does not
-militate, in the least, against the possibility or the utility of the
-establishment of such a tribunal. The foundation of it was laid at The
-Hague. That it is generally ignored demonstrates the fact that
-militarism struggles against an institution which would undermine war.
-
-The question, “How in the world do you propose to prevent war in the
-face of the present upheaval in China?” has been thus answered by Dr.
-Benjamin F. Trueblood, Corresponding Secretary of the American Peace
-Society:
-
-  “We have been asked how we would have settled the present trouble in
-  China without war. That is as if one were to ask how we would prevent
-  a fire when the flames were already bursting from all the windows. The
-  settlement of the trouble by us without war would have required, first
-  of all, that it be turned over to us for settlement, or that the
-  powers involved in it would agree conscientiously to follow, in their
-  efforts at adjustment, the principles and methods which we might
-  suggest. The utter impossibility of either of these contingencies in
-  the case of the trouble with China shows the thoughtlessness of the
-  question.
-
-  “The time to have begun the pacific settlement of the difficulty was
-  many years ago. Given certain conditions, practices and beliefs, such
-  as have for a long time existed in the relations of the other
-  countries to China, and war or something like it was inevitable. No
-  advocate of peace has ever been simple enough to imagine that war can
-  be avoided when every condition leading to good understanding and
-  peace has been neglected or trampled under foot.”
-
-Another point steadily maintained by the advocates of peace and denied
-by their adversaries has come clearly to light in these latter days,
-namely, that wars are instigated and brought to their culmination by
-certain influential men without the slightest reference to the people,
-to parliaments or to the choicest spirits of the nations. What has been
-decided upon by the powers that be, what has been mapped out by
-“Cabinets,” is promulgated as an accomplished fact, approved by the
-chorus of a servile press, and, if it can be made sensational, cheered
-by an enthusiastic mob. How necessary that every land should have a
-ministry of peace, an official organism representing the interests of
-peace, under whose protection that portion of public opinion which is
-averse to war might make itself heard. How essential an independent,
-ethically elevated press, conscious of the duty growing out of its
-power, the duty to guide the people in the way of unity, of
-conciliation, of a just consideration of both sides of a quarrel—in
-short, in the way of peace, the only way worthy of civilization and
-culture. The opposite is true. The political press, in a ponderous
-majority, is to-day a forge for the heating of the irons of war.
-
-Current events reveal the fact that our system is not being put in
-practice, but they reveal no flaws or contradictions in the system
-itself, for it has none. Without a flaw or contradiction it harmonizes
-with the law of evolution. The new age—with its advance in technical
-inventions (with especial reference to the possibility of the slaughter
-of masses), with its ties of international solidarity, its reciprocal
-economic interdependencies, its sublimated ethical requirements—has
-outgrown the system of war, and outgrows it more and more daily. This
-truth is set forth, as it were, in an object-lesson in the rush of
-action upon the stage of the world’s theatre. On the other hand, take
-the war in the Transvaal. What economic losses (to say nothing of the
-moral loss) to England and to the rest of the world has it involved; and
-the end of the war is not yet in sight, in spite of the fact that
-England outnumbers her adversaries ten to one. That war and the Chinese
-problem both show that the nations are being mechanically driven to the
-position which the advocates of peace have suggested as the only one
-that can be taken as a result of the exercise of free will and
-rationality, namely, coalition, surrender of secondary specific
-interests and contentions for the sake of a higher common interest, of
-culture and humanity, and the creation of a “world army.”
-
-The position into which the Powers are mechanically forced, which in its
-external form seems to adjust itself to the demands of the peace idea,
-is not yet permeated by the _spirit_ of the idea; not yet based upon the
-firm groundwork of institutions of peace. It is filled with militarism,
-confused with military projects and national antagonisms.
-
-The contrast between war and culture is more definitely set forth than
-could be done in volumes of essays and of peace literature in the
-addresses and newspaper articles which accompany the sending forth of
-the “Army of Humanity.” The emphasis placed upon the help of God, upon
-the religion of love and of tenderness, and the synchronous emphasis
-placed upon revenge and threats of horrors, have never been in so
-glaring a contrast. A clinging to old ideals of force, reference to the
-thought that, a thousand years _hence_, one member of the human family
-shall tremble before another, as men did a thousand years _ago_ under
-the lash of Attila; the recommendation on the part of various journals
-of methods of retaliation savoring of the wildest of savagery, the
-slaughter of masses of men, desecration of sanctuaries and graves, etc.,
-and all these proposed as a means of spreading civilization; all this
-must needs be recognized by the world at large as strident dissonance.
-
-And what has brought the world to this recognition? The principles of
-the peace movement. Denied as they are, they have sunk deep into the
-conscience of the age. The community of interests in the world has also
-had its share in effecting this result. This has reached such a degree
-that a change from conditions of might to conditions of right has become
-a positive necessity, an essential of life. What stands revealed in the
-peace movement is not the dream of supramundane fancy, but a
-manifestation of the instinct of self-preservation in civilization.
-
-                                                     BERTHA VON SÜTTNER.
-
-
-
-
-                           “_IN TERRA PAX._”
-
-                          BY G. LEVESON GOWER.
-
-
-        War in men’s mouths, peace through the spring-clad land;
-        Hate in men’s hearts, and love in God’s high heaven;
-        Yet in the mass already works the leaven,
-        And in the nations some cry, “Hold your hand,
-        Ye Peoples! Turn not Earth into a hell!”
-        Already breaks the light when some can see
-        The change to come, the order new to be,
-        And, seeing evil, will not say, “’Tis well!”
-        O! for some high tribunal of the world
-        Where arms are stilled and equal law bears sway,
-        The strong aggressor from his vantage hurled,
-        The wronged upheld in the full light of day!
-        Then shall the Earth at rest yield glad increase,
-        And through all seas and every land be Peace!
-
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-
-
-
-
-                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
-
-
- 1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in
-      spelling.
- 2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed.
- 3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Present status and prospects of the Peace Movement, by Bertha von Süttner</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
-at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
-are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Present status and prospects of the Peace Movement</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Bertha von Süttner</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: November 29, 2022 [eBook #69444]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRESENT STATUS AND PROSPECTS OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT ***</div>
-
-<div class='tnotes covernote'>
-
-<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber’s Note:</strong></p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_653'>653</span></div>
-<div class='titlepage'>
-
-<div>
-  <h1 class='c001'>PRESENT STATUS AND PROSPECTS OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT.</h1>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c002'>
-    <div><span class='xlarge'>BY BARONESS BERTHA VON SÜTTNER.</span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<p class='c003'>Letters of condolence and of cynicism come to my desk in
-these latter days in increasing number. There is a note of triumph
-and of mockery in one group: “What has become of the famous
-Peace idea? The South African war, following immediately
-upon the close of the Peace Conference at The Hague, has not yet
-reached its end, and already the horizon in Eastern Asia is
-lurid with the glare of a world-war. Are you convinced now of
-the absurdity of your claims, ye dreamers of peace?” Through
-the second group runs an undertone of commiseration: “What
-suffering must have come to you, honored madame, and to your
-friends, in seeing your beautiful illusion shattered. Sad, sad;
-but thus it is. War is an historic law, and your ideals are simply—ideals.
-You will have to reef your sails in the face of such a
-storm of facts.”</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>It is true that a feebly manned boat cannot battle against storm
-and surf. But the simile ill fits the effort to establish peace.
-That is no boat; it is a rock. The waves may top it with their
-wrathful spume, but naught can affect its granite permanence.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Let me set aside metaphor and reply to my correspondents.
-Let me endeavor to show them the point of view from which the
-advocates of peace regard the present condition of the world, and
-the nature of the duties and prospects, the hopes and self-denials
-to be descried therefrom.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>In the first place, we admit candidly that we have been mistaken;
-not, however, in the principles we have enunciated, but
-in our estimate of present culture. We had regarded public conscience
-as being permeated by a longing for international right
-and by an abhorrence of despotism to a greater degree than the
-facts of the case warrant.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_654'>654</span>The warlike events that surge about us and threaten us furnish
-no proof against the principles of the peace movement. They
-merely prove that these principles have not yet entered fully into
-the conscience of nations and of their leaders; that the movement
-is not yet sufficiently advanced in its spread, its organization, its
-methods of action, to verify the hopes fostered by the conference
-at The Hague for an early eradication of old, deeply-rooted institutions
-of brute force. In other words, we have been mistaken,
-not in the fundamental statements we have made, but in the conception
-that they were more widely accepted than they have
-proved to be.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>These truths remain: (1.) Culture is synonymous with the
-repression of brute force; (2.) Nations are oppressed by their
-brazen breast-plate, and, if its weight increases, they will be
-crushed by it; (3.) Right relations are as possible between nations
-as they have gradually been proven to be between individuals,
-tribes, boroughs, cities and provinces; (4.) The abolition of war
-as a legal institution of human society, when such abolition is
-made a matter of principle, will result in undreamed-of increase
-of material wealth and moral elevation. All these truths, and
-many theories begotten of them, have not lost an iota of their
-logical content and of their blessed potentiality from the fact that
-foolish humanity, through its most powerful agents, government,
-church and press, still emphasizes dogmas opposed to them.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>The advocates of peace maintain their principles. Not only
-so; they do not rest from their labors; they will not allow the results
-thus far obtained to slip from their grasp. The institutions
-created at The Hague, despite the resistance of bellicose
-Powers, are faithfully guarded by those who helped to create
-them. The Interparliamentary Union, now in session at Paris,
-has assumed the task of popularizing, developing and executing
-the Articles of The Hague. Their co-operators in England continue
-to protest against the South African war and the subjugation
-of the Boers, in spite of the supercilious jingoism of government
-and of the hypnosis of the masses. The Social Democrats,
-the Ethicists—men of independent tendencies, all of them—lift
-up warning voices against the fever of Imperialism in general,
-and specifically against the reckless love of adventure which
-first scents loot and then seeks revenge in expeditions against a
-country with four hundred million peace-loving inhabitants.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_655'>655</span>To save, to save, to avert universal war—that is the purpose
-for which the enemies of war will strive untiringly until the very
-last moment. If their strength be insufficient, where shall we
-place the blame? The fault is not theirs. It rests with the
-millions of their contemporaries, who, though at heart they desire
-the same result, yet turn away in contempt or apathy from
-those who are laboring for it, instead of aiding these labors by
-the weight that lies in the consensus of the masses. With those
-who ignore, suspect and belittle the work of peace—even in cases
-where that work has brought about positive results, where it has
-matured practical propositions—instead of co-operating with sincere
-workers in their elaborations of these propositions and enforcing
-them with opponents—with those must the fault lie.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Great changes come to pass slowly, but in times like the present,
-when upheavals are fierce and dangers lie near, it might be
-hoped that swifter advances should be made in the conflict between
-the new and the old. Just as, immediately before the vote
-was taken on the Heinze law, a group of devoted men was formed
-to oppose that measure, which succeeded in defeating it, so, in
-the face of the present conspicuous and overwhelming manifestation
-of the principle of brute force, the friends of right might
-resolutely band themselves together, and, with shields upraised,
-declare a crusade for the liberation of politics from the thraldom
-of that immoral tradition.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Possibly the hope that such a step could be taken might again
-involve an over-estimate of our contemporaries. What matters
-it? Kant said: “Man cannot think too highly of man,” and it
-is better to have erred in this direction than, by lukewarm doubt,
-to have condoned the fault of those here criticised.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>What we see happening to-day furnishes proof, furnishes wonderfully
-objective illustrations and experimental demonstrations,
-not against, but in favor of our doctrines.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>In the first place, let us consider the war in the Transvaal.
-True, it broke out immediately after the conference at The Hague,
-and in despite of the principles of arbitration and of mediation
-there announced, and subscribed to even by England herself. Yet
-it was no triumph for the dogma of the necessity of war; it was
-rather a triumph for the <em>advocates</em> of war. For our opponents,
-in giving voice to the slogan, “The South African war and the
-Chinese horrors were the direct result of the conference,” commit—purposely,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_656'>656</span>without a doubt—the blunder of confusing sequence
-in time with sequence of cause and effect. It is the familiar,
-senseless, exploded, “<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Post hoc, ergo propter hoc</span></i>.”</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Seeds which lay slumbering in the world’s soil long before the
-conference at The Hague sprouted in these two instances. For
-all that the conference itself could achieve was not in the nature
-of a harvest, but merely a sowing of seed.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>The newly created institutions are not yet in operation, their
-spirit has not yet become incarnate in the flesh and blood of the
-nations, of potentates, of the press. And Mr. Chamberlain was
-able to accomplish his purpose, in spite of the pleading of Krüger
-for arbitration, even unto the last minute. Every intermediation
-was refused, and none was honestly and earnestly considered.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Several European rulers, who, as their panegyrists maintain,
-are soldiers, body and soul, had no desire to restrain the arm of
-England; they wished Queen Victoria success and noted the progress
-of the war with semi-joyous interest. But with the people of
-non-English countries there was pronounced opposition to this
-war; there was a manifestation of the very thing whereof we
-dream as a foundation of an alliance of European States, namely,
-a European conscience. This conscience rose in rebellion against
-the fact that a war of conquest should be waged in this our day;
-that a great country should seek to subjugate small, free republics.
-From every side came protests, petitions, actions of various
-sorts, to move the English to call a halt in this war. In England
-itself the peace party untiringly made remonstrances in this
-direction. The deeply rooted sentiment, “My country, right or
-wrong,” had to give way to a sense of justice deeper still, and, as
-boldly as Zola and Picquart entered the lists against the General
-Staff, even so boldly did noted Englishmen battle against the imperialistic
-ministry of their native land. Ten years ago these
-things would not have happened. Neither Europe nor America
-would have opposed this war so determinedly; still less possibility
-would there have been of so powerful a counter-current as arose
-in England itself. All these things are symptoms of the new
-spirit.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>But, in spite of the sentiment of the nations, the various governments
-have refrained from any peace-making intervention;
-and in London this attitude has been regarded as the correct
-one. But it was correct according to ancient standards only; it
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_657'>657</span>was in direct contravention to the new lines officially marked out
-at The Hague.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>The progress of the war in the Transvaal has shown, forcibly
-and terribly, what a false relation the possible advantages of war
-bear to its positive disadvantages. Fifty thousand of her youth,
-healthy and vigorous youth, has England lost in the past ten
-months; sixty-one million pounds sterling of her national wealth
-have been wasted; the respect and sympathy of the world have
-been recklessly sacrificed; the character of the nation has been
-brutalized by the passions aroused, and freedom, the pride of the
-British people, freedom of speech, as well as freedom of the individual,
-has been imperilled, for even now the spectre of conscription
-is raising its head. The fruits of half a century of national
-education have been destroyed in this one attack of war-fever.
-And in place of the great, submarine Channel-tunnel already
-planned, the fortification of Dover has been begun. India
-is devastated by a famine, and the money wasted in South Africa
-for the destruction of human life might have saved the famished
-ones.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>And the end, the “bitter end,” of this campaign is not yet.
-There are no more decisive battles fought nowadays, even where
-one side has overwhelming force. There is nothing now save
-mutual extermination of the troops in the field, devastation of
-the land in which the combat takes place, cessation of commerce,
-danger of further complications and the carrying of infectious
-diseases into other lands.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>The reports of Mr. Burdett-Coutts in the House of Commons
-in reference to the horrible condition of the sick and wounded in
-South Africa are a confirmation of what the advocates of peace
-have constantly voiced, namely, that, with our present means of
-destruction and our present methods of warfare, sanitation is an
-illusion.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>And then came the news of the insurrection of the Boxers and
-the massacres of the missionaries in China. This, too, is the harvest
-of seed sown in Europe in these latter years. Apart from the
-fact that hatred of strangers is a barbarism, concerning which
-we lack the right to grow indignant so long as the story of anti-Semitic
-riots and expulsion of foreigners has a place upon European
-annals, everything was done by Europeans in China to
-arouse a righteous hatred of foreigners there. Dogmas and wares
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_658'>658</span>have been thrust upon the Chinese; there has been contemptuous
-treatment, appropriation of territory, open declarations as to
-the partition of China, backed by plans for the building of fleets.
-And running side by side with these things, in constant confirmation
-of mercenary greed and of militarism, with an inherent,
-blind tendency to expansion, the peaceable, non-military Empire
-was supplied with guns and cannons from our own factories and
-with instructors from our barracks.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Well, what matters it? No one cares to bother with the intricately
-interwoven network of origins and causes back of it all.
-Here were we faced by facts—a country in wild uproar, the government
-overthrown or in league with the rebels against foreigners,
-the legations bombarded, Ketteler murdered—such facts
-require action.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Here the opponents of the peace movement seem to be in the
-right. Surely, it is impossible to quietly look on while such
-things are happening; there is no opportunity for arbitration.
-What is there left but war? Is not that in some cases the only resource,
-the “<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ultima ratio</span></i>?” Now, are ye convinced, ye dreamers,
-that conditions may at any time arise which will force upon men a
-resort to arms? Therefore there must be no cessation of armaments,
-no relaxation in the cultivation of a warlike spirit. Confess
-that you are beaten, that you have no answer.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Nay, but we do answer. As a well-ordered State maintains a
-police force to execute the decrees of its judges, to secure robbers
-and maniacs, to overpower mobs that throw stones and apply
-torches, to protect those who are persecuted by violence, so would
-an alliance of Culture-States, such as we contemplate, require an
-armed force to serve international right as an executive power.
-Power in the service of the right differs essentially from the power
-which pronounces all its decisions and purposes to be right. The
-individuals of a community are not as yet so virtuous, so rational,
-and so reliable as to render unnecessary every kind of protection
-and punishment. It is the same with nations. The nations of the
-earth are not as yet so cultured and so peaceable that a union of
-nations could exist without a tribunal or an armed force.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>What has come to pass before our eyes? Spontaneously, without
-previous agreement, all nations decided to hurry their ships
-and troops to the relief of those whose lives were in danger; to
-punish the criminals, to restore order in the convulsed Empire of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_659'>659</span>China; to re-establish organized government there. And since
-such an enterprise can succeed only when it is undertaken
-unanimously, there was suddenly formed a “world army,” a confraternity
-of previously antagonistic nations, to battle side by
-side in the name of civilization against an outburst of barbarism.
-Thus has the impulse of events begun the realization of that
-fundamental requirement urged by the advocates of the peace
-movement from the very first—unanimity among the Culture-States,
-a comradeship of co-operation, a setting aside of conflicting
-individual rights in the service of a higher solidarity of interest.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>This solidarity of interest has now been recognized in the face
-of the Chinese danger. We recognized it long ago in the face of
-the danger of militarism. The threatened world-war, the ruin
-that impended, seemed to us such an abomination of barbarism,
-and the prevention of that calamity so imperative a duty of civilization,
-that conflicts of interest and all little bickerings and
-minor contentions might well be set aside.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>A campaign carried on with a common mind and for a common
-purpose, such as that undertaken in China, would not have
-been prevented if it had been preceded by a cessation of further
-armaments, as suggested by Russia at The Hague, or even by a
-decided reduction of the standing armies. For—let my readers
-note carefully this fact—the “Culture-Army,” the police of international
-civilization, needs but be composed of a small but representative
-section of the various nations. The entire available
-force of Europe, America and Japan could not be sent to China at
-present, at any rate. When arms are used in the service of right
-only, the power of such police, or, instead of police—for the word
-has an unpleasant sound—let us say of such a knighthood of culture,
-would be overwhelming. For crime—within the limits of a
-civilized community this holds true as well—is usually committed
-by single individuals or small bands. It is the same among nations.
-If questions of common morals arose, whose validity is
-recognized as of interest to all, every single disturber of the peace,
-every single tyrant, every single land-grabber would be resisted in
-the execution of his purpose and would be punished by all. Had
-all civilized nations hastened to the aid of the Armenians,<a id='r1'></a><a href='#f1' class='c005'><sup>[1]</sup></a> had
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_660'>660</span>they all advised Spain to relinquish Cuba, or hindered America in
-its desire to subjugate the Philippines; had they all insisted that
-England must listen to Krüger’s proposals for arbitration, the
-cruelties and conflicts of the latest slaughters of multitudes could
-have been avoided. Different nations can advance with united
-purpose against a common danger, and they can do so by means
-of the very elements that otherwise support and foster antagonism,
-namely, by means of their armies. Twice has this been
-demonstrated; once not long ago in Crete, and now in China.
-The German Kaiser could command the troops he sent to Eastern
-Asia to fight shoulder to shoulder with Frenchmen, Russians and
-Japanese. And it has been possible to appoint one general for
-this international army.</p>
-
-<div class='footnote' id='f1'>
-<p class='c004'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. Let it not be objected that a “man’s house is his castle,” and that interference
-with internal affairs is excluded with nations as it is with individuals.
-Massacres are not internal affairs. If one man throws down another in my neighbor’s house and is preparing to kill him, and the victim’s
-cries reach my ears, it is not a breach of the peace if I hasten to help
-him or call the police.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c004'>The possibility that all Culture-States can enter into an alliance,
-though contested by our opponents, has been proven in
-fact. Humanity is forced into solidarity by normal evolution
-along the lines of natural law. What the force of circumstances
-has brought about could have been accomplished by free will and
-design, and, so accomplished, it would have been more systematically
-done, and would have rested upon more secure foundations.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>And now, no one has faith in the present casual and transient
-coalition, and many prophesy that the Powers will quarrel over
-China, and that the long-dreaded world-conflict will arise in consequence.
-This, too, is used as an argument against us. “A concert?
-Unanimity? The slightest disturbance unhinges it all.
-Rivalry is aroused. No one Power is willing to grant the other
-a privilege or an advantage. When the coalition campaign has
-reached its end, or even before that, conflicting interests will assert
-themselves and the European war will be upon us.”</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>True, that war will break out, if there be no forum for the
-settlement of chance contentions, a forum which, by common
-agreement, would adjust all differences. Everything goes to
-prove how necessary such a forum is. The sad fact that it is not
-as yet in operation surely does not militate, in the least, against
-the possibility or the utility of the establishment of such a tribunal.
-The foundation of it was laid at The Hague. That it is
-generally ignored demonstrates the fact that militarism struggles
-against an institution which would undermine war.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'><span class='pageno' id='Page_661'>661</span>The question, “How in the world do you propose to prevent
-war in the face of the present upheaval in China?” has been thus
-answered by Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood, Corresponding Secretary
-of the American Peace Society:</p>
-
-<p class='c006'>“We have been asked how we would have settled the present
-trouble in China without war. That is as if one were to ask how
-we would prevent a fire when the flames were already bursting from
-all the windows. The settlement of the trouble by us without war
-would have required, first of all, that it be turned over to us for settlement,
-or that the powers involved in it would agree conscientiously
-to follow, in their efforts at adjustment, the principles and methods
-which we might suggest. The utter impossibility of either of these
-contingencies in the case of the trouble with China shows the thoughtlessness
-of the question.</p>
-
-<p class='c006'>“The time to have begun the pacific settlement of the difficulty
-was many years ago. Given certain conditions, practices and beliefs,
-such as have for a long time existed in the relations of the other
-countries to China, and war or something like it was inevitable. No
-advocate of peace has ever been simple enough to imagine that war
-can be avoided when every condition leading to good understanding
-and peace has been neglected or trampled under foot.”</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Another point steadily maintained by the advocates of peace
-and denied by their adversaries has come clearly to light in
-these latter days, namely, that wars are instigated and brought
-to their culmination by certain influential men without the slightest
-reference to the people, to parliaments or to the choicest spirits
-of the nations. What has been decided upon by the powers
-that be, what has been mapped out by “Cabinets,” is promulgated
-as an accomplished fact, approved by the chorus of a servile press,
-and, if it can be made sensational, cheered by an enthusiastic
-mob. How necessary that every land should have a ministry of
-peace, an official organism representing the interests of peace,
-under whose protection that portion of public opinion which is
-averse to war might make itself heard. How essential an independent,
-ethically elevated press, conscious of the duty growing
-out of its power, the duty to guide the people in the way of unity,
-of conciliation, of a just consideration of both sides of a quarrel—in
-short, in the way of peace, the only way worthy of civilization
-and culture. The opposite is true. The political press, in a
-ponderous majority, is to-day a forge for the heating of the irons
-of war.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>Current events reveal the fact that our system is not being put
-in practice, but they reveal no flaws or contradictions in the system
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_662'>662</span>itself, for it has none. Without a flaw or contradiction it
-harmonizes with the law of evolution. The new age—with its advance
-in technical inventions (with especial reference to the possibility
-of the slaughter of masses), with its ties of international
-solidarity, its reciprocal economic interdependencies, its
-sublimated ethical requirements—has outgrown the system of
-war, and outgrows it more and more daily. This truth is set
-forth, as it were, in an object-lesson in the rush of action upon
-the stage of the world’s theatre. On the other hand, take the
-war in the Transvaal. What economic losses (to say nothing of
-the moral loss) to England and to the rest of the world has it involved;
-and the end of the war is not yet in sight, in spite of the
-fact that England outnumbers her adversaries ten to one. That
-war and the Chinese problem both show that the nations are being
-mechanically driven to the position which the advocates of peace
-have suggested as the only one that can be taken as a result of the
-exercise of free will and rationality, namely, coalition, surrender
-of secondary specific interests and contentions for the sake of a
-higher common interest, of culture and humanity, and the creation
-of a “world army.”</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>The position into which the Powers are mechanically forced,
-which in its external form seems to adjust itself to the demands
-of the peace idea, is not yet permeated by the <em>spirit</em> of the idea;
-not yet based upon the firm groundwork of institutions of peace.
-It is filled with militarism, confused with military projects and
-national antagonisms.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>The contrast between war and culture is more definitely set
-forth than could be done in volumes of essays and of peace literature
-in the addresses and newspaper articles which accompany
-the sending forth of the “Army of Humanity.” The emphasis
-placed upon the help of God, upon the religion of love and
-of tenderness, and the synchronous emphasis placed upon revenge
-and threats of horrors, have never been in so glaring a contrast.
-A clinging to old ideals of force, reference to the thought that, a
-thousand years <em>hence</em>, one member of the human family shall
-tremble before another, as men did a thousand years <em>ago</em> under
-the lash of Attila; the recommendation on the part of various
-journals of methods of retaliation savoring of the wildest of
-savagery, the slaughter of masses of men, desecration of sanctuaries
-and graves, etc., and all these proposed as a means of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_663'>663</span>spreading civilization; all this must needs be recognized by the
-world at large as strident dissonance.</p>
-
-<p class='c004'>And what has brought the world to this recognition? The
-principles of the peace movement. Denied as they are, they have
-sunk deep into the conscience of the age. The community of interests
-in the world has also had its share in effecting this result.
-This has reached such a degree that a change from conditions of
-might to conditions of right has become a positive necessity, an
-essential of life. What stands revealed in the peace movement is
-not the dream of supramundane fancy, but a manifestation of
-the instinct of self-preservation in civilization.</p>
-
-<div class='c007'><span class='sc'>Bertha von Süttner.</span></div>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <h2 class='c008'>“<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">IN TERRA PAX.</span></i>”</h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c002'>
-    <div><span class='large'>BY G. LEVESON GOWER.</span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c009'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>War in men’s mouths, peace through the spring-clad land;</div>
-      <div class='line'>Hate in men’s hearts, and love in God’s high heaven;</div>
-      <div class='line'>Yet in the mass already works the leaven,</div>
-      <div class='line'>And in the nations some cry, “Hold your hand,</div>
-      <div class='line'>Ye Peoples! Turn not Earth into a hell!”</div>
-      <div class='line'>Already breaks the light when some can see</div>
-      <div class='line'>The change to come, the order new to be,</div>
-      <div class='line'>And, seeing evil, will not say, “’Tis well!”</div>
-      <div class='line'>O! for some high tribunal of the world</div>
-      <div class='line'>Where arms are stilled and equal law bears sway,</div>
-      <div class='line'>The strong aggressor from his vantage hurled,</div>
-      <div class='line'>The wronged upheld in the full light of day!</div>
-      <div class='line'>Then shall the Earth at rest yield glad increase,</div>
-      <div class='line'>And through all seas and every land be Peace!</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c010'>
-</div>
-<div class='tnotes x-ebookmaker'>
-
-<div class='chapter ph2'>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c011'>
-    <div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
- <ol class='ol_1 c002'>
-    <li>Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in spelling.
-
-    </li>
-    <li>Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed.
-    </li>
-  </ol>
-
-</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRESENT STATUS AND PROSPECTS OF THE PEACE MOVEMENT ***</div>
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