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} - .x-ebookmaker p.dropcap:first-letter { float: left; } -</style> - </head> - <body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The place of magic in the intellectual history of Europe, by Lynn Thorndike</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The place of magic in the intellectual history of Europe</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>studies in history, economics and public law edited by the faculty of political science of Columbia University</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Lynn Thorndike</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: December 23, 2022 [eBook #69622]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PLACE OF MAGIC IN THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF EUROPE ***</div> - -<div class='tnotes covernote'> - -<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber’s Note:</strong></p> - -<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -</div> - -<div class='chapter ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>1</div> - <div class='c002'>THE PLACE OF MAGIC IN THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF EUROPE</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='titlepage'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW</div> - <div class='c002'>EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY</div> - <div class='c002'>Volume XXIV] [Number 1</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div> - <h1 class='c004'><span class='xlarge'>THE PLACE OF MAGIC</span><br> <span class='small'>IN THE</span><br> INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF EUROPE</h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>BY</div> - <div class='c002'><span class='large'>LYNN THORNDIKE, Ph.D.,</span></div> - <div class='c002'><span class='small'><em>Sometime University Fellow in European History</em></span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/i_title.jpg' alt='' class='ig001'> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>New York</div> - <div><span class='large'>THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS</span></div> - <div>THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS</div> - <div><span class='sc'>London: P. S. King & Son</span></div> - <div>1905</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div><span class='small'><span class='sc'>Copyright</span>, 1905,</span></div> - <div class='c002'><span class='small'>BY</span></div> - <div class='c002'><span class='small'>LYNN THORNDIKE</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span> - <h2 class='c005'>TABLE OF CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table class='table0'> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER I</td></tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>ILLUSTRATIONS OF BELIEF IN MAGIC IN MEDIÆVAL AND IN EARLY MODERN TIMES</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'><span class='small'>PAGE</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>General belief in witchcraft, in astrology, and in the existence of magicians</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_11'>11</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Even the most educated men believed in astrology</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_12'>12</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Further illustration of such beliefs among men of learning, and even among scientists</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_13'>13</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Isidore and Bede</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_14'>14</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Alexander of Neckam</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Michael Scot</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_16'>16</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Roger Bacon</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_18'>18</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Bacon’s acceptance of astrology</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_18'>18</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Bacon’s belief in occult influence</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_19'>19</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Vincent de Beauvais, Bernard Gordon, Albertus Magnus, Arnald of Villanova</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_19'>19</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Cabalistic doctrines of Renaissance scholars</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_20'>20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Jerome Cardan</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_22'>22</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Paracelsus and Tycho Brahe</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_22'>22</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Francis Bacon</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_23'>23</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Summary of these beliefs</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_23'>23</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Question whether they are all closely connected</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_24'>24</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Question whether they were regarded by their authors as magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_25'>25</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Importance of magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_26'>26</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER II</td></tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>MAGIC; ITS ORIGINS, AND RELATIONS TO SCIENCE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Magic once regarded as a reality</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Magic præternatural rather than supernatural</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Belief in magic perhaps older than belief in divine beings</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Magic not originally a secret art</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_28'>28</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'><span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>Attitude of primitive man towards nature</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_29'>29</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>His effort to explain strange phenomena</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_30'>30</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>His belief in lucky things</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>His desire to know the future</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Hence the probable origin of belief in magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Chief characteristics of magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_32'>32</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Difficulty in defining magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_33'>33</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Gradual disappearance of magic before science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_34'>34</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Possible union of magic and science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_34'>34</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Importance of union of magic and science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_35'>35</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Method of treating that theme in this essay</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_36'>36</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER III</td></tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>PLINY’S NATURAL HISTORY</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>A fitting starting-point for our discussion</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_37'>37</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>I.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>The Character of the Work</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Its extensive treatment of both science and magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_37'>37</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Objections to regarding it as a true picture of ancient science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_38'>38</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Reasons for so regarding it</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_39'>39</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Pliny the Boswell of ancient science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_40'>40</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Pliny’s relation to mediæval science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_41'>41</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>II.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>Pliny’s Discussion of Magic</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Its significance</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_41'>41</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Pliny’s remarks concerning the history of magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_42'>42</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>“Magic” false, according to Pliny</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_42'>42</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>“Magic” an obscene and criminal art, according to Pliny</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_44'>44</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>III.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>Illustrations of Pliny’s Fundamental Belief in Magic</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Inconsistency of his declared scepticism</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_44'>44</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His belief that animals possess magic properties</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_45'>45</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His belief that plants have similar occult virtues</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_45'>45</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Strange qualities of minerals</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_46'>46</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Magical powers of man</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_47'>47</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Efficacy of magical ceremonial</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_48'>48</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Pliny’s belief unmistakable</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_49'>49</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Though probably limited</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_49'>49</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Question as to extent of his belief in astrology</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_50'>50</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His account of the heavenly bodies</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_50'>50</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Influence of the stars upon our planet</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_51'>51</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span> </td> - <td class='c007'>Influence of the stars upon man</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_52'>52</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Belief of Pliny in portents</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_53'>53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Attitude of Pliny towards various popular superstitious observances</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_53'>53</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Pliny not esoteric</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_54'>54</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Conclusions to be drawn from the <cite>Natural History</cite></td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_54'>54</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER IV</td></tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>SOME ANTECEDENTS OF THE BELIEF IN MAGIC IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Derivative and cosmopolitan character of intellectual life during the imperial period</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_56'>56</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Extent of our discussion of its antecedents</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_56'>56</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Question as to freedom of Greek thought from magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_57'>57</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Some evidence to the contrary</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_57'>57</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Doctrines of the Stoics favorable to magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_59'>59</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Pythagorean theory of numbers</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_59'>59</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Attitude of Plato towards “magic,” as he understood the word</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_60'>60</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Plato’s fantastic view of nature</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_60'>60</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Aristotle’s acceptance of astrology</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_61'>61</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Aristotle’s <cite>History of Animals</cite></td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_62'>62</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Cato’s <cite>De Re Rustica</cite></td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_63'>63</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER V</td></tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>BELIEF IN MAGIC IN THE EMPIRE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Outline of contents of this chapter</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_65'>65</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>I.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>General Attitude</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Prejudice against “magic” and condemnation of Magi</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_65'>65</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Views of Apuleius and of Philostratus</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_66'>66</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>In reality a widespread belief in magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_67'>67</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Explanation of apparent opposition to astrology</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Galen</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_69'>69</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Neo-Platonism</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_70'>70</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Philosophy confounded with magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_71'>71</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>II.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>Philo of Alexandria and Allegorical Interpretation</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Question as to connection of allegorical interpretation with magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Historical importance of allegorical interpretation and of Philo</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_73'>73</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Nature of Philo’s allegorical interpretation</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_73'>73</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His influence in the Middle Ages</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_75'>75</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>III.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>Seneca’s Problems of Nature and Divination</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Scientific traits of Seneca</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_75'>75</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His tendency to be esoteric and mystical</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_76'>76</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Ground covered by his book</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_77'>77</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His partial rejection of magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_77'>77</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His acceptance of divination</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>His discussion of divination from thunder</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>IV.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos and Astrology</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>An illustration of the astrology of the scientist</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_80'>80</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Ptolemy and his influence</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_80'>80</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Scientific tone of the preliminary remarks in the <cite>Tetrabiblos</cite></td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_81'>81</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>An attempt to base astrology upon natural law</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Ptolemy’s explanation of the influence of the planets</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Summary of remaining contents of his first book</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_83'>83</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Contents of the other three books</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_83'>83</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>V.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>The Hermetic Books and Occultism</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Their nature and history, legendary and actual</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_84'>84</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Their contents</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_86'>86</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Their importance</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_87'>87</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER VI</td></tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CRITICS OF MAGIC</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Review of the usual attitude towards magic in the Roman Empire</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_88'>88</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>I.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>Opponents of Astrology</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Cicero, Favorinus and Sextus Empiricus</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_89'>89</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Considerations which discount their scepticism</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_89'>89</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Inadequacy of their arguments</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_90'>90</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Astrology attacked as being impracticable</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_91'>91</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>General problem of sidereal influence left untouched</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_92'>92</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>II.</td> - <td class='c007'><em>Cicero’s Attack upon Divination</em>:</td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>In a way an attack upon magic as a whole</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_93'>93</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Form and arrangement of <cite>De Divinatione</cite></td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Its relations to the past and to the future</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Appeal of Quintus to antiquity and to tradition</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Cicero’s reply; condemnation of reliance on tradition</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Divination declared quite distinct from science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Divination declared quite contrary to the laws of science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_96'>96</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Idea of magical sympathy rejected</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_97'>97</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span> </td> - <td class='c007'>Cicero’s attitude very unusual for his time</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_98'>98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'>Question as to his consistency</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_98'>98</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER VII</td></tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>THE LAST CENTURY OF THE EMPIRE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Intellectual characteristics of the period</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Marcellus of Bordeaux</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Ammianus Marcellinus</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_99'>99</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>His description of the state of learning at Alexandria</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_100'>100</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>His justification of divination as a science</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_101'>101</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>His extraordinary misquoting of Cicero</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_102'>102</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Synesius</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_103'>103</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>His belief that all parts of the universe are in magic sympathy</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_103'>103</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Further instances of his trust in magic</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_104'>104</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'>Macrobius</td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_106'>106</a></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr><td class='c006' colspan='3'>CHAPTER VIII</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c008'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007' colspan='2'><span class='sc'>Conclusion</span></td> - <td class='c008'><a href='#Page_108'>108</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='chapter'> - <h2 class='c005'>ERRATA</h2> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-b c003'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Page <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, line 19, instead of <em>verbe</em> read <em>verbo</em>.</div> - <div class='line'>Page <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, lines 9 and 10, instead of <em>marvelour</em> read <em>marvelous</em>.</div> - <div class='line'>Page <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, at close of first foot-note, instead of 66 read 67.</div> - <div class='line'>Page <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>, line 10 of foot-note, instead of άλλὰ read ἀλλὰ.</div> - <div class='line'>Page <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, line 8 of foot-note, instead of <em>factorum</em> read <em>fatorum</em>.</div> - <div class='line'>Page <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, line 2 of second foot-note, instead of εἷναι read εἶναι.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER I<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>Illustrations of Belief in Magic in Mediæval and in Early Modern Times</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Even a slight acquaintance with European history reveals -the existence of a number of curious and apparently -unreasonable beliefs prevalent throughout a period extending -from early mediæval to comparatively recent times. -There is the belief in witchcraft, for instance. From the -canons of synods in the early Middle Ages down to the -pitiless executions during the witchcraft delusion, there is -abundant evidence of its prominence. It played its part not -only in humble life, but in court intrigues and in the accusations -brought at state trials.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The belief that one’s future could be learned by observing -the stars was equally widespread. Astrologers throve at the -courts of kings, and sometimes their advice was taken even -by him whose every act was held to be under special divine -direction. It would be a great mistake to think that the -astrologer was maintained merely for the amusement of -king and court, like the jester. His utterances were taken -most seriously, and the principles of his art were so generally -accepted as to become the commonplaces of the thought -and the conversation of daily life. In 1305, for instance, -when certain cardinals urged Pope Clement V to -return to Rome, they reminded him that every planet was -most powerful in its own house.<a id='r1'></a><a href='#f1' class='c011'><sup>[1]</sup></a> Indeed, even in our -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>speech to-day numerous vestiges of the astrological art survive.<a id='r2'></a><a href='#f2' class='c011'><sup>[2]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Moreover, a grander and more imposing witchcraft displayed -itself in the stories of the wizard Merlin and in the -persons of the wicked magicians with whom knights contended -in the pages of mediæval romance. So strong was -the tendency to believe in the marvelous, that men of learning -were often pictured by subsequent tradition, if not by -contemporary gossip, as mighty necromancers. Even Gerbert, -who seems to have done nothing more shocking than -to write a treatise on the abacus and build a pipe-organ, -was pictured as running off with a magician’s book and -daughter, hanging under bridges between earth and water -to escape noxious spells, and making compacts with Satan.<a id='r3'></a><a href='#f3' class='c011'><sup>[3]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>The attitude of the average mind as it has just been illustrated -was to a large extent characteristic of the best instructed -and most widely read men. The erudite poet Dante -accepted the influence of the constellations upon human destiny. -Bodin maintained in his <cite>Republic</cite>—perhaps the greatest -book on political science written during the sixteenth -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>century—that astrology was very useful in tracing the development -of society.<a id='r4'></a><a href='#f4' class='c011'><sup>[4]</sup></a> Aquinas, chief of the mediæval theologians, -accepted astrological theory, except as limited by -human free will, and further admitted that most men make -little use of their liberty of action but blindly follow their -passions, which are governed by the stars.<a id='r5'></a><a href='#f5' class='c011'><sup>[5]</sup></a> Among other -great mediæval churchmen and canonists, d’Ailly and Gerson -both believed that God signified important events in -advance through the stars, and d’Ailly made some astrological -predictions himself. Astrology was much taught in the -mediæval universities,<a id='r6'></a><a href='#f6' class='c011'><sup>[6]</sup></a> and was regarded as the climax of -mathematics and as an essential part of medicine.</p> - -<p class='c010'>It is with such beliefs, accepted by educated men and -forming a part of the learning and science of the times, that -we are concerned in this essay. First, it is necessary to give -some further evidence of the nature and of the general acceptance -of these beliefs. This object will be most quickly -and effectively secured by a résumé of the views of a few -of the men most prominent in the intellectual history of the -past. These men should offer fair, if not flattering, illustrations -of the learning and culture of their times. In -especial we shall notice the curious notions of those who -wrote on scientific subjects or showed even a considerable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>approach towards the modern scientific spirit. This we shall -do partly because their writings seem at first thought the -place where we should least expect to find such notions, and -hence furnish striking illustration of the almost universal -acceptance of these beliefs; partly because, as we shall soon -find reason to conclude, there is really some connection between -such beliefs and science.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The early Middle Ages are not distinguished for the -prevalence of education and of culture in Latin Christendom, -to say nothing of profound knowledge or original -thought in any particular branch of learning. But in such -learning and science as there was may be found examples of -the beliefs which we wish to consider. We see them in Isidore -of Seville, whose <cite>Etymologies</cite>, we may well believe, -constituted an oft-consulted encyclopedia in many a monastic -library for several centuries after the seventh, when it -appeared. This saint, like almost all good Christians of -his day, believed that marvels could be effected through -magic by the aid of demons, although such resort to evil -spirits he could not condemn too strongly.<a id='r7'></a><a href='#f7' class='c011'><sup>[7]</sup></a> But he saw no -harm in holding that certain stones possess astonishing -powers,<a id='r8'></a><a href='#f8' class='c011'><sup>[8]</sup></a> that the dog-star afflicts bodies with disease, and -that the appearance of a comet signifies pestilence, famine -or war.<a id='r9'></a><a href='#f9' class='c011'><sup>[9]</sup></a> He maintained that it was no waste of time to look -into the meaning of the numbers which occur in the Bible. -He thought that they might reveal many sacred mysteries.<a id='r10'></a><a href='#f10' class='c011'><sup>[10]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>Bede expressed similar views in his scientific treatises.<a id='r11'></a><a href='#f11' class='c011'><sup>[11]</sup></a> -Also, if we may regard as his two little essays about the -authenticity of which there is some question, he ascribed -such extraordinary influence to the moon as to maintain that -the practice of bleeding should be regulated by its phases, -and wrote—with some hesitation lest he should be accused -of magic—an explanation of how to predict coming disasters -by observing the time and direction of peals of thunder.<a id='r12'></a><a href='#f12' class='c011'><sup>[12]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Passing over several centuries during which judicial -astrology is very conspicuous in the mathematical treatises -which formed the greater part of the scientific literature of -the times,<a id='r13'></a><a href='#f13' class='c011'><sup>[13]</sup></a> we come at the close of the twelfth century to -the <cite>De Naturis Rerum</cite> of Alexander Neckam (1157–1217). -We find him ecstatically musing over the consonance of -celestial harmony and associating the seven planets with the -seven liberal arts and the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit,<a id='r14'></a><a href='#f14' class='c011'><sup>[14]</sup></a> -as if believing that there is some occult virtue in that number -or some potent sympathy between these material bodies -and such abstractions as branches of learning and generic -virtues. Descending from the skies to things earthly—the -transition is easy since he believes in the influence, saving -human free will, of the planets on our lower creation<a id='r15'></a><a href='#f15' class='c011'><sup>[15]</sup></a>—he -<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>tells us that mug-wort prevents the traveler from feeling -fatigue,<a id='r16'></a><a href='#f16' class='c011'><sup>[16]</sup></a> and that the Egyptian fig makes the wrinkles of -old age vanish and can tame the fiercest bulls once they are -gathered beneath its branches.<a id='r17'></a><a href='#f17' class='c011'><sup>[17]</sup></a> He describes fountains -with properties as marvelous as those of the herb or of the -tree.<a id='r18'></a><a href='#f18' class='c011'><sup>[18]</sup></a> He tells of stones which, placed on the head of the -sleeping wife, provoke confession of marital infidelity,<a id='r19'></a><a href='#f19' class='c011'><sup>[19]</sup></a> or -which, extracted from the crop of a rooster and carried in -one’s mouth, give victory in war.<a id='r20'></a><a href='#f20' class='c011'><sup>[20]</sup></a> What is more, words -as well as plants and stones are found by the careful and -industrious investigator of nature to have great virtue, as -experiment shows beyond doubt.<a id='r21'></a><a href='#f21' class='c011'><sup>[21]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Neckam, despite the fact that according to his editor, -Thomas Wright, he “not infrequently displays a taste for -experimental science,”<a id='r22'></a><a href='#f22' class='c011'><sup>[22]</sup></a> was, after all, more of a moralizing -compiler than anything else. But greater men than -Neckam, men who were interested in learning and science -for their own sake, men who knew more and wrote more, -still cherished beliefs of the same sort. There was Michael -Scot in the early years of the thirteenth century, the wonder -of the cultured court of Frederick II, perhaps that monarch’s -tutor, the “Supreme Master” of Paris, the man -who helped much to make the treasures of learning amassed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>by the Arabs in Spain the common property of Latin Christendom, -the introducer to Western Europe of a Latin version -of Averroes and of an enlarged Aristotle.<a id='r23'></a><a href='#f23' class='c011'><sup>[23]</sup></a> Scot composed -a primer of astrology for young scholars. His writings -on alchemy show that he experimented in it not a -little. His <cite>Physionomia</cite> accepts the doctrine of signatures, -tells us that these signs on the outward body of the soul’s -inner state are often discovered through dreams, and contains -a chapter giving an extended description of the rules -of augury—an art on which the author, though a Christian, -apparently bestowed his sanction. Prophetic verses foretelling -the fate of several Italian cities have come down to -us under his name. A poem of Henri d’Avranches, written -in 1235–6, recalls to mind the fact that certain prophecies -concerning the emperor had been made by the then deceased -Michael Scot, whom the poet proceeds to call a scrutinizer -of the stars, an augur, a soothsayer, a <i><span lang="la">veridicus vates</span></i>, and -a second Apollo.<a id='r24'></a><a href='#f24' class='c011'><sup>[24]</sup></a> A most interesting recipe for invoking -demons to instruct one in liberal arts is attributed to -Michael Scot in a manuscript collection of <cite>Occulta</cite> in the -Laurentian library.<a id='r25'></a><a href='#f25' class='c011'><sup>[25]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>Later in the same century stands forth the famous figure -of Roger Bacon, the stout defender of mathematics and -physics against scholasticism. Some have ascribed to him -numerous important innovations in the realm of natural -science and of the mechanical arts, and have regarded his -promulgation of the experimental method, guided by the -mathematical method, as the first herald note of that modern -science which was not destined really to appear for yet several -centuries. Yet he held that the alchemist, if given -sufficient time and money, could discover a way not only to -meet the state’s expenses by converting baser metals into -gold, but also to prolong human existence beyond that limit -to which it can be drawn out by nature.<a id='r26'></a><a href='#f26' class='c011'><sup>[26]</sup></a> Indeed these objects -constituted two of the three examples he gave of the -great advantages to be gained from the pursuit of that experimental -science which was to disprove and blot out all -magical nonsense.<a id='r27'></a><a href='#f27' class='c011'><sup>[27]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>How far Bacon let the principles of astrology carry him -a citation or two will show. That a woman had succeeded -in living twenty years without eating was, he explained, no -miracle, but due to the fact that during that period some -constellation was able to reduce the concourse of the four -elements in her body to a greater degree of harmony than -they usually attain.<a id='r28'></a><a href='#f28' class='c011'><sup>[28]</sup></a> Nor is it health alone that the stars -control; they affect human character.<a id='r29'></a><a href='#f29' class='c011'><sup>[29]</sup></a> They implant in the -babe at birth good or evil dispositions, great or small talents. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>Human free will may either better these innate tendencies -through God’s grace or modify them for the worse -by yielding to Satan’s temptings; but in general the stars -so far prevail that there are different laws and customs and -national traits under different quarters of the heavens.<a id='r30'></a><a href='#f30' class='c011'><sup>[30]</sup></a> -Nay more, astrology offers proof of the superiority of Christianity -to other religions and gives insight into the nature -of Antichrist.<a id='r31'></a><a href='#f31' class='c011'><sup>[31]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>As one might surmise from Bacon’s belief in the potent -effect of sidereal emanations, he makes much of the theory -that every agent sends forth its own virtue and species into -external matter. This leads him to accept fascination as a -fact. Just as Aristotle tells that in some localities mares -become pregnant by the mere odor of the stallions, and as -Pliny relates that the basilisk kills by a glance, so the witch -by the vapor from her bleary eye draws her victims on to -destruction. In short, “Man can project virtue and species -outside himself, the more since he is nobler than all corporeal -things, and especially because of the virtue of the rational -soul.”<a id='r32'></a><a href='#f32' class='c011'><sup>[32]</sup></a> Hence the great effects possible from spoken words -or written characters; although one must beware of falling -into the absurdities and abominations of the magicians. -Bacon, moreover, was like Scot a believer in the doctrine -of signatures.<a id='r33'></a><a href='#f33' class='c011'><sup>[33]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Other men of the same period prominent in science who -held similar beliefs we can scarcely stop to mention. There -was Vincent de Beauvais, the great encyclopedist, and Bernard -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>Gordon, a physician of Montpellier and a medical -writer of considerable note, who nevertheless recommended -the use of a magic formula for the treatment of epilepsy.<a id='r34'></a><a href='#f34' class='c011'><sup>[34]</sup></a> -There was Albertus Magnus with his trust in such wonderful -powers of stones as to cure ulcers, counteract potions, -conciliate human hearts, and win battles; and his theory -that ligatures and suspensions, and gems carved with proper -images possess similar strange virtues.<a id='r35'></a><a href='#f35' class='c011'><sup>[35]</sup></a> There was Arnald -of Villanova who propounded such admirable doctrines as -that a physician ought first of all to understand the chief -functions of life and chief organs of the body and that the -science of particular things is the foundation of all knowledge, -and yet who believed in astrological medicine, wrote -on oneiromancy and interpreted dreams, translated treatises -on incantations, ligatures and other magic devices, and composed -a book on the <cite>Tetragrammaton</cite> or ineffable name of -Jehovah.<a id='r36'></a><a href='#f36' class='c011'><sup>[36]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>That marvelous power of words—especially of the divine -names of angels and of the Supreme Deity—which we may -suppose Arnald to have touched upon in his <cite>Tetragrammaton</cite>, -was discussed at length by a series of scholars at the -close of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century -whose names are most familiar to the student of those -times. These men pushed the practice of allegorical interpretation -of sacred writings, which had been in constant -vogue among religious and theological writers from the days -<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>of the early Christian Fathers, to the extreme of discovering -sublime secrets not only by regarding every incident -and object in Scripture as a parable, but by treating the -text itself as a cryptogram. Not only, like Isidore, did they -see in every numerical measurement in the Bible mystic -meaning, but in the very letters they doubted not there was -hidden that knowledge by which one might gain control of -all the processes of the universe; nay, penetrate through -the ten sephiroth to the unspeakable and infinite source of -all. For our visible universe is but the reflected image of -an invisible, and each has subtle and practically unlimited -power over the other. The key to that power is words. -Such were the doctrines held by Pico Della Mirandola -(1463–1494) who asserted that no science gave surer proof -of Christ’s divinity than magical and cabalistic science;<a id='r37'></a><a href='#f37' class='c011'><sup>[37]</sup></a> -such were the doctrines of the renowned humanist, John -Reuchlin, who connected letters in the sacred text with individual -angels;<a id='r38'></a><a href='#f38' class='c011'><sup>[38]</sup></a> of Henry Cornelius Agrippa (1486–1535) -who, inspired by Reuchlin’s <cite>De verbo mirifico</cite> and <cite>De arte -cabalistica</cite>, declared that whoever knew the true pronunciation -of the name Jehovah had “the world in his mouth;”<a id='r39'></a><a href='#f39' class='c011'><sup>[39]</sup></a> -of Trithemius from whom Paracelsus is said to have acquired -the “Cabala of the spiritual, astral and material -worlds.”<a id='r40'></a><a href='#f40' class='c011'><sup>[40]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Moreover, the writings of men primarily devoted to -science continued through the sixteenth and on into the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>seventeenth century to contain much the same occult theories -that Michael Scot, Roger Bacon and Albertus Magnus -had accepted and discussed. Jerome Cardan, one of the -most prominent men of his time in mathematics and medicine—indeed, -the discoverer of new processes in the former -science—nevertheless believed in a strong attraction and -sympathy between the heavenly bodies and our own, cast -horoscopes and wrote on judicial astrology. In his <cite>Arithmetic</cite> -he treated of the marvelous properties of certain -numbers; in other writings he credulously discussed demons, -ghosts, incantations, divination and chiromancy. His thirteen -books on metoposcopy explain how to tell a person’s -character, ability and destiny by a minute examination of -the lines on different portions of the body and by warts. -He owned a selenite which he believed prevented sleep and -a jacinth to which he attributed an opposite influence.<a id='r41'></a><a href='#f41' class='c011'><sup>[41]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>The vagaries of Paracelsus are notorious, and yet he was -far more than a mere quack. Tycho Brahe (1546–1601) -was a faithful follower of experimental method. He saw -that the science of the stars could amount to little unless -based on a mass of correct observations, and was one of -the first to devote his life to that foundation of patient and -systematic drudgery on which the great structure of modern -science is being reared. His painstaking endeavor to have -accurate instruments and his care to make allowance for -possible error were the marks, rare enough in those days, -of the true scientist. Yet he made many an astrological -prognostication, and was, as his biographer puts it, “a -perfect son of the sixteenth century, believing the universe -to be woven together by mysterious connecting -threads which the contemplation of the stars or of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>elements of nature might unravel, and thereby lift the veil -of the future.”<a id='r42'></a><a href='#f42' class='c011'><sup>[42]</sup></a> He also dabbled in alchemy, believed in -relations of occult sympathy between “the ethereal and -elementary worlds,” and filled his mind with the teachings -of Hermes Trismegistus, Geber, Arnald of Villanova, Raymond -Lullius, Roger Bacon, Albertus Magnus, and Paracelsus.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Finally, even Francis Bacon, famed as the draughtsman -of the chart which henceforth guided explorers in the -domain of science, thought that there was considerable value -in physiognomy and the interpretation of natural dreams, -though the superstition and phantasies of later ages had -debased those subjects;<a id='r43'></a><a href='#f43' class='c011'><sup>[43]</sup></a> and in divination if not “conducted -by blind authority.”<a id='r44'></a><a href='#f44' class='c011'><sup>[44]</sup></a> He said that by a reformed -astrology one might predict plagues, famines, wars, seditions, -sects, great human migrations and “all great disturbances -or innovations in both natural and civil affairs.”<a id='r45'></a><a href='#f45' class='c011'><sup>[45]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Such are the beliefs which for a long time pervaded the -thought and learning of Europe; beliefs of the widespread -acceptance of which we have noted but a few striking illustrations. -They constitute a varied and formidable class of -convictions. There was the notion that from such things -as the marks upon one’s body, or from one’s dreams, or -from peals of thunder, flight of birds, entrails of sacrificial -victims and the movements of the stars, we can foretell the -future. There was the assumption that certain precious -stones, certain plants and trees and fountains, certain animals -or parts of animals have strange and wonderful virtues. -There was the idea that man, too, possesses marvelous -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>powers to the extent that he can fascinate and bewitch -his fellows. Nor should we forget the attribution to the -heavenly bodies of an enormous influence over minerals -and vegetation, over human health and character, over -national constitutions and customs, even over religious -movements. We find this notion of occult virtue extended -to things without physical reality: to words, to numbers, -to written characters and formulæ. It is applied to certain -actions and ways of doing things: to “ligatures and suspensions,” -for instance. Then there was the belief that -wonders may be wrought by the aid of demons, and that -incantations, suffumigations, and the like are of great value -in invoking spirits. Finally, there was a vague general -notion that not only are the ethereal and elementary worlds -joined by occult sympathy, but that all parts of the universe -are somehow mystically connected, and that perhaps a single -magic key may be discovered by which we may become -masters of the entire universe.</p> - -<p class='c010'>How shall we classify these beliefs? What shall we call -them? What is their meaning, what their origin and -cause? As for classification, it is easy to suggest names -which partially apply to some of these notions, or adequately -characterize them individually. The art of signatures, -oneiromancy, augury, divination, astrology, alchemy, -the Cabala, sorcery, and necromancy are some designations -which at once come to mind. But no one of them is at all -adequate as a class name for all these beliefs and the practices -which they involve, taken together. Are not these -notions, nevertheless, closely allied; is there not an intimate -relation between them all? And is not “magic” a -term which will include them all and denote the general -subject, the philosophy and the art, of which they all are -branches?</p> - -<p class='c010'>True, many of the holders of the beliefs above enumerated -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>declaimed against “magic.”<a id='r46'></a><a href='#f46' class='c011'><sup>[46]</sup></a> But sometimes fear of -being accused of magic was their very reason for so doing. -Bede had such a fear when he treated of divination by -thunder. Roger Bacon took suspicious care to insist that -his theories had nothing to do with magic, which he declared -was for the most part a mere pretense and could -bring marvels to pass only by diabolical assistance.<a id='r47'></a><a href='#f47' class='c011'><sup>[47]</sup></a> The -writer of the <cite>Speculum Astronomiae</cite>—probably Albertus -Magnus—found it necessary to write a treatise to distinguish -books of necromancy from works on “astronomy,” -<em>i. e.</em>, astrology.<a id='r48'></a><a href='#f48' class='c011'><sup>[48]</sup></a> Coming to a later age, we find Agrippa -frankly owning his trust in magic, and including under it, -in his three books of <cite>Occult Philosophy</cite>, practically all the -beliefs that we have mentioned. For him magic embraced -the fields of nature, mathematics and theology. Indeed, -men of his day and of the century following displayed a -tendency to stretch the term to include true science. He -himself called magic “the acme of all philosophy.” Giovanni -Battista della Porta (1540–1615), not it is true without -considerable justification, called his encyclopedic work on -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>nature <cite>Natural Magic</cite>.<a id='r49'></a><a href='#f49' class='c011'><sup>[49]</sup></a> Lord Bacon chose to understand -magic “in its ancient and honorable significance” among -the Persians as “a sublimer wisdom or a knowledge of -universal nature.” He said that as physics, investigating -efficient and material causes, produced mechanics, so metaphysics, -studying into forms, produced magic.<a id='r50'></a><a href='#f50' class='c011'><sup>[50]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Apparently, then, magic has a broad significance and a -long history. The word itself takes us back to the Magi -of ancient Persia; the thing it represents is older yet. It -will form the theme of our next chapter, where we shall -discuss its history and its meaning, and then the particular -significance of those beliefs accepted by men of learning -which have been enumerated in the present chapter.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER II<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>Magic: Its Origins and Relations to Science</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>To men of the past—how long ago does not at present -matter—magic meant far more than the performance for -their amusement of clever tricks, which however puzzling -they knew well enough were based upon illusion and deception. -There was a real magic for them.</p> - -<p class='c010'>This faith in the reality of magic was not, moreover, -merely the outcome of men’s belief in the existence of evil -spirits, in the power of those spirits to work changes in -matter or to predict the future, and in man’s power to gain -their services. We sometimes speak of magic and necromancy -as if they were identical, and mediæval writers often -did the same thing, but such is not the case. If we but consider -the meaning of the word “magic” when used as an -adjective, we perceive that thus to restrict its scope as a -noun is incorrect. What is a magic cloak, for instance? -It is simply a cloak possessing properties which cloaks in -general do not possess and which we are surprised to find -in cloaks. Most cloaks keep us warm or improve our personal -appearance; this cloak makes us invulnerable and invisible. -A demon or a fairy may have endowed the cloak -with these extraordinary qualities, but that is a secondary -consideration. What makes the garment a magic cloak is -the fact that it has such properties, no matter where or how -it got them. Or what is a magic change? Is it merely a -change wrought by spirits good or evil? By no means. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>It is any change with characteristics and results which we -do not expect nor usually see in changes. In short, magic -is præternatural rather than supernatural.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Thus we find the existence of magic in the earliest period -of human thought generally assumed by anthropologists, -but some writers deny that man always has believed in -supernatural beings. He first, they tell us, had a vague -notion that by propitiating or by coercing nature he might -secure for himself happiness; and that if anything external -was to have power over the workings of the natural structure, -it must be man, for both gods and God were yet unknown. -Only gradually, they hold, through his belief in -tree-spirits, through his devotion to plants or fetishes made -sacred by their supposed efficacy in serving human wishes, -perhaps, too, through his attitude toward human beings -whose reputation for skill in magic finally led to deification, -did man come to a belief in more or less divine beings and -turn to them for the power and the happiness which in his -savage and untutored impotency he had been unable to win -by his own efforts.<a id='r51'></a><a href='#f51' class='c011'><sup>[51]</sup></a> Then only would the performance of -magic by the aid of supernatural beings commence.</p> - -<p class='c010'>There is another misleading idea which we should avoid. -Fairy tales and romances picture magicians to us as few -in number, adepts in a secret art. Instinctively, moreover, -looking as we do upon magic as a mere delusion, we are -prone to regard it as the creation of the popular imagination, -and to believe that what magicians there were outside -of the ordinary man’s imagination were a few imposters -who took advantage of his fancies, or a few self-deceived -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>dreamers whose minds such fancies had led astray. This -is a superficial view. It does not explain how the ordinary -man came to imagine the existence of magic. Magicians -in the true sense were no mere imaginary order existent only -in the minds of men, nor a profession of dreamers and imposters. -Magic was not the outright invention of imagination; -it was primitive man’s philosophy, it was his attitude toward -nature. It was originally not the exercise of supposed -innate, marvelous powers by a favored few nor a group of -secret doctrines or practices known to but a few; it was a -body of ideas held by men universally and which, during -their savage state at least, they were forever trying to put -into practice. Everybody was a magician.</p> - -<p class='c010'>To understand magic, then, we should consider this attitude -of primitive man—I use the word primitive in no narrow -sense—and should try to picture to ourselves what his -attitude would be. It is a safe assumption that he would -interpret the world about him according to his own sensations, -feelings and motives. Whether he looked upon nature -at large or in detail, he would in all probability regard -it not as an inexorable machine run in accordance with -universal and immutable laws, but as a being or world of -beings much like himself—fickle, changing, capable of being -influenced by inducements or deterred by threats, beneficent -or hostile according as satisfied or offended by treatment -received. To make life go as he wished, he must -be able to please and propitiate or to coerce these forces -outside himself.<a id='r52'></a><a href='#f52' class='c011'><sup>[52]</sup></a> In this endeavor his faculty of association -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>probably led him to conclude that things resembling -each other or having any seeming connection must be related -by strong bonds of sympathy and have power over -each other. Since he had already attributed human characteristics -to matter, he naturally now observed no distinction -between the animate and the inanimate, the material -and the spiritual. A wooden image might be used to affect -the fate of a human being, or the utterance of alluring and -terrifying sounds to produce change in unfeeling and unresponsive -matter.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Moreover, as man observed the world about him, he -would note many a phenomenon in nature which he could -explain only by assuming strange and subtle influences. -There was, for instance, the magnet, so different from -other stones; the hot spring, so different from other waters; -the action of electricity—still a mystery. Such things, too, -as a calf with five legs, a dream, a sneeze, appealed to him -as peculiar and striking, and perplexed him. He thought -that they must have some important significance. His -attempt to explain all such phenomena generally led him -into magic.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>Man often had to decide between two or more courses of -action, apparently equally pleasing and advantageous or -displeasing and disadvantageous. Should he turn to the -right or to the left; should he begin his journey to-day or -to-morrow? The thought probably came to him that one -of these directions, one of these days, would in the end -prove more advantageous than the other, though at present -he could see no difference between them. One must be -lucky, the other unlucky. This belief in lucky times, places -and actions was magic. For such times, places and actions -were magical as truly as the cloak that is unlike other cloaks -or the change that differs from other changes.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Akin to man’s desire to discover what course of action -would bring him good luck was the longing he doubtless -had to know the future; a knowledge which would be as -interesting as those tales of his ancestor’s doings in which -he delighted, and of more practical use. As he had no difficulty -in granting to matter spiritual qualities or in subjecting -to trivial material influences mind and soul without -power of resistance, so now he sought in the present sure -signs of his own future. Such indications seemed to him to -be found not only in dreams, which indeed had some connection -with his personality, but also in such things as the -flight of birds or the movements of the stars. He often did -more than assign magic powers to the heavenly bodies; -often he worshiped them as gods. His effort thus to learn -the future from inadequate and irrelevant present phenomena -was divination or magic.</p> - -<p class='c010'>These notions of primitive man do not exhaust the field -of magic. As he became educated, he would extend the -attribution of magic properties to such things as numbers -and written characters or formulæ. His original ideas -might be elaborated or refined. But already he accepted the -principles upon which a belief in magic founds itself. These -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>principles were evidently common property. Of course -some men would come to surpass others in their knowledge -of the supposed bonds of sympathy between different things, -or of lucky objects, seasons and methods, of ways to coax -and control natural forces, of the meaning of portents and -of means to predict the future. In the progress of time the -finer mysteries of the art might become the monopoly of a -priesthood. But everybody believed in magic; everybody -understood something about it.</p> - -<p class='c010'>To attempt to define magic further than has been done -in our description of the notions of primitive man is like -trying to embrace a phantom. Magic rested upon man’s -conjecture of the characteristics and processes of nature, -not on a knowledge of nature correctly deduced from observation -and experiment. As one would expect, there -went with these mistaken notions a fantasticalness both in -reasoning and in practical procedure. The follower of -magic is apt to be on the watch not for facts or laws, but -for hidden mysteries; he is fond of ceremonial and symbols; -he enjoins upon himself and his fellows the necessity of -secrecy in their operations and mysticism in their writings. -Again, magic is, as has been said, præternatural; its outcome -is to be marvelous. It assumes the existence of wonderful -properties in various objects and of wonderful bonds -of sympathy between different things. Finally, we should -remember that man always is a factor in magic. His knowledge, -skill or power is always essential to the performance -of a feat of magic. Even when demons do the deed, they -must be invoked. A miracle may be contrary to natural -law but it is not magic, for man is not the cause of it. -Even if wrought in answer to his prayer, the miracle is not -magic, for the gods answer only if they choose. But the -magic formula compels the desired marvel; by it man coerces -nature or even deity.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>Such are some of the chief characteristics of magic. Yet -with these granted, it remains, like superstition or religion, -a vague term at best. The reader may disagree with me -as to exactly what beliefs and practices should be included -under it, and it is indeed a nice question just where magic -begins and ends. Much of alchemy, for example, was nothing -but chemistry of a rude sort, and perhaps even its theories -that metals may be transmuted and life greatly prolonged -will some day prove to have had much truth in -them. On the other hand, alchemy was based to a considerable -extent on a belief that plants, animals and minerals -have properties and powers which they cannot have: and if -we ever do succeed in making gold or putting off old age, -it is quite certain that such a consummation will never be -accomplished by the fantastic methods which alchemists -usually employed. Similarly we shall see that the practice -of allegorical interpretation of past writings and the Pythagorean -doctrine of numbers, which perhaps at first thought -one would not regard as magic at all, nevertheless bear at -least some resemblance to it. But after all our thesis is not -to establish a certain definition for the word “magic,” or -to prove that such and such ideas and acts are magical. -A name signifies little, and the word magic has had too -many different meanings in different periods and for different -men to allow any one to assert with confidence that he -has found an absolutely correct definition. I employ the -word simply because it seems the most convenient, most intelligible -and most justifiable term for denoting a number -of beliefs which I believe are all intimately related and -which are the marks of a certain attitude towards the world.</p> - -<p class='c010'>So much for the definition of magic and for the nature -of its origin. But the discussion of these two points does -not fully explain the meaning of the beliefs which were -illustrated in our first chapter. We have yet to bring out -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>the full significance of the presence of such notions in the -minds of mediæval thinkers and scientists.</p> - -<p class='c010'>It was stated above that the outcome of magic is præternatural, -marvelous; but this statement, while in one sense -perfectly true, requires some qualification. Perhaps to inexperienced -primitive man the results which he wished to -accomplish or the crude theories on which he based his -operations seemed nothing remarkable. Perhaps incantation -seemed to him the natural way to bring rain, and sorcery -the sole cause of disease. But as time went on and -observation taught men, it must have been impressed upon -their minds that either the events they sought to produce, or -the methods by which they sought to produce them, were a -little out of the ordinary, although of the possibility of the -events and of the validity of the methods they still remained -convinced. If we wish to sum up the whole history of -magic in a sentence, we may say that men first regarded -magic as natural, then as marvelous, then as impossible and -absurd. Evidently then magic is subjective, as anything -false must be. To-day in the thought of educated and sensible -people it is limited in actual significance to stage illusions; -once it was a universal attitude towards the universe. -As one false hypothesis after another was superseded by -true notions, the content of magic narrowed in men’s -minds until at last it became an acknowledged deception. -Meanwhile its mistaken premises and strange proceedings -first mingled with and then vanished into science and scientific -methods.</p> - -<p class='c010'>This, then, is the significance of the beliefs of which we -were speaking in the first chapter. They are phenomena in -that union—or struggle—of magic and science which -marked the decay of the former and the development of the -latter. As such, they warn us not to picture a magician to -ourselves as armed with a wand, clad in solemn robes, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>and attended by a black cat. They warn us, on the other -hand, not to regard the learned students of nature, mathematics -and medicine in ages past as modern scientists in -mind and spirit, who were merely handicapped by such obstacles -as crude instruments and want of data. We perceive -the anachronism involved in explaining away as mere -passing fancies, personal eccentricities or anomalous beliefs -the superstitious or bizarre notions of those to whom tradition -has accorded great fame. We are warned to consider -carefully whether such notions were not ingrained in -the very being of those men and characteristic of their whole -mental attitude.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Science and magic are very unlike, but even the distinction -between East and West varies according to where -the speaker takes his stand. We have come to regard -science as abstract truth, scientific investigation as necessarily -correct and sensible; we forget that science has a -past. In their actual history science and magic were not -unassociated. Scientists might accept magical doctrines -and magic might endeavor to classify its fancies and to -account for them by natural causes. Roger Bacon could -regard the attainment of magical results as the great end of -experimental science. Francis Bacon could place magic in -the same category with metaphysics and physics.</p> - -<p class='c010'>It is with this mingling of magic and science—or more -broadly of magic with learning in general—in the history -of our Western world that this essay has to do. It is a -theme of no narrow interest. Such ideas as have been -cited, not only held by the most learned men of the times -but incorporated in their scientific and philosophical systems—in -so far as they had any—deserve consideration in the -history of science and philosophy as well as in that of -magic, or in an investigation of the mental make-up of -the men of the past.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>While, however, the place of magic in the intellectual -history of Europe is our general subject, the present essay -is far from being an attempt at a complete treatment of -it. The aim is rather to illustrate that theme by a survey -of learning during the period of the Roman Empire, when -the divers threads of the thought and knowledge of the -ancient world were to some extent united. The prominence -of magic in mediæval science is perhaps better known and -more generally admitted. Accordingly this essay will take -for granted, except in so far as it has been illustrated in -our first chapter, the presence of magic in mediæval learning, -and will try to show that magical doctrines, credulity, -mysticism, and love of the marvelous were not traits peculiar -to mediæval thought, but that in this respect (as in -others) there was close resemblance, probably strict continuity -between the Roman world and later times. It was -largely in order to bring out this resemblance, continuity -and influence that the beliefs of various writers in the -Middle Ages and early modern times were given in the -first chapter. Let the reader compare them with those -notions of men in the Roman Empire which will presently -be set forth. If we are justified in thus regarding -the Roman world as summarizing ancient science and -helping to explain mediæval thought, we evidently, in taking -our stand in that period secure a broad prospect and -ought to obtain a fair idea of the place of magic in the -intellectual history of Europe. In defining the field which -we are to cover, it should be further said that Christian -thought will not come into our discussion, since it did -not greatly influence science and other secular learning until -the close of the Roman Empire. Lastly, it should be clearly -understood that we are here concerned with magic only as -connected with science and with learning—only as accepted -by educated men.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER III<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>Pliny’s Natural History</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>We should have to search long before finding a better -starting-point for the consideration of the union of magic -with the science of the Roman Empire and of the way in -which that union influenced the Middle Ages than Pliny’s -<cite>Natural History</cite>. Its encyclopedic character affords a -bird’s-eye view of our entire subject. Its varied contents -suggest practically all the themes of our discussion in succeeding -chapters. Chronologically considered, it is satisfactory -as an introduction, since it appeared in the early -part of the Empire (77 <span class='fss'>A. D.</span>).</p> - -<p class='c010'>I. <em>The character of the work.</em>—Pliny’s treatise is far -more than what we understand by a “Natural History.” -It is an attempt to cover the whole field of science; <i><span lang="la">rerum -natura</span></i> is its subject.<a id='r53'></a><a href='#f53' class='c011'><sup>[53]</sup></a> This, as Pliny says, is a task which -no single Greek or Roman has before attempted. He tells -us that he treats of some 20,000 topics gleaned from the -perusal of about 2,000 volumes, with the addition of many -facts not contained in previous works and only recently -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>brought to light.<a id='r54'></a><a href='#f54' class='c011'><sup>[54]</sup></a> At first thought, then, the <cite>Natural History</cite>, -vast in its scope and constituting a summary of the -views of previous authorities, would seem the best single -example of the science of the classical world. The fact -that it touches upon many of the varieties and illustrates -most of the characteristics of magic makes it the more fitting -a starting-point for us. Indeed, Pliny makes frequent -mention of the Magi, and in the opening chapters of his -thirtieth book gives the most important extant discussion of -magic by an ancient writer.</p> - -<p class='c010'>It is true, however, that Pliny does not seem to have -been a man of much scientific training and experience. He -said himself that his days were taken up with the performance -of public duties, and that consequently his scientific -labors were largely carried on in the evening hours.<a id='r55'></a><a href='#f55' class='c011'><sup>[55]</sup></a> Probably -we should regard his book as little more than a compilation, -and perhaps no very judicious compilation at that, -in view of his maxim that there is no book so bad but that -some good may be got from it.<a id='r56'></a><a href='#f56' class='c011'><sup>[56]</sup></a> Perhaps we may not unjustly -picture him to ourselves as collecting his material in -a rather haphazard fashion; as not always aware of the -latest theories or discoveries; as occasionally citing a fantastic -writer instead of a more sober one; or as quoting -incorrectly statements which his limited scientific knowledge -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>prevented him from comprehending. Perhaps, too, he derived -some of his data directly from popular report and -superstition. Certainly to us to-day his work seems a disorderly -and indiscriminate conglomeration of fact and -legend on all sorts of subjects—disorderly, in that its -author does not seem to have made any effort to sift his -material, to compare and arrange his facts, even in his own -mind; indiscriminate, in that Pliny seems to lack any standard -of judgment between the true and the false, and to -deem almost nothing too improbable, silly or indelicate to -be mentioned. Ought we to consider such a work as truly -representative of the beliefs of preceding centuries, or as -an example of the best educated thought and science of -its author’s own age? This is a question which we must -consider.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Yet as we read Pliny’s pages we feel that he possessed -elements of greatness. If he was equipped with little scientific -training or experience, we should remember that little -training or experience was necessary to deal with the science -of those days. At least he sacrificed his life in an effort to -investigate natural phenomena. Moreover, his faults were -probably to a great extent common to his age. The tendency -to regard anything written as of at least some value -did not begin with him. Material had often before been -collected in a haphazard manner. Lewes, in his book on -the science of Aristotle, has described with truth even the -famous <cite>History of Animals</cite> as unclassified in arrangement -and careless in the selection of material.<a id='r57'></a><a href='#f57' class='c011'><sup>[57]</sup></a> Many of Pliny’s -marvelous assertions and absurd remedies purport to be from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>the works of men of note, although possibly he was sometimes -deceived by spurious writings. He frequently gives us -to understand that he himself intends to maintain a cautious -and critical frame of mind, and he makes great pretensions -to immunity from that credulousness of human nature over -which he will occasionally smile or philosophize.<a id='r58'></a><a href='#f58' class='c011'><sup>[58]</sup></a> When -we take up Aristotle’s <cite>History of Animals</cite> and Seneca’s -<cite>Natural Questions</cite>, it will become evident that Pliny’s -“science” was not very different in quality from that of -the Greeks or from that of his own age. If he seldom -gives us a clear-cut or complete exposition of a subject, it -is probably because there was seldom one to be found. If -he seems in a chronic state of mental confusion and incoherency, -it is because his task staggered him. His work was -by its nature so far impersonal that we can attribute its -defects only in part to his personality.</p> - -<p class='c010'>On the whole, then, we probably shall not be greatly misled -if we regard the <cite>Historia Naturalis</cite> as a sort of epitome -of what men had believed about nature in the past or did -believe in Pliny’s own day. The author may not have portrayed -past and present thought at their best but he portrayed -them, and that in detail. “The greatest gull of antiquity”<a id='r59'></a><a href='#f59' class='c011'><sup>[59]</sup></a> -was the Boswell of ancient science.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>Pliny makes almost as good a representative of mediæval -science as of that of the Roman world, and thus well illustrates -the influence which the one had upon the other. Indeed -not only is the <cite>Natural History</cite> just the sort of work -that delighted the Middle Ages, but Pliny seems to have -exerted a considerable direct influence on writers down -through the sixteenth century. Isidore of Seville practically -copied his unfavorable comments on the magi and his -discussion of the powers of stones.<a id='r60'></a><a href='#f60' class='c011'><sup>[60]</sup></a> Bede seems to have -owed a good deal to him. Alcuin openly praised that -“most devoted investigator of nature.”<a id='r61'></a><a href='#f61' class='c011'><sup>[61]</sup></a> Roger Bacon -quoted him; the <cite>Natural History</cite> was a mine whence -Agrippa dug much of the material for his <cite>Occult Philosophy</cite> -and to which Porta seems equally indebted in his <cite>Natural -Magic</cite>.</p> - -<p class='c010'>II. <em>Pliny’s discussion of magic.</em>—Before illustrating -Pliny’s combination of magical lore with true and sane -statements about nature, we should consider his discussion -of what he was pleased to call magic; for just as he prided -himself upon his freedom from excessive credulity in the -abstract, so in regard to magic in particular he seems to -have flattered himself that his position was quite different -from what it actually was.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>Pliny did have, however, a fairly clear idea of the extensive -scope of magic as well as of its great age and currency. -Not only did he declare that of all known arts it had exerted -the greatest influence in every land and in almost every age, -but “no one,” he said, “should wonder that its authority -has been very great, since it alone has embraced and combined -into one the three other subjects which appeal most -powerfully to man’s mind.”<a id='r62'></a><a href='#f62' class='c011'><sup>[62]</sup></a> For magic had invaded the -domain of religion and had also made astrology a part of -itself,<a id='r63'></a><a href='#f63' class='c011'><sup>[63]</sup></a> while “no one doubts that it originally sprang from -medicine and crept in under the show of promoting health -as a loftier and more holy medicine.”<a id='r64'></a><a href='#f64' class='c011'><sup>[64]</sup></a> Indeed, he thinks -that the development of magic and of medicine have been -parallel<a id='r65'></a><a href='#f65' class='c011'><sup>[65]</sup></a> and that the latter is now in imminent danger of -being overwhelmed by the follies of magic which have made -men doubt whether plants possess any medicinal properties -at all.<a id='r66'></a><a href='#f66' class='c011'><sup>[66]</sup></a> Pliny, moreover, sees the connection of magic with -the lore of the magi of Persia. Indeed, “magus” is his -only word for a magician. But this does not lead him to -admit what some persons—the philosopher Eudoxus, for -instance—have asserted, that magic is the most splendid -and useful branch of philosophy.<a id='r67'></a><a href='#f67' class='c011'><sup>[67]</sup></a> For Pliny, magic is -always something reprehensible.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The magi are either fools or imposters. They are a -<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span><i><span lang="la">genus vanissimum</span></i>.<a id='r68'></a><a href='#f68' class='c011'><sup>[68]</sup></a> They believe such absurdities as that -herbs can dry up swamps and rivers, open all barriers, -turn hostile battle-lines in flight, and insure their possessor, -wherever he may be, abundant provision for every need.<a id='r69'></a><a href='#f69' class='c011'><sup>[69]</sup></a> -They make statements which Pliny thinks must have been -dictated by a feeling of contempt and derision for the -human race. They affirm that gems carved with the names -of sun and moon and attached to the neck by hairs of the -cynocephalus and feathers of the swallow will neutralize the -effect of potions, win audience with kings, and, with the -aid of some additional ceremony, ward off hail and locusts.<a id='r70'></a><a href='#f70' class='c011'><sup>[70]</sup></a> -They have the impudence to assert that the stone “heliotropium,” -combined with the plant of the same name and -with due incantations, renders its bearer invisible.<a id='r71'></a><a href='#f71' class='c011'><sup>[71]</sup></a> “Vanitas” -is Pliny’s stock-word for their statements. Nero -proved how hollow are their pretenses by the fact that, although -he was most eagerly devoted to the pursuit of magic -arts and had every opportunity to acquire skill in them, he -was unable to effect any marvels through their agency and -abandoned the study of them.<a id='r72'></a><a href='#f72' class='c011'><sup>[72]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>Moreover, magi or magicians deal with the inhuman, the -obscene and the abominable. Osthanes, and even the philosopher -Democritus, are led by their devotion to magic into -propounding such remedies as drinking human blood or -utilizing in magic compounds or ceremonies portions of the -corpses of men violently slain.<a id='r73'></a><a href='#f73' class='c011'><sup>[73]</sup></a> Magic is a malicious and -criminal art. Its devotees attempt the transfer of disease -from one person to another or the exercise of baleful sorcery.<a id='r74'></a><a href='#f74' class='c011'><sup>[74]</sup></a> -“It cannot be sufficiently estimated how great a -debt is due the Romans who did away with those monstrous -rites in which to slay a man was most pious; nay more, to -eat men most wholesome.”<a id='r75'></a><a href='#f75' class='c011'><sup>[75]</sup></a> In fine, we may rest persuaded -that magic is “execrable, ineffectual and inane.” -Yet it possesses some shadow of truth, but is of avail -through “veneficas artes ... non magicas,”<a id='r76'></a><a href='#f76' class='c011'><sup>[76]</sup></a> whatever -that distinction may be.</p> - -<p class='c010'>III. <em>Illustrations of Pliny’s fundamental belief in magic.</em>—Pliny, -we have seen, made a bold pretense of utter disbelief -in magic, and also censured the art on grounds of decency, -morality and humanity. Yet despite this wholesale condemnation, -in some places in his work it is difficult to tell -where his quotations from magicians cease and where statements -which he accepts recommence. Sometimes he explicitly -quoted theories or facts from the writings of the -“magi” without censure and without any expression of -disbelief. If it is contended that he none the less regarded -<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>them as false and worthless, we may fairly ask, why then -did he give them such a prominent place in his encyclopedia? -Surely we must conclude either that he really had -a liking for them himself and more than half believed them, -or that previous works on nature were so full of such material -and his own age so interested in such data that he could -not but include much of this lore. Probably both alternatives -are true. Finally, many things which Pliny states -without any reference to the magi seem as false and absurd -as the far-fetched assertions which he attributes to them -and for which he shows so much scorn. Indeed, it hardly -seems paradoxical to say that he hated the magi but liked -their doctrines.</p> - -<p class='c010'>What clearer example of magic could one ask than the -conclusion that the odor of the burning horn of a stag has -the power of dispelling serpents, because enmity exists between -stags and snakes, and the former track the latter to -their holes and extract the snakes thence, despite all resistance, -by the power of their breath? Or that on this same -account the sovereign remedy for snake-bite comes “ex -coagulo hinnulei matris in utero occisi?” Or that, since -the stag is not subject to fever, the eating of its flesh will -prevent that disease, especially if the animal has died of a -single wound? What more magical than to fancy that the -longest tooth of a fish could have any efficacy in the cure -of fever? Or that excluding the person who had tied it on -from the sight of the patient for five days would complete -a perfect charm? Or that wearing as an amulet the carcass -of a frog, minus the claws and wrapped in a piece of russet-colored -cloth, would be of any aid against disease?<a id='r77'></a><a href='#f77' class='c011'><sup>[77]</sup></a> Yet -the <cite>Natural History</cite> is full of such things.</p> - -<p class='c010'>To plants, for example, Pliny assigns powers no less -<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>marvelous than those which he has attributed to animals. -There is one plant which, held in the hand, has a beneficial -effect upon the groin;<a id='r78'></a><a href='#f78' class='c011'><sup>[78]</sup></a> another overcomes the asp with torpor, -and hence, beaten up with oil, is a remedy for the sting -of that snake.<a id='r79'></a><a href='#f79' class='c011'><sup>[79]</sup></a> Fern, he says, if mowed down with the edge -of a reed or uprooted by a ploughshare on which a reed has -been placed, will not spring up again.<a id='r80'></a><a href='#f80' class='c011'><sup>[80]</sup></a> Moreover, in his -twenty-fourth book, immediately after having announced -that he has sufficiently discussed for the present the marvelous -properties attributed to herbs by the magi,<a id='r81'></a><a href='#f81' class='c011'><sup>[81]</sup></a> he proceeds -to mention the following remedies. One is a quick cure -for headache, and consists in gathering a plant growing on -the head of a statue and attaching it to your neck with a -red string. Another is a cure for tertian fever, and consists -in plucking a certain herb before sunrise on the banks -of a stream and in fastening it to the patient’s left arm -without his knowledge. A third recipe instructs us that -plants which have taken root in a sieve that has been thrown -into a hedge-row “decerptae adalligataeque gravidis partus -adcelerant.” A fourth would have herbs growing on dunghills -a cure for quinzy, and a fifth assures us that sprains -may be speedily cured by the application of a plant “iuxta -quam canes urinam fundunt,” torn up by the roots and not -allowed to touch iron.<a id='r82'></a><a href='#f82' class='c011'><sup>[82]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Coming to minerals we find Pliny rather more reticent -in regard to strange qualities. His account of gems is written -mainly from the jeweler’s point of view. When marvelous -powers are mentioned, the magi are usually made responsible, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>and such powers are frequently rejected as absurd. -Pliny, however, grants some magic properties in -certain stones. Molochitis, by some medicinal power which -it possesses, guards infants against dangers;<a id='r83'></a><a href='#f83' class='c011'><sup>[83]</sup></a> and eumecas, -placed beneath the head at night, causes oracular visions.<a id='r84'></a><a href='#f84' class='c011'><sup>[84]</sup></a> -To water Pliny allows powers which we must regard as -magical, for according to him certain rivers pass under the -sea because of their hatred of it.<a id='r85'></a><a href='#f85' class='c011'><sup>[85]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>In man, moreover, as well as in other creatures upon -earth, there is magic power. Pliny mentions men whose -eyes are able to exert strong fascination,<a id='r86'></a><a href='#f86' class='c011'><sup>[86]</sup></a> others who fill -serpents with terror and can cure snake-bite by merely -touching the wound, and others who by their presence addle -eggs in the vicinity.<a id='r87'></a><a href='#f87' class='c011'><sup>[87]</sup></a> Pliny takes up the power of words -and incantations in connection with man. Whether they -have potency beyond what we expect ordinary speech to -possess is a great and unanswered question. Our ancestors, -Pliny says, always believed so, and in every-day life we -often unconsciously accept such a view ourselves. If, for -instance, we believe that the Vestal virgins can, by an imprecation, -stop runaway slaves who are still within the city -limits, we must accept the whole theory of the power of -words. But, taken as individuals, the wisest men lack faith -in the doctrine.<a id='r88'></a><a href='#f88' class='c011'><sup>[88]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>Pliny, then, believed in the possession of magic properties -by well-nigh all varieties of terrestrial substances, nay -even by colors and numbers, and in strange relations of -occult sympathy, love and hatred between different things -in the realm of nature. His acceptance of ceremony as efficacious -has also been brought out to some extent. We have -seen him attributing importance to death from a single -wound, to suspension by a single hair, to fastening an amulet -without the patient’s knowledge, or to the absence for a -time from the patient’s sight of the person who attached it. -We will consider one or two more such instances among -the many which exist in his pages.</p> - -<p class='c010'>He who gathers the iris should be in a state of chastity. -Three months beforehand let him soak the ground around -the plant with hydromel—as a sort of atonement to appease -the earth. When he comes to pluck it, he should first trace -three circles about it with the point of a sword, and, the -moment he plucks it, raise it aloft towards the heavens.<a id='r89'></a><a href='#f89' class='c011'><sup>[89]</sup></a> -In another passage, in connection with the application of a -mixture to an inflammatory tumor, Pliny says that persons -of experience regard it as very important that the poultice -be applied by a naked virgin and that both she and the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>patient be fasting. Touching the sufferer with the back of -her hand, she is to say, “Apollo forbids a disease to increase -which a naked virgin restrains.” Then, withdrawing her -hand, she is to repeat the same words thrice and to join -with the patient in spitting on the ground each time.<a id='r90'></a><a href='#f90' class='c011'><sup>[90]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Pliny occasionally prefaces his marvelous remedies by -some such expression as “it is said.” This circumstance -is scarcely to be taken as a sign of mental reservation, however, -as the following absurd statement, which he makes -upon his own authority and declares is easily tested by experiment, -will indicate. “If a person repents of a blow -given to another, either by hand or with a missile, let him -spit at once into the palm of the hand which inflicted the -blow, and all resentment in the person struck will instantly -vanish.” This is often proved, according to Pliny, in the -case of beasts of burden, which can be induced to increase -their speed by this method after the use of the whip has -failed.<a id='r91'></a><a href='#f91' class='c011'><sup>[91]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>One can, perhaps, make some distinction between the -strange influences which Pliny credited and the statements -of the magi which he rejected. I believe that he did not -go to the length of affirming that plants or parts of animals -could cause panics, procure provisions, win you royal favor, -gain for you vengeance on your enemies, or make you invisible. -But he was inconsistent enough. After asserting -that a single fish but a few inches long could immediately -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>arrest the progress of the largest vessel by attaching itself -to the keel of the ship,<a id='r92'></a><a href='#f92' class='c011'><sup>[92]</sup></a> was it for him to declare false the -notion that a stone can calm winds or ward off hail and -swarms of locusts? He characterized as “idle talk” the assertion -of the magi that the stone “gorgonia” counteracted -fascination,<a id='r93'></a><a href='#f93' class='c011'><sup>[93]</sup></a> but he had already written: “Id quoque convenit, -quo nihil equidem libentius crediderim, tactis omnino -menstruo postibus inritas fieri magorum artes, generis vanissimi, -ut aestimare licet.”<a id='r94'></a><a href='#f94' class='c011'><sup>[94]</sup></a> Apparently, then, the only -charge which he could bring against magicians without reflecting -upon himself was that of malicious and criminal -practices. His beliefs were much like theirs.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Indeed, the varieties of magic in the <cite>Natural History</cite> -have not yet been exhausted. For one thing, we must consider -Pliny’s position in regard to magic properties of the -stars as well as of terrestrial matter. He believed in astrology, -at least to some extent, although one might not think -it if one read only the passage in which he speaks of the -debt of gratitude mankind owe to the great geniuses who -have freed them from superstitious fear of eclipses.<a id='r95'></a><a href='#f95' class='c011'><sup>[95]</sup></a> He -could, nevertheless, in naming some prominent personage -in each of the primary arts and sciences, mention Berosus, -to whom a public statue has been erected by the Athenians -in honor of his skill in prognostication, in connection with -astrology.<a id='r96'></a><a href='#f96' class='c011'><sup>[96]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Pliny himself holds that the universe is a divinity, “holy -eternal, vast, all in all—nay, in truth is itself all,” a proposition -<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>rather favorable to astrological theory.<a id='r97'></a><a href='#f97' class='c011'><sup>[97]</sup></a> The sun is -the mind and soul of the whole world and the chief governor -of nature.<a id='r98'></a><a href='#f98' class='c011'><sup>[98]</sup></a> The planets affect each other. A cold -star renders another approaching it pale; a hot star causes -its neighbor to redden; a windy planet gives those near it -a lowering aspect.<a id='r99'></a><a href='#f99' class='c011'><sup>[99]</sup></a> Saturn is cold and rigid; Mars a flaming -fire; Jupiter, located between them, is temperate and -salubrious.<a id='r100'></a><a href='#f100' class='c011'><sup>[100]</sup></a> When the planets reach a certain point in their -orbits, they are deflected from their regular course by the -rays of the sun.<a id='r101'></a><a href='#f101' class='c011'><sup>[101]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Besides effects upon each other the planets exert especial -influence upon the earth. “Potentia autem ad terram magnopere -eorum pertinens.”<a id='r102'></a><a href='#f102' class='c011'><sup>[102]</sup></a> They govern, each according -to its nature, the weather on our globe.<a id='r103'></a><a href='#f103' class='c011'><sup>[103]</sup></a> The planets also -have great influence upon diseases and on animal and plant -life in general, although Pliny does not dwell upon this -point at any length.<a id='r104'></a><a href='#f104' class='c011'><sup>[104]</sup></a> The moon, a feminine and nocturnal -star, stirs up humors on earth and is powerful in producing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>putrefaction and corruption in matter.<a id='r105'></a><a href='#f105' class='c011'><sup>[105]</sup></a> By the nature of -Venus every thing on earth is generated.<a id='r106'></a><a href='#f106' class='c011'><sup>[106]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>To what extent the planets rule man’s life Pliny does not -specify—an instance of prudent reticence on his part, if he -really consciously avoided the question. He disclaims any -belief in the vulgar notion that a star, varying in brightness -according to our wealth, is assigned to each of us, and that -the eternal stars rise and fade at the birth or death of insignificant -mortals. “Non tanta caelo societas nobiscum est -ut nostro fato mortalis sit ibi quoque siderum fulgor.”<a id='r107'></a><a href='#f107' class='c011'><sup>[107]</sup></a> -But thus to deny that the stars are ruled by man’s destiny -or doings is far from refusing to believe that men’s lives -are ordered by the stars. Pliny, as we have seen, holds that -Venus has a considerable influence over the process of birth -in all animals. Also he certainly accepts the portentous -character of various particular celestial phenomena. “From -the stars celestial fire is vomited forth bearing omens of -the future.”<a id='r108'></a><a href='#f108' class='c011'><sup>[108]</sup></a> He gives instances from Roman history of -comets which signalled disaster, expounds the theory that -their significance is to be determined from the direction in -which they move and the heavenly body whose powers they -receive, and states that the particular phase of life to which -they apply may be deduced from the shape which they -assume or from their position in relation to the signs of the -zodiac.<a id='r109'></a><a href='#f109' class='c011'><sup>[109]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>Pliny’s belief in portents seems to have been general and -not limited to celestial phenomena. In a passage on earthquakes -he declares, “Never has the city of Rome shaken -but that this was a forewarning of some future event.”<a id='r110'></a><a href='#f110' class='c011'><sup>[110]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Pliny is less certain in regard to the superstitious observances -so common then, to secure good luck or ward off -evil fortune. In chapter five of his twenty-eighth book he -gives quite a list of practices, such as selecting persons with -lucky names to lead the victims at public lustrations, saluting -those who sneeze, placing saliva behind the ear to escape -mental anxiety, removing rings while eating, averting the -ill-omen of mentioning fire at meal-time by pouring water -beneath the table, and other superstitious table etiquette. He -cites beliefs of the same nature, as that odd numbers are for -every purpose the more efficacious, that medicines do no -good if placed on a table before being administered, that -baldness and headaches may be prevented by cutting the -hair on the seventeenth and twenty-ninth days of the moon, -and that women who walk along country roads twirling -distaffs, or even having these uncovered, bring very bad -luck, especially to the crops. He seems to have inclined to -the belief that there was a modicum of truth, at any rate, -in these notions and customs—and certainly we have already -seen him affirming the validity of analogous practices—but -he finally decides that amid the great variety of opinion existing -in the matter he will not be dogmatic and that each -person may think as he deems best. His attitude is much -the same in regard to divination from thunder and lightning.<a id='r111'></a><a href='#f111' class='c011'><sup>[111]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>With all the foolish notions which he imbibed from antiquity -or into which his mind, over-hospitable to the fantastic -and marvelous, led him, Pliny had one good scientific -trait. He might believe in magic but he had no liking for -the esoteric. His mind might be confused but it was not -mystical. He had no desire to hide the “secrets” of -science and philosophy from the public gaze, to wrap them -up in obscure and allegorical verbiage lest the unworthy -comprehend them. On the contrary, he sharply remarked -apropos the lack of information about the medicinal properties -of plants, that there was a most shameful reason for -this scarcity, namely, that even those who knew were unwilling -to give forth their knowledge, “as if that would -be lost to themselves which they passed on to others.”<a id='r112'></a><a href='#f112' class='c011'><sup>[112]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c009'>Such, then, is the <cite>Natural History</cite>. Pliny gives evidence -that many of the most intelligent men were coming to -doubt a large part of the superstitious beliefs and observances -once universally prevalent, and he himself makes a -brave effort to assume a critical and judicious attitude. -Yet his work contains a great deal of magic and reveals, -what this essay in its entirety will make further evident, the -error of such a statement as the following from Dr. White’s -<cite>Warfare of Science and Theology</cite>:</p> - -<p class='c012'>Under the old Empire a real science was coming in and -thought progressing. Both the theory and practice of magic -were more and more held up to ridicule. Even as early a -writer as Ennius ridiculed the idea that magicians, who were -generally poor and hungry themselves, could bestow wealth on -others; Pliny, in his <cite>Natural Philosophy</cite>, showed at great length -their absurdities and cheatery; others followed in the same line -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>of thought, and the whole theory, except among the very lowest -classes, seemed dying out.<a id='r113'></a><a href='#f113' class='c011'><sup>[113]</sup></a></p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER IV<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>Some Antecedents of the Belief in Magic in the Roman Empire</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Writers who have discussed the intellectual life under -the Roman Empire generally agree that it was not marked -by originality and creative power, and owed a perhaps unusually -large debt to the past. The cosmopolitan character -of the Empire, the mingling at that time of the science, -theology, philosophy and superstition of different nations, -religions and races, deserve equal emphasis. The lore of -the magi of Persia, the occult science of Egypt, perhaps -even the doctrines of the gymnosophists of India, may be -regarded, together with that belief in divination which -played such a rôle in classical religion and government and -with other superstitious notions of Greeks and Italians, as -contributory to the prominence of magic in the Empire.</p> - -<p class='c010'>To discuss with any attempt at completeness the influence -of the past upon the belief in magic in the Empire lies, -however, outside the province of this essay. Pliny has -shown us something of the union of magic with science in -the literature before his day. Philo of Alexandria, Apuleius -and the fame of Hermes Trismegistus may give us -some notion of the influence of the East. In other writers -of the period of which we treat one may discern further -traces of the thought and learning of the past. In general -such evidence must suffice. We shall, however, presently -take occasion to support our contention that Pliny gives one -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>a fairly good idea of science before his day, by a few citations -from two writers of repute, one a Greek and one a -Roman, of the period before the Empire. Moreover, the -great historical importance of Greek philosophy and the fact -that, besides playing a prominent part in Roman culture, it -exercised a powerful direct influence on Christian Europe -long after the fall of Rome, seem to justify some treatment -of its doctrines. Especially may we mention Plato and Aristotle, -who exerted great influence not only during classical -times, but also the one in the Middle Ages, the other in the -period following the decline of Scholasticism.</p> - -<p class='c010'>We naturally incline to regard this earlier period of -more or less distinctively Greek thought and learning as a -golden age, comparatively speaking, characterized by sane -thinking if not also by careful investigation of nature, and -free from superstition, credulity and mysticism. The general -opinion seems to be that magic entered science and -learning and was accepted by men of intellectual prominence -only when mental decay had set in and when Oriental -influence had become a powerful force.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Yet something might be said for the opposite view that -this earlier age combined magic with its science and philosophy -as much, if not more, than the later time. We know -that Greek philosophy had its beginnings in mythology; and -if the representatives of its maturity accepted the Greek religion -with its auspices drawn from sacrifices, its oracles -and the like, we may with reason ask, is it probable that -they would hesitate to give similar doctrines a place in their -scientific and philosophical systems? Pliny, for his part, -evidently regarded himself as less credulous and as less inclined -to magic than the ancient Greeks, although it is true -that he attributed their belief to Oriental influence. He declared -that Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus and Plato -had learned the magic art abroad and had taught it on their -<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>return.<a id='r114'></a><a href='#f114' class='c011'><sup>[114]</sup></a> Beside the name of Hippocrates in the field of -medicine he set that of Democritus in the domain of magic.<a id='r115'></a><a href='#f115' class='c011'><sup>[115]</sup></a> -Elsewhere he said that Pythagoras and Democritus, having -embraced the doctrine of the magi, first expounded the -properties of magic plants in the Western world.<a id='r116'></a><a href='#f116' class='c011'><sup>[116]</sup></a> In -Cicero’s <cite>De Divinatione</cite>, Epicurus is alone of the Greek -philosophers declared free from trust in divination, and -Panætius is said to have been the only Stoic to reject -astrology.<a id='r117'></a><a href='#f117' class='c011'><sup>[117]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Fortunately we are not here concerned to measure either -relatively or absolutely with any attempt at exactness the -amount of magic in the learning of the closing centuries of -Greek national life, but only to investigate whether in the -philosophy of the Greeks there were not theories at least -liable to encourage a later age to belief in magic. There -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>was, for instance, the view of the Stoics that the universe -is a single living whole—a theory well fitted to form the -starting-point for a belief in sympathetic magic. Also their -doctrine that events are all arranged in a fatal causal series -was favorable to divination. Quintus Cicero, represented -as upholding the truth of that art, cites the Stoics as authority, -and we may safely assume that Seneca drew his view -of divination largely from the same source.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The doctrine of Pythagoras also deserves mention, for it -has played a great rôle in history. He is said to have held -that the whole world is, and that the life of man ought to -be, harmoniously ordered in accordance with mathematical -principles; nay more, that such principles are living things -and that numbers are the essence of the universe. The logical -conclusion is that by skilful use of mere numbers -man can move heaven and earth. As the poet, eulogizing -Michael Scot, put it; the “mathematici” by their art affect -numbers, by numbers affect the procession of the stars, and -by the stars move the universe. The employment of characters -constructed of numbers or of geometrical figures, the -use of numerical formulæ as remedies or of compounds of -three portions of three kinds of drugs applied during three -successive days, is raised from the plane of superstition to -the level of science. It is not unreasonable to suppose that -the heavenly bodies with their apparently unchanging regularity -of movement are the governors of our existence. -Plato, who adopted the Pythagorean doctrines at least to a -considerable extent, declared that the loftiest function of the -sense of sight was to survey the heavens, an occupation by -which we gain philosophy.<a id='r118'></a><a href='#f118' class='c011'><sup>[118]</sup></a> Like the Pythagoreans also, -he associated the four elements with regular solids. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>cube represented earth; the octohedron was water; the tetrahedron, -fire; and the icosahedron, air.<a id='r119'></a><a href='#f119' class='c011'><sup>[119]</sup></a> The remaining -regular solid, the dodecahedron, was held to represent the -universe as a whole.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Towards magic, as he understood it, Plato’s attitude -seems to have been sceptical, though perhaps not confidently -so. He maintained that persons acquainted with medicine -and prophets or diviners were the only ones who could -know the nature of poisons which worked naturally, and of -such things as incantations, magic knots and waxen images; -and that since other men had no certain knowledge of such -things, they ought not to fear but to despise them. He admitted, -however, that there was no use in trying to convince -most men of this and that legislation against sorcery was -necessary.<a id='r120'></a><a href='#f120' class='c011'><sup>[120]</sup></a> He himself occasionally mentioned charms or -soothsaying in a matter-of-fact way.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Whatever Plato’s opinion of vulgar magic, his view of -nature was much like that of primitive man. He humanized -material objects and materialized spiritual characteristics. -For instance, he asserted that the gods placed the -lungs about the heart “as a soft spring that, when passion -was rife within, the heart, beating against a yielding body, -might be cooled and suffer less, and might thus become -more ready to join with passion in the service of reason.”<a id='r121'></a><a href='#f121' class='c011'><sup>[121]</sup></a> -He affirmed that the liver was designed for divination, and -was a sort of mirror on which the thoughts of the intellect -fell and in which the images of the soul were reflected, but -that its predictions ceased to be clear after death.<a id='r122'></a><a href='#f122' class='c011'><sup>[122]</sup></a> Plato -spoke of the existence of harmonious love between the elements -<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>as the source of health and plenty for vegetation, -beasts and men. Their “wanton love” he made the cause -of pestilence and disease. To understand both varieties of -love “in relation to the revolutions of the heavenly bodies -and the seasons of the year is,” he tells us, “termed astronomy.”<a id='r123'></a><a href='#f123' class='c011'><sup>[123]</sup></a> -This suggests that he believed in astrology—in -the potent influence of the stars over all changes in earthly -matter. He called the stars “divine and eternal animals, -ever abiding.”<a id='r124'></a><a href='#f124' class='c011'><sup>[124]</sup></a> The “lower gods,” of whom many at -least are identical with the heavenly bodies, form men who, -if they live well, return after death each to a happy existence -in his proper star.<a id='r125'></a><a href='#f125' class='c011'><sup>[125]</sup></a> The implication is, though Plato -does not say so distinctly, that the stars influence human life.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Aristotle’s doctrine was similar. Windelband has well -expressed his view:</p> - -<p class='c012'>The stars themselves were ... for Aristotle beings of superhuman -intelligence, incorporate deities. They appeared to him -as the purer forms, those more like the deity, and from them a -purposive rational influence upon the lower life of the earth -seemed to proceed—a thought which became the root of mediæval -astrology.<a id='r126'></a><a href='#f126' class='c011'><sup>[126]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Moreover, “his theory of the subordinate gods of the -spheres of the planets ... provided for a later demonology.”<a id='r127'></a><a href='#f127' class='c011'><sup>[127]</sup></a> -And a belief in demons fosters a belief in magic. -For such subordinate gods—on the one hand movers of -nature’s forces, and on the other hand subject to passions -like man and open to influence through symbols and conjurations—are -<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>evidently most suitable agents for the worker -of magic to employ. We must also mention Aristotle’s -attribution of “souls” to plants and animals, a theory -which would readily lend itself to an assumption of magic -properties in herbs and beasts.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Aristotle himself in his works upon natural science accepts -such properties to a considerable extent. A few citations -from his <cite>History of Animals</cite><a id='r128'></a><a href='#f128' class='c011'><sup>[128]</sup></a> will show that we have -not been misled in inferring from Pliny that Greek science -at its best was not untainted by magic. The <cite>History of -Animals</cite> seems to attribute undue influence to the full moon -and the dog-star,<a id='r129'></a><a href='#f129' class='c011'><sup>[129]</sup></a> and to hold that honey is distilled from -the air by the stars and that the wax alone is made by the -bees.<a id='r130'></a><a href='#f130' class='c011'><sup>[130]</sup></a> Aristotle repeats the story that the salamander is a -fire-extinguisher.<a id='r131'></a><a href='#f131' class='c011'><sup>[131]</sup></a> He mentions as a cure for the sting of -a certain snake the drinking of a small stone “taken from -the tomb of one of the ancient kings.” Like Pliny, he -makes human saliva a defense against serpents.<a id='r132'></a><a href='#f132' class='c011'><sup>[132]</sup></a> He says -of certain things that they are ominous of certain events.<a id='r133'></a><a href='#f133' class='c011'><sup>[133]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>He affirms that the hen-partridge is affected by the mere -breath of the cock or by a breeze from his direction.<a id='r134'></a><a href='#f134' class='c011'><sup>[134]</sup></a> He -thinks that insects are spontaneously generated from mud, -dung, wood, or flesh.<a id='r135'></a><a href='#f135' class='c011'><sup>[135]</sup></a> He says it is plain that the Narce -causes stupefaction in both fish and men.<a id='r136'></a><a href='#f136' class='c011'><sup>[136]</sup></a> He has not only -an idea that those with lice in their hair are less subject to -headaches, but also a notion that those who have lice and -take baths become more liable to the pest when they change -the water in which they wash themselves.<a id='r137'></a><a href='#f137' class='c011'><sup>[137]</sup></a> Another amusing -illusion which he records is that calves will suffer less -in their feet if their horns are waxed.<a id='r138'></a><a href='#f138' class='c011'><sup>[138]</sup></a> Thus the pages of -Aristotle give ground for belief that the fantasticalness of -mediæval science was due to “the clear light of Hellas” -as well as to the gloom of the “Dark Ages.”</p> - -<p class='c010'>The book by a Roman which we are to consider as illustrative -of the condition of science before the age of the -Empire is Cato’s treatise on agriculture. Several passages -emphasize the importance of such conditions as that the -moon should be new or waning or not shining during the -performance of such acts as the transplanting of trees or -the manuring of meadows.<a id='r139'></a><a href='#f139' class='c011'><sup>[139]</sup></a> It is also directed that in administering -medicine to oxen the man giving the dose shall -have fasted previously and that both he and the ox stand -upright during the operation.<a id='r140'></a><a href='#f140' class='c011'><sup>[140]</sup></a> One medicine prescribed -<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>for cattle is a mixture of 3 grains of salt, 3 leaves of laurel, -3 fibres of leek, 3 tufts of ulpican leek, 3 sprigs of the savin, -3 leaves of rue, 3 stalks of the white vine, 3 white beans, -3 live coals, 3 sextarii of wine. Each ox is to be given a -portion for three days and the whole is to be divided so -that it will suffice for exactly three doses.<a id='r141'></a><a href='#f141' class='c011'><sup>[141]</sup></a> To heal a sprain -or fracture the singing of the following nonsensical incantation -or formula is recommended: “In alios S. F. motas -vaeta daries dardaries astataries dissunapiter.”<a id='r142'></a><a href='#f142' class='c011'><sup>[142]</sup></a> This was -written by a man generally supposed to have had much -common sense and who was enlightened enough to wonder -how two augurs could let their eyes meet without laughing.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER V<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>Belief in Magic in the Empire</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Having shown reason for believing that the <cite>Natural History</cite> -is a fairly accurate mirror of the science of the past, -we come now to examine Pliny’s own age and to observe -to what extent his attitude towards magic was characteristic -of it. “His own age,” I say, but this is only roughly -speaking, for it is the general period of the Roman Empire -that we shall now consider, with the exception of the closing -century which we reserve for later discussion. We -shall have now to speak first of the general attitude towards -magic in the Empire, and then in particular of two or three -men or works that corroborate the rich evidence which -Pliny, for the most part unconsciously, gave of the place -of magic in the intellectual life of the time.</p> - -<p class='c010'>I. <em>General attitude.</em>—At the start, just as in our discussion -of the <cite>Natural History</cite>, we find it necessary to distinguish -the position of men towards what they called “magic.” -Pliny’s condemnation of the magi and of all their beliefs -as a matter of general principle was probably the regular -attitude. A stigma seems to have been attached to the word -“magic;” and magi seem to have been regarded as dangerous -characters. In his history Dio Cassius represents Mæcenas -as warning Octavius Cæsar that while the practice of divination -is necessary, and augury by sacrifices and flight of -birds an art to be encouraged, magicians ought to be entirely -done away with. For, telling the truth in some cases -<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>but lying in more, they incite many persons to revolt.<a id='r143'></a><a href='#f143' class='c011'><sup>[143]</sup></a> The -prejudice in the Empire against magic is further illustrated -by the fact that pagan and Christian controversialists seldom -failed to impute to the opposing religion the practice of -this malign art.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Now and then some learned man like Eudoxus might -hold that the doctrines of the magi of Persia called for -eulogy rather than reproach. Thus Apuleius, in his <cite>Defense</cite> -against the accusation of magic brought against him, explained -that <em>magus</em> in the Persian language was -equivalent to the Latin <i><span lang="la">sacerdos</span></i> or priest, and that, -among the four greatest men of the realm selected to educate -the heir to the Persian throne, one had the task of instructing -him in the magic of Zoroaster. This magic dealt -with “the rules of ceremonial, the due observance of things -sacred, the law of religious rites.”<a id='r144'></a><a href='#f144' class='c011'><sup>[144]</sup></a> It was the cult of -the gods.</p> - -<p class='c012'>Do you hear, you who rashly charge me with magic, that this art -is acceptable to the immortal gods, consists of celebrating and -reverencing them, is pious and prophetic, and long since was -held by Zoroaster and Oromagus, its authors, to be noble and -divine? Nay, it is included among the chief studies of royalty, -and the Persians no more think of rashly allowing any one to -become a magician than to become a king.<a id='r145'></a><a href='#f145' class='c011'><sup>[145]</sup></a></p> -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>But if his accusers mean magic in the popular sense, that is, -Apuleius grants, a different matter.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Even educated men, however, probably more often, like -Pliny, regarded the magi as all one with other magicians. -Philostratus, in his life of Apollonius of Tyana, seems to -approximate much closer to this position than to that taken -by Apuleius, although one would expect a biographer of -that mystic personage to view the magi with favor. Philostratus -declares that Apollonius was no magician, although -he did associate with the magi of Babylonia, the Brahmins -of India, and the gymnosophists of Egypt. For he was -like Empedocles, Pythagoras, Democritus and Plato who frequented -those sects and yet did not embrace the (magic) art.<a id='r146'></a><a href='#f146' class='c011'><sup>[146]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Of what we should call magic, however, there was a -plenty in the Roman Empire, as in fact the words of Dio -Cassius have indicated.<a id='r147'></a><a href='#f147' class='c011'><sup>[147]</sup></a> Besides the general acceptance of -divination there was a great deal of superstitious medicine. -There seems to be little room for doubt that Pliny’s diatribes -against the medical art were justifiable, and that his -own trust in marvelous medicinal properties of animals and -plants was often equalled. Men of the highest eminence in -public life, whom one would expect to have had at their -disposal the best medical talent of the time, are reported to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>have employed the most absurd remedies. Suetonius tells -us that the Emperor Augustus wore seal’s skin, his successor -Tiberius laurel leaves, as a protection against lightning.<a id='r148'></a><a href='#f148' class='c011'><sup>[148]</sup></a> -Pliny recounts how M. Servilius Nonianus, <i><span lang="la">princeps -civitatis</span></i>, fearing ophthalmia, had fastened to his neck -a piece of linen containing some paper on which were -written the Greek letters Ρ and Α. This was done before -any mention of the disease was allowed to be made to him -or by him. Mucianus, thrice consul, carried a live fly -around in a bit of white linen for a similar purpose, and of -course both men attributed their escape from disease to -these bizarre methods.<a id='r149'></a><a href='#f149' class='c011'><sup>[149]</sup></a> Moreover, much magic has been -supposed to have been involved in the numerous Mysteries -to which men sought initiation and in the Oriental cults -which became so popular. Astrology was seemingly as universally -cultivated as in the Middle Ages, and that, too, -though perhaps in Roman times it was in appearance less -of a science and more of a superstition.</p> - -<p class='c010'>There were occasional imperial edicts against astrologers, -it is true, and even sporadic persecution of them. But the -explanation of such measures is belief, not scepticism, and -they denote not disbelief in the art itself but disapproval of -the use to which it was put—such as revealing the fate of -the present and the name of the coming ruler. Almost every -emperor had an astrologer at his court, and the historians -of the period delighted in telling stories of astrologers who -foretold their own deaths, or of monarchs who in vain -attempted to thwart the decrees of fate.<a id='r150'></a><a href='#f150' class='c011'><sup>[150]</sup></a> Alexander Severus -<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>is said to have founded chairs of astrology salaried -by the state and with provision for scholarships for students.<a id='r151'></a><a href='#f151' class='c011'><sup>[151]</sup></a> -Occasional persecution perhaps made the <i><span lang="la">mathematici</span></i> more -highly valued, and the jibes of the satirists against astrologers -and their followers attest rather than disprove the -popularity of the art. Pliny the Elder and Tacitus asserted -its great currency.<a id='r152'></a><a href='#f152' class='c011'><sup>[152]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>The best science of the Empire reflected to a considerable -extent these superstitions sanctioned by public opinion, as -our discussion of Seneca and Ptolemy will indicate in some -detail. For the present we may observe how the great -Galen—whose authority reduced to a single school the many -quarreling medical sects of his day, was later implicitly -accepted by the Arabs, and then dominated European medicine -to the time of Paracelsus—was not above astrological -medicine or the use of fantastical remedies. He displayed -trust in amulets and believed that such things as the ashes -of frogs or “hippocampi” have remedial power.<a id='r153'></a><a href='#f153' class='c011'><sup>[153]</sup></a> He held -that the critical days of disease are largely influenced by the -moon, and affirmed that we receive “the force of all the stars -above.”<a id='r154'></a><a href='#f154' class='c011'><sup>[154]</sup></a> It should be noted moreover that in one passage, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>in giving expression to his zeal for astronomy as the handmaid -of the healing art, Galen accused many physicians of -paying no attention to the stars. But he asserted that -in this neglect they were no true followers of the great -Hippocrates, whom they extolled but never imitated, for -Hippocrates had maintained that astronomy had no small -bearing on the art of the physician and that geometry was -its indispensable precursor.<a id='r155'></a><a href='#f155' class='c011'><sup>[155]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Philosophy as well as science was not unfavorable to some -varieties of magic. Neo-Platonism, the most prominent -school of philosophy in the Empire, probably led men on -to belief in magic more than any previous classical system. -Nature was looked upon as real only in so far as it was -soul, and its processes were regarded as the expression of -the world-soul’s mysterious working. The investigation of -nature thus tended to become an inquiry concerning spirits -and demons, a study into the strange and subtle relations -existing between things united, as all things are, by bonds -of spiritual sympathy. True, the earlier Alexandrines are -said to have condemned magic arts,<a id='r156'></a><a href='#f156' class='c011'><sup>[156]</sup></a> but we have seen that -such condemnation need not amount to much. Plotinus -attacked only the most extreme pretensions of astrology, -and was ready to grant that the stars were celestial characters -and signs of the future. He even conceded that prediction -might be made from birds. But to him astrology and -augury seemed of comparatively small importance, for he -believed everything to be joined to and dependent upon -every other thing and that in any object the wise man might -see signs of everything else.<a id='r157'></a><a href='#f157' class='c011'><sup>[157]</sup></a> Succeeding Neo-Platonists, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>at any rate, were often devoted to magic. The name of -Iamblichus, for instance, is one of the most prominent in -the field of the occult.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Moreover, in the time of the Empire a tendency was -noticeable to confuse philosophy with magic. If this tendency -was not justifiable, it is at least suggestive. Dio -Cassius, in the passage above quoted, represents Mæcenas -as saying that not a few of those who pretend to be philosophers -practice magic.<a id='r158'></a><a href='#f158' class='c011'><sup>[158]</sup></a> Apuleius, accused of magic, -stated in his <cite>Apologia</cite> that he was undertaking not only his -own defense but that of philosophy.<a id='r159'></a><a href='#f159' class='c011'><sup>[159]</sup></a> The accusation -against him also suggests similar charges brought against -mediæval men of learning during their lives or reputations -which they won after death. Apuleius, having married a -rich widow older than himself, was charged by some sycophant, -jealous rival or other personal enemy with having -obtained her affections by use of sorcery. Apuleius seems -<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>to have studied medicine, if no other branch of physical -science, for he asserts that certain verses laid to his charge -by the accuser deal with nothing more harmful than a recipe -for making tooth-powder, and that a woman whom he was -said to have bewitched had merely fallen into an epileptic -fit while consulting him concerning an ear-ache.<a id='r160'></a><a href='#f160' class='c011'><sup>[160]</sup></a> This -might be taken to show that the pursuit of science was -already liable to give one a bad reputation as a wizard; but -it should be said that the love-verses of Apuleius, as well as -his poetical prescriptions, were used to support the accusation, -and that the purchase of fish was also brought forward -as a suspicious circumstance. Apuleius affirms in his oration -that “philosophers” have always been subjected to such -charges. He says, however, that the investigators of physical -causes like Anaxagoras, Leucippus, Democritus and Epicurus -generally have the epithet atheist cast in their teeth, -while it is the seekers into the mysteries of theology and -religion like Epimenides, Orpheus, Pythagoras and Ostanes -who are reputed to be magi.<a id='r161'></a><a href='#f161' class='c011'><sup>[161]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>II. <em>Philo of Alexandria and allegorical interpretation.</em>—Allegorical -interpretation, unless of a very mild character, -is usually a fantastic and mystical method of deriving information -or inspiration. Even if an author intended to -conceal secret mysteries beneath the letter of his text, there -<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>is very slight chance that the far-fetched and intricate mode -of solution employed by the interpreter will be the one -which the writer had in mind. In most cases, however, -after due allowance has been made for figures of speech -and play of poetical imagination, it is an erroneous and -absurd assumption to suppose that an author did not mean -what his language indicates and no more. Therefore the -believer in allegorical interpretation would seem to be accepting -something quite like a magical doctrine. Indeed, -allegorical interpretation is liable to lead one into a belief -that words, besides possessing a mystical significance with -which the thought of their writer had endowed them, have -in and of themselves great power. It borders upon the -occult reveries of the Cabalists and upon that magic power -of words which we have seen upheld by Roger Bacon, John -Reuchlin and Henry Cornelius Agrippa.</p> - -<p class='c010'>This allegorical interpretation of literature has played a -great part in human history. It was rife in the age of the -Roman Empire, when Philo Judaeus of Alexandria (approximate -date, 30 <span class='fss'>B. C.</span> to 54 <span class='fss'>A. D.</span>) was perhaps its greatest -exponent, as he was also the chief member of the Jewish-Alexandrian -school of philosophy.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Philo carried allegorical interpretation to an absurd extreme -even if he did not go quite so far as Reuchlin and -Agrippa. Not only did he make such assertions as that by -Hagar was typified “encyclical education,” that Ishmael -was her “sophist son,” and that Sarah stood for “the ruling -virtue,”<a id='r162'></a><a href='#f162' class='c011'><sup>[162]</sup></a> but in general he tried to read into the Old -<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>Testament all the doctrines of Greek philosophy and science. -He declared that all knowledge, whether in religion, philosophy -or natural science, might be acquired by allegorical -interpretation of the Pentateuch. Now we can say without -manifesting any semblance of irreverence towards true religion, -that to endeavor to gain from the books of the Old -Testament—especially by the methods which Philo employed—either -the key to all philosophy or adequate knowledge of -natural science and extensive control of the forces of nature, -would, if possible, be as marvelous a feat, and is as fallacious -and fantastic a proceeding, as to try to coin gold from -copper, or to learn the future from the stars, or even to -obtain a solution of the problems of philosophy and a -knowledge and control of nature by invoking demons to instruct -and to assist you. The very notion that some man -like Moses a thousand or more years ago had at his command -all the knowledge that can ever be got is magical itself. -Moses must have been a magician to know so much. Philo, -moreover, if he did not believe in a magic power of words, -at least showed that they seemed to him to have a most -extraordinary significance. In his treatise, <cite>De Mutatione -Nominum</cite>, he relates with great unction the just punishment -of hanging which overtook an impious scoffer who -derided the notion that the change in the names of Abraham -and of Sarah had any profound meaning.<a id='r163'></a><a href='#f163' class='c011'><sup>[163]</sup></a> As one would -naturally expect from what has been said about Philo thus -far, he regarded knowledge as something sacred and esoteric. -In his writings he liked to talk of mysteries and to -request the uninitiated to withdraw. This attitude, while -in itself not exactly magic, is, as has been already suggested, -the product of a mind attuned to magic. Finally, Philo, following -Pythagoras, attached great significance to numbers.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>Philo not only represents a widespread tendency during -the Roman Empire, but probably well illustrates the influence -of that tendency upon later times. His numerous -works were apparently much consulted by the church -fathers, and thereby exerted a strong influence upon the -Middle Ages. It is needless to enlarge upon the prominence -of allegorical interpretation in the works of mediæval -ecclesiastical writers. The conception of knowledge as -esoteric was also prevalent then, though perhaps to a less -extent. To give an early instance from patristic literature, -Clement of Alexandria, in his <cite>Stromata</cite>, insists upon the -necessity of veiling divine truth in allegories, and has a -long discussion in favor of mysticism in learning, citing as -examples Greek philosophers as well as Hebrew writers.<a id='r164'></a><a href='#f164' class='c011'><sup>[164]</sup></a> -Moreover, to Philo as source we may trace back the disquisitions -upon the mystic, if not magic, properties of six and -other numbers which we find in Augustine<a id='r165'></a><a href='#f165' class='c011'><sup>[165]</sup></a> and apparently -in almost every mediæval writer who had occasion to speak -of the six days of creation and of the seventh day of rest.</p> - -<p class='c010'>III. <em>Seneca’s Problems of Nature and divination.</em>—We -shall next consider the <cite>Problems of Nature</cite>—or <cite>Natural -Questions</cite>, if one prefers merely to transcribe the Latin—of -Seneca, who was practically a contemporary of Pliny. -Seneca impresses one as a favorable representative of ancient -science. He tells us that already in his youth he had -written a treatise on earthquakes and their causes.<a id='r166'></a><a href='#f166' class='c011'><sup>[166]</sup></a> His -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>aim is to inquire into the natural causes of phenomena; he -wants to know why things are so. He is aware that his -own age has only entered the vestibule of the knowledge -of natural phenomena and forces, that it has but just begun -to know five of the many stars, that “there will come a -time when our descendants will wonder that we were ignorant -of matters so evident.”<a id='r167'></a><a href='#f167' class='c011'><sup>[167]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>One must admit, however, that along with Seneca’s consciousness -of the very imperfect knowledge of his own age -there goes a tendency to esotericism. The following language -would come fittingly from the mouth of a magician:</p> - -<p class='c012'>There are sacred things which are not revealed all at once. -Eleusis reserves sights for those who revisit her. Nature does -not disclose her mysteries in a moment. We think ourselves -initiated; we stand but at her portal. Those secrets open not -promiscuously nor to every comer. They are remote of access, -enshrined in the inner sanctuary.<a id='r168'></a><a href='#f168' class='c011'><sup>[168]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Seneca seems to regard scientific research as a sort of religious -exercise. His enthusiasm in the study of natural -forces appears largely due to the fact that he believes them -to be of a sublime and divine character, and above the petty -affairs of men.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>Indeed, the phenomena which he discusses are mainly -meteorological manifestations, such as winds, rain, hail, -snow, comets, rainbows, and—what he regards as allied subjects—earthquakes, -springs and rivers. Probably he would -not have regarded the study of zoölogy or of physiology as -so sublime. At any rate he considers only a comparatively -few “natural questions,” and hence the amount and variety -of belief in magic which he has occasion to display is correspondingly -limited.</p> - -<p class='c010'>It is evident enough, however, that Seneca by no means -accepted magic as a whole. He tells us that uncivilized -antiquity believed that rain could be brought on or driven -away by incantations, but that to-day no one needs a philosopher -to teach him that this is impossible.<a id='r169'></a><a href='#f169' class='c011'><sup>[169]</sup></a> And, although -he affirms that living beings are generated in fire, -believes in some rather peculiar effects of lightning, such -as removing the venom from snakes which it strikes, and -recounts the old stories of floating islands and of waters -with power to turn white sheep black, he is sceptical about -bathing in the waters of the Nile as a means of increasing -the female’s capacity for child-bearing.<a id='r170'></a><a href='#f170' class='c011'><sup>[170]</sup></a> He qualifies by -the phrases, “it is believed” and “they say,” the assertions -that certain waters produce foul skin-diseases and that -dew in particular, if collected in any quantity, has this evil -property.<a id='r171'></a><a href='#f171' class='c011'><sup>[171]</sup></a> I imagine he did not believe the story he repeats -that the river Alphæus of Greece reappears in Sicily -<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>as the Arethusa, and there every four years, on the very -days when the victims are slaughtered at the Olympian -games, casts up filth from its depths.<a id='r172'></a><a href='#f172' class='c011'><sup>[172]</sup></a> The themes Seneca -discusses of course afford him less opportunity for the taking -up of the magic properties of plants, animals and other -objects, but he was probably less credulous in this respect -than Pliny, unless his pretensions are even more deceptive.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Seneca did believe, however, that whatever is caused is -a sign of some future event.<a id='r173'></a><a href='#f173' class='c011'><sup>[173]</sup></a> He accepts divination in all -its ramifications. Only he holds that each flight of a bird -is not caused by direct act of God nor the vitals of the -victim altered under the axe by divine interference, but -that all has been arranged beforehand in a fatal and causal -series.<a id='r174'></a><a href='#f174' class='c011'><sup>[174]</sup></a> He believes that all unusual celestial phenomena -are to be looked upon as prodigies and portents.<a id='r175'></a><a href='#f175' class='c011'><sup>[175]</sup></a> But no -less truly do the planets in their unvarying courses signify -the future. The stars are of divine nature and we ought -to approach the discussion of them with as reverent an air -as when with lowered countenance we enter the temples for -worship.<a id='r176'></a><a href='#f176' class='c011'><sup>[176]</sup></a> Not only do the stars influence our upper atmosphere -as earth’s exhalations affect the lower, but they announce -what is to occur.<a id='r177'></a><a href='#f177' class='c011'><sup>[177]</sup></a> Seneca employs the statement of -Aristotle that comets signify the coming of storms and -winds and foul weather, to prove that comets are stars; -<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>and declares that a comet is a portent of a storm in the -same way as the Chaldeans say that a star brings good or -ill fate to men at birth.<a id='r178'></a><a href='#f178' class='c011'><sup>[178]</sup></a> In fact, his chief, if not sole, objection -to the Chaldeans would seem to be that in their predictions -they take into account only five stars.</p> - -<p class='c012'>What? Think you so many thousand stars shine on in vain? -What else, indeed, is it which causes those skilled in nativities -to err than that they assign us to a few stars, although all those -that are above us have a share in the control of our fate? -Perhaps those nearer direct their influence upon us more -closely; perhaps those of more rapid motion look down on us -and other animals from more varied aspects. But even those -stars that are motionless, or because of their speed keep equal -pace with the rest of the universe and seem not to move, are -not without rule and dominion over us.<a id='r179'></a><a href='#f179' class='c011'><sup>[179]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Seneca accepts a theory of Berosus, whose acquaintance we -have already made, that whenever all the stars are in conjunction -in the sign of Cancer there will be a universal -conflagration, and a second deluge when they all unite in -Capricorn.<a id='r180'></a><a href='#f180' class='c011'><sup>[180]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>It is on thunderbolts as portents of the future that Seneca -dwells longest, however. “They give,” he declares, “not -<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>signs of this or that event merely, but often announce a -whole series of events destined to occur, and that by manifest -decrees and ones far clearer than if they were set down -in writing.”<a id='r181'></a><a href='#f181' class='c011'><sup>[181]</sup></a> He will not, however, accept the theory that -lightning has such great power that its intervention nullifies -any previous and contradictory portents. He insists that -divination by other methods is of equal truth, though perhaps -of minor importance and significance. Next he attempts -to explain how dangers of which we are warned by -divination may be averted by prayer, expiation or sacrifice, -and yet the chain of events wrought by destiny not be -broken. He maintains that just as we employ the services -of doctors to preserve our health, despite any belief we may -have in fate, so it is useful to consult a <i><span lang="la">haruspex</span></i>. Then he -goes on to speak of various classifications of thunderbolts -according to the nature of the warnings or encouragements -which they bring.<a id='r182'></a><a href='#f182' class='c011'><sup>[182]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>IV. <em>Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos and astrology.</em>—Astrology was -more than a popular belief which extended to men high in -social rank and public life; it was held by scientists as well, -though naturally in a less naïve and more scientific form. -Nevertheless, the astrology of the scientist might be of an -extreme enough type and of a more clearly magical variety -than we were able to gather from Pliny, who, moreover, -does not seem to have been acquainted with any systematic -doctrine of the influence of the stars.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Such a systematized treatment Claudius Ptolemaeus set -<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>forth in the little volume known as the <cite>Tetrabiblos</cite>, or -<cite>Quadripartitum</cite>. It would seem as if we ought to be able -to regard a book by that noted geographer and astronomer -as an example of the best science of his time, the middle of -the second century. His works quickly became classics, and -in the third century Porphyry commented on the <cite>Tetrabiblos</cite>. -The Arabs eagerly accepted his writings, and it is generally -held that in the Middle Ages his word was law in all the -subjects of which he treated. The <cite>Tetrabiblos</cite>, therefore, -would seem a landmark in the entire history of astrology -as well as a crucial instance of how that branch of magic -formed a part of science in the Roman Empire. True, -Ptolemy does not cover the whole field of sidereal influence. -He limits himself to the effects of the stars on man and -does not attempt to trace out how they affect all varieties -of matter and of life upon our globe. However, to make -the stars control each individual man is the climax of -astrology and implies that the heavenly bodies govern everything -else here on earth. So the <cite>Tetrabiblos</cite> is a very satisfactory -instance of belief in astrology by a scientist and its -contents may well be briefly considered.<a id='r183'></a><a href='#f183' class='c011'><sup>[183]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>The first of the four books opens with the trite contention -that the art itself is not to be rejected because frequently -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>abused by imposters, and with the admission that -even the skilful investigator often makes mistakes owing to -the incompleteness of human knowledge. In the first place, -our doctrine of the nature of matter rests, Ptolemy says, more -on conjecture than on certain knowledge. Secondly, old configurations -of the stars cannot be safely used as the basis of -present-day predictions. Indeed, so many are the different -possible positions of the stars and the different possible -arrangements of terrestrial matter in relation to the stars -that it is difficult to collect enough instances on which to -base judgment. Moreover, such things as diversity of place, -of education and of custom must be reckoned with in foretelling -the future of persons born under the same stars. -But although predictions frequently fail, yet the art is not -to be condemned any more than one rejects the art of navigation -because of frequent shipwrecks.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Thus far one might take Ptolemy for a well-balanced and -accurate scientist in the modern sense of the term, but he -does not maintain this level. After showing that it is useful -to know the future and that astrology does not depend -on fatal necessity, he proceeds to explain why the stars give -knowledge of the future. This he intends to show from -natural causes: <i><span lang="la">ubique naturalium causarum rationem sequentes</span></i>. -This sounds well but his reasoning is superficial -and childish, as his discussion of the influence exercised by -the planets will indicate.</p> - -<p class='c010'>In each planet one of the four elemental qualities predominates -(or perhaps two divide the supremacy) and endows -the star with a peculiar nature and power. The sun -warms and, to some extent, makes dry, for the nearer it -comes to our pole the more heat and drought it produces. -The moon, on the contrary, causes humidity, since it is -close to the earth and gets the effect of vapors from -the latter. Evidently the moon influences other bodies -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>in this way, rendering them soft and producing putrefaction. -It also warms a little owing to the light it receives -from the sun. Saturn, however, chills and, to some extent, -dries, for it is very far from the heat of the sun and the -damp mists of the earth. Mars emits a parching heat, -as its color and proximity to the sun lead one to infer. -Jupiter, situated between cold Saturn and burning Mars, is -of a sort of lukewarm nature, but tends more to warmth -and moisture than to the other two qualities. So does -Venus, but conversely, for it warms less than Jupiter but -makes moist more, since its large area catches many damp -vapors from the neighboring earth. In Mercury, situated -near the sun, moon and earth, neither drought nor dampness -predominates; but that planet, incited by its own velocity, -is a potent cause of sudden changes. In general, the -planets are of good or evil influence according as they -abound in the two rich and vivifying qualities, heat and -moisture, or in the detrimental and destructive ones, cold -and drought.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Ptolemy then goes on to discuss the powers of fixed stars. -These powers he would seem to make depend chiefly on the -relation of the fixed star to the planets or on its position in -some constellation. Then he treats of the influence of the -seasons and of the four cardinal points, to each of -which he assigns some one predominating quality. A -discussion of the importance of such things as the twelve -signs of the zodiac, the twelve “houses,” the <cite>Trigones</cite> -(equilateral triangles each comprising three signs of the -zodiac), and the position of the star in reference to the -horizon, ends the first book and also the presentation of -fundamental considerations.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The other three books contain “doctrinam de praedictione -singularium.” The second book, however, deals in the -main with four points of general though subordinate bearing: -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>under what stars different regions belong, how the -effects of the stars vary according to time as well as place, -how the heavenly bodies influence the nature of events, and -finally how they determine their quality, good or bad. The -third and fourth books, besides taking up separately the -particular effects of each planet as it enters into conjunction -with each of the others, comprise chapters with such headings -as the following: “<i><span lang="la">de parentibus</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de fratribus</span></i>,” -“<i><span lang="la">de masculis et femellis</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de geminis</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de natis qui -nutrire non possunt sed mox extinguuntur</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de dignitate</span></i>,” -“<i><span lang="la">de magisterio</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de coniugiis</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de liberis</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de amicis -et inimicis</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de servis</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de perigrinatione</span></i>,” “<i><span lang="la">de genere -mortis</span></i>.” These two books discuss how length of years, fortune, -diseases, and various qualities of body and mind may -be predicted from the stars; in short, how man’s entire life -is ordered by the constellations. Such is the book which -Bouché-Leclercq calls “science’s surrender.”<a id='r184'></a><a href='#f184' class='c011'><sup>[184]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>V. <em>The hermetic books and occultism.</em>—An account of -belief in magic in the Roman Empire would be incomplete -without some reference to the famous hermetic books. -Hermes Trismegistus might, as deservedly as any other -man—had he only been a man and not a myth—be called -the father of magic, just as he used to be known as the -father of Egyptian science and just as he was regarded by -many as the inventor of all philosophy.<a id='r185'></a><a href='#f185' class='c011'><sup>[185]</sup></a> In the time of -Plato the Egyptian god Thoth acquired the name of Hermes -from the similarity of his functions to those of the -Greek god. He also came to be considered as the author -of pretty much all knowledge and was given the epithet of -“Thrice Great.” The entire body of Egyptian occult lore -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>was attributed to him, and Manetho, who pictured him as -reigning over the ancient Egyptians, declared that in addition -to his royal duties he succeeded in turning off some -36,000 volumes. Clement of Alexandria, however, speaks -of but forty-two books as “indispensably necessary,” and -says that the priests having charge of the hermetic books, -by memorizing these forty-two, cover the entire philosophy -of the Egyptians.<a id='r186'></a><a href='#f186' class='c011'><sup>[186]</sup></a> Diocletian is said to have dispersed the -priests and burned their books, because he came to the conclusion -that the frequent revolts in the locality received -pecuniary aid by means of gold artificially manufactured -in the temples.<a id='r187'></a><a href='#f187' class='c011'><sup>[187]</sup></a> Before that, however, lore supposed -to be similar to that contained within the books had become -disseminated. In the days of Hadrian and the Antonines, -Jews and other Orientals at Rome offered to initiate -persons into those occult sciences previously the monopoly -of the Egyptian priesthood. Marcus Aurelius, in his later -years, was thus instructed by an Egyptian diviner, who followed -him in all his campaigns.<a id='r188'></a><a href='#f188' class='c011'><sup>[188]</sup></a> Also the custom grew -up rather early of passing off works on occult subjects -under Hermes’ name and of ascribing to him all such books -which were of doubtful authorship. Of alchemy was this -tendency especially true, so that it came to be known as the -hermetic art. Sosimus, Stephanus and other Greek writers -cited alchemical treatises under Hermes’ name, and the practice -of publishing spurious hermetic books continued well into -<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>the Middle Ages.<a id='r189'></a><a href='#f189' class='c011'><sup>[189]</sup></a> Several such alchemical treatises are -still extant; and writings on astrological medicine and the -magical powers of gems, plants and animals have also come -down to us under Hermes’ name.<a id='r190'></a><a href='#f190' class='c011'><sup>[190]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Some of the supposed writings of Hermes were mystical -rather than magical; for instance, the famous <cite>Poemander</cite>,<a id='r191'></a><a href='#f191' class='c011'><sup>[191]</sup></a> -which consists mainly of brief and disconnected utterances -concerning God and the human soul and other subjects of -a religious character. Still, one does not have to read far -into its sixteen “books” before finding evidence of belief in -astrology, of the mysticism of number and of an esoteric view -of knowledge. It tells us “to avoid all conversation with -the multitude” and to “take heed of them as not understanding -the virtue and power of the things that are said.” -It speaks frequently of the seven circles of heaven, the seven -zones, and the seven “Governors.” It affirms that “the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>Gods were seen in their Ideas of the Stars with all their -signs, and the stars were numbered with the Gods in -them.” Hence, it is probably safe enough, when, for instance, -we hear that Theon, father of Hypatia, celebrated in -his day as a mathematician, and professor at the Alexandrian -Museum, lectured upon the writings of Hermes Trismegistus -and of Orpheus<a id='r192'></a><a href='#f192' class='c011'><sup>[192]</sup></a>—another legendary worthy -charged with works of an occult character—to conclude -that we have met one more case of the mingling of magic -with learning.</p> - -<p class='c010'>In short, then, the mythical figure of Hermes Trismegistus -became an actuating ideal to the Middle Ages, and the -works appearing under his name had a considerable influence -in extending belief in magic. Secondly, the hermetic -books serve to typify that mass of Eastern occult philosophy -and occult science which was so strong a force in the mental -life of the Roman Empire.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER VI<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>Critics of Magic</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The reader will remember how men in the Roman Empire -condemned “magic” but understood the word in a -restricted and bad sense; how Pliny made pretensions to -complete freedom from all belief in magic and how inconsistent -was his actual attitude; how Seneca rejected magic -only in part, accepting divination in all its ramifications. -This partial rejection and partial acceptance of magic by -the same individual seem characteristic of the age of the -Empire, as one would expect of a time when magic was in -a state of decay and science in a process of development. -It is true that this rejection of certain varieties of magic -often proceeded from the motive of morality rather than of -scepticism. Thus in Cicero’s <cite>De Divinatione</cite>, Quintus -Cicero is represented as closing his long argument in favor -of the truth of divination by solemnly asserting that he -does not approve of sorcerers, nor of those who prophesy -for sake of gain, nor of the practice of questioning spirits -of the dead—which nevertheless, he says, was a custom of -his brother’s friend Appius.<a id='r193'></a><a href='#f193' class='c011'><sup>[193]</sup></a> But there were some men, -we may well believe, who would reject even those varieties -of magic which found a welcome in the minds of most educated -people and in the general mass of the thought and -science of the age. Such cases we shall now consider.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>I. <em>Opponents of astrology.</em>—Astrology, as we have seen, -was very popular. Yet there was some scepticism as to its -truth beyond the ridicule of satirists, who perhaps at bottom -were themselves believers in the art. Outside of Christian -writers the three chief opponents of astrology in the -Roman world, judging by the works that have come down -to us, were Cicero—who lived before the Empire in the -constitutional sense can be said to have begun—in his <cite>De -Divinatione</cite>; Favorinus, a Gaul who resided at Rome in the -reigns of Hadrian and Trajan, and was a friend of Plutarch, -and whose arguments against astrology have been -preserved only in the pages of Aulus Gellius; and Sextus -Empiricus, a physician who flourished at about the beginning -of the third century of our era.<a id='r194'></a><a href='#f194' class='c011'><sup>[194]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>When, however, we come to examine both the men and -their arguments, we somehow do not find their assault upon -astrology especially impressive or satisfactory. First, as to -the men. Gellius says that he heard Favorinus make the -speech the substance of which he repeats, but that he is unable -to state whether the philosopher really meant what he -said or argued merely in order to exercise and to display -his genius.<a id='r195'></a><a href='#f195' class='c011'><sup>[195]</sup></a> There was reason for this perplexity of Gellius, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>since Favorinus was fond of writing such essays as -Eulogies of Thersites and of Quartan Fever. There is no -particular reason for doubting Sextus’s seriousness, but, besides -being a medical man, he was a member of the sceptical -school of philosophy, a circumstance which warns one not -to attribute too much emphasis to his attack on astrology. -Indeed, the attack occurs in a work directed against learning -in general, in which he assails grammarians, rhetoricians, -geometricians, arithmeticians, students of music, -logicians, “physicists,” and students of ethics as well as -astrologers. Cicero was not prone to such sweeping scepticism -or sophistry, but the force of his opposition to astrology -is somewhat neutralized by the fact that in his <cite>Dream -of Scipio</cite> he apparently attributes to planets influence over -man.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Now as to their arguments. We have spoken of their -“attack on astrology,” but in reality they can scarcely be -said to attack astrology as a whole. Indeed, it is the doctrines -of the Chaldeans which Cicero makes the object of -his assault; he says nothing about astrology. Favorinus -will not even admit that he attacks the “disciplina Chaldaeorum” -in any true sense, but affirms that the Chaldeans -were not the authors of such theories at all, but that these -have originated of late among traveling fakirs who beg -their bread by means of such deceits and trickeries.<a id='r196'></a><a href='#f196' class='c011'><sup>[196]</sup></a> Some -of the arguments of our sceptics are really directed merely -<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>against the methods of interpreting the decrees of the stars -which they give us to understand that the astrologers employ. -Such objections might suffice to pierce the presumption of -the ordinary popular astrologer but they fall back blunted -from the system of Ptolemy.<a id='r197'></a><a href='#f197' class='c011'><sup>[197]</sup></a> If our sceptics thought that -they were overthrowing the astrology of the man of learning -by such arguments, they labored under a misapprehension, -and in the eyes of one who really understood the art -must have cut the figure of ignoramuses making false -charges against a science of which they knew next to -nothing.</p> - -<p class='c010'>As some of the arguments of our sceptics apply solely to -defects in method of which the best astrologers were not -guilty, so others do not deny the existence of sidereal influence -over the life of man, but contend that it is impossible -to determine with essential accuracy what will be the effects -of that influence. Sextus, for example, seems to lay most -stress upon such points as the difficulty of exactly determining -the date of birth or of conception, or the precise moment -when a star passes into a new sign of the zodiac. He calls -attention to the fact that observers at varying altitudes, as -well as in different localities, would arrive at different conclusions, -that differences in eyesight would also affect results, -and that it is hard to tell just when the sun sets owing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>to refraction.<a id='r198'></a><a href='#f198' class='c011'><sup>[198]</sup></a> He almost becomes scholastic in the minuteness -of his objections, leaving us somewhat in doubt whether -they are to be taken as indicative of a spirit of captious -criticism towards an art the fundamental principles of which -he tacitly recognized as well-nigh incontestible, or whether -he is simply trying to make his case doubly sure by showing -astrology to be impracticable as well as unreasonable.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The main thing to be noted about Cicero, Favorinus and -Sextus is that they pay almost no attention to the general -problem of sidereal influence on terrestrial matter and life. -It is to the denial of an absolute, complete and immutable -rule of the heavenly bodies over man that they devote their -energies. The premises of astrology they leave pretty much -alone. One might accept almost all their statements and -still believe in a large influence of the stars over our physical -characteristics and mental traits. The question of -sidereal influence upon lower animal life, vegetation and -inert matter they avoid with a sneer.<a id='r199'></a><a href='#f199' class='c011'><sup>[199]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>II. <em>Cicero’s attack upon divination.</em>—A more satisfactory -example of scepticism may be found in other chapters of -the <cite>De Divinatione</cite> than those which assail the art of the -Chaldeans. Moreover, although the discussion is limited -to the specific theme of divination, still that is a subject -which admits of very broad interpretation, and Cicero employs -some arguments which are capable of an even wider -application and oppose the hypotheses on which magic in -general rests. He rejects divination as unscientific. It is -to such arguments that we shall confine our attention. -“Natural divination,” that is, predictions made under direct -divine inspiration without interposition of signs and portents, -is not magic and so the discussion of it will not concern -us. Much less shall we waste any time over such trite -contentions against divination in general as that there is no -use of knowing predetermined events since you cannot avoid -them,<a id='r200'></a><a href='#f200' class='c011'><sup>[200]</sup></a> and that even if we can learn the future we shall be -happier not to do it.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span><i><span lang="la">De Divinatione</span></i> takes the form of a suppositious conversation, -or better, informal debate, between the author and -his brother Quintus. In the first book Quintus, in a rather -rambling and leisurely fashion, and with occasional repetition -of ideas, upholds divination to the best of his ability, -citing many reported instances of successful recourse to it -in antiquity. In the second book Tully proceeds, with an -air of somewhat patronizing superiority, to pull entirely to -pieces the arguments of his brother, who assents with cheerful -readiness to their demolition.</p> - -<p class='c010'>It is interesting to note that as Pliny’s magic was not his -own, so Cicero’s scepticism did not originate wholly with -himself. As his other philosophical writings draw their -material largely from Greek philosophy, so the second book -of the <cite>De Divinatione</cite> is supposed to have been under considerable -obligations to Clitomachus and Panætius.<a id='r201'></a><a href='#f201' class='c011'><sup>[201]</sup></a> As -for the future, the <cite>De Divinatione</cite> was known in the Middle -Ages but its influence seems to have often been scarcely that -intended by its author.</p> - -<p class='c010'>One of the main points in the argument of Quintus had -been his appeal to the past. What race or state, he asked, -has not believed in some form of divination?</p> - -<p class='c012'>For before the revelation of philosophy, which was discovered -recently, public opinion had no doubt of the truth of this art; -and after philosophy came forth no philosopher of authority -thought otherwise. I have mentioned Pythagoras, Democritus, -Socrates. I have left out no one of the ancients save Xenophanes. -I have added the Old Academy, the Peripatetics, the -Stoics. Epicurus alone dissented.<a id='r202'></a><a href='#f202' class='c011'><sup>[202]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>When Tully’s turn to speak came, he rudely disturbed -his brother’s reliance upon tradition. “I think it not the -part of a philosopher to employ witnesses, who are only -haply true, often purposely false and deceiving. He ought -to show why a thing is so by arguments and reasons, not -by events, especially those I cannot credit.”<a id='r203'></a><a href='#f203' class='c011'><sup>[203]</sup></a> “Antiquity,” -Cicero declared later, “has erred in many respects.”<a id='r204'></a><a href='#f204' class='c011'><sup>[204]</sup></a> The -existence of the art of divination in every age and nation -had little effect upon him. There is nothing, he asserted, so -widespread as ignorance.<a id='r205'></a><a href='#f205' class='c011'><sup>[205]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Both brothers distinguished divination from the natural -sciences and assigned it a place by itself.<a id='r206'></a><a href='#f206' class='c011'><sup>[206]</sup></a> Quintus said that -medical men, pilots and farmers foresee many things, yet -their arts are not divination. “Not even Pherecydes, that -famous Pythagorean master, who prophesied an earthquake -when he saw there was no water in a well usually full, -should be regarded as a diviner rather than a physicist.”<a id='r207'></a><a href='#f207' class='c011'><sup>[207]</sup></a> -In like manner Tully pointed out that the sick seek a doctor, -not a soothsayer, that diviners cannot instruct us in astronomy, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>that no one consults them concerning philosophic -problems or ethical questions, that they can give us no light -on the problems of the natural universe, and that they are -of no service in logic, dialectic or political science.<a id='r208'></a><a href='#f208' class='c011'><sup>[208]</sup></a> Such -would be the ideal condition, but in practice, as we have -seen much reason to believe, divination, at least in the broad -sense, was confused with science and with other subjects to -no small extent both under the Empire and in the Middle -Ages. A doctor might be something of a diviner as well: the -astrologer was skilled in astronomy; “mathematicus” came -within a short time after Cicero’s own day to be the word -regularly used to denote a soothsayer;<a id='r209'></a><a href='#f209' class='c011'><sup>[209]</sup></a> Pierre du Bois and -Bodin found astrology an aid to political science.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Cicero, however, went further than the assertion that -divination had no connection with science and declared that -it was contrary to science. Such a figment, he scornfully -affirmed, as that the heart will vanish from a corpse for one -man’s benefit and remain in the body to suit the future of -another, was not believed even by old wives now-a-days.<a id='r210'></a><a href='#f210' class='c011'><sup>[210]</sup></a> -Nay more, he asked, how can the heart vanish from the -body? Surely it must be there while life lasts, and can it -disappear in an instant?</p> - -<p class='c012'>Believe me, you are abandoning the citadel of philosophy -while you defend its outposts. For in your effort to prove -soothsaying true you utterly pervert physiology.... For there -will be something which either springs from nothing or suddenly -vanishes into nothingness. What scientist ever said that? -The soothsayers say so? Are they then, do you think, to -be trusted rather than scientists?<a id='r211'></a><a href='#f211' class='c011'><sup>[211]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Cicero does not think they are.</p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>Also he shows that the methods of divination are not -scientific. He asks: Why did Calchas deduce from the -devoured sparrow that the Trojan war would last ten years -rather than ten weeks or ten months?<a id='r212'></a><a href='#f212' class='c011'><sup>[212]</sup></a> He points out that -the art is conducted in different places according to quite -different rules of procedure, even to the extent that a favorable -omen in one locality is a sinister warning elsewhere.<a id='r213'></a><a href='#f213' class='c011'><sup>[213]</sup></a> -In short, whether he got his idea from the Greeks or not, -he has come, long before most men had reached that point, -to have a clear idea of the essential contradiction between -science and magic. “Quid igitur,” he asks, “minus a -physicis dici debet quam quidquam certi significari rebus -incertis?”<a id='r214'></a><a href='#f214' class='c011'><sup>[214]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Besides this sharp separation of divination from science -and besides his rejection of tradition, a third creditable -feature of Cicero’s book is his question: What intimate -connection, what bond of natural causality can there be between -the liver or heart or lung of a fat bull and the divine -eternal cause of things which rules the world?<a id='r215'></a><a href='#f215' class='c011'><sup>[215]</sup></a> He refuses -to believe in any extraordinary bonds of sympathy -between things which, in so far as our daily experience and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>our knowledge of nature’s workings can inform us, have -absolutely no connection. He appeals to the canons of -common sense. In fact, it is generally true throughout his -treatise that where he cannot disprove, he pooh-poohs superstition.</p> - -<p class='c010'>On the whole Cicero’s attitude probably represents the -most enlightened scepticism to be found in the ancient world. -Though some of his arguments seem weak, he deserves -credit for having argued at all. Against what they were -pleased to call magic, men, especially during the Middle -Ages, were apt to rant rather than reason.</p> - -<p class='c010'>But, alas, unless we assume that the famous <cite>Dream of -Scipio</cite> is a purely imaginative production, that the fantastic -beliefs there set forth (borrowed, no doubt, from Greek -thought) are presented for dramatic purposes alone and do -not represent Cicero’s actual views, we must grant that our -sceptical Cicero believed in some magic after all. For the -<cite>Dream</cite>, despite its author’s animadversions against Chaldæan -astrology, speaks of Jupiter as a star wholesome and -favorable to the human race, of Mars as most unfavorable.<a id='r216'></a><a href='#f216' class='c011'><sup>[216]</sup></a> -Also it calls the numbers seven and eight perfect and speaks -of their product as signifying the fatal year in Scipio’s -career.<a id='r217'></a><a href='#f217' class='c011'><sup>[217]</sup></a></p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER VII<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>The Last Century of the Empire</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>We come now to consider some indications of the intermixture -of magic with learning in the last century of the -Roman Empire, the border-time of the Middle Ages. It -was a time when interest in science was slight and when -the ability to use florid rhetoric was apparently the chief -aim of those who assumed to be the highest intellectual -class. What science there was was largely permeated with -magic, as a glance at a few men of intellectual prominence -then will illustrate.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Marcellus of Bordeaux, court physician of Theodosius I, -and a writer upon medicine, throws some light upon the -state of medicine in his day. He affirmed that pimples -might be removed by wiping them the instant you saw a -falling-star. He said that a tumor could be cured if one -half of a root of vervain were tied about the sufferer’s neck -and the other half suspended over a fire. His theory was -that as the vervain dried up in the smoke of the fire, the -tumor would by force of magic sympathy likewise dry up -and disappear. Marcellus added for the benefit of unpaid -physicians that so persistent would be the sympathetic bond -established that if the root of the vervain were later thrown -into water, its absorption of moisture would produce a return -of the tumor.<a id='r218'></a><a href='#f218' class='c011'><sup>[218]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Ammianus Marcellinus, who wrote at the close of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>fourth century, and who has been regarded by his critics -from Gibbon down as a historian of distinguished merit, -gives us an idea of mental conditions in his time, and was -himself not free from belief in magic. It is true that in declaiming -against the degeneracy of the Roman aristocracy -he ridicules their trust in astrology, saying that many of -them deny the existence of higher powers in heaven, yet -think it imprudent to appear in public or dine or take a bath -without first having consulted an almanac as to Mercury’s -whereabouts or the exact position of the moon in Cancer.<a id='r219'></a><a href='#f219' class='c011'><sup>[219]</sup></a> -Yet he believed in omens, portents and auspices, as the following -citations will indicate and as one might show by -other passages.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The first passage is one in which Ammianus speaks of -Alexandria as formerly having been a great place of learning -and as even in his degenerate days a considerable intellectual -centre. According to him, it is a sufficient recommendation -for any medical man if he say that he was -educated at Alexandria.<a id='r220'></a><a href='#f220' class='c011'><sup>[220]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c012'>There whatever lies hidden is laid bare by geometry; music -<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>is not utterly forgotten nor harmony neglected; among some -men, though their number may not be great, the motion of the -world and stars is still a matter of consideration; there are -not a few of those skilled in numbers.</p> - -<p class='c010'>This is not all. “Besides these things they cherish the -science which reveals the decrees of fate.”<a id='r221'></a><a href='#f221' class='c011'><sup>[221]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>The Emperor Julian was continually inspecting entrails -of victims and interpreting dreams and omens, and even -proposed to reopen a prophetic fountain which Hadrian -was said to have blocked up for fear that others, like himself, -might win the imperial throne through obedience to -its predictions.<a id='r222'></a><a href='#f222' class='c011'><sup>[222]</sup></a> The mention of such practices of Julian -leads Ammianus in another passage to attempt a justification -of divination as a science worthy of the study and respect -of the most erudite and intelligent. He says:</p> - -<p class='c012'>Inasmuch as to this ruler, who was a man of culture and an -inquirer into all branches of learning, malicious persons have -attributed the use of evil arts to learn the future, we shall -briefly indicate how a wise man is able to acquire this by no -means trivial variety of knowledge. The spirit behind all the -elements, seeing that it is incessantly and everywhere active -in the prophetic movement of everlasting bodies, bestows upon -us the gift of divination by those methods which we acquire -through divers studies; and the forces of nature, propitiated -by various rites, as from exhaustless springs provide mankind -with prophetic utterances.<a id='r223'></a><a href='#f223' class='c011'><sup>[223]</sup></a></p> -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>That is, we can foreknow, if not control, the results of the -processes of universal nature. Since it is through the -forces of nature that we do this, augury, oracular utterances, -oneiromancy and astrology all become for Ammianus -but subdivisions of physical science. He admits that there -are persons who disagree with him, who object that predictions -are often erroneous; but against such persons he -employs the old refutation that occasional mistakes are to -be attributed to man’s imperfect knowledge and faulty observation, -and that by such mistakes the validity of divination -is no more disproved than is grammar forever discredited -because a grammarian speaks incorrectly, or music -because a musician sings out of tune.<a id='r224'></a><a href='#f224' class='c011'><sup>[224]</sup></a> Opposition to the -arts of divination he calls “vanities plebeia,” and upon such -loud-mouthed ignorance of the vulgar he looks down -with much the same superior smile that the lover of speculative -philosophy to-day bestows upon the man in the street -who irritably disputes the utility of that subject.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Indeed, the strength of Ammianus’s attachment to divination -is so great that he quotes its arch-opponent, Cicero, -in its support. For he concludes his discussion of the subject -in these words: “Wherefore in this as in other matters -Tully says most admirably, ‘Signs of future events are -shown by the gods.’”<a id='r225'></a><a href='#f225' class='c011'><sup>[225]</sup></a> Unless perchance Ammianus was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>acquainted with the first book only of <cite>De Divinatione</cite>, this -remark—which ought to have proved more potent than any -necromantic spell in invoking Cicero’s slandered Manes—must -be taken as a startling revelation of the mental calibre -of both its maker and his age.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Synesius (370–430 <span class='fss'>A. D.</span>), Bishop of Ptolemais, furnishes -a good example of what was probably the position of the -average Neo-Platonist who did not go to extremes in the -last period of the Roman Empire. In the present survey -we are not concerned with Christian belief in the Empire, -and so it is only as a Neo-Platonist that Synesius will at -present interest us. He is the more interesting for us in -that he was a man with some taste for science. He knew -some medicine and was well acquainted with geometry and -astronomy, subjects which he probably studied under his -friend Hypatia. He believed himself to be the inventor -of an astrolabe and of a hydroscope. He played his -part in secular politics and as bishop defended his people -from oppression. He was fond of the chase and -of his dogs and horses, and said so. He was a great -lover of books also, but thought that their true use -was to call one’s own mental powers into action. Philosophy, -mathematics and literature all claimed his attention. -Yet broad and independent-minded as he was for his age, -and interested as he was in science, he believed in magic. -Indeed, there was apparently no form of magic in which -he would not have believed.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Synesius regarded the universe as a unit and all its parts -as closely correlated. This belief not only led him to maintain, -like Seneca, that whatever had a cause was a sign of -some future event, or to hold with Plotinus that in any -and every object the sage might discern the future of every -other thing, and that the birds themselves, if endowed with -sufficient intelligence, would be able to predict the future by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>observing the movements of human bipeds.<a id='r226'></a><a href='#f226' class='c011'><sup>[226]</sup></a> It led him -also to the conclusion that the various parts of the universe -were more than passive mirrors in which one might see -the future of the other parts; that they further exerted, by -virtue of the magic sympathy which united all parts of the -universe, a potent active influence over other objects and -occurrences. The wise man might not only predict the -future; he might, to a great extent, control it.</p> - -<p class='c012'>For it must be, I think, that of this whole, so joined in sympathy -and in agreement, the parts are closely connected as if -members of a single body. And does not this explain the -spells of the magi? For things, besides being signs of each -other, have magic power over each other. The wise man, then, -is he who knows the relationships of the parts of the universe. -For he draws one object under his control by means of another -object, holding what is at hand as a pledge for what is far -away, and working through sounds and material substances -and forms.<a id='r227'></a><a href='#f227' class='c011'><sup>[227]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'>Synesius explained that plants and stones are related by -<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>bonds of occult sympathy to the gods who are within the -universe and who form a part of it, that plants and stones -have magic power over these gods, and that one may by -means of such material substances attract those deities.<a id='r228'></a><a href='#f228' class='c011'><sup>[228]</sup></a> -He evidently believed that it was quite legitimate to control -the processes of nature by invoking demons. His devotion -to divination has been already implied. He regarded it as -among the noblest of human pursuits.<a id='r229'></a><a href='#f229' class='c011'><sup>[229]</sup></a> Dreams he viewed -as significant and very useful events. They aided him, he -wrote, in his every-day life, and had upon one occasion -saved him from magic devices against his life.<a id='r230'></a><a href='#f230' class='c011'><sup>[230]</sup></a> Of course, -he had faith in astrology. The stars were well-nigh ever -present in his thought. In his <cite>Praise of Baldness</cite> he characterized -comets as fatal omens, as harbingers of the worst -public disasters.<a id='r231'></a><a href='#f231' class='c011'><sup>[231]</sup></a> In <cite>On Providence</cite> he explained the supposed -fact that history repeats itself by the periodical return -to their former positions of the stars which govern -our life.<a id='r232'></a><a href='#f232' class='c011'><sup>[232]</sup></a> In <cite>On the Gift of an Astrolabe</cite> he declared that -“astronomy” besides being itself a noble science, prepared -men for the diviner mysteries of theology.<a id='r233'></a><a href='#f233' class='c011'><sup>[233]</sup></a> Finally, he -held the view common among students of magic that knowledge -should be esoteric; that its mysteries and marvels -should be confined to the few fitted to receive them and that -they should be expressed in language incomprehensible to -the vulgar crowd.<a id='r234'></a><a href='#f234' class='c011'><sup>[234]</sup></a></p> - -<p class='c010'><span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>Macrobius, who wrote at the beginning of the fifth century -and displayed considerable interest in physical questions -for a person of those days, reinforces the evidence of -Ammianus and of Synesius, although he held no very extreme -views. Unless, however, we except his Philonian -notion that all knowledge may be derived from a few past -writings. For Macrobius affirmed that Virgil contains -practically all man needs to know, and that Cicero’s brief -story of the dream of Scipio was a work second to none -and contained the entire substance of philosophy.<a id='r235'></a><a href='#f235' class='c011'><sup>[235]</sup></a> Macrobius -also believed that numbers possess occult power. He -dilated at considerable length upon each of those from one -to eight, emphasizing their perfection and far-reaching significance. -He held the good old Pythagorean and Platonic -notions that the world-soul is constructed of number, that -the harmony of celestial bodies is ruled by number, and that -we derive the numerical values proper to musical consonance -from the music of the spheres.<a id='r236'></a><a href='#f236' class='c011'><sup>[236]</sup></a> He was of the opinion -that to the careful investigator dreams and other striking -occurrences will reveal an occult meaning.<a id='r237'></a><a href='#f237' class='c011'><sup>[237]</sup></a> As for -astrology, he believed that the stars are signs but not causes -of future events, just as birds by their flight or song reveal -matters of which they themselves are ignorant.<a id='r238'></a><a href='#f238' class='c011'><sup>[238]</sup></a> The sun -and planets, though in a way divine, are but material bodies, -and it is not from them but from the world-soul (pure -mind), whence they too come, that the human spirit takes -<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>its origin.<a id='r239'></a><a href='#f239' class='c011'><sup>[239]</sup></a> Macrobius also displayed some belief in the -possession of occult properties by objects about us. In the -<cite>Saturnalia</cite>, Disaurius the physician is asked and answers -such questions as why a brass knife stuck in game prevents -decay.<a id='r240'></a><a href='#f240' class='c011'><sup>[240]</sup></a> Macrobius by the way, had considerable influence -in the Middle Ages. Abelard makes frequent reference to -him, and called him “no mean philosopher.”<a id='r241'></a><a href='#f241' class='c011'><sup>[241]</sup></a> Aquinas -cited him as an authority for the doctrines of Neo-Platonism.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span> - <h2 class='c005'>CHAPTER VIII<br> <span class='large'><span class='sc'>Conclusion</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Our survey of the Roman Empire and of the ancient -world of thought which it represented is finished. We have -found reason to believe that hatred and dread of “magic,” -the confusion of science or of philosophy with magic, -the incurring of reputations as wizards by men of learning, -were phenomena not confined to the Middle Ages. -We have seen some evidence of the prominence of magic -in the intellectual life of the Roman Empire, in the writings -and in the conduct of physicians and astronomers, of statesmen -and philosophers. Just how prominent magic was one -hesitates to estimate, but one may safely affirm that it was -sufficiently prominent to merit the attention of the student -of those times. It is almost useless to chronicle the events -if we do not understand the spirit of an age.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Can the student of that age, we may ask in concluding, -rightly interpret and appreciate it, can he make -proper use of its extant records, unless he recognizes -not merely that men made mistakes then and accepted a -mass of false statements concerning nature, but that the -best minds were liable to be esoteric and mystical, to incline -to the occult and the fantastic, to be befogged by absurd -credulity and by great mental confusion, to be fettered by -habits of childish and romantic reasoning such as occurs -in Ptolemy’s <cite>Tetrabiblos</cite> and in Plato’s <cite>Timaeus</cite>? Have -we a right to attribute to the minds of that age our -definiteness and clarity of thought, our common sense, our -<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>scientific spirit? Is it fair to take the words in which they -expressed their thought and to interpret these according to -our knowledge, our frame of mind; to read into their words -our ideas and discoveries; to rearrange their disconnected -utterances into systems which they were incapable of constructing; -to endeavor by nothing else than a sort of allegorical -interpretation to discover our philosophy, our -science, our ideals in their writings? Have not even words -a greater definiteness and value now than once? When we -translate a passage from an ancient language are we not apt -to transfigure its thought? These are, however, only questions.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Certainly there was much true scientific knowledge in the -Roman Empire. There was sane medical theory and practice, -there was a great deal of correct information in regard -to plants, animals and the stars. Science was in the ascendant; -magic was in its latter stages of decay. We flatter -ourselves that it has now quite vanished away; then its doctrines -were accepted only in part or in weakened form by -men of education. Perhaps, though I am far from asserting -this, magic played a less prominent part then in science -and in philosophy than in the later Middle Ages. Perhaps -we may picture to ourselves the minds of men in the twelfth -and thirteenth and succeeding centuries as awakening from -a long, intellectual torpor during the chaotic and dreary -“Dark Ages,” and, eager for knowledge and for mental -occupation, but still inexperienced and rather bewildered, -as snatching without discrimination at whatever came first -to hand of the lore of the past. Thus for a time we might -find the most able men of the later age taking on the worst -characteristics of the earlier time. But this again is mere -speculation.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Moreover, we must remember that, if magic was accepted -only in part by men of learning in the Roman Empire, there -<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>was no thoroughgoing scepticism. We sought in vain -for an instance of consistent disbelief. If, too, there -was an effort to make the magic, which was accepted, scientific -by basing it upon natural laws, as Quintus Cicero, -Seneca and Ptolemy tried to do, there was also, besides the -definite approval of magical doctrines, often a mystical -tone in the science and philosophy of the time. The -question of the relative strength of magic and of science in -those days must, then, be left unsettled. It is difficult -enough to judge even a single individual; to tell, for instance, -just how superstitious Cato was.</p> - -<p class='c010'>In closing we may, however, sum up very briefly those -elements which we selected as combining to give a fairly -faithful picture of the belief in magic which then prevailed -among educated people. Native superstitions from -which science had not yet wholly freed itself; much -fantastical and mystical lore from Oriental nations; -allegorizing and mysticizing in the interpretation of -books—which in Philo went to the length of a belief -that all knowledge could be secured by this means; -a portrayal of nature which attributed to her many magic -properties and caused medicine to be infected with magic -ceremony and to be based to some extent on the principle -of sympathetic magic; a widespread and often extreme belief -in astrology; a speculative philosophy which was often -favorable to the doctrines of magic or even advanced some -itself; and the system of Neo-Platonism in especial, with -which we may associate the view—prevalent long before -Plotinus, however—that everything in the universe is in -close sympathy with everything else and is a sign of coming -events—these were the forces ready at the opening of -the Middle Ages to influence the future.</p> - -<hr class='c013'> -<div class='footnote' id='f1'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. H. C. Lea, <cite>History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages</cite> (1887), -vol. iii, p. 437. Mr. Lea’s chapter on “Sorcery and the Occult Arts” is -very interesting and contains much material which it is difficult to find -elsewhere.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f2'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. We speak of persons as jovial or saturnine or mercurial in temperament; -as ill-starred, and so on.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f3'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. The classic on the theme of magic reputations incurred by the -learned in ancient and mediæval times is Gabriel Naudé’s “<cite>Apologie -pour tous les grands personages qui ont esté faussement soupçonnez de -Magie</cite>.” Paris, 1625. That such reputations were often unjustly incurred -was recognized long before Naudé, however. To say nothing -now of Apuleius’ <cite>Apologia</cite>, to which we shall refer later, attention may -be called to the fact that even William of Malmesbury, while relating -with apparent credulity the legends in regard to Gerbert, had the grace -to admit that “the common people often attack the reputation of the -learned, and accuse any one of dealing with the devil who excels in his -art.” <cite>Gesta Regum Anglorum</cite>, book ii, secs. 167, 168.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f4'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. <cite>République</cite>, book iv, ch. 2, cited by W. E. H. Lecky, <cite>History of -Rationalism</cite> (1900), vol. i, p. 28. The chapter upon “Magic and Witchcraft” -contains considerable material bearing upon our theme. A similar -attitude to that of Bodin is found in a political treatise of about -the year 1300, probably written by Pierre du Bois, where an argument -for the universal rule of a French monarch is based on astrology. N. de -Wailly, <cite>Mémoire sur un opuscule anonyme</cite> (Mémoires de l’Institut Impérial -de France), vol. xviii, pt. ii, p. 442.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f5'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. <cite>Summa Theologica</cite>, pars prima, quæst. 115, arts. 3 and 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f6'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. For some data on this point see Hastings Rashdall, <cite>The Universities -of Europe in the Middle Ages</cite> (1895), vol. i, pp. 240–250; vol. ii, -pp. 290, 452, 458, 459.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f7'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. <cite>Etymologiae</cite>, bk. viii, ch. 9. In Migne’s <cite>Patrologia Latina</cite>, vol. -lxxxii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f8'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. xvi, <em>passim</em>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f9'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. iii, ch. 71. He condemned astrology, however. See <em>ibid.</em>, -and bk. iii, ch. 27.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f10'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. “Liber Numerorum qui in Sanctis Scripturis Occurunt.” (Also in -Migne, vol. lxxxiii, col. 179.) “Non est superfluum numerorum causas -in Scripturis sanctis attendere. Habent enim quamdam scientiae doctrinam -plurimaque mystica sacramenta.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f11'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. <cite>De Natura Rerum</cite>, ch. 24; <cite>De Temporum Ratione</cite>, ch. 28. The -scientific writing of Bede may be found in vol. vi of his works as -edited by J. A. Giles. London, 1843.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f12'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. <cite>De Tonitruis ad Herefridum</cite>, and <cite>De Minutione Sanguinis sive -Phlebotomia</cite>. Many spurious treatises were attributed to Bede but -there are some reasons for believing these genuine, although they are -not named by Bede in the list of his writings which he gives in his -<cite>Ecclesiastical History</cite>. Giles included them in his edition after some -hesitation.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f13'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. For the predominance of astrology in the mathematics of the 9th, -10th, 11th and 12th centuries, cf. <cite>Histoire Littéraire</cite>, vol. v, p. 183; -vi, 9; vii, 137; ix, 197.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f14'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. <cite>De Naturis Rerum</cite>, bk. ii, ch. 173, and bk. i, ch. 7. Volume xxxiv of -<cite>The Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain</cite>. (The Rolls Series.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f15'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. i, ch. 7.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f16'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. <cite>De Naturis Rerum</cite>, bk. ii, ch. 63.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f17'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. ii, ch. 80.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f18'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. ii, ch. 3 <em>et seq.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f19'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. ii, ch. 88. In chapter 87 he writes: “Chelidonius autem -rufus portantes se gratissimos facit; niger vero gestatus optimum finem -negotiis imponit, et ad iras potentium sedandas idoneus est.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f20'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. ii, ch. 89.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f21'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. ii, ch. 85. “In verbis et herbis et lapidibus multam esse -virtutem compertum est a diligentibus naturarum investigatoribus. Certissimum -autem experimentum fidem dicto nostro facit.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f22'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. Preface, p. xii in vol. xxxiv of the Rolls Series.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f23'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. My information concerning Michael Scot is mainly derived from -his biography (Edinburgh, 1897) by Rev. J. Wood Brown, who has -studied the manuscript copies of Scot’s works in various European -libraries and has succeeded in dispelling much of the uncertainty which -previously existed concerning the events of Scot’s career and even the -dates of his life. Of Scot’s works the <cite>Physionomia</cite> exists in printed -form; indeed, eighteen editions of it are said to have been issued between -the years 1477 and 1660.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f24'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. The poem is printed in <cite>Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte</cite>, -vol. xviii, (1878) p. 486.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f25'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. The part of the manuscript containing the experiment was written -between 1450 and 1500, Brown thinks, but purports to be a copy “from -a very ancient work.” If spurious, its fabricator at least shows considerable -familiarity with Scot’s life. See Brown, pp. 18–19. The recipe -is given in full in the appendix of Brown’s book.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f26'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. <cite>De Secretis Operibus Artis et Naturae et de Nullitate Magiae</cite>, ch. 7. -Contained in the Appendix of vol. xv of the Rolls Series, edited by -J. S. Brewer, London, 1859.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f27'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. <cite>Opus Maius</cite>, vol. ii, pp. 204–221. Edited by J. H. Bridges, Oxford, -1897–1900. On page 210 <em>et seq.</em> Bacon gives an elaborate recipe for an -<i><span lang="la">elixir vitae</span></i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f28'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. <cite>Opus Minus</cite>, Rolls Series, vol. xv, pp. 373–4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f29'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. Bridges, <cite>Opus Maius</cite>, vol. i, pp. 137–139.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f30'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. <cite>Compendium Studii</cite>, Rolls Series, vol. xv, pp. 421–422.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f31'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. Bridges, <cite>Opus Maius</cite>, vol. i, pp. 253–269.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f32'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. <cite>De Secretis</cite>, ch. 3, discusses this question of fascination and also the -power of words and of the human soul. In regard to characters and -incantations, see <cite>De Secretis</cite>, ch. 2, and the <cite>Opus Tertium</cite>, which is also -contained in vol. xv of the Rolls Series, ch. 26.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f33'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. <cite>Opus Tertium</cite>, ch. 27.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f34'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. </p> -<div class='lg-container-b c014'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>“Gaspar fert myrram, thus Melchoir, Balthasar aurum.</div> - <div class='line in2'>Haec tria qui secum portabit nomina regum</div> - <div class='line in2'>Solvitur a morbo Christi pietate caduco.”</div> - <div class='line in36'><cite>Hist. Litt.</cite>, vol. xxv, p. 327.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f35'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. See <cite>Liber Mineralium</cite>. <cite>Opera Omnia</cite>, ed. Borgnet (1890), vol. v, -page 23 <em>et seq.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f36'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. Two good accounts of Arnald are those in the <cite>Histoire Littéraire</cite>, -vol. xxviii and Lea, <cite>History of the Inquisition</cite>, vol. iii, pp. 52–57. Older -accounts are generally very misleading.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f37'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. J. M. Rigg, <cite>Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola</cite>, London, 1890, pp. viii-x.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f38'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. Janssen, <cite>History of the German People</cite>, vol. iii, p. 45, of the English -translation by A. M. Christie (1900).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f39'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. Henry Morley, <cite>Life of Agrippa von Nettesheim</cite> (London, 1856), -vol. i, p. 79. This biography includes a full and instructive outline -of Agrippa’s work on <cite>Occult Philosophy</cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f40'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. A. E. Waite, <cite>Hermetical and Alchemistical Writings of Paracelsus</cite>, -vol. i, p. xii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f41'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. For Cardan, see the biography in two volumes by Henry Morley, -London, 1854, and that in one volume by W. G. Waters, London. 1898.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f42'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. J. L. E. Dreyer, <cite>Tycho Brahe. A Picture of Scientific Life and -Work in the Sixteenth Century</cite> (Edinburgh, 1890), p. 56. A valuable -book.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f43'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. <cite>De Augmentis Scientiarum</cite>, bk. iv, ch. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f44'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. iv, ch. 3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f45'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. iii, ch. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f46'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. Bodin for instance condemned “magic” in his <cite>De Magorum Daemonomania</cite> -(Paris, 1581).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f47'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. Bridges, <cite>Opus Maius</cite>, vol. i, p. 241. See too the <cite>De Secretis Operibus -Artis et Naturae et de Nullitate Magiae</cite>. Rolls Series, vol. xv, -appendix.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f48'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. <cite>Spec. Astron.</cite>, ch. 17. Albertus Magnus, <cite>Opera Omnia</cite>, ed. Borgnet -(1890), vol. x, pp. 629 <em>et seq.</em> And he finally came to the conclusion -that “concerning books of necromancy the better judgment—prejudice -aside—seems to be that they ought rather to be preserved than destroyed. -For the time is perchance near at hand in which, for reasons -which I now suppress, it will be advantageous to consult them occasionally. -Nevertheless, let their inspectors abstain from abuse of them.” -Ch. 17.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Similarly Roger Bacon, in his <cite>De Secretis</cite>, ch. 3, after mentioning -books of magic to be eschewed, remarked that many books classed as -magic were not such but contained worthy wisdom.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f49'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. <cite>Magiae Naturalis Libri XX.</cite> Lyons, 1651.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f50'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. <cite>De Augmentis</cite>, bk. iii, ch. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f51'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. This view is set forth at length in J. G. Frazer’s <cite>The Golden Bough</cite> -(3 vols., London, 1900). The book also furnishes many illustrations -of the magic of primitive man. Mr. Frazer holds that “religion” supplanted -magic and is in turn itself being supplanted by science. His -definition of religion would probably not be generally accepted.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f52'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. Alfred Maury, in the introduction to his <cite>La Magie et l’astrologie -dans l’antiquité et au moyen âge</cite>, (Paris, 1860), expresses a practically -identical view and has the conception of magic gradually fading away -before the advance of science. (See also the article on “Magic” in the -<cite>Encyclopædia Brittanica</cite>, 9th edition.)</p> - -<p class='c010'>Maury’s work is not, however, as satisfactory as one is led to think -from reading its introduction. Although he has defined magic almost -in so many words as the attitude of primitive man towards the universe, -he himself interprets magic much more narrowly when he comes to -write his book proper, as indeed its title, <cite>Magic and Astrology</cite>, suggests. -In short the thought that science and magic may at one time have -mingled does not seem to impress him, and his work is of little aid to -one considering our present subject. For instance, he cites Pliny only -as an opponent of magic. Maury’s work, moreover, comprising in its -historical portion but a little over two hundred pages—and these nearly -half filled by foot-notes—can hardly be regarded as more than a brief -narrative sketch of the subject.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Considerable erudition is displayed in Maury’s references, especially -those to Greek and Roman writers, and from page 208 to 211 Maury -gives a good bibliography of some of the chief secondary works dealing -with magic. More was written upon the subject shortly before his time -than has been since.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f53'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. “Praeterea iter est, non trita auctoribus via, nec qua peregrinari -animus expetat. Nemo apud nos qui idem temptaverit, nemo apud -Graecos qui unus omnia ea tractaverit.” From his dedication to the -Emperor Vespasian. C. Plinii Secundi, <cite>Naturalis Historiae Libri xxxvii</cite>. -Ludovicus Janus, Lipsiae, 1870. 5 vols. in 3. I shall refer to passages -by the division into chapters found in the editions of Hardouin, Valpy, -Lemaire and Ajasson. Three modes of division are indicated in the -edition of Janus. There is an English translation of the <cite>Natural History</cite>, -with an introductory essay, by J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, London, -1855, 6 vols. (Bohn Library).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f54'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. “Viginti milia rerum dignarum cura ... ex lectione voluminum -circiter duum milium, quorum pauca admodum studiosi attingunt -propter secretum materiæ, ex exquisitis auctoribus centum inclusimus -xxxvi voluminibus, adiectis rebus plurimis quas aut ignoraverant priores -aut postea invenerat vita.” Also from the dedication. Pliny uses more -than one hundred writers, however.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f55'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. “Homines enim sumus et occupati officiis, subcisivisque temporibus -ista curamus, id est nocturnis, ne quis vestris putet cessatum horis.” -From the dedication.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f56'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. Pliny the Younger to Macer in his <cite>Letters</cite>, bk. iii, ep. 5, ed. Keil, -Leipzig, 1896.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f57'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. Geo. H. Lewes, <cite>Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science</cite>, -London, 1864. Lewes also holds that while Aristotle often dwelt upon -the value of experiment and the necessity of having a mass of facts -before making general assertions, he in practice frequently jumped at -conclusions.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f58'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite>, bk. xxvi, ch. 9. “<span lang="la">Mirum esset profecto hucusque profectam -credulitatem antiquorum saluberrimis ortam initiis, si in ulla -re modum humana ingenia novissent atque non hanc ipsam medicinam ab -Asclepiade repertam probaturi suo loco assemus evectam ultra Magos -etiam. Haec est omni in re animorum condicio, ut a necessariis orsa -primo cuncta pervenerint ad nimium.” <em>Cf.</em> also bk. xxviii, ch. 1. -“Quamquam et ipsi consensu prope iudicata eligere laboravimus potiusque -curae rerum quam copiae institimus.” In Pliny’s dedication, however, -occurs a sentence which gives one the impression that he felt -rather in duty bound to accept tradition. “Res ardua, vetustis novitatem -dare, novis auctoritatem, obseletis nitorem, obscuris lucem, fastiditis -gratiam, <em>dubiis fidem</em>, omnibus vero naturam et naturae suae -omnia.</span>”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f59'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. Quoted without reference by E. Eggleston, “<cite>The Transit of Civilization from England to America in the Seventeenth Century</cite>” (N. Y., -1901), p. 16. This interesting and valuable book contains much material -illustrative of the science and superstitions of the times.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f60'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. <cite>Etymologies</cite>, bk. xvi, Migne, vol. lxxxii.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f61'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. <cite>Alcuini Epistolae</cite>, 103, vol. vi, pp. 431–432, of <cite>Bibliotheca Rerum -Germanicarum</cite>, ed. Philip Jaffé, Berlin, 1873. “Vel quid acutius quam -quod naturalium rerum divitissimus [or devotissimus] inventor, Plinius -Secundus, de caelestium siderum ratione exposuit, investigari valet?” In -Migne’s <cite>Patrologia Latina</cite>, vol. c, col. 278, the letter is given as number -85. For other references to Pliny by earlier writers, see <cite>Bibliothèque -Latine-Française</cite>, C. L. F. Panckoucke, vol. cvi which forms the opening -volume of Pliny’s work in that set.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f62'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite>, bk. xxx, ch. 1. “Auctoritatem ei maxumam fuisse nemo -miretur, quandoquidem sola artium tris alias imperiosissimas humanae -mentis conplexa in unam se redigit.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f63'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. <em>Ibid.</em> He uses the words “mathematicas artes” instead of “astrologiam” -but the words following make his meaning evident: “nullo -non avido futura de sese sciendi atque ea e caelo verissime pati credente.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f64'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. <em>Ibid.</em> “Natam primum e medicina nemo dubitat ac specie salutari -inrepisse velut altiorem sanctioremque medicinam.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f65'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. Bk. xxx, ch. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f66'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. Bk. xxvi, ch. 9.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f67'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. Bk. xxx, ch. 2. “Eudoxus qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam -utilissimamque eam intellegi voluit.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f68'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. Bk. xxviii, ch. 23.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f69'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. Bk. xxvi, ch. 9.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f70'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. Bk. xxxvii, ch. 40. The word in this passage which I render as -“potion” is in the Latin “veneficium”—a word difficult to translate -owing to its double meaning. “Venenum” signifies a drug or potion -of any sort, and then in a bad sense a drug used to poison or a potion -used to bewitch. In a passage soon to be cited Pliny contrasts “veneficæ -artes” to “magicæ artes” but I doubt if he always preserved such -a distinction. A similar confusion exists in regard to the Greek word -φάρμακον, as Plato sets forth clearly in his <cite>Laws</cite>. There are, he says, -two kinds of poisons employed by men which cannot be clearly distinguished. -One variety injures bodies “according to a natural law.” -“There is also another kind which persuades the more daring class -that they can do injury by sorceries and incantations....” <cite>Laws</cite>, -bk. xi, p. 933 (Steph.). Jowett’s translation.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f71'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. Bk. xxxvii, ch. 60. “Magorum inpudentiæ vel manifestissimum in -hac quoque exemplum est....”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f72'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. Bk. xxx, ch. 5, 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f73'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. Bk. xxviii, ch. 2. Pliny’s own medicine is not prudish, and elsewhere -he gives instances of devotees of magic guarding against defilement. -(Bk. xxx, ch. 6 and xxviii, ch. 19).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f74'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. Bk. xxviii, ch. 23. “Quanta vanitate,” adds Pliny, “si falsum est, -quanta vero noxia, si transferunt morbos!”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f75'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. Bk. xxx, ch. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f76'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. Bk. xxx, ch. 6. “Proinde ita persuasum sit, intestabilem, inritam, -inanem esse, habentem tamen quasdam veritatis umbras, sed in his -veneficas artis pollere non magicas.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f77'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. Concerning the stag, see bk. viii, ch. 50. On the use of frogs and -fishes to cure fevers, bk. xxxii, ch. 38.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f78'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. Bk. xxvi, ch. 59.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f79'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. Bk. xxi, ch. 105.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f80'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. Bk. xviii, ch. 8.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f81'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. Bk. xxiv, ch. 102.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f82'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. Bk. xxiv, chs. 106, 107, 109, 110, 111. Evidently these last remedies -derive their force not merely from magic powers inherent in vegetation. -The effect of ceremony and of circumstance becomes a factor.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f83'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. Bk. xxxvii, ch. 36.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f84'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. Bk. xxxvii, ch. 58.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f85'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 106.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f86'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. Bk. vii, ch. 2. “... Qui visu quoque effascinent interimantque quos -diutius intueantur, iratis praecipue oculis, quod eorum malum facilius -sentire puberes. Notabilius esse quod pupillas binas in singulis habeant -oculis.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f87'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. Bk. xxviii, ch. 6. The eggs, however, it should be said, are represented -as being beneath a setting hen.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f88'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. Bk. xxviii, ch. 3. “Ex homine remediorum primum maxumae quaestionis -et semper incertae est, polleatne aliquid verba et incantamenta -carminum. Quod si verum est, homini acceptum fieri oportere conveniat, -sed viritim sapientissimi cuiusque respuit fides. In universum vero -omnibus horis credit vita.... Vestalis nostras hodie credimus nondum -egressa urbe mancipia fugitiva retinere in loco precationibus, cum, si -semel recipiatur ea ratio et deos preces aliquas exaudire aut illis -moveri verbis, confitendum sit de tota coniectione. Prisci quidem nostri -perpetuo talia credidere, difficilimumque ex his etiam fulmina elici, ut -suo loco docuimus.”</p> - -<p class='c010'>Pliny seems inclined to narrow down the problem of the power of -words to the question whether the gods answer prayer or not, a question -which takes us out of the field of magic unless he regarded prayer -as a means of coercing the gods.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f89'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. Bk. xxi, ch. 19.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f90'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. Bk. xxvi, ch. 60. “<span lang="la">Experti adfirmavere plurumum referre, si virgo -inponat nuda ieiuna ieiuno et manu supina tangens dicat; ‘Negat -Apollo pestem posse crescere cui nuda virgo restinguat,’ atque ita -retrorsa manu ter dicat totiensque despuant ambo.</span>”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f91'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. Bk. xxviii, ch. 7. “<span lang="la">Mirum dicimus, sed experimento facile: si quem -paeniteat ictus eminus comminusve inlati et statim exspuat in mediam -manum qua percussit, levatur ilico in percusso culpa. Hoc saepe delumbata -quadripede adprobatur statim a tali remedio correcto animalis -ingressu.</span>”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f92'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. Bk. xxxii, ch. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f93'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. Bk. xxxvii, ch. 59.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f94'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. Bk. xxviii, ch. 23.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f95'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 9. Indeed, in bk. ii, ch. 30, he gives examples of ominous -eclipses of the sun, although it is true that they were also of unusual -length.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f96'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. Bk. vii, ch. 37. “Astrologia Berosus cui ob divinas praedictiones -Athenienses publice in gymnasio statuam inaurata lingua statuere.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f97'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 1. “Mundum ... numen esse credi par est. Sacer est, -aeternus, inmensus, totus in toto, immo vero ipse totum.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f98'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 4. “Hunc esse mundi totius animum ac planius mentem, -hunc principale naturae regimen ac numen credere decet opera eius aestimantes.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f99'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 16.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f100'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f101'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 13.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f102'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. Bk ii, ch. 6. See also bk. ii, ch. 39. “Ut solis ergo natura temperando -intellegitur anno sic reliquorum quoque siderum propria est -quibusque vis et ad suam cuique naturam fertilis.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f103'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 39. For the general physical interaction of earth and -stars as conceived by Pliny see bk. ii, ch. 38. “Terrena in caelum tendentia -deprimit siderum vis, eademque quae sponte non subeant ad se -trahit. Decidunt imbres, nebulae subeunt, siccantur amnes, ruunt grandines, -torrent radii et terram in medio mundi undique inpellunt, iidem -infracti resiliunt et quae potuere auferunt secum. Vapor ex alto cadit -rursumque in altum redit. Venti ingruunt inanes iidemque cum rapina -remeant. Tot animalium haustus spiritum e sublimi trahit, at ille contra -nititur, tellusque ut inani caelo spiritum fundit.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f104'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 41.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f105'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 104.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f106'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 6. “Huius natura cuncta generantur in terris, namque -in alterutro exortu genitali rore conspergens non terrae modo conceptuus -inplet verum animantium quoque omnium stimulat.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f107'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f108'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 18. “A sidere caelestis ignis exspuitur praescita secum -adferens.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f109'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 23. The part dealing with the shape and position of the -comet reads: “Tibiarum specie musicae arti portendere, obscenis autem -moribus in verendis partibus signorum, ingeniis et eruditioni, si triquetram figuram quadratamve paribus angulis ad aliquos perennium -stellarum situus edant, venena fundere in capite septentrionalis austrinaeve -serpentis.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f110'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 86. “Numquam urbs Roma tremuit, ut non futuri eventus -alicuius id praenuntium esset.” See also bk. ii, ch. 85.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f111'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 54.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f112'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. Bk. xxv, ch. 6. “Turpissima causa raritatis quod etiam qui sciunt -demonstrare nolunt, tamquam ipsis periturum sit quod tradiderint aliis.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f113'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. Vol. i, p. 382. Dr. White’s book, which imputes well-nigh every -fantastic feature of mediæval science to Christian institutions and theology, -is written with too little use of primary sources, and considerable -ignorance of the character of ancient science.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Aside from unfairness in the general tone and mode of presentation,—Cosmas -Indicopleustes, for instance, is set forth as a typical representative -of mediæval science of the clerical type, while Albertus Magnus -is not permitted to stand as a representative of “theological” science -at all but is pictured as one inclined to true science who was frightened -into the paths of theology by an ecclesiastical tyranny bitterly hostile -to scientific endeavor—the author makes some inexcusable mistakes -in details. For instance, after speaking of “theological” methods, he -proceeds (vol. i, p. 33): “Hence such contributions as that the basilisk -kills serpents by his breath and men by his glance,” apparently in serene -ignorance of the fact that this statement about the basilisk was a commonplace -of ancient science. Again (vol. i, p. 386) he tells us that in -1163 the Council of Tours and Alexander III “forbade the study of -physics to ecclesiastics, which of course in that age meant the prohibition -of all such scientific studies to the only persons likely to make -them.” On turning to the passage cited we find the prohibition to be -that persons who have vowed to lead a monastic life shall not absent -themselves from their monasteries for the purpose of studying “physica” -(which the context indicates means medicine, not physics), or reading -law. The canon does not apply to all ecclesiastics, and it is as absurd -to infer from it that “all such scientific studies were prohibited to -the only persons likely to make them” as to conclude that henceforth -no one could study civil law. To argue from a single piece of legislation -is hazardous in any case. (For the canon, see Hardouin, vol. vi, pt. -ii, p. 1598. Canon viii.)</p> - -<p class='c010'>On the whole the book strikes one as an unscientific eulogy of science -and a bigoted attack on bigotry. The inconsistency of the author’s -professions and practice, to say nothing of the somewhat perplexing -arrangement of his material, reminds one of Pliny’s <cite>Natural History</cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f114'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite>, bk. xxx, ch. 2. “Certe Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus, -Plato ad hanc discendam navigavere exsiliis verius quam peregrinationibus -susceptis. Hanc reversi praedicavere, hanc in arcanis habuere.” -Philostratus, as we shall see, mentioned the same men as associating -with the magi, although he denied that they embraced the -magic art. (See <em>infra</em>, p. 67.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f115'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. Bk. xxx, ch. 2. “Plenumque miraculi et hoc, pariter utrasque artis -effloruisse, medicinam dico et magicenque, eadem aetate illam Hippocrate, -hanc Democrito inlustrantibus.” Pliny may have got a false idea of the -teachings of Democritus by accepting as genuine works which were -not. He tells us (bk. xxx, ch. 2) that some persons have vainly tried -to save Democritus’ reputation by denying that certain works are his. -“Democritus Apellobechen Coptiten et Dardanum et Phoenicem inlustravit -voluminibus Dardani in sepulchrum eius petitis, suis vero ex disciplina -eorum editis, quae recepta ab ullis hominum atque transisse per -memoriam aeque ac nihil in vita mirandum est. In tantum fides istis -fasque omne deest, adeo ut qui cetera in viro probant, haec opera eius -esse inficientur. Sed frustra. Hunc enim maxume adfixisse animis eam -dulcedinem constat.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f116'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. Bk. xxiv, ch. 9. “In promisso herbarum mirabilium occurrit aliqua -dicere et de Magicis. Quae enim mirabiliores? Primi eas in nostro -orbe celebravere Pythagoras atque Democritus, consectati Magos.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f117'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. <cite>De Divinatione</cite>, bk. i, ch. 39, and bk. ii, ch. 42.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f118'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. <cite>Timaeus</cite>, p. 47 (Steph.). The passage may be found in English -translation in vol. iii, p. 466, of B. Jowett’s <cite>Plato’s Dialogues</cite> (3d edit.), -London, 1892.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f119'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. <cite>Timaeus</cite>, pp. 53–56 (Steph.); Jowett, vol. iii, pp. 473–476.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f120'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. <cite>Laws</cite>, bk. xi, p. 933 (Steph.).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f121'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. <cite>Timaeus</cite>, p. 70 (Steph.). The translation is that of Jowett, vol. iii, -p. 492.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f122'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 71 (Steph.).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f123'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. <cite>Symposium</cite>, p. 188 (Steph.). Translated by Jowett, vol. i, p. 558.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f124'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. <cite>Timaeus</cite>, p. 40 (Steph.). Jowett, vol. iii, p. 459.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f125'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, pp. 41, 42 (Steph.).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f126'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. W. Windelband, <cite>History of Philosophy</cite>, p. 147. English translation -by J. H. Tufts. Macmillans, 1898.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f127'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. Windelband, <cite>Hist. of Ancient Philos.</cite>, p. 272. Eng. transl. by H. E. -Cushman. Scribners, 1899.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f128'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. <cite>Aristotelis De Animalibus Historiae Libri X</cite> (Graece et Latine. -Io. Gottlob Schneider. Lipsiae, 1811). Vol. i contains the Greek -text. In the following foot-notes I shall refer to the book, chapter -and section by Roman and arabic numerals, but in the text the book -and chapters are denoted by letters of the Greek alphabet. There is an -English translation of the work by Richard Creswell, London, 1862. -(Bohn Library.)</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f129'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. Bk. v, ch. xx, sec. 2; bk. vi, ch. xi, sec. 2; bk. vi, ch. xiv, sec. 1; -bk. vii, ch. xi; bk. viii, ch. xvii, sec. 4; bk. viii, ch. xx, sec. 12.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f130'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. Bk. v, ch. xix, sec. 4. Γίγνεται δὲ κηρίον μὲν ἐξ ἀνθῶν. κήρωσιν δὲ -φέρσοσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ δακρύου τῶν δένδρων, μέλι δὲ τὸ πίπτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος καὶ μάλιστα -ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἄστρων ἐπιτολαῖς, καὶ ὅταν κατασκήφῃ ἡ ἶρις. Ὅλως δ’ οὐ γίγνεται μέλι -πρὸ πλειάδος ἐπιτολῆς. τὸν μὲν οὖν κηρὸν ποιεῖ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἐκ τῶν ἀνθέων, τὸ δὲ -μέλι ὅτι οὐ ποιεῖ, ἀλλὰ φέρει τὸ πίπτον, σημεῖον. ἐν μιᾷ γὰρ ἢ ἐν δυσὶν ἡμέραις -πλήρη εὑρίσκουσι τὰ σμήνη οἱ μελιττουργοὶ μέλιτος. Ἔτι δὲ τοῦ μετοπώρου ἄνθη -γίγνεται μὲν, μέλι δ’ οὒ, ὅταν ἀφαιρεθῇ.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f131'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. Bk. v, ch. xvii, sec. 13.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f132'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. Bk. viii, ch. xxviii, sec. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f133'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. Bk. iii, ch. ix, sec. 7 and bk. vi, ch. ii, sec. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f134'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. Bk. v, ch. iv, sec. 7 and bk. vi, ch. ii, sec. 9. See also bk. vi, ch. -xvii, sec. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f135'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. Bk. v, ch. xvii, sec. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f136'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. Bk. ix, ch. xxv, sec 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f137'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. Bk. v, ch. xxv, sec. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f138'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. Bk. viii, ch. ix, sec. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f139'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. <cite>De Re Rustica</cite>, chs. 26, 31, 37, 40, 50. Scriptores Rei Rusticae -Veteres Latini. Tomus Primus. Io. Matthias Gesnerus, Lipsiae, 1773. -The speed with which I progressed through the <cite>De Re Rustica</cite> was -accelerated by the fact that Mr. E. H. Oliver, Ph. D., then of the -School of Political Science, Columbia University, kindly lent me an -English translation which he had made of that work.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f140'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. <cite>De Re Rustica</cite>, ch. 71. See also <em>ibid.</em>, ch. 70.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f141'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. <cite>De Re Rustica</cite>, ch. 70.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f142'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. <cite>De Re Rustica</cite>, ch. 160. “S. F.” probably means “Sanitas Fracto.” -Two alternative charms are also suggested, namely, “Huat hanat huat -ista pista sista domiabo damnaustra” and “Huat huat huat ista sis tar -sis ardannabon dunnaustra.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f143'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. Dio Cassius, ch. lii, sec. 36. μαντικὴ μὲν γὰρ ἀναγκαία ἐστί, καὶ πάντως -τινὰς καὶ ἱερόπτας καὶ οἰωνιστὰς ἀπόδειζον, oἷς οἱ βουλόμενοι τι κοινώσασθαι σονέσονται. -τοὺς δὲ δὴ μαγευτὰς πάνυ οὐκ εἶναι προσήκει. πολλοὺς γὰρ πολλάκις οἱ τοιοῦτοι, τὰ -μέν τινα ἀληθῆ, τὰ δὲ δὴ πλείω ψευδῆ λέγοντες, νευχμοῦν ἐπαίρουσι.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Lecky translates the passage in his <cite>History of European Morals</cite> (1889), -vol. i, p. 399. The next sentence of the passage is also worth quoting: -τὸ δ’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ τῶν φιλοσοφεῖν προσποιουμένων οὐκ ὀλίγοι ποιοῦσι.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f144'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. <cite>Apologia</cite>, ch. xxv (Van der Vleet, <cite>Apologia et Florida</cite>. Lipsiae, -1900). “Leges cerimoniarum, fas sacrorum, ius religionum.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f145'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, ch. xxvi. “Auditisne, magiam, qui eam temere accusatis, artem -esse diis immortalibus acceptam, colendi eos ac venerandi pergnaram, -piam scilicet et divini scientem, iam inde a Zoroastro et Oromazo, auctoribus -suis nobilem, caelitum antistitam? Quippe qui inter prima regalia -docetur, nec ulli temere inter Persas concessum est magum esse, -haud magis quam regnare.” This definition reminds one of Agrippa -von Nettesheim’s praise of “that science divine beyond all human tracing.” -In a less degree—for with Apuleius magic is the cult of the -gods and not much concerned with material things—it recalls the high -place assigned to magic by Porta and Francis Bacon.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f146'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. Bk. i, ch. 2 of the life of Apollonius in the works of Philostratus -as edited by Gottfridus Olearius. Lipsiae, 1709. ὁμιλήσαντες μάγοις καὶ -πολλὰ δαιμόνια εἴποντες οὔπω ὑπήχθησαν τῇ τέχνῃ.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f147'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. Indeed “magic,” though condemned, was popular, and charlatans -calling themselves “magi” did a thriving business.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f148'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. Suetonius, Aug., ch. xc; <cite>Tiber.</cite>, ch. lxix. Cited by W. E. H. Lecky. -<cite>Hist. of European Morals</cite> (London, 1899), vol. i, p. 367. Lecky gives -a large amount of material on superstition in the Roman Empire.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f149'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite>, bk. xxviii, ch. 5.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f150'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. A. Bouché-Leclercq. “L’Astrologie dans le monde romain.” <cite>Revue -Hist.</cite>, vol. lxv, pp. 249 <em>et seq.</em> If we may believe the Roman historians, -Tiberius was a devotee of astrology; Caligula was warned of his death -by the stars; Nero, among other acts dictated by his trust in the art, -ordered a number of executions in order to avoid the evils threatened -by a comet; Galba, the three Flavians and Vespasian all had their astrologers; -Titus was himself an adept in the art; Domitian, when disposing -of persons whom the stars designated as dangerous, made the -fatal error of sparing Nerva because the constellations allowed him -but a brief additional term of life; <em>etc.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f151'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. <cite>Revue Hist.</cite>, vol. lxv, p. 252.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f152'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite>, bk. xxx, ch. 1, and Tacitus, <cite>Annals</cite>, bk. vi, ch. 22 (28 in -some editions).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f153'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. Carolus Gottlob Kuhn. <cite>Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia.</cite> (Lipsiae, -1821, 19 vols.), vol. xii, p. 362. <cite>De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis -ac facultatibus.</cite></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f154'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. <cite>De diebus decretoriis</cite>, <em>ibid.</em>, vol. ix, pp. 901 <em>et seq.</em> πάντων μὲν τῶν -ἄνωθεν ἄστρων ἀπολαύομεν τῆς δυνάμεως.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f155'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. “Quod optimus medicus sit quoque philosophus.” <em>Ibid.</em>, vol. i, p. 53.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f156'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. Vacherot, <cite>L’Ecole d’Alexandria</cite>, vol. ii, p. 115.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f157'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. Ricardus Volkmann, <cite>Plotini Enneades</cite>, Lipsiae (Teubner) 1883. -Ennead ii, ch. iii, sec. 7. ἀλλ’ εἰ σημαίνουσιν οὗτοι τὰ ἐσόμενα, ὥσπερ -φαμὲν πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα σημαντικὰ εἶναι τῶν ἐσομένων, τί ἂν τὸ ποιοῦν εἴη; καὶ ἡ τάξις -πῶς; οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐσημαίνετο τεταγμένως μὴ ἑκάστων γιγνομένων. ἔστω τοίνυν ὣσπερ -γράμματα ἐν οὐρανῷ γραφόμενα ἀεὶ ἢ γεγραμμένα καὶ κινούμενα, ποιοῦντα μέντοι -ἔργον καὶ ἄλλο. ἐπακολουθείτω δὲ τῷδε ἡ παρ’ αὐτῶν σημασία, ὡς ἀπὸ μιᾶς ἀρχῆς ἐν -ἑνὶ ζῴῳ παρ’ ἄλλου μέρους ἄλλο ἄν τις μάθοι. καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἦθος ἄν τις γνοίη εἰς -ὀφθαλμούς τινος ἰδὼν ἤ τι ἄλλο μέρος τοῦ σώματος καὶ κινδύνους καὶ σωτηρίας. καὶ -οὖν μέρη μὲν ἐκεῖνα, μέρη δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς. ἄλλα οὖν ἂλλοις. μεστὰ δὲ πάντα σημείων -καὶ σοφός τις ὁ μαθὼν ἐξ ἄλλου ἄλλο. πολλὰ δὲ ἤδη συνηθείᾳ γιγνόμενα γινώσκεται -πάσι. τίς οὖν ἡ οὐνταξις ἡ μία; οὕτω γὰρ καὶ τὸ κατὰ τοὺς ὄρνεις εὔλογον καὶ τὰ -ἄλλα ξῷα, ἀφ’ ὦν σημαινόμεθα ἕκαστα. συνηρτῆσθαι δὴ δει ἀλλήλοις τὰ πάντα, καὶ -μὴ μόνον ἐν ἑνὶ τῶν καθ’ ἕκαστα τοῦ εὖ εἰρομένου σύμπνοια μία, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον καὶ -πρότερον ἐν τῷ παντί. This entire third chapter of the <cite>Ennead</cite> deals with -the subject. περὶ τοῦ εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ ἄστρα.</p> - -<p class='c010'>See <cite>The Philosophy of Plotinus</cite>, Dunlap Printing Co., Phila., 1896, -page 40, for further references to passages in his works giving his -views anent astrology. He believed that the souls of the dead are -still able to benefit men and to inspire with powers of divination. -<cite>Ennead</cite>, iv, ch. vii, sec. 15.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f158'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. Page 66, note 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f159'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. <cite>Apologia</cite>, ch. iii. Even if the oration was a satire and not a speech -actually delivered, the inferences to be drawn from it would be practically -the same.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f160'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. Apuleius may have been guilty of attempting to practice magic. Certainly -he believed in its possibility. He affirmed the existence of subordinate -gods, or demons,—interpreters and ambassadors between mankind -and the superior gods, who live far away from us and have no direct -concern with our affairs. The demons, he believed, were susceptible -to human influence and capable of working marvels. He stated that -the art of divination was due to them. See his <cite>De Deo Socratis</cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f161'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. <cite>Apologia</cite>, ch. xxvii. Evidently hostility to magic did not commence -with Christianity. Not even, as Roger Bacon thought, did the practice -of confusing philosophy with magic originate among Christian writers. -Bridges, <cite>Opus Maius</cite>, vol. i, p. 29.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f162'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. See Philo’s treatise <cite>De Cherubim</cite>, cited in vol. ii, p. 243, of Rev. -James Drummond’s <cite>Philo Judaeus; or The Jewish-Alexandrian Philosophy -in its Development and Completion</cite> (2 vols., London, 1888). -Concerning Philo see also Edouard Herriot, <cite>Philon le Juif</cite> (Paris, 1898), -where a full bibliography of Philonian and Jewish-Alexandrian literature -may be found. A third important secondary book on Philo is by -Siegfried: <cite>Philo von Alexandria</cite> (Jena, 1875).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f163'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. Drummond, vol. i, p. 13.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f164'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. <cite>Stromata</cite>, bk. v, ch. 9. Nor was such mysticism advocated by theological -writers alone. Roger Bacon—but one instance from many—declared -that one lessened the majesty of knowledge who divulged its -mysteries, and even went to the length of enumerating seven methods -by which the arcana of philosophy and science might be concealed from -the crowd (<i><span lang="la">a vulgo</span></i>), <cite>De Secretis Artis et Naturae et de Nullitate -Magiae</cite>. Rolls Series, vol. xv, pp. 543–544.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f165'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. <cite>De Civitate Dei</cite>, bk. xi, ch. 30.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f166'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. “Aliquando <cite>De Motu Terrarum</cite> volumen iuvenis ediderim.” L. -Annaei Senecae <cite>Naturalium Quaestionum Libri Septem</cite>, bk. vi, ch. 4. -The edition by G. D. Koeler, Gottingen, 1819 has convenient summaries -indicating contents at the head of each book, and devotes several hundred -pages to a “Disquisitio” and “Animadversiones” upon Seneca’s -work. In Pancoucke’s <cite>Library</cite>, vol. cxxxxvii, a French translation accompanies -the text.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f167'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. “Veniet tempus, quo posteri nostri tam aperta nos nescisse mirentur. -Harum quinque stellarum ... modo coepimus scire.” Bk. vii, ch. 25.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f168'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. Bk. vii, ch. 31. “Non semel quaedam sacra traduntur. Eleusin -servat quod ostendit revisentibus. Rerum natura sacra sua non simul -tradit. Initiatos nos credimus; in vestibule eius haeremus. Illa arcana -non promiscue nec omnibus patent; reducta et in interiore sacrario -clausa sunt.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f169'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. Bk. iv, ch. 7. “Et apud nos in duodecim tabulis cavetur ne quis -alienos fructus excantassit. Rudis adhuc antiquitas credebat et attrahi -imbres cantibus, et repelli; quorum nihil posse fieri, tam palam est, ut -huius rei causa nullius philosophi schola intranda sit.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f170'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. Bk. v, ch. 6 for animals being generated in flames.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Bk. ii, ch. 31 for snakes struck by lightning.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Bk. iii, ch. 25 for the Nile. Bk. iii <em>passim</em>, for marvelous fountains, <em>etc.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f171'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. Bk. iii, ch. 25.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f172'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. Bk. iii, ch. 26.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f173'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 32. “Quidquid fit, alicuius rei futurae signum est.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f174'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 46.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f175'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. Bk. i, ch. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f176'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. Bk. vii, ch. 30. “Egregie Aristoteles ait, numquam nos verecundiores -esse debere, quam quum de diis agitur. Si intramus templa compositi, -si ad sacrificium accesuri vultum submittimus, togam adducimus, -si in omne argumentum modestiae fingimur; quanto hoc magis facere debemus, -quum de sideribus, de stellis, de deorum natura disputamus, ne -quid temere, ne quid impudenter, aut ignorantes affirmemus, aut -scientes mentiamur?”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f177'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 10.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f178'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. Bk. vii, ch. 28. “Chaldean” was often used to denote an astrologer -without reference to the person’s nationality.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f179'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 32. “Quinque stellarum potestatem Chaldaeorum observatio -excepit. Quid tu? tot millia siderum judicas otiosa lucere? Quid -est porro aliud, quod errorem incutiat peritis natalium, quam quod paucis -nos sideribus assignant: quum omnia quae supra nos sunt, partem sibi -nostri vindicent? Submissiora forsitan in nos propius vim suam dirigunt; -et ea quae frequentius mota aliter nos, aliter cetera animalia -prospiciunt. Ceterum et illa quae aut immota sunt, aut propter velocitatem -universo mundo parem immotis similia, non extra ius dominiumque -nostri sunt. Aliud aspice et distributis rem officiis tractas. Non -magis autem facile est scire quid possint, quam dubitari debet, an -possint.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f180'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. Bk. iii, ch. 29.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f181'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 32. Seneca has been describing other manifestations of -the “divina et subtilis potentia” of thunderbolts; he proceeds, “Quid, -quod futura portendunt: nec unius tantum aut alterius rei signa dant, -sed saepe totum fatorum sequentium ordinem nuntiant, et quidem decretis -evidentibus, longeque clarioribus, quam si scriberentur?”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f182'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. His discussion of divination by thunderbolts is contained in -bk. ii, ch. 31–50.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f183'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. The edition of the <cite>Tetrabiblos</cite> which I used is that by Philip -Melanchthon, 1553. It gives the Greek text, a Latin translation and an -introduction of interest, in which Melanchthon affirms his own more -modest trust in astrology.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Two other treatises of considerable length setting forth the principles -of astrology and which have come down to us from the Roman -Empire, are a poem consisting of five books of about 900 lines each by -Manilius, probably of the Augustan age; and a prose treatise in eight -books, and apparently left unfinished, by Firmicus who was a Neo-Platonist -of about 350 <span class='fss'>A. D.</span> M. Manilii <cite>Astronomicon</cite>, London, 1828, -Delphin edition. Iulii Firmici Materni <cite>Matheseos Libri VIII</cite>, (ediderunt -W. Kroll et K. Skutsch, Lipsiae, 1897, 2 vols., Teubner edition). -The essay on astrology purporting to be by Lucian is probably spurious.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f184'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. “<span lang="fr">C’était la capitulation de la science.</span>” <cite>Rev. Hist.</cite>, vol. lxv, p. 257, -note 3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f185'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. Roger Bacon, <cite>Opus Minus</cite>, Rolls Series, vol. xv, p. 313, speaks of -“Hermes Mercurius, pater philosophorum.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f186'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. <cite>Stromata</cite>, bk. vi, ch. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f187'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. Ammianus Marcellinus, however, writing during the latter fourth -century, says of Egypt: “Hic primum homines longe ante alios ad varia -religionum incunabula, ut dicitur, pervenerunt et initia prima sacrorum -caute tuentur condita scriptis arcanis.” Bk. xxii, ch. xvi, sec. 20. -Again, in bk. xxii, ch. xiv, sec. 7, Ammianus speaks of the Egyptian -mystical books as still extant.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f188'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. F. J. Champagny, <cite>Les Antonins</cite>, vol. iii, p. 81 (Paris, 1863).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f189'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. See article on “Hermes” in <cite>La Grande Encyclopédie</cite> by Berthelot -who has made an extended study of the history of alchemy; and who, -in his <cite>La Chimie au Moyen Age</cite> holds that Greek alchemistic treatises -were continuously extant in Italy during the Dark Ages—a circumstance -which diminishes the importance of Arabian influence on -the study of the hermetic art in the later Middle Ages.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f190'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. See Anthon’s <cite>Classical Dictionary</cite>, 1855 (no adequate account of -Hermes Trismegistus exists in any of the more recent classical dictionaries).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f191'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. The <cite>Poemander</cite> (or <cite>Pymander</cite>) has been reproduced in the Bath -<cite>Occult Reprint Series</cite> (London, 1884) from the translation “from -the Arabic by Dr. Everard, 1650.” It has an introduction by Hargrave -Jennings, “author of the Rosicrucians,” giving some account of Hermes -Trismegistus. Vol. ii in the same Bath <cite>Occult Reprint Series</cite>—which -seems to have been instituted on behalf of “students of the occult -sciences, searchers after truth and Theosophists”—is Hermes’ <cite>Virgin -of the World</cite>. Besides Berthelot’s article, an account of Hermes may -be found in pages 181–190 of <cite>The Literary Remains of the late Emanuel -Deutsch</cite> (London, 1879). There is a French translation of the -<cite>Poemander</cite> by Menard with an introductory essay which, however, -Deutsch characterized as “deplorably shallow.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f192'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. J. B. Bury, <cite>Later Roman Empire</cite> (N. Y., 1899), vol. i, p. 208.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f193'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. <cite>De Divinatione</cite>, bk. i, ch. 58. “Haec habui, inquit, de divinatione -quae dicerem. Nunc illa testabor non me sortilegos neque eos qui quaestus -causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem quibus Appius amicus -tuus uti solebat, agnoscere.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f194'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. For the arguments of Favorinus, see Aulus Gellius, <cite>Noctes Atticae</cite>, -bk. xiv; ch. 1. (Delphin & Variorum Classics [1824] ex editione Jacobi -Gronovii.) Fragments of Favorinus’s writings are also to be found in -Stobæus.</p> - -<p class='c010'>The edition of the <cite>Opera</cite> of Sextus Empiricus which I used was -that by Johannes Albertus Fabricus, (Lipsiae, 1718), giving the Greek -text and a Latin translation.</p> - -<p class='c010'>For Cicero’s arguments, see <cite>De Divinatione</cite>, bk. ii, chs. 42–47.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f195'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. “<span lang="la">Adversum istos qui sese chaldæos seu genethliacos appellant, ac -de motu deque positu stellarum dicere posse, quae futura sunt, profitentur, -audivimus quondam Favorinum philosophum Romae Graece -disserentem egregia atque illustri oratione; exercendine autem, anne -ostentandi gratia ingenii, an quod ita serio judicatoque existimaret, non -habeo dicere.</span>” <cite>Noctes Atticae</cite>, bk. xiv, ch. 1, sect. 1. A foot-note in the -Delphin edition expresses preference in place of the words “exercendine -autem, anne ostentendi” for the shorter reading “exercendi -autem, non ostentandi”—which reading is adopted by Hertz in his -edition of the year, 1885.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f196'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. “Disciplinam istam Chaldaeorum tantae vetustatis non esse, quantae -videri volunt; neque eos principes eius auctoresque esse, quos ipsi ferant: -sed id praestigiarum atque offuciarum genus commentos esse -homines aeruscatores, et cibum quaestumque ex mendaciis captantes.” -<cite>Noctes Atticae</cite>, bk. xiv, ch. 1, sect. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f197'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. For instance, the charge that astrologers disregard the differing -aspects of the heavens in different regions does not hold true in the -case of Ptolemy. Also the objection to the doctrine of nativities, that -men born at different times often suffer a common fate in battle or -some such general disaster, is a weak argument at best, for the -fact that you and I are born under different stars does not necessitate -that our careers have absolutely nothing in common, and it was nullified -by Ptolemy’s explanation that great general events like earthquakes, -wars, floods and plagues overrule any contradictory destiny -which the constellations may seem to portend for the individual. See -Bouché-Leclercq, <cite>Rev. Hist.</cite>, vol. lxv, p. 268.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f198'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. Similarly Favorinus declared that, if the different fate of twins -was to be explained by the fact that after all they are not born at -precisely the same moment, then to determine one’s destiny the time -of his birth and the position of the stars at the same instant must be -measured with an exactness practically impossible. “Atque id velim -etiam, inquit, ut respondeant: si tam parvum atque rapidum est momentum -temporis, in quo homo nascens fatum accipit, ut in eodem illo -puncto, sub eodem circulo coeli, plures simul ad eamdem competentiam -nasci non queant; et si idcirco gemini quoque non eadem vitae sorte -sunt, quoniam non eodem temporis puncto editi sunt; peto, inquit, respondeant, -cursum illum temporis transvolantis, qui vix cogitatione animi -comprehendi potest, quonam pacto aut consulto assequi queant, aut ipsi -perspicere et deprehendere; quum in tam praecipiti dierum noctiumque -vertigine minima momenta ingentes facere dicant mutationes.” <cite>Noctes -Atticae</cite>, bk. xiv, ch. 1, sect. 10.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f199'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. Favorinus declares that the astrologers may congratulate themselves -that he does not propose such a question to them as that -of astral influence on minute animals; Cicero says that if all animals -are to be subjected to the stars, then inanimate things must be too, -than which nothing could be more absurd.</p> - -<p class='c010'>“Illud autem condonare se iis dicebat, quod non id quoque requireret, -si vitae mortisque hominum rerumque humanarum omnium tempus et -ratio et causa in coelo et apud stellas foret, quid de muscis aut vermiculis -aut echinis, multisque aliis minutissimis terra marique animantibus, -dicerent? An ista quoque isdem, quibus homines, legibus nascerentur, -isdemque itidem exstinguerentur.” Aulus Gellius, <cite>Noctes Atticae</cite>, bk. -xiv, ch. 1, sect. 12.</p> - -<p class='c010'>“Et si ad rem pertinet, quo modo coelo affecto compositisque sideribus -quodque animal oriatur; valeat id necesse est etiam in rebus -inanimis. Quo quid dici potest absurdius?” <cite>De Divin.</cite>, bk. ii, ch. 47.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Favorinus, however, does hint in one place that the sole evidence -that we possess of any influence of the stars upon us is a few such -causal connections as that between the phases of the moon and the -tides of the ocean.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f200'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. Ptolemy made a fair retort to this argument by holding that foreknowledge, -even if it could not enable us to avoid the coming event, at -least served the purpose of breaking the news gently and saving us the -more vivid shock which the actual event, if unexpected, would cause -by its raw reality.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f201'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. See T. Schiche, <cite>De Fontibus Librorum Ciceronis qui sunt de -Divinatione</cite>, (Jena, 1875) and K. Hartfelder, <cite>Die Quellen von Ciceros -zwei Büchern de Divinatione</cite> (Freiburg, 1878).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f202'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. Bk. i, ch. 39. “Neque ante philosophiam patefactam, quae nuper -inventa est, hac de re communis vita dubitavit; et postea, quam philosophia -processit, nemo aliter philosophus sensit, in quo modo esset auctoritas. -Dixi de Pythagora, de Democrite, de Socrate; excepi de antiques -praeter Xenophanem neminem; adiunxi veterem academiam, peripateticos, -stoicos. Unus dissentit Epicurus.” This trust in tradition, it -may be here observed, formed one of the chief grounds for mediæval -belief in magic as well.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f203'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 11. “Hoc ego philosophi non arbitror, testibus uti, qui -aut casu veri aut malitia falsi fictique esse possunt. Argumentis et -rationibus oportet quare quidque ita sit docere, non eventis, iis praesertim -quibus mihi liceat non credere.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f204'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 33. “Errabat enim multis in rebus antiquitas.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f205'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 36.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f206'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. As Tully (bk. ii, ch. 5) puts it, “Quae enim praesentiri aut arte -aut ratione aut usu aut conjectura possunt, ea non divinis tribuenda -putas sed peritis.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f207'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. Bk. i, ch. 50.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f208'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. Bk. ii, chs. 3, 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f209'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. We saw Pliny use “mathematicae artes” as an equivalent of -divination or astrology.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f210'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 15.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f211'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 16. “Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis dum -castella defenditis. Nam dum aruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam -totam pervertitis. Caput est in jecore, cor in extis: iam abscedet, -simul ac molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua -conficiet, aut exedet. Non ergo omnium interitus atque obitus natura -conficiet; et erit aliquid quod aut ex nihilo oriatur, aut in nihilum subito -occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit unquam? Aruspices dicunt? His -igitur quam physicis potius credendum existimas?”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f212'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 28.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f213'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 12.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f214'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 19.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f215'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. Bk. ii, ch. 12. “Atqui divina cum rerum natura tanta tamque -praeclara in omnes partes motusque diffusa, quid habere potest commune, -non dicam gallinacum fel (sunt enim qui vel argutissima haec -exta esse dicant) sed tauri opimi jecur aut cor aut pulmo, quid habet -naturale, quo declarari possit quid futurum sit?”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f216'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. “Deinde est hominum generi prosperus et salutaris ille fulgor qui -dicitur Jovis. Tum rutilus horribilisque terris, quem Martium dicitis. -Deinde subter mediam fere regionem Sol obtinet, dux et princeps et -moderator luminum reliquorum, mens mundi et temperatio,” <em>etc.</em></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f217'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. “Nam cum aetas tua septenos octies solis anfractus reditusque -converterit, duoque hi numeri, quorum uterque plenus, alter altera de -causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint, <em>etc.</em>”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f218'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. These recipes are given in Frazer’s <cite>Golden Bough</cite>, vol. i, p. 23, from -the <cite>De Medicamentis</cite> of Marcellus, bk. xv, ch. 82 and bk. xxxiv, ch. 100.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f219'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. Ammianus Marcellinus. <cite>Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt.</cite> F. -Eyssenhardt recensuit. Berlin, 1871. Book xxviii, ch. iv, sec. 24. -“Multi apud eos negantes esse superas potestates in caelo, nec in publico -prodeunt nec prandent nec lavari arbitrantur se cautius posse, antequam -ephemeride scrupulose sciscitata didicerint, ubi sit verbi gratia signum -Mercurii, vel quotam cancri sideris partem polum discurrens optineat -luna.” Very likely, however, Ammianus—whom we shall see defending -divination in general—himself cherished a moderate trust in astrology -and was rather satirizing the infidelity of the nobles—their inconsistency -in so minutely ruling their lives by the planets when they -denied the existence of “<span lang="la">superas potestates <em>in caelo</em></span>.” There is an English -translation of Ammianus by C. D. Yonge (London, 1862; Bohn -Library).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f220'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. xxii, ch. xvi, sec. 18. “Pro omni tamen experimento -sufficiat medico ad commendandam artis auctoritatem, si Alexandriae -se dixerit eruditum.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f221'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. xxii, ch. xvi, sec. 17. “Et quamquam veteres cum his, -quorum memini floruere conplures, tamen ne nunc quidem in eadem -urbe doctrinae variae silent; nam et disciplinarum magistri quodam -modo spirant et nudatur ibi geometrico radio quidquid reconditum latet, -nondumque apud eos penitus exaruit musica nec harmonica conticuit, -et recalet apud quosdam adhuc licet raros consideratio mundani motus -et siderum, doctique sunt numeros haud pauci; super his scientiam callent -quae fatorum vias ostendit.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f222'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. Bk. xxii, ch. xii, sec. 8.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f223'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. Bk. xxi, ch. i, sec. 7. “Et quoniam erudito et studioso cognitionum -omnium principi malivoli praenoscendi futura pravas artes adsignant, -advertendum est breviter unde sapienti viro hoc quoque accidere poterit -doctrinae genus haud leve. Elementorum omnium spiritus, utpote -perennium corporum praesentendi motu semper et ubique vigens ex his -quae per disciplinas varias affectamus, participat nobiscum munera -divinandi; et substantiales potestates ritu diverso placatae, velut ex -perpetuis fontium venis vaticina mortalitati subpeditant verba.”</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f224'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. Bk. xxi, ch. i, sec. 13.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f225'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. Bk. xxi, ch. i, sec. 14. “Unde praeclare hoc quoque ut alia Tullius -‘signa ostenduntur’ ait ‘a dis rerum futurarum.’” “Dis” seem to be -practically identical in Ammianus’s mind with natural forces.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f226'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. Περὶ ἐνυπνίων. (<cite>On Dreams</cite>) ch. 2. <cite>Synesii Cyrenâei Quae Extant -Opera Omnia.</cite> Io. Georgius Krabinger. Landishuti, <span class='fss'>MDCCCL</span>. Tomus -I. All following references to and quotations from the works of -Synesius apply to this edition. There is a French translation with -several introductory essays by H. Druon, Paris, 1878. For an account -in English of Synesius and his writings see W. S. Crawford, <cite>Synesius -the Hellene</cite>, London, 1901. See also, H. O. Taylor, <cite>Classical Heritage -of the Middle Ages</cite>, pp. 78–82, New York, 1901. This interesting work -gives illustrations in various fields of the continuity of culture during -the transition from Roman times to the Middle Ages.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f227'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (<cite>On Dreams</cite>) ch. 3. Ἔδει γαρ, οἶμαι, τοῦπαντὸς τούτου -συμπαθοῦς τε ὄντος καὶ σύμπνου τὰ μέρη προσήκειν άλλήλοις, ἅτε ἑνὸς ὅλου τὰ μέλη -τυγχάνοντα. Καὶ μή ποτε αἱ μάγων ἵυγγες αὖται· καὶ γὰρ θέλγεται παρ άλλήλων, -ὢσπερ σημαίνεται· καὶ σοφὸς ὁ εἰδὼς τὴν τῶν μερῶν τοῦ κόσμου συγγένειαν. Ἔλκει -γὰρ ἄλλο δἰ ἄλλου, ἔχων ἐνέχυρα παρόντα τῶν πλεῖστον ἀπόντων, καὶ φωνὰς, καὶ -ὔλας καὶ σχήματα.... Evidently Synesius did not regard the magi as -mere imposters.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f228'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 3. Καὶ δὴ καὶ θεῷ τινὶ τῶν εἴσω τοῦ κόσμου λίθος ἐνθένδε -καὶ βοτάνη προσήκει, οἴς ὁμοιοπαθῶν εἴκει τῇ φύσει καὶ γοητεύεται. In his <cite>Praise -of Baldness</cite> (Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον), ch. 10, Synesius tells how the Egyptians -attract demons by magic influences.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f229'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. Περι ἐνυπνίων, ch. 1. Αὐται μὲν ἀποδείξεις ἔστων τοῦ μαντείαν ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις -εἶναι τῶν ἐπιτηδευομένων ἀνθρώποις.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f230'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, ch. 18.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f231'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον, ch. 10.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f232'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. Αἰγύπτιοι ἤ περὶ προνοίας, bk. ii, ch. 7.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f233'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. Πρὸς παιόνιον περί τοῦ δώρον, ch. 5.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f234'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. Δίων, ch. 7. Περι ἑνυπνίων, ch. 4. Ἐπιστολαί, 4 and 49.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f235'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. “Universa philosophiae integritas.” Commentary on <cite>Dream of -Scipio</cite>, bk. ii, ch. 17. For Macrobius on Virgil see T. R. Glover, <cite>Life -and Letters in the Fourth Century <span class='fss'>A. D.</span></cite> (Cambridge, Eng., 1901), p. 181, -and Macrobius, <cite>Saturnalia</cite>, bk. i, ch. xvi, sec. 12. Macrobius has been -edited in French and Latin by Nisard. Paris, 1883.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f236'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. <cite>Commentary</cite>, bk. i, chs. 5 and 6; ii, ch. 1 and 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f237'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. i, ch. 7.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f238'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. <em>Ibid.</em>, bk. i, ch. 19.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f239'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. <cite>Commentary</cite>, bk. i, ch. 14.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f240'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. Glover, <em>op cit.</em>, p. 178.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f241'> -<p class='c010'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. Glover, <em>op cit.</em>, p. 187, note 1.</p> -</div> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c002'> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>WORKS BY</div> - <div class='c002'><span class='xlarge'>THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY.</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c015'>JOHN W. BURGESS:—Political Science and Comparative Constitutional Law (2 -vols.), Boston and London, <span class='sc'>Ginn & Company</span>, 1890–1891. The Middle Period, 1817–1858; -The Civil War and the Constitution, 1859–1865 (2 vols.); Reconstruction and -the Constitution, 1866–1877;—American History Series, New York, <span class='sc'>Charles Scribner’s -Sons</span>, 1897, 1901, 1902.</p> - -<p class='c016'>RICHMOND MAYO-SMITH:—Emigration and Immigration, New York, <span class='sc'>Charles Scribner’s -Sons</span>, 1890. 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The Shifting and the Incidence of Taxation, Second -Edition, Columbia University Press (<span class='sc'>Macmillan</span>), 1899. Progressive Taxation in -Theory and Practice, New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1894. Essays in Taxation, -New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1895; Fourth Edition, 1904. The Economic -Interpretation of History, Columbia University Press, (<span class='sc'>Macmillan</span>), 1902.</p> - -<p class='c016'>HERBERT L. OSGOOD:—Archives and Public Records of New York, published by -<span class='sc'>The American Historical Association</span>, Washington, 1901. The American Colonies -in the Seventeenth Century., (2 vols.) New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Co.</span>, 1904.</p> - -<p class='c016'>WILLIAM A. DUNNING:—Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, New York, -<span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1898. A History of Political Theories, Ancient and -Mediæval, New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1902.</p> - -<p class='c016'>JOHN BASSETT MOORE:—Extraterritorial Crime, Washington, published by the -Government, 1887. Extradition and Interstate Rendition (2 vols.), Boston, <span class='sc'>The Boston -Book Company</span>, 1891. American Notes on Conflict of Laws (accompanying -Dicey’s “Conduct of Laws”), Boston, <span class='sc'>The Boston Book Company</span>, 1895. History and -Digest of International Arbitrations (6 vols.), Washington, published by the Government, -1898.</p> - -<p class='c016'>FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS:—The Modern Distributive Process (in collaboration with -J. B. Clark), Boston, <span class='sc'>Ginn & Company</span>, 1888. The Theory of Sociology, Philadelphia, -<span class='sc'>American Academy of Political and Social Science</span>, 1894. The Principles of -Sociology, New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1896; Seventh Edition, 1902. The -Theory of Socialization, New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1897. Elements of -Sociology, New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1898. Democracy and Empire, -New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1900; Second Edition, 1901. Inductive Sociology, -New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1901.</p> - -<p class='c016'>JOHN B. CLARK:—The Philosophy of Wealth, Boston, <span class='sc'>Ginn & Company</span>, 1886, -Second Edition, 1887. The Modern Distributive Process (in collaboration with F. H. -Giddings), Boston, <span class='sc'>Ginn & Company</span>, 1888. The Distribution of Wealth, New York: -<span class='sc'>The Macmillan Company</span>, 1899. The Control of Trusts, New York, <span class='sc'>The Macmillan -Company</span>, 1901. The Problem of Monopoly, Columbia University Press (<span class='sc'>Macmillan</span>), -1904.</p> - -<p class='c016'>JAMES HARVEY ROBINSON:—Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar and Man of -Letters (in collaboration with H. W. Rolfe), New York, <span class='sc'>G. P. Putnam’s Sons</span>, 1898. -The History of Western Europe., Boston, <span class='sc'>Ginn & Company</span>, 1902.</p> - -<p class='c016'>WILLIAM M. SLOANE:—The French War and the Revolution, American History -Series, New York, <span class='sc'>Charles Scribner’s Sons</span>, 1893. The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte -(3 vols.), New York, <span class='sc'>The Century Company</span>, 1896. 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They number nineteen complete volumes to -the close of 1901, and include many of the most important monographs on economics -that have appeared in America. A complete list will be sent on application -to the addresses below.</p> - -<p class='c010'>Recent numbers are as follows:</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>THIRD SERIES.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>VOLUME V, 1904.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c017'><strong>No. 1. Sixteenth Annual Meeting. Part I.</strong> Papers and discussions on -Southern agricultural and industrial problems (7); Social aspects -of economic law; Relations between rent and interest. Pp. 240. <em>Price, $1.00.</em></p> - -<p class='c018'>Southern Economic Problems. Reprinted from Part 1. <em>Price, 50c.</em></p> - -<p class='c018'>Relations Between Rent and Interest. By Frank A. Fetter and -others. Reprinted from Part 1. <em>Price, 50c.</em></p> - -<p class='c017'><strong>No. 2. Sixteenth Annual Meeting. Part II.</strong> Papers and discussions on -the management of the surplus reserve; Theory of loan credit in -Relation to Corporation Economics; State Taxation of Inter-State -Commerce; Trusts; Theory of Social Causation. <em>Price, $1.00.</em></p> - -<p class='c018'>Theory of Social Causation. By Franklin H. Giddings and -others. Reprinted from Part 2. <em>Price, 50c.</em></p> - -<p class='c017'><strong>No. 3. Monopolistic Combinations in the German Coal Industry.</strong> By -Francis Walker. <em>Price, $1.25.</em></p> - -<p class='c017'><strong>No. 4. The Influence of Farm Machinery on Production and Labor.</strong> -By H. W. Quaintance. <em>Price, 75c.</em></p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME VI, 1905.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c017'><strong>No. 1. Seventeenth Annual Meeting. Part I.</strong> Presidential Address; -Present position of the doctrine of free trade, F. W. Taussig; The -theory of money; Papers by J. Laurence Laughlin, David Kinley, -A. Piatt Andrew. Discussion. Open Shop or Closed Shop? Papers -by John R. Commons, John Graham Brooks, John Hibbard, -Thomas Kidd. Discussion. Pp. 226. <em>Price, $1.00.</em></p> - -<p class='c017'><strong>No. 2. Seventeenth Annual Meeting. Part II.</strong> Governmental interference -with industrial combination, E. B. Whitney; Regulation of -railway rates, M. A. Knapp; Taxation of railways, H. C. Adams -and W. A. Baldwin; Preferential tariffs and reciprocity, A. Shortt, -G. F. Foster, and A. W. Flux; Inclosure movement, E. F. Gray; -Economic history of the United States, C. D. Wright. Pp. 270. <em>Price, $1.00.</em></p> - -<p class='c017'><strong>No. 3. The History and Theory of Shipping Subsidies.</strong> By Royal -Meeker. 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It is a thoroughly just and intelligent effort to contribute, -from a standpoint within the life and thought of the South, to democratic -conditions in our Southern States, and the industrial, educational and political -problems are treated as phases of the essential movement towards a genuinely -democratic order.”—<em>The St. Louis Republic.</em></p> - -<p class='c010'><em>Cloth, 12mo, 335 pages, $1.50, net.</em> (Postage 11c. extra.)</p> - -<p class='c010'>JOHN GRAHAM BROOKS’</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>Studies in Labor and Socialist Movements.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div><span class='large'>The Social Unrest.</span></div> - <div><em>Comment.</em></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c012'><span class='sc'>J. E. 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SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D.</div> - <div class='c002'>Secretary to the Royal Geographical Society, Honorary Corresponding Member of the Geographical Societies of Paris, Berlin, Munich, Rome, Lisbon, Amsterdam, Brussels, Buda-Pest, Geneva, Neuchatel, Philadelphia, and of the Commercial Geographical Society of Paris.</div> - <div class='c002'>WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF</div> - <div class='c002'>I. P. A. RENWICK, M.A., LL.B.</div> - <div class='c003'>FORTY-SECOND ANNUAL PUBLICATION.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Revised after Official Returns, bringing many of its tables down to a point a -year later than is possible to the Statistical Almanacs issued in January.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div><em>Red cloth, $3.00, net.</em> (Postage 19c.)</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='border'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>Published by THE MACMILLAN COMPANY,</div> - <div>64 and 66 Fifth Avenue, New York.</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>Columbia University</div> - <div class='c002'><span class='xlarge'>FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE</span></div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><strong>Nicholas Murray Butler</strong>, LL.D., President. <strong>J. W. Burgess</strong>, LL.D., Professor -of Political Science and Constitutional Law. <strong>Munroe Smith</strong>, J.U.D., Professor of -Roman Law and Comparative Jurisprudence. <strong>F. J. Goodnow</strong>, LL.D., Professor -of Administrative Law and Municipal Science. <strong>E. R. A. Seligman</strong>, Ph.D., Professor -of Political Economy and Finance. <strong>H. L. Osgood</strong>, Ph.D., Professor of History. -<strong>Wm. A. Dunning</strong>, Ph.D., Professor of History and Political Philosophy. <strong>J. B. Moore</strong>, -LL.D., Professor of International Law. <strong>F. H. Giddings</strong>, LL.D., Professor -of Sociology. <strong>J. B. Clark</strong>, LL.D., Professor of Political Economy. <strong>J. H. -Robinson</strong>, Ph.D., Professor of History. <strong>W. M. Sloane</strong>, L.H.D., Professor of History. -<strong>H. R. Seager</strong>, Ph.D., Professor of Political Economy. <strong>H. L. Moore</strong>, Ph.D., Adjunct -Professor of Political Economy. <strong>W. R. Shepherd</strong>, Ph.D., Adjunct Professor -of History. <strong>J. T. Shotwell</strong>, Ph.D., Adjunct Professor of History. <strong>G. W. -Botsford</strong>, Ph.D., Adjunct Professor of History. <strong>V. G. Simkhovitch</strong>, Ph.D., -Adjunct Professor of Economic History. <strong>E. T. Devine</strong>, LL.D., Professor of Social -Economy. <strong>A. S. Johnson</strong>, Ph.D., Adjunct Professor of Economics. <strong>C. A. Beard</strong>, -Ph.D., Lecturer in History. <strong>G. J. Bayles</strong>, Ph.D., Lecturer in Sociology.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>SCHEME OF INSTRUCTION</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table1'> - <tr> - <td class='c024' colspan='2'>GROUP I. HISTORY AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject A.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Ancient and Oriental History, nine courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject B.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Mediaeval History, six courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject C.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Modern European History, seven courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject D.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>American History, eleven courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject E.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Political Philosophy, three courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c024'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c024' colspan='2'>GROUP II. PUBLIC LAW AND COMPARATIVE JURISPRUDENCE.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject A.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Constitutional Law, four courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject B.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>International Law, four courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject C.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Administrative Law, seven courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject D.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Roman Law and Comparative Jurisprudence, seven courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'> </td> - <td class='c024'> </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c024' colspan='2'>GROUP III. ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCE.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject A.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Political Economy and Finance, twenty courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject B.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Sociology and Statistics, seven courses.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Subject C.</span></td> - <td class='c024'>Social Economy, seven courses.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p class='c010'>Most of the courses consist chiefly of lectures; a smaller number take the form of -research under the direction of a professor. In each subject is held at least one seminar -for the training of candidates for the higher degrees. The degrees of <strong>A.M.</strong> and -<strong>Ph.D.</strong> are given to students who fulfil the requirements prescribed by the University -Council. (For particulars, see Columbia University Bulletins of Information, Faculty -of Political Science.) Any person not a candidate for a degree may attend any of -the courses at any time by payment of a proportional fee. Four or five University -<strong>fellowships</strong> of $650 each, the Schiff <strong>fellowship</strong> of $600, the Curtis <strong>fellowship</strong> -of $600, the Garth <strong>fellowship in Political Economy</strong> of $650, and University -<strong>scholarships</strong> of $150 each are awarded to applicants who give evidence of special -fitness to pursue advanced studies. Several prizes of from $50 to $250 are awarded. -The library contains about 360,000 volumes and students have access to other -great collections in the city.</p> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div><span class='xlarge'>Studies in History, Economics and Public Law</span></div> - <div class='c002'>Edited by the</div> - <div class='c002'>Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University</div> - <div class='c003'>VOLUME I, 1891–2. 2nd. Ed., 1897. 396 pp. Price, $3.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. The Divorce Problem. A Study in Statistics.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Walter F. Willcox</span>, Ph.D. Price, 75 cents.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. The History of Tariff Administration in the United States, from Colonial Times to the McKinley Administrative Bill.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>John Dean Goss</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. History of Municipal Land Ownership on Manhattan Island.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>George Ashton Black</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>4. Financial History of Massachusetts.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Charles H. J. Douglas</span>, Ph.D. (<em>Not sold separately.</em>)</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME II, 1892–93. 503 pp. Price, $3.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. The Economics of the Russian Village.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Isaac A. Hourwich</span>, Ph.D. (<em>Out of print.</em>)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. Bankruptcy. A Study in Comparative Legislation.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Samuel W. Dunscomb</span>, Jr., Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. Special Assessments: A Study in Municipal Finance.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Victor Rosewater</span>, Ph.D. Second Edition, 1898. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME III, 1893. 465 pp. Price, $3.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. *History of Elections in the American Colonies.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Cortland F. Bishop</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. The Commercial Policy of England toward the American Colonies.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>George L. Beer</span>, A.M. Price, $1.50. (<em>Not sold separately.</em>)</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME IV, 1893–94. 438 pp. Price, $3.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. Financial History of Virginia.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>William Z. Ripley</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. The Inheritance Tax.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Max West</span>, Ph.D. (<em>Not sold separately.</em>)</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. History of Taxation in Vermont.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Frederick A. Wood</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00. (<em>Not sold separately.</em>)</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME V, 1895–96. 498 pp. Price, $3.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. Double Taxation in the United States.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Francis Walker</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. The Separation of Governmental Powers.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>William Bondy</span>, LL.B., Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. Municipal Government in Michigan and Ohio.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Delos F. Wilcox</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME VI, 1896. 601 pp. Price, $4.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>William Robert Shepherd</span>, Ph.D. Price, $4.00; bound, $4.50.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME VII, 1896. 512 pp. Price, $3.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. History of the Transition from Provincial to Commonwealth Government in Massachusetts.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Harry A. Cushing</span>, Ph.D. Price, $2.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. Speculation on the Stock and Produce Exchanges of the United States.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Henry Crosby Emery</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME VIII, 1896–98. 551 pp. Price, $3.50.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. The Struggle between President Johnson and Congress over Reconstruction.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Charles Ernest Chadsey</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. Recent Centralizing Tendencies in State Educational Administration.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>William Clarence Webster</span>, Ph.D. Price, 75 cents.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. The Abolition of Privateering and the Declaration of Paris.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Francis R. Stark</span>, LL.B., Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>4. Public Administration in Massachusetts. The Relation of Central to Local Activity.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Robert Harvey Whitten</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME IX, 1897–98. 617 pp. Price, $3.50.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. *English Local Government of To-day. A Study of the Relations of Central and Local Government.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Milo Roy Maltbie</span>, Ph.D. Price, $2.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. German Wage Theories. A History of their Development.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>James W. Crook</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. The Centralization of Administration in New York State.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>John Archibald Fairlie</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME X, 1898–99. 500 pp. Price, $3.00.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. Sympathetic Strikes and Sympathetic Lockouts.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Fred S. Hall</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. *Rhode Island and the Formation of the Union.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Frank Greene Bates</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.50.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. Centralized Administration of Liquor Laws in the American Commonwealths.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Clement Moore Lacey Sites</span>, Ph.D. Price $1.00.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME XI, 1899. 495 pp. Price, $3.50.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>The Growth of Cities.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Adna Ferrin Weber</span>, Ph.D.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c003'> - <div>VOLUME XII, 1899–1900. 586 pp. Price, $3.50.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<table class='table2'> -<colgroup> -<col class='colwidth50'> -<col class='colwidth50'> -</colgroup> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>1. History and Functions of Central Labor Unions.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>William Maxwell Burke</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>2. Colonial Immigration Laws.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Edward Emberson Proper</span>, A.M. Price, 75 cents.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>3. History of Military Pension Legislation in the United States.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>William Henry Glasson</span>, Ph.D. Price, $1.00.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c007'>4. History of the Theory of Sovereignty since Rousseau.</td> - <td class='c008'>By <span class='sc'>Charles E. Merriam</span>, Jr., Ph.D. Price, $1.50.</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c002'> -</div> -<div class='tnotes x-ebookmaker'> - -<div class='chapter ph2'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - - <ol class='ol_1 c003'> - <li>Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in spelling. - - </li> - <li>Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed. - </li> - </ol> - -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PLACE OF MAGIC IN THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY OF EUROPE ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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