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<body>
<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHINA UNDER THE EMPRESS DOWAGER ***</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_i"></a>[i]</span></p>

<h1>CHINA UNDER THE EMPRESS<br>
DOWAGER</h1>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ii"></a>[ii]</span></p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus01" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus01.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The “Holy Mother,” Her
  Majesty Tzŭ Hsi.</span></p>
  <p>(From a Photograph taken in 1903.)</p></figcaption>
</figure>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii"></a>[iii]</span></p>

<p class="titlepage larger">CHINA UNDER THE<br>
EMPRESS DOWAGER</p>

<p class="titlepage">BEING THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND<br>
TIMES OF TZŬ HSI</p>

<p class="titlepage">COMPILED FROM STATE PAPERS AND THE<br>
PRIVATE DIARY OF THE COMPTROLLER OF<br>
HER HOUSEHOLD</p>

<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br>
<span class="smcap">J. O. P. BLAND and E. BACKHOUSE</span></p>

<p class="titlepage">ILLUSTRATED</p>

<p class="titlepage">PHILADELPHIA<br>
J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY<br>
<span class="smcap">London</span>: WILLIAM HEINEMANN<br>
MCMX</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv"></a>[iv]</span></p>

<p class="titlepage smaller"><i>Printed in England</i></p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[v]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="NOTE">NOTE</h2>

</div>

<p>The thanks of the Authors are hereby gratefully
expressed to Miss Katharine A. Carl, for permission to
reproduce the photograph of her portrait of the Empress
Dowager; to Mr. K. Ogawa, art publisher of Tokyo,
for the use of his unique pictures of the Palace at
Peking; to Mr. Geo. Bronson Rea, of the <i>Far Eastern
Review</i>, for permission to reproduce illustrations originally
published in that journal; to Messrs. Betines, of Peking,
for the right to publish their views of the capital; and
to the Editor of <i>The Times</i>, for his courtesy in permitting
the inclusion in this volume of certain articles written
for that paper.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">London</span>, <i>September 10th, 1910</i>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span></p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2>

</div>

<table>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">I</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE PARENTAGE AND YOUTH OF YEHONALA</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#I">1</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">II</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE FLIGHT TO JEHOL</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#II">14</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">III</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE TSAI YÜAN CONSPIRACY</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#III">30</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">IV</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE FIRST REGENCY</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#IV">51</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">V</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TSENG KUO-FAN AND THE TAIPING REBELLION (1864)</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#V">64</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">VI</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TZŬ HSI AND THE EUNUCHS</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VI">81</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">VII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>A QUESTION OF ETIQUETTE</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VII">110</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">VIII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>MAJORITY AND DEATH OF THE EMPEROR T’UNG-CHIH</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#VIII">117</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">IX</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE PROTEST AND SUICIDE OF WU K’O-TU</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#IX">132</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">X</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TZŬ HSI BECOMES SOLE REGENT</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#X">148</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XI</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TZŬ HSI “EN RETRAITE”</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XI">161</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE REFORM MOVEMENT OF 1898</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XII">178</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XIII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE HUNDRED DAYS OF REFORM</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XIII">190</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XIV</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE <i>COUP D’ÉTAT</i> OF 1898</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XIV">201</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XV</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TZŬ HSI RESUMES THE REGENCY (1898)</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XV">211</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XVI</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE GENESIS OF THE BOXER MOVEMENT</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XVI">246</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XVII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE DIARY OF HIS EXCELLENCY CHING SHAN</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XVII">251</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XVIII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IN MEMORY OF TWO BRAVE MEN</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XVIII">307</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XIX</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>SIDELIGHTS ON TZŬ HSI’S STATECRAFT</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XIX">327</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XX</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE FLIGHT FROM PEKIN AND THE COURT IN EXILE</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XX">340</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXI</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HOW THE BOXER LEADERS DIED</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXI">363</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE OLD BUDDHA PENITENT</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXII">375</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXIII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE RETURN OF THE COURT TO PEKING</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXIII">387</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXIV</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HER MAJESTY’S NEW POLICY</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXIV">417</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXV</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE VALEDICTORY MEMORIAL OF JUNG LU</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXV">436</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXVI</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HER MAJESTY’S LAST DAYS</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXVI">443</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXVII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>TZŬ HSI’S DEATH AND BURIAL</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXVII">464</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td class="tdc" colspan="2">XXVIII</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>CONCLUSION</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#XXVIII">476</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr class="pad-top">
    <td>APPENDIX</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX">499</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr class="pad-top">
    <td>INDEX</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INDEX">517</a></td>
  </tr>
</table>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>

</div>

<table>
  <tr>
    <td></td>
    <td class="tdpg smaller">FACING PAGE</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE “HOLY MOTHER,” HER MAJESTY TZŬ HSI</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus01"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>MAP OF PEKING</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus02">xii, xiii</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE REGENT PRINCE CH’UN, WITH HIS TWO SONS, THE PRESENT EMPEROR
    (STANDING) AND PRINCE P’U CHIEH</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus03">4</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE IMPERIAL DAÏS IN THE CHIAO-TAL HALL</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus04">18</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>H.I.H. P’U JU, COUSIN OF THE PRESENT EMPEROR, SON OF THE BOXER
    PRINCE TSAI-YING, AND GRANDSON OF PRINCE KUNG</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus05">20</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HER MAJESTY TZŬ HSI IN THE YEAR 1903</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus06">36</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>EXTERIOR OF THE CH’IEN CH’ING PALACE</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus07">54</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>H.M. TZŬ HSI, WITH THE CONSORT (LUNG YÜ) AND PRINCIPAL CONCUBINE
    (JEN FEI) OF H.M. KUANG-HSÜ, ACCOMPANIED BY COURT LADIES AND EUNUCHS</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus08">90</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>FACSIMILE OF LETTER WRITTEN BY CHIEF EUNUCH LI LIEN-YING</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus09">98</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>INTERIOR OF THE YANG HSIN TIEN. (PALACE OF “MIND NURTURE.”)</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus10">122</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>INTERIOR OF THE I KUN KUNG</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus11">148</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>INTERIOR OF THE TAI HO TIEN</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus12">166</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>CIRCULAR THRONE HALL IN THE GROUNDS OF THE LAKE PALACE LOOTED BY
    ALLIED TROOPS IN 1900</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus13">208</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>PAVILION ON LAKE TO THE WEST OF FORBIDDEN CITY</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus14">208</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE “BEILEH” TSAI YING, SON OF PRINCE KUNG (CASHIERED BY TZŬ HSI
    FOR PRO-BOXER PROCLIVITIES), AND HIS SON</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus15">252</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>H.M. THE EMPRESS DOWAGER AND LADIES OF HER COURT (1903)</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus16">256</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE TA-A-KO, SON OF PRINCE TUAN, THE BOXER LEADER</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus17">280</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x"></a>[x]</span></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>REPRODUCTION OF PICTURE PAINTED ON SILK BY HER MAJESTY TZŬ HSI</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus18">284</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>FACSIMILE OF A FRAGMENT OF THE DIARY</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus19">299</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>DAUGHTERS OF A HIGH MANCHU OFFICIAL OF THE COURT</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus20">302</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>MARBLE BRIDGE IN THE GROUNDS OF THE LAKE PALACE</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus21">350</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>IN THE GROUNDS OF THE PALACE IN THE WESTERN PARK</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus22">350</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>HIS HIGHNESS PRINCE TSAI HSÜN</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus23">386</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>VIEW, FROM THE K’UN MING LAKE, OF THE SUMMER PALACE</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus24">452</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE EMPRESS DOWAGER, WITH THE CHIEF EUNUCH, LI LIEN-YING</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus25">454</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE SON OF HEAVEN</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus26">458</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>MARBLE BRIDGE OVER THE LAKE IN THE WESTERN PARK WHICH SURROUNDS
    THE LAKE PALACE</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus27">474</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>“TI WANG MIAO” OR TEMPLE TO THE MEMORY OF VIRTUOUS EMPERORS OF
    PREVIOUS DYNASTIES</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus28">474</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>PORTRAIT OF THE EMPRESS DOWAGER</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus29">482</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>THE IMPERIAL DAÏS IN THE CH’IEN CH’ING HALL</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus30">498</a></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>CEILING AND PILLARS OF THE TAI HO TIEN</td>
    <td class="tdpg"><a href="#illus31">510</a></td>
  </tr>
</table>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi"></a>[xi]</span></p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii"></a>[xii]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX_TO_NUMBERED_MAP_OF_PEKING">INDEX TO NUMBERED MAP OF PEKING</h2>

</div>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" id="illus02" style="max-width: 156.25em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus02.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p>MAP OF PEKING.</p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>(1) Tung Hua Men, the East Gate Glorious.
This is the usual entrance to the
Forbidden City for officials attending
audience when the Court is there
resident. (It was here that was suspended
in a basket the head of the
foreigner captured by the Boxers on
20th June.)</p>

<p>(2) Huang Chi Tien, or Throne Hall of
Imperial Supremacy. In this Hall the
Empress Dowager, after the return of
the Court from exile, was accustomed
to receive her officials in audience on
the rare occasions when she lived in
the Forbidden City. It was here that
her remains lay for nearly a year
awaiting the day of burial.</p>

<p>(3) Ning Shou Kung, or Palace of Peaceful
Longevity. Here the Old Buddha
resided during the siege; here she
buried her treasure. She returned
hither after the days of exile and
lived in it pending the restoration of
the Lake Palace, desecrated by the
foreign occupation.</p>

<p>(4) Chien Ching Kung, or Palace of
Heavenly Purity. The Hall in which
China’s Emperors were accustomed to
give audience to the Grand Council.
After the Boxer rising, in accordance
with the new ceremonial laid down by
the Peace Protocol, the Diplomatic
Body were received here. In this
Hall the Emperor Kuang Hsü discussed
and decided with K’ang Yu-wei
the reform programme of 1898, and it
was here that his body lay awaiting
sepulture between November 1898 and
February 1909.</p>

<p>(5) Shen Wu Men, or Gate of Divine
Military Genius. Through this, the
Northern gate of the City, the Old
Buddha fled in the dawn of the 15th
August, 1900.</p>

<p>(6) The Rock-garden in which Her Majesty
used to walk during the days of the
siege of the Legations and from which
she witnessed the burning of the
Hanlin Academy.</p>

<p>(7) Yang Hsin Tien, or Throne Hall of
Mental Growth. In this Palace the
Emperor T’ung-Chih resided during
the whole of his reign.</p>

<p>(8) Hsi Hua Men, or West Gate Glorious.
One of the main entrances to the
Forbidden City.</p>

<p>(9) Tai Ho Tien, Throne Hall of Exalted
Peace. Used only on occasions of
High ceremony, such as the accession
of a new Emperor, an Imperial
birthday celebration, or the New Year
ceremonies.</p>

<p>(10) Shou Huang Tien, or Throne Hall of
Imperial Longevity. In this building
the reigning sovereign unrolls on the
day of the New Year the portraits of
deceased Emperors, and pays sacrifice
to them.</p>

<p>(11) Hsi Yüan Men, Western Park Gate.
It is through this that the Grand
Council and other high officials pass to
audience when the sovereign is in residence
at the Lake Palace.</p>

<p>(12) At this gate the Emperor was wont to
await, humbly kneeling, the arrival of
the Old Buddha on her way to or from
the Summer Palace.</p>

<p>(13) The Altar of Silkworms, at which the
Empress Consort must sacrifice once
a year, and where the Old Buddha
sacrificed on occasion.</p>

<p>(14) A Lama Temple where the Old Buddha
frequently worshipped.</p>

<p>(15) Ta Hsi Tien. The Temple of the
Great Western Heaven. A famous
Buddhist shrine built in the reign
of the Emperor Kang Hsi.</p>

<p>(16) The Old Catholic Church built within
the Palace precincts by permission of
the Emperor Kang-Hsi. It was converted
by the Empress Dowager into a
Museum in which was kept the
collection of stuffed birds made by the
missionary Père David. Eye-witnesses<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiv"></a>[xiv]</span>
of the siege of the French Cathedral
in 1900 have stated that the Empress
and several of the ladies of the Court
ascended to the roof of this building
to watch the attack on the Christians;
but it is not likely that they exposed
themselves for any great length of
time in what must have been a dangerous
position.</p>

<p>(17) Tzu Kuang Ko: Throne Hall of Purple
Effulgence. The building in which the
Emperor is wont to receive, and
entertain at a banquet, the Dalai
and Panshen Lamas and certain
feudatory chiefs. Before 1900, Foreign
Envoys were also received here.</p>

<p>(18) Ching Cheng Tien, or Throne Hall of
Diligent Government. Used for the
audiences of the Grand Council when
the Court was in residence at the Lake
Palace.</p>

<p>(19) Li Yüan Tien: Throne Hall of Ceremonial
Phœnixes. Part of the Empress
Dowager’s new Palace, built for
her in the early years of Kuang Hsü’s
reign. Here she received birthday
congratulations when resident at the
Lake Palace, and here she gave her
valedictory audience, just before her
death.</p>

<p>(20) Ying Tai, or Ocean Terrace, where the
Emperor Kuang Hsü was kept under
close surveillance after the <i>coup d’état</i>
in 1898, and which he never left
(except on one occasion when he
attempted to escape) between September
1898 and March 1900. By
means of a drawbridge, this Ocean
Terrace was made a secure place of
confinement. After the return of the
Court in 1902, His Majesty lived here
again, but under less restraint, and it
was here that he met his death.</p>

<p>(21) At this point stood the high mound
which Her Majesty is reported to have
ascended on the night of 13th June,
1900, to watch the conflagrations in
various parts of the city.</p>

<p>(22) The White Pagoda, built in the time of
the Yüan dynasty (<i>circa</i> 1290 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>),
when the artificial lake was also made.</p>

<p>(23) Wan Shou ssŭ, the Temple of Imperial
Longevity. Here the Empress was
accustomed to sacrifice on her journeys
to and from the Summer Palace.</p>

<p>(24) The residence of Ching Shan, where
the Diary was written.</p>

<p>(25) The residence of Wen Lien, Comptroller
of the Household and friend of Ching
Shan.</p>

<p>(26) Residence of Jung Lu.</p>

<p>(27) Place of the Princess Imperial, the
daughter of Prince Kung, whom the
Empress Dowager adopted.</p>

<p>(28) Birthplace of the present infant Emperor,
Hsüan T’ung, son of Prince
Ch’un and grandson of Jung Lu. In
accordance with prescribed custom, it
will be converted into a shrine.</p>

<p>(29) Birthplace of H.M. Kuang Hsü.
Half of this building has been
converted into a shrine in honour
of His Majesty, and the other half
into a memorial temple to the first
Prince Ch’un, grandfather of the
present infant Emperor.</p>

<p>(30) Pewter Lane, where Yehonala was
born.</p>

<p>(31) Palace of Duke Chao, younger brother
of Tzŭ Hsi.</p>

<p>(32) Palace of Duke Kuei Hsiang, elder
brother of Tzŭ Hsi and father of the
present Empress Dowager.</p>

<p>(33) At this point was erected the scaffolding
from which guns were trained on the
Legations. The soldiers on duty here
were quartered in the house of Ching
Shan.</p>

<p>(34) The execution ground where were put
to death the Reformers of 1898 and
the Ministers who, in 1900, protested
against the attack on the Legations.</p>

<p>(35) The residence, in 1861 of Tsai Yüan,
hereditary Prince Yi, who was put
to death by Tzŭ Hsi for usurping the
Regency.</p>

<p>(36) Residence of Tuan Hua, the Co-Regent
with Tsai Yüan, also allowed to commit
suicide in 1861.</p>

<p>(37) The Imperial Clan Court, in which is
the “Empty Chamber,” where the
usurping Princes met their death.</p>

<p>(38) Residence of the “Beileh” Tsai Ying,
son of Prince Kung, cashiered for
complicity in the Boxer rising.</p>

<p>(39) The site of the Chan-Ta-ssu, a famous
Lama Temple, destroyed by the French
in 1900 for having been a Boxer
drilling ground.</p>

<p>(40) Residence of the Chief Eunuch, Li
Lien-ying.</p>

<p>(41) Now the Belgian Legation premises,
but formerly the residence of the
Boxer protagonist, Hsü T’ung, that
fierce old Imperial Tutor whose ambition
it was to have his cart covered
with the skins of foreign devils.</p>

<p>(42) The Imperial Canal, by way of which
the Old Buddha used to proceed in her
State barge to the Summer Palace.</p>

<p>(43) The graves of the Empress Dowager’s
parents. They are adorned with two
marble pillars, bearing laudatory
inscriptions.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xv"></a>[xv]</span></p>

<p>(44) Here was erected the temporary railway
station at which the Empress
alighted on her return from exile.</p>

<p>(45) In the north-west corner of the enceinte
of the Chien Men, a shrine at which
the Empress Dowager and the Emperor
sacrificed to the tutelary god of the
dynasty (Kuan Yü), the patron saint of
the Boxers.</p>

<p>(46) At this point many Christians were
massacred on the night of 13th June,
1900.</p>

<p>(47) Palace of Prince Chuang, the Boxer
leader, mentioned by Ching Shan as
the place where the Christians were
tried.</p>

<p>(48) Residence of Yüan Ch’ang, where he
was arrested for denouncing the
Boxers.</p>

<p>(49) Residence of the Grand Secretary,
Wang Wen-shao.</p>

<p>(50) Residence of Yang Li-shan, the President
of the Board of Revenue, executed
by order of Prince Tuan.</p>

<p>(51) Residence of Duke Lan, the Boxer
leader. At present occupied by
Prince Pu Chün, the deposed Heir to
the Throne and a most notorious
reprobate.</p>

<p>(52) Tzŭ Ning Kung, or Palace of Maternal
Tranquillity, where the Empress
Dowager Tzŭ An resided during
most of the years of the Co-Regency.</p>

<p>(53) Chang Ch’un Kung, or Palace of
Perpetual Spring, where Tzŭ Hsi
resided during the reign of T’ung-Chih.</p>

<p>(54) Residence of the actors engaged for
Palace performances.</p>

<p>(55) The Nei Wu Fu, or Imperial Household
Department Offices.</p>

<p>(56) The Taoist Temple (Ta Kao Tien),
where the Emperor prays for rain or
snow.</p>

<p>(57), (58) In these two Palaces resided the
chief Imperial concubines. After Tzŭ
Hsi’s resumption of the Regency in
1898, Kuang Hsü and His Consort
occupied small apartments at the back
of her Palace, on the brief visits of the
Court to the Forbidden City.</p>

<p>(59) Chung Ho Tien, or Throne Hall of
Permanent Harmony. Here H.M.
Kuang Hsü was arrested in September
1898 and taken away to confinement
in the “Ocean Terrace.”</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="I">I<br>
<span class="smaller">THE PARENTAGE AND YOUTH OF YEHONALA</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The family of Yehonala, one of the oldest of the
Manchu clans, traces its descent in direct line to Prince
Yangkunu, whose daughter married (in 1588) Nurhachu, the
real founder of Manchu rule in China and the first direct
ancestor of the Ta Ching Emperors. Yangkunu was killed
at Mukden in 1583, in one of his raids upon the territories
which still owed allegiance to the degenerate Chinese
sovereign Wan Li. His clan lived and flourished in that
region, near the Corean border, which is dominated by the
Long White Mountain, the true cradle of the Manchu
stock. He and his people seem to have acquired the arts of
war, and much lust of conquest, by constantly harassing the
rich lands on their ever-shifting borders, those rich lands
which to-day seem to be about to pass under the yoke of
new invaders. Yangkunu’s daughter assumed the title of
Empress by right of her husband’s conquests, and her son it
was who eventually wrested the whole of Manchuria from
the Ming Dynasty and reigned under the name of Tien-Ts’ung.</p>

<p>Into this clan, in November 1835, was born Yehonala,
whose life was destined to influence countless millions of
human beings, Yehonala, who was to be thrice Regent of
China and its autocratic ruler for over half a century. Her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
father, whose name was Hui Cheng, held hereditary
rank as Captain in one of the Eight Banner Corps.
Considering the advantages of his birth, he was generally
accounted unsuccessful by his contemporaries; at the time
of his death he had held no higher post than that of an
Intendant of Circuit, or Taotai. Holding this rank in the
province of Anhui, he died when his daughter was but three
years of age. His widow and family were well cared for by
a kinsman named Muyanga, father of her who subsequently
became Empress Consort of Hsien-Feng and Co-Regent
with Yehonala. From him the children received every
advantage of education.</p>

<p>Many unfounded and ridiculous stories have been
circulated in recent years attributing to the Empress
Dowager humble, and sometimes disgraceful, antecedents.
Many of these are nothing more than the fruit of Yellow
Journalism, seeking sensational material of the kind which
appeals to the iconoclastic instincts of its readers. Others,
however, undoubtedly owe their origin to the envy, hatred
and malice of Palace intrigues, to the initiative of the Iron-capped
Princes and other high officials of the elder branch of
the Imperial family, many of whom were addicted to
besmirching the family and character of Tzŭ Hsi in order to
inflict “loss of face” on the Yehonala clan. In this way,
and because mud thrown from above usually sticks, their
malicious stories were freely circulated, and often believed,
in Peking and in the South: witness the writings of K’ang
Yu-wei and his contemporaries.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>

<p>To cite an instance. One of these mythical stories used
to be told, with every appearance of good faith, by Prince
Tun, the fifth son of the Emperor Tao-Kuang. This
Prince cherished a grudge against Tzŭ Hsi because of his
disappointed ambitions: adopted himself out of the direct<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
line of succession, he had nevertheless hoped, in 1875, that
his son would have been chosen Emperor. The story, as he
used to tell it, was that when the Empress’s mother had
been left a widow with a large family (including the future
ruler of China) they lived in the most abject poverty at the
prefectural city of Ningkuo, where her husband had held
office and died. Having no funds to pay for her return to
Peking, she would have been reduced to beggary had it not
been that, by a lucky accident, a sum of money intended for
another traveller was delivered on board of her boat at a
city on the way, and that the traveller, on learning of the
mistake and being moved to pity at the sight of the family’s
destitution, insisted on her keeping the money. Twenty-five
years later, when Tzŭ Hsi had become the all-powerful
Regent, this official appeared for audience at Peking, when,
remembering the benefits received at his hands, the Empress
raised him from his knees and expressed her gratitude for his
kindness. The story is prettier than many which emanate
from the same source, and original, too, in the idea of a
Manchu official dying at his provincial post in abject
poverty, but unfortunately for the truth of the narrative, it
has been established beyond shadow of doubt that neither
the wife nor the family of Tzŭ Hsi’s father were with him at
the time of his death. They had gone on ahead to Peking,
in anticipation of his early return thither to take up a new
appointment in the White Banner Corps.</p>

<p>Before proceeding further, it may be well to refer briefly
to the Yehonala clan and its position in relation to the elder
branch of the Imperial family, a question of no small importance,
past and future, in its effect on the history of
modern China. Jealousy and friction there have always
been between the Imperial house and this powerful patrician
clan, since the first Yehonala became <i>de facto</i> ruler of the
Empire after the collapse of the Tsai Yüan conspiracy, but
their relations became more markedly strained after the
<i>coup d’état</i> in 1898, and although the wholesome fear of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
Empress Dowager’s “divine wrath” prevented any definite
cleavage, the possibilities of trouble were ever latent in the
Forbidden City. Recent events at Peking, and especially
the dismissal of the Chihli Viceroy, Tuan Fang, for alleged
irreverence at the funeral ceremonies of the late Empress
Dowager, have emphasised the divisions in the Manchu
camp and the dangers that beset its Government, now
bereft of the strong hand of Tzŭ Hsi. It is difficult for
foreigners to form any clear idea of the actual conditions of
life and of party divisions in the Palace, confused as they
are by intricate questions of genealogy, of inter-marriage
and adoptions by relatives, of ancient clan feuds. It should,
however, be explained that the Imperial Clansmen (known
in their own tongue as Aisin Gioros) divided into the
Yellow and Red Girdles, are the descendants respectively
of Nurhachu himself and of that ruler’s ancestors, by
virtue of which ancestry they consider themselves (and
the Chinese would recognise the claim) to be the <i>sang pur</i>
and highest nobility of the Manchu Dynasty. The Yehonala
clan, although in no sense of Royal blood (as marriages
between the sovereign and female members of a family do
not entitle that family to claim more than noble rank) owes
its great power not only to its numbers, but to the fact
that it has given three Empresses Dowager to the Empire;
but, above all, to the great prestige and personal popularity
of Tzŭ Hsi. If recent events are to be interpreted in the
light of history, and of her significant death-bed mandate,
the present leaders of the Yehonala clan are determined that
the present Empress Dowager, the widow of Kuang-Hsü,
shall follow in the footsteps of her august aunt, and control
the business of the State, at least during the Regency. And,
thanks to Tzŭ Hsi’s far-seeing statecraft, the young Emperor
is a grandson of Jung Lu, and may be expected therefore to
reverence the policy handed down by the Old Buddha.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus03" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus03.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The Regent, Prince
  Ch’un, with his two Sons, the Present Emperor (standing) and Prince
  P’u Chieh.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>One long-standing cause of suspicion and dissension
between the parties in the Palace arises from the fear of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span>
elder descendants of Tao-Kuang (of whom Prince P’u Lun
and Prince Kung are the chief representatives) that the
present boy-Emperor, or his father, the Regent, will hereafter
elevate the founder of his branch, the first Prince
Ch’un, to the posthumous rank of Emperor, a species of
canonisation which Europeans might consider unimportant,
but which, in the eyes of the Chinese, would constitute a
sort of posthumous usurpation on the part of the junior
branch of the Imperial clan, since the first Prince Ch’un
would thus be placed on a footing of equality with
Nurhachu, the founder of the Dynasty, and would practically
become the founder of a new line. The first Prince Ch’un
had himself foreseen the possibility of such an occurrence,
and had realised that it could not fail to lead to serious
trouble, for which reason, as will be seen hereafter, he had
taken precautions to prevent it. It has not escaped the
attention of those whose business it is to watch the straws
that float down the stream of high Chinese policy that, since
the accession of the present child-Emperor to the Throne,
the ancestral sacrifices made at the mausoleum of the first
Prince Ch’un have been greatly elaborated in pomp and
circumstance, while in official documents his name has been
given “double elevation,” that is to say, in the eyes of
the <i>literati</i> he is made to rank on the same level as a reigning
Emperor. It is commonly believed by those Chinese
who are in a position to speak with authority on the subject,
that when the Emperor attains his majority, he will be led
to confer further posthumous honours upon his grandfather,
including that of “triple elevation,” which would place him
on a footing of equality with a deceased Emperor, and
entitle him to worship at a special shrine in the Temple of
the Ancestors of the Dynasty. From a Chinese constitutional
point of view, the consequences of such a step would
be extremely serious and difficult of adjustment.</p>

<p>The Old Buddha was a strong partisan, and during her
lifetime her immediate kinsmen were practically above the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
law, basking in the sunshine of her protection or making
hay thereby, so that there was always a strong undercurrent
of friction between them and the Yellow and Red Girdles,
friction of which echoes frequently reached the tea-houses
and market places of the capital. Tzŭ Hsi delighted to
snub the Aisin Gioros; in one Decree she forbade them to
reside in the business quarter of the city, on the ground that
she had heard it said that some of them were making money
by disreputable trades. She was by no means beloved of
the Iron-capped princes and other noble descendants of
Nurhachu, who, while they feared her, never ceased to
complain that she curtailed their time-honoured privileges.</p>

<p>An interesting example of her masterful methods of
dealing with these hereditary aristocrats occurred when one
of the Imperial Dukes ventured to build himself a pretentious
house in the immediate vicinity of the Imperial
City, and overlooking a considerable portion of the palace
enclosure. No sooner was the building completed than the
Old Buddha confiscated it, reprimanding the owner for his
lack of decorum in daring to overlook the Palace grounds,
and forthwith she bestowed it upon her younger brother, the
Duke Chao.</p>

<p>Another example of her clannishness, and of the difficulties
which it created for the local authorities, occurred
upon the establishment of the new Police Board at Peking,
three years after the return of the Court from exile in 1902.
The Grand Councillor, Hsü Shih-ch’ang, a Chinese by birth,
and a favourite of Her Majesty, was placed at the head of this
new Board, but he soon realised that the lot of his policemen,
when dealing with the members of the ruling clan, was
by no means a happy one. Her Majesty’s third brother, the
Duke Kuei Hsiang, was a particularly hardened offender,
absolutely declining to recognise police regulations of any
kind, and inciting his retainers to “gain face” by driving on
the wrong side of the road and by committing other breaches
of the regulations. On one occasion a zealous policeman<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
went so far as to arrest one of the Duke’s servants. Hsü
Shih-ch’ang, hearing of the occurrence, promptly ordered
the man’s release, but the Duke, grievously insulted, insisted
upon an abject apology from the head of the Board in
person. Thrice did the unfortunate Hsü call at the Duke’s
palace without gaining admission, and it was only after he
had performed a kowtow before the Duke in the open
courtyard outside the palace that his apology was accepted.
An idea of the importance of this incident in the eyes of
the Pekinese, and of the power of the clansmen, may be
inferred from the fact that Hsü subsequently became
Viceroy of the Manchurian provinces, later President of the
Ministry of Posts and Communications, and in August,
1910, was elevated to the Grand Council. On this occasion,
however, the Old Buddha, learning of the incident, “excused”
Hsü from further attendance at the Grand Council,
and shortly afterwards he was transferred to Mukden.</p>

<p>Yehonala’s mother, the lady Niuhulu, survived her husband
for many years, residing in his house in “Pewter Lane”
(Hsi-la-hu-t’ung), quite close to the Legation quarter.
When her daughter became Empress Mother, she received
the rank of Imperial Duchess. She appears to have been a
lady of great ability and good sense, distinguished even
amongst the members of a clan always noted for the intelligence
of its women kind. After living to a ripe old age, she
was buried beside her husband in the family graveyard which
lies without the city to the west, in the vicinity of the
Europeans’ race-course, where her daughter’s filial piety was
displayed by the erection of an honorific arch and the
customary marble tablets. When, in January 1902, the
Empress Dowager returned from exile by railway from
Cheng-ting fu, she gained great kudos from the orthodox by
declining to enter the capital by the Hankow railway line,
because that line ran close to her parents’ graves, and it
would have been a serious breach of respect to their memory
to pass the spot without reverently alighting to make<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
obeisance. She therefore changed her route, entering Peking
from the south, to the great admiration of all her people.</p>

<p>Of Yehonala’s childhood there is little to record except
that among her youthful playmates was a kinsman, Jung Lu,
who in after years was to play so prominent a part in many
a crisis of her career. By common report she had been
betrothed to him from birth. This report is not verifiable,
but there is no doubt that the great influence which Jung
Lu exercised over her, far greater than that of any of her
family or highest officials, was founded in their early youth.
K’ang Yu-wei and other Chinese officials opposed to the
Manchu rule have not hesitated to assert that he was on
terms of improper intimacy with her for years, dating from
the flight to Jehol, and before the decease of her husband
the Emperor.</p>

<p>Yehonala’s education followed the usual classical course,
but the exceptional alertness and activity of her mind,
combined with her inordinate ambition and love of power,
enabled her to rise superior to its usually petrifying influences
and to turn her studies to practical account in the world of
living men. She learned to paint skilfully and to take real
pleasure in the art; she was an adept at the composition of
verses, as classically wooden in form as anything produced by
the most distinguished of English public schools. At the age
of sixteen she had mastered the Five Classics in Chinese and
Manchu, and had studied to good purpose the historical
records of the twenty-four Dynasties. She had beyond doubt
that love of knowledge which is the beginning of wisdom,
and the secret of power, and she had, moreover, the
chroniclers aver, a definite presentiment of the greatness of
her destiny.</p>

<p>Upon the death of the Emperor Tao-Kuang in 1850, his
eldest surviving son, aged nineteen, ascended the Throne
under the reign-title of Hsien-Feng. After the expiry of the
period of mourning (twenty-seven months) during which
the new Emperor may not marry, a Decree was issued<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
commanding that all beautiful Manchu maidens of eligible
age should present themselves at the Imperial Household
Office which would make from them a selection for the
Emperor’s harem. Prior to his accession, Hsien-Feng had
married the eldest daughter of Muyanga, but she had died
before his coming to the Throne. Among the maidens who
obeyed the nuptial Edict were Muyanga’s second daughter,
Sakota, and the young Yehonala. On the 14th of June,
1852, about sixty of the beauty and fashion of the Manchu
aristocracy appeared before the critical eye of the widow of
Tao-Kuang, who selected twenty-eight from among them,
and these she divided into the four classes of Imperial
concubines, viz., “Fei,” “P’in,” “Kuei Jen,” and “Ch’ang
Tsai.” Sakota thus became a “P’in,” and Yehonala a “Kuei
Jen” or “honourable person.” With rare exceptions, these
Imperial concubines are much more the servants of their
mother-in-law than the wives of their sovereign. In theory,
their number is limited to seventy, but this number is seldom
maintained; beside them, there are within the Palace
precincts some two thousand female Manchus, employed as
handmaidens and general servants under the direction of the
eunuchs. In all domestic matters of the household, the
widow of the Emperor last deceased exercises supreme
authority, and although precedent allows the Emperor to
inspect the ladies selected, he has no voice in their disposition
or the determination of their rank.</p>

<p>Thus Yehonala left her home in Pewter Lane to become
an inmate of the Forbidden City, cut off henceforth from all
direct intercourse with her own people. An aged tiring
woman who served her from the time of her first entry into
the Palace until her death, is our authority for the following
interesting description of the only visit which she ever paid
to her family. It was in January 1857, nine months after
the birth of her son, the heir to the Throne, that, by special
permission of the Emperor, she was allowed to leave the
Palace. Early in the morning, eunuchs were sent to announce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
to her mother that her daughter, the Concubine Yi, was
coming to visit her at mid-day. There was much joyful
excitement amongst the family and its friends at this rare
honour. All the neighbours in Pewter Lane turned out to
see the eunuchs and the yellow-draped chair. The mother
and all the members of the household (including some of an
elder generation) ranged themselves on either side of the
entrance courtyard as the chair was borne within. At the
head of the steps leading to the inner courtyard the eunuchs
in attendance requested her to descend; she then entered the
main room, where she took the seat of honour. Her family
approached respectfully to salute her, all kneeling except her
mother and the elder relatives. A banquet was then served
at which, by special arrangement, the mother took a seat
lower than that of the daughter, thus recognising her position
as mother of the Heir Apparent. All present were
most favourably impressed by Yehonala’s unaffected and
affectionate disposition; she seemed quite unspoiled by the
formalities and splendours of Court life, talking with all the
old vivacity as a daughter of the house, showing the keenest
interest in the family’s affairs, and particularly in the education
of her sisters.</p>

<p>The banquet lasted till late in the afternoon, Yehonala
asking and answering innumerable questions. As the short
January day drew to its close, the eunuchs requested her
to prepare to return to the Palace. She therefore took
an affectionate farewell of her family, expressing sincere
regret that her life must be cut off from theirs, but hoping
that some day the Emperor might again permit her to
visit them. Her mother, she said, would, in any case, be
allowed to come and see her in the Palace. After distributing
presents to all the members of her family, she
entered her palanquin and was borne away. She never
saw her home again, but in later years her mother used
frequently to visit her in the Forbidden City.</p>

<p>Upon entering the Palace, Yehonala proceeded to establish<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
herself firmly and speedily in the good graces of Tao-Kuang’s
widow; through her influence at first, and later by
virtue of her own charm, she soon became first favourite
with her weak and dissolute lord; and when, in April 1856,
she crowned his long disappointed ambitions by presenting
him with an heir to the Throne, her position was completely
assured. At the time of her entering the Palace, the
Taiping rebellion was causing great uneasiness at the capital.
In March 1853, the rebels took Nanking, the southern
capital. Yehonala, who had already made it her business to
read, and advise on, all Memorials from the provinces, used
her growing influence with the Son of Heaven to secure the
appointment of Tseng Kuo-fan as Commander-in-Chief,
and to provide him with funds for the raising of train-bands
in Hunan, with which, and with the help of General
Gordon, Tseng eventually suppressed the rebellion.
Thus early she showed her superiority to environment and
the fetters of tradition, displaying at a moment of national
danger that breadth of mind and quick decision which distinguished
her. By all official precedent, Tseng Kuo-fan was
not available for service, being in mourning for his mother,
but it was ever Yehonala’s opinion that precedents were
meant to be subordinate to the State and not the State to
precedents, wherein lies the mark of the born ruler.</p>

<p>In August 1855 the widow of Tao-Kuang died and
Yehonala, in recognition “of her dutiful ministrations,” was
raised to the rank of “P’in,” her colleague Sakota having
in the meanwhile become Empress Consort.</p>

<p>It was the common belief of Chinese writers at this time
that the reign of Hsien-Feng would witness the end of the
Dynasty, which was held to have “exhausted the mandate of
Heaven.” All over the Empire rebellion was rife; the
sovereign himself was a weak debauchee, incapable of
inspiring either loyalty or affection in his people. In the
eyes of the <i>literati</i> he was a degenerate, having none of
the scholarly tastes which had made his five predecessors<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
famous in history, nor any disposition to follow their
example in the compiling of monumental editions of the
classics and dictionaries, which have endeared their memory
to scholars. It was, moreover, considered ominous that
no heir had yet been born to him, though he was now
twenty-five, several of his predecessors having provided for
the succession before they were fifteen. When, therefore,
in April 1856, Yehonala gave birth to a son, and at the
same time the rebels were driven from the provinces of
Hunan and Kiangsi, it was felt that the tide of evil had
turned and that Heaven’s favour once more smiled upon the
Throne.</p>

<p>At this period, the health of the Emperor, stricken with
paralysis, had completely broken down and Yehonala, by
virtue of her position as mother of the Heir Apparent,
and even more by reason of her masterful character, became
the real ruler of the Empire. Her colleague, the Empress
Consort, took little or no active interest in the business
of government. In actual rank, Yehonala had risen to
the position of a concubine of the first grade “Fei” and
was generally known in the metropolis as the “Kuei Fei,
Yi,” the last word being her honorific title, meaning
“feminine virtue.”</p>

<p>Her advice on foreign affairs at this period was generally
of an aggressive character, and the fact is not matter for
wonder when we bear in mind her youth, her pride of race
and her complete ignorance of foreign countries and their
resources. On the return of the special Envoy Ch’i Ying,
who had been sent to endeavour to induce Lord Elgin
to leave Taku and whose mission had ignominiously failed, it
was to the haughty Yehonala that common report credited
the Decree which ordered him to be presented with the
“silken cord” of self-despatch, as a mark of “the Throne’s
benevolent leniency.” To her also was ascribed the Emperor’s
refusal to permit the High Commissioner Yeh at Canton to
negotiate with the British on trade questions, a decision<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
which led directly to the capture of that city by the foreign
barbarian in the following year. In the records left by
chroniclers and diarists of that time it is generally noticeable
that the Emperor’s opinions and doings are ignored and that
all the business of the Imperial City and the Empire had
come to depend on the word of Yehonala, a fact in itself
sufficiently remarkable in a country where no woman is
supposed to rule, and particularly remarkable when we bear
in mind that she was at this time only a concubine and
twenty-two years of age.</p>

<p>To prevent confusion arising from the several names
and titles of the Empress Dowager, it should be explained
that her family or clan name of Yehonala was that by which
she was known to the world of Peking before and at the
time of her selection for the Imperial harem. In the Palace,
until her accession to the rank of Empress Mother (Empress
of the West), she was still Yehonala, but more usually
described as the “Yi” concubine. As co-Regent and
Empress Mother, her official designation, Imperially decreed,
was Tzŭ Hsi, to which many other honorifics were added.
To the mass of the people she was either the Empress
Dowager (<i>Huang T’ai Hou</i>) or the Old Buddha, and
towards the end of her reign this last affectionately respectful
title was universally used in the North.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus04" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus04.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The Imperial
  Daïs in the Chiao-Tal Hall.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Ogawa, Tokio.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="II">II<br>
<span class="smaller">THE FLIGHT TO JEHOL</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The causes and history of the invasion of North China by
the allied forces of England and France are too well known
to need re-stating here, but the part played by Yehonala in
the stirring days which preceded and followed the flight to
Jehol are not familiar to European readers. Most interesting
details are given on this subject by a certain Doctor
of Letters and member of the Hanlin Academy, whose
diary was printed privately in narrative form several
years later, and from this document the following extracts
are taken. It was originally entitled “A Record of Grief
Incurable” and, as will be noted, it is primarily a monument
of filial piety, into which the doings of the barbarians, and
the already dominant personality of Yehonala, are artlessly
interwoven, with a certain quality of sincerity that attracts.
The narrative itself is full of human interest.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“In the 7th Moon of the ‘Keng Shen’ year (August 1860),
five or six days after my mother fell sick, rumours began to
circulate that the barbarians had already reached Taku. It
was generally known that many Memorials had reached the
Throne from the metropolitan and provincial officials, but as
no mention of them had appeared in the Gazette, it was only
natural that there should be a very widespread feeling of
uneasiness and many alarming rumours. So far, however,
there had been no fleeing from the city. His Majesty was
seriously ill, and it was known that he wished to leave for
the north, but the Imperial Concubine Yi and Prince Seng<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
dissuaded him from this and assured him that the barbarians
would never enter the city.</p>

<p>“At this time my mother was suffering from dysentery,
but she ordered the servants to keep it from me. It was
only one day, when I noticed a prescription lying on her
table, that I realised that she was indeed seriously ill.
Doctor Liu was in attendance, as usual, but I never had any
confidence in him or his methods, which seemed to me far too
drastic. Nevertheless he had advised and attended her for
seven years, and my mother and all her household placed
implicit confidence in him. Alas, the Ancients have rightly
said that a good son should know something of the
principles of medicine, and surely my ignorance has been the
first cause of my mother’s death. Though I should give up
my life a hundred times, how can I ever atone for this?</p>

<p>“During the next few days, people began to leave
Peking, for the report was spread that our troops had been
defeated at Taku, and that a Brigadier General was among
the slain; the garrison had fled from Pei T’ang and the forts
were in the hands of the barbarians. Prince Seng had been
ordered by Edict not to fight a pitched battle, so that our
forces were idly confronting the enemy. Nothing definite
was known as to the real cause of our defeat, and the people,
being kept in ignorance, gradually got over their first
alarm.</p>

<p>“On the 13th of the 7th Moon, I noticed a change for the
worse in my mother’s condition, and straightway applied for
ten days’ leave of absence from my official duties. I kept
her ignorant of the political situation and urged her to
abstain from worry of every kind. But every-day the news
was worse, and people began to leave the city in thousands.</p>

<p>“On the following day, Magistrate Li Min-chai looked in
to say good-bye, as he was leaving to join the troops in
Anhui. He expressed strong disapproval of Dr. Liu’s
prescription and gave me one of his own. My mother was
averse to taking his medicine, but I persuaded her to do so.
In the night she was suddenly seized with shortness of
breath, and hastily I sent for Mr. Li, who assured me that
this was in no way due to his medicine. My mother,
however, insisted upon returning to Dr. Liu’s prescription,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>
so all I could do was to urge him to compound it of drugs
less strong and more suited to a patient of my mother’s
advanced years.</p>

<p>“My mother then bade me to prepare her coffin as she
was certain that her death was near. Fortunately I had
bought the wood eight years before at Mukden, and had
stored it in a coffin shop in Peking, whence I now had
it fetched. We set carpenters to work in our court-yard,
and by the 20th, the coffin was finished. The wood was
beautifully thick, and the whole appearance of the coffin
most creditable. Never could I have expected that at such
a time of haste and general disorder so perfect a piece of
work could have been produced. The carpenters assured me
that at the present time such a coffin would cost at least a
thousand taels in Peking.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> This comforted me not a little.</p>

<p>“Next morning the lacquer shop people sent over to put
on the first coating of lacquer, in which at least two pounds
were used. We then sent for the tailor and six assistants to
make the grave clothes and purchased the materials for my
mother’s ceremonial ‘going away dress.’ I had a long sable
robe made up, but next day, as my mother appeared to be
slightly better, I decided to postpone having the long outer
robes prepared. Rumours were now rife that the barbarians
had already reached T’ungchou, and were going to bombard
Peking on the 27th, so that everyone was escaping who
could leave the city. On the 27th, we put on the second
coating of lacquer.</p>

<p>“On that day, our troops captured the barbarian leader
Pa Hsia-li (Parkes) together with eight others, who were
imprisoned in the Board of Punishments. Thereupon the
whole city was in an uproar, and it became known that His
Majesty was preparing to leave on a tour northwards. But
the Concubine Yi persuaded some of the older officials to
memorialise, urging him to remain, none of which
Memorials have been published. All the Manchu and
Chinese officials were now sending their families away and
their valuables, but the large shops outside the main gate were
doing business as usual. My mother’s condition remained
much the same, and I applied for another ten days’ leave.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span></p>

<p>“On the 1st of the 8th Moon, we applied another coating
of lacquer to the coffin. On the same day Dr. Liu changed
my mother’s medicine, but, the dysentery continued
unabated.</p>

<p>“On the 4th my mother called me to her bedside and
said: ‘I cannot possibly recover. See that all is prepared for
the burial. I shall take no food to-day.’ I felt as if a
knife had been thrust into my vitals, and sent straightway
for the tailor to hurry on with the ceremonial robes. My
friend, P’an Yu-shih, called and recommended a purgative,
but my mother was very angry, and refused point-blank to
take it. In the night she had a violent attack of vomiting,
which seemed to relieve her—so much so, that I told the
tailor not to be in too great a hurry. Next morning the
robes were finished, but my mother thought the coverlet too
heavy, and I substituted therefor a lighter material, silk.
To this she objected as being too luxurious and more
expensive than she had any right to expect; she observed
that her parents-in-law had not had grave-wrappings of such
valuable stuff. Meanwhile the confusion in Peking was
hourly increasing, and huge crowds were hurrying from the
city. Most of the city gates were closed for fear of the
barbarians, but the ‘Chang-yi’ gate in the southern city was
still open.</p>

<p>“On the 7th, our troops engaged the barbarians outside the
Ch’i Hua gate. The van was composed of untrained Mongol
cavalry, who had never been in action. No sooner had the
barbarians opened fire than they turned as one man, broke
their ranks and stampeded upon the infantry in their rear.
Many were trampled to death, and a general rout followed,
our men fleeing in every direction and the barbarians pressing
on to the city walls.</p>

<p>“Certain Princes and Ministers besought the Concubine Yi
to induce the Emperor to leave on a tour. His Majesty
was only too anxious to start at once, but the Concubine Yi
persuaded two of the Grand Secretaries to memorialise
against his doing so, and in response to this a Decree was
issued stating that under no circumstances would the
Emperor leave his capital. Another Decree was put out
by the Concubine Yi offering large rewards to any who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
should slay the barbarians. It was generally thought that
the Emperor would now forgo his intended departure.</p>

<p>“Early next morning we heard the news of another
engagement outside the Ch’i Hua gate, upon which news
His Sacred Majesty, attended by all his concubines, the
Princes, Ministers and Dukes, and all the officers of the
Household, left the city in a desperate rout and disorder
unspeakable, affording a spectacle that gave the impression
that hordes of barbarians were already in close pursuit. As
a matter of fact, the foreigners were still at a considerable
distance, and at the Summer Palace, where the Court lay,
there was nothing whatsoever to cause the slightest apprehension.
I cannot understand why His Majesty was allowed
to leave; up to the very last the Yi Concubine begged him
to remain in his Palace, as his presence there could not fail to
awe the barbarians, and thus to exercise a protecting influence
for the good of the city and people. How, said she, could
the barbarians be expected to spare the city if the Sacred
Chariot had fled, leaving unprotected the tutelary shrines
and the altars of the gods? She begged him to bear in
mind that episode in the Chou Dynasty, when the Son of
Heaven fled his capital, ‘his head covered with dust,’ and
was forced to take refuge with one of his feudatory Princes.
The Chinese people have always regarded this as a humiliating
event in the history of their country, but the present flight of
the Court appears more humiliating still.</p>

<p>“Meantime my mother’s condition was becoming critical,
and I had scant leisure for considering the political situation.
Every official of any standing had either left the capital by
this time or was leaving, and all the merchants who could
afford it were sending their families away. The cost of
transport was prohibitive for many; the price of a cart with
one mule to go to Cho-chou was twenty taels, and to Pao-ting
fu (60 miles) they charged thirty taels. In my case there
could be no question of removing my mother, and there
was nothing for it therefore but to sit still and face the
situation.</p>

<p>“As the dysentery grew more acute every day, with Dr.
Liu’s permission I tried Dr. Yang’s prescription. It was,
however, too late, and nothing could help her now. On the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
morning of the 12th she was <i>in extremis</i>, and had lost the
power of swallowing; so we sent for Li, the tailor, to put a
few finishing touches on the burial robes, and to prepare the
‘cockcrow pillow’ and coverlets. At 11 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> she passed
away, abandoning her most undutiful son. Alas, there is no
doubt that her death lies at my door, because of my ignorance
of medicine. Smiting my body against the ground, I invoke
Heaven, but ten thousand separate deaths could not atone for
my sins.</p>

<p>“We arrayed her, then, in her robes. First her handmaiden
put on the inner garments, a chemise of white silk,
then a jacket of grey silk, and outside that a wadded robe of
blue satin. Then were put on the robe and mantle of
State, with the badge of her official rank, the jade girdle and
necklace of amber. After the gold hair ornaments had been
placed in position, the Phœnix hat was set upon her head;
red mattresses were laid upon the couch, and we placed her
in a comfortable position, with her head reclining on the
‘cockcrow’ pillow of red satin. Not a friend came near us,
and every door in the neighbourhood was closed. Next
morning I lined the coffin with red satin, and then padded
it with straw to prevent it shaking, and at 3 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> I invited
my mother to ascend into her ‘long home.’</p>

<p>“The city was in a terrible tumult, and a friend came in
to advise me to bury my mother temporarily in a temple
outside the city. It would not be safe, he said, to inter her
in the courtyard of this house, for the barbarian is suspicious
by nature, and will assuredly search every house in Peking
as soon as the city is taken. It was impossible for me to consider
calmly what might happen if they were to find and to
desecrate my mother’s coffin. I remembered what has been
told of their doings in Canton under similar circumstances.</p>

<p>“On the 14th, the ‘Chang-yi’ gate was opened, and I
found a temple, suitably situated, which the priest was
willing to allow me to rent. I prepared therefore to watch
over my mother’s remains, sending my family in the meanwhile
to live with an old pupil of mine at Pa-chou. Only
the two western gates of the Chinese city were still open,
and as the Hata Men and the Ch’ien Men had been closed for
four days, the stream of traffic through the Shun-chih Men<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span>
caused perpetual blocks in that gateway. All the small
pedlars, hawkers and barbers were fleeing the city, but still
the large business houses remained open.</p>

<p>“On the 19th I conveyed my mother’s remains to the
temple; I found all quiet there, but my progress through
the city gate was very slow because of the crowd. On the
23rd there were but few people abroad, and these clustering
together in small groups and speaking in low voices.
Suddenly, a little after mid-day, an immense blaze was seen
to the north-west, and speedily it was reported that the
barbarians had seized Hai-tien and the Summer Palace. Our
army is said to number half a million men, and yet it seems
that not one of them dare oppose the barbarians’ advance.
They have about a thousand of cavalry, yet they move about
at will in our midst as if in an uninhabited wilderness! ’Tis
passing strange! The troops of Prince Seng and General
Sheng have retreated to the Te-sheng gate.</p>

<p>“On the 24th all the shops were closed, and the higher the
price of vehicles, the greater the number of people to wish to
engage them. The poorer class were using wheelbarrows, on
which they packed their most valuable moveables for flight.</p>

<p>“Prince Kung sent an Envoy to the barbarians’ camp
with a despatch asking for an armistice. On arriving
in the vicinity of the camp, however, the messenger saw
the barbarians pointing rifles at him, so that he turned
and fled.</p>

<p>“On the afternoon of the 24th, vast columns of smoke
were seen rising to the north-west, and it was ascertained
that the barbarians had entered the Summer Palace, and
after plundering the three main halls, leaving them absolutely
bare, they had set fire to the buildings. Their excuse for this
abominable behaviour is that their troops got out of hand,
and had committed the incendiarism. After this they issued
notices, placarded everywhere, in very bad Chinese, stating
that unless terms of peace had been arranged before mid-day
on the 29th, they would then bombard Peking, in which case
all inhabitants who did not wish to share the fate of the city
had better remove themselves to a safe distance.</p>

<p>“On this day it was reported that The Sacred Chariot had
reached Jehol in safety, but His Majesty had been greatly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
alarmed, and had issued a Decree expressing regret for his
failure to commit suicide on the approach of the invaders.
The Emperor is reported to be ill, and it is said that the
Princes Tsai Yüan and Tuan Hua are trying to get themselves
appointed to the Grand Council. Should the Emperor die
(<i>lit.</i> ‘when ten thousand years have passed’) the Yi concubine
will be made Empress Dowager, but at present she
is reported to be at variance with the Princes, who are
endeavouring to prejudice the Emperor against her.</p>

<p>“I learnt that all was quiet at the temple where my
mother’s coffin rests. Troops were passing there daily, but,
so far, none had occupied it. On the 29th, my servant-boy,
Yung ’Erh, came to tell me that troops from Tientsin in the
pay of the barbarians had occupied the temple, but on proceeding
thither I found them to be General Sheng’s men.
Prince Seng’s troops were also near at hand, so that, if a
bombardment had taken place, what could have prevented
the destruction of the temple, and what would then have
become of my mother’s remains? I therefore decided to
engage wheelbarrows and handcarts, at six taels apiece, to
take my family to Pao-ting fu, and I arranged with the
undertakers to hire bearers for the coffin.</p>

<p>“At 11 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> of the same day the barbarians entered the
city by the Anting gate, occupying its tower and the wall
adjoining. One large cannon and four small ones were
placed in position on the wall, and a five-coloured flag
hoisted there. With the exception of the officials entrusted
with the duty of negotiating, not one remained in the city.
Two days ago the prisoner Parkes, and his companions,
were sent back to the enemy with every mark of courtesy.
Scarcely had they reached their camp when a special Decree,
post-haste from Jehol, ordered Prince Kung to decapitate
them all forthwith as a warning to the bandits who had
dared to invade the sacred precincts of the Palace. As the
Yi concubine had urged their execution from the very first,
it would seem as if her influence were again in the ascendant.</p>

<p>“On the 1st of the 9th Moon, the ‘Chang-yi’ gate was
closed, but I managed to leave the city by the Hsi-pien Men,
where I was nearly crushed to death in the enormous crowd.
Upon my arrival at the temple, I had a nice wadded cover<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
made to put over the coffin, and then hurried back to the
city to arrange for the cortège leaving next morning. The
President of the Board of Finance, Liang Hai-lou, was
hiding in the temple precincts with his family and chief
concubine, all wearing common clothes and unshaven. This
is a good example of the condition to which the very
highest had been reduced.</p>

<p>“Next morning, on reaching the temple, I found the
coffin-bearers and transport coolies on the spot. But, unfortunately,
in my hurry, I failed to notice that the undertakers
had supplied the frame, on which the coffin is carried,
of a size smaller than had been agreed upon, so that instead
of sixteen bearers there were but eight. We started, however,
and the procession’s appearance of panic-stricken
fugitives was most distressing to contemplate. But what
could I do? The first and only object in my mind was to
protect my mother’s coffin. I have omitted to state that
my small servant-boy, Yung ’Erh, had started to accompany
the coffin on foot. But, after they had started, it occurred
to me that the lad could never stand so long a journey, and
that should my mother be aware of it, she would be
extremely anxious about him. Therefore, I quickly engaged
another wheelbarrow for Yung ’Erh, and bade the coolies
hurry after the procession.</p>

<p>“On returning home I felt uneasy about the jolting
which my mother’s coffin must have experienced on the
undersized frame. I went, therefore, to the undertakers and
expostulated with them for having cheated me. After much
altercation they agreed to change the frame, but I was to
pay two taels more for the larger size. I subsequently
learned that they failed to keep their promise, but there was
no good to be got by suing them for breach of faith. They
are sordid tricksters. Yung ’Erh wrote, however, to assure
me that the party had reached Pao-ting fu in safety, and that
the coffin had not been jolted in the least. On removing the
wrappings the lacquer was found to be undamaged.</p>

<p>“The barbarians were now in full possession of the city,
and rumours were rife on all sides. Everyone in Peking—there
were still a good many people—was terrified, and the
Manchus were sending their families from the Tartar to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span>
southern (Chinese) city to save their women from being
outraged by the barbarian bandits. The condition of the
people was indeed deplorable in the extreme. One of the
Censors had sent a Memorial to Jehol, reproaching the
Emperor for the pass to which he had brought his people,
and for the neglect of ancestral worship caused by his
absence. He blamed His Majesty for listening to evil
advisers, and besought him to return to his capital.</p>

<p>“The minds of the people were becoming more than ever
disturbed, because it was now reported that the negotiations
for peace had so far failed, either because Prince Kung would
not entertain the barbarians’ conditions, or because the latter
were too utterly preposterous.</p>

<p>“On the 6th, a despatch arrived from the British barbarians,
accusing China of having violated all civilised usage
in torturing to death their fellow-countrymen. For this they
demanded an indemnity of 500,000 taels. At the same time
came a despatch from the Russian barbarians, saying that
they had heard that England was demanding this indemnity,
but they (the Russians) were prepared to use their influence
and good offices to persuade the British to abate their claims.
Prince Kung was of opinion that, even if they should be
successful in this proposed mediation, China would only save
some 100,000 taels, and for this she would place herself under
heavy obligations to Russia. So he replied, declining the
offer on the ground that the British claim had already been
accepted by China, and that further discussion of the matter
was therefore impossible. Thereupon the Russians wrote
again, saying that if China had definitely accepted the
British terms there was, of course, nothing more to be said,
but they asked Prince Kung to note that they had induced
England to forgo half of the indemnity of two million taels
originally asked, as a set-off to China for the destruction of
the Summer Palace. On the 9th, Prince Kung forwarded
the 500,000 taels to the British barbarians.</p>

<p>“The whole sixteen articles of the barbarians’ demands
have finally been accepted without modification. The only
thing that our negotiators asked was the immediate withdrawal
of the invading army, and to obtain this they were
prepared to yield everything. Therefore, the barbarians<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
openly flout China for her lack of men. Woe is me; a
pitiful tale, and one hard to tell! When the Yi concubine
heard of Prince Kung’s complete surrender to the barbarians
she reproached the Emperor for allowing his brother to
negotiate, and she implored him to re-open hostilities. But
His Majesty was dangerously ill, and refused to leave Jehol,
so that our revenge must be postponed for the time being.”</p>

</div>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus05" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus05.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">H.I.H. P’u Ju,
  Cousin of the Present Emperor, Son of the Boxer Prince Tsai-Ying,
  and Grandson of Prince Kung.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Bearing in mind the frequent allusions made by the
Hanlin diarist to the Emperor’s indecision of purpose at
the time of the advance of the British and French armies on
Peking, it is reasonable to assume that Yehonala prompted,
if she did not write, the following vigorous Edict, which
appeared on the 3rd day of the 8th Moon in the 10th year of
Hsien-Feng (6th September 1860):—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Swaying the wide world, we are nevertheless animated
by one and the same instinct of benevolence to all. We
have never forbidden England and France to trade with
China, and for long years there has been peace between them
and us. But three years ago the English, for no good
cause, invaded our city of Canton, and carried off our
officials into captivity. We refrained at that time from
taking any retaliatory measures, because we were compelled
to recognise that the obstinacy of the Viceroy Yeh had
been in some measure a cause of the hostilities. Two years
ago the barbarian Commander Elgin came north, and we
then commanded the Viceroy of Chihli, T’an Ting-hsiang, to
look into matters preparatory to negotiations. But the
barbarian took advantage of our unreadiness, attacking the
Taku forts and pressing on to Tientsin. Being anxious
to spare our people the horrors of war, we again refrained
from retaliation and ordered Kuei Liang to discuss terms
of peace. Notwithstanding the outrageous nature of the
barbarians’ demands, we subsequently ordered Kuei Liang
to proceed to Shanghai in connection with the proposed
Treaty of Commerce, and even permitted its ratification as
earnest of our good faith.</p>

<p>“In spite of all this the barbarian leader Bruce again
displayed intractability of the most unreasonable kind and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
once more appeared off Taku with a squadron of warships
in the 8th Moon. Seng Ko Lin Ch’in thereupon attacked him
fiercely and compelled him to make a hasty retreat. From
all these facts it is clear that China has committed no breach
of faith and that the barbarians have been in the wrong.
During the present year the barbarian leaders Elgin and
Gros have again appeared off our coasts, but China, unwilling
to resort to extreme measures, agreed to their
landing and permitted them to come to Peking for the
ratification of the Treaty.</p>

<p>“Who could have believed that all this time these barbarians
have been darkly plotting and that they had brought with
them an army of soldiers and artillery, with which they
attacked the Taku forts from the rear, and, having driven
out our forces, advanced upon Tientsin! Once more we
ordered Kuei Liang to go to Tientsin and endeavour to
reason with them, in the hope that they might not be lost to
all sense of propriety, and with the full intention that
their demands, if not utterly unreasonable, should be
conceded. To our utter astonishment, Elgin and his
colleague had the audacity to demand an indemnity from
China; they asked, too, that more Treaty ports should be
opened, and that they should be allowed to occupy our
capital with their army. To such lengths did their brutality
and cunning lead them! But we then commanded Prince
Yi and Mu Yin, the President of the Board of War, to
endeavour to induce in them a more reasonable spirit and to
come to some satisfactory arrangement. But these treacherous
barbarians dared to advance their savage soldiery
towards Tungchow and to announce their intention of
compelling us to receive them in audience.</p>

<p>“Any further forbearance on our part would be a dereliction
of our duty to the Empire, so that we have now commanded
our armies to attack them with all possible energy and
we have directed the local gentry to organise train-bands,
and with them either to join in the attack or to block the
barbarians’ advance. Hereby we make offer of the following
rewards:—For the head of a black barbarian, 50 taels,
and for the head of a white barbarian, 100 taels. For the
capture of a barbarian leader, alive or dead, 500 taels, and for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
the seizure or destruction of a barbarian vessel, 5,000 taels.
The inhabitants of Tientsin are reputed brave. Let them
now come forward and rid us of these pestilential savages,
either by open attack or by artifice. We are no lovers
of war, but all our people must admit that this has been
forced upon us.</p>

<p>“As to the barbarians’ seizure of portions of our territory
in Kuangtung and Fukhien, all our subjects are alike our
children and we will issue large rewards to any of them
in the south who shall present us with the head of a
barbarian chief.</p>

<p>“These barbarians live in the remote parts of the earth,
whence they come to China for purposes of trade. Their
outrageous proceedings have, we understand, been encouraged
by abominable traitors among our own subjects.
We now command that all the Treaty ports be closed
and all trade with England and France stopped. Subjects
of other submissive States are not to be molested, and
whensoever the British and French repent them of their
evil ways and return to their allegiance, we shall be pleased
to permit them to trade again, as of old, so that our
clemency may be made manifest. But should they persist
in their wicked violation of every right principle, our armies
must mightily smite them, and pledge themselves solemnly
to destroy utterly these evil-doers. May they repent while
yet there is time!”</p>

</div>

<p>Three days later Yehonala was present at the morning
audience, when the Emperor made the following statement:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We learn that the barbarians continue to press upon
our capital. Their demands were all complied with, yet
they insist upon presenting to us in person their barbarous
documents of credentials, and demand that Prince Seng
shall withdraw his troops from Chang-Chia wan. Such
insolence as this makes further parley impossible. Prince
Seng has gained one great victory already, and now his
forces are holding the enemy in check at Palich’iao.”</p>

</div>

<p>Orders were issued that the landing of troops from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
the warships which had appeared off Kinchou should be
stoutly resisted.</p>

<p>On the 7th of the Moon His Majesty sacrificed at
the Temple of Confucius, but on the next morning he
was afraid to come into the city from the Summer Palace,
although he wished to sacrifice to the tutelary deities and
inform them of his intended departure. Early on the
following day Prince Kung was appointed Plenipotentiary in
the place of Prince Yi (Tsai Yüan) and the Emperor,
despite the brave wording of his Decree, fled from the
capital, after making obeisance to the God of War in a
small temple of the Palace grounds. In the Decree
announcing his departure, the flight was described as an
“autumn tour of inspection.”<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>

<p>The Court started in utter confusion, but proceeded only
some eighteen miles on the road northwards from Peking,
stopping for the first night in a small temple. Here a Decree
was issued calling upon all the Manchurian troops to hasten
to Jehol for the protection of the Court. On the evening of
the following day a Memorial was received from Prince
Kung, reporting on the latest doings of the barbarians,
but His Majesty ordered him, in reply, to take whatever
steps he might think fit to deal with the situation. It
was out of the question, said the Rescript, for the Emperor
to decide on any course of action at a distance: in other
words, the Throne divested itself of further responsibility.</p>

<p>On the 11th, the Court lay at the Imperial hunting lodge
north of Mi-Yun hsien. The Chinese chronicler records that
the Emperor was too sick to receive the Grand Council, and
delegated his duties to Yehonala, who thereupon issued the
following Decree:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We are informed that the pestilent barbarians are
pressing upon our capital, and our Ministers have asked us to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
summon reinforcements from the provinces. Now the
highest form of military art is to effect sudden surprises,
carefully pre-arranged. The barbarians’ superiority lies in
their firearms, but if we can only bring them to a hand-to-hand
engagement they will be unable to bring their artillery
to bear, and thus shall our victory be assured. The Mongol
and Manchu horsemen are quite useless for this kind of
warfare, but the men of Hupei and Ssŭ-ch’uan are as agile as
monkeys and adepts at the use of cover in secret approaches.
Let them but surprise these bandits once, and their rout is
inevitable. Therefore let Tseng Kuo-fan, the Viceroy of
Hukuang, send up at least three thousand of his best troops to
Peking, and let as many be despatched from Ssŭ-ch’uan.
Prince Seng’s troops have been defeated again and again, and
the capital is in great danger. At such a crisis as this, there
must be no delay; it is our earnest hope that a sufficient
force will speedily be collected, so that we may be rid of this
poisonous fever-cloud. For bravery and good service, there
will be great rewards. A most important Decree.”</p>

</div>

<p>At the Court’s halting place at Pa-Ko shih, close to the
Great Wall, a Memorial came in from Prince Seng Ko
Lin Ch’in, stating that small scouting parties of the barbarian
troops had been seen in the neighbourhood of Peking, but
that as yet there had been no general bombardment. A
Rescript was issued as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Inasmuch as it would appear that the pertinacity of
these barbarians will only increase with opposition, it seems
desirable to come to terms with them as soon as possible.
With reference to the French barbarian Gros’s petition to be
permitted to discuss matters with Prince Kung in person, at
Peking, we command the Prince to receive him. But
should the bandits attempt to approach the city in force,
Prince Seng should take them in the rear and cut off
their retreat. If by any chance, however, Peking should be
already taken, let the Mongol regiments be sent up to the
Great Wall for the protection of our person.”</p>

</div>

<p>After a leisurely journey, the Court reached Jehol on the
18th. On the 20th, the opinion of the advisers of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
Emperor seemed to be in favour of continuing the war at
all costs. A Decree was issued, referring to the fact that
the foreign troops had dared to encamp near the Summer
Palace, and forbidding Prince Kung to spare the lives of
any captured barbarians upon any pretext whatsoever. To
this Prince Kung replied stating that the prisoners had
already been released and that the Anting gate had been
surrendered to the foreigners. Prince Kung, in fact, was
statesman enough to realise that the only chance for China
lay in submission; he therefore ignored the Imperial Decrees.
Before long the Emperor was persuaded to allow negotiations
to be resumed, and on the 15th of the 9th Moon he
confirmed the Treaty, which had been signed in Peking, in
the following Edict:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Prince Kung, duly appointed by us to be Plenipotentiary,
concluded, on the 11th and 12th days of this Moon, Treaties
of Peace with the British and the French. Hereafter
amity is to exist between our nations in perpetuity, and
the various conditions of the Treaty are to be strictly
observed by all.”</p>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="III">III<br>
<span class="smaller">THE TSAI YÜAN CONSPIRACY</span></h2>

</div>

<p>It was originally intended that the Emperor Hsien-Feng
should return from Jehol to Peking in the spring of 1861,
and a Decree was issued to that effect. In January, however,
his illness had become so serious that travelling was out of
the question, and this Decree was rescinded.</p>

<p>At Jehol, removed from the direct influence of his brothers,
and enfeebled by sickness, the Emperor had gradually fallen
under the domination of the Prince Yi (Tsai Yüan) with
whom were associated, as Grand Councillors, the Prince
Tuan Hua and the Imperial Clansman Su Shun. These
three, recognising that the Emperor’s end was near and that
a Regency would be necessary, determined on securing the
power for themselves. Prince Yi was nominally the leader
of this conspiracy, but its instigator and leading spirit was
Su Shun. Tuan Hua, whose family title was Prince Cheng,
was the head of one of the eight princely Manchu families,
descended in the direct line from Nurhachu’s brother. Su
Shun was foster-brother to this Prince. In his youth he was
a conspicuous figure in the capital, famous for his Mohawk
tendencies, a wild blade, addicted to hawking and riotous
living. He had originally been recommended to the notice
of the Emperor by the two Princes and soon won his way
into the dissolute monarch’s confidence and goodwill. From
a junior post in the Board of Revenue, he rose rapidly,
becoming eventually an Assistant Grand Secretary, in which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
capacity he attained an unenviable reputation for avarice
and cruelty. He had made himself hated and feared by
persuading the Emperor to order the decapitation of his
chief, the Grand Secretary Po Chun,<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> on the pretext that
he had shown favouritism as Chief Examiner for the Metropolitan
Degree,—the real reason being that he had
offended the two Princes by his uncompromising honesty
and blunt speech. It was at this period that he first came
into conflict with the young Yehonala, who, dreading the
man’s growing influence with the Emperor, endeavoured to
counteract it, and at the same time to save the life of the
Grand Secretary; she failed in the attempt, and Su Shun’s
position became the stronger for her failure. All those who
opposed him were speedily banished or degraded. The
Court was terrified, especially when it was realised that
Yehonala was out of favour, and Su Shun took care to give
them real and frequent cause for alarm. At his instance, all
the Secretaries of the Board of Revenue were cashiered on a
charge of making illicit profits by cornering the cash market.
The charge was possibly well-founded, since such proceedings
are part of a Metropolitan official’s recognised means
of subsistence, but coming from the notoriously corrupt Su
Shun, it was purely vindictive, as was shown by his subsequent
action; for upon this charge he obtained the arrest
of over a hundred notables and rich merchants whom he
kept in custody of no gentle kind until they had ransomed
themselves with enormous sums. Thus was founded the
great fortune which enabled him to conspire with the Princes
Yi and Cheng<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> for the supreme power, and which led him
eventually to his ruin. To this day, many of his millions lie
in the Palace vaults, to which they were carried after his
impeachment and death—millions carefully hoarded by Tzŭ
Hsi and buried during the Court’s flight and exile in 1900.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span></p>

<p>It was chiefly because of the advice of Su Shun that the
Emperor fled his capital at the approach of the Allies, in
spite of the urgent appeals of Yehonala and the Grand
Council. By his advice also most of the high officials and
Metropolitan Ministers were prevented from accompanying
the Court, by which means the conspirators were able to
exercise steadily increasing influence over the Emperor, and
to prevent other advice reaching him. It was only the
supreme courage and intelligent grasp of the situation shown
by Yehonala, that frustrated the conspiracy at its most
critical moment. Immediately after the death of the Emperor,
and while the plotters were still undecided as to their final
plans, she sent an urgent message secretly to Prince Kung
which brought him with all speed to Jehol, where, by the
help of Jung Lu and other loyal servants, she put into
execution the bold plan which defeated the conspiracy and
placed her at the head of China’s government. On the day
when, the game hopelessly lost, the usurping Regents found
themselves in Yehonala’s hands and heard her order their
summary trial by the Court of the Imperial Clan, Su Shun
turned to his colleagues and bitterly reproached them.
“Had you but taken my advice and slain this woman,” he
said, “we should not have been in this plight to-day.”</p>

<p>To return, however, to the beginning of the conspiracy.
At the outset, the object of Prince Yi was to alienate the
Emperor from the influence of his favourite concubine,
Yehonala. With this object they informed him of the
intrigue which, by common report, she was carrying on with
the young Officer of the Guards, Jung Lu, then a handsome
athletic man of about twenty-five. The Empress Consort
they regarded as a negligible factor, whose good-natured and
colourless personality took little interest in the politics of the
day; but if their plot was to succeed, Yehonala must either
be dismissed from the Court for good and all, or, at the very
least, she must be temporarily relegated to the “Cold Palace,”
as is called the place where insubordinate or disgraced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
concubines are isolated. They knew that, however successful
their plans at Jehol, there must always be danger in the
event of the Emperor returning to Peking, where access to
his person is not possible at all times for officials (even those
nearest to the Throne), whereas Yehonala would be in a
position, with the help of her eunuchs, to recover his favour
and her power. Emphasising, therefore, the alleged misconduct
of the young concubine, they quoted the precedent of
a certain Empress Consort of Ch’ien-Lung who, for less
grievous disrespect (shown to the Emperor’s mother), was
imprisoned for life. Thus, by inventions and suggestions,
they so worked on the sick man’s mind that he finally
consented to have Yehonala’s infant son, the Heir Apparent,
removed from her care, and authorised the child’s being
handed over to the wife of Prince Yi, who was summoned
to the hunting-lodge Palace for that purpose. At the
same time, the conspirators thought it well to denounce
Prince Kung to the Emperor, his brother, accusing him of
treachery, of conniving with the foreigners against the
Throne, and of abusing his powers as Plenipotentiary.
Prince Yi had been for years Prince Kung’s sworn enemy.</p>

<p>The further intentions of the conspirators, instigated by
Su Shun, were to massacre all Europeans in the capital and
to put to death, or at least imprison for life, the Emperor’s
brothers. Accordingly they drafted in advance the Decrees
necessary to justify and explain these measures, intending to
publish them immediately after the Emperor’s death, which
was now imminent. But here an unforeseen obstacle
presented itself, the first of many created for them by the
far-seeing intelligence of Yehonala; for they found that
she had somehow managed to possess herself of the special
seal, which inviolable custom requires to be affixed to the first
Edict of a new reign, in proof of validity of succession,—a
seal, in the personal custody of the Emperor, which bears
the characters meaning “lawfully transmitted authority.”
Without this seal, any Decrees which the usurpers might<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
issue would lack something of legal finality and, according
to Chinese ideas, their subsequent cancellation would be
justifiable. But Prince Yi did not feel himself strong
enough to risk a crisis by accusing her or taking overt steps
to gain possession of it.</p>

<p>Angry with his favourite concubine by reason of the
reports of her intimacy with Jung Lu, and his sickness ever
increasing, the Emperor lingered on in Jehol all the summer
of that year, his duty in the ancestral sacrifices at Peking
being taken by Prince Kung. On the 4th of the 6th Moon,
the day before his thirtieth birthday, he issued the following
Decree in reply to a Memorial by the Court of Astronomers,
which had announced an auspicious conjunction of
the stars for the occasion:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Last month the Astronomers announced the appearance
of a comet in the north-west, which intimation we received
as a solemn warning of the impending wrath of Heaven.
Now they memorialise saying that the stars are in favourable
conjunction, which is doubtless a true statement, in no way
inspired by their desire to please us. But since we came to
the Throne, we have steadily refused to pay any attention to
auspicious omens, and this with good reason, in view of the
ever-increasing rebellions in the south and the generally
pitiable condition of our people. May the present auspicious
conjunction of the stars portend the dawning of a happier
day, and may heaven permit a speedy end to the rebellion.
In token of our sincerity, we desire that the Astronomical
Court shall refrain from reporting to the Chronicler’s
Office the present favourable omen for inclusion in the
annals of our reign, so that there may be ascribed to us the
merit of a devout and sober mind.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the following morning the Emperor received the
congratulations of his Court in a pavilion of the Palace
grounds, but Yehonala was excluded from this ceremony.
This was His Majesty’s last appearance in public; from this
date his illness became rapidly worse.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span></p>

<p>On the 7th of the 7th Moon Yehonala contrived to
despatch a secret courier to Prince Kung at Peking,
informing him of the critical condition of his brother and
urging him to send with all haste a detachment of the
Banner Corps to which the Yehonala clan belonged.
Events now moved swiftly. On the 16th, the Grand
Councillors and Ministers of the Presence, all adherents of
Tsai Yüan’s faction, entered the Emperor’s bedroom and,
after excluding the Empress Consort and the concubines,
persuaded the Emperor to sign Decrees appointing Tsai
Yüan, Tuan Hua and Su Shun to be Co-Regents upon his
decease, with full powers. Yehonala was to be expressly
forbidden from exercising any form of control over the Heir
Apparent. As the necessary seal of State had been taken by
Yehonala and could not be found, these proceedings were
irregular. At dawn on the following day the Emperor died,
and forthwith appeared the usual valedictory Decree,
prepared in advance by the conspirators, whereby Tsai Yüan
was appointed to be Chief Regent, Prince Kung and the
Empress Consort being entirely ignored.</p>

<p>In the name of the new Emperor, then a child of five, a
Decree was issued, announcing his succession, but it was
observed to violate all constitutional precedent in that it
omitted the proper laudatory references to the Imperial
Consort. On the following day, however, the Regents,
fearing to precipitate matters, rectified the omission in an
Edict which conferred the rank of Empress Dowager both
on the Empress Consort and on Yehonala. The chroniclers
aver that the reason for this step lay in the Regents’
recognition of Yehonala’s undoubted popularity with the
troops (all Manchus) at Jehol, an argument that weighed
more heavily with them than her rights as mother of the
Heir Apparent. They hoped to rid themselves of this
condition of affairs after the Court’s return to Peking, but
dared not risk internal dissensions by having her removed
until their positions had been made secure at the capital.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
That they intended to remove her was subsequently proved;
it was evident that their position would never be secure so
long as her ambitious and magnetic personality remained a
factor of the situation: but it was necessary, in the first
instance, to ascertain the effect of the Regency at Peking
and in the provinces.</p>

<p>Tsai Yüan’s next move was to publish Decrees, in the
names of the Joint Regents, by virtue of which they
assumed charge of the Heir Apparent and by which the
title of “Chien Kuo” (practically equivalent to Dictator)
was conferred on the Chief Regent, a title heretofore
reserved exclusively for brothers or uncles of the Emperor.</p>

<p>When the news reached Peking, a flood of Memorials
burst from the Censorate and high officials. The child
Emperor was implored to confer the Regency upon the
two Empresses, or, as the Chinese text has it, to
“administer the Government with suspended curtain.”<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
Prince Kung and the Emperor’s other brothers were at
this time in secret correspondence with Yehonala, whom
they, like the Censorate, had already recognised as the
master-mind of the Forbidden City. They urged her to
do all in her power to expedite the departure of the
funeral cortège for the capital. To secure this end, it was
necessary to proceed with the greatest caution and
diplomacy, for several of the late Emperor’s wives had been
won over to the side of the usurpers, who could also count
on a certain number of the Manchu bodyguard, their
own clansmen. The influence of Su Shun’s great fortune
was also no inconsiderable factor in the situation. The man
was personally unpopular with the people of Peking, because
of his abuse of power and too frequent connection with
speculations in bank-note issues and cash, which cost
the citizens dear, but his vaults were known to be full
to over-flowing, and there is no city in the world where
money buys more political supporters than in Peking. Su
Shun’s career has had its counterpart, in everything except
its sanguinary dénouement, in the capital to-day.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span></p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus06" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus06.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Her Majesty Tzŭ
  Hsi in the Year 1903.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>At the moment the position of the Emperor’s family was
prejudiced, and the aims of the conspirators assisted, by the
political situation. With the capital occupied by foreign
troops, and many of the provinces in the throes of a great
rebellion, the people might be expected to welcome a change
of rulers, and the ripe experience of the usurping Regents
in all matters of State was undeniable. But the virile and
untiring energies of Yehonala, ably supported by Jung Lu
and other faithful followers, soon put a new complexion on
affairs, and the situation was further modified in her favour
by the success of her nominee, the Commander-in-Chief,
Tseng Kuo-fan, in capturing the city of An-ch’ing (in Anhui)
from the rebels, a victory that was regarded as of good augury
to her cause. Thereafter her courage and diplomacy enabled
her to play off one opponent against another, gaining time
and friends until the conspirators’ chance was gone. Her
own aims and ambitions, which had been voiced by her
friends in the Censorate, were, however, to some extent
impeded by the fact that a House-law of the Dynasty forbids
the administration of the Government by an Empress
Dowager, while there were quite recent precedents for a
Regency by a Board, in the cases of the Emperors Shun-Chih
and K’ang-Hsi. In neither of these instances had the
Empress Tai-Tsung had any voice in the Government. The
precedent for Boards of official Regents had, however, come
to be recognised as inauspicious, because the several Regents
of K’ang-Hsi’s minority had either been banished or compelled
to commit suicide. It is probable, too, that Prince
Kung, in instigating and supporting the claims of the
Empresses, failed to appreciate Yehonala’s strength of
character, and believed that a women’s Regency would leave
the supreme power in his own hands.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span></p>

<p>A Manchu, who accompanied the flight to Jehol, describing
his experiences, lays stress upon Yehonala’s unfailing
courage and personal charm of manner, to which was due
her popularity with the Imperial Guards and her eventual
triumph. At the most critical period of the conspiracy she
was careful to avoid precipitating a conflict or arousing the
suspicions of the usurpers by openly conferring with Jung Lu,
and she employed as her confidential intermediary the eunuch
An Te-hai (of whom more will be heard later). By means of
this man daily reports were safely despatched to Prince Kung
at Peking, and, in the meanwhile, Yehonala affected an
attitude of calm indifference, treating Prince Yi with a
studied deference which lulled his suspicions.</p>

<p>On the 11th of the 8th Moon, the Board of Regents, after
meeting to discuss the situation, issued a Decree condemning
in strong terms a proposal put forward in a
Memorial by the Censor, Tung Yüan-ch’un, that the two
Empresses should be appointed Co-Regents, and referring
to the death-bed Decree of the late Emperor as their own
warrant of authority. At the same time they announced,
in the name of the young Emperor, that the funeral cortège
would start on its journey to the capital on the second day
of the next Moon. This was the step for which Yehonala
had been working and waiting. As Ministers of the Presence,
the Regents were perforce obliged to accompany the coffin
throughout the entire journey (some 150 miles) to the capital,
and the great weight of the catafalque, borne by one hundred
and twenty men, would necessarily render the rate of progress
very slow through the stony defiles of the hills. Resting
places would have to be provided at stages of about fifteen
miles along the route to shelter the Imperial remains and the
attendant officials by night, so that the Regents might count
on a journey of ten days at least, and longer in the event of
bad weather. To the Empresses, the slow progress of the
cortège was a matter of vital advantage, inasmuch as they
were not to take part in the procession, and, travelling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span>
ahead of it, could reach the capital in five days with swift
chair-bearers. Dynastic custom and Court etiquette prescribe
that upon the departure of the funeral procession, the new
Emperor and the consorts of the deceased sovereign should
offer prayers and libations, and should then press on so as to
be ready to perform similar acts of reverence on meeting the
cortège at its destination. Yehonala thus found herself in
a position of great strategic advantage, being enabled to reach
the capital well in advance of her enemies, and she speedily
laid her plans with Prince Kung to give them a warm
reception.</p>

<p>Tsai Yüan and his colleagues were well aware that they
were placed at grave disadvantage in having to remain
behind the young Empress, with every prospect of serious
trouble ahead; they, therefore, decided to have Yehonala
and the Empress Consort assassinated on the road, and to
that end gave orders that they should be escorted by the
Chief Regent’s personal bodyguard. Had it not been for
Jung Lu, who got wind of the plot, the Dowagers would
assuredly never have reached the capital alive. Acting with
the promptitude which Yehonala inspired, he deserted the
funeral cortège by night with a considerable following of his
own men, and hastened on to the protection of the Empresses,
overtaking them before they reached Ku-pei K’ou, at the end
of the pass from the plains into Mongolia, which was the
spot where the assassination was to have taken place.</p>

<p>Heavy rains had fallen just after the departure of the
procession from Jehol. The roads became impassable, and
the Empresses were compelled to seek shelter in the Long
Mountain gorge, where no sort of accommodation had
been provided. The cortège was then ten miles in their
rear. Yehonala, mindful ever of the proprieties, sent
back several men of her escort with a dutiful enquiry, in the
name of her colleague and herself, as to the safety of the
Imperial coffin. The reply, in the form of an Edict by
Prince Yi and his Co-Regents, reported that the catafalque<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span>
had reached the first resting place in safety; whereupon
Yehonala, asserting as of right the prerogatives of supreme
authority, donated to the bearers a thousand taels from her
Privy Purse in recognition of their arduous services.
Prince Yi, knowing full well that his own danger was
increasing every hour, and would continue so long as the
Empresses remained free to work against him, nevertheless
played bravely the part prescribed for him, conforming in
the grand manner to the traditions of his position. He forwarded
a Memorial to the Empresses, humbly thanking
them for their solicitude for the Emperor’s remains.
Yehonala, in reply, praised him for his faithful devotion to
duty. Thus, on the road to Death, they played at Etiquette.
Both these documents are filed in the Dynastic records and
afford remarkable evidence of the supreme importance which
Chinese and Manchus alike attach to forms and the written
word even at the most critical moments. Similar instances
could be cited at the height of the Boxer chaos.</p>

<p>The rains having ceased, the Empresses were able to
proceed on their journey, and having come safely through
the hill passes under Jung Lu’s protection, they were free
from further danger of ambush. They reached Peking on
the 29th of the 9th Moon, three full days’ journey ahead of
the procession. Immediately upon their arrival a secret
Council was held, at which were present the Emperor’s
brothers, together with the Ministers and Imperial clansmen
known to be loyal to their cause. Long and anxiously did
they confer. Although the Empress Mother was in possession
of the seal of legitimate succession, there was no known
precedent for so drastic a step as the summary, and possibly
violent, arrest of high officers of State convoying the
Imperial coffin. Such a course, it was felt, would be
regarded as disrespectful to the late Emperor and an inauspicious
opening to the new reign. The consensus of
opinion was, therefore, on the side of slow and cautious
measures, and it was decided thus to proceed, conforming to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span>
all the outward observances of dynastic tradition. The
coffin once arrived, the first step would be to deprive the
Regents of their usurped authority; the rest would follow.</p>

<p>The cortège was due to arrive at the north-west gate
of the city on the morning of the 2nd of the 10th Moon,
and on the previous evening Prince Kung posted a large
force of troops at this point to prevent any attempt at a
<i>coup de main</i> by Tsai Yüan’s followers. The boy Emperor,
accompanied by the Empresses Dowager, came out to meet
the coffin as it approached the city, and with him were
the late Emperor’s brothers and a great following of officials.
As the catafalque passed through the gate, the Imperial
party knelt and performed the prescribed acts of reverence.
Before the coffin came the Imperial insignia, and behind
it a large body of Manchu cavalry. Prince Yi and his
Co-Regents, having performed their duty in bringing the
coffin safely to the city, next proceeded, as required by
custom, to make formal report in person to the young
Emperor, upon fulfilment of their charge. For this purpose
they were received in a large marquee erected just inside the
city gate. Both Empresses were present, together with the
late Emperor’s brothers and the Grand Secretaries Kuei
Liang and Chou Tsu-p’ei.</p>

<p>Yehonala, calmly assuming, as was her wont, the principal
<i>rôle</i> and all attributes of authority, opened the proceedings
by informing Prince Yi that the Empress Consort and
she herself were grateful to him and to his colleagues for
the services which they had rendered as Regents and
Grand Councillors, of which duties they were now relieved.
Prince Yi, putting a bold face on it, replied that he himself
was Chief Regent, legally appointed, that the Empresses
had no power to divest him of authority properly conferred
by the late Emperor, and that, during the minority of
the new Emperor, neither she herself nor any other person
was entitled to attend audience without his express permission.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span></p>

<p>“We shall see about that,” said Yehonala, and forthwith
gave orders to the attendant guards to place the three
Regents under arrest. The Imperial party then hastened to
the Palace to be ready to meet the coffin upon its arrival at
the main entrance to the Forbidden City, for, however
acute the crisis, the dead take precedence of the living
in China. The deposed Regents quietly followed. All
hope of escape or resistance was out of the question, for
the streets were lined with troops faithful to Yehonala’s
cause. Her triumph was complete, essentially a triumph of
mind over matter. It was her first taste of the pomp
and circumstance of supreme power.</p>

<p>Forthwith the Empresses proceeded to regularise their
position by issuing the following Decree, which bore the
Great Seal of “Lawfully transmitted authority”:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Last year the coasts of our Empire were disturbed
and our capital was in danger, misfortunes entirely due
to the mismanagement of affairs by the Princes and Ministers
to whom they had been entrusted. Prince Yi (Tsai
Yüan) in particular and his colleagues failed to deal satisfactorily
with the peace negotiations, and sought to lessen
their responsibility by their treacherous arrest of the British
emissaries, thus involving China in charges of bad faith.
In consequence of these their acts, the Summer Palace was
eventually sacked by the British and French troops and the
Emperor was forced, greatly against his will, to seek refuge
in Jehol.</p>

<p>“Later, the Ministers of the newly established Tsungli
Yamên were able to arrange matters satisfactorily, and
peace was restored to the capital. Thereupon His late
Majesty repeatedly summoned the Grand Council to decide
upon a date for his return to Peking, but Tsai Yüan, Su
Shun and Tuan Hua conspired together, and, by making him
believe that England and France were not sincere in regard
to peace, were able to prevent his return and thus to oppose
the will of the people.</p>

<p>“Subsequently His Majesty’s health suffered severely from
the cold climate of Jehol and from his arduous labours and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span>
anxiety, so that he died on the 17th of the 7th Moon. Our
sorrow was even as a burning fire, and when we consider
how wickedly deceitful has been the conduct of Tsai Yüan
and his colleagues, we feel that the whole Empire must
unite in their condemnation. On ascending the Throne,
it was our intention to punish them, but we kept in mind
the fact that to them the Emperor had given his valedictory
instructions, and we therefore forbore, whilst observing
carefully their behaviour. Who could possibly have foretold
their misdeeds?</p>

<p>“On the 11th of the 8th Moon, a Memorial was presented
to us by the Censor Tung Yüan-ch’un, at an audience of the
eight Grand Councillors, in which it was asked that the
Empresses Dowager should for the time being, and during
our minority, administer the Government, that one or two of
the Princes should advise them and that a high official
should be appointed as tutor to ourselves. These suggestions
met with our entire approval. It is true that there exists no
precedent in the history of our Dynasty for an Empress
Dowager to act as Regent, but the interests of the State are
our first concern, and it is surely wiser to act in accordance
with the exigencies of the time than to insist upon a
scrupulous observance of precedent.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>

<p>“We therefore authorised Tsai Yüan to issue a Decree
concurring in the Censor’s proposals; but he and his colleagues
adopted an insolent tone towards us and forgot the reverence
due to our person. While pretending to comply with our
wishes, they issued a Decree quite different from that which
we had ordered, and promulgated it in our name. What was
their object? They professed to have no idea of usurping
our authority, but what else was their action but usurpation?</p>

<p>“Undoubtedly they took advantage of our extreme
youth and of the Empresses’ lack of experience in statecraft,
their object being to hoodwink us. But how could they
hope to hoodwink the entire nation? Their behaviour
displays monstrous ingratitude for His late Majesty’s favours,
and any further leniency on our part would be a just cause<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span>
of offence to the memory of the departed sovereign, and an
insult to the intelligence of the Chinese people. Tsai Yüan,
Su Shun and Tuan Hua are hereby removed from their
posts. Ching Shou, Mu Yin, Kuang Tu-han and Chiao
Yu-ying are removed from the Grand Council. Let Prince
Kung, in consultation with the Grand Secretaries, the six
Boards and the nine Ministries consider, and report to us as
to the proper punishment to be inflicted upon them, in
proportion to their respective offences. As regards the
manner in which the Empresses shall administer the
Government as Regents, let this also be discussed and a
Memorial submitted in reference to future procedure.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Empresses duly performed the proper obeisances
to the Imperial coffin at the eastern gate of the Palace,
escorting it thence to its temporary resting place in the
central Throne Hall.</p>

<p>In the security of Peking, and confident of the devotion
of the troops, Yehonala now proceeded to act more boldly.
She issued a second Decree in her own name and that of the
Empress Consort, ordering that the three principal conspirators
be handed over to the Imperial Clansmen’s Court
for the determination of a severe penalty. Pending the
investigation, which was to be carried out under the
Presidency of Prince Kung, they were to be stripped of
all their titles and rank. The vindictive autocrat of the
years to come speaks for the first time in this Edict.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Their audacity in questioning our right to give audience
to Prince Kung this morning shows a degree of wickedness
inconceivable, and convicts them of the darkest designs.
The punishment so far meted out to them is totally inadequate
to the depth of their guilt.”</p>

</div>

<p>Against Su Shun, in particular, the Empress’s wrath
burned fiercely. His wife had insulted her in the days
of her disgrace at Jehol, and Yehonala had ever a good
memory for insults. Next morning she issued the following
Decree for his especial benefit:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Because of Su Shun’s high treason, his wanton usurpation
of authority, his acceptance of bribes and generally
unspeakable wickedness, we commanded that he be degraded
and arrested by the Imperial Clansmen’s Court. But on
receipt of the Decree, Su Shun dared to make use of
blasphemous language in regard to ourselves, forgetful of
the inviolable relation between Sovereign and subject. Our
hair stands on end with horror at such abominable treason.
Moreover he has dared to allow his wife and family to
accompany him, when on duty accompanying the Imperial
coffin from Jehol, which is a most disgraceful violation of
all precedent.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The whole of his property, both at Peking
and at Jehol, is therefore confiscated, and no mercy shall be
shown him.”</p>

</div>

<p>As Su Shun’s property was worth several millions sterling
at the lowest estimate, the Empress Dowager thus acquired
at one stroke the sinews of war and a substantial nucleus for
that treasure hoard which henceforward was to be one of the
main objects of her ambition, and a chief source of her
power. During the present Dynasty there is a record of
one official wealthier than Su Shun, namely Ho Sh’en, a
Grand Secretary under Ch’ien Lung, whose property was
similarly confiscated by that Emperor’s successor.</p>

<p>But Yehonala’s lust of vengeance was not yet appeased.
Her next Decree, issued on the following day, gives evidence
of that acquisitive faculty, that tendency to accumulate
property and to safeguard it with housewifely thrift, which
distinguished her to the end:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Su Shun was erecting for himself a Palace at Jehol,
which is not yet completed. Doubtless he has vast stores of
treasure there. Doubtless also he has buried large sums
of gold and silver somewhere in the vicinity of his Jehol
residence, in anticipation of the possible discovery of his
crimes. Let all his property in Jehol be carefully inventoried,
when a Decree will be issued as to its disposal. Let all his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span>
property be carefully searched for treasure, to be handed
over when found. Any attempt at concealment by the
Jehol authorities will entail upon them the same punishment
as that which is to be inflicted upon Su Shun.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the 6th of the 10th Moon, Prince Kung and the
Imperial Commission sent in their report on the quite perfunctory
enquiry into the charges against Tsai Yüan and the
other conspirators. In the following Decree the offenders
were finally disposed of:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Memorial of our Imperial Commission recommends
that, in accordance with the law applying to cases of high
treason, the punishment of dismemberment and the lingering
death be inflicted upon Tsai Yüan, Tuan Hua and Su Shun.
Our Decrees have already been issued describing their
abominable plot and their usurpation of the Regency.</p>

<p>“On the day of His late Majesty’s death, these three
traitors claimed to have been appointed a Council of Regency,
but, as a matter of fact, His late Majesty, just before his
death, had commanded them to appoint us his successor,
without giving them any orders whatsoever as to their being
Regents. This title they proceeded to arrogate to themselves,
even daring to issue orders in that capacity and without the
formality of our Decree. Moreover they disobeyed the
personal and express orders given them by the Empresses
Dowager. When the Censor Tung Yüan-ch’un petitioned
that the Empresses should assume the government, they not
only dared to alter the Decree which we issued in reply,
but they openly asserted at audience their claim to be our
Regents and their refusal to obey the Empresses. If, said
they, they chose to permit the Empresses to see Memorials,
this was more than their duty required. In fact, their
insubordination and violent rudeness found expression in a
hundred ways. In forbidding us to give audience to our
uncles and to the Grand Secretaries, they evidently meant
to set us at variance with our kindred. The above remarks
apply equally to all three traitors.</p>

<p>“As to Su Shun, he insolently dared to seat himself upon
the Imperial Throne. He would enter the Palace precincts
unbidden, and whether on duty or not. He went so far as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span>
to use the Imperial porcelain and furniture for his own
purposes, even refusing to hand over certain articles that
we required for ourselves. He actually demanded an
audience with the Empresses separately, and his words, when
addressing them, indicated a cunning desire to set one
Empress against the other, and to sow seeds of discord.
These remarks apply to the individual guilt of Su Shun.</p>

<p>“Her Majesty the Empress Dowager, and Her Sacred
Majesty the Empress Dowager, our mother, duly informed
the Commission of Enquiry of these facts, and they have
to-day given audience to all the Princes and Ministers to
enquire of them whether the guilt of these three traitors
admits of any extenuating circumstances. It is unanimously
determined that the law allows of no leniency being
shown to such flagrant treason and wickedness as theirs.
When we reflect that three members of our Imperial
kindred have thus rendered themselves liable to a common
felon’s death in the public square, our eyes are filled with
tears. But all these their misdeeds, in usurping the Regency,
have involved our tutelary deities in the direst peril, and it
is not only to ourselves but to our illustrious ancestors that
they must answer for their damnable treason. No doubt
they thought that, come what may, they were sure of pardon,
because of their having received the mandate of His late
Majesty, but they forgot that the mandate which they have
claimed was never legally issued, and if we were now to
pardon them we should render the law of no effect for all
time and prove unfaithful to the trust reposed in us by our
late father. The punishment of dismemberment and the
lingering death, which the Commission recommends, is
indeed the proper punishment for their crimes, but the
House-law of our Dynasty permits of leniency being shown,
to a certain extent, to members of the Imperial Family.
Therefore, although, strictly speaking, their crimes allow of
no indulgence, we decide that they shall not suffer the
penalty of public disgrace. In token of our leniency,
Tsai Yüan and Tuan Hua are hereby permitted to commit
suicide, and Prince Su and Mien Sen are ordered to proceed
forthwith to the ‘Empty Chamber,’<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and command the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span>
immediate fulfilment of this order. It is not from any
feeling of friendliness towards these traitors that we allow
this, but simply to preserve the dignity of our Imperial
family.</p>

<p>“As to Su Shun, his treasonable guilt far exceeds that of
his accomplices, and he fully deserves the punishment of
dismemberment and the slicing process, if only that the law
may be vindicated and public indignation satisfied. But we
cannot make up our mind to impose this extreme penalty
and therefore, in our clemency, we sentence him to immediate
decapitation, commanding Prince Jui and Tsai
Liang to superintend his execution, as a warning to all
traitors and rebels.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="smcap">Note.</span>—The hereditary Princedoms of Yi and Cheng
which were forfeited by the conspiring Princes after the
death of Hsien-Feng, in 1861, were restored by the
Empresses Regent to commemorate their thanksgiving at
the suppression of the Taiping rebellion and the recapture
of Nanking (1864). In an Edict on the subject, Tzŭ Hsi
recalled the fact that the original patent of the Princedom
of Yi was given to a son of the Emperor K’ang-Hsi in 1723
and was to endure, according to the word of that Monarch,
until “the T’ai Mountain dwindles to the size of a grindstone,
and the Yellow River shrinks to the width of a girdle.”
After referring to the main features of the Tsai Yüan
conspiracy and the guilt of the traitors, Tzŭ Hsi proceeded
“We permitted these Princes to commit suicide because
they were ungrateful to ourselves, and had brought disrepute
on the good name of their ancestors. If these are now
conscious of their descendants’ misdeeds, while they wander
beside the Nine Springs,<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> how great must be the anguish of
their souls! At the time we were advised by our Princes
and Ministers of State, to put an end for ever to these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span>
Princely titles, and we did so in order to appease widespread
indignation. Since then, however, we have often thought
sorrowfully of the achievements of these Princely families
during the early reigns of our Dynasty, and now the triumph
of our arms at Nanking provides us with a fitting occasion
and excuse to rehabilitate these Princedoms, so that the
good name of their founders may remain unblemished. We
therefore hereby restore both titles as Princes of the blood
with all the estates and dependencies appertaining thereto,
and we command that the genealogical trees of these two
Houses be once more placed upon our Dynastic records in
their due order, it being always understood that the usurping
Princes Tuan Hua and Tsai Yüan, together with their
descendants in the direct line for two generations, are
expressly excluded from participation in these restored
privileges. Original patents of the Princes of Yi and Cheng
are hereby restored, together with their titles, to the Dukes
Cheng Chih and Tsai Tun. And take heed now both of you
Princes, lest you fall away from the ancient virtue of your
Houses! See to it that you long continue to enjoy our
favour by adding fresh lustre to your ancestral good name!”</p>

<p>The intention was undoubtedly well meant, but the
Houses of Yi and Cheng continued to incur the displeasure
of the gods. The next Prince Yi but one, was permitted
to commit suicide in 1900, for alleged complicity in the
Boxer rising, but it is significant that his name was not on
any Black List drawn up by the foreign Powers, and that
his death was due to his having incurred the displeasure of
the Old Buddha at a time when her nerves were not particularly
good, and when she was therefore liable to hasty
decisions. As to the House of Cheng, the holder of the
title in 1900 committed suicide on the day when the Allies
entered the city, a disappointed patriot of the best Manchu
model.</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi’s wrath against Su Shun found further vent three
years after his death in a Decree which debarred his sons<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span>
and descendants from ever holding public office, this
punishment being inflicted on the ground that he had
allowed personal spite to influence him, when consulted
by the Emperor Hsien-Feng regarding the penalty to be
inflicted on an offending rival.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="IV">IV<br>
<span class="smaller">THE FIRST REGENCY</span></h2>

</div>

<p>Although the collapse of the Tsai Yüan conspiracy, and
the stern justice administered to its leaders, rendered
Yehonala’s position secure and made her <i>de facto</i> ruler of
the Empire (for her colleague was, politically speaking,
a negligible quantity, or nearly so), she was extremely
careful, during the first years of the Regency, to avoid all
conspicuous assumption of power and to keep herself and
her ambitions in the background, while she omitted no
opportunity of improving her knowledge of the art of
government and of gaining the support of China’s leading
officials. For this reason all the Decrees of this period
are issued in the name of the Emperor, and Tzŭ Hsi’s
assumption of authority was even less conspicuous than
during her period of retirement at the Summer Palace after
the conclusion of Kuang-Hsü’s minority. The first Regency
(1861-1873) may be described as Tzŭ Hsi’s tentative period
of rule, in which she tasted the sweets, while avoiding the
appearance, of power. During the second Regency (1875-1889),
while her name appeared only occasionally as the
author of Imperial Decrees, she was careful to keep in her
hands all official appointments, the granting of rewards and
punishments and other matters of internal politics calculated
to increase her personal popularity and prestige with the
mandarinate. The “curtain was not suspended” during<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span>
Kuang-Hsü’s minority, as he was the nominee of the
Empresses, whereas the Emperor T’ung-Chih held his mandate
direct from the late Emperor, his father. It was not
until the final Regency (1898-1908), which was not a
Regency at all in the strict sense of the word but an
usurpation of the Imperial prerogative during the lifetime of
the sovereign, that, assured of the strength of her position,
she gave full rein to her love of power and, with something of
the contempt which springs from long familiarity, took unto
herself all the outward and visible signs of Imperial authority,
holding audience daily in the Great Hall of the Palace,
seated on the Dragon Throne, with the puppet Emperor
relegated to a position of inferiority, recognised and
acclaimed as the Old Buddha, the sole and undisputed ruler
of the Empire.</p>

<p>At the outset of her career, she appears to have realised
that the idea of female rulers had never been popular with
the Chinese people; that even the Empress Wu of the
eighth century, the greatest woman in Chinese history, was
regarded as a usurper. She was aware that the Empress
Lü (whose character, as described by historians, was not
unlike her own), to whom was due the consolidation of
power that marked the rise of the Han Dynasty, enjoys but
scant respect from posterity. On the other hand, she knew—for
the study of history was her pastime—that the
Empresses Dowagers of the past had often wielded supreme
power in the State, principles and precedents notwithstanding,
and their example she determined to follow. Upon the
taking off of the three chief conspirators, the Censors and
Ministers urged her to deal in similar drastic fashion with
their aiders and abettors, and Prince Kung was anxious, if not
for revenge, at least for precautions being taken against those
who had had the ear of the late Emperor during the last
months of his reign. But Yehonala showed statesmanlike
forbearance: early in life she realised that a few victims are
better than many, and that lives spared often mean whole<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span>
families of friends. After cashiering Prince Yi’s remaining
colleagues of the Grand Council, she dealt leniently with
other offenders. When, for instance, Chen Tu-en, President
of the Board of Civil Appointments, was impeached on the
ground that it was he who had first persuaded the Emperor
to flee to Jehol against her advice, and that, after the
Emperor’s death, he alone of all the high officials at the
capital had been summoned to Jehol by the usurping
Regents, she contented herself with removing him from
office, though his guilt was clearly proved. Another official,
a Minister of the Household, who had endeavoured to
further the aims of the conspirators, by dissuading Hsien-Feng
from returning to Peking in the spring of 1861, on
the plea that an insurrection was impending, was also
cashiered. But there was nothing in the nature of a general
proscription, in spite of the pecuniary and other advantages
which usually commend retaliation to the party in power at
Peking. In an able Decree, Tzŭ Hsi let it be understood
that she wished to punish a few only, and those chiefly <i>pour
encourager les autres</i>. It was always a characteristic of hers
that, when her ends were safely secured, she adopted a policy
of watchful leniency: <i>moderata durant</i>. In this instance
she was fully aware of the fact that Tsai Yüan and his
colleagues would never have had the opportunities, nor the
courage, to conspire for the Regency had they not been
assured of the sympathy and support of many of the higher
officials, but she preferred to let the iron hand rest in its
velvet glove unless openly thwarted. She would have no
proscriptions, no wreaking of private grudges and revenges.
It was this characteristic of hers that, as will be seen in
another place, obtained for her, amongst the people of
Peking in particular, a reputation for almost quixotic
gentleness, a reputation which we find expressed in frequent
references to the “Benign Countenance,” or “Benevolent
Mother,” and which undoubtedly represented certain genuine
impulses in her complex nature. So, having crushed the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span>
conspiracy, she contented herself with exhorting all concerned
to “attend henceforth strictly to their duty, avoiding those
sycophantic and evil tendencies which had brought Chen
Tu-en and Huang Tsung-ban to their disgrace.” In another
Decree she emphasised the principle that sins of omission
are not much less grave than overt acts, roundly censuring
the Princes and Ministers of her Government for having
failed to denounce the conspirators at once, and charging
them with cowardice. It was fear and nothing else, she
said, that had prevented them from revealing the truth; and
then, with one of those naïve touches which makes Chinese
Edicts a perpetual feast, she added that, should there be any
further plots of usurpers, she would expect to be informed of
their proceedings without delay. Above all, she bade the
Imperial Clan take warning by the fate of the three
conspirators, and intimated that any further attempts of this
kind would be far more severely dealt with.</p>

<p>One of the first steps of the Regency was to determine the
title of the new reign. The usurping Princes had selected
the characters “Chi-Hsiang,” meaning “well-omened happiness,”
but to Yehonala’s scholarly taste and fine sense of
fitness, the title seemed ill-chosen and redundant, and as she
wished to obliterate all memory of the usurpers’ <i>régime</i>, she
chose in its place the characters “T’ung-Chih,” meaning
“all-pervading tranquillity,” probably with one eye on the
suppression of the rebellion and the other on the chances of
peace in the Forbidden City. As far as all good augury for
the Emperor himself was concerned, one title was, as events
proved, no more likely to be effective than the other.</p>

<p>On the same day as the proclamation of the new reign was
made by Edict, the Empresses Dowager issued a Decree
explaining, and ostensibly deprecating, the high honour
thrust upon them.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Our assumption of the Regency was utterly contrary to
our wishes, but we have complied with the urgent request of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span>
our Princes and Ministers, because we realise that it is
essential that there should be a higher authority to whom
they may refer. So soon as ever the Emperor shall have
completed his education, we shall take no further part in the
Government, which will then naturally revert to the system
prescribed by all dynastic tradition. Our sincere reluctance
in assuming the direction of affairs must be manifest to all.
Our officials are expected loyally to assist us in the arduous
task which we have undertaken.”</p>

</div>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus07" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus07.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Exterior of the
  Ch’ien Ch’ing Palace.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Ogawa, Tokio.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Following upon this, a Decree was issued in the name of
the Emperor, which represented the boy as thanking their
Majesties the Regents and promising that, so soon as he
came of age, he would endeavour, by dutiful ministrations,
to prove his gratitude.</p>

<p>For the procedure of Government it was then arranged
that the Empresses should daily hold joint audiences in the
side Hall of the main Palace. At these, and at all except the
great Court ceremonies, the Emperor’s great-uncle and four
brothers were excused from performing the “kotow,” the
Emperor’s respect for the senior generation being thus
indirectly exhibited.</p>

<p>Upon their acceptance of the Regency, honorific titles
were conferred upon both Empresses. Each character in
these titles represents a grant from the public funds of
100,000 taels per annum (say, at that time, £20,000). Thus
the Empress Consort became known by the title of Tzŭ An
(Motherly and Restful) while Yehonala became Tzŭ Hsi
(Motherly and Auspicious), one being the Empress of the
Eastern, and the other of the Western Palace. At various
subsequent periods, further honorific characters, in pairs,
were added unto them, so that, on her seventieth birthday,
Tzŭ Hsi was the proud possessor of sixteen. On that
occasion she modestly and virtuously refused the four
additional characters with which the Emperor Kuang-Hsü
(not unprompted) desired to honour her. Tzŭ An lived to
receive ten in all; both ladies received two on their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span>
thirtieth birthdays, two on the Emperor T’ung-Chih’s
accession, two just before his death in recognition of their
“ministrations” during his attack of small-pox, and two on
their fortieth birthdays. Tzŭ Hsi received two more on her
fiftieth birthday, two on Kuang-Hsü’s marriage, and two
on her sixtieth birthday. Tzŭ Hsi’s complete official
designation at the end of her life was not easy to remember.
It ran, “Tzŭ-Hsi-Tuan-yu-K’ang-yi-Chao-yu-Chuang-ch’eng-Shou-kung-Ch’in-hsien-Ch’ung-hsi-Huang
Tai-hou,”
which, being translated, means “The Empress Dowager,
motherly, auspicious, orthodox, heaven-blessed, prosperous,
all-nourishing, brightly manifest, calm, sedate, perfect,
long-lived, respectful, reverend, worshipful, illustrious and
exalted.”</p>

<p>At the beginning of the Regency it suited Yehonala to
conciliate and humour Prince Kung. In conjunction with
her colleague, she therefore bestowed upon him the titles of
“I-Cheng Wang,” or Prince Adviser to the Government,
and by special Decree she made the title of “Ch’in Wang,”
or Prince of the Blood (which had been bestowed upon him
by the late Emperor), hereditary in his family for ever.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>
Prince Kung begged to be excused from accepting the
former honour, whereupon ensued a solemn parade of refusal
on the part of the Empresses, one of whom, as events
proved, certainly wanted no adviser. Eventually, after much
deprecation, Their Majesties gave way as regards the hereditary
title, but on the understanding that the offer would
be renewed at a more fitting season. Yehonala who, in her
better moments of grateful memory, could scarcely forget
the brave part which Prince Kung had played for her
at Jehol, made amends by adopting his daughter as a
Princess Imperial, granting her the use of the Yellow
palanquin. The influence of this Princess over Tzŭ Hsi,
especially towards the end, was great, and it was strikingly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span>
displayed in 1900 on behalf of Prince Tuan and the Boxer
leaders.</p>

<p>Ignorant at the outset of many things in the procedure of
Government routine, feeling her way through the labyrinth
of party politics and foreign affairs, afraid of her own youth
and inexperience, it was but natural that Tzŭ Hsi should
have recourse to the ripe wisdom of the late Emperor’s
brother and be guided by his opinion. But as time went on,
as her knowledge of affairs broadened and deepened, her autocratic
instincts gradually asserted themselves in an increasing
impatience of advice and restraint. As, by the study of
history and the light of her own intelligence, she gained
confidence in the handling of State business and men, the
guidance which had previously been welcome became
distasteful, and eventually assumed the character of interference.
Despotic by nature, Tzŭ Hsi was not the woman
to tolerate interference in any matter where her own mind
was made up, and Prince Kung, on his side, was of a
disposition little less proud and independent than her own.
When the young Yehonala began to evince a disposition
to dispense with his advice, he was therefore not inclined to
conceal his displeasure, and relations speedily became
strained. As Tzŭ Hsi was at no pains to hide her
resentment, he gradually came to adopt a policy of instigating
her colleague, the Empress of the East, to a more
independent attitude, a line of action which could not fail to
produce ill-feeling and friction in the Palace. In the
appointment of officials, also, which is the chief object and
privilege of power in China, he was in the habit of promoting
and protecting his own nominees without reference to
Yehonala, by direct communications to the provinces.
Eye-witnesses of the events of the period have recorded their
impression that his attitude towards both Empresses at the
commencement of the Regency was somewhat overbearing;
that he was inclined to presume upon the importance of his
own position and services, and that on one occasion at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span>
audience, he even presumed to inform the Empresses that
they owed their position to himself, a remark which Tzŭ Hsi
was not likely to forget or forgive.</p>

<p>At the audiences of the Grand Council, it was the custom
for the two Empresses to sit on a raised daïs, each on her
separate Throne, immediately in front of which was suspended
a yellow silk curtain; they were therefore invisible to
the Councillors, who were received separately and in the
order of their seniority, Prince Kung coming first in his
capacity as “adviser to the Government.” Beside their
Majesties on the daïs stood their attendant eunuchs; they
were in the habit of peeping through the folds of the curtain,
keeping a careful eye upon the demeanour of the officials in
audience, with a view to noting any signs of disrespect or
breach of etiquette. Strictly speaking, no official, however
high his rank, might enter the Throne room unless summoned
by the chief eunuch in attendance, but Prince Kung
considered himself superior to such rules, and would enter
unannounced. Other breaches of etiquette he committed
which, as Her Majesty’s knowledge of affairs increased, were
carefully noted against him; for instance, he would raise his
voice when replying to their Majesties’ instructions (which
were always given by Tzŭ Hsi), and on one occasion,
he even ventured to ask that Tzŭ Hsi should repeat something
she had just said, and which he pretended not to
have understood. His attitude, in short (say the chroniclers),
implied an assumption of equality which the proud spirit
of the young Empress would not brook. Living outside
the Palace as he did, having free intercourse with Chinese
and foreign officials on all sides, he was naturally in a
position to intrigue against her, did he so desire. Tzŭ Hsi,
on the other hand, was likely to imagine and exaggerate
intrigues, since nearly all her information came from the
eunuchs and would therefore naturally assume alarming
proportions. There is little doubt that she gradually came
to believe in the possibility of Prince Kung working against<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span>
her authority, and she therefore set herself to prove to him
that his position and prerogatives depended entirely upon
her good will.</p>

<p>She continued watching her opportunity and patiently
biding her time until the occasion presented itself in the
fourth year of the Regency (April, 1865). In a moment
of absent-mindedness or bravado, Prince Kung ventured to
rise from his knees during an audience, thus violating a
fundamental rule of etiquette originally instituted to guard
the Sovereign against any sudden attack. The eunuchs
promptly informed their Majesties, whereupon Tzŭ Hsi
called loudly for help, exclaiming that the Prince was
plotting some evil treachery against the persons of the
Regents. The Guards rushed in, and Prince Kung was
ordered to leave the presence at once. His departure was
speedily followed by the issue of an Imperial Decree,
stating that he had endeavoured to usurp the authority of
the Throne and persistently overrated his own importance to
the State. He was accordingly dismissed from his position
as adviser to the Government, relieved of his duties on the
Grand Council and other high offices in the Palace; even
his appointment as head of the Foreign Office, or Tsungli
Yamên, was cancelled. “He had shown himself unworthy
of their Majesties’ confidence,” said the Edict, “and had
displayed gross nepotism in the appointment of high
officials: his rebellious and usurping tendencies must be
sternly checked.”</p>

<p>A month later, however, Tzŭ Hsi, realising that her own
position was not unassailable, and that her treatment of this
powerful Prince had created much unfavourable comment at
Court and in the provinces, saved her face and the situation
simultaneously, by issuing a Decree in the name of herself
and her colleague, which she described as a Decree of
explanation. In this document she took no small credit to
herself for strength of character and virtue in dealing
severely with her near kinsmen in the interests of the State,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span>
and pointed to the fact that any undue encouragement of
the Imperial clansmen, when inclined to take a line of their
own, was liable, as history had repeatedly proved, to involve
the country in destructive dissension. Her real object in
inflicting punishment on the Prince for treating the Throne
with disrespect was to save him from himself and from the
imminent peril of his own folly. But now that several
Memorials had been sent in by Censors and others,
requesting that his errors be pardoned, the Throne could
have no possible objection to showing clemency and, the
position having been made clear, Prince Kung was restored
to the position of Chamberlain, and to the direction of the
Foreign Office. The Prince, in fact, needed a lesson in
politeness and, having got it, Her Majesty was prepared to
let bygones be bygones, it being clearly understood that, for
the future, he should display increased energy and loyalty as
a mark of his sincere gratitude to their Majesties.</p>

<p>A week later, Tzŭ Hsi, in order to drive the lesson home,
issued the following Decree in the name of the Empresses
Regent.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We granted an audience this morning to Prince Kung
in order to permit him to return thanks for his re-appointment.
He prostrated himself humbly and wept bitterly, in
token of his boundless self-abasement. We naturally took
occasion to address to him some further words of warning
and advice, and the Prince seemed genuinely grieved at his
errors and full of remorse for misconduct which he freely
acknowledged. Sincere feeling of this kind could not fail to
elicit our compassion.</p>

<p>“It is now some years since we first assumed the burden
of the Regency and appointed Prince Kung to be our chief
adviser in the Government; in this position his responsibility
has been as great as the favour which we have bestowed
upon him. The position which he has occupied in special
relation to the Throne, is unparalleled; therefore we expected
much from him and, when he erred, the punishment which
we were compelled to inflict upon him was necessarily<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span>
severe. He has now repented him of the evil and
acknowledged his sins. For our part we had no prejudice in
this matter, and were animated only by strict impartiality;
it was inconceivable that we should desire to treat harshly a
Councillor of such tried ability, or to deprive ourselves of
the valuable assistance of the Prince. We therefore now
restore him to the Grand Council, but in order that his
authority may be reduced, we do not propose to reinstate
him in his position as ‘adviser to the Government.’ Prince
Kung, see to it now that you forget not the shame and
remorse which have overtaken you! Strive to requite our
kindness and display greater self-control in the performance
of your duties! Justify our high confidence in you by
ridding your mind of all unjust suspicions and fears.”</p>

</div>

<p>In the autumn of this year, 1865, took place the burial
of the late Emperor, Hsien-Feng, the preparation of whose
tomb had been proceeding for just four years. With him was
buried his consort Sakota, who had died in 1850, a month
before her husband’s accession to the Throne; her remains
had been awaiting burial at a village temple, seven miles
west of the capital, for fifteen years. As usual, the funeral
ceremonies and preparation of the tombs involved vast
expenditure, and there had been considerable difficulty in
finding the necessary funds, for the southern provinces,
which, under ordinary circumstances would have made the
largest contributions, were still suffering severely from the
ravages of the Taiping rebellion. The Emperor’s mausoleum
had cost nominally ten million taels, of which amount,
of course, a very large proportion had been diverted for the
benefit of the officials of the Household and others.</p>

<p>The young Emperor, and the Empresses Regent
proceeded, as in duty bound, to the Eastern Tombs to take
their part in the solemn burial ceremonies. Prince Kung
was in attendance; to him had fallen the chief part in the
preparation of the tomb and in the provision of the funds,
and Her Majesty had no cause to complain of any scamping
of his duties. The body of the Emperor, in an Imperial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span>
coffin of catalpa wood, richly lacquered and inscribed with
Buddhist sutras, was borne within the huge domed grave
chamber, and there deposited in the presence of their
Majesties upon its “jewelled bedstead,” the pedestal of
precious metals prepared to receive it. In the place of
the concubines and eunuchs, who in prehistoric days used to
be buried alive with the deceased monarch, wooden and paper
figures of life size were placed beside the coffin, reverently
kneeling to serve their lord in the halls of Hades. The huge
candles were lighted, prayers were recited, and a great wealth
of valuable ornaments arranged within the grave chamber;
gold and jade sceptres, and a necklace of pearls were placed
in the coffin. And when all was duly done, the great door
of the chamber was slowly lowered and sealed in its place.</p>

<p>Next day the Empresses Dowager issued a Decree in
which Prince Kung’s meritorious acts are graciously recognised,
and their Majesties’ thanks accorded to him for the
satisfactory fulfilment of the funeral ceremonies.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Prince Kung has for the last five years been preparing
the funeral arrangements for his late Majesty and has shown
a due sense of decorum and diligence. To-day, both the late
Emperor and his senior consort have been conveyed to their
last resting place, and the great burden of our grief has been
to some extent mitigated by our satisfaction in contemplating
the grandeur of their tombs, and the solemn ceremonies
of their burial. No doubt but that the spirit of His Majesty
in Heaven has also been comforted thereby. We now feel
bound to act in accordance with the fraternal affection which
always animated the deceased Emperor towards Prince
Kung, and to bestow upon him high honours. But the
Prince has repeatedly declined to accept any further
dignities, lest perchance he should again be tempted to
arrogance. His modesty meets with our approval, and we
therefore merely refer his name to the Imperial Clan Court,
for the selection of a reward. But we place on record the
fact that as Grand Councillor he has been of great service
to us, and has of late displayed notable circumspection and
self-restraint in all matters.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span></p>

<p>“The Decree which we issued last Spring was caused by
the Prince’s want of attention to small details of etiquette,
and if we were obliged to punish him severely, our motives
have been clearly explained. No doubt everyone in the
Empire is well aware of the facts, but as posterity may
possibly fail to realise all the circumstances, and as unjust
blame might fall upon the memory of Prince Kung, if that
Decree were allowed to remain inscribed amongst the
Imperial Archives, thus suggesting a flaw in the white jade
of his good name, we now command that the Decree in
which we announced Prince Kung’s dismissal from office be
expunged from the annals of our reign. Thus is our
affection displayed towards a deserving servant, and his
good name preserved untarnished to all time.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Empress Dowager was essentially a woman of moods,
and these Imperial Decrees simply reflect the fact, at the
beginning of her autocratic rule, as they did until its close.
Four years later Prince Kung was to incur her deep and
permanent dislike by conspiring with her colleague to
deprive her of her favourite, the chief eunuch An Te-hai.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="V">V<br>
<span class="smaller">TSENG KUO-FAN AND THE TAIPING REBELLION (1864)</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The first years of Yehonala’s Co-Regency, during which
she was steadily acquiring the arts and crafts of Government,
and gradually relegating her easy-going colleague to the
background, were joyfully associated in the minds of her
subjects with the decline and final collapse of the great
rebellion which had devastated the best part of the Empire
since 1850. Chinese historians (a body of writers who
depend largely on each others’ writings for material) agree
in attributing the final deliverance from this scourge to the
ability and courage of the famous Viceroy Tseng Kuo-fan,<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>
and for once their praises are well-deserved, for this military
scholar like his fellow provincial and colleague, Tso Tsung-t’ang,<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
was a man of the heroic breed of philosophers which,
with all its faults, the Confucian system has always produced,
and continues to produce, to the great benefit of the Chinese
people, a man whose name ranks high among China’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span>
worthies, a household word for honesty and intelligent
patriotism.</p>

<p>It was one of the secrets of Tzŭ Hsi’s success as a ruler
that she recognised and appreciated merit whenever she
found it, and especially the merit of a military commander:
it was only when she allowed her superstitious tendencies to
outweigh her judgment that she failed. For the character
and talents of Tseng Kuo-fan she had the highest respect,
due, no doubt, in the first instance to the effect of his military
despatches, stirring tales of camp and siege, on her imaginative
mind, but later to personal acquaintance with his sterling
qualities. With the single exception of Jung Lu, probably
no high official ever stood so high in her affectionate esteem,
and Jung Lu was a Manchu kinsman, while Tseng came
from one of the proverbially independent gentry families of
Hunan. From a Chinese narrative of the Taiping rebellion,
we are able to obtain a very clear impression, not only of
Tseng’s character and of his conception of patriotism but
also of the remarkable and undisputed position of autocratic
power already at that time enjoyed by the youthful Empress
Tzŭ Hsi. Before turning to this narrative, however, certain
points in connection with the final defeat of the Taipings
deserve to be noted, events with which Englishmen were
prominently identified, but which, as recorded by British eye-witnesses,
confirm our doubts as to the historical value of
Imperial Edicts and Chinese official despatches.</p>

<p>The Emperor Hsien-Feng had died in exile and defeat at
Jehol in August 1861. The Summer Palace had been
destroyed by the British and French forces, peace had been
restored, and the Co-Regency of the Empresses Dowager
had commenced. One of the first acts of Prince Kung,
in his capacity as “Adviser to the Government” after the
conclusion of the Peace Convention of October 1860, was to
invoke the aid of his country’s conquering invaders against
the Chinese rebels, whose strong position on the Yangtsze
was causing the Court ever increasing anxiety. It is an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span>
illuminating example of Chinese methods of government,
not without parallels and value to-day, that even while the
British and French forces were concentrating at Shanghai
for their invasion of north China, high Chinese officials in the
Yangtsze provinces had not hesitated to invoke their aid
against the rebels, and had been chagrined at a refusal which
appeared to them unwise since it ignored the interests of
British trade at its most important centre. The history of
the “Ever-Victorious Army” need not be referred to here.
It kept the rebels in check in the province of Kiangsu
throughout the year 1862, and in February 1863 the British
Government sanctioned the lending of “Chinese Gordon”
to take command of that force, which was speedily to turn
the tide of war in favour of the Imperialists and effectively
to pave the way for Tseng Kuo-fan’s final restoration of law
and order. Soochow, the provincial capital, was regained in
December 1863, and in the following July the fall of the
rebel capital (Nanking) and the death of the rebel “King”
practically ended the insurrection. A considerable number
of Europeans, including a French Admiral, had given their
lives to win back China for the Manchu Dynasty, although
at the outset public opinion was in favour of strict neutrality
and there were many, even then, who thought China would
be well rid of her degenerate rulers: nevertheless, the
triumphant Edict in which is recorded Tseng Kuo-fan’s
capture of Nanking contains no word of reference to Gordon
and the invaluable help which he rendered, and, as will be
seen, Tseng’s only reference to the British Commander is to
accuse him of having recommended the inhuman treatment
of a defenceless prisoner. In accordance with the invariable
classical tradition, he ascribes his success to “the consummate
virtue and wisdom” of the late Emperor Hsien-Feng;
the tradition represents, in conventional phraseology,
the Oriental conception of the divine right of kings, and
their infallibility (a conception which we find reproduced
almost verbatim in the modern Japanese Generals’ modest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span>
reports of their greatest victories), and it is incompatible in
China with any reference to the existence, much less the
services, of foreign barbarians. The fact is worth noting, for
Tseng was an exceptionally intelligent and courageous man
who could, sooner than most men, have ventured on a new
departure; and he knew full well that this same Gordon,
who had steadily driven the rebels before him, cane in hand
for over a year, had come hot-foot to the task from the
sacking of the Manchu sovereigns’ Summer Palace!</p>

<p>But Yehonala’s joy at the fall of Nanking was unfeignedly
great, and the Decree in which, in the name of the boy
Emperor, she records the event and rewards the victors, is a
brilliant example of her literary style. We take the
following extracts from this document, as of permanent
interest and throwing light on the character of Tzŭ Hsi.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="center"><i>Decree on the Fall of Nanking.</i></p>

<p>“An express courier from Tseng Kuo-fan, travelling
two hundred miles a day, has just arrived, bearing the red
banner of decisive victory and a Memorial describing the
capture of Nanking, the suicide by burning of the rebel
Prince, the complete destruction of the Taiping host and the
capture of two of their leading commanders. Perusal of
this Memorial fills us with the deepest joy and gratitude,
which all our people will share. The leader of the long
haired rebels<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Hung Hsiu-ch’uan first raised his standard
of revolt in the thirtieth year of Tao-Kuang (1850); from
Kuangsi the movement spread gradually through Hunan,
Hupei and the Yangtsze provinces to Chihli itself and
Shantung, until scarcely a spot in the whole Empire but
bore the footprints of the rebel armies. In the third year of
Hsien-Feng (1853) they took Nanking and there established
the seat of their Government. Uncounted thousands of our
subjects have fallen victims to their savage crimes. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span>
cup of their guilt has indeed overflowed. Gods and men alike
hold them in abhorrence.</p>

<p>“Our Imperial father, in the majesty of his wrath, and in
all reverence to Heaven, began a punitive campaign against
them and named Kuan Wen, the Viceroy of Wu-Ch’ang, to
be his Imperial Commissioner for the war. This officer
successfully cleared the Hupei region of rebels and then
marched eastwards towards Kiangsu in order to extirpate
them there also. Later, Tseng Kuo-fan was made Viceroy
of Nanking and Imperial Commissioner for the campaign in
Kiangsu and Anhui, and he achieved great results, proportionate
to his high responsibility.</p>

<p>“On the death of our late father (1861), half the cities of
Kiangsu and Chekiang had been retaken by our forces, and
it was a source of grief to His Majesty, recorded in his
valedictory Decree, that he could not have lived to see the
end of the rebellion. Upon our succeeding to the goodly
heritage of the Throne, obeying our late father’s commands
and listening to the sage counsel of the Empresses Regent,
we promoted Tseng Kuo-fan to be an Assistant Grand
Secretary and gave him full powers as Commander-in-Chief
over the four provinces of Kiangsu, Kiangsi, Anhui and
Chekiang, so as to secure an undivided plan of campaign.</p>

<p>“Ever since his appointment he has adopted a policy of
masterful strategy in combination with the forces of P’eng
Yu-lin and Tseng Kuo-ch’uan,<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> attacking the rebels both by
land and by water. Over a hundred cities have been
recaptured and over a hundred thousand rebels, who were
advancing to the relief of Nanking, have been slain and
‘their left ears cut off.’<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> Nanking was thus completely
invested and its relief became impossible. Early this month
the outer defences of the city were taken and some thirty
thousand rebels put to the sword, but their so-called King
and his desperate followers were still at bay in the inner city,
fighting fiercely to the end.</p>

<p>“Tseng Kuo-fan now reports that after the capture by our
troops of the outer city ramparts, the rebels greatly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span>
strengthened the inner defences. Our men succeeded in
taking the ‘Dragon’s Elbow’ hill and a general bombardment
followed. Mining and counter-mining went on
furiously in the vicinity of the chief forts amidst desperate
encounters. At dawn on the 16th all our forces were collected,
and by springing a mine under the wall of the city
a breach was made some sixty yards in width. Our men
rushed the gap, burst into the city and were advancing on all
sides when the rebels from the wall exploded a magazine,
and many of our men were slain. A panic was only averted
by our leaders cutting down a number of those who were
attempting to fly.</p>

</div>

<p>[<i>Here follows a detailed description of the fighting, which
we omit.</i>]</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“By 1 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> flames were bursting from the Palace of the
‘Heavenly King’ and the residences of other rebel leaders.
One of them rushed from the main Palace Hall with one
thousand followers and sought refuge in some houses near
the south gate of the city. After some seven hundred of his
men had been slain, he was captured, and on his person were
found two Imperial seals of jade and one official seal of gold.
At 3 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> about a thousand of the rebels, disguised in our
uniforms, escaped through the tunnel at the Gate of Heavenly
Peace but our cavalry pursued them and captured or
destroyed the whole force at Hu-Shu chen, where their
leader, the ‘Glorious Prince,’ was taken alive. On being
examined, this leader whose name was Li Wan-ts’ai, admitted
that seven of the so-called Princes of the Taipings had been
slain by our forces, while seeking to escape under cover of
darkness, on the night of our entrance into the city.</p>

<p>“According to the evidence of other rebels, the arch-leader
Hung Hsiu-ch’uan, had committed suicide by taking
poison a month before. He had been buried in the court-yard
of his Palace, and his son, the so-called Boy-Prince,
had succeeded to the usurped title. He also had committed
suicide by burning when the city fell. Another
of their chiefs, one Li Hsiu-cheng, had been wounded and
was in hiding at a spot near by, where our men found him
together with the elder brother of the ‘Heavenly King.’<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span>
During these three days, over a hundred thousand rebels
were killed, of whom some three thousand were their
so-called Princes, generals, and high officers.</p>

<p>“This glorious victory is entirely due to the bountiful
protection of Heaven, to the ever-present help of our
Ancestors, and to the foresight and wisdom of the Empresses
Regent, who, by employing and promoting efficient leaders
for their armies, have thus secured co-operation of all our
forces and the accomplishment of this great achievement,
whereby the soul of our late father in Heaven must be
comforted, and the desire of all people fulfilled. For
ourselves we feel utterly unworthy of this crowning triumph,
and we are truly distressed at the thought that our late
father could not live to witness this consummation of his
unfinished plans. This rebellion has now lasted fifteen years,
during twelve of which Nanking has been held by the rebels.
They have devastated about a dozen provinces, and have
captured some hundreds of cities. Their final defeat we
owe to our Generals, ‘who have been combed by the wind
and bathed in the rain,’ and who have undergone every
conceivable hardship in bringing about the destruction of
these unspeakable traitors. We are therefore bound to
recognise their exceptional services by the bestowal of
exceptional rewards. Tseng Kuo-fan first contributed to
this glorious end by raising a force of militia in Hunan and
a fleet of war-vessels with which he won great victories,
saving his province from complete ruin. He re-captured
Wu-Ch’ang, cleared the whole province of Kiangsi, and,
advancing eastwards, recovered city after city. That glorious
success has finally crowned our efforts is due chiefly to
his masterly strategy and courage, to his employment of able
subordinates and to his remarkable powers of organisation.
We now confer upon him the title of Senior Guardian of
the Throne, a marquisate of the first rank, hereditary in
perpetuity, and the decoration of the double-eyed peacock’s
feather.</p>

</div>

<p>[<i>Here follows a long list of officers rewarded, beginning
with Tseng Kuo-fan’s brother, above mentioned, who was
given an earldom.</i>]</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span></p><div class="blockquote">

<p>“As soon as the troops have found the body of the
usurper known as the ‘Heavenly King,’ Hung Hsiu-ch’uan,
let it be dismembered forthwith and let the head be sent for
exhibition in every province that has been ravaged by his
rebellion, in order that the public indignation may be
appeased. As to the two captured leaders, let them be sent
in cages to Peking, in order that they may be examined and
then punished with death by the lingering process.”</p>

</div>

<p>A further Decree announced that the Emperor would go
in person to offer thanksgiving and sacrifice at all Imperial
Temples and shrines, and make sacrifice to deities of the
chief mountains and rivers of the Empire.</p>

<p>A Chinese diarist of the rebellion, referring to the
manner in which the ‘Heavenly King’ met his death,
says:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“From the moment that the Imperialists captured Ch’u-yung,
the rebels, pent up in Nanking like wild beasts in a
cage, were in a hopeless plight. From the commencement
of the 4th Moon, the city was completely invested, and
without hope of relief. They were living on reduced rations
of one meagre meal a day. The ‘Heavenly King’ caused
roots and leaves to be kneaded and rolled into pellets
which he had served out to his immediate followers, the
rebel chiefs, saying, ‘This is manna from Heaven; for a
long time we in the Palace have eaten nothing else.’ He
gave orders that every household should collect ten loads of
this stuff for storage in the Palace granaries; some of the
more ignorant people obeyed the order, but most of the
rebels ignored it.</p>

<p>“The rebel Li Hsiu-ch’eng, known as the ‘Patriotic
Prince,’ escaped from Ch’u-yung and made his way to
Nanking. Upon entering the city, he had drums beaten and
bells rung as a signal for the ‘Heavenly King’ and his
followers to ascend to the Throne Chamber for the discussion
of the perilous situation. Hung Hsiu-ch’uan came, and
boastfully ascending the Throne, spake as follows ‘The
Most High has issued to me his sacred Decree. God
the Father, and my Divine elder brother (Christ) have
commanded me to descend unto this world of flesh and
to become the one true lord of all nations and kindreds<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span>
upon earth. What cause have I then for fear? Remain
with me, or leave me, as you choose: my inheritance of this
Empire, which is even as an iron girdle of defence, will be
protected by others if you decline to protect it. I have at
my command an angelic host of a million strong: how then
could a hundred thousand or so of these unholy Imperialists
enter the city’? When Li Hsiu-ch’eng heard this nonsensical
boasting, he burst into tears and left the hall.</p>

<p>“But before the middle of the 5th Moon, Hung Hsiu-ch’uan
had come to realise that the city was doomed, and
on the 27th day, having abandoned all hope, he procured a
deadly poison which he mixed with his wine. Then raising
the cup on high, he cried, ‘It is not that God the Father
has deceived me, but it is I who have disobeyed God the
Father.’ After repeating this several times he drank the
poison. By midnight the measure of his iniquity was full,
and, writhing in agony, he died. Even his last words
showed no true repentance, although they amounted to an
admission of guilt. When his followers learned what had
happened, they wrapped his body in a coverlet of yellow
silk, embroidered with dragons and then, following the rule
of their religion, buried it, uncoffined, in a corner of the
Palace ground. They then placed on the Throne the rebel’s
son, the so-called Boy-Emperor, but they tried to keep
secret the news of the ‘Heavenly King’s’ death. It
eventually leaked out, however, and the courage of the
besieged dropped to the last depths of despair.”</p>

</div>

<p>In his Memorial to the Throne, Tseng Kuo-fan described
the exhumation of the rebel Emperor’s body.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Even the feet of the corpse were wrapped in dragon
embroideries,” he says; “he had a bald head and a beard
streaked with grey. After examining the body I beheaded it
and then burnt it on a large bonfire. One of the concubines
in the usurper’s palace, a woman named Huang, who had
herself prepared the body for burial, told me that the
‘Heavenly King’ seldom showed himself to his Court, so
that they were able to keep his death a secret for sixteen
days. I am sending his bogus seals to Peking that they
may be deposited in the Imperial Archives Department.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span></p>

<p>The Memorial then proceeds:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The prisoner Li Hsiu-ch’eng, known as the ‘Patriotic
Prince,’ was minutely cross-examined by myself, and his
statement, which he wrote out with his own hand, extends
to some thirty thousand words. He narrated in detail the
first causes of the rebellion and described the present
position of the rebels still at large in Shensi and elsewhere.
He strongly advised that we should not be too hard on the
defeated rebels from Kuangtung and Kuangsi, on the ground
that severity would only lead to an increase of the anti-dynastic
feeling in those provinces. It seems to me that
there is much sense in his advice.</p>

<p>“All my staff were most anxious that Li Hsiu-ch’eng
should be sent to Peking in a cage, and even the foreigner
Gordon, when he called to congratulate me, strongly urged
this course. But it seems to me that the high prestige of
our Sacred Dynasty needs no such sending of petty rebels to
Peking as trophies or prisoners of war. The ‘Heavenly
King’s’ head is now being sent round those provinces which
were laid waste by the rebellion, and this should suffice.
Besides, I feel that there would be some risk of Li starving
himself to death on the journey, or that a rescue might
even be attempted, for this Li was extraordinarily popular
with the common people. After the fall of the city, some
peasants gave him shelter, and when he was finally captured
the people of the village where he was taken decoyed
and slew one of our men in revenge. After he had been put
in his cage here, another rebel leader, the so-called ‘Pine
Prince,’ was brought into camp. As soon as he caught sight
of Li, he went down on his knees and saluted him most
respectfully, I therefore decided to behead him and the
sentence was duly carried out on the 6th instant.</p>

<p>“The two elder brothers of the ‘Heavenly King’ were men
of a cruel and savage nature, who committed many foul and
impious crimes. Li detested them both heartily. When
captured, they were in a dazed state, and could only mumble
‘God the Father, God the Father.’ As I could get no
information from them, and as they were sick unto death, I
had them both beheaded, two days before the execution of
Li Hsiu-ch’eng. I am now in receipt of your Majesties’<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span>
Decree, approving my action and ordering me to forward
the heads of the three rebel chiefs to the various provinces
in order that public indignation may be appeased. I have
duly suspended the heads from long poles, and the sight of
them has given great and general satisfaction.</p>

<p>“And now, victory being ours, I am led to the reflection
that this our Dynasty surpasses all its predecessors in martial
glory and has suppressed several rebellions by achievements
which shed lustre on our history. The Ssŭ-ch’uan and Hupei
rebellion of half a century ago was, however, limited to four
provinces, and only some twenty cities were held by the
rebels. The insurrection of Wu San-kuei, in the reign of
K’ang-Hsi, overran twelve provinces, and the rebels captured
some three hundred cities and towns. But this Taiping
rebellion has been on a scale vaster than any before, and has
produced some great leaders in its armies. Here in Nanking
not a single rebel surrendered. Many burned themselves
alive rather than be taken. Such things are unparalleled in
history, and we feel that the final happy issue is due to the
consummate virtue and wisdom of his late Majesty, which
alone made victory possible. By dint of careful economy in
the Palace, he was able to set aside large sums for the
equipment of adequate forces. Most careful in his choice of
leaders, he was lavish of rewards; all wise himself, yet was
he ever ready to listen to the advice of his generals. Your
Majesties the Empresses and the Emperor have faithfully
carried out and even amplified these principles, and thus
you have succeeded in wiping out these usurpers and have
shed great glory on your reign. We, who so unworthily
hold your high command, grieve greatly that His Majesty
did not live to see his work crowned with triumph.”</p>

</div>

<p>For four years after the collapse of the rebellion, Tseng
Kuo-fan remained at Nanking as Viceroy. (The Hunanese
still regard that post as belonging by prescriptive right to a
Hunanese official.) His only absence was during a brief
expedition against the Mahomedan rebels in Shantung.
In September 1868 he was appointed Viceroy of Chihli, and
left for Peking at the end of the year, receiving a remarkable
ovation from the people of Nanking. In Peking he was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span>
received with great honours, and in his capacity of Grand
Secretary had a meeting with the Council on the morning
after his arrival, followed immediately by an Audience, to
which he was summoned and conducted by one of the
Princes. The young Emperor was sitting on a Throne
facing west, and the Empresses Regent were behind him,
screened from view by the yellow curtain, Tzŭ An to the
left and Tzŭ Hsi to the right of the Throne. In the
Chinese narrative of the rebellion to which we have
already referred, the writer professes to report this audience,
and several that followed, practically verbatim, and as it
affords interesting information as to the manner and
methods of Tzŭ Hsi on these occasions, the following
extracts are worthy of reproduction. It is to be observed
that the writer, like all his contemporaries, assumes <i>ab initio</i>
that the Empress Tzŭ An, though senior, is a negligible
quantity and that the whole interest of the occasion lies
between Tzŭ Hsi and the official in audience.</p>

<p>Upon entering the Throne room, Tseng fell upon his
knees, as in duty bound, and in that position advanced a few
feet, saying “Your servant Tseng Kuo-fan respectfully
enquires after Your Majesties’ health.” Then removing his
hat and performing the kowtow, he humbly returned thanks
for Imperial favours bestowed upon him. These preliminaries
completed, he rose and advanced a few steps to
kneel on the cushion prepared for him below the daïs. The
following dialogue then took place:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p><i>Her Majesty Tzŭ Hsi.</i> When you left Nanking, was all
your official work completed?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes, quite completed.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> Have the irregular troops and braves all been
disbanded?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes, all.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> How many in all?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> I have disbanded over twenty thousand irregulars
and have enrolled thirty thousand regulars.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> From which province do the majority of these
men hail?</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span></p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> A few of the troops come from Hunan, but the
great majority are Anhui men.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> Was the disbandment effected quite quietly?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes, quite quietly.</p>

</div>

<p>Then follow numerous questions regarding Tseng’s
previous career, his family, &amp;c. As soon as the questions
cease, after waiting a few minutes, the audience is at an end,
and Tseng kowtows and retires. On each occasion, and they
were many, the Empress had evidently worked up her
questions carefully from study of reports and despatches,
and invariably put them in the short sharp form indicated;
always peremptory, <i>de haut en bas</i> and Cæsarian, this
woman “behind the screen,” addressing the veteran who
had saved China for her rule.</p>

<p>After describing Tseng’s important position at the Court
banquet given to high officials, Manchu and Chinese, on the
16th day of the 1st Moon (at which six plays were
performed and the dishes “passed all reckoning”), the
narrative gives an account of his farewell audience, at which
Her Majesty closely cross-examined him as to his plans for
the reorganisation of the naval and military forces of Chihli.
He held the post of Chihli Viceroy for a little over a year.
The viceregal residence in those days was at Pao-ting fu, so
that when the Tientsin massacre occurred (1870) he was not
directly to blame, though officially responsible. In June of
that year the Nanking Viceroy was assassinated, and Tseng
was ordered to resume duty at that post, his place in Chihli
being taken by Li Hung-chang, who held it for twenty-four
years. Tseng, whose health was failing, endeavoured to
have his appointment to Nanking cancelled, but Tzŭ Hsi
would take no excuses. She issued a Decree in which she
laid stress on the arduous nature of the work to be done at
the southern capital and Tseng’s special fitness for the post
which he had so ably administered in the past. “Even if
his eyesight troubles him,” she said, “he can still exercise a
general supervision.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span></p>

<p>Before leaving for the south, Tseng celebrated his sixtieth
birthday, receiving many marks of Imperial favour and rich
gifts. The Empress sent him a poem of congratulation in
her own handwriting, and a tablet bearing the inscription
“My lofty pillar and rock of defence,” together with an
image of Buddha, a sandalwood sceptre inlaid with jade, a
dragon robe, ten rolls of “auspicious” silk, and ten of crape.
At his farewell audience the following interesting conversation
took place:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> When did you leave Tientsin?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> On the 23rd.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> Have the ringleaders in the massacre of
foreigners been executed yet?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Not yet. The Consul told me that the Russian
Minister was coming to Tientsin and that the French
Minister was sending a deputy to witness the executions, so
that the decapitations could not be summarily carried
out.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> What date has Li Hung-chang fixed for the
executions?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> On the day of my departure, he sent me word
that he expected to dispose of them yesterday.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> Have the Tientsin populace calmed down?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes, things are now quite settled and orderly.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi</i>. What made the Prefect and Magistrate run
away to Shun-Tê after the massacre?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> When first removed from their posts, they knew
not what sentence would be decreed against them, so they
boldly and shamelessly ran away from the city.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> Have you quite lost the sight of your right
eye?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes, it is quite blind; but I can still see with
the left.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> Have you entirely recovered from your other
maladies?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes, I think I can say that I have.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi</i>. You appear to kneel, and to rise from that
posture quite briskly and freely, as if your physique were
still pretty good?</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span></p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> No; it is not what it used to be.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> That was a strange thing, the assassination of
Ma Hsin-yi (the late Viceroy of Nanking), was it not?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Extraordinary.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> He was a first-rate administrator.</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes, he took great pains, and was honest and
impartial.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> How many regular troops have you raised in
Chihli?</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Three thousand. The former Viceroy had four
thousand men trained under the old system. I had
intended to raise three thousand more, making a total force
of ten thousand. I have arranged with Li Hung-chang to
carry out this programme.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> It is of vital importance that we should have a
force of properly trained troops in the south. You must
see to this.</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> Yes. At present peace prevails, but we must be
prepared for all possible emergencies. I propose to build
forts at several places on the Yangtsze.</p>

<p><i>Tzŭ Hsi.</i> It would be a fine thing if we could secure
ourselves properly against invasion. These missionary
complications are perpetually creating trouble for us.</p>

<p><i>Tseng.</i> That is true. Of late the missionaries have
created trouble everywhere. The native converts are
given to oppressing those who will not embrace
Christianity (literally “<i>eat the religion</i>”) and the missionaries
always screen the converts, while the Consuls protect
the missionaries. Next year, when the time comes for
revising the French Treaty, we must take particular pains
to reconsider carefully the whole question of religious
propaganda.</p>

</div>

<p>In November Tseng had his farewell audience, and Tzŭ
Hsi never saw him again. A month later he took over the
seals of office at his old post, one of his first acts being to
try the assassin of his predecessor, who was condemned to
death by the slicing process. In the following summer he
went for a cruise of inspection and visited various places of
interest, noting with satisfaction the complete restoration of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span>
law and order in the districts which had been for so long the
scene of the Taipings’ devastations. On one occasion, seeing
the gaily decked “flower-boats” and listening to the sounds
of their revelries, he joyfully exclaimed: “I am glad to have
lived to see my province as it was before the rebellion.” In
December he moved into the Viceregal residence which he
had known as the Palace of the Taiping “Heavenly King.”
But he was not long to administer that high office, for in the
early part of 1872 he had a first stroke of paralysis. A few
days later, going in his chair to meet a high official arriving
from Peking, and reciting, as was his wont, favourite passages
from the classics, he suddenly made a sign to his attendants,
but speech failed him and he could only mumble. In his
diary that same evening, he wrote:—“This illness of
mine prevents me from attending to my work. In the
26th and 27th years of Tao-Kuang (1846-7) I found that
efforts at poetical composition brought on attacks of
eczema and insomnia. Now it is different. I feel all dazed
and confused. Spots float before my eyes and my liver is
disordered. Alas, that I can neither obtain a speedy release,
like the morning dew which swiftly passes away, nor hope
for the restoration of energies to enable me to perform my
duty. What sadder fate than thus to linger on, useless, in
the world!” On the next day he wrote:—“My strength is
rapidly failing, and I must leave behind me many unsettled
questions and business half completed. The dead leaves
of disappointed hopes fill all the landscape, and I see no
prospect of settling my affairs. Thirty years have passed
since I took my degree, and I have attained to the highest
rank; yet have I learned nothing, and my character still
lacks true solidity. What shame should be mine at having
reached thus uselessly old age!” Next day, while reading a
despatch, he had another stroke. Rallying, he told his
eldest son, Tseng Chi-tsê, to see to it that his funeral
ceremonies were conducted after the old usages, and that
neither Buddhist nor Taoist priests be permitted to chant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span>
their liturgies over his corpse. On the following morning,
though very weak, he insisted on perusing one of the essays
which had been successful at the provincial examination.
In the evening he was taken out into his garden and was
returning thence with his son when the last seizure occurred.
They carried him into the great Hall of audience, where he
sat upright, as if presiding at a meeting of Council, and thus
passed away, well stricken in age, though only sixty-two by
the calendar. “Every man in Nanking,” says the writer of
this narrative, “felt as if he had lost a parent; it was
rumoured that a shooting star had fallen in the city at the
very moment of his death. The news was received by the
Throne with profound grief. All Court functions were
suspended for three days.”</p>

<p>The Empress Dowager issued a Decree praising her
faithful servant in unmeasured terms of gratitude and esteem,
describing him as the “very backbone of the Throne,” reciting
his glorious achievements and ordering the erection of
Temples in his honour in all the provinces that had been the
scene of his campaign against the Taipings, in order “to
prove our sincere affection for this good and loyal man.”</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="VI">VI<br>
<span class="smaller">TZŬ HSI AND THE EUNUCHS</span></h2>

</div>

<p>One of the facts upon which modern Chinese historians,
Censors, Imperial Tutors and Guardians of the Heir
Apparent have repeatedly laid stress, is that the Ming
Dynasty became effeminate, then degenerate, and was
eventually lost, because of the demoralising influence of the
eunuch system on the Court and its official entourage.
Upon this text, moral exhortations in the best classical
manner have been addressed to the Throne for centuries,
regardless of the consideration that most of the writers owed
their positions, and hoped to owe further advancement, to
the eunuchs, who had the sovereign’s ear. These Memorials
were usually only a part of the hoary fabric of pious platitudes
and shadowy shibboleths which loom so large in the stock in
trade of China’s bureaucracy (in which matter China stands
not alone), and the Empress Dowager, under whose rule the
evil grew and assumed monstrous proportions, was ever
wont to play her part in this elaborate farce, by solemnly
approving the views of the bold critics and by professing
the greatest indignation at the misdeeds of her eunuch
myrmidons and retainers.</p>

<p>There have been, of course, sincere and eloquent critics
of this pernicious system and its attendant evils; in fact,
scarcely a reformer worthy of the name during the past
fifty years has failed to place the abolition of eunuchs in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span>
front rank of the measures necessary to bring China into
line with the civilised Powers. There is no doubt that one
of the first causes of the <i>coup d’état</i> in 1898 arose from the
hatred of the Chief Eunuch, Li Lien-ying, for the Emperor
Kuang-Hsü (who years before had ventured to have him
beaten), and his not unnatural apprehension that the
Emperor intended to follow up his reforms of the Peking
Administration by devoting his attention to the Palace and
to the abolition of eunuchs. As to the Boxer rising, it has
been clearly proved that this notorious and powerful
Chamberlain used all the weight of his great influence with
his Imperial mistress on behalf of the anti-foreign movement,
and that, if justice had been done (that is to say had he not
been protected by the Russian Legation), his should have
been one of the very first names on the Peace Protocol
“Black List.” The part which Li Lien-ying played in these
two national crises of recent years is mentioned here chiefly
to emphasise the fact that the platitudinous utterances of
the orthodox express, as usual, a very real and widespread
grievance, and that the falsetto notes of the Censorate are
answered by a deep undertone of dissatisfaction and disgust
throughout the provinces. It is for this reason that,
especially during the past five years, progressive and
patriotic Chinese officials (<i>e.g.</i> men like the Viceroy Yüan
Shih-k’ai and T’ang Shao-yi, who realise how greatly the
persistence of this barbarous medievalism lowers China in
the eyes of the world), as well as the unanimous voice of the
vernacular Press, have urged that the Court should now
dispense with eunuchs, a measure which the Regent is said
to favour, but which—such is the power wielded by these
“fawning sycophants”—would undoubtedly be difficult and
possibly dangerous. As early as 1906, <i>The Times</i> correspondent
at Peking was discussing the possibility of their
early removal as one of the many reforms which then shone
so brightly on the horizon. In the Chinese conservative’s
opinion, however, which still weighs heavily in China,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span>
there are centuries of precedents and arguments to be
adduced in favour of a system which has obtained
continuously since long before the beginning of the
Christian era, which coincides with the Chinese accepted
ideas of polygamy, and recognises the vital importance of
legitimacy of succession in relation to the national religion
of ancestor worship. On the other hand, it is true that in
the golden days of the Sage Emperors at the beginning of
the Chou Dynasty, eunuchs had no place in the body
politic. Later, during the period of that Dynasty’s decay
and the era of the feudal States, Confucius refers with
disapproval to their baneful influence, so that the Sage’s
authority may be adduced against them and their proceedings.</p>

<p>With the establishment of the present Dynasty at Peking
(1644), the Manchus took over, as conquerors, all the existing
machinery and <i>personnel</i> of the Chinese Court, eunuchs
included, but they lost no time in restricting the latter’s
activities and opportunities. At the first audience held by
the young Emperor Shun-Chih, the high officials, Manchu
and Chinese, united to protest against the recent high-handed
proceedings of the Court menials, declaring them to be
“fit only to sweep floors, and in no wise entitled to have
access to the Monarch.” Regulations were promptly introduced,
which remain in force (on paper) to this day, forbidding
any eunuch to occupy any official position, or to hold any
honorific rank or title higher than a Button of the fourth
class. More important still, in view of the far-reaching
conspiracy of the Chief Eunuch, Wei Chung (whom the last
of the Mings had beheaded), was the law then introduced,
which forbade any eunuch to leave the capital on any
pretext whatsoever. For the next two hundred years,
thanks to the wise rule and excellent traditions handed down
by the two famous Emperors K’ang-Hsi and Ch’ien-Lung,
the Palace eunuchs were kept generally under very strict
discipline; but with the present century, when degeneration
had set in strongly under the dissolute monarch Hsien-Feng,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span>
and even before the appearance of Yehonala on the scene,
their evil influence had again become paramount in the
Forbidden City. With Tzŭ Hsi’s accession to power, all the
corruption, intrigues and barbarous proceedings, that had
characterised the last Mings, were gradually re-established and
became permanent features of her Court.</p>

<p>Of the power which the eunuchs exercised throughout the
whole of Tzŭ Hsi’s reign, there is no possible doubt:
the abuses which they practised under her protection,
abuses flagrant and unconcealed, increased with the passing
years and her own growing indifference to criticism, until,
after 1898, her favourite and chief body-servant, Li Lien-ying
did not scruple to boast that he could make or mar the
highest officials at his pleasure and defy the Son of Heaven
on his Throne. Of the countless legends of debauchery in
the Palace, of orgies devised for Tzŭ Hsi by the Court
eunuchs and actors, there is naturally nothing approaching
to direct evidence: the frequent denunciations by Censors
and the scurrilous writings of Cantonese and other lampooners,
afford at best but circumstantial proof. The writings
of K’ang Yu-wei and his associates, in particular, are clearly
inspired by blind and unscrupulous hatred, and so inaccurate
in matters of common knowledge and history, that one must
perforce discount the value of their statements wherever the
Empress Dowager or Jung Lu are concerned. But common
report in China, as elsewhere, is usually based on some
foundation of truth, and in Peking, where the mass of the
population has always been conspicuously loyal to Tzŭ Hsi,
there have never been two opinions as to the extravagance
and general profligacy of her Court and of the evils of the
eunuch <i>régime</i>. Nor is there room for doubt as to the
deplorable effect exercised by these vicious underlings on
weak and undisciplined Emperors, rulers of decadent instincts
often encouraged in vicious practices to their speedy undoing.
That this was the fate of Tzŭ Hsi’s own son, the Emperor
T’ung-Chih, is well-known, nor is there any doubt that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span>
deaths of both Hsien-Feng and Kuang-Hsü were hastened, if
not caused, by the temptations to which they were exposed
by their vicious environment. The inner history of the
Celestial Empire and the Manchu Dynasty during the last
seventy years is inextricably bound up with that of the
Palace eunuchs and their far-reaching intrigues. During
the half century of Tzŭ Hsi’s rule, the power behind the
Throne (literally a power of darkness in high places) was that
of her favourite Chamberlains. Of these the last, who has
survived her, Li Lien-ying, is known by his nickname of
“Cobbler’s Wax Li” (P’i Hsiao Li)<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> from one end of the
Empire to the other as the chief “squeezer” and arch villain
of many a Palace tragedy. His influence over his Imperial
mistress was indeed remarkable; on all occasions, except
State audiences, she was wont to treat him with an
affectionate familiarity, and to allow him a <i>sans-gêne</i>, to
which no courtier, nor any member of her own family (save
perhaps Jung Lu) dared ever aspire.</p>

<p>During the Court’s residence, and the Emperor’s illness,
at Jehol in 1861, the young Yehonala had occasion to notice
and to appreciate the intelligence and willing service rendered
by one of the eunuchs in immediate attendance
upon her; this servant, by name An Te-hai, became her
faithful henchman throughout the crisis of the Tsai Yüan
conspiracy, and her intermediary and confidant in her
dealings with the young guardsman, Jung Lu. Upon
her accession to the Co-Regency, he became her favourite
attendant and emissary, and later her <i>âme damnée</i>,
sharing in all her ambitious hopes and plans, with no small
advantage to himself, while at the same time employing
his undeniable talents to the diversion of the young widow’s
mind by the provision of the elaborate Court pageants
and theatrical entertainments which her soul loved. An<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span>
Te-hai was himself an actor of no mean ability and exceedingly
handsome of his person.</p>

<p>It was at this time, before the Regency was firmly established
and while yet the reverberating echoes of the Tsai
Yüan conspiracy lingered in Chihli, that the leading Censors
began to send in Memorials against the self-evident extravagance
and the rumoured profligacy of Tzŭ Hsi’s Palace.
The young Yehonala, headstrong and already impatient
of criticism and restraint, confident also in the strength
and loyalty of her immediate following, never allowed these
remonstrances to affect her conduct in the slightest degree;
nevertheless, a stickler always for etiquette and appearances,
and an adept at “face-saving” arts, she had no objection
to expressing the heartiest approval of, and agreement with,
her professional moralists. On more than one occasion,
in those first years, we find her proclaiming in most suitably
worded Edicts, pious intentions which were never intended
to be taken seriously by anyone, and never were. The
following Decree, issued in the third year of the Regency,
(1864) is a case in point, and particularly interesting in that
it refers to the wholesale pilfering by eunuchs in the Palace,
which has continued without interruption to this day.</p>

<p>A Decree in the name of the two Empresses Regent,
in the third year of the Emperor T’ung-Chih:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Censor Chia To memorialises, saying that it has
come to his knowledge that certain of the eunuchs who
perform theatricals in the Imperial Household, have had
their costumes made of tribute silks and satins taken from
the Imperial storehouses. He asserts that they perform
daily before the Throne and regularly receive largesse to the
amount of thousands of taels. He asks that these practices
be forbidden and discontinued forthwith, in order that all
tendency towards vicious courses may be checked.</p>

<p>“With reference to this Memorial, it should be stated
that last year, although the twenty-seven months of
Imperial mourning for the late monarch were drawing to
their close, we issued a Decree forbidding all festivities, for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span>
the reason that His late Majesty’s remains had not yet been
removed to their final place of sepulture; at the same time we
gave orders that the seasonal tribute in kind, and provincial
offerings, should be forwarded, as usual, in order to provide
eventually for the costuming of the Palace theatricals, with
reference to which matter we intended to issue another
Decree in due course, upon the conclusion of the funeral
ceremonies. We seized the opportunity, in this same Edict,
to abolish once and for all the custom of bringing actors to
the Palace to be made eunuchs, holding it to be wise, while
His Majesty is still a minor, that everything that might
tend in any way to lead him into paths of extravagance and
dissipation should be firmly nipped in the bud. The Censor’s
present Memorial has therefore filled us with real amazement.
At a time like this, when rebellions are still raging, and our
people are in sore distress, when our treasuries are empty
and our revenues insufficient for the needs of Government,
our hearts are heavy with sorrowful thoughts, and must be
so, especially as long as His late Majesty’s remains have not
yet been borne to their final resting place. How then could
we possibly permit such a state of things as the Censor
describes?<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Furthermore, it is the duty of the Comptroller
of our Household to keep a complete inventory of all bullion
and silken stuffs in the Palace, none of which can be touched
without our express permission. Surely this is sufficient to
prove that all these rumours are utterly devoid of
foundation.</p>

<p>“Nevertheless, in our remote seclusion of the Palace, it is
inevitable that we should be kept in ignorance of much that
goes on, so that it is just possible there may be some ground
for these reports. It may be that certain evil-disposed
eunuchs have been committing irregularities beyond the
Palace precincts, and, if so, such conduct must be stopped
at all costs. We hereby command that drastic measures be
taken to deal with the offenders at once.</p>

<p>“It is imperatively necessary that the Emperor, in the
intervals of his studies, should have about his person only
honest and steady retainers, with whom he may converse on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span>
the arts and practice of government. If his attendants are
evil men and make it their business to flatter his ears and
divert his eyes with luxurious and effeminate pastimes, the
result might well be to produce in His Majesty most
undesirable tendencies; and any fault in the Emperor, however
trifling, is liable to involve the State in far-reaching
misfortunes. We therefore hereby authorise the Ministers
of our Household to see to it that the Chief Eunuch enforces
strict discipline upon all his subordinates, and should any of
them hereafter venture to commit presumptuous acts, or to
display their overweening arrogance, they must at once be
arrested by the police and severely punished. And should
such a case occur the Chief Eunuch will also be dismissed
for neglect of his duty of supervision, and the Comptrollers
of the Household will incur our severe displeasure, with
penalties. Let this Decree be copied and preserved in the
archives of the Household and the Ante-Chambers.”</p>

</div>

<p>As everyone in the capital was well aware of Yehonala’s
passion for the theatre, this Decree was naturally regarded
as so much “fine writing on waste paper,” and it is noticeable
that from this time until her favourite and chief eunuch
An Te-hai, came to his dramatic end, the Censors continued
to impeach her and to denounce the ever increasing extravagance,
which was already seriously disorganising the Metropolitan
Government’s finances and entailing fresh <i>corvées</i> in
the provinces.</p>

<p>In 1866, two courageous Censors memorialised on this
subject, having particularly in their minds the abuses caused
by the unlawful proceedings of An Te-hai.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“More care,” said they, “should be shown in the selection
of the Emperor’s body-servants. All the disasters that have
overtaken previous Dynasties have been directly due to the
machinations and evil influence of eunuchs. These creatures
worm their way into the confidence and even into the
affection of the Throne by their protestations of loyalty and
faithful service; they are past-masters in every art of adroit
flattery. Having once secured the Imperial favour and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span>
protection, they proceed to attach to themselves troops of
followers, and gradually make for themselves a place of
power that in time becomes unassailable. We, your
Memorialists, therefore beg that this danger be now averted by
the selection of well-bred and trustworthy attendants to wait
upon His Majesty. There should not be about the Throne
any young eunuchs of attractive appearance, creatures who
make it their aim to establish influence over the Emperor
and who would certainly turn it to their own ends so soon as
he assumes the control of affairs.”</p>

</div>

<p>In the Decree commenting on this Memorial, the
Empresses Regent, in the name of the Emperor, observe:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“This Memorial is very much to the point. History is
full of instances where disaster has been brought about by
eunuchs, and the example afforded us by those rulers who
have been corrupted and undone by these ‘rats and foxes,’
should serve as timely warning to ourselves. By the divine
wisdom of our predecessors on the Throne, not only have
eunuchs been forbidden to meddle in all business of State,
but they have never been permitted to gain the ear of
the sovereign, or to influence him in any way, so that, for the
past two hundred years, eunuch influence has been a thing
of the past, and these fawning sycophants have enjoyed no
opportunity of practising their evil arts of intrigue. Ever
since their Majesties, the present Empresses Dowager,
assumed the Regency, they also have conformed strictly
to this House-law of our Dynasty, and have refused to allow
these artful minions undue access to their Presence. As
we peruse the present Memorial, we must admit that it
evinces a very clear perception of those dangers which may
overtake the State because of the undue influence of
eunuchs. Our feelings, while reading it, are like those
of the man who ‘treading upon the hoar-frost, realises that
winter is at hand.’<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> We therefore now command that if any
of these noisome flatterers are attempting to pervert the
intelligence of the Throne, the matter must be dealt with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span>
promptly, and we must be informed, so that their fitting
punishment may be secured. We desire that all our
attendants shall be of indisputable integrity and good
morals, so that the door may be firmly shut on all evil
and degrading tendencies.”</p>

</div>

<p>Thus, Tzŭ Hsi, in her best manner, “for the gallery.”
But, “in the deep seclusion of our Palace,” life went on
as before, the merry round of an Oriental Trianon, while
the Chief Eunuch’s influence over the young Empress
became greater every day. It was common knowledge,
and the gossip of the tea-houses, that his lightest whim
was law in the Forbidden City; that Yehonala and he,
dressed in fancy costumes from historical plays, would make
frequent excursions on the Palace lake; that he frequently
wore the Dragon robes sacred to the use of the sovereign,
and that the Empress had publicly presented him with
the jade “ju-yi,” symbol of royal power. Under these
circumstances it was only natural, if not inevitable, that
unfounded rumours should be rife in exaggeration of the
real facts, and so we find it reported that An Te-hai was
no eunuch, and again, that Yehonala had been delivered
of a son<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> of which he was the father; many fantastic and
moving tales were current of the licentious festivities of
the Court, of students masquerading as eunuchs and then
being put out of the way in the subterranean galleries of
the Palace. Rumours and tales of orgies; inventions no
doubt, for the most part, yet inevitable in the face of the
notorious and undeniable corruption that had characterised
the Court and the seraglio under the dissolute Hsien-Feng,
and justified, if not confirmed, as time went on, by an
irresistible consensus of opinion in the capital, and by fully
substantiated events in the Empress Dowager’s career.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus08" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus08.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">H.M. Tzŭ Hsi,
  with the Consort (Lung Yü) and Principal Concubine (Jen Fei) of
  H.M. Kuang-Hsü, accompanied by Court Ladies and Eunuchs.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Of these events, one, which had far-reaching results,
was her violation of the dynastic house-law which forbade<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span>
eunuchs to leave the capital. In 1869, being short of funds,
and desiring to replenish her Privy Purse without consulting
Prince Kung or her colleague the Co-Regent, she despatched
her favourite An Te-hai on a special mission to Shantung,
where he was to collect tribute in her name.<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> By this time
the Chief Eunuch had incurred the bitter enmity of several
of the Princes of the Imperial Clan, and especially of
Prince Kung, not only because of his growing influence
over Tzŭ Hsi, but because of his insolent bearing to all
at Court. On one occasion the Empress had curtly sent
word to Prince Kung that she could not grant him audience
because she was busy talking to the eunuch, an insult which
the Prince never forgot and which cost the favourite his life,
besides leading to the disgrace of the Prince and other
consequences serious to the Empire.</p>

<p>The Chief Eunuch’s illegal mission to Shantung, and
his outrageous behaviour in that province, provided Prince
Kung with a long-sought opportunity not only of wreaking
vengeance on him but of creating rivalry and enmity
between the Empresses Regent. The Governor of Shantung,
an able and courageous official named Ting Pao-chen,
who had distinguished himself in the Taiping rebellion,
was highly incensed at the arrogant eunuch’s assumption of
Imperial authority, and being quite <i>au courant</i> with the
position of affairs in the Palace, he reported direct to Prince
Kung and asked for instructions. The Governor’s despatch
reached the Prince while Tzŭ Hsi was amusing herself with
theatricals; without a moment’s delay he sought audience of
Tzŭ An, the Co-Regent Empress, and, playing upon her
vanity and weak disposition, induced her to sign a Decree,
which he drafted in her presence, ordering the eunuch’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span>
summary decapitation, the customary formality of a trial in
Peking being dispensed with. Tzŭ An, hard pressed as
she was, gave her consent reluctantly and with a clear
presentiment of evil to come from the wrath of her masterful
colleague. “The Western Empress will assuredly kill me
for this,” she is reported to have said to the Prince, as she
handed him the sealed Decree, which Kung sent off post-haste
by special courier.</p>

<p>The following is the text of this interesting document:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Ting Pao-chen reports that a eunuch has been creating
disturbances in the province of Shantung. According to
the Department Magistrate of Te Chou, a eunuch named
An and his followers passed through that place by way of
the Imperial Canal, in two dragon barges, with much display
of pomp and pageantry. He announced that he had come
on an Imperial mission to procure Dragon robes. His
barges flew a black banner, bearing in its centre the triple
Imperial emblems of the Sun, and there were also Dragon
and Phœnix flags flying on both sides of his vessels.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> A
goodly company of both sexes were in attendance on this
person; there were female musicians, skilled in the use of
string and wind instruments. The banks of the Canal were
lined with crowds of spectators, who witnessed with amazement
and admiration his progress. The 21st day of last
month happened to be this eunuch’s birthday, so he arrayed
himself in Dragon robes, and stood on the foredeck of his
barge, to receive the homage of his suite. The local
Magistrate was just about to order his arrest when the
barges set sail and proceeded southwards. The Governor
adds that he has already given orders for his immediate
arrest.</p>

<p>“We are dumfoundered at this report. How can we
hope ever to purify the standard of morals in the Palace and
frighten evil-doers, unless we make an example of this
insolent eunuch, who has dared to leave Peking without our
permission and to commit these lawless deeds? The
Governors of the three provinces of Shantung, Honan and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span>
Kiangsu are ordered to seek out and arrest the eunuch An,
whom we had formerly honoured with rank of the sixth
grade and the decoration of the crow’s feather. Upon his
being duly identified by his companions, let him be forthwith
beheaded, without further formalities, no attention is
to be paid to any crafty explanations which he may attempt
to make. The Governors concerned will be held responsible
in the event of failure to effect his arrest.”</p>

</div>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi remained for some time in blissful ignorance of
her favourite’s danger, and even of his death. No doubt the
Chief Eunuch’s great unpopularity enabled Prince Kung and
the Empress Tzŭ An to keep the matter secret until the
offender was past helping. Ten days later, Tzŭ An issued
a second Decree, extracted from her like the first by Prince
Kung, in which the eunuch’s execution is recorded, as
follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Ting Pao-chen now reports that the eunuch An was
arrested in the T’ai An prefecture and has been summarily
beheaded. Our dynasty’s house-law is most strict in regard
to the proper discipline of eunuchs, and provides severe
punishment for any offences which they may commit. They
have always been sternly forbidden to make expeditions to the
provinces, or to create trouble. Nevertheless, An Te-hai
actually had the brazen effrontery to violate this law, and
for his crimes his execution is only a fitting reward. In
future, let all eunuchs take warning by his example; should
we have further cause to complain, the chief eunuchs of the
several departments of the Household, will be punished as
well as the actual offender. Any eunuch who may hereafter
pretend that he has been sent on Imperial business to the
provinces shall be cast into chains at once, and sent to
Peking for punishment.”</p>

</div>

<p>This Decree has a half-hearted ring, as if some of the conspirators’
fear of the coming wrath of Yehonala had crept
into it. Very different in wording are the Edicts in which
Tzŭ Hsi condemns an offender to death. We miss her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span>
trenchant style, that “strength of the pen” which was the
secret of much of her power.</p>

<p>Simultaneously with the death of An, in Shantung, several
eunuchs of his following were put to death by strangling;
six others escaped from the police, of whom five were recaptured
and executed. The Chief Eunuch’s family were
sent as slaves to the frontier guards in the north-west.
Several days after the execution of Tzŭ Hsi’s favourite, the
eunuch who had escaped made his way back to Peking, and
sent word to the Empress through Li Lien-ying, another of
her confidential attendants. At first she could scarcely
believe that her timorous and self-effacing colleague could
have dared to sign these Decrees on her own responsibility
and in secret, no matter what amount of pressure might
have been brought to bear upon her. When she realised
what had occurred, the Palace witnessed one of those outbursts
of torrential rage with which it was to become
familiar in years to come. Swiftly making her way to the
“Palace of Benevolent Peace,” the residence of her Co-Regent,
she wrathfully demanded an explanation. Tzŭ An,
terrified, endeavoured to put the whole blame upon Prince
Kung; but the plea did not serve her, and Tzŭ Hsi, after a
fierce quarrel, left, vowing vengeance on them both. This
event marked a turning point in the career of Yehonala,
who, until then, had maintained amicable relations with her
less strong-minded colleague, and all the appearances of
equality in the Co-Regency. Henceforward she devoted
more time and closer attention to affairs of State, consolidating
her position and power with a clear determination
to prevent any further interference with her supreme
authority. From this time forward she definitely assumes
the first place as ruler of China, relegating her colleague
completely to the background.</p>

<p>When, on the morning after the storm, Prince Kung
appeared in the Audience Hall, Tzŭ sternly rebuked him,
threatening him with dismissal and the forfeiture of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span>
titles. For the time being, however, she allowed him to go
unpunished, but she never forgave the offence, and she took
her revenge in due season: he suffered the effects of her
resentment as long as he lived. Her first act was to pass
over his son, the rightful heir to the Throne, upon the death
of T’ung-Chih. It is true that in after years she permitted
him to hold high office, but this was, firstly, because she
could not afford to dispense with his services, and, secondly,
because of her genuine affection for his daughter, whom she
had adopted as her own child.</p>

<p>An Te-hai was succeeded in the post of Chief Eunuch and
confidential attendant on her Majesty by Li Lien-ying, of
whom mention has already been made. For the next forty
years this Palace servant was destined to play a leading part
in the government of China, to hold in his supple hands the
lives and deaths of thousands, to make and unmake the
highest officials of the Empire, and to levy rich tribute on
the eighteen provinces. As a youth of sixteen, when he
“left the family”<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> (as the Chinese euphemistically describe
the making of a eunuch), Li was remarkable for his handsome
appearance and good manners, advantages which never
failed to carry weight with Tzŭ Hsi. It is recorded on
trustworthy authority that at an early stage in his career he
had so ingratiated himself with Her Majesty that he was
permitted unusual liberties, remaining seated in her presence,
aye, even on the Throne itself. In the privacy of her apartments
he was allowed to discuss whatever subjects he chose,
without being spoken to, and as years passed and his
familiarity with the Old Buddha increased, he became her
regular and authoritative adviser on all important State
business. In later years, when speaking of Her Majesty to
outsiders, even to high officials, he would use the familiar
pronoun “<i>Tsa-men</i>” meaning “we two,” which is usually
reserved for blood relations or persons on a footing of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span>
familiar equality, and he was currently known among his
followers by the almost sacrilegious title of “Lord of nine
thousand years,” the Emperor being Lord of ten thousand.
Only on solemn State occasions did he observe the etiquette
prescribed for his class and a modest demeanour.</p>

<p>Corrupt, avaricious, vindictive, and fiercely cruel to his
enemies and rivals, it must be said in Li’s favour that he was,
at least, wholly devoted and faithful to his Imperial mistress,
and that at times of peril he never failed to exert himself to
the utmost for her comfort and protection. He possessed
moreover, other good qualities which appealed not only to
Tzŭ Hsi but to many of the high Manchu officials, who did
not consider it beneath their pride to throng for admission
at his private residence. He was cheerful, fond of a joke,
an excellent actor<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> and <i>raconteur</i>, and a generous host: above
all, he was passing rich. At the Empress Dowager’s funeral,
in November 1909, this aged retainer presented a pathetic
and almost venerable spectacle, enough to make one forget
for a moment the accumulated horrors of his seventy years
of wickedness. Smitten with age and sickness, he could
scarcely totter the short distance which the <i>cortège</i> had to
make on foot; but of all that vast throng of officials and Palace
servants, he alone showed unmistakable signs of deep and
genuine grief. Watching the intelligent features of this
maker of secret history, one could not but wonder what
thoughts were passing through that subtle brain, as he
shuffled past the Pavilion of the Diplomatic Body, escorting
for the last time his great mistress,—the close confidant, not
to say comrade, of all those long and eventful years. For
half a century he had served her with unremitting zeal and
fidelity, no small thing in a country when the allegiance of
servants is so commonly bought and sold. In his youth<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span>
it was he who walked and ran beside her chair as body
servant; through what scenes of splendour and squalor
had they both passed since then, and now he was left alone,
surrounded by new faces and confronted by imminent peril
of change. Yet in spite of his long life and the enervating
influences of his profession, the old man’s powerful physique
was by no means exhausted.</p>

<p>Too wise to follow in the footsteps of his unfortunate
predecessor, Li never made raids on his own account into
the provinces, nor did he ever attempt to gain or claim high
official rank, remaining prudently content with the fourth
class button, which is the highest grade to which eunuchs
may legally aspire. But, under the protection and with the
full knowledge of the Empress Dowager, he organised a
regular system of <i>corvées</i>, squeezes and <i>douceurs</i>, levied on
every high official in the Empire, the proceeds of which he
frequently shared with the Old Buddha herself. As shown
in another place, the Empress and her Chief Eunuch
practically made common cause and a common purse in
collecting “tribute” and squeezes during the wanderings
of the Court in exile after 1900. At that time the Chief
Eunuch, less fortunate than his mistress, had lost the whole
of his buried treasure in the capital. It had been “<i>cached</i>”
in a safe place, known only to his intimate subordinates, but
one of these sold the secret to the French troops, who raided
the hoard, a rich booty. One of Li’s first steps after the
Court’s return was to obtain the Old Buddha’s permission to
have the traitor beheaded, which was done without undue
formalities. The Chief Eunuch’s fortune is estimated by
Peking bankers to-day at about two millions sterling,
invested chiefly in pawn-shops and money-changing establishments
at the capital; this sum represents roughly his
share of the provincial tribute and squeezes on official
appointments for the last eight years, and the total is not
surprising when we bear in mind that the price of one official
post has been known to bring him in as much as three<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span>
hundred and twenty thousand taels, or say forty thousand
pounds.</p>

<p>One of the secrets of his wealth was that he never
despised the day of small things. The following is the text
of a letter in our possession (of which we reproduce a
facsimile), written by him to one of the regular contractors
of the Palace, with whom he must have had many similar
transactions. The paper on which it is written is of the
commonest, and the visiting card which, as usual, accompanies
it, is that of an unpretentious business man; the
style of the writer is terse and to the point:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="noindent">“To my worthy friend, Mr. Wang, the Seventh (of his
family):—</p>

<p>“Since I last had the pleasure of seeing you, you have
been constantly in my thoughts. I wish you, with all
respect, long life and prosperity: thus will your days
fulfil my best hopes of you. And now I beg politely
to tell you that I, your younger brother,<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> am quite
ashamed of the emptiness of my purse and I therefore beg
that you, good Sir, will be so good as to lend me notes to
the amount of fifteen hundred taels, which sum kindly hand
to the bearer of this letter. I look forward to a day for our
further conversation,</p>

<p class="center">“Your younger brother,</p>

<p class="right">“Li Lien-ying.”</p>

</div>

<p>As to the amount, Li knew exactly how much the
contractors and furnishers of the Palace should pay on every
occasion, and that there was no need to question the
possibility of the “loan” not being forthcoming.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp42" id="illus09" style="max-width: 18.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus09.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p>Facsimile of Letter written by
  Chief Eunuch Li Lien-ying.</p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>That he encouraged lavish expenditure at the Court is
certain, and scarcely a matter for wonder, but his control of
finance extended far beyond the Privy Purse, and wrought
great harm to the Empire on more than one historic
occasion. For instance, China’s humiliating defeat at the
hands of Japan in 1894 was very largely due to his diversion
of vast sums of money from the Navy to the reconstruction<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span>
and decoration of the Summer Palace, a work from which
he and his underlings profited to no small extent. In 1885,
Prince Ch’un had been appointed head of the Admiralty
Board, assisted by Prince Ch’ing, Li Hung-chang and the
Marquis Tseng. After the death of the Marquis, however
(who had been a moving spirit in the organisation of the
Board), Naval affairs passed into the control of a clique of
young and inexperienced Princes, and when, in 1889, the
Emperor assumed the direction of the Government, one of
his first acts was to order the re-building of the Summer
Palace, which Imperial residence had remained in ruins
since its destruction by the Allies in 1861. There being
no funds available, Li advised that the Naval appropriations
should be devoted to this purpose, so that the
Old Buddha might be suitably provided with a residence;
this was accordingly done, and the Naval Department
became a branch of the Imperial Household (Nei Wu Fu)
for all purposes of Government finance. When the war
with Japan broke out, the Empress Dowager issued orders
that the Naval Department should be abolished. This order
evoked very general criticism, but, as the Department and
the Summer Palace rebuilding fund had come to be treated
as one and the same account, her Decree simply meant that
as the Palace restoration was now complete, and as the
funds were quite exhausted, the account in question might
be considered closed. There was obviously nothing to be
gained by useless enquiries for money to be transferred from
the Palace to the Navy.</p>

<p>In 1889 the Chief Eunuch accompanied Prince Ch’un on
his first tour of inspection to the northern Naval ports,
including the Naval bases of Port Arthur and Weihaiwei.
It was a matter of very general comment at the time that
the honours paid to the eunuch were noticeably greater than
those shown to the Prince. Every officer in the Peiyang
squadron, from Admiral Ting downwards, did his best
to ingratiate himself with this powerful Chamberlain, and to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span>
become enrolled on the list of his <i>protégés</i>, so that he was
<i>entouré</i> with all manner of bribery and adulation. Many
critics, foreign and Chinese, have cast on Li Hung-chang the
blame for the disasters of the Japanese war, but they surely
overlook the fact, to which even the great Viceroy dared
not openly refer, that nine-tenths of the funds which should
have gone to the upkeep and provisioning of the Navy and
the maintenance of the Coast Defences, had been diverted
by the Chief Eunuch to the Palace (and much of them to
his own pocket), so that the ships’ crews were disaffected, and
their ordnance defective, in the hour of need. Readers of
Pepys will remember a very similar state of affairs obtaining
in the British Navy, happily without affecting the <i>moral</i> of
its officers and men, at a similarly critical period of British
history.</p>

<p>Li Lien-ying’s hatred of the Emperor Kuang-Hsü was
beyond doubt a most important factor in the <i>coup d’état</i>, and
in the subsequent estrangement and hostility between Tzŭ
Hsi and the nominal ruler of the Empire; there are not
lacking those who say that it had much to do with the
Emperor’s death, which certainly created no surprise in the
capital. The eunuch hated and feared the Emperor’s
reforming zeal, as well as the Cantonese advisers who in
1898 came swarming to Peking as the apostles of a new
dispensation, and it was therefore only natural that he
should become the foremost adviser and partisan of the
reactionaries and their emissary in urging the Empress to
resume control of affairs. It is quite safe to assert that had
his great influence with Tzŭ Hsi been exercised against,
instead of for, the Boxers, had he abstained from encouraging
her superstitious belief in their magic arts, the anti-foreign
movement would never have gone further than the borders
of Shantung, and the Chinese people would have been spared
the heavy burden of the indemnities. How interesting a
study of Asiatic politics and Court life presents itself in the
spectacle of this cobbler’s apprentice and his influence on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span>
destinies of so great a race! Seeing him as he was on the
day of his mistress’s burial, how bitter must have been the
innermost thoughts of the man, left alone on the brink of
the grave with the ill-gotten wealth that his country has paid
for so heavily!</p>

<p>At the height of the Boxer crisis when the power wielded
by Li Lien-ying was enormous, it was the custom of Prince
Tuan, when explaining his views to the Empress Dowager
and the Grand Council, to emphasise the fact that no
step had been taken except with the advice and approval
of the Chief Eunuch. “Such and such a Decree,” he
would say, “is issued with the chief Chamberlain Li’s
approval.” His object in so doing was to head off opposition,
for he well knew that few would dare to oppose any
measures that the Chief Eunuch approved. When Her
Majesty granted rewards to the Boxers and offered head-money
to the troops for the killing of Europeans, it was at
Li’s urgent request that she consented to defray these
unusual charges from her Privy Purse.</p>

<p>When the relieving forces drew near to Peking and it
became clear, even to the most obstinate, that the Boxer
bolt was shot, the Chief Eunuch passed through a period of
deep depression and mortification, not only because of the
failure of his prophecies, but because it was clear to all
at Court that his Imperial mistress, seeking, as was her
wont, a scapegoat, was disposed to vent her wrath upon
him. Herself deeply stirred by fear and wrath, it was
only natural that she should turn on him, who had been
foremost in advising her to follow the path of destruction.
On the day when the relief of the Legations took place,
Duke Lan rushed headlong into the Palace, loudly announcing
that the foreign devils were already within the city walls.
Tzŭ Hsi turned on him and asked how he could reconcile
such a statement with his previous boasts. “I presume
that the devils have flown here,” said she, “for you were
telling me only two days ago of our glorious victories<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span>
near Tientsin; and yet all the time you knew well, as I
knew, that the Viceroy and the Li Ping-heng were both
dead.” Li Lien-ying, who was standing close by, hearing
this, went out and informed the trembling crowd of eunuchs,
adding, “The Old Buddha is in an unspeakable rage. There
is nothing for it; we must make our escape and retire
into Shensi. There we will await the arrival of our reinforcements
which will easily drive all these devils back
into the sea.” But the hardships and dangers of the flight
told even more severely on the chief eunuch than on the
Old Buddha herself, and it was not until the Court’s
safe establishment at Hsi-an that he recovered his self-possession.</p>

<p>Certain information conveyed by an official of the
Household in exile to a fellow provincial at Peking, throws
considerable light on the manner in which the Court lived
during those troublous days, and the part played in affairs of
State by the chief eunuch and Tzŭ Hsi’s other favourites of
the Household. We take the following disconnected notes
from this correspondence.</p>

<p>When Ts’en Ch’un-hsüan (Governor of Shensi) came to
meet the Court on the Shansi frontier, the Old Buddha,
raising the curtain of her sedan-chair, looked out and said to
him, “Have you any idea of what we have suffered in
Peking?” “I do not know all,” he replied. Pointing
angrily at Li, she said, “It was all his doing; he has brought
ruin upon me.” The chief eunuch hung his head, and for
once had nothing to say. Later on, when the fearless Ts’en
saw the eunuchs under Li’s orders mercilessly harassing the
countryside in their search for plunder, he promptly reported
matters to the Empress and obtained her somewhat reluctant
permission to execute three of the offenders on the
spot. He was sorely tempted to include the chief eunuch
in the number of his victims, but realising how greatly Her
Majesty depended upon her favourite attendant, he feared
to run the risk of inconveniencing and offending her.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span>
Nevertheless, Li had a narrow escape. Later on, when Li
had recovered his equanimity, and the Court had settled
down to its usual routine, the eunuch revenged himself on
the Governor, with the help of Jung Lu, by having him
transferred to the Governorship of Shansi. He did this, not
only because the post in Shansi was considered a dangerous
one, owing to the fear of pursuit by the Allies, but because
Ts’en had gradually made himself most useful to Her
Majesty by superintending the expenditure of her Household.
The Governor was justly famous throughout the
Empire for his incorruptible honesty, so that, when placed
in charge of the Palace accounts, these speedily showed a
very considerable reduction in expenditure. The first result
of this <i>régime</i> was to put a stop to all the “squeeze” of the
eunuchs, and to place their salaries upon a definite and
moderate basis. Ts’en rapidly attained an intimate and
confidential position with Her Majesty, to the great and
increasing wrath of the chief eunuch, who left no stone
unturned to injure him, and eventually succeeded, with the
help of Jung Lu, in inducing Her Majesty to dispense with
his personal services. For over a month, however, the Old
Buddha spent hours daily discussing public and private
affairs with this fearless and upright official, and it would
have been well for her had she retained him and others of
his quality about her to counteract the corrupt tendencies
of her Manchu clansmen and the eunuchs. After Ts’en’s
transfer to Shansi, the chief eunuch did not scruple to
suppress and destroy many of the memorials which as
Governor he addressed to the Old Buddha, and which Li did
not desire his mistress to see. Gradually he re-established
himself as completely as before in the confidence and favour
of his mistress, and before the Court’s return to Peking he
had become if anything more familiarly arrogant than at
any previous stage in his career. At audiences given to the
highest officials he would even go so far as to refuse to
transmit Her Majesty’s orders, bluntly informing her that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span>
he was tired and that there had been enough public business
for that day!</p>

<p>The vast quantities of tribute levied by the Court from
the Southern Provinces at this time were handled in the first
instance by Li Lien-ying, whose apartments were stacked
with heaps of dragon robes, tribute silk and other valuables.
Of all the tribute paid in bullion, the Empress Dowager’s
share was one-half, while the eunuchs divided one-fifth, and
the balance was handed over to Jung Lu for military
purposes and his own emolument. So profitable was the
eunuchs’ business at Hsi-an and Kai-feng, that Li Lien-ying
did his utmost to dissuade the Old Buddha from returning
to Peking, endeavouring to frighten her by alarming
prognostications of the vengeance of the foreign Powers.
Li’s motives were not entirely mercenary, however, for there
is no doubt that for a long time he fully expected to find
his own name on the “black list” of the Legations, and that
it fully deserved to figure there. He directed the second
eunuch, named Ts’ui, to communicate to him daily the
latest news from Peking, and it was only when reassured
by reports from Prince Ch’ing, that his courage returned, and
his opposition to the Court’s return ceased. The conciliatory
attitude, which he eventually adopted towards the Empress
Dowager’s reform policy, was largely induced by the good
advice which he received from Jung Lu, who strongly urged
him to control his reactionary opinions and violent temper.</p>

<p>The amount of tribute paid in silver to the Court at
Hsi-an was over five million taels, the quota from each
Province being kept separate. The chief eunuch was
assisted in the supervision of the tribute accounts by
another favourite of the Old Buddha, a eunuch named Sun,
whose covetousness and bullying methods of “squeeze”
were almost equal to those of his chief. On one occasion
the deputy in charge of the tribute from Hupei was paying
in bullion to the Imperial Household, and Sun was tallying
the amounts with a steelyard. He said there was a shortage.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span>
“That cannot be so,” said the deputy, “for every shoe of
Hupei silver weighs fifty taels exactly, so that there can be
no mistake.” The eunuch looked at him insolently, and
said, “How many times have you brought tribute, and what
do you know about the customs of the Court?” The
frightened deputy persisted that all was in order. Sun then
said angrily: “I suppose, then, you mean that the Old
Buddha’s scales are false?” He was just proceeding to
assault the unfortunate deputy, when the Old Buddha
herself, overhearing the argument (the court-yards of her
residence being very small) came out and directed the
eunuch to bring the silver into her own apartments, where
she would weigh it herself. “I believe there has been a
great deal of leakage lately,” she said; “it is the business of
my eunuchs to see that I am not cheated.” The deputy
took his departure, looking extremely crestfallen, but on his
way out he was met by Chi Lu, the Controller of the
Household, who said to him, “We all know you have been
having a bad time of it, but you must not mind. These
eunuchs have been making very little money of late, for the
Old Buddha has been keeping a very sharp watch on them;
you must therefore excuse them. And they have lost a
great deal in Peking.”</p>

<p>Tribute of twenty-four kinds was received from Canton,
but the eunuchs on their own initiative, and in order to
compel <i>largesse</i>, rejected nine different kinds of articles, so
that the official in charge was greatly alarmed, fearing that
the Old Buddha would accuse him of having stolen the
things which the eunuchs refused to receive. This was one
of their commonest methods of levying tribute on their own
account; another was to make large purchases in the name
of the Empress, and refuse to pay for them. Much hardship
was inflicted on the people of Hsi-an, and indeed of the
entire province, from their depredations, especially because
at the time Shensi was already suffering from the beginnings
of famine, caused by the prolonged drought. It is recorded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span>
in the accounts of the Governor Ts’en, that flour cost 96
cash a pound, eggs 34 cash apiece, and pork 400 cash a
pound, while fish was almost unobtainable; these prices
being about six times as high as those ruling in southern
China.</p>

<p>Many of the eunuchs appeared to take pleasure in
humiliating the Emperor, and subjecting him to petty
annoyances, which often roused him to petulant outbursts
of temper. In one letter from the Court at Hsi-an it was
reported that His Majesty appeared to be a little wrong in
the head, for he would spend his time playing foolish games,
such as hide-and-seek, with the younger eunuchs, until
interrupted by the Empress Dowager, when he would immediately
get into a corner and assume a sullen demeanour.
At other times, when irritated, he would give way to violent
fits of rage and throw the household crockery at the heads
of his attendants. These reports must be received with
caution, as they were frequently spread abroad by the chief
eunuch and members of the reactionary party in order to
damage His Majesty in the eyes of the outside world.</p>

<p>As above stated, after the return of the Court from its
journeying in the wilderness (1902) Li’s influence with the
Empress Dowager was, if anything, greater than before, all
the internal affairs of the Palace being under his supreme
control. Following Her Majesty’s example, however, he
professed his complete conversion to the necessity of reform,
and even gave his approval, after certain amendments had
been made by the Grand Council and by himself, to her
programme for the granting of a Constitution. Jesting with
Her Majesty in his usual familiar manner, he was heard on
more than one occasion to predict her conversion to
Christianity. “We are only sham devils now, Old Buddha,”
he said.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, and in spite of advancing years and infirmity,
he has clung, and still clings, tenaciously to the perquisites
and privileges of his stewardship, fiercely defending the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span>
eunuch system and his own post by all the means (and they
are many) in his power. When, in 1901, T’ao Mo, late
Viceroy of Canton, sent in his famous Memorial urging that,
in view of the greatly reduced number of the Imperial
concubines, the eunuchs should be replaced by female
attendants, Li successfully intrigued to prevent this document
reaching Her Majesty until he had taken effective
steps to prevent her being advised in favour of the
suggestion. T’ao Mo’s Memorial was as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The prosperity of the State depends absolutely upon the
virtue of the ruler. Where the sovereign surrounds himself
with wise and just men, the country must benefit; where he
chooses time-servers to advise him, rebellion and chaos will be
the inevitable result. If one human being be called upon to
attend to the multifarious duties of the State, in addition to
managing the internal affairs of the Palace, his position may
be glorious indeed, but the responsibilities thereof are too
great for any man to bear. Even a sovereign, surrounded by
men of the sternest integrity, might well pause and falter at
the dread chances of failure. But how can a nation possibly
escape dire misfortune when, between sovereign and subjects
is set up a barrier composed of men of the most contemptible
and degraded kind? These creatures are not necessarily all
traitors or notorious scoundrels; it is sufficient, for the
undoing of a sovereign, that he be surrounded at all hours
by illiterate persons, lacking in moral perception, who pander
to his moods and minister to his caprices. Even the worst
Minister of State has not the same opportunity of influencing
his Emperor for evil: but these eunuchs are for ever
about and around him. Intimacy with eunuchs necessarily
brings about a sapping of the moral fibre; any ruler exposed
to their influences cannot possibly keep in touch with his
people.</p>

<p>“But if we wish to root out these influences, we must
proceed as if we were weeding out tares in a field. If we
leave the roots in the ground, they will sooner or later
spring up again to fresh life. Complete eradication is the
only cure. His Majesty is come of age and his character is
daily developing; how deeply he must deplore the fact that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span>
he is compelled to associate with this class of men at a time
when he is doing his best to introduce a policy of reform!
If previous Dynasties employed eunuchs it was because of
the large number of concubines in the Palace, but his
present Majesty’s harem is small, and he might therefore
preferably employ female attendants to minister to his
personal wants, while the official duties of the Household
might be discharged by men of good birth and education.
Why should it be necessary to employ eunuchs for such
posts?</p>

<p>“At the present time, the Court at Hsi-an employs an
enormous number of eunuchs; a favourable opportunity
therefore presents itself for reducing their number, retaining
only some twenty or thirty of the more respectable among
them. Orders should be given, after the Court’s return,
that for the future no more eunuchs shall be engaged, and
the Palace administration should be thoroughly reorganised.
By this means, long-standing abuses will be removed, and
the glory of your Majesty’s reign will be enhanced for all
time.</p>

<p>“At this moment, many reforms are being projected, in
regard to which Your Majesties have received numerous
suggestions from many high officials. But in my opinion,
this question of the employment of eunuchs, though
apparently of minor importance, transcends all others, and
the possibility of reform depends largely on their removal.
The system has been abolished in all foreign countries and
persists only in China. It exposes us to much adverse
criticism and contumely, and by abolishing it we should
gain the respect of civilised nations. As an official holding
a provincial post, I am prohibited by law from criticising
the administration of the Palace; nevertheless, I hold it to
be my duty at this juncture to offer my suggestions,
however humble and worthless, in token of my gratitude to
Your Majesties for your generous favours.”</p>

</div>

<p>Since that day, there have been repeated denunciations of
the eunuch system, and rumours of their impending
removal, but their influence shows little sign of diminution,
and officials of the courage and integrity of T’ao Mo are a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span>
small minority in the Mandarinate. Reform measures on
paper are numerous enough, measures forecasting self-denial
and zeal for the common good at some future and undetermined
date, but it is significant of the existing condition of
affairs and the strong hold of the powers of reaction, that
the native Press has lately passed from its former robust
independence under complete official control, and that the
voice of Young China, which formerly denounced the
eunuchs and other causes of national degeneration, is but
faintly heard in the land.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="VII">VII<br>
<span class="smaller">A QUESTION OF ETIQUETTE</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The following secret Memorial, submitted by the Censor
Wu K’o-tu, in 1873, casts no direct light on the life and
character of the Empress Dowager; it is of permanent
interest nevertheless, and valuable, in that it enables us to
realise something of the unbounded arrogance of the Chinese
official class and the childish ignorance of that Court in
which Tzŭ Hsi lived and moved and had her being.
Documents like these—their number is legion for those who
look for them—throw into strong relief the futility of
western diplomacy confronted by a national sentiment of
contempt for the barbarian so deep-rooted and far-reaching;
and they make one wonder at the persistence of those
comfortable delusions, those facile lines of least resistance,
which the foreign Powers and their Legations have
cherished to this day in spite of many humiliating
experiences. And if, from the general, one returns to
particular study of the remarkable woman whose personality
dominated the destinies of men and the foreign relations of
her country for half a century, the state of affairs revealed
by documents like these must compel unstinted admiration
for a mind so obviously superior to its environment.
Finally, there lurks in this Memorial a certain quality of
(possibly unconscious) humour which may justify its inclusion,
in the nature of an <i>entremets</i>, at this stage of our
narrative:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging">“<i>A Secret Memorial urging the Throne to put a stop to
official wrangling and to excuse the Ministers of foreign
nations from kneeling at audiences, in order that our
magnanimity may be proved and our prestige exalted. A
prayer based, moreover, on the fact that our demands in this
matter cannot be successfully pressed and that protracted
discussion has so far resulted in a hopeless deadlock.</i></p>

<p>“From the day when first the foreign Ministers asked to
be permitted to present their credentials, nearly six months
ago, our statesmen have discussed the question, without
arriving at any solution of its difficulties. First, they
debated whether the Ministers should be granted audience
at all, and having agreed upon this, they proceeded to
discuss whether they should be compelled to kneel.</p>

<p>“In discussing this matter with certain minor officials, it
has occurred to me to wonder wherein really lies the gravity
of the question sufficient to justify all this bother and
excitement? As Mencius remarks, ‘Why should the
Superior Man engage in altercation with birds and beasts?’</p>

<p>“I have heard, and believe, that the rulers of foreign
nations are deposed by their subjects for all the world like
pawns on a chess board. I have seen with my own eyes the
foreigners who live in Peking walking abroad, preceded by
the females of their household either on foot or in sedan
chairs; the men folk following meekly in their rear, like
servants—all unashamed. They have made some score of
treaties with China, containing at least ten thousand written
characters. Is there a word in any one of them concerning
reverence for parents, or the cultivation of virtue and
respect for the nine canons of rightful conduct? No! Is
there one word in any one of them as to the observance of
ceremony, as to duty, integrity and a proper sense of shame,
the four cardinal principles of our nation? Again, no! All
that they speak of is material profit. ‘Such and such a clause
implies benefits or profits for China.’ They think only of
profit, and with the meretricious hope of profit they beguile
the Chinese people. These men know not even the meaning
of duty and ceremony, wisdom and good faith, yet we
profess, forsooth, to expect them to act as if they were
endowed with the five cardinal virtues! They know not the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span>
meaning of the Heaven-ordained relationship between Sovereign
and Minister, between father and son, husband and
wife, elder and younger brother, friend and friend—yet we
propose to require them to conform to the five principles of
duty! It seems to me that one might as well bring together
dogs and horses, goats and pigs, in a public hall and compel
these creatures to perform the evolutions of the dance!</p>

<p>“If we insist upon their reverently kneeling, in what
manner will it increase the lustre of the Throne’s prestige?
If we excuse them from kneeling, how can this possibly
affect the Sovereign’s majesty?</p>

<p>“But our statesmen hold that long and careful deliberation
before assenting to the foreigners’ wishes in this matter will
cause the latter to say: ‘If so great pressure be required to
extract even this trifling concession from China, how small
must be our hopes of future success in dealing with great
matters.’ In this way, it is thought, we may cause their
everlasting demands on China to cease, and we should thus
gain, while they lose, prestige. But, in my humble opinion,
our nation’s prestige depends not on any foreigners’ estimate
of us, nor is their humiliation to be brought about in this
way. If once they perceive that we attach a real importance
to their kneeling at audience, and that we are loth to exempt
them from this ceremony, while at the same time they
are fully aware that we dare not go to war with them, they
will simply insist the more firmly on their demands and
threaten us with war if we fail to comply. Our weakness
once exposed, they will stick at nothing.</p>

<p>“I have heard that, in their despatches and treaties, the puny
hobgoblin or petty monsters whom they have the audacity to
call ‘Emperors’ are placed on a level of equality with His
Sacred Majesty! If our statesmen can brook an outrage
like this and feel no shame, why should they trouble themselves
about the foreign Envoys’ refusal to kneel? Two
years ago, when the Russian barbarians were pressing in
upon China from Ili and all the North-west, when they
were seizing vast stretches of our territory, and carrying
out their policy of aggression on a scale unparalleled in all
the history of our relations with barbarians; when their
crafty and deep-laid plans threatened the Empire with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span>
gravest dangers—our statesmen showed no sense of shame.
But now, we are to believe that there is humiliation to China
in the Ministers’ unwillingness to kneel! Our statesmen
appear to imagine that if foreign nations decline to comply
with the formalities of Chinese etiquette, China will thereby
be disgraced, but in my humble opinion, compliance on their
part would jeopardise our country. From ancient times
immemorial the policy of the Government has been guided
by two main factors, viz., the exigencies of the moment and
the amount of force available to carry out a given line
of action. At the present moment China’s position does
not justify her in contending for this point and our national
forces are quite inadequate to impose our will upon any
other nation. China should therefore seek to develop
efficiency and in the meantime resort to compromises.</p>

<p>“A disciple of Confucius once asked the Sage in what lay
the art of government. The Master replied that the three
first requisites were, a sufficiency of food, a sufficiency of
troops and the confidence of the people. The disciple then
asked which of these three could be dispensed with, in case
of urgent necessity? Confucius replied, ‘Dispense first
with the troops and next with the food supply.’ From this
we may learn that the Sage, aiming at perfection in the art
of government, would approve of no rash or ill-considered
action in deciding a matter of this kind. A clear course
of action should be definitely pre-arranged by careful
thought; there should be no question of any hasty or
immature decision, calculated only to involve the country in
difficulties. Our statesmen ought, in the first instance, to
have examined this Audience question in all its bearings,
weighing carefully the issues involved, and should have considered
whether, in view of the relative strength of China
and foreign nations, resistance was advisable. If China
were not well aware of her own weakness, she would
insist upon her rights, and without weighing the relative
importance in each case; but as, in the present instance, she
does not feel strong enough to insist, the Ministers should
have been told at once that the Throne would waive the
question of their kneeling at audience, and that His Majesty
would dispense in their case with the formalities and ceremonies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span>
required by the etiquette of the Chinese Court. By
so doing we should have avoided the outward and visible
manifestations of weakness, and foreigners would have been
led to perceive how small is the importance we attach to
them as individuals. Would not this be an example of
enlightenment and statesmanship to impress Chinese and
barbarians alike?</p>

<p>“But no; we must needs begin by raising objections to
receiving the foreign Envoys, and then, having been compelled
to yield this point, we proceeded to require them to
kneel at audience. The only possible result of this will be
that we shall finally have to yield to their protest; but our
acquiescence will perforce be performed with bad grace and
with every appearance of an act performed under compulsion.
It was precisely in this way that we blundered
when we made the Treaty of Tientsin. I am convinced
that the Throne’s position will be an unenviable one if the
views of these statesmen be adopted, and would suggest as a
solution of the difficulty, that His Majesty should decide for
himself, and inform his Councillors that the question is really
one of minor importance. The foreign Ministers are not
Chinese subjects; why, then, should they conform to a
Chinese ceremony? If they were to do so, and if the
ceremonial were slovenly or awkwardly performed, might it
not become a burlesque? And if the foreign Ministers were
thus made to look ridiculous, would not China be violating
the principle which lays down that we must ‘treat strangers
from afar with courtesy and consideration’? If it should
happen—as well might be—that the spectators should be
unable to control their mirth at so ridiculous a spectacle,
might not the humiliation felt by the foreigners at their
discomfiture, and their consequent rage, lead them to
declare war against China? It seems, therefore, advisable
that the Throne should issue a Decree excusing the Envoys
from performing the ceremonies of our Court, and, in the
event of their ignorantly offending against any of the rules
of etiquette, that we should exercise a wise forbearance.
Our statesmen should refrain from querulous arguments;
they should bear in mind that to dispute with these
foreigners is unworthy of us. In this they will display the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span>
perfection of magnanimity. At the same time it should be
carefully explained that this Decree is an act of clemency,
of the Emperor’s own initiative, and contrary to the advice
of his Ministers. It must not serve as a precedent by reason
of which foreigners may be led to demand other concessions
from China, or to coerce her in other directions. By these
means we shall preserve our self-respect, and at the same
time prevent all possibility of our people attempting reprisals
against foreigners, to avenge what they might regard as an
insult to China. And for the rest, let us proceed to develop
our strength, biding our time.</p>

<p>“One word only would I add, of warning. It is possible that
the audacious and treacherous foreigners may endeavour to
address His Majesty at audience. Our statesmen should be
prepared in advance with the proper reply to make in such a
case, so that they may avoid being put to sudden confusion.</p>

<p>“I, the writer of this worthless Memorial, am but an
ignorant inhabitant of a wild and remote district, and know
nothing of affairs of State. Greatly daring and of rash
utterance, I present this my Memorial, knowing the while
that in so doing I risk the penalty of death.”</p>

</div>

<p>To this Memorial the following Rescript was issued by
the Empresses Dowager:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We have perused this Memorial and find it not lacking
in point. The foreign Ministers are hereby permitted to
appear at Audience and to act thereat in accordance with
their own national Court ceremonies. Thus the Throne will
display its benevolent indulgence to the strangers from
afar and make a proper distinction between Chinese and
barbarians.”</p>

</div>

<p>It is worthy of note that the author of the Memorial was
the same upright and fearless Censor, Wu K’o-tu, whose
name became a household word upon his committing suicide
at the grave of T’ung-Chih, as an act of protest against the
illegality of the succession ordained by Tzŭ Hsi. If such
were (and are) the views held by China’s bravest and best,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span>
can we wonder at the absurdities that have led the ignorant
masses to sudden uprisings and deeds of violence against the
foreigners? Wu K’o-tu’s trenchant scorn of the sordid
commercialism that marks the foreigners’ Treaties, is typical
of the attitude of the orthodox Chinese scholar.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="VIII">VIII<br>
<span class="smaller">MAJORITY AND DEATH OF THE EMPEROR T’UNG-CHIH</span></h2>

</div>

<p>In the eleventh year of T’ung-Chih (November 1872) the
Empresses Dowager, as Co-Regents, issued a Decree,
recounting the circumstances which had led to the Regency
(which they once more described as having been thrust upon
them), and announced the fact that His Majesty’s education
having been completed, they now proposed to hand over to
him the reigns of government; they therefore directed that
the Court of Astronomers should select an auspicious day
upon which His Majesty should assume control. The
astrologers and soothsayers having announced that the
26th day of the 1st Moon was of fortunate omen (wherein,
as far as the Emperor was concerned, they lied), the Co-Regents
issued on that day the last Decree of their first
Regency, which is worth reproducing:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“His Majesty assumes to-day the control of the Government,
and our joy at this auspicious event is in some degree
blended with feelings of anxiety as to the possible results of
this change; but we bear in mind the fact that his sacred
Ancestors have all feared the Almighty, and endeavoured
to follow in the sacred traditions of their predecessors. At
the moment, peace has not been completely restored
throughout the Empire, for rebellion is still rife in Yünnan,
Shensi and the North-West region. It behoves the Emperor
to bear steadily in mind the greatness of the task which God
and his ancestors have laid upon him alone, and carefully to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span>
obey the House laws of the Dynasty in all things. When
not actually engaged on business of State, he should employ
his time in studying the classics and the precedents of
history, carefully enquiring into the causes which have
produced good or bad government, from the earliest times
down to the present day. He should be thrifty and diligent,
endeavouring to make perfect his government. This has
been our one constant endeavour since we took upon ourselves
the Regency, the one ideal that has been steadily
before our eyes.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Decree concludes with the usual exhortation to the
Grand Council and the high officers of the Provincial
administration, to serve the Throne with zeal and loyalty.</p>

<p>As far as the Emperor was concerned, these admirable
sentiments appeared to have little or no effect, for his
conduct from the outset was undutiful, not to say
disrespectful, to his mother. Nor was this to be wondered
at, when we remember that since his early boyhood he had
shown a marked preference for the Empress Dowager of the
East (Tzŭ An) and that he was well aware of the many
dissensions and intrigues rife in the Palace generally, and
particularly between the Co-Regents. He had now attained
his seventeenth year, and, with it, something of the autocratic
and imperious nature of his august parent. He was encouraged
in his independent attitude by the wife whom Tzŭ Hsi
had chosen for him, the virtuous A-lu-te. This lady was
of patrician origin, being a daughter of the assistant Imperial
tutor, Ch’ung Ch’i. In the first flush of supreme authority,
the boy Emperor and his young wife would appear to
have completely ignored the danger of their position,
but they were speedily to learn by bitter experience that
Tzŭ Hsi was not to be opposed, and that to live peacefully
with her in the Palace was an end that could only be
attained by complete submission to her will. The first
trouble arose from the Emperor’s refusal to submit State
documents for his mother’s inspection, but there were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span>
soon other and more serious causes of friction. But above
and behind all lay the ominous fact that, in the event of an
heir being born to the Emperor, A-lu-te would from that
day become Empress mother, and in the event of the
Emperor’s subsequent decease, to her would belong by right
the title of Empress Dowager, so that, come what might,
Tzŭ Hsi would be relegated to a position of obscurity and
insignificant authority. It is impossible to overlook this
fact in forming our opinion of subsequent events, and
especially of the motives which actuated the Empress
Dowager when, after the death of T’ung-Chih, she insisted
on the election of another infant Emperor at all costs and in
violation of the sacred laws of Dynastic succession. Apart
from her inability to brook any form of opposition and her
absolutely unscrupulous methods for ridding herself of
anything or anyone who stood in the path of her ambition,
no impartial estimate of her action at this period can deny
the fact that it was entirely to her interest that the Emperor
T’ung-Chih should not have an heir, and that his Consort
should follow him speedily, in the event of his “mounting
the Dragon chariot, and proceeding on the long journey,”
All commentators agree that Tzŭ Hsi encouraged the
youthful Emperor’s tendencies to dissipated habits, and that,
when these had resulted in a serious illness, she allowed it to
wreck havoc with his delicate constitution, without
providing him with such medical assistance as might have
been available. One of the members of the Imperial
Household, by name Kuei Ching,<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> deploring the Emperor’s
licentious habits and foreseeing his early death, took occasion
to urge that the deplorable influence exercised over him by
disreputable eunuchs should be removed, and that greater
care should be taken of his manners, morals and health.
He even went so far, in his zeal, as to decapitate several of
the offending eunuchs, but in so doing he incurred not only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span>
the displeasure of the Empress Dowager, but of the
Emperor himself, who desired neither criticism nor assistance
from anyone around him. The unfortunate Kuei Ching
was therefore compelled to resign his post, and to leave the
Emperor to his fate. His colleagues, the Ministers of
the Household, Wen Hsi and Kuei Pao, men of a very
different stamp, and open partisans of the Empress
Dowager, not only did nothing to restrain the Emperor
from his vicious courses, but actually encouraged him, so that
it became a matter of common knowledge and notorious in
the capital that they and the Emperor together were wont
to consort with all the evil characters in the worst localities
of the Southern City. It became cause for scandal in the
Palace itself that His Majesty would return from his orgies
long after the hour fixed for the morning audience with his
high officers of State. He was mixed up in many a
drunken brawl and consorted with the lowest dregs of the
Chinese city, so that it was no matter for surprise when he
contracted the germs of disease which speedily led to his
death. Already in 1873 it was apparent that the Dragon
Throne would soon be vacant. In December 1874, he
contracted smallpox and during his illness the Empresses
Dowager were called upon to assume control of the
Government. Towards the end of the month, he issued the
following Decree.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We have had the good fortune<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> this month to contract
smallpox, and their Majesties, the Empresses Dowager,
have shown the greatest possible tenderness in the care
for our person. They have also consented to peruse all
Memorials and State papers on our behalf, and to carry
on the business of the State, for which we are deeply
grateful. We feel bound to confer upon their Majesties
additional titles of honour, so as to make some return,
however small, for their infinite goodness.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span></p>

<p>The Emperor’s enfeebled constitution was unable to
resist the ravages of his combined diseases, and his physical
condition became in the highest degree deplorable; at
8 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> on the 13th January 1875, in the presence of the
Empresses Dowager and some twenty Princes and Ministers
of the Household, he “ascended the Dragon” and was
wafted on high. Amongst those present at his death-bed
were the Princes Kung and Ch’un, as well as Tzŭ Hsi’s
devoted henchman and admirer Jung Lu. After the Emperor’s
death, a Censor, bolder than his fellows, impeached
the two Ministers of the Household who had openly encouraged
the Emperor in his dissipated courses, and Tzŭ Hsi,
having no further use for their services, dismissed them from
office. As further proof of her virtuous admiration for
faithful service and disinterested conduct, she invited Kuei
Ching to resume his appointment, praising his loyalty; but
he declined the invitation, having by this time formed
his own opinion of the value of virtue in Her Majesty’s
service.</p>

<p>The Emperor having died without issue, all would have
been plain and meritorious sailing for Tzŭ Hsi and her
retention of supreme power, had it not been for the unpleasant
fact, known to all the Court, that the Emperor’s
consort, A-lu-te, was <i>enceinte</i> and therefore might confer
an heir on the deceased sovereign. In the event of a son
being born, it was clear that both A-lu-te and Tzŭ An
would <i>ipso facto</i> acquire authority theoretically higher than
her own, since her title of Empress Mother had lapsed
by the death of T’ung-Chih, and her original position
was only that of a secondary consort. As the mother of
the Emperor, she had by right occupied a predominant
position during his minority, but this was now ended. It
was to her motherhood that she had owed the first claims to
power; now she had nothing but her own boundless ambition,
courage and intelligence to take the place of lawful
claims and natural ties. With the death of her son the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span>
Emperor, and the near prospect of A-lu-te’s confinement,
it was clear that her own position would require desperate
remedies, if her power was to remain undiminished.</p>

<p>Among the senior members of the Imperial Clan, many of
whom were jealous of the influence of the Yehonala branch,
there was a strong movement in favour of placing on the
Throne a grandson of the eldest son of the venerated
Emperor Tao-Kuang, namely, the infant Prince P’u Lun,
whose claims were excellent, in so far as he was of a generation
lower than the deceased T’ung-Chih, but complicated by
the fact that his father had been adopted into the direct line
from another branch. The Princes and nobles who favoured
this choice pointed out that the infant P’u Lun was almost
the only nominee who would satisfy the laws of succession
and allow of the proper sacrifices being performed to the
spirit of the deceased T’ung-Chih.<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi, however, was too determined to retain her
position and power to allow any weight to attach to sentimental,
religious, or other considerations. If, in order to
secure her objects, a violation of the ancestral and House-laws
were necessary, she was not the woman to hesitate, and
she trusted to her own intelligence and the servility of her
tools in the Censorate to put matters right, or, at least, to
overcome all opposition. At this period she was on bad
terms with her colleague and Co-Regent, whom she had
never forgiven for her share in the decapitation of her Chief
Eunuch, An Te-hai; she hated and mistrusted Prince Kung,
and there is hardly a doubt that she had resolved to get
rid of the young Empress A-lu-te before the birth of her
child. The only member of the Imperial family with whom
she was at this time on intimate terms was her brother-in-law,
Prince Ch’un, the seventh son of the Emperor Tao-Kuang.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span>
This Prince, an able man, though dissolute in his
habits, had married her favourite sister, the younger
Yehonala, and it will, therefore, be readily understood that
the reasons which actuated her in deciding to place this
Prince’s infant son upon the Throne were of the very
strongest. During his minority she would continue to rule
the Empire, and, should he live to come of age, her sister,
the Emperor’s mother, might be expected to exert her
influence to keep him in the path of dutiful obedience. Tzŭ
Hsi’s objection to the son of Prince Kung was partly due to
the fact that she had never forgiven his father for his share
in the death of the eunuch, An Te-hai, and other
offences, and partly because the young Prince was now in
his seventeenth year, and would, therefore, almost immediately
have assumed the Government in his own person.
Tzŭ Hsi was aware that, in that event, it would be in
accordance with tradition and the methods adopted by the
stronger party in the Forbidden City for ridding itself of
inconvenient rivals and conflicting authorities, that either
she should be relegated to complete obscurity here below, or
forcibly assisted on the road to Heaven. It was thus absolutely
necessary for her to put a stop to this appointment,
and, as usual, she acted with prompt thoroughness, which
speedily triumphed over the disorganised efforts of her
opponents. By adroit intrigues, exercised chiefly through
her favourite eunuch, she headed off any attempt at co-operation
between the supporters of Prince P’u Lun and
those of Prince Kung, while, with the aid of Jung Lu and
the appearance on the scene of a considerable force of
Li Hung-chang’s Anhui troops, she prepared the way for
the success of her own plans; her preparations made, she
summoned a Council of the Clansmen and high officials, to
elect and appoint the new Emperor.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp95" id="illus10" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus10.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Interior of the
  Yang Hsin Tien.</span> (Palace of “Mind Nurture.”)</p>
  <p>The Emperor T’ung-Chih used this Palace as his residence
  during the whole of his reign.</p>
  <p><i>Photo, Ogawa, Tokio.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>This solemn conclave took place in the Palace of “Mind
Nurture,” on the western side of the Forbidden City, about
a quarter of a mile distant from the palace in which the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span>
Emperor T’ung-Chih had expired. In addition to the
Empresses Regent, those present numbered twenty-five in
all, including several Princes and Imperial Clansmen, the
members of the Grand Council, and several of the highest
metropolitan officials; but of all these, only five were
Chinese. Prince Tsai Chih, the father of Prince P’u Lun,
was there, as well as Prince Kung, both representing the
proposed legitimate claims to the Throne. The approaches
to the Palace were thronged with eunuchs, and Tzŭ Hsi
had taken care, with the assistance of Jung Lu, that
all the strategical points in the Forbidden City should
be held by troops on whose loyalty she could completely
depend. Amongst them were many of Jung Lu’s own
Banner Corps, as well as detachments chiefly composed
of members and adherents of the Yehonala clan. By Tzŭ
Hsi’s express orders, the newly-widowed Empress A-lu-te
was excluded from the Council meeting, and remained
dutifully weeping by the bedside of her departed lord, who
had already been arrayed in the ceremonial Dragon robes.</p>

<p>In the Council Chamber Tzŭ Hsi and her colleague sat
opposite to each other on Thrones; all the officials present
were on their knees. Taking precedence as usual, and
assuming as of right the <i>rôle</i> of chief speaker, Tzŭ Hsi
began by remarking that no time must be lost in selecting
the new Emperor; it was not fitting that the Throne should
remain vacant on the assumption that an heir would be
born to His late Majesty. Prince Kung ventured to disagree
with this opinion, expressing the view that, as A-lu-te’s child
would shortly be born, there should be no difficulty in
keeping back the news of the Emperor’s death for a little
while; the child, if a boy, could then rightly and fittingly
be placed on the Throne, while in the event of the posthumous
child being a daughter, there would still be time
enough to make selection of the Emperor’s successor. The
Princes and Clansmen appeared to side with this view, but
Tzŭ Hsi brushed it aside, observing that there were still<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span>
rebellions unsuppressed in the south, and that if it were
known that the Throne was empty, the Dynasty might very
well be overthrown. “When the nest is destroyed, how
many eggs will remain unbroken?” she asked. The Grand
Councillors and several senior statesmen, including the
three Chinese representatives from the south, expressed
agreement with this view, for they realised that, given
conditions of unrest, the recently active Taiping rebels might
very easily renew the anti-Dynastic movement.</p>

<p>The Empress Dowager of the East then gave it as her
opinion that Prince Kung’s son should be chosen heir to the
Throne; Prince Kung, in accordance with the customary
etiquette, kowtowed and professed unwillingness that such
honour should fall to his family, and suggested that the
youthful Prince P’u Lun should be elected. P’u Lun’s father
in turn pleaded the unworthiness of his offspring, not because
he really felt any qualms on the subject, but because custom
necessitated this self-denying attitude. “That has nothing
to do with the case,” said Tzŭ Hsi to the last speaker, “but
as you are only the adopted son of Yi Wei” (the eldest son
of the Emperor Tao-Kuang) “what precedent can any of
you show for placing on the Throne the heir of an adopted
son?” Prince Kung, called upon to reply, hesitated, and
suggested as a suitable precedent the case of a Ming Emperor
of the fifteenth century canonised as Ying-Tsung. “That is
a bad precedent,” replied the Empress, who had every precedent
of history at her finger ends. “The Emperor Ying-Tsung
was not really the son of his predecessor, but was
palmed off on the Emperor by one of the Imperial concubines.
His reign was a period of disaster; he was for a time
in captivity under the Mongols and afterwards lived in
retirement at Peking for eight years while the Throne was
occupied by his brother.” Turning next to her colleague
she said, “As for me, I propose as heir to the Throne, Tsai
Tien, the son of Yi Huan (Prince Ch’un), and advise you all
that we lose no time.” On hearing these words Prince Kung<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span>
turned to his brother and angrily remarked: “Is the right of
primogeniture<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> to be completely ignored?” “Let the
matter then be decided by taking a vote,” said Tzŭ Hsi, and
her colleague offered no objections. The result of the vote
was that seven of the Princes, led by Prince Ch’un, voted
for Prince P’u Lun, and three for the son of Prince Kung;
the remainder of the Council voted solidly for Tzŭ Hsi’s
nominee. The voting was done openly and the result was
entirely due to the strong will and dominating personality of
the woman whom all had for years recognised as the real
ruler of China. When the voting was concluded, Tzŭ An,
who was always more anxious for an amicable settlement
than for prolonged discussion, intimated her willingness to
leave all further arrangements in the hands of her colleague.
It was now past nine o’clock, a furious dust-storm was raging
and the night was bitterly cold, but Tzŭ Hsi, who never
wasted time at moments of crisis, ordered a strong detachment
of Household troops to be sent to the residence of
Prince Ch’un in the Western City, and with it the Imperial
yellow sedan chair with eight bearers, to bring the boy
Emperor to the Palace. At the same time, to keep Prince
Kung busy and out of harm’s way, she gave him charge of
the body of the dead Emperor, while she had the Palace
surrounded and strongly guarded by Jung Lu’s troops. It
was in her careful attention to details of this kind that lay
her marked superiority to the vacillating and unbusinesslike
methods of those who opposed her, and it is this Napoleonic
characteristic of the woman which explains much of the success
that her own people frequently attributed to luck. Before
midnight the little Emperor had been duly installed in the
Palace, weeping bitterly upon his ill-omened coming to the
Forbidden City. With him came his mother (Tzŭ Hsi’s
sister) and several nurses. The first event of his reign,
imposed upon him, like much future misery, by dynastic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span>
precedent, was to be taken at once to the Hall where his
deceased predecessor was lying in State, and there to kowtow,
as well as his tender years permitted, before the departed
ruler. A Decree was thereupon issued in the names of the
Empresses Dowager, who thus became once more Regents,
announcing, “that they were absolutely compelled to select
Tsai Tien for the Throne, and that he should become heir
by adoption to his uncle Hsien-Feng, but that, so soon
as he should have begotten a son, the Emperor T’ung-Chih
would at once be provided with an heir.”</p>

<p>By this means the widowed Empress A-lu-te was
completely passed over, and the claims of her posthumous
son ignored in advance. Once more Tzŭ Hsi had gained an
easy and complete victory. It was clear to those who left
the Council Chamber after the issue of this Decree, that
neither the young widowed Empress nor the unborn child of
T’ung-Chih were likely to give much more trouble.</p>

<p>For form’s sake, and in accordance with dynastic precedents,
a Memorial was submitted by all the Ministers and
Princes of the Household, begging their Majesties the
Empresses to resume the Regency, who, on their part, went
through the farce of acceding graciously to this request, on
the time-honoured ground that during the Emperor’s
minority there must be some central authority to whom the
officials of the Empire might look for the necessary guidance.
It was only fitting and proper, however, that reluctance
should be displayed, and Tzŭ Hsi’s reply to the Memorial
therefore observed that “the perusal of this Memorial has
greatly increased our grief and sorrowful recognition of the
exigencies of the times, for we had hoped that the Regency
was merely a temporary measure of unusual expediency.
Be it known that so soon as the Emperor shall have
completed his education, we shall immediately hand over
to him the affairs of the Government.”</p>

<p>The infant Emperor was understood to express “dutiful
thanks to their Majesties for this virtuous act” and all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span>
formalities of the tragic comedy were thus completed. The
Empress Dowager gave orders that the repairs which had
been begun at the Lake and Summer Palaces should now be
stopped, the reason given being that the Empresses Regent
would have no time nor desire for gaiety in the years to
come; the real reason being, however, that the death of the
Emperor removed all necessity for their Majesties leaving
the Forbidden City.</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi’s success in forcing her wishes upon the Grand
Council and having her sister’s infant son appointed to the
Imperial succession, in opposition to the wishes of a powerful
party and in violation of the dynastic law, was entirely
due to her energy and influence. The charm of her personality,
and the convincing directness of her methods were
more effective than all the forces of tradition. This fact,
and her triumph, become the more remarkable when we
bear in mind that she had been advised, and the Grand
Council was aware, that the infant Emperor suffered from
physical weaknesses which, even at that date, rendered it
extremely unlikely that he would ever provide an heir to
the Throne. Those who criticised her selection, knowing
this, would have been therefore in a strong position had they
not been lacking in courage and decision, since it was clear,
if the fact were admitted, that Her Majesty’s only possible
motive was personal ambition.</p>

<p>From that time until the death of the Emperor and
her own, on the 14th and 15th November 1908, the belief
was widespread, and not infrequently expressed, that the
Emperor, whose reign began thus inauspiciously, would not
survive her, and there were many who predicted that his
death would occur before the time came for him to assume
supreme control of the Government. All foretold that Tzŭ
Hsi would survive him, for the simple reason that only thus
could she hope to regulate once more the succession and
continue the Regency. The prophets of evil were wrong, as
we know, inasmuch as Kuang-Hsü was allowed his years of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span>
grace in control of affairs, but we know also that after
the <i>coup d’état</i> it was only the fear of an insurrection in the
south that saved his life and prevented the accession of
a new boy Emperor.</p>

<p>The designation of the new reign was then ordered to be
“Kuang-Hsü,” meaning “glorious succession”; it was
chosen to emphasise the fact that the new Emperor was
a direct lineal descendant of the last great Manchu Emperor,
Tao-Kuang, and to suggest the hope that the evil days
of Hsien-Feng and T’ung-Chih had come to an end. The
next act of the Empresses Regent was to confer an
honorific title upon the late Emperor’s widow; but the
honour was not sufficient to prevent her from committing
suicide on the 27th of March as an act of protest at
the grievous wrong done to her, to the memory of her
husband and to the claims of his posthumous heir. This
was the unofficial explanation current, but opinions have
always differed, and must continue to differ, as to the truth
of the suicide, there being many who, not unnaturally,
accused Tzŭ Hsi of putting an end to the unfortunate
woman. Against this the Empress’s advocates observe that,
having succeeded in obtaining the appointment of Kuang-Hsü
to the Throne, and the matter being irrevocably settled,
there existed no further necessity for any act of violence:
but few, if any, suggest that had circumstances necessitated
violent measures they would not have been taken. The
balance of evidence is undoubtedly in the direction of foul
play. But, however administered, it is certain that the
death of the Empress A-lu-te influenced public opinion more
profoundly than she could ever have done by living; as
a result, thousands of Memorials poured in from the
Censorate and the provinces, strongly protesting against the
selection of the infant son of Prince Ch’un for the Throne, as
a violation of all ancestral custom and the time-honoured
laws of succession. It is significant that all these protests
were clearly directed against Tzŭ Hsi, her colleague’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span>
nonentity being practically and generally recognised. For a
time Tzŭ Hsi’s popularity (and therefore the position of the
Yehonala clan) was seriously affected, and when, four years
later, the Censor, Wu K’o-tu, committed suicide near T’ung-Chih’s
grave to emphasise the seriousness of the crime and to
focus public attention on the matter, the Empress was
compelled to bow to the storm and to give a second
and more solemn pledge that the deceased Emperor should
not permanently be left without heirs to perform for him the
sacrifices of ancestral worship. It will be seen hereafter how
she kept that pledge.</p>

<p>Prince Ch’un, in the capacity of father to the new
Emperor, submitted a Memorial asking leave to be
permitted to resign his various offices, because, as an official,
he would be bound to kowtow to the Emperor, and as a
father he could not kowtow to his own son. In the course
of this Memorial, which reminds the reader unpleasantly of
Mr. Pecksniff, the Prince observes that when first informed
of his son’s selection as heir to the Dragon Throne, “he
almost fainted and knew not what to do. When borne to
his home, his body was trembling and his heart palpitating
severely; like a madman, or one who walks in dreams, was
he, so that he incurred a serious recurrence of his liver
trouble and the state of his health became really a matter
for anxiety. He would prefer that the silent tomb should
close forthwith over his remains rather than to continue
to draw the breath of life as the useless son of the Emperor
Tao-Kuang.”</p>

<p>The Empress Dowager, in reply, directed her faithful
Ministers to devise a careful compromise “based on the
special requirements of the case,” the result of which was
that Prince Ch’un was permitted to resign his offices and
excused from attendance at all Court ceremonies involving
obeisance to the Emperor, but was retained in a sort of
general capacity as “adviser to the Empresses Regent” to
serve when called upon. On the birthdays of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span>
Empresses Regent, he would be permitted to prostrate
himself before them in private, and not as a member of the
Court in attendance on the Emperor. His first class
Princedom was made hereditary for ever, and he was
commanded to give the benefit of his experience and sage
counsel to his successor, Prince Tun, as officer commanding
the Manchu Field Force—an order which he must have
obeyed, for the Force in question became more and more
notorious for its tatterdemalion uselessness and the
corruption of its commanders.</p>

<p>Remembering the institution of the first Regency, it will
be noted how faithfully history can be made to repeat itself
in the Celestial Empire.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="IX">IX<br>
<span class="smaller">THE PROTEST AND SUICIDE OF WU K’O-TU</span></h2>

</div>

<p>Immediately after the death of T’ung-Chih’s young
widow, the validity of the Imperial succession and the
violation of all traditions which Tzŭ Hsi had committed,
became a matter of grave concern to the conservative and
more conscientious supporters of the Dynasty. The first
evidence of dissatisfaction was contained in a Memorial
submitted by a Manchu sub-Chancellor of the Grand
Secretariat who, while accepting the situation as it stood
in regard to the boy Emperor, Kuang-Hsü, stipulated
that safeguards or guarantees should be given by the
Throne for the eventual regulation of the succession and
for the provision of heirs to His orbate Majesty, T’ung-Chih.
The Memorial was as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The selection of an heir to the Throne is a matter
resting entirely with the Sovereign and beyond scope of
interference or criticism by any subject. But in cases where
the arrangements made necessitate modification in order
to render them perfect, a loyal subject is justified, if not
compelled, to speak his mind freely.</p>

<p>“The whole Empire looked forward to seeing our late
Emperor enjoy a long and prosperous reign, but he has
passed away without leaving any posterity. The selection
of a successor which your Majesties the Empresses Dowager
have, in your wisdom, decided upon is admirable no doubt,
particularly since you have promised that an heir shall
eventually be provided for His Majesty, T’ung-Chih. This
proves that in regulating the dynastic succession, you are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span>
proceeding precisely as if it were a case of adoption from
one family into another: you have therefore wisely decided
that not only shall a son be adopted to the late Emperor,
but that in due course his succession will be carried on by a
grandson in the direct line of generation, so that His
Majesty’s posterity may be established without a break, and
perpetuated without intermission for all time.</p>

<p>“The proposal in itself is excellent, but study of the
Sung Dynasty’s history has led me to view the matter
with no small apprehension. The founder of that Dynasty,
the Emperor Chao Kuang-yin (tenth century), following the
directions of his mother the Empress Dowager, made his
brother heir to the Throne instead of his son, it being understood
that upon his brother’s death the succession should
revert to his son.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Subsequently however, the brother,
having come to the Throne, and having listened to the evil
suggestions of his Privy Councillors, ignored the claims of
his nephew, and placed his own son upon the Throne. In
that instance, obedience to the wishes of his mother has
brought down upon the Emperor Chao Kuang-yin the
undying censure of posterity. If the Empress, on that
occasion, had done her duty, and had caused unbreakable
bonds to be given assuring the reversion of the succession to
the direct line, no irregularities could possibly have occurred:
the Decrees would have been as immovable as the Sacred
Mountain, and as self-evident as the nine tripods of the
Emperor Yü. It would have been impossible for any
misguided Councillors of State to justify their unlawful
interference with the rightful course of succession.</p>

<p>“From all this we learn that the succession, although
decided in a moment, affects all posterity. Was it not,
moreover, by self-sacrifice and strong family affections<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span>
our Dynasty acquired the Empire: have we not for example
the records of each succeeding virtuous Emperor? We
cannot therefore entertain any doubt but that the present
Emperor, when he comes to have an heir, will forthwith
make him son by adoption to the late Emperor, so that
the succession may proceed along the direct line. No doubt
this is the intention, but, as history shows, there exists a
danger that, with the lapse of time, suggestions may be
put forward similar to those of the Privy Council nine
centuries ago, which would utterly frustrate the wise policy
animating your Majesties the Empresses Dowager, and
leave no fixed principles for posterity to follow. With your
approval, therefore, we would ask that the Princes and
Ministers be now required to draw up and record an unbreakable
and unchangeable pledge as to the succession
to the Throne, which should be proclaimed for the information
of all your Majesties’ subjects.”</p>

</div>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi was becoming decidedly irritable on this subject
of the succession, and there can be little doubt that her
own conscience and the views of patriotic Memorialists
came to much the same conclusion. The Rescript which
she issued on the present occasion was short, sharp, and
suggestive of temper:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We have already issued an absolutely clear Decree
on this subject,” she said, “providing for an heir to the
late Emperor, and the Decree has been published all over
the Empire. The Memorialist’s present request gives evidence
of unspeakable audacity and an inveterate habit of
fault-finding, which has greatly enraged us, so that we hereby
convey to him a stern rebuke.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Memorials and remonstrances of many high officials
emphasised the seriousness of this question of the legitimacy
of the Imperial succession to the nation at large, and its
profound effect on the fundamental principles of ancestor
worship. Nevertheless, having delivered their souls, the
Mandarinate, led by the Peking Boards, were disposed to
acquiesce in the <i>fait accompli</i>; in any case, there was no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span>
sign of organised opinion in opposition to the will of the
Empress Dowager. The irregularity was evidently serious,
and Heaven would doubtless visit the sins of the Throne,
as usual, on the unoffending “stupid people”; but the
individualism and mutual suspicion that peculiarly distinguish
the Chinese official world, precluded all idea of concerted
action or remedial measures.</p>

<p>One official, however, had the full courage of his convictions,
and, by the time-honoured expedient of self-destruction,
focussed the attention of the nation on the
gravity of the question, as no amount of fine writing could
have done. Resort to suicide by indignant patriots, as a
proof of their sincere distress, is a practice praised and
justified alike by historians in China and Japan, and there is
no denying that, as an argument against all forms of
despotism, it has the crowning merit of finality. It has,
moreover, certain qualities of deliberate courage and cultured
philosophy that bring irresistibly to mind the Roman
patrician at his best, and which fully account for the distinction
which such a death confers amongst a people that loves its
orthodoxies, as it loves peace, undisturbed.</p>

<p>The name which will go down in Chinese history, as the
defender of the national and true faith in connection with
the illegal succession of the infant Emperor Kuang-Hsü, is
that of the Censor, Wu K’o-tu, an upright and fearless
scholar of the best type. For the reasons stated in his
farewell Memorial, he waited four years after the death of
the Emperor T’ung-Chih, hoping against hope that the widespread
dissatisfaction of the <i>literati</i> and officials would take
definite form, and lead the Empress Dowager to regulate the
future succession, and to placate the disinherited ghost of
T’ung-Chih, by the issue of a new Decree. Disappointed
in this hope, he seized the classically correct occasion of the
late Emperor’s funeral (1879) to commit suicide near his
grave, taking care to leave behind him a swan-song which,
as he knew, will live long in the memory of scholars and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span>
officials throughout the Empire. His death had the immediate
effect of convincing Tzŭ Hsi of error. Realising the
strength of public opinion underlying the Censor’s protest,
she endeavoured at once to placate his accusing spirit by
giving the pledges for which he had pleaded, in regard to
provision in the future of a successor to T’ung-Chih. Nor
was it on this occasion only that the death of Wu K’o-tu
influenced her actions and disturbed her superstitious mind.
In after years, and especially at the time of the flight to
Hsi-an, she recognised his influence, and the punishment of
her misdeed, in the disasters which had overtaken the
Throne.</p>

<p>As an example of the principles of action, and the calm
frame of mind which are the fine flower of the Confucian
system of philosophy, and, therefore, worthy of our close
and sympathetic study, we give the full story of the death
of this patriotic protestant, as well as a translation of his
Memorial.</p>

<p>His suicide took place in a small temple at Ma-shen ch’iao,
close to the mausoleum of T’ung-Chih. His minutely
detailed instructions for the disposal of his remains, with the
least possible trouble to his family and friends, bespeak the
gentleman and the scholar. To the priest in charge of the
shrine, a “bad man,” he addressed the following characteristic
letter:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Priest Chou, be not afraid. I have no desire to bring
evil upon you. I was compelled to borrow the use of your
plot of hallowed ground, as a spot appropriate for the death
of an honest man. Inform now the Magistrate at once, and
see that the Memorial enclosed in my despatch box is forwarded
without delay. Buy for me a cheap coffin and have
it painted black inside. My clothes are all in order, only the
leather soles of my boots require to be cut off before you lay
me in your coffin. I have cut my finger slightly, which
accounts for the blood stains that you may notice. Twenty
taels will be ample for my coffin. I should not think that
the Magistrate will need to hold an inquest. Please have a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span>
coating of lacquer put on the coffin, to fill up any cracks in
the joints, and have it nailed down, pending the Empresses’
decision as to my remains. Then, buy a few feet of ground
adjoining the late Emperor’s tomb, and have me buried
quickly.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> There is no need for me to be buried in my
ancestral cemetery; any spot is a good enough resting place
for a loyal and honest man.</p>

<p>“You will find forty-five taels in my box, of which you
may keep the balance after paying for my coffin and burial
expenses. As to my watch, and the other articles on my
person, it is known at my home exactly what I brought here
with me. You must see to it that no one is permitted to
insult my corpse, and my son will be deeply grateful to you
for performing these last offices for me, in his place. You
need not fear that the Magistrate’s underlings will make
trouble for you, but be careful not to tamper with the box
containing my Memorial to the Empresses.</p>

<p>“You can cut my body down to-morrow morning, and
then have it placed in some cool and shady spot. Fearing
that possibly you might come in by accident and find me
hanging, I have taken a dose of opium, so as to make certain
of death. If you should dare to meddle with my private
affairs, as you have been trying to do these past few days, it
will only lead to your being mixed up in the case, which
might bring you to grief.</p>

<p>“All I ask of you is that you notify the Magistrate at
once, and that you do not allow women and children to come
in and gaze upon my remains. There is nothing strange or
abnormal here; death had become an unavoidable duty.
Those who understand me, will pity; that is all. The last
earnest instructions of Wu K’o-tu.”</p>

</div>

<p>Next, to his son, he expressed his dying wishes in a letter
which embodies many of the Confucian scholar’s most
cherished ideals and beliefs, a document pathetic in its simple
dignity, its pride of ancient lineage and duty well done
according to his lights.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Chih-huan, my son, be not alarmed when you hear the
news of my death, and on no account allow your grief to
disturb the family. Your mother is old, your wife is young,
and my poor little grandchildren are but babies. Tell them
that I am dead, but bid them not to grieve over my suicide.
Our family tree goes back over five hundred years; for two
centuries there have been members of our clan among the
Imperial concubines, and for three hundred years we have
devoted ourselves to husbandry and scholarship. For
eighteen generations our family has borne a good name; I,
who am now seventy years of age, can claim an unsullied
record, although as a lad I was somewhat given to dissipation.
No man can truthfully accuse me of having failed to
observe the main principles of duty, and it is for this reason
that my friends and former pupils have always sought my
services as a teacher of the Confucian doctrine. Quite
recently I declined the pressing invitation of the Grand
Secretary, the Marquis Tso Tsung-t’ang, who wished me to
become tutor to his family, because the date was at hand
for His late Majesty’s burial, and I desired quietly to await
to-day’s event.</p>

<p>“Ever since, at the age of twenty-four, I took my M.A.
degree, I have been of prudent conduct, and have observed
the proprieties in official life. In the study of history I
have ever been deeply touched by examples of patriotism
and loyalty to the Sovereign, and the splendid lives of the
ancients have moved me, now to tears and again to
exuberance of joy.</p>

<p>“Upon the death of the late Emperor, I had determined to
memorialise the Empresses Dowager, through the Censorate,
and had fully made up my mind to accept my fate for so
doing; but an old friend, to whom I showed the draft,
begged me not to forward it, not only because I had already
been punished for similar rashness on a former occasion, but
because he said some of its allusions to current events were
not absolutely accurate. Therefore I waited until to-day,
but now I can wait no longer. It is my wish to die, in order
that the purpose of my life may be fittingly accomplished
and a lifetime of loyalty consummated. My death is in no
way due to the slanders which have been circulated about me.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span></p>

<p>“When you receive this letter, come straightway to the
Temple of the Threefold Duties at the bridge of the God
of Horses, twelve miles to the east of Chi Chou and quite
close to the Imperial mausolea. There seek out the Taoist
priest, Chou; he knows my burial place, and I have asked
him to buy me a coffin and to have it painted black inside.
My burial clothes are all in order, but I have asked him to
cut off the leather soles from my boots.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> He is to buy a
certain small piece of ground, close to the Imperial tomb,
which is to be my grave. This will be far better than
having my remains taken to the ancestral burial ground, and
there is really no need for me to rest there, as my younger
brother already lies beside your grandparents. He, you
remember, committed suicide twenty years ago at his house
in Peking, because of private troubles, and now I follow his
example, because of disorder in the State. People will say,
no doubt, that our family burial ground is become a place of
evil omen, but pay no heed to them. No doubt you will
desire to take home my remains, but do not so. Take instead
my photograph, the one I had taken just before I left
Peking, and have an enlargement of it hung up in our family
hall. Thus shall you observe the old custom which preserves
relics of the departed. Why go to the expense and trouble
of transporting a coffin over a thousand miles?</p>

<p>“Even though it should happen that the Empresses
should cause dire penalties to be inflicted upon my corpse
because of my effrontery of language, you may be sure that
in this enlightened age, there is no possibility of my offences
being visited upon my wife and family. All you need do is
to borrow from our friends money enough to take you from
Peking, and after that, you must make the best of your way
to our family home, begging if necessary. On no account
must you remain in Peking, for by so doing you will only
attract attention and further endanger your father.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>

<p>“What I chiefly deprecate in you, my son, is your quick
tongue; you must really try to amend your ways in this
respect and endeavour to be less hasty. If people tell you<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span>
that your father was loyal, do not contradict them; if they
say he was an honest man, you should agree. Read carefully
the advice of Ma Yüan, the great General, to his
nephew, and Wang Hou’s admonitions to his sons.</p>

<p>“When your mother married me she had good prospects,
as the daughter of an old military family. Since her
marriage she has dutifully served my parents, and her
reputation for filial devotion is excellent. I regret that I
was not destined to bring her happiness and good
fortune: she is old now, and you alone are left to her.
It is your duty to take her to our home and minister
to her old age.</p>

<p>“As regards the few poor acres of land left me by my
father, I feel that I cannot reasonably expect you to follow
the example of the ancient worthies and to surrender it all
to your brothers, but at least I ask that you should allow
them to live amicably with you. Your wife is a sensible
woman—tell her from me that the happiness of every
household depends on the temper of its womenfolk. I knew
one woman who feigned death in order to induce her
husband to treat his brothers more kindly, but this was a
heroic act, far above the moral capacity of your wife.</p>

<p>“As to the forty taels<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> which you will find on my
person, you will hand over to the Taoist priest, Chou,
any balance there may remain after he has paid for my
coffin and burial expenses. On arriving at Chi Chou, go at
once and see the Magistrate, to whom I have written;
thence proceed to the temple, where you must give them
some extra money to compensate them for all the trouble
they have had. Thereafter return to Peking, and there
await the Empresses’ decision in regard to my case.</p>

<p>“See to it that my small debts are all paid, that my
life may end in fitting and harmonious dignity. At a
moment like this, I am naturally agitated in mind. It
is hard to foretell what the decision of the Empresses may
be, but at least my conscience is clear, and what does
anything else matter? For your own personal safety, I
do not think you need have any fear.</p>

<p>“Present my compliments to Chang Chih-tung: I only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span>
wish I could have had more of the old time talks with
him. Go also to the Marquis Tso Tsung-t’ang. He has
not treated me well of late, but slanders poisoned his
sympathy, at which I do not wonder. The memory of
his former kindnesses is precious to me, and I know that
he will never let you starve.</p>

<p>“Your wife, in giving birth to my grandchildren, has
conferred blessings upon me; you must never think of
allowing her parents to provide for you. Leave therefore at
once for our family home. There must be no delay about
this. As to the Taoist priest, it irks me to make use
of people in this way. He is a bad man; yet must we bear
with him. Tell him that I regret having put his temple to
this purpose; he need only spend ten taels on my coffin and
a few taels more for the little plot of ground to bury me in.
I am a worthless official and deserve nothing better than this.</p>

<p>“Why have I delayed so long? Because I did not wish
to disturb the Empresses with the news of my death at this
critical time. All the Decrees which have appeared since
the Emperor Kuang-Hsü came to the Throne have moved
me greatly, and much have I deplored my inability to serve
Their Majesties better. In days of old, loyal servants of the
State were wont to commit suicide as an act of remonstrance
against the degeneracy of their Sovereigns. Not for a
moment are the Empresses to be compared to monarchs like
Ming Huang of the T’ang Dynasty, who deserted his capital
before the invader, or Li Tsung, of the Sungs, whose
foolishness led to the Mongol wars. Nevertheless my death
is due to the same principles as those which actuated those
faithful Councillors.</p>

<p>“Go home now, and teach your children to study. Do
not open my Memorial to the Empresses. It is sealed, and
I have asked the local Magistrate to forward it for
presentation.”</p>

</div>

<p>His Memorial to the Throne was, in fact (as the letter to
his son plainly indicates), an indictment of the degeneracy
of the ruler of the Empire; incidentally, it throws much
light on the orthodox point of view in regard to the
question of the Imperial succession. Its preamble sets<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span>
forth the object with which it was written, and in the hope
of which the writer died, namely, to induce the Empress
Dowager to determine the future succession, providing an
heir to the Emperor T’ung-Chih, in accordance with
precedent and the laws of the Dynasty. The text of this
remarkable document is as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I, your worthless servant, have heard that the fact of a
nation being well governed does not necessarily preclude all
possibility of anarchy, nor does a nation at peace dismiss
altogether from mind the chances of violent disturbance;
should anarchy and rebellion be regarded as possibilities too
remote to merit a thought, it were idle and superfluous to
advise the Sovereign of so perfect a State. To ask the
Imperial wisdom to see danger where no real peril exists
would be simply inviting evil omens.</p>

<p>“On a former occasion I, your guilty servant, wittingly
incurred danger of death or imprisonment, because, in the
heat of indignation, I dared to remonstrate with the Throne.
At that time the Princes and Ministers about your Throne
asked permission to subject me to a criminal enquiry, but
His late Majesty T’ung-Chih was pleased to spare me,
so that I neither suffered death by the headsman’s sword
nor imprisonment, nor did I run the risk of further exciting
the Imperial wrath by my evidence before a criminal court.
Thrice have I deserved, without receiving, the penalty of
death. Without desiring my forfeit life, it was granted me,
so that my last few years have been, as it were, a boon at
the hands of His late Majesty.</p>

<p>“But on the 5th day of the 12th Moon of the 13th year of
T’ung-Chih the earth was rent and heaven itself was shaken
by the great catastrophe, and on that day their Majesties
the Empresses Dowager issued the following Decree: ‘The
departed Emperor has mounted the Dragon and is become a
guest on high, leaving no heir to the Throne. We are
compelled to appoint Tsai T’ien, son of Prince Ch’un, to be
heir to His Majesty Hsien-Feng, to enter on the great
inheritance as the new Emperor. When to him an heir
shall be born, he shall become son by adoption to the late
Emperor T’ung-Chih.’</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span></p>

<p>“I, your unworthy servant, wept bitterly as, reverently
kneeling, I read this Decree. I cannot but feel, after most
careful consideration, that the Empresses Dowager have
doubly erred in appointing an heir to the Emperor Hsien-Feng
and not to His late Majesty. For thus the new
Emperor, being heir to His Majesty Hsien-Feng, enters upon
the great heritage not, as he should, by mandate of His late
Majesty T’ung-Chih, but by mandate of the Empresses.
Hence the future succession must, as a matter of course,
revert to the heir of the new Emperor, even though there
should be no explicit instructions to that effect. But, as this
Decree expressly ordains that this shall be so, it follows that
a precedent will be established, whereby the great inheritance
may pass by adoption.</p>

<p>“I, your unworthy servant, realise that it is no light matter
for a loyal subject to refer to the future death of a Sovereign
while that Sovereign is still alive, entitled to all his reverence
and devotion. But, for more than two centuries, the
ancestral tradition of our House-law has been observed that
the Throne shall pass from father to son, and this law should
be steadfastly maintained for ten thousand generations
amongst those of us who recognise a common descent.
Moreover, Prince Ch’un is a loyal statesman, justly revered
by all as a virtuous Prince. His Memorial has inspired
every one of us with fresh feelings of enthusiastic loyalty.
His words are but the mirror of his mind; how could any
falseness find therein a place? When I perused his
Memorial, tears of joy irrepressible fell from my eyes.
If ever the Prince should learn of this my humble Memorial,
he may perchance be wroth at my perversity or pity my
folly; at all events he will never blame me for endeavouring
to stir up vain strife by my words.</p>

<p>“The new Emperor is of gentle disposition; from the
Empress Dowager he had received the ‘precious inheritance’
and until his dying day he will naturally be of one mind with
the Empresses in this matter. But in the Palace there are
sycophants as well as honest men, and many conflicting
opinions. To take examples from history: at the beginning
of the Sung Dynasty, even that great and good man the
Grand Secretary Chao P’u, led the way in obeying the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span>
orders of the Empress Dowager Tu. Again, under the
Ming Dynasty, a venerable servant of the State, the Grand
Secretary Wang Chih, was ashamed that it should be left to
a barbarian like Huang Kung (native of an aboriginal tribe
in Kuangsi) to memorialise urging the lawful Heir Apparent’s
succession to the Emperor Ching-T’ai, when no Chinese
official dared to do so. If even virtuous men could act thus,
what need to enquire about disloyal subjects? If such be
the conduct of old servants, how shall we blame upstarts?
To set aside settled ordinances may be bad, but how much
worse is our case where no ordinances exist? We should
therefore seek if perchance we may find some way out of
this double error, whereby we may return to the right way.
I therefore beg that the Empresses may be pleased to issue a
second Decree explicitly stating that the great inheritance
shall hereafter revert to the adopted son of His late
Majesty T’ung-Chih, and that no Minister shall be allowed
to upset this Decree, even though the new Emperor be
blessed with a hundred sons. If, in this way, the succession
be rectified and the situation defined, so that further
confusion be hereafter impossible, the House-law of the
present Dynasty will be observed, which requires that the
Throne be handed down from father to son. Thus, to the
late Emperor, now childless, an heir will be provided and
the Empresses Dowager will no longer be without a
grandson. And, for all time, the orderly maintenance of the
succession will be ascribed to the Empresses, whose fame will
be changeless and unending. This is what I, your guilty
servant, mean, when I say that the double error which has
been committed may yet serve to bring us back to the right
way.</p>

<p>“I, your most unworthy slave, had intended to
memorialise on this matter when His Majesty died, and to
present the Memorial through the Censorate. But it occurred
to me that, since I had lost my post, I was debarred from
addressing the Throne. Besides, how grave a matter is this!
If advice in such a matter be given by a Prince or a Minister,
it is called the sage and far-reaching counsel of a statesman;
but if it comes from a small and insignificant official it is
called the idle utterance of a wanton babbler. Never could<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span>
I have believed that the many wise and loyal statesmen of
your Court could one and all regard this as a matter of no
immediate urgency, dismissing it as a question unprofitable
for discussion. I waited, therefore, and the precious moments
passed, but none of them have moved in the matter.</p>

<p>“Afterwards, having received renewed marks of the
Imperial favour, and being again summoned to audience, I
was granted the position of a Board Secretary, and placed
on the Board of Appointments. This was more than four
years ago; yet all this time apparently not one of all the
Ministers of your Court has even given this grave matter a
moment’s consideration. The day for His late Majesty’s
entombment has now arrived, and I fear that what has
happened will gradually pass from the minds of men. The
time, therefore, is short, and the reasons which led me to
delay hold good no longer. Looking upward, as the divine
soul of His Majesty soars heavenward on the Dragon, wistfully
I turn my eyes upon the Palace enclosure. Beholding
the bows and arrows left behind on the Bridge Mountain,<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>
my thoughts turn to the cherished mementoes of my
Sovereign. Humbly I offer up these years of life that have
been added unto me by His Majesty’s clemency; humbly I
lay them down in propitiation of the Empresses Dowager, to
implore from them a brief Decree on behalf of the late
Emperor.</p>

<p>“But, on the point of leaving this world, I feel that my
mind is confused. The text of this, my Memorial, lacks
clearness; there are manifold omissions in it. It has ever
been my custom to revise a draft twice before handing in a
Memorial, but on this occasion I have not been able to
make such careful revision. I, your unworthy servant, am
no scholar like to the men of old; how, then, could I be calm
and collected as they were wont to be? Once there went a
man to his death, and he could not walk erect. A bystander
said to him ‘Are you afraid, sir?’ He replied, ‘I am.’ ‘If
you are afraid, why not turn back?’ He replied, ‘My fear
is a private weakness; my death is a public duty.’ This is
the condition in which I find myself to-day. ‘When a bird<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span>
is dying its song is sad. When a man is dying his words
are good.’<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> How could I, your worthless servant, dare to
compare myself with the sage Tseng Tzu? Though I am
about to die, yet may my words not be good; but I trust
that the Empresses and the Emperor will pity my last sad
utterance, regarding it neither as an evil omen nor the idle
plaint of one who has no real cause for grief. Thus shall I
die without regret. A statesman of the Sung Dynasty has
remarked: ‘To discuss an event before it occurs is foolhardy.
But if one waits until it has occurred, speech is then
too late, and, therefore, superfluous.’ Foolhardiness notwithstanding,
it is well that the Throne should be warned
before events occur; no Minister should ever have to
reproach himself with having spoken too late. Heartily do
I wish that my words may prove untrue, so that posterity
may laugh at my folly. I do not desire that my words may
be verified, for posterity to acclaim my wisdom. May it be
my fate to resemble Tu Mu,<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> even though to imitate him be
a transgression of duty. May I be likened, rather, to Shih
Ch’iu, the sight of whose dead body proved, as he had hoped,
an effective rebuke to his erring Prince. Thus may my
foolish but loyal words be justified in the end.</p>

<p>“I pray the Empresses and Emperor to remember the
example of Their Majesties Shun-Chih and K’ang-Hsi,
in tempering justice with mercy: that they may promote
peace and prosperity, by appointing only worthy men to
public offices; that they may refrain from striving for those
objects which foreigners hold dear, for by such striving they
will surely jeopardise the future of our Middle Kingdom;
that they may never initiate any of the innovations disdained
by their ancestors, which would assuredly leave to posterity
a heritage of woe. These are my last words, my last prayer,
the end and crown of my life.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span></p>

<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Postscript.</span></p>

<p>“Having been a Censor, I venture thus to memorialise
the Throne. But as my present official position does not
permit of my forwarding this direct, I request the high
officials of my Board to present it for me. As my name did
not figure originally in the list of officials to represent
my Board at the ceremonies preparatory to His late
Majesty’s burial, I begged the Grand Secretary Pao Yün to
allow me to be included in the list. Pao Yün could not
have foretold my suicide, so that no blame can attach to
him for being my sponsor. Under our enlightened Dynasty,
how could anyone imagine a return to the ancient and
happily obsolete practice of being buried alive with one’s
Sovereign? But my grief is too great and cannot be
restrained; for to-day my Sovereign returns, dragon-borne,
to Heaven, and all the world weeps with me in woe
unutterable.</p>

<p>“I have respectfully but fully explained my feelings
in this question of the lawful succession to the Throne,
and now, under the title of your guilty servant, I present
this my Memorial.”</p>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="X">X<br>
<span class="smaller">TZŬ HSI BECOMES SOLE REGENT</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The days of mourning for T’ung-Chih being done, his
remains disposed of as auspiciously as the Court of Astronomers
could desire, and his ghost placated, thanks to
Wu K’o-tu, by solemn promises on the part of his mother
to provide him with a suitable and legitimate heir in due
season, life in the Forbidden City settled down once more
into the old grooves under the joint Regency of the
Empresses of the Eastern and Western Palaces.</p>

<p>But before long the new Emperor, a nervous and delicate
boy, became, all unconsciously, a thorn in the side of the
woman who put him on the Throne. As he passed from
infancy to boyhood, it was a matter of common knowledge
and report in the Palace that he showed a marked preference
for the Empress Tzŭ An, who, by her kind and sympathetic
treatment, had won the child’s heart. In the innocence
of his lonely youth he frequented therefore the Eastern
Palace, while Tzŭ Hsi, whose pride could brook no rivals,
even in the heart of a child, was compelled to look on,
and to realise that the forming of the future ruler’s mind
was in the hands of another woman. There were not
lacking those who told her that her colleague, secretly
and with ulterior motives, encouraged the boy to oppose
and displease her. Under these conditions, it was inevitable
that the young Emperor should gradually become a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span>
cause of increasing jealousy and friction between the two
women.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp95" id="illus11" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus11.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Interior of
  the I Kun Kung.</span></p>
  <p>Tzŭ Hsi lived in these Apartments for some time after the 
  death of T’ung-Chih.</p>
  <p><i>Photo, Ogawa, Tokio.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi undoubtedly resented the boy’s predilection
as much as her colleague’s action in encouraging it. At
Court, where everyone and everything is a potential instrument
for intrigue and party faction, the young Emperor’s
attitude could not fail to cause her grave concern. She
was well aware that Tzŭ An could never become, of herself,
a formidable rival, but should she hereafter enjoy the
Emperor’s confidence and support, and instigate him to
become the centre of a faction against her (which he did),
there might be danger in the situation for herself. As
the Emperor’s minority approached its end, it therefore
became the more necessary for her to take all possible
precautions. She had no intention of sharing the fate
of that Empress Consort of Ch’ien Lung who was banished
to the “Cold Palace” and whose honours and titles were
taken from her on charges of “wild extravagance, love
of the theatre and insubordination to the Emperor’s
mother.”</p>

<p>A further cause of friction occurred between the two
Empresses Regent on the occasion of the Imperial progress
to the Eastern tombs, in 1880, when the boy Emperor was
nine years old. On this occasion, Tzŭ An, evidently
prompted by Prince Kung to assert herself and her rights,
insisted on taking precedence in all the ceremonies of the
ancestral sacrifices at the Imperial Mausolea and at the
prostrations which custom decrees shall be made before each
of the “Jewelled Cities,” as the mounds are called which
cover the Imperial grave chambers. When their Majesties
arrived at the grave of Hsien-Feng, there was serious friction.
Tzŭ An, as the senior Consort of the deceased monarch,
claimed as her right the central position, at the same time
relegating her colleague to the place on her right, leaving the
place of honour on the left unoccupied. Not content with
this, Tzŭ An went on to remind her Co-Regent that, where<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span>
sacrifices to Hsien-Feng were in question, Tzŭ Hsi was
entitled only to claim precedence as a senior concubine, her
elevation to the position of Empress Mother having taken
place after his decease. As a concubine, etiquette required
her, during the sacrifice, to take a position on one side and
slightly in the rear, while the vacant place of honour to
Tzŭ An’s left belonged to the shade of Hsien-Feng’s first
consort, who had died before his accession, but had been
posthumously raised to the rank of senior Empress. Tzŭ
Hsi, realising that this indignity was put upon her at the
instigation of Prince Kung and the Princes of the Imperial
family, had no intention of submitting, and peremptorily
insisted upon taking the position to which her actual rank
and authority entitled her. The quarrel was sharp but
short. Tzŭ Hsi, as might have been expected, carried the
day, but she felt that such a scene before the ancestral
tombs, witnessed by a large entourage, was semi-sacrilegious
and from every point of view unseemly. She had been made
to lose face by the incident—clearly premeditated—and the
fact had immediate effect upon her subsequent actions and
her relations with her colleague.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>

<p>At the time of this progress to the tombs, Jung Lu was
in command of the Metropolitan Gendarmerie, entrusted
with the duty of escorting their Majesties. Shortly after
their return to Peking, however, he incurred her sharp
displeasure by reason of conduct which Tzŭ Hsi was not
likely to overlook, even in her chief favourite. Ever since
the Jehol days of the Tsai Yüan conspiracy, and particularly
during the crisis that followed the death of T’ung-Chih, this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span>
powerful Manchu had enjoyed her favour and confidence in
an unusual degree, and as Comptroller of her Household, he
had the right of <i>entrée</i> to the Forbidden City at all times.
But in 1880, suffering no doubt from <i>ennui</i> induced by the
inactivity of Court life, he committed the indiscretion of an
intrigue with one of the ladies of the late Emperor’s seraglio.
Information of the scandal was laid before Her Majesty by
the Imperial tutor Weng T’ung-ho, between whom and
Jung Lu there was never love lost. It was commonly
rumoured at Court, after the event, that Tzŭ Hsi, leaving
nothing to chance, had herself discovered the culprit in the
women’s quarters of the Palace, a heinous offence. Be this
as it may, Jung Lu was summarily, though quietly, deprived
of all his posts, and for the next seven years he lived in
retirement. In this case Tzŭ Hsi vindicated her pride at the
expense of her own comfort and sense of security, and it was
not long before she had reason to regret the absence of her
most loyal and trusty adviser. Amongst her courtiers she
found none to replace him; she missed his wise counsel,
courage and fidelity. But having once committed herself to
the step of dismissing him, she was unwilling to lose face
with him and with her Court by changing her mind. His
removal, however, undoubtedly led to increased friction
between herself and Tzŭ An, whom she suspected of being a
party to Jung Lu’s <i>liaison</i>.</p>

<p>Finally, in March 1881, a serious quarrel took place
between the two Empresses, on the subject of the influence
which the Chief Eunuch Li Lien-ying had come to exercise,
and the arrogance of his manner. Tzŭ An complained that
this favourite and confidential servant of her colleague
ignored her, setting her authority at nought, so that she was
mocked even by her own subordinates. She deplored and
denounced the existing state of affairs, commenting
unpleasantly on the notorious fact that the eunuch was
openly known by the title of “Lord of nine thousand
years,” a title which implied that he was but one degree<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span>
lower than the Emperor (Lord of ten thousand years) and
entitled to something approximating to Imperial honours.<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p>

<p>The quarrel on this occasion was exceedingly bitter, nor
was any reconciliation subsequently effected between the
Empresses. It is very generally believed, and was freely
stated at the time that, incensed beyond measure and
impatient of any further interference with her authority,
Tzŭ Hsi brought about the death of her colleague, which
was commonly attributed to poison. In the atmosphere of
an Oriental Court such charges are as inevitable as they are
incapable of proof or disproof, and were it not for the
unfortunate fact that those who stood in the way of Tzŭ
Hsi’s ambitions, or who incurred her displeasure, frequently
failed to survive it, we should be justified in refusing to
attach importance to the imputations of foul play raised on
this and other occasions. But these occasions are too
numerous to be entirely overlooked or regarded as simple
coincidences. In the present instance, the Empress Tzŭ An
fell ill of a sudden and mysterious sickness, and in the words
of the Imperial Decree, she “ascended the fairy chariot for
her distant journey” on the evening of the 10th day of
the 3rd Moon. In accordance with prescribed custom, she
drafted just before her decease a valedictory Decree which,
as will be observed, touches hardly at all on the political
questions of the day. These, even at the moment of her
death, she appeared to leave, as by established right, to her
strong-minded colleague. After referring to her position as
Senior Consort of the Emperor Hsien-Feng and recording
the fact that during his minority the young Emperor had
done justice to his education (in which she had always been
much interested), the Edict proceeds as follows:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span></p><div class="blockquote">

<p>“In spite of the arduous duties of the State, which have
fully occupied my time, I was naturally of robust
constitution and had therefore fully expected to attain to a
good old age and to enjoy the Emperor’s dutiful ministrations.
Yesterday, however, I was suddenly stricken with
a slight illness and His Majesty thereupon commanded his
physician to attend me; later His Majesty came in person
to enquire as to my health. And now, most unexpectedly,
I have had a most dangerous relapse. At 7 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> this
evening I became completely confused in mind and now all
hope of my recovery appears to be vain. I am forty-five
years of age and for close on twenty years have held the
high position of a Regent of the Empire. Many honorific
titles and ceremonies of congratulation have been bestowed
upon me: what cause have I therefore for regret?”</p>

</div>

<p>At her request, and with that modesty which custom
prescribes, the period of Imperial mourning was reduced
from twenty-seven months to twenty-seven days. There
is a human touch in the conclusion of this Decree which
seems to preclude the conclusion that Tzŭ Hsi had any
hand in its drafting, for it describes Tzŭ An as having been
careful to “set a good example of thrift and sobriety in the
Palace and to have steadily discountenanced all pomp and
vain display in her share of the Court ceremonies.” As most
of the charges levelled for many years against Tzŭ Hsi by
Censors and other high officials referred to her notorious
extravagance, this, and Tzŭ An’s last request for a modest
funeral as the fitting conclusion to a modest life, were a
palpable hit.</p>

<p>Tzŭ An was dead. The playmate of her youth, the girl
who had faced with her the solemn mysteries of the
Forbidden City, the woman who later, because of her
failure to provide an heir to the Throne, had effaced herself
in favour of the Empress Mother, her poor-spirited rival of
many years—Tzŭ An would trouble her no more. Henceforth,
without usurpation of authority, Tzŭ Hsi was free to
direct the ship of State alone, sole Regent of the Empire.</p>

<p>And with the death of her colleague came the desire to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span>
be free from the restraints of advice given by prescriptive
right of long-standing authority, the ambition to be the
only and undisputed controller of the nation’s destinies, and
acknowledged Head of the State. For many years—in fact,
since the decapitation of her favourite eunuch, An Te-hai,
by Prince Kung<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> and her Co-Regent—she had been on bad
terms with that Prince, and jealous of his influence and
well-earned reputation for statesmanship. The manner in
which, years before, she had taken from him his title of
Adviser to the Government has already been described.
Unable to dispense with his services, desirous of profiting
by his ripe experience, especially in foreign affairs, she
had borne with her Prime Minister grudgingly and of
necessity. In 1884, however, she felt strong enough to stand
alone, and the war with France (caused by the dispute as to
China’s claims to suzerainty over Tongking) gave her an
opportunity and an excuse for getting rid at one stroke of
Prince Kung and his colleagues of the Grand Council.</p>

<p>The immediate pretext for their dismissal was the destruction
of the Chinese fleet of junks by the French in the Min
River, but Her Majesty’s real reason was that she believed
that the Prince was intriguing against her with the young
Emperor, and that he was to some extent responsible for a
recent Memorial, in which several Censors had roundly
denounced her for depraved morals and boundless extravagance.</p>

<p>The Decree in which she dismissed this able adviser of
the Throne is in her best manner, displaying many of the
qualities which explain this remarkable woman’s long and
successful rule. The facts to which she refers have a direct
and interesting connection with much subsequent history:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Our country has not yet returned to its wonted stability,
and its affairs are still in a critical state. There is chaos in
the Government and a feeling of insecurity amongst the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span>
people. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that
there should be competent statesmen at the head of affairs,
and that our Grand Council should be an efficient pivot and
centre of administration.</p>

<p>“Prince Kung, at the outset of his career, was wont to
render us most zealous assistance; but this attitude became
modified, as time went by, to one of self-confident and
callous contentment with the sweets of office, and of late he
has become unduly inflated with his pride of place, displaying
nepotism and slothful inefficiency. On occasions
when we have urged the Grand Council to display zeal and
single-hearted devotion to the State, he and his colleagues
have ruthlessly stuck to their preconceived ideas, and have
failed to carry out our orders, for which reason they have
more than once been impeached, either on grounds of
obstructiveness or general uselessness. It has even been
said of them that their private lives are disreputable, and
that they have dared to recommend persons for high
office from improper and corrupt motives.</p>

<p>“The House-laws of our Dynasty are most severe, and if
there were any truth in the accusations of treason that have
been made against Prince Kung, we should not hesitate for
a single moment to inflict upon him the extreme penalty of
the law. We do not believe, however, that he can have
dared to act in the manner suggested. We set these aside,
therefore, and will deal only with the other charges to which
we have referred, and for which there would appear to be
good foundation. They are in themselves more than sufficient
to cause the gravest injury to the State, and if we continue
to treat the Prince with leniency, how shall we justify ourselves
hereafter in the eyes of our glorious ancestors? We
shall incur no small blame in the eyes of posterity, and when
the day comes for the Emperor to take over charge of the
Government there can be no doubt that he would be likely
to fail, under such conditions, to shed lustre, by his reign, on
the Dynasty.</p>

<p>“If we were to make public even one or two of the
accusing Memorials that have reached us, it would be
impossible for us, on grounds of privilege, to extenuate the
Prince’s faults, and we should be forced to cashier several of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span>
our senior advisers. In the magnanimity of our heart we
shrink, however, from any such drastic steps, being moved
to deep compassion at the thought that Prince Kung and
his colleague, the Grand Secretary, Pao Yün, should have
served us so long and now have come to deserve our stern
censure and severe punishment. We are prompted to
leniency by remembrance of the fact that Prince Kung
suffers from a complication of diseases, while Pao Yün has
reached an advanced old age. In recognition of their past
merits we have, therefore, decided that their good fame
may be left to them, and remain unsullied for the rest of
their days. As a mark of our Imperial clemency we have
decided to permit Prince Kung to retain his hereditary
Princedom, together with all the emoluments thereof, but
he is hereby deprived of all his offices, and the double salary
which he has hitherto enjoyed is withdrawn. He is permitted
to retire into private life and attend to the care of
his health.</p>

<p>“As regards the Grand Secretary, Pao Yün, he also is
allowed to retire from public life, retaining his present rank
and titles. As for Li Hung-tsao,<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> who has been a member
of the Council for many years, his narrow views and lack of
practical experience have caused him to fail completely in his
duties. Finally, Ching Lien, the President of the Board of
War, seems to think that his duties are satisfactorily performed
by adherence to a routine of procrastination, the
man being devoid of the first elements of knowledge. Both
these officials are hereby relieved of their posts, to be
employed in lower positions hereafter. Weng T’ung-ho, the
President of the Board of Works, has only recently been
appointed a member of the Council, at a time of serious
complications, and has, so far, taken no active part in its
proceedings. He therefore escapes censure or penalty. As
a mark of our consideration we hereby remove him from his
post on the Grand Council, but permit him to retain his
position on the Board of Works, and he will continue
his services as Tutor to the Emperor.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span></p>

<p>“For a long time past we have been quietly observing the
behaviour and general tendencies of Prince Kung and his
colleagues, and we are quite convinced in our mind that it is
useless to look to them for any activity or awakening of their
petrified energies. If they were retained in office, we firmly
believe that they would end by incurring severe punishment
by causing some really serious disaster to the State. For
this reason we now content ourselves with mild censure from
a sense of pity, as a measure of precaution. It is not
because of any trivial misdemeanour, or because of the
impeachment by Censors that we thus dismiss from office a
Prince of the Blood and these high Ministers of our
Government, nor is our action taken on any sudden impulse
and without full consideration.”</p>

</div>

<p>As the result of this Decree, Prince Kung retired from
the scene, to remain in unemployed obscurity until 1894,
when, after the first disasters of the war with Japan,
Tzŭ Hsi, older and wiser, turned to him once more for
assistance. He never completely regained the influence
with the Empress which he had enjoyed in the earlier days
of the first Regency, but after his return to office until his
death in 1898, his prestige, especially among foreigners, was
great. Tzŭ Hsi, though she loved him not, was forced
to admit that he had accepted and borne his degradation
with dignity.</p>

<p>After the issue of the above Decree, Prince Kung
was succeeded in office by Prince Li, the head of the
eight Princely families and a descendant of a younger
son of Nurhachu. With him were associated on the Grand
Council, amongst others, the elder brother of Chang Chih-tung
and Sun Yu-wen.<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> The latter was a bitter enemy
of the Imperial Tutor, Weng T’ung-ho. In appointing him<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span>
to the Council, Tzŭ Hsi followed her favourite tactics
of creating dissension among her advisers and maintaining
the equilibrium of her own authority as the resultant of
their conflicting forces.</p>

<p>Her Majesty’s next step aroused a storm of opposition and
criticism. She decreed that in all matters of urgency, the
Grand Council, before advising the Throne, should confer
with the Emperor’s father, Prince Ch’un, but added that
upon the Emperor’s attaining his majority, she would issue
further instructions on this subject. This was not only
an entirely new and irregular departure, since it made
the Emperor’s father <i>de facto</i> head of the executive, but
it implied the possibility of violation of the solemn pledges
given to the nation in 1875, as to the provision of an heir to
the Emperor T’ung-Chih. Fears were once more aroused
in an acute form that Prince Ch’un might hereafter persuade
his son to ignore the ancestral claims of the late Emperor,
and thus constitute the house of Ch’un founders of a
new line. The Prince would have great inducement to
adopt this policy, as it would confer upon him and upon his
wife (Tzŭ Hsi’s sister) Imperial rank during their lives
and Imperial honours after their death. The reign of T’ung-Chih
would in that case be practically expunged, going
down to posterity dishonoured as the ignominious end of the
senior branch of the Ta Ching Dynasty, and the Yehonala
clan would become of paramount influence. A wide field
would thus be left for future dissensions, treasons, stratagems
and Court intrigues. In fact the position thus created
would be somewhat similar to that which arose from the
rivalry of the Houses of York and Lancaster in English
history.</p>

<p>An Imperial Clansman, named Sheng Yü, and other
scholars, memorialised in the most urgent terms praying
the Empress to cancel this appointment and suggesting
that if Prince Ch’un’s advice were really needed, it should
be given to herself direct and not to the Grand Council.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span>
The writers advanced numerous arguments, all calculated to
save the face of Prince Ch’un while preventing him from
accepting the position. They doubted whether his health
would stand the strain, and whether the duties of the post
were consistent with his high calling; at the same time
they foresaw that a post which practically conferred the
powers of a Dictator must undoubtedly make him unpopular,
a result which Her Majesty herself would be the first to
deplore.</p>

<p>Besides, had not the Emperor Chia-Ch’ing declared (in
1799) that Princes of the Blood were not eligible for service
on the Grand Council, except in cases of urgent and exceptional
emergency?</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The truth is,” they concluded, “that a Prince of the
Blood, by virtue of his position, cannot be liable to the
same punishments as ordinary subjects, and for this reason
he should not hold a Government office. Prince Kung
has held this high post, it is true, but this was merely
temporary, and in any case, the power conferred upon him
was much less than that which it is now proposed to confer
upon Prince Ch’un. We therefore respectfully invite Your
Majesty reverently to conform to the laws of the Dynasty,
and to cancel the Decree conferring these functions upon
Prince Ch’un.”</p>

</div>

<p>As final objections, the Memorialists observed that the
Prince could not be expected to attend every morning at
the Palace, nor could he usurp the Imperial prerogative
by expecting the Grand Council to meet at his residence;
and it would be irregular for the Censors to denounce any
errors committed by a Prince of the Blood as head of the
Council.</p>

<p>The Censor Chao Erh-hsün (an upright official who has
since held office as Viceroy in Manchuria and in Ssŭ-Ch’uan)
memorialised in the same sense, observing that the Grand
Council would be superfluous if everything had to be referred
to Prince Ch’un, whose position as father of the Emperor<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span>
made him impossible for this post. “Why,” said he, “could
not Her Majesty command the Prince to attend before her,
whenever she needed his advice, and let him expound his
views to her in person? There could be no objections to
this course.”</p>

<p>To these remonstrances Tzŭ Hsi replied:</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“There is no doubt that the sage decisions of former Emperors
deserve to be treated with every consideration and
respect, but it is to be observed that, ever since I assumed
the Regency, I have been by circumstances compelled to
confer regularly on confidential business with a Prince of the
Blood. You must all be aware that this situation has been
forced upon me owing to the exigencies of the times, and
was none of my seeking. The Decree in which, some days
ago, I appointed Prince Ch’un to be Adviser to the Council,
had no reference to ordinary routine business, with which he
has no concern, but only to urgent matters of State. I had
not, and have not, any intention of giving him a definite
appointment, and he himself was most reluctant to accept at
my hands even this advisory position; it was because of his
repeated entreaties that I promised to issue further instructions
in the matter upon the Emperor’s reaching his majority.
The present arrangement is of a purely temporary nature.
You cannot possibly realise how great and numerous are the
problems with which I have to deal single-handed. As to
the Grand Council, let them beware of making Prince
Ch’un’s position an excuse for shirking their responsibilities.
In conclusion, I wish that my Ministers would for the future
pay more respect to the motives with actuate their Sovereign’s
actions, and abstain from troubling me with their querulous
criticisms. The Memorialists’ requests are hereby refused.”</p>

</div>

<p>Rescripts of this kind are curiously suggestive of Queen
Elizabeth, and her manner of dealing with similar petitions
from her loyal and dutiful subjects.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XI">XI<br>
<span class="smaller">TZŬ HSI “EN RETRAITE”</span></h2>

</div>

<p>In 1887 Kuang-Hsü completed his seventeenth year,
and Tzŭ Hsi saw herself confronted by the necessity of
surrendering to him the outward and visible signs of
sovereignty. The change was naturally viewed with
apprehension by those of her courtiers and kinsmen who
for the last ten years had basked in the sunshine of her
unfettered authority and patronage, whose places and
privileges might well be endangered by a new <i>régime</i>.
When, therefore, as in duty bound, she expressed a desire to
retire from public life, it was not surprising that urgent
petitions and remonstrances poured in, begging her to
continue yet a little while in control of affairs, nor that she
should finally allow herself to be persuaded. It was not
until February 1889 that she definitely handed over the
reins of government to the Emperor, on the occasion of
his marriage to the daughter of her brother, Duke Kuei
Hsiang.</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi was now fifty-five years of age. For nearly thirty
years she had been <i>de facto</i> ruler of the Celestial Empire.
She had tasted the sweets of autocracy, had satisfied all her
instincts of dominion, and it seemed as if she were not unwilling
to enjoy the fruit of her labours and to exchange the
formal routine of the Forbidden City for the pleasures and
comparative freedom of life at the Summer Palace, which
was now in course of reconstruction. Always avid of movement<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span>
and change, weary of the increasing toil of audiences
and Rescripts, apprehensive, too, of the steadily increasing
pressure of the earth-hungry Powers on China’s frontiers,
she could not fail to be attracted by the prospect of a life of
gilded leisure and recreation. Nor could she have remained
on the Throne, Kuang-Hsü being alive, without an overt
and flagrant act of usurpation for which, until he had been
tried and found wanting, there was no possible justification.
Certain writers, foreign and Chinese, have imputed to her at
this period a policy of <i>reculer pour mieux sauter</i>, suggesting
that her hand, though hidden, was never really withdrawn
from the affairs of the Forbidden City. To some extent the
suggestion is justifiable; but Tzŭ Hsi’s retirement in the
I-Ho Yüan lasted, roughly speaking, for ten years, during a
considerable portion of which period she undoubtedly ceased
to concern herself with affairs of State, other than those
which directly affected the replenishing of her privy purse.</p>

<p>But while divesting herself of the outward and visible
signs of rulership, Tzŭ Hsi had no intention of becoming a
negligible quantity, or of losing touch with current events.
From her luxurious retreat at the foot of the hills which
shelter Peking, she could keep close watch on the doings of
the Emperor, and protect the interests of her personal
adherents in the capital and the provinces. Her power of
appointing and dismissing officials, which drew much of its
inspiration from the Chief Eunuch, was never surrendered.</p>

<p>In marrying the Emperor to her favourite niece, Tzŭ Hsi
intended to avoid a repetition of the mistake which she had
committed in the case of her son, the Emperor T’ung-Chih,
whose marriage with the virtuous and courageous A-lu-te
had resulted in dangerous intrigues against herself, until
death had removed the offenders. Warned by this experience,
she made her selection in the present instance less
with a view to the Emperor’s felicity than to the furtherance
of her own purposes, which necessitated the presence by his
side of someone who would watch over, and report on, his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span>
proceedings and proclivities. This part her niece played to
perfection. In appearance she was unattractive, and in
disposition and temper unsympathetic, but she possessed a
considerable share of the Yehonala intelligence and strength
of will. From the very first she was on bad terms with the
Emperor. It was no secret at Court that they indulged in
fierce and protracted quarrels, in which the young Empress
generally came off victorious. As a natural result, Kuang-Hsü
developed and showed a marked preference for the
society of his two senior concubines, known respectively as
the “Pearl” and “Lustrous” consorts.</p>

<p>Upon the Emperor’s assumption of rulership, there was
shown a strong feeling amongst the senior members of
the Yehonala clan that the opportunity should be taken to
consolidate its position and power by conferring on the
Emperor’s father rank in the hierarchy higher than that
which he had hitherto held, with a view to his ultimate
canonisation as Emperor. The manner in which this
proposal was put forward, and Tzŭ Hsi’s refusal to act upon
it—while giving all possible “face” to Prince Ch’un—throw
light upon one of the undercurrents of China’s dynastic
affairs which are so difficult for Europeans to follow.</p>

<p>The views of Prince Chun’s adherents were voiced in
a Memorial addressed to the Empress Dowager by Wu Ta-ch’eng,
formerly Vice-President of the Censorate, who
at that time held the post of Director of the Yellow River
Conservancy. This Memorial, after referring to the services
rendered by Prince Ch’un as head of the Admiralty, and
praising his patriotism, zeal and extreme modesty, proceeded
to observe that he was, after all, the Emperor’s own father,
and, as such, entitled to higher respect in a Dynasty which
“won the Empire by virtue of its respect for filial piety.”
The Memorialist further recommended that the Son of
Heaven should be authorised to grant special recognition
and honour to his parent, on the principle laid down by
Mencius that “the main principle underlying all ceremonies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span>
is that satisfaction should be felt by those concerned.” As
usual, the Memorialist strengthened his request with reference
to historical precedents, and quoted a case, referred to
by the Emperor Ch’ien Lung in his edition of Chu Hsi’s
famous historical work, where two parties in the State under
the Sung Dynasty disagreed as to the title to be accorded to
the father of the Emperor (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1050). In that instance the
opinion of His Majesty Ch’ien-Lung (as a commentator)
was opposed to that of the historians, for he supported the
contention that the Emperor’s father, as a simple matter of
filial piety, is entitled to special honour. He quoted a case
where, under the Ming Dynasty (1525), the Emperor desired
to have his father raised to the rank of Emperor, although
he also had been born only to princely rank; in other
words, the Emperor Ch’ien Lung, who is justly regarded as
the highest authority on precedents produced by the
present Dynasty, placed the blood-tie between father and son
above all the theories and conventions that might be raised
by courtiers as to their official relationship. The Memorialist
concluded by recommending that the title of “Imperial
father” be given to Prince Ch’un, and that the Empress
Dowager should announce this as the last act of her
rule, so that His Majesty’s filial piety might be fittingly
displayed.</p>

<p>There is every reason to believe that the above Memorial
was inspired in the high quarters immediately concerned, so
as to afford Her Majesty an opportunity for putting on
record her own views, while bestowing great honour on the
house of Ch’un. After praising the Prince and his unswerving
loyalty, she continues:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Whenever I have wished to bestow any special honour
upon him, he has refused it with tears in his eyes. On one
occasion I granted him permission to ride in a sedan chair
with curtains of apricot yellow<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> silk, but not once has he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span>
ventured to avail himself of this honour. He has thus
displayed his loyalty and unselfish modesty, already well
known to my people as well as to myself.</p>

<p>“Years ago, in the first month of the present reign, the
Prince put in a secret Memorial, in which, after reciting
numerous precedents, he expressed a fear that the very
example which has now been cited by the present Memoralist
(Wu Ta-ch’eng) might be used by sycophants and other evil
persons to advance improper proposals on his behalf. For
this reason he handed in his secret Memorial in advance, with
a request that, when the Emperor should attain his majority,
no change whatsoever should be made in his own rank and
titles. Never was there a more brilliant example of devoted
service by a Minister of the Crown, and, while heartily
praising him, I yielded reluctantly to his request. Now that I
am about to hand over the reins of Government, the very
thing that Prince Ch’un feared has come to pass, and I
therefore feel bound to take this occasion to publish to the
world his original Memorial, so that none may hope to work
mischief by any further proposals of a similar kind, and that
this worthy Prince’s sincerity, thus manifested, may become
an example for all to follow.”</p>

</div>

<p>Prince Ch’un’s original Memorial, dated 1875, is of no
particular interest except in that it reveals, even at that date,
a sense of the dangers arising from the confusion of the Imperial
succession and considerable anxiety as to the future adjustment
of the situation. His own object in declining further
honours was clearly stated to be that he wished to prevent
sycophants and persons of doubtful loyalty from establishing
claims upon him or forming a party in the Forbidden City,
which (it may be observed) has actually come to pass. He
deplored the possibility that when His Majesty the Emperor
begins to rule in person, “officials of obscure origin may be
led to think that, by artful and treasonable suggestions, they
may delude His Majesty and thus rise to high office by
creating opportunities of dissension.”</p>

<p>The rank of the Emperor’s father therefore remained that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span>
of an hereditary Prince, but there is no doubt that the matter
is by no means disposed of, and may possibly be revived upon
the conclusion of the present Regent’s term of office.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p>

<p>Shortly after Tzŭ Hsi’s retirement from public affairs the
Emperor’s father, Prince Ch’un, fell ill of a sickness which
increased until, on 1st January 1891, he died. In 1890, the
Censorate, deeply concerned for a strict observance of the
laws and ceremonial etiquette of filial piety, took occasion,
in a Memorial of remonstrance, to draw Her Majesty’s
attention to her duty, and that of the Emperor, of visiting
the invalid. Tzŭ Hsi’s reply took the form of a rebuke to
the Censors, whom she bluntly directed to mind their own
business, in a manner which forcibly brings to mind Queen
Elizabeth’s methods of dealing with similar remonstrances.
Nevertheless she took the hint and thenceforward, throughout
the summer of 1890, she paid repeated visits to Prince
Ch’un’s bedside.</p>

<p>This Prince had always been a favourite with Tzŭ Hsi,
who greatly preferred him to his elder brothers; she regretted
his death and felt the loss of his wise and fearless counsel,
which had often guided her policy. He was a staunch
Manchu, jealous of the power and privileges of the Clans,
and will long be remembered in Chinese history for the
remark which he made at a meeting of the Council after
the campaign in Tongking. “It were better,” said he,
“to hand over the Empire to the foreign devils, than to
surrender it at the dictation of these Chinese rebels,” a
remark which was prompted by the growing discontent of
the province of Canton against the Manchus and their
rule.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus12" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus12.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Interior of
  the Tai Ho Tien.</span></p>
  <p>This Palace is used only for occasions of high ceremony,
  such as Imperial birthday celebrations.</p>
  <p><i>Photo, Ogawa, Tokio.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>In her Decree recording the Prince’s death and praising his
eminent services as Chamberlain of the Palace, Head of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span>
Navy<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> and Commander of the Manchu Field Force, Tzŭ
Hsi gave detailed instructions for the mourning and funeral
ceremonies, donating in her own name a Tibetan prayer
coverlet for the body. She conferred upon him the somewhat
obvious (but according to Chinese ideas, highly
honourable) title of “deceased father of the Emperor”
and ordered that the funeral should be upon a scale
“which shall simultaneously display His Majesty’s favour
and his sense of filial piety,” due care being taken at
the same time not to outrage the deceased’s conspicuous
modesty. By these means, which were in accordance with
her guiding principle of the “happy mean,” she hoped to set
at rest all question of “usurping tendencies” and to reassure
the Aisin Gioros as to their fears of the undue ambition of the
house of Ch’un. Finally, in accordance with the precedent
established by the Emperor Ch’ien-Lung, she decreed
that the late Prince’s residence should be divided into two
portions, one to be set aside as his own ancestral Hall and
the other as a shrine (it being the birthplace) of his Majesty
Kuang-Hsü.</p>

<p>In 1894 the Empress Dowager reached her sixtieth year,
which, according to Chinese ideas, is an event calling for
special thanksgiving and honour. Secure in her great and
increasing popularity, safely entrenched in her prestige and
influence, the Old Buddha had expected to devote her
leisure at the Summer Palace to preparations for celebrating
this anniversary on a scale of unparalleled magnificence.
The I-Ho Yüan, as the Summer Palace is called,<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> had been
entirely rebuilt, by the Emperor’s orders, with funds taken
from the Navy Department and other Government Boards
since 1889, and had just been completed. Most of the high
provincial authorities had been summoned to the capital to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span>
take part in these festivities (and, incidentally, to help to pay
for them), and amongst them the faithful Jung Lu returned
once more to his mistress’s side, in high favour, as General
in command of the Forces at Peking. (For the last three
years he had been at Hsi-an, holding the sinecure post of
Tartar General.) Every high official in the Empire had been
“invited” to contribute twenty-five per cent. of his salary
as a birthday gift to Her Majesty, and the total amount
of these offerings must have amounted to several millions
of taels. Everything pointed to festivities of great
splendour; orders had already been given for the erection
of triumphal arches in her honour throughout the whole
five miles of the Imperial highway between Peking and the
Summer Palace, when the continued disasters which overtook
China’s forces, immediately after the outbreak of the
war with Japan, caused Her Majesty to reconsider the
situation, and eventually to cancel all arrangements for the
celebration. In the Emperor’s name she issued the following
somewhat pathetic Decree:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The auspicious occasion of my sixtieth birthday, occurring
in the 10th Moon of this year, was to have been a joyful
event, in which the whole nation would unite in paying
to me loyal and dutiful homage. It had been intended that
His Majesty the Emperor, accompanied by the whole Court,
should proceed to offer congratulations to me, and make
obeisance at the Summer Palace, and my officials and people
have subscribed funds wherewith to raise triumphal arches,
and to decorate the Imperial highway throughout its entire
length from Peking to the I-Ho Yüan; high altars have
been erected where Buddhist Sutras were to have been
recited in my honour. I was not disposed to be unduly
obstinate and to insist on refusing these honours, because, at
the time that the celebration was planned, my people were
enjoying peace and prosperity; moreover, there is precedent
for such displays of pageantry and rejoicing in the occasions
on which the Emperors K’ang-Hsi and Ch’ien-Lung celebrated
their sixtieth birthdays. I, therefore, consented to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span>
His Majesty’s filial request, and decided to receive birthday
congratulations at the Summer Palace. Who would ever have
anticipated that the Japanese (literally, ‘dwarf men’) would
have dared to force us into hostilities, and that since the
beginning of the summer they have invaded our tributary
State (Corea) and destroyed our fleet? We had no alternative
but to draw the sword and to commence a punitive
campaign; at this moment our armies are pressing to the
front. The people of both nations (China and Corea) are
now involved in all the horrors of war, and I am continually
haunted by the thought of their distress; therefore, I have
issued a grant of three million taels from my privy purse for
the maintenance and relief of our troops at the front.</p>

<p>“Although the date of my birthday is drawing close, how
could I have the heart, at such a time, to delight my senses
with revelries, or to receive from my subjects congratulations
which could only be sincere if we had won a glorious
victory? I therefore decree that the ceremonies to be
observed on my birthday shall be performed at the Palace
in Peking, and all preparations at the Summer Palace shall
be abandoned forthwith. The words of the Empress.”</p>

</div>

<p>To which the Emperor adds the filial remark on his own
account: “That Her Majesty had acted in accordance with
the admirable virtue which always distinguished her, and
that, in spite of his own wishes, he was bound reverently to
obey her orders in the matter.”</p>

<p>China’s complete and ignominious defeat by the Japanese
forces undoubtedly inflicted no small loss of prestige on the
Manchu Dynasty, and was a direct cause of the violent agitation
of the Southern Provinces for reform, which led in turn
to the <i>coup d’état</i> and to the Boxer rising. It is doubtful
whether war could have been avoided without even greater
sacrifices and humiliation, and the Empress Dowager showed
her usual sagacity therefore in refraining from expressing
any opinion or taking any share of responsibility in the
decision taken by the Emperor. She knew, moreover, that,
by the action and advice of her Chief Eunuch, the Navy
had for years been starved in order to provide her with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span>
funds to rebuild and decorate the Summer Palace, a fact
of which some of China’s most distinguished advisers were
at that time unaware.</p>

<p>As Viceroy of the Metropolitan Province, Li Hung-chang
was generally blamed for advising the Court to maintain
China’s suzerainty over Corea by force of arms, but, speaking
from personal knowledge of this subject, we may state that,
like many other Ministers similarly situated, he hesitated
until the very last moment before taking risks which he
knew to be enormous in both directions. The documents
upon which history might have been written with full
knowledge of the facts were unfortunately destroyed in the
Viceroy’s Yamên at Tientsin and in the Inspector-General
of Customs’ quarters at Peking, in 1900, so that the immediate
causes of that disastrous war will probably never
be established with complete accuracy. Li Hung-chang
was aware that twice already Japan had been bought off
from a war of aggression against China, the first time
(in 1874) by payment of an indemnity, and again (in 1885)
by admitting her to a share in the control of Corea, a
concession which had led directly to the present crisis.
He realised that even had he been willing to surrender
China’s rights over Corea (which were of no real advantage
to the Chinese Government) the concession might have
purchased peace for the time being, but it would certainly
have led before long to the loss of the Manchurian Provinces;
just as certainly, in fact, as the doom of those provinces
was sealed in 1905, on the day that China acquiesced in the
terms of the Portsmouth Treaty. Japan’s attack on China’s
positions was diplomatically as unjustifiable as the methods
which she adopted in commencing hostilities. Li Hung-chang
was fully aware of the preparations that Japan had
been making for years, and equally aware of the disorganised
state of his own naval and military resources, but he was
surrounded by officials who, like the Manchus in 1900, were
convinced of China’s immense superiority, and he was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span>
assured by the Chinese Resident in Corea (Yüan Shih-k’ai)
that help would be forthcoming from England in the event of
Japan’s commencing hostilities. There was no doubt of the
British Government’s sympathy, which was clearly reflected
in the attitude and actions of the Consul-General at Seoul.<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p>

<p>Chinese historians have openly accused Li Hung-chang of
instigating the Court and the Emperor to a war of
aggression, and the accusation has been generally credited
abroad. The truth is, that while Li was originally all in
favour of sending a Chinese force to suppress the Corean
insurrection, he became opposed to taking any steps that
might lead to war with Japan, as soon as he realised that
war was Japan’s object; nevertheless, it is certain that, in
the last instance, he was persuaded against his better
judgment by the military enthusiasm of his German
advisers, and that the sending of the ill-fated “Kow-hsing”
and her doomed crew to Corea was a step which he
authorised only after consultation with Peking and in full
knowledge of the fact that it meant war. No sooner had
the “Kow-hsing” been sunk, and the first military disasters
of the campaign reported, than he naturally endeavoured to
minimise his own share of responsibility in the matter.</p>

<p>Foreigners blamed him for making war on Japan, while
his own countrymen attacked him for betraying China to
the Japanese, as they subsequently attacked him for selling
Manchuria to Russia. Tzŭ Hsi had no great love for the
Viceroy, although she admired his remarkable intelligence
and adroit methods: but when, after the war, he was
fiercely attacked by several of the Censors, and when she
found her own name associated with the blame imputed to
him, she loyally defended him, as was her wont. In 1895, a
Censor named An Wei-chün boldly blamed Her Majesty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span>
and the Viceroy for the disasters which had overtaken China.
He said:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Li Hung-chang has invariably advanced himself because
of his relations with foreigners, and thus been led to
conceive an inflated opinion of his own merits. The ‘dwarf
bandits’<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> having rebelled, he seems to have been afraid that
the large sums of money, saved from numerous peculations,
which he had deposited in Japan might be lost; hence his
objections to the war. When the Decree declaring war
reached him, his disappointment was great, and he showed
his resentment and treachery by supplying the ‘dwarf
bandits’ with supplies and munitions of war. His only
hope was that the ‘dwarfs’ would prove victorious and his
prophecy would thus be justified; to this end he curtailed
the supplies for our troops at the front, diverting the funds
for the same to his own pockets. He would strongly
oppose all those who urged a vigorous prosecution of the
campaign, rejoicing at our defeats and deploring our
successes. All the military commanders of the forces
under his orders humbly complied with his wishes, and
invariably ran away at the first sight of the enemy. The
Censorate has been full of Memorials denouncing the
treacherous and unpatriotic action of Li Hung-chang, so
that there is no need for me to say anything further on this
subject.</p>

<p>“But I would like to add that Generals Yeh and Wei,
who have been cashiered and whose arrest has been decreed,
are at this very moment in hiding at Tientsin; they have
made the Viceroy’s Yamên itself a place of refuge for
absconding criminals. This is a matter of common knowledge
and undoubtedly true. Then again we have the case
of Ting Ju-chang, who was ordered to be arrested, but who
persuaded Li Hung-chang to intercede for him, on the plea
that he was indispensable to China, being in possession of a
mysterious secret, an American invention which he alone
could manipulate, whereby all surrounding objects can
be rendered invisible. Li Hung-chang actually had the
audacity to make mention of this ridiculous invention in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span>
addressing your Majesty, and it seems to me that if he is to
be permitted to refer to fables and unclean magic of this
kind, he is treating the Throne with shameless disrespect.
Nevertheless, none of your Majesty’s Councillors have ever
dared to oppose him, possibly because they themselves are
too far gone in senile decay to be able to bear any further
burden of distress. Their thoughts are far away, wool-gathering,
or it may be that they too have been smitten
with fear at the thought of this marvellous invention of
Li Hung-chang’s whereby the landscape may be completely
befogged. If so, the fact would account for the nebulous
tendencies of their policy, and for their remaining in
ignorance of Li Hung-chang’s remarkable mendacity.</p>

<p>“The Imperial Decree whereby Shao Yu-lien and Chang
Yin-huan have been appointed Plenipotentiaries to discuss
terms of peace, has not yet been made public, because
the Grand Council are actually afraid openly to mention the
word peace, notwithstanding that they failed utterly in
prosecuting the war and in dignified insistence on our lawful
rights. Their action appears to me like that of a thief who
having stolen a bell, shuts his ears while carrying it away,
blissfully forgetting that everybody else can hear its tinkling.
They do not seem to be aware, these Councillors, that
throughout the whole Empire everybody is already aware of
the fact that we are suing for peace. Japan having objected
to Shao on personal grounds, the Grand Council has now
actually gone so far as to suggest that in his place Li Hung-chang’s
son, Li Ching-fang<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> should be appointed. This
is simply an outrage. Li Ching-fang is nothing more than
the son-in-law of a Japanese traitor who calls himself Chang
Pang-chang, a man whom I have already impeached. If
such unspeakable traitors are permitted to go to Japan,
nothing will suit the Japanese better, and the negotiations
must inevitably result in our being badly cheated by these
pernicious robbers. Japan’s strength is purely superficial; as
a matter of fact, she is rotten to the core; if now we are
debarred from compelling Japan to fight a decisive battle, if
we meekly accept terms dictated by these low-born dwarfs,
we are simply in the position of a tributary State, and cannot<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span>
be described as equals in any treaty that may be made. In
other words, our glorious Empire is not only being ruined by
muddlers, but sold by traitors. There is not a single subject
of the Throne who does not gnash his teeth with rage, and
long to sink them in the flesh of Li Hung-chang.</p>

<p>“There are not lacking people who declare that this
humiliating policy of peace has been prompted by the
Empress Dowager’s Chief Eunuch, Li Lien-ying. For
myself, I do not care to attach undue importance to tea-house
gossip, but as the Empress Dowager has now handed
over the reins of Government to your Majesty, how can you
possibly justify your position before your ancestors and to
your subjects, if you permit her still to dictate to you, or to
interfere in the business of the State? What sort of a
person is this Li Lien-ying who dares to interfere in Government
matters? If there be any truth whatsoever in the
rumour, it is assuredly incumbent upon your Majesty to
inflict severe punishment on this creature, if only because of
that House-law of your Dynasty which forbids eunuchs to
concern themselves in State affairs.</p>

<p>“The truth is that the Throne has been intimidated by
Li Hung-chang, and has taken his statements for granted,
while the Grand Council, chiefly composed of Li’s humble
and obedient servants, shields him from detection and
punishment, fearing that, if thwarted, he may raise the
standard of rebellion. They accordingly do their best to
justify him in the eyes of your Majesty, failing to realise
that he has always been a traitor at heart. His is the will,
if not the power, to rebel. His army is composed of corrupt
and useless creatures quite devoid of any military knowledge
or instincts, while his troops are ever on the verge of mutiny,
because they are always defrauded of their pay. They are
quite deficient in <i>esprit de corps</i>, and the small foreign forces
lately organised at Tientsin would more than suffice to overcome
Li Hung-chang and all his host. The truth of these
statements can easily be verified. Long ago, if he had had
the power, he would surely have rebelled; but as he cannot
do so, he contents himself with bullying your Majesty and
disregarding your Imperial Decrees. He totally ignores the
existence of the Empress Dowager and of your Majesty, a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span>
fact which may be inferred from his daring to insult your
intelligence with his mysterious powers of conferring invisibility.</p>

<p>“I am covered with shame and amazement. My only
hope is that your Majesty will now display the majesty of
your wrath, and, after disclosing Li Hung-chang’s treason to
all men, will put this traitor to death. By this means our
troops would at once be inspired to valour, and the ‘dwarf
bandits’ would be completely annihilated. At the same
time, I would ask you to be so good as to behead me also, as
a fitting punishment for this plain speaking. Your Majesty’s
Imperial ancestors are present in the spirit, and they bear me
witness. I am quite easy in my mind as to the issue, and I
therefore lay bare the innermost thoughts of my heart and
lay them before your Majesty, anxiously begging for your
Imperial decision.”</p>

</div>

<p>In reply to this outspoken document, the Emperor issued
the following Decree, which bears unmistakable signs of
Tzŭ Hsi’s hand. The attack upon her favourite, Li Lien-ying,
was in itself sufficient to bring her to the front, and
there is no doubt that at the time she was keeping very close
watch on the Emperor’s proceedings, and regularly perusing
all State papers.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Owing to the seriousness of recent events, we have been
particularly anxious of late to receive and attend to the unprejudiced
suggestions of our Censors, and we have abstained
from punishing any of them, even when they have made
use of improper expressions in addressing us. With
the gracious consent of Her Majesty the Empress Dowager,
we have given particular attention to all projects whereby
the welfare of our people may be advanced, and all our
people must by this time be aware of our sincere desire to
promote good Government. In spite of this the Censor,
An Wei-chün, has to-day submitted a Memorial based
entirely upon rumours, and containing the following
sentence:—‘How can you possibly justify your position
before your ancestors and to your subjects if you permit the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span>
Empress Dowager still to dictate to you, or to interfere in
the business of the State?’</p>

<p>“Language of this kind reveals depths of audacity
unspeakable, the unbridled licence of a madman’s tongue.
Were we to fail in inflicting stern punishment in a case of
this kind, the result might well be to produce estrangement
between Her Majesty the Empress and ourselves. The
Censor is, therefore, dismissed from office and sentenced to
banishment at the post-roads, on the western frontier where
he shall expiate his guilt and serve as a wholesome warning
to others. His Memorial is handed back to him with the
contempt it deserves.”</p>

</div>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi felt deeply the humiliation of her country’s defeat
by the Japanese, a race which, as Chinese historians never
fail to remind themselves, took its first lessons in civilisation
and culture from Chinese scholars and artists. Anxious at
all costs to avoid another invasion of Chihli by the conquerors,
she approved the Treaty of Peace, especially when
assured by Li Hung-chang that Russia and her Continental
allies would not allow Japan to annex any portion of the
Manchurian Provinces. As above stated, she declined to
permit Li to be made a scapegoat either by her chagrined
Manchu kinsmen or by his fierce critics in the south, for she
recognised the difficulty of his position, and the fact that he
was not directly responsible for the deplorable condition of
China’s defences. But, woman-like, she had to blame someone
for the disasters that had deprived her and her capital of
festivities whose splendour should have gone down, making
her name glorious, to all posterity; and it was not surprising,
therefore, if she heaped reproaches on the Emperor for
entering upon so disastrous a war without her full knowledge
and consent. It was at this time that began the estrangement
which thenceforward gradually grew into the open
hostility and secret plottings of 1898, the long bitterness
between Tzŭ Hsi and her nephew which was to divide the
Palace into camps of strife, and to cease only with their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span>
death. From this time also, as they aver who were in close
touch with the life of the Court, the Emperor’s Consort,<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>
Tzŭ Hsi’s niece, became openly alienated from him, and
their relations grew more severely strained as his reform
tendencies developed and took shape. From 1894 to 1896
there was no noticeable change in the attitude of the
Emperor to his august aunt, nor any diminution of his
respectful attentions, but the man in the street knew well,
as he always knows in China, of the rift in the lute, and
when, in 1896, the Emperor’s mother (Tzŭ’s sister) died, it
was realised that the last bond of amity and possible reconciliation
between Kuang-Hsü and the Empress Dowager
had been severed.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XII">XII<br>
<span class="smaller">THE REFORM MOVEMENT OF 1898</span></h2>

</div>

<p>At the beginning of 1898 the Grand Council was composed
of the following officials: Prince Kung, the Emperor’s
uncle, Prince Li, whose son was married to Jung
Lu’s daughter, Kang Yi,<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Liao Shou-heng and Weng
T’ung-ho, the Grand Secretary and ex-tutor to the Emperor.
The Empress Dowager was still leading her life of dignified
leisure at the Summer Palace, generally in company with
her two confidential friends, the wife of Jung Lu and her
adopted daughter, the Princess Imperial. By all accounts
she was amusing herself with picnics on the K’un Ming
lake, elaborate theatrical performances and excursions to
the neighbouring temples and hill shrines, devoting her
leisure from these pursuits to verse-making and painting,
but keeping herself fully informed, through Kang Yi and
Prince Li, of all that took place in the Forbidden City.
Although leaving the conduct of State affairs to the Emperor,
she occasionally visited the city for a day or two,
while the Emperor, on his side, punctiliously repaired to the
Summer Palace five or six times a month to pay his respects<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span>
to the Old Buddha. Their relations at this period were
outwardly friendly. Kuang-Hsü never failed to consult
Her Majesty before the issue of any important Decree, and
Tzŭ Hsi was usually most cordial in her manner towards
him. She had, it is true, occasion to reprove him more
than once on account of reports which reached her, through
the eunuchs, of his violent temper and alleged bad treatment
of his attendants, reports which were probably instigated
and exaggerated by Li Lien-ying for his own purposes.
But Kuang-Hsü, as events subsequently proved, was fully
aware of the iron hand in the velvet glove. Whenever the
Empress came to Peking, he obeyed strictly the etiquette
which required him reverently to kneel at the Palace
gates to welcome her. When visiting her at the Summer
Palace, he was not permitted to announce his arrival in
person, but was obliged to kneel at the inner gate and there
await the summons of admission from the Chief Eunuch.
Li, who hated him, delighted in keeping him waiting,
sometimes as much as half an hour, before informing the
Old Buddha of his presence. At each of these visits he
was compelled, like any of the Palace officials, to pay
his way by large fees to the eunuchs in attendance on
Her Majesty, and as a matter of fact, these myrmidons
treated him with considerably less respect than they showed
to many high Manchu dignitaries. Within the Palace
precincts, the Son of Heaven was indeed regarded as of
little account, so that the initiative and determination which
he displayed during the hundred days of reform in the
summer of 1898 came as a disturbing surprise to many
at Court and showed that, given an opportunity, he was
not wholly unworthy of the Yehonala blood of his mother,
Tzŭ Hsi’s sister.</p>

<p>The official who had hitherto exercised most influence
over the Emperor was Weng T’ung-ho, the Imperial tutor.
He had only rejoined the Grand Council in November 1894,
at the critical time when the disastrous opening of the war<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span>
with Japan had brought about the dismissal of the former
Council; but as Imperial tutor he had had the <i>entrée</i> of the
Palace ever since the Emperor was five years old. He was
the leader of the southern party in the capital. A native of
Kiangsu (the birthplace of all the greatest scholars of China
during the present Dynasty, and the centre of national
culture), he hated the narrow conservatism of the Manchus,
and included in his dislike the Chinese of the Metropolitan
Provinces, whose politics and point of view are very similar
to those of the Manchus. The strife between north and
south really dated from the beginning of Kuang-Hsü’s reign.
The two protagonists on the northern side were Hsü T’ung,
a well-educated Chinese Bannerman (for all practical purposes,
a Manchu at heart) who had been tutor to the
Emperor T’ung-Chih; and Li Hung-tsao, a native of Chihli,
who had joined the Grand Council at the same time
as Weng T’ung-ho. The southern party was led by Weng
T’ung-ho and P’an Tsu-yin, the latter a native of Soochow and
a most brilliant scholar and essayist. It is necessary to dwell
on this party strife and its development, because it was the
first cause of the reform movement of 1898, of the subsequent
resumption of the Regency by Tzŭ Hsi, and,
eventually, of the Boxer rising.</p>

<p>For more than twenty years these four high officials had
been colleagues in Peking, meeting one another constantly in
social as well as official circles. Their literary arguments, in
which the quick-witted southerners generally scored, were
the talk of the capital. All four men bore good reputations
for integrity, so that literary graduates entering official life
were glad to become their <i>protégés</i>; but the adherents of the
southern party were the more numerous. This fact aroused
the jealousy of Li and Hsü, which grew until it found vent
publicly at the metropolitan examination for the “Chin
Shih,” or Doctor’s, degree in 1899, on which occasion Li was
Grand Examiner and P’an Tsu-yin his chief Associate. P’an,
whose duty it was to select the best essays, recommended a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span>
native of Kiangsu for the high honour of <i>optimus</i>, but Li
declined to endorse his decision, and gave the award to a
Chihli man. P’an thereupon openly accused Li of prejudice
and unfairness towards the southerner, and twitted him
besides on his second-rate scholarship.</p>

<p>At the time of Russia’s seizure of Ili, in 1880, Hsü T’ung
and Weng T’ung-ho were respectively Presidents of the
Boards of Ceremonies and Works. At a conference of the
highest officials, held in the Palace, Weng declared himself
in favour of war with Russia, but Hsü, after promising to
support him, left him in the lurch at the last moment,
causing him discomfiture and loss of face. Hence, bitter
enmity between them, which increased in intensity when
they became the leaders of the rival factions. Weng was
also on bad terms with Jung Lu, who had never forgiven
him for the part he played in 1880, when Weng denounced
his impious <i>liaison</i> to the Empress Dowager and brought
about his dismissal. Jung Lu, as a loyal Manchu, naturally
favoured the northern faction and his personal feelings
prompted him in the same direction.</p>

<p>The enmity between the rival parties increased steadily in
the early nineties, and when Li and Weng were appointed
to the Grand Council, in 1894, the Court itself became
involved in their strife, the Empress siding with the north
and the Emperor with the south. At that time people were
wont to speak of the Li faction and the Weng faction, but
later they came to be known as the Empress Dowager’s party,
irreverently nicknamed the “Old Mother set,” and the
Emperor’s party, or “Small Lad’s set.” Both P’an and Li
died in 1897. It was after the latter’s death that Hsü T’ung
began to instigate secret and sinister designs against the
Emperor, whom he called a Chinese traitor. Hsü T’ung,
having been tutor to T’ung-Chih, naturally enjoyed considerable
influence with the Empress, but Kuang-Hsü flatly
refused to have him on the Grand Council. So great was
his dislike for the old man that he only received him once in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span>
audience between 1887 and 1898. Hsü had a valuable ally
in Kang Yi, who hated all Chinese, southerners and
northerners alike, and whose influence was used effectively
to sow dissension between Tzŭ Hsi and the Emperor. In
1897, Kang Yi urged the Emperor to give orders that the
Manchu troops should be efficiently trained and equipped.
Kuang-Hsü replied: “You persist, it seems, in the exploded
idea that the Manchu soldiery are good fighting men. I
tell you that they are absolutely useless.” Kang Yi, highly
incensed, promptly informed the Old Buddha and the Iron-capped
Princes that the Emperor was the enemy of all
Manchus, and was plotting to appoint Chinese to all high
offices, a statement which naturally created a strong feeling
against His Majesty at Court.</p>

<p>Even the foreign policy of the Empire felt the effects of
this rivalry of the opposing parties in the capital. The
Empress, the Manchus, and the Chinese Bannermen were
in favour of coming to an understanding with Russia, while
the Emperor, Weng, and the southern Chinese, inclined to
a <i>rapprochement</i> with Japan, with a view to imitation of
that country’s successful reforms. Li Hung-chang counted
for little at the time, the fact being that, owing to his
alleged responsibility for the war with Japan, his opinions
were at a discount; but such influence as he had was used
against the Emperor’s party. Prince Kung, the <i>doyen</i> of
the Imperial family, to whose ripe judgment the Empress
herself would yield at times, was the only high Manchu to
maintain friendly relations with the Chinese party. A fine
scholar himself, he had always admired Weng T’ung-ho’s
literary gifts; the war with Japan had been none of his
seeking, and he had been recalled to the Grand Council,
at the same time as Weng, after a retirement of fourteen
years.</p>

<p>The fact is not generally known that Weng T’ung-ho was
most anxious at this time to be sent as Special Envoy to the
coronation of the Czar, for the reason that, realising the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span>
Empress Dowager’s growing hostility towards himself, he
wished to be out of harm’s way in the crisis which he felt
to be impending. By a Decree of 1895, Weng had been
“excused from further attendance to instruct His Majesty
at the Palace of Happy Education,” so that he could no
longer influence His Majesty, as heretofore, at all times and
seasons, and his rivals were thus enabled successfully to
misrepresent him.</p>

<p>Prince Kung, the head of the Grand Council, went on
sick furlough at the beginning of 1898, afflicted with
incurable lung and heart complaints. The Emperor accompanied
the Empress Dowager on three occasions to visit him
at his residence, and ordered the Imperial physicians to
attend him. On the 10th day of the 4th Moon he died, and
the following Decree was issued by Tzŭ Hsi:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Prince Kung (Yi Hsin) was my near kinsman; for many
years he has assisted in my Privy Councils. When, with
my colleague, the deceased Empress Tzŭ An, I assumed the
Regency at the beginning of the late Emperor’s reign, the
coast provinces were in rebellion and the Empire in danger,
Prince Kung ably assisted me in restoring order; and I then
bestowed upon him high honours commensurate with his
services. For over thirty years he has supported me with
unswerving loyalty, although for part of that time he took
no part in the business of the State. Again I recalled him
to the Council, where he has ever done yeoman service,
despite many and great difficulties. Of late his old sickness
came upon him again, and I therefore went repeatedly with
the Emperor to visit him, hoping for his fortunate recovery.
Of a sudden, yesterday, he passed away, and thus, at this
time of need, a trusty adviser is lost to me. How describe
my grief? To-day I have visited his residence, there to
make oblations. In the remembrance of bygone days I
am completely overcome. I now bestow on him the
posthumous title of ‘Loyal,’ I command that seasonal
sacrifices be offered to his spirit in the Temple of the
Virtuous and Good, and I ordain that the care of his grave
shall be a charge on the public funds. Thus I manifest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span>
my sincere regard for my worthy kinsman and deep sorrow
at the loss of my trusted Councillor.”</p>

</div>

<p>The above Decree clearly reflected the immediate effect on
the Empress of party factions and intrigues in the Palace, and
showed that, though nominally retired from control of the
Government, she was still, whenever she chose, the autocratic
ruler of the Empire and ready to assert herself in that
capacity. The Emperor on this occasion issued a Decree
on his own account, entirely subordinate to Tzŭ Hsi’s, and
this in turn was followed by another, which called upon the
Ministers of State to imitate Prince Kung’s devoted loyalty.
It concluded with the significant announcement that the
Prince’s valedictory Memorial had advised the Emperor to
follow the Empress Dowager’s advice in all things, to
organise an efficient army and to purify the administration.</p>

<p>Prince Kung’s death was a serious matter. On the one
hand the Manchu party lost in him its senior representative,
an elder whose wise counsel had guided them, and a statesman
whose influence had been steadily exercised against their
tendencies towards an anti-Chinese and anti-foreign policy.
As the last survivor of the sons of Tao-Kuang, he held, <i>vis-à-vis</i>
the Empress Dowager, a position very different from that
of the other princes, his contemporaries. It is probable that,
had he survived, there would have been no Boxer rising. On
the other hand, the Emperor had always deferred to Prince
Kung’s advice, and it was not until after his death that he
embarked headlong on the reform schemes of K’ang Yu-wei
and his associates, many of which the Prince, though no
bigoted Conservative, would certainly have condemned. To
Weng T’ung-ho also the loss was serious, as well he knew,
for Prince Kung had been his best friend.</p>

<p>It was shortly after the Prince’s death that Weng recommended
K’ang Yu-wei to the Emperor’s notice, informing
His Majesty that K’ang’s abilities were far superior to his
own. Weng undoubtedly hoped that K’ang would gain the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span>
Sovereign’s favour and use it to assist the southern party
against the Manchus, and especially against his arch enemies,
Kang Yi and Hsü T’ung; but he certainly never anticipated
that K’ang would go so far as to advise the Emperor to defy
the Old Buddha herself, and to plot against her sacred person.
His idea was simply to gain kudos and to strengthen his own
position and that of his party. The Emperor accepted his
recommendation of K’ang, and summoned the latter to
audience on the 28th of the 4th Moon (14th June, 1898).</p>

<p>Weng told his friend and colleague, Liao Shou-heng, that
he would await the result of this audience before coming to
a decision as to his own future movements. If K’ang
Yu-wei made a good impression, he would remain in office;
if not, he would resign. He added that if the usual gifts of
the Dragon Festival were sent him by the Emperor, he
would feel that there was no immediate danger in his
position. All he asked was that he might escape the open
hostility of the Empress Dowager, such as had fallen upon
the Cantonese Vice-President, Chang Yin-huan, whose dismissal
was expected at any moment. As it happened, however,
K’ang Yu-wei and his friends persuaded the Emperor
to insist on retaining Chang Yin-huan in office, and for the
next hundred days he became Kuang-Hsü’s right-hand man,
playing his part, foredoomed, while in the “deep seclusion of
her Palace” the Old Buddha bided her time.</p>

<p>On the 20th of the 4th Moon, Weng T’ung-ho applied for
a week’s sick leave, a face-saving device which showed that
he was aware of the impending storm. On the 23rd, His
Majesty issued the first of his Reform Decrees. He had duly
conferred on the subject with the Empress at the Summer
Palace, and had accorded a special audience to Jung Lu.
Tzŭ Hsi assured him that she would raise no obstacles to his
proposed policy, provided that the ancient privileges of the
Manchus were not infringed; at the same time, she insisted
on his getting rid of Weng T’ung-ho without delay, as he
was instigating an anti-Manchu movement which, if it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span>
gained headway, might involve the Dynasty in ruin. Jung
Lu strongly recommended to His Majesty a notable progressive,
the son of Ch’en Pao-chen, Governor of Hupei.
The fact is of interest because of the idea prevalent among
Europeans, that Jung Lu was ever opposed to reform. Subsequent
events compelled him to turn against the very man
whom he now recommended, but this was not so much on
account of a change in his views, as because the policy of the
reformers had developed on unexpected and dangerous lines.
The first Reform Decree was as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Of late years many of our Ministers have advocated a
policy of reform, and we have accordingly issued Decrees
which provide for the institution of special examinations in
political economy, for the abolition of useless troops and the
old form of examination for military degrees, as well as for
founding Colleges. No decision has been taken in these
matters without the fullest care, but the country still lacks
enlightenment, and views differ as to the course which reform
should follow. Those who claim to be Conservative patriots
consider that all the old customs should be upheld and new
ideas repudiated without compromise. Such querulous
opinions are worthless. Consider the needs of the times and
the weakness of our Empire! If we continue to drift with
our army untrained, our revenues disorganised, our scholars
ignorant, and our artisans without technical training, how
can we possibly hope to hold our own among the nations, or
to cross the gulf which divides the weak from the strong?
It is our belief that a condition of unrest creates disrespect
for authority and produces friction, which in turn leads to
the formation of factions in the State, hostile to each other
as fire and water. Under such conditions, our Government
would find itself confronted by the abuses and errors of
the Sung and Ming Dynasties, to its imminent peril. The
virtuous rulers of remote antiquity did not cling obstinately
to existing needs, but were ready to accept change, even as
one wears grass-cloth garments in summer, and furs in
winter.</p>

<p>“We now issue this special Decree so that all our subjects,
from the Imperial family downwards, may hereafter exert<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span>
themselves in the cause of reform. The basis of education
will continue to rest on the canons of the Sages, but at the
same time there must be careful investigation of every branch
of European learning appropriate to existing needs, so that
there may be an end to empty fallacies and that by zeal
efficiency may be attained. Parrot-like plagiarisms of
shallow theories are to be avoided, and catchwords eschewed.
What we desire to attain is the elimination of useless things
and the advancement of learning which, while based on
ancient principles, shall yet move in harmony with the times.
The Peking University is to be made a model for the Empire,
and all officials of the rank of Board Secretaries, officers of
the bodyguard, expectant Magistrates, sons of high officials
and Manchus of hereditary rank, are to be entitled to enter
upon a college course in order that their talents may be
trained to meet the needs of these critical times. No
procrastination or favouritism will be tolerated, nor any
disregard of these, the Throne’s admonitions.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the following day was proclaimed the result of what
the Emperor fully intended to be the last examination under
the old classical-essay system. The candidate originally
selected for the high honour of <i>Optimus</i> was again a Kiangsu
man, but the Empress herself altered the list and conferred
the coveted distinction upon a native of Kueichou province,
to mark her displeasure against the province which had given
birth to Weng T’ung-ho. At the same time a Decree
advised members of the Imperial Clan to seek education in
Europe; even Princes of the Blood were to be encouraged
to go abroad and to investigate political conditions. Among
the Manchus, the sensation created by these Decrees was
very great; they felt that, for the first time in history,
fundamental things were being challenged, the ancient
bulwarks of the Dynastic privileges in danger. Had not
Mencius himself said: “We have heard of Chinese ideas
being employed to convert barbarians, but have never heard
of China being converted by barbarians.”</p>

<p>On the morning after the issue of the second Decree,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span>
Weng T’ung-ho, on return from his week’s leave, proceeded
as usual at 4 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> to the Summer Palace to attend the
audience of the Grand Council. He was met by one of the
Secretaries to the Council who, handing him an Imperial
Decree, informed him of his dismissal. It was Tzŭ Hsi’s
first open move on behalf of the Manchu party, and a clear
admission of tutelage on the part of the Emperor. This
was the Decree:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“A Vermilion Rescript.—We have recently had occasion
more than once to observe that the Grand Secretary Weng
T’ung-ho has failed in the proper performance of his duties,
and that he is the object of very general criticism. He has
frequently been impeached, and when questioned by ourselves
at audience, he has allowed his manner to betray his
feelings, even daring to express approval or displeasure in
our presence. His conduct has gradually revealed a wild
ambition and a tendency to usurp our authority: it is no
longer possible to retain him on the Grand Council. Strictly
speaking, his conduct merits close scrutiny and punishment,
but bearing in mind that for years he has served us as our
tutor, we are averse to inflicting any severe penalty. Weng
T’ung-ho is ordered forthwith to vacate his post on the
Council, and to return to his native place. Thus is our
clemency made manifest.”</p>

</div>

<p>Another Decree proved even more plainly that the
Emperor was completely under Tzŭ Hsi’s orders; it directed
that all officials above the second rank should thenceforward
return thanks to Her Majesty in person upon receiving
appointments. This was a new departure, for, since the war
with Japan, she had ceased to hold daily audiences, receiving
officials only on her birthday and other State occasions.
Another Decree of the same day transferred Jung Lu to
Tientsin as Viceroy of Chihli. He and K’ang Yu-wei were
received in audience next morning. To Jung Lu the
Emperor gave orders to reorganise the forces in Chihli,
adding that he looked to him for loyal co-operation in
the reform movement. The audience to K’ang Yu-wei,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span>
first of many similar interviews (but the only one recorded
in the official Gazette), lasted several hours. K’ang deeply
disliked and feared Tzŭ Hsi, and from the outset he did his
best to prejudice the Emperor against her. He reiterated
his opinion that her sympathy for reform was merely a feint,
and he roundly denounced her wanton extravagance and
dissipated life at the Summer Palace. He described the
unpopularity of the Manchu rule in the south as chiefly due
to the people’s contempt for Her Majesty, and compared
her private life to that of the notorious Empress Wu of the
T’ang Dynasty. He advised Kuang-Hsü to relegate her
permanently to retirement, she being the chief obstacle
to reform. The Emperor fell speedily and completely under
K’ang’s influence, and none of his subsequent Edicts was
issued without K’ang’s assistance. In the light of later
knowledge, and of almost universal Chinese opinion on this
subject, it is difficult to acquit K’ang Yu-wei of personal and
interested motives, of a desire to wield power in the State as
the result of his influence over the Emperor, whose emotional
pliability he made to serve his own ends. Looked at in this
light, his denunciations of the Empress Dowager and Jung
Lu were evidently less the outcome of patriotic indignation
than of his recognition of the fact that, so long as Tzŭ Hsi
remained in power, his ambitions could never be achieved,
nor his own position secured.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XIII">XIII<br>
<span class="smaller">THE HUNDRED DAYS OF REFORM</span></h2>

</div>

<p>Immediately following upon K’ang Yu-wei’s first audience,
reform Decrees followed one another in rapid succession.
The old examination system which had been in force,
with one brief intermission (in K’ang-Hsi’s reign), since the
days of the Sung Dynasty, was definitely abolished. For the
future, said the Emperor, papers on practical subjects were
to be set at the public examinations, and while the classics
were to remain as a basis for the literary curriculum,
candidates for the public service would be expected to
display a knowledge of the history of other countries and of
contemporary politics. It was at this juncture that the
President of the Board of Rites, Hsü Ying-k’uei (who, though
a Cantonese, was a stalwart Conservative), was denounced by
the Censors Sung Po-lu and Yang Shen-hsiu for obstructing
the decreed reforms. They begged the Emperor to
“display his divine wrath by immediately reducing Hsü to
the rank of a fourth class official as a warning to other
offenders.” “We have noted,” they said, “Your Majesty’s
zeal in the cause of reform and your gracious desire to
promote improved education and friendly relations with
foreign Powers. The Board of Rites is in charge of all the
colleges in the Empire and the Tsungli Yamên directs
our policy. Hsü Ying-k’uei, President of the Board of
Rites and a Minister of the Tsungli Yamên, is a man of
second-rate ability, arrogant, ignorant, and hopelessly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span>
obstinate. Your Majesty, being deeply conscious of the
vital need for permanent and radical reform, and anxious to
encourage men of talent, has instituted a special examination
in political economy, but Hsü Ying-ku’ei has dared to cast
disparagement on your Majesty’s orders and has openly
stated that such an examination is a useless innovation. It
is his intention to allow as few candidates as possible to pass
this examination so as to render it unpopular. He is
similarly opposing every one of your Majesty’s proposed
reforms. He vilifies western learning in conversation with
his <i>protégés</i>, and is the sworn foe of all progressive scholars.
Your Majesty’s chief complaint is that such scholars are too
few in number, but Hsü Ying-ku’ei’s chief hope is to
suppress the few there are.”</p>

<p>“In the Tsungli Yamên a single phrase wrongly expressed
may well precipitate a war; so important are the duties
there to be performed that no one unacquainted with foreign
affairs, and the ways of those who seek to injure us, can
possibly render effective service to the State. Hsü Ying-ku’ei
is far from being a distinguished Chinese scholar; nevertheless
he despises European learning. His boundless conceit
is a menace to our country’s interests and dignity. It seems
to us a monstrous thing that a man of this stamp should be
employed at the Tsungli Yamên, and that his removal from
the Board would be of incalculable benefit. He deserves to
be removed from office for blocking reform and impeding
the execution of your Majesty’s plans, if only as a warning
to reactionary officials, who are all a danger to their country.
If your Majesty will reduce him to the fourth official rank
we shall escape the ridicule of foreign nations, and the cause
of reform will be greatly advanced.”</p>

<p>On receipt of the above Memorial, Kuang-Hsü commanded
Hsü Ying-ku’ei to submit a personal explanation of
his conduct. The following is the text of his Memorial in
reply, which shows K’ang Yu-wei in a light less favourable
than that in which his admirers represented him:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I feel that because of my uprightness I have made
myself enemies, and I am grateful to your Majesty for thus
allowing me to defend myself. The Censors accuse me of
thinking disparagingly of your Majesty’s orders. How can
they know what is in my mind? Their accusations are
evidently worthless. Li Hung-chang and myself were
strongly in favour of the original scheme for instituting an
examination for political economy. I observed, however,
that great care must be exercised in carrying out this new
idea, and that the selection for office of too many successful
candidates might endanger the main object of the reform.
While in no way desiring to make the standard prohibitively
high, I was determined not to court popularity by consenting
to making the path of these candidates too easy. How can
these Censors know that we are opposed to the proposals
of reform before our Memorials have seen the light? Their
remarks are based on pure conjecture and prejudice. Moreover,
many of your Majesty’s Decrees in no way concern
the Board of Rites, <i>e.g.</i>, the contemplated reform of military
examinations and the abolition of sinecures in the army.
Again, the Memorialists accuse me of vilifying western
learning in conversation with my <i>protégés</i>, and of being the
sworn foe of progressive scholars. As a native of Canton
province, I have had no little experience of foreign affairs,
and have constantly had occasion to recommend for employment
men well versed in the arts and sciences of the west;
for instance, Hua T’ing-chun, for his knowledge of marksmanship,
and Fang Yao for his skill in the manufacture of
guns. With all my <i>protégés</i> my constant object has been to
encourage them to acquire a thorough knowledge of current
politics and to eschew forms of learning that are ornamental
and useless.</p>

<p>“When the Censors accuse me of being the foe of
scholars, they evidently refer to K’ang Yu-wei. As a native
of my province K’ang was well known to me in his youth
as a worthless fellow. After taking his degree and returning
to his home, he was for ever inciting people to litigation;
his reputation was evil. On coming to Peking he made
friends with the Censors and intrigued with certain persons
in high office, making great capital of his alleged knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span>
of European science, in the hope of obtaining a lucrative
post. On three occasions he tried to secure an interview
with me, but I knew the man too well, and declined to
receive him. He then founded a society at the Canton
Guild-house, enrolling over two hundred members; but I
caused it to be suppressed, fearing that disturbances would
come of it. Hence K’ang’s hatred of me. When your
Majesty summoned him to audience, he boasted to his fellow-provincials
that high promotion was in store for him; he was
keenly disappointed at getting nothing higher than a clerkship
in the Tsungli Yamên. He has been spreading lies
about me and inciting the Censors to attack me in the hope
of ousting me, one of his chiefs, from my position. That is
quite in keeping with his character. The Grand Secretary,
Li Hung-tsao, used to say that the flaunting of western
knowledge was used only too often by persons who had no
real education therein; persons who hoodwinked the public
and were accepted at their own valuation. K’ang Yu-wei
has got hold of many wild and fantastic ideas, and is trying
to make a reputation for himself by plagiarising hackneyed
articles from European newspapers and disparaging our
country’s ancient institutions. His proposals are utterly
unpractical, and his motives will not bear investigation. If
he is retained at the Tsungli Yamên, instead of being
cashiered and sent back to Canton, as he deserves, he will
inevitably bring about complications by the betrayal of State
secrets. If he remains in Peking he and his associates will
assuredly plot together for evil, their only object being to
promote party strife and to foment intrigues.</p>

<p>“The danger with which his revolutionary tendencies
threaten the State is indeed a most serious matter, and the
Censors are, for once, quite right in describing me as his
sworn foe.</p>

<p>“The Censors also accuse me of despising European
learning. At audience with your Majesty I have frequently
laid stress on the importance of opening mines, building
ships and providing munitions of war; it is therefore known
to your Majesty how baseless is this charge. But since the
negotiations which followed the seizure of Kiaochao Bay,
the transaction of the Tsungli Yamên’s business has become<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span>
increasingly difficult, nor will our position be improved by
this futile wrangling. I would, therefore, humbly ask your
Majesty to relieve me of my duties at the Yamên, so that
calumny may be hushed and that I may cease to occupy a
position for which I am eminently unfitted. This is my
humble prayer.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Emperor was greatly incensed at Hsü Ying-ku’ei’s
outspoken denunciation of K’ang Yu-wei, but could not as
yet summon up courage to offend the Empress Dowager by
dismissing from office one who enjoyed her favour and
protection. Tzŭ Hsi perused both Memorials and was
secretly impressed by Hsü’s warning in regard to the revolutionary
tendencies of the reformers. From that day, though
openly unopposed to reform, she became suspicious of
K’ang’s influence over the Emperor, but preferred to bide
her time, never doubting that, at a word from her, Kuang-Hsü
would dismiss him. She gave a special audience to
Wang Wen-shao, who had come from Tientsin after handing
over the Chihli Viceroyalty to Jung Lu. Wang
stoutly supported Hsü Ying-ku’ei’s attitude of caution in
regard to several of the Emperor’s proposed measures.
Following upon this audience, the Emperor issued a Decree
permitting Hsü to retain his posts, but warning him to show
more energy in future both at the Board of Rites and at the
Tsungli Yamên. Hsü regarded this as a decided triumph,
due to Tzŭ Hsi’s protection, and became more than ever
opposed to innovations; this attitude was strengthened
when Huai Ta Pu, his Manchu colleague at the Board of
Rites and a first cousin of Tzŭ Hsi, came out as a strong
supporter of the ultra-Conservatives.</p>

<p>The Emperor’s next Decree provided for the reorganisation
of the effete Manchu troops of the Metropolitan
Province and for the founding of colleges and high schools
in the provinces, to correspond to the Peking University.</p>

<p>A reactionary Memorial by the Censor Wen T’i<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> charged<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span>
his colleagues Sung Po-lu and Yang Shen-hsiu with making
their personal jealousy of Hsü Ying-ku’ei an excuse for
deluding the Emperor and setting him at variance with the
Empress Dowager. This greatly angered His Majesty, who
promptly had the offender dismissed from the Censorate
for stirring up that very party strife which his Memorial
professed to denounce. Wen T’i, thus rebuked, induced
Huai Ta Pu to go out to the Summer Palace and
endeavour to enlist the Old Buddha’s sympathy in his behalf.
She, however, declined to move in the matter, having at the
moment no specific ground of complaint against the Emperor
and preferring to give the Progressives all the rope they
wanted; but she caused Yü Lu, one of her old <i>protégés</i>, to
be appointed to the Grand Council, and this official kept
her regularly informed of everything that occurred in
Peking. He belonged to the Kang Yi faction of extremists
and disapproved of reform with all the dogged stupidity of
his class. Later, in 1900, as Viceroy of Chihli, he rendered
no little assistance to Kang Yi’s schemes for massacring all
foreigners, and was a noted leader of the Boxer movement.
With three reactionaries on the Council of the stamp of
Kang Yi, Wang Wen-shao and Yü Lu, there was small
chance of any genuine opportunity or honest purpose of
reform, whatever the Emperor might choose to decree, but
before the Conservatives could assume the offensive, they
had to win over Tzŭ Hsi definitely and openly to their side,
and with her Jung Lu.</p>

<p>At about this time Kuang-Hsü reprimanded another
Censor for a trifling error in caligraphy, the incorrect writing
of a character.<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Nevertheless, a week later, a Decree was
issued, clearly showing the influence of K’ang Yu-wei, in
which it was ordered that caligraphy should no longer form<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span>
a special subject at the public examinations. “In certain
branches of the public service neat handwriting was no
doubt of great value, but it would in future be made the
subject of special examinations for the appointment of
copyists.”</p>

<p>On the 8th day of the 6th Moon, a Decree ordered
arrangements to be made for the publication of official
Gazettes all over the Empire, and K’ang Yu-wei was placed
in charge of the Head Office at Shanghai. These Gazettes
were to be official newspapers, and their object was the
extension of general knowledge. They were to receive
Government subsidies; copies were to be regularly submitted
for the Emperor’s perusal; opinions were to be freely
expressed, and all abuses fearlessly exposed. K’ang Yu-wei
was directed to draw up Press regulations in this sense.</p>

<p>On the 23rd of the 6th Moon, another vigorous Decree
exhorted the official class to turn its attention seriously to
reforms. Herein the Emperor declared that the procrastination
hitherto displayed was most disheartening. “Stagnation,”
said the Edict, “is the sign of grave internal
sickness; hopeless abuses are bred from this palsied indifference.
An earnest reformer like Ch’en Pao-chen, the
Governor of Hupei, becomes a target for the violent abuse
of officials and gentry. Henceforward I would have you
all sympathise with my anxiety and work earnestly together,
so that we may profit by our past reverses and provide for
a brighter future.”</p>

<p>Another Decree ordered the institution of naval colleges
as a step preliminary to the reconstruction of China’s fleet.
Railway and mining bureaus were established in Peking, and
the Cantonese reformer, Liang Ch’i-Ch’ao, was given charge
of a Translation Department, to publish standard foreign
works on political economy and natural science, a grant
of one thousand taels per mensem being allowed to cover
his expenses.</p>

<p>But an innovation more startling than all these, broke upon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span>
the upholders of the old <i>régime</i> in a Decree issued in response
to a Memorial by Jung Lu, who was all in favour of reform
in military matters. It was therein announced that the
Emperor would escort the Empress Dowager by train to
Tientsin on the 5th day of the 9th Moon, and there hold a
review of the troops. The Conservatives were aghast at the
idea of their Majesties travelling by train, but Tzŭ Hsi, who
had always enjoyed riding on the miniature railway in the
Winter Palace, was delighted at the prospect of so novel an
excursion. But if Manchu propriety was shocked at this
proposal, a still heavier blow was dealt it by the next Decree,
which abolished a number of obsolete and useless Government
offices and sinecures, fat jobs which, for generations,
had maintained thousands of idlers in the enjoyment of
lucrative squeezes, a burden on the State.</p>

<p>This Decree was loudly denounced as contrary to the
traditions of the Manchu Dynasty, and from all sides came
urgent appeals to the Old Buddha to protect the privileges of
the ruling class, and to order its cancellation. Yet another
bolt fell two days later, when all the high officials of the
Board of Rites, including Hsü Ying-ku’ei and the Empress
Dowager’s kinsman, Huai Ta Pu, were summarily cashiered
for having suppressed a Memorial by the Secretary, Wang
Chao. In this document it was suggested that the Emperor,
in company with the Empress Dowager, should travel abroad,
beginning with Japan and concluding with a tour in Europe.
Realising that “the craft of Demetrius was in danger,” nearly
all the Conservatives holding high office proceeded in a body
to the Summer Palace and told the Empress Dowager that
the only hope of saving the country lay in her resumption of
the supreme power. The Old Buddha bade them wait—the
sands were running out, but she was not yet ready to move.</p>

<p>K’ang Yu-wei, realising that there was danger ahead, took
advantage of what he mistook for indecision on the part of
Tzŭ Hsi to induce the Emperor to rebel against her
authority. Once more he assured Kuang-Hsü that her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span>
professed sympathy for reform was all a sham, and that, on
the contrary, it was she herself who was the chief obstacle
to China’s awakening, her influence being really the prime
factor in the country’s corruption and lethargy. Why should
she be permitted to waste millions of Government funds
yearly in the upkeep of her lavish establishment at the
Summer Palace? He advised the Emperor by a <i>coup de
main</i> to surround her residence, seize her person, and confine
her for the rest of her days on a certain small island in the
Winter Palace lake. Thereafter he should issue a Decree
recounting her many misdeeds and proclaiming his intention
never again to permit her to have any part in the Government.
This conversation was held in a private apartment of
the Palace, but there is every reason to believe that it was
reported to Tzŭ Hsi by one of the eunuch spies employed by
Li Lien-ying for that purpose. The Emperor foolishly
allowed himself to be led into approval of this plot, but
decided to await the Court’s proposed trip to Tientsin before
putting it into execution. He knew that to ensure success
for the scheme he must be able to command the services of
the troops, and he realised that so long as Jung Lu was in
command of the foreign-drilled forces of Chihli, he would
never consent to their lifting a finger against his lifelong
benefactress. Herein, in the Emperor’s opinion, lay the
main obstacle that confronted him. The real danger, that
lay in Tzŭ Hsi’s enormous personal influence and fertility
of resource, he appears to have under-rated, mistaking her
inaction for indecision.</p>

<p>For the moment he continued to issue new Edicts, one
ordering the making of macadamised roads in Peking,
another the enrolment of militia for purposes of national
defence, while a third authorised Manchus to leave Peking,
should they so wish, to earn their living in the provinces.
On the 27th of the 7th Moon, appeared the last of his
important Reform Decrees—a document pathetic in the
light of subsequent events.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“In promoting reforms, we have adopted certain
European methods, because, while China and Europe are
both alike in holding that the first object of good government
should be the welfare of the people, Europe has
travelled further on this road than we have, so that, by the
introduction of European methods, we simply make good
China’s deficiencies. But our Statesmen and scholars are so
ignorant of what lies beyond our borders that they look
upon Europe as possessing no civilisation. They are all
unaware of those numerous branches of western knowledge
whose object it is to enlighten the minds and increase the
material prosperity of the people. Physical well-being and
increased longevity of the race are thereby secured for the
masses.</p>

<p>“Is it possible that I, the Emperor, am to be
regarded as a mere follower after new and strange ideas
because of my thirst for reform? My love for the people,
my children, springs from the feeling that God has
confided them to me and that to my care they have been
given in trust by my illustrious Ancestors. I shall never
feel that my duty as Sovereign is fulfilled until I have
raised them all to a condition of peaceful prosperity.
Moreover, do not the foreign Powers surround our Empire,
committing frequent acts of aggression? Unless we learn
and adopt the sources of their strength, our plight cannot be
remedied. The cause of my anxiety is not fully appreciated
by my people, because the reactionary element deliberately
misrepresents my objects, spreading the while baseless
rumours so as to disturb the minds of men. When I
reflect how deep is the ignorance of the masses of the
dwellers in the innermost parts of the Empire on the subject
of my proposed reforms, my heart is filled with care and
grief. Therefore do I hereby now proclaim my intentions,
so that the whole Empire may know and believe that their
Sovereign is to be trusted and that the people may
co-operate with me in working for reform and the
strengthening of our country. This is my earnest hope. I
command that the whole of my Reform Decrees be printed
on Yellow paper and distributed for the information of all
men. The District Magistrates are henceforward privileged<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span>
to submit Memorials to me through the Provincial Viceroys,
so that I may learn the real needs of the people. Let this
Decree be exhibited in the front hall of every public office
in the Empire so that all men may see it.”</p>

</div>

<p>But the sands had run out. Tzŭ Hsi now emerged from
“the profound seclusion of her Palace” and Kuang-Hsü’s
little hour was over.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XIV">XIV<br>
<span class="smaller">THE <i>COUP D’ÉTAT</i> OF 1898</span></h2>

</div>

<p>In August 1898—at the end of the 7th Moon—the
position of affairs in the Palace (known only to a few) was
that the Empress Dowager had been won over to the
reactionary party; she was postponing a decisive step,
however, until she and the Emperor made their proposed
visit to Tientsin in the 9th Moon. It was her intention
there to confer with Jung Lu before resuming the Regency,
because of the unmistakable hostility towards her then prevailing
in the southern provinces, which she wished to allay,
as far as possible, by avoiding any overt measures of usurpation
until her preparations were made. On the 1st of the 8th
Moon, the Emperor, who was then in residence at the
Summer Palace, received in audience Yüan Shih-k’ai, the
Judicial Commissioner of Chihli, and discussed with him at
great length the political needs of the Empire. Yüan (then
in his fortieth year) had owed his rapid advancement to the
protection of the great Viceroy Li Hung-chang; nevertheless,
among his rivals and enemies there were many who attributed
the disastrous war with Japan in 1894 to his arbitrary conduct
of affairs as Imperial Resident in Corea. There is no doubt
that his reports and advice on the situation at Seoul precipitated,
if they did not cause, the crisis, leading the
Chinese Government to despatch troops into the country
in the face of Japan’s desire and readiness for war, and
thus to the extinction of China’s sovereignty in the
Hermit Kingdom; but the fact had not impaired Yüan’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span>
personal prestige or his influence at Court. As a
result of this audience the Emperor was completely won
over by Yüan’s professed interest in the cause of reform,
and was convinced that in him he had secured a powerful
supporter. His Majesty had already realised that he must
now reckon with the Old Buddha’s uncompromising opposition;
quite recently she had severely rebuked him for even
noticing K’ang Yu-wei’s suggestion that he should act more
on his own authority. Jung Lu, he knew, would always
loyally support his Imperial mistress; and there was not one
prominent Manchu in the Empire, and, as far as Peking was
concerned, hardly a Chinese, who would dare to oppose the
Old Buddha, if once she declared herself actively on the side
of reaction. The only two high officials in Peking on
whom he could confidently reckon for sympathy and
support were the Cantonese Chang Yin-huan, and Li
Tuan-fen, a native of Kueichou. But if he could obtain
control of the Northern foreign-drilled army, the reactionary
party might yet be overthrown. To secure this end it
was essential that Jung Lu, the Governor-General of
Chihli and Commander-in-Chief of the foreign-drilled
forces, should be put out of the way, and this before the
Empress could be warned of the plot. The Emperor therefore
proposed to have Jung Lu put to death in his Yamên at
Tientsin, and then swiftly to bring a force of 10,000 of his
disciplined troops to the capital, who would confine the
Empress Dowager to the Summer Palace. At the same
time the most prominent reactionaries in Peking, <i>i.e.</i>, Kang
Yi, Yü Lu, Huai T’a Pu and Hsü Ying-ku’ei were to be
seized at their residences and hurried off to the prison of the
Board of Punishments. This was the scheme suggested by
K’ang Yu-wei, the Censor Yang Shen-hsiu, and the secretaries
of the Grand Council, T’an Ssu-t’ung, Lin-Hsü, Yang Jui,
and Liu Kuang-ti. At this first audience Yüan Shih-k’ai
was informed of the Emperor’s determination to maintain
and enforce his reform policy, and was asked whether he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span>
would be loyal to his sovereign if placed in command of a
large force of troops. “Your servant will endeavour to
recompense the Imperial favour,” he replied, “even though
his merit be only as a drop of water in the ocean or a grain of
sand in the desert; he will faithfully perform the service of a
dog or a horse while there remains breath in his body.”</p>

<p>Completely reassured by Yüan’s words and earnest manner
and his apparently genuine zeal for reform, the Emperor
straightway issued the following Decree:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“At the present time army reform is of all things most
essential, and the judicial commissioner of Chihli, Yüan
Shih-k’ai, is an energetic administrator and thoroughly
earnest in the matter of training our forces. We therefore
accord him the rank of Expectant Vice-President of a Board
and place him in special charge of the business of army
reform. He is to memorialise from time to time regarding
any measures which he may desire to introduce. Under the
present conditions of our Empire it is of the first importance
that our defences be strengthened, and it behoves Yüan
Shih-k’ai therefore to display all possible energy and zeal in
the training of our troops, so that an efficient army may
be organised, and the Throne’s determination to secure
homogeneous forces be loyally supported.”</p>

</div>

<p>At this first audience there had been no mention of
the proposed removal of Jung Lu. Scarcely had Yüan left
the Jen Shou (Benevolent Old Age) Palace Hall, than the
Empress Dowager summoned him to her own apartments,
and closely questioned him as to what the Emperor had said.
“By all means let the army be reformed,” said the Old
Buddha; “the Decree is sensible enough, but His Majesty
is in too great a hurry, and I suspect him of cherishing some
deep design. You will await a further audience with him,
and then receive my instructions.”</p>

<p>The Empress then sent for the Emperor, and informed
him that he must have K’ang Yu-wei placed under arrest
for speaking disrespectfully of her private life and morals.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span>
She refrained from informing him that she knew of his
design to deprive her of power, and she was so far unaware
of the extent of the plot against herself and Jung Lu. She
reproached him, however, in general terms for his evident
and increasing lack of filial duty towards herself. The
Emperor meekly promised to comply with her wishes as to
K’ang Yu-wei’s arrest, but late that same evening, while the
Empress Dowager was entertaining herself at a water picnic
on the K’un Ming Lake, he despatched his confidential
eunuch, Sung Yu-lien, into Peking with the following
Decree, drafted in His Majesty’s own unformed and childish
handwriting:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“On a previous occasion we commanded the Secretary of
the Board of Works, K’ang Yu-wei, to take charge of the
Government Gazette Bureau at Shanghai. We learn with
astonishment that he has not yet left Peking. We are well
aware of the crisis through which the Empire is passing, and
have been anxious on this account to obtain the services of
men well versed in political economy, with whom to discuss
improved methods of government. We granted one audience
to K’ang Yu-wei (<i>sic</i>: as a matter of fact K’ang was received
by His Majesty on several occasions) because of his special
knowledge, and we appointed him to take charge of the
Government Gazette Bureau for the reason that newspapers
are one of the most important factors in national education
and progress. His duties are evidently of no light responsibility,
and funds having been specially raised for this enterprise,
we command him now to betake himself with all
despatch to Shanghai; he shall on no account procrastinate
any longer.”</p>

</div>

<p>K’ang Yu-wei received the Decree, realised its significance,
and left Peking by the first train next morning, arriving
safely at Tongku, where he boarded a coasting steamer for
Shanghai.<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> When the Empress heard of his departure she<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span>
was furious, and telegraphed to Jung Lu to arrest K’ang, but
for some unexplained reason (the instructions reached him
before K’ang could have arrived at Tientsin) Jung Lu took
no steps to do so. At this time he was unaware of the plot
against his life, or he would hardly have shown such magnanimity.
K’ang Yu-wei never gave him any credit for it
and has always denounced Jung Lu as second only in villainy
to the Empress Dowager, an arch enemy of reform and
reformers. As a matter of fact Jung Lu was one of the high
officials who originally recommended K’ang to the notice of
the Emperor, and till the day of his death he always alluded
to himself jocularly as one of the <i>K’ang T’ang</i>, or K’ang Yu-wei
party, to the great amusement of the Old Buddha,
who would jokingly ask him what news he had of his friend
K’ang, the traitor and rebel. That morning, the 2nd of
the Moon, audience was given to the reformer Lin Hsü and
to Yüan Shih-k’ai, who again assured the Emperor of his
complete devotion. His Majesty then left for the Forbidden
City, intending to carry out his plans against the Empress
from there rather than from the Summer Palace, where
nearly every eunuch was a spy in her service.</p>

<p>It is evident that, so far, the Emperor by no means
despaired of his chances of success, as two Decrees
were issued next morning, one ordering the teaching
of European languages in the public schools, and the
other requiring purer administration on the part of district
magistrates.</p>

<p>On the morning of the 5th, Yüan Shih-k’ai had a final
audience, before leaving for Tientsin. His Majesty received
him in the Palace of Heavenly Purity (Ch’ien Ch’ing Kung)
of the Forbidden City. Every precaution was taken to
prevent the conversation being overheard. Seated for the
last time on the great lacquered Dragon Throne, so soon to
be reoccupied by the Empress Dowager, in the gloomy
throne room which the morning light could scarcely
penetrate, His Majesty told Yüan Shih-k’ai the details of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span>
the commission with which he had decided to entrust him.
He was to put Jung Lu to death and then, returning immediately
to the capital with the troops under his command, to
seize and imprison the Empress Dowager. The Emperor
gave him a small arrow, the symbol of his authority to carry
out the Imperial orders, and bade him proceed with all
haste to Tientsin, there to arrest Jung Lu in his Yamên and
see to his instant decapitation. Kuang Hsü also handed
him a Decree whereby, upon completion of his mission,
he was appointed Viceroy of Chihli <i>ad interim</i>, and ordered
to Peking for further audience.</p>

<p>Yüan promised faithful obedience, and, without speaking
to anyone, left Peking by the first train. Meantime the
Old Buddha was due to come in from the I-ho Yüan to the
Winter Palace that morning at 8 o’clock, to perform
sacrifice at the altar to the God of Silkworms, and the
Emperor dutifully repaired to the Ying Hsiu Gate of the
Western Park, where the Lake Palace is situated, to
receive Her Majesty as she entered the precincts.</p>

<p>Yüan reached Tientsin before noon, and proceeded at
once to Jung Lu’s Yamên. He asked Jung Lu whether he
regarded him as a faithful blood brother. (The two men
had taken the oath of brotherhood several years before.)
“Of course I do,” replied the Viceroy. “You well may, for
the Emperor has sent me to kill you, and instead, I now
betray his scheme, because of my loyalty to the Empress
Dowager and of my affection for you.” Jung Lu,
apparently unaffected by the message, merely expressed
surprise that the Old Buddha could have been kept in
ignorance of all these things, and added that he would go
at once to the capital and see the Empress Dowager that
same evening. Yüan handed him the Emperor’s Decree,
and Jung Lu, travelling by special train, reached Peking
soon after 5 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span></p>

<p>He went directly to the Lake Palace, and entered the
Empress’s residence, boldly disregarding the strict etiquette<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span>
which forbids any provincial official from visiting the
capital without a special summons by Edict, and the still
stricter rules that guard the <i>entrée</i>, of the Palace. Un-ushered
he entered the Empress’s presence, and kowtowing
thrice, exclaimed, “Sanctuary, your Majesty!” “What
sanctuary do you require in the Forbidden precincts, where
no harm can come to you, and where you have no right to
be?” replied the Old Buddha. Jung Lu proceeded to lay
before her all the details of the plot. Grasping the situation
and rising immediately to its necessities with the courage
and masculine intelligence that enabled her to overcome all
obstacles, she directed him to send word secretly to the
leaders of the Conservative party, summoning them to
immediate audience in the Palace by the Lake. (The
Emperor was still in the Forbidden City.) In less than two
hours the whole of the Grand Council, several of the Manchu
princes and nobles (Prince Ch’ing, with his usual fine “flair”
for a crisis, had applied for sick leave and was therefore
absent) and the high officials of the Boards, including the
two Ministers whom the Emperor had cashiered (Hsü Ying-ku’ei
and Huai Ta Pu) were assembled in the presence of the
Empress. On their knees, the assembled officials besought
her to resume the reins of government and to save their
ancient Empire from the evils of a barbarian civilisation. It
was speedily arranged that the guards in the Forbidden City
should be replaced by men from Jung Lu’s own corps, and
that, in the meantime, he should return to his post in
Tientsin and await further orders. The conference broke
up at about midnight. The Emperor was due to enter the
Chung Ho Hall of the Palace at 5.30 the next morning to
peruse the litany drawn up by the Board of Rites, which he
was to recite next day at the autumnal sacrifice to the
Tutelary Deities. After leaving that hall, he was seized by
the guards and eunuchs, conveyed to the Palace on the small
island in the middle of the lake (the “Ocean Terrace”) and
informed that the Empress Dowager would visit him later.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span>
The following Decree was thereupon issued by the Empress
Dowager in the Emperor’s name:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The nation is now passing through a crisis, and wise
guidance is needed in all branches of the public service.
<span class="smcap">We</span> ourselves have laboured diligently, night and day, to
perform <span class="smcap">Our</span> innumerable duties, but in spite of all <span class="smcap">Our</span>
anxious energy and care <span class="smcap">We</span> are in constant fear lest delay
should be the undoing of the country. <span class="smcap">We</span> now respectfully
recall the fact that Her Imperial Majesty the Empress
Dowager has on two occasions since the beginning of the
reign of H. M. T’ung-Chih, performed the functions of
Regent, and that in her administrations of the Government
she displayed complete and admirable qualities of perfection
which enabled her successfully to cope with every difficulty
that arose. Recollecting the serious burden of the
responsibility <span class="smcap">We</span> owe to <span class="smcap">Our</span> ancestors and to the nation,
<span class="smcap">We</span> have repeatedly besought Her Majesty to condescend
once more to administer the Government. Now she has
graciously honoured <span class="smcap">Us</span> by granting <span class="smcap">Our</span> prayer, a blessing
indeed for all <span class="smcap">Our</span> subjects. From this day forth Her
Majesty will transact the business of Government in the
side hall of the Palace, and on the day after to-morrow <span class="smcap">We</span>
ourselves at the head of <span class="smcap">Our</span> Princes and Ministers shall
perform obeisance before Her in the Hall of Diligent
Government. The Yamêns concerned shall respectfully
make the arrangements necessary for this ceremonial. The
words of the Emperor.”</p>

</div>

<p>Another Decree followed close upon the above, cashiering
the Censor Sung Po-lu, on the ground of his generally evil
reputation and recommendation of bad characters (<i>i.e.</i>, the
reformer Liang Ch’i-ch’ao). The Empress had a special
grudge against this Censor because he had ventured to
impeach her morals in a recent memorial, but as he had
taken no part in the conspiracy against her person she spared
his life.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus13" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus13.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Circular Throne Hall
  in the Grounds of the Lake Palace looted by Allied Troops in 1900.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Betines, Peking.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus14" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus14.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Pavilion on Lake
  to the West of Forbidden City.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Betines, Peking.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi in due course proceeded to the “Ocean
Terrace,” accompanied only by Li Lien-ying, who had been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span>
ordered to replace the Emperor’s eunuchs by creatures of his
own. (Kuang Hsü’s former attendants were either put to
death or banished to the post roads.) A Manchu who heard
an account of the interview from Duke Kuei Hsiang, Tz’u
Hsi’s younger brother, is our authority for what occurred at
this dramatic meeting. The Empress Dowager bluntly
informed Kuang Hsü that she had decided to spare his life
and, for the present at any rate, to allow him to retain the
throne. He would, however, be kept henceforward under
strict surveillance, and every word of his would be reported
to her. As to his schemes of reform, which at first she had
encouraged, little dreaming to what depths of folly his
infatuate presumption would lead him, they would all be
repealed. How dared he forget what great benefits he owed
her, his elevation to the throne and her generosity in
allowing him to administer the government, he a poor
puppet, who had no right to be Emperor at all, and whom
she could unmake at will? There was not, she said, a single
Manchu in high place but wished his removal, and urged
her to resume the Regency. True, he had sympathisers
among the Chinese, traitors all; with them she would deal
in due course. Kuang Hsü’s secondary consort (the
Chen Fei or Pearl Concubine, the only one of his wives with
whom he seems to have been on affectionate terms) knelt
then before Tzŭ Hsi, imploring her to spare the Emperor
further reproaches. She actually dared to suggest that he
was, after all, the lawful Sovereign and that not even the
Empress Dowager could set aside the mandate of Heaven.
Tzŭ Hsi angrily dismissed her from the Presence, ordering
her to be confined in another part of the Palace, where she
remained until, in 1900, there came an opportunity in which
the vindictive Empress took summary revenge on the
presumptuous concubine.<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p>

<p>The Empress Consort, with whom Kuang Hsü was hardly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span>
on speaking terms, was commanded to remain with him.
She, as Tzŭ Hsi’s niece, could be trusted to spy upon the
Emperor and report all his doings. He was allowed to see
no one but her and the eunuchs in attendance, except in the
presence of the Empress Dowager.</p>

<p>To the end of his life Kuang Hsü blamed Yüan Shih-k’ai,
and him alone, for having betrayed him. To Yüan he owed
his humiliation, the end of all his cherished plans of government
and the twenty-three months of solitary confinement
which he had to endure on the “Ocean Terrace.” Almost
his last words, as he lay dying, were to bid his brothers
remember his long agony and promise to be revenged upon
the author of his undoing. Of Jung Lu he said that it was
but natural that he should consider first his duty to the
Empress Dowager and seek to warn her; and, after all, as
he had planned Jung Lu’s death, he could hardly expect
from him either devotion or loyalty. The Old Buddha’s
resentment was also natural; he had plotted against her and
failed. But Yüan Shih-k’ai had solemnly sworn loyalty and
obedience. The Emperor never willingly spoke to him
again, even when, as Viceroy of Chihli, Yüan came to the
height of his power.</p>

<p>To-day Yüan lives in retirement, and under the constant
shadow of fear; for the Emperor’s brother, the Regent, has
kept his promise. Such are the intricate humanities of the
inner circle around and about the Dragon Throne, the never-ending
problem of the human equation as a factor in the
destinies of peoples.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XV">XV<br>
<span class="smaller">TZŬ HSI RESUMES THE REGENCY (1898)</span></h2>

</div>

<p>Kuang Hsü’s reign was over; there remained to him only
the Imperial title. He had had his chance; in the enthusiasm
of youth and new ideas he had played a desperate game
against the powers of darkness in high places, and he had lost.
Once more, as after the death of T’ung-Chih, Tzŭ Hsi could
make a virtue of her satisfied ambitions. She had given her
nephew a free hand, she had retired from the field, leaving
him to steer the ship of State: if he had now steered it into
troublous and dangerous seas, if, by common consent, she
were again called to take the helm, this was the doing of
Heaven and no fault of hers. She could no more be blamed
for Kuang Hsü’s folly than for the vicious habits and premature
death of her son, which had brought her back to
power 23 years before. It was clear (and there were many
voices to reassure her of the fact) that the stars in their
courses were working for the continuance of her unfettered
authority, and that any trifling assistance which she might
have given them would not be too closely scrutinised.</p>

<p>Kuang Hsü’s reign was over; but his person (frail, melancholy
tenement) remained, and Tzŭ Hsi was never enamoured
of half measures or ambiguous positions. From the day
when the pitiful monarch entered his pavilion prison on the
“Ocean Terrace,” she began to make arrangements for his
“mounting the Dragon” and “visiting the Nine Springs”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span>
in the orthodox classical manner, and for providing the
Throne with another occupant whose youth, connections and
docility would enable her to hold the Regency indefinitely.
Nevertheless, because of the turbulent temper of the southern
provinces and possible manifestations of Europe’s curious
sympathy with the Emperor’s Utopian dreams, she realised
the necessity for proceeding with caution and decorum. It
was commonly reported throughout the city in the beginning
of October that the Emperor would die with the end of
the Chinese year.</p>

<p>Kuang Hsü was a prisoner in his Palace, doomed, as he
well knew; yet must he play the puppet Son of Heaven and
perform each season’s appointed posturings. On the 8th day
of the 8th Moon he appeared therefore, as ordered by his
attendants, and in the presence of his whole Court performed
the nine prostrations and other proper acts of obeisance
before Her Majesty Tzŭ Hsi, in recognition of his own nonentity
and her supreme authority. In the afternoon, escorted
by a strong detachment of Jung Lu’s troops, he went from
the Lake Palace to sacrifice at the Altar of the Moon. Thus,
pending the <i>coup-de-grâce</i>, the wretched Emperor went
through the empty ceremonies of State ritual; high priest,
that was himself to be the next victim, how bitter must
have been his thoughts as he was borne back with Imperial
pomp and circumstance to his lonely place of humiliation!</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi then settled down to her work of government,
returning to it with a zest by no means diminished by the
years spent in retreat. And first she must justify the policy
of reaction to herself, to her high officials, and the world at
large. She must get rid of offenders and surround herself
with men after her own heart.</p>

<p>A few days after the Autumn festival and the Emperor’s
melancholy excursion, Her Majesty proceeded to remind the
Imperial Clansmen that their position would not protect
them against the consequences of disloyalty; she was always
much exercised (remembering the Tsai Yüan conspiracy) at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span>
any sign of intriguing amongst her Manchu kinsmen. In
this case her warning took the form of a Decree in which she
sentenced the “Beileh” Tsai Ch’u<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> to perpetual confinement
in the “Empty Chamber” of the Clan Court. Tsai Ch’u
had had the audacity to sympathise with the Emperor’s
reform schemes; he had also had the bad luck to marry one
of Tzŭ Hsi’s nieces and to be upon the worst of terms
with her. When therefore he advised the Emperor, in the
beginning of the Hundred Days, to put a stop, once and for
all, to the Old Buddha’s interference in State affairs, the
“mean one of his inner chamber” did not fail to report the
fact to Her Majesty, and thus to enlist her sympathies and
activities, from the outset, on the side of the reactionaries.</p>

<p>At the time immediately following the <i>coup d’état</i>, public
opinion at the Capital was divided as to the merits of the
Emperor’s proposed reforms and the wisdom of their
suppression, but the political instincts of the tribute-fed
metropolis are, generally speaking, dormant, and what it
chiefly respects is the energetic display of power. So that,
on the whole, sympathy was with the Old Buddha. She
had, moreover, a Bismarckian way of guiding public opinion,
of directing undercurrents of information through the
eunuchs and tea-house gossip, in a manner calculated to
appeal to the instincts of the <i>literati</i> and the <i>bourgeois</i>; in
the present instance stress was laid on the Emperor’s lack
of filial piety, as proved by his plotting against his aged
and august aunt (a thing unpardonable in the eyes of the
orthodox Confucianist), and on the fact that he enjoyed the
sympathy and support of foreigners—an argument sufficient
to damn him in the eyes of even the most progressive
Chinese. It came, therefore, to be the generally accepted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span>
opinion that His Majesty had shown deplorable want of
judgment and self-control, and that the Empress Dowager
was fully justified in resuming control of the government.
This opinion even came to be accepted and expressed by
those Legations which had originally professed to see in
the Emperor’s reforms the dawn of a new era for China.
So elastic is diplomacy in following the line of the least
resistance, so adroit (in the absence of a policy of its own)
in accepting and condoning any <i>fait accompli</i>, that it was
not long before the official attitude of the Legations—including
the British—had come to deprecate the Emperor’s
unfortunate haste in introducing reforms, reforms which
every foreigner in China had urged for years, and
which, accepted in principle by the Empress since 1900,
have again been welcomed as proof of China’s impending
regeneration. In June 1898, the British Minister
had seen in the Emperor’s Reform Edicts proof that “the
Court had at last thoroughly recognised a real need for
radical reform.”<a id="FNanchor_58a" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> In October, when the Chief Reformer
(K’ang Yu-wei) had been saved from Tzŭ Hsi’s vengeance
by the British Consul-General at Shanghai and conveyed
by a British warship to the protection of a British Colony
(under the mistaken impression that England would actively
intervene in the cause of progress and on grounds of self-interest
if not of humanity), we find the tide of expediency
turned to recognition of the fact that “the Empress
Dowager and the Manchu party were seriously alarmed
for their own safety, and looked upon the Reform
movement as inimical to Manchu rule”!<a id="FNanchor_58b" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> And two months
later, influenced no doubt by the impending season of peace
and good will, the Marquess of Salisbury is seriously
informed by Sir Claude Macdonald that the wives of the
foreign Representatives, seven in all, had been received in
audience by the Empress Dowager on the anniversary of her
sixty-fourth birthday, and that Her Majesty “made a most<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span>
favourable impression, both by the personal interest she took
in all her guests and by her courteous amiability.”<a id="FNanchor_58c" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> On
which occasion the puppet Emperor was exhibited, to
comply with the formalities, and was made to shake hands
with all the ladies. And so the curtain was rung down,
and the Reform play ended, to the satisfaction of all (or
nearly all) concerned.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, the British Minister and others, disturbed
at the persistent rumours that “the Empress Dowager was
about to proceed to extreme steps in regard to the
Emperor,”<a id="FNanchor_58d" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> went so far as to warn the Chinese Government
against anything so disturbing to the European sense of
fitness and decency. Foreign countries, the Yamên was
told, would view with displeasure and alarm his sudden
demise. When the news of the British Minister’s intervention
became known in the tea-houses and recorded in
the Press, much indignation was expressed: this was a
purely domestic question, for which precedents existed in
plenty and in which foreigners’ advice was inadmissible.
The Emperor’s acceptance of new-fangled foreign ideas was
a crime in the eyes of the Manchus, but his enlistment
of foreign sympathy and support was hateful to Manchus
and Chinese alike.</p>

<p>Matters soon settled down, however, into the old well-worn
grooves, the people satisfied and even glad in the knowledge
that the Old Buddha was once more at the helm.
In the capital the news had been sedulously spread—in order
to prepare the way for the impending drama of expiation—that
Kuang Hsü had planned to murder Her Majesty, and
his present punishment was therefore regarded as mild
beyond his deserts.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> Scholars, composing essays appropriate
to the occasion, freely compared His Majesty to that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span>
Emperor of the Tang Dynasty (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 762) who had instigated
the murdering of the Empress Dowager of his day. Kuang
Hsü’s death was therefore freely predicted and its effects
discounted; there is no doubt that it would have caused
little or no comment in the north of China, however serious
its consequences might have been in the south. The public
mind having been duly prepared, the Empress Dowager, in
the name of the prospective victim, issued a Decree stating
that the Son of Heaven was seriously ill; no surprise or
apprehension was expressed, and the sending of competent
physicians from the provinces to attend His Majesty was
recognised as a necessary concession to formalities. “Ever
since the 4th Moon,” said this Decree (<i>i.e.</i>, since the
beginning of the hundred days of reform), “I have been
grievously ill; nor can I find any alleviation of my
sickness.” It was the <i>pro formâ</i> announcement of his
impending despatch, and as such it was received by the
Chinese people.</p>

<p>Amongst the doctors summoned to attend His Majesty
was Ch’en Lien-fang, for many years the most celebrated
physician in China. The following account of his experiences
at the capital and the nature of his duties, was supplied by
himself at the time, to one of the writers, for publication in
<i>The Times</i>.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“When the Edict was issued calling upon the provincial
Viceroys and Governors to send native doctors of distinction
to Peking to advise in regard to the Emperor’s illness,
Chen Lien-fang received orders from the Governor at
Soochow to leave for the north without delay. This in
itself, apart from the uncongenial and unremunerative
nature of the duty (of which Ch’en was well aware), was no
light undertaking for a man of delicate physique whose
age was over three score years and ten; but there was no
possibility of evading the task. He according left his large
practice in the charge of two confidential assistants, or
pupils, and, having received from the Governor a sum of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span>
6,000 taels for travelling expenses and remuneration in
advance, made his way to Peking and reported for duty to
the Grand Council. When he arrived there, he found three
other native physicians of considerable repute already in
attendance, summoned in obedience to the Imperial
commands. Dr. Déthève, of the French Legation, had
already paid his historical visit to the Emperor, and his
remarkable diagnosis of the Son of Heaven’s symptoms was
still affording amusement to the Legations. The aged
native physician spoke in undisguised contempt both of the
French doctor’s comments on the case and of his suggestions
for its treatment. His own description of the Emperor’s
malady was couched in language not unlike that which
writers of historical novels attribute to the physicians
of Europe in the Middle Ages; he spoke reverently of
influence and vapours at work in the august person of his
Sovereign, learnedly of heat-flushings and their occult
causes, and plainly of things which are more suited to
Chinese than to British readers. Nevertheless, his description
pointed clearly to disease of the respiratory organs—which
he said had existed for over twelve years—to general
debility, and to a feverish condition which he ascribed
to mental anxiety combined with physical weakness. Before
he left Peking (about the middle of November) the fever had
abated and the patient’s symptoms had decidedly improved;
the case was, however, in his opinion, of so serious a nature
that he decided to leave it, if possible, in the hands of his
younger <i>confrères</i>—an object which by dint of bribing
certain Court officials he eventually achieved. Asked if he
considered the Emperor’s condition critical, he replied
oracularly that if he lived to see the Chinese New Year his
strength would thereafter return gradually with the spring,
and the complete restoration of his health might be
expected.</p>

<p>“Some few days after his arrival in Peking, Ch’en was
summoned to audience by orders conveyed through a
member of the Grand Council; the Emperor and the
Dowager Empress were awaiting his visit in a hall on the
south side of the Palace. The consultation was curiously
indicative of the divinity which hedges about the ruler of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span>
Middle Kingdom; suggestive, too, of the solidity of that
conservatism which dictates the inner policy of China.
Ch’en entered the presence of his Sovereign on his knees,
crossing the apartment in that position, after the customary
kowtows. The Emperor and the Dowager Empress were
seated at opposite sides of a low table on the daïs, and faced
each other in that position during the greater part of the
interview. The Emperor appeared pale and listless, had a
troublesome irritation of the throat, and was evidently
feverish; the thin oval of his face, clearly defined features,
and aquiline nose gave him, in the physician’s eyes (to use
his own words), the appearance of a foreigner. The
Empress, who struck him as an extremely well-preserved
and intelligent-looking woman, seemed to be extremely
solicitous as to the patient’s health and careful for his
comfort. As it would have been a serious breach of
etiquette for the physician to ask any questions of His
Majesty, the Empress proceeded to describe his symptoms,
the invalid occasionally signifying confirmation of what was
said by a word or a nod. During this monologue, the
physician, following the customary procedure at Imperial
audiences, kept his gaze concentrated upon the floor until,
at the command of the Empress, and still kneeling, he was
permitted to place one hand upon the Emperor’s wrist.
There was no feeling of the pulse; simply contact with the
flat of the hand, first on one side of the wrist and then on
the other. This done, the Empress continued her narrative
of the patient’s sufferings; she described the state of his
tongue and the symptoms of ulceration in the mouth and
throat, but as it was not permissible for the doctor to
examine these, he was obliged to make the best of a
somewhat unprofessional description. As he wisely
observed, it is difficult to look at a patient’s tongue when
his exalted rank compels you to keep your eyes fixed
rigidly on the floor. The Empress having concluded her
remarks on the case, Ch’en was permitted to withdraw and
to present to the Grand Council his diagnosis, together with
advice as to future treatment, which was subsequently
communicated officially to the Throne. The gist of his
advice was to prescribe certain tonics of the orthodox native<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span>
type and to suggest the greatest possible amount of mental
and physical rest.”<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p>

</div>

<p>The aged physician’s oracular forecast was justified. The
Emperor lived to see the New Year and thereafter to regain
his strength, a result due in some degree to the Empress
Dowager’s genuine fear of foreign intervention, but chiefly
to her recognition of the strength of public opinion against
her in the south of China and of the expediency of
conciliating it. In the Kuang provinces there was no doubt
of the bitterly anti-Manchu feeling aroused by the execution
of the Cantonese reformers: these turbulent southerners
were fierce and loud in their denunciations of the Manchus
and all their works, and it would not have required much to
fan the flames of a new and serious rebellion. The south
was well aware, for news travels swiftly in China, that the
Emperor’s life was in danger and that the close of the year
was the time fixed for his death, and from all sides protests
and words of warning came pouring from the provinces to
the capital, addressed not only to the metropolitan boards
but to the Throne itself. Amongst these was a telegram
signed by a certain Prefect of Shanghai named Ching
Yüan-shan, who, in the name of “all the gentry, scholars,
merchants and public of Shanghai,” referred to the Edict
which announced the Emperor’s illness and implored the
Empress, the Clansmen and the Grand Council to permit
his sacred Majesty to resume the government “notwithstanding
his indisposition,” and to abandon all thoughts of
his abdication. He described the province of Kiangsu as
being in a state of suppressed ferment and frankly alluded
to the probability of foreigners intervening in the event of
the Emperor’s death. Tzŭ Hsi was much incensed with
this courageous official, not because he actually accused her
of premeditating murder, but because he dared threaten her
with its consequences. She gave orders that he be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span>
summarily cashiered, whereupon, fearing further manifestations
of her wrath, he fled to Macao. But his bold words
undoubtedly contributed to saving the Emperor’s life.</p>

<p>Of all the high provincial authorities, one only was found
brave and disinterested enough to speak on behalf of the
Emperor; this was Liu K’un-yi, the Viceroy of Nanking.
He was too big a man to be publicly rebuked at a time like
this and Tzŭ Hsi professed to admire his disinterested
courage; but she was highly incensed at his action, which
contrasted strongly with the astute opportunism of his
colleague, the scholarly magnate Chang Chih-tung, Viceroy
of Wuch’ang, who had been an ardent advocate of the
reformers so long as the wind blew fair in that quarter.
Only six months before he had recommended several
progressives (amongst them his own secretary, Yang Jui) to
the Emperor’s notice, and just before the storm burst he had
been summoned to Peking by Kuang Hsü to support
His Majesty’s policy as a member of the Grand Council.
No sooner had the Empress Dowager declared herself on
the side of the reactionaries, however, and the Emperor had
failed in his attempt to win over Yüan Shih-k’ai and his
troops, than Chang telegraphed to the Old Buddha warmly
approving her policy, and urging strong measures against
the reformers. The advice was superfluous; Tzŭ Hsi,
having put her hand to the plough, was not the woman to
remove it before her work was well done.</p>

<p>On the 11th day of the 8th Moon, she summoned Jung
Lu to the capital to assist her in stamping out the reform
movement. The Board of Punishments had just sent in a
memorial urging the appointment of an Imperial Commission
for the trial of K’ang Yu-wei’s colleagues. Tzŭ Hsi, in
reply, directed them to act in consultation with the Grand
Council and to cross-examine the prisoners “with the
utmost severity.” At the same time she ordered the
imprisonment in the Board’s gaol of Chang Yin-huan,<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span>
Emperor’s trusted adviser and friend who, she observed,
“bears an abominable reputation.” This Edict took
occasion to state that the Throne, anxious to temper justice
with mercy, would refrain from any general proscription or
campaign of revenge, “although fully aware that many
prominent scholars and officials had allowed themselves to
be corrupted by the reformers.”</p>

<p>The Empress’s next step, advised by Jung Lu, was to
issue a Decree, in the name of the Emperor, in which she
justified the policy of reaction and reassured the Conservative
party. The document is an excellent example of her
methods. While the Emperor is made to appear as
convinced of the error of his ways, all blame for the
“feelings of apprehension” created by the reform movement
is relegated to “our officials’ failure to give effect to our
orders in the proper way,” so that everybody’s “face” is
saved. The following abridged translation is of permanent
interest, for the same arguments are in use to-day and will
undoubtedly be required hereafter, when the Manchus come
to deal with the impending problems of Constitutional
Government:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The original object of the Throne in introducing
reforms in the administration of the government was to
increase the strength of our Empire and to ameliorate the
condition of our subjects. It was no sudden whim for
change, nor any contempt for tradition that actuated us;
surely our subjects must recognise that our action was fully<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span>
justifiable and indeed inevitable. Nevertheless, we cannot
shut our eyes to the fact that feelings of apprehension have
been aroused, entirely due to the failure of our officials
to give effect to our orders in the proper way, and that this
again has led to the dissemination of wild rumours and
wrong ideas amongst the ignorant masses of the people.
For instance, when we abolished six superfluous government
boards, we did so in the public interest, but the immediate
result has been that we have been plagued with Memorials
suggesting that we should destroy and reconstruct the
whole system of administration. It is evident that, unless
we explain our policy as a whole, great danger may arise
from the spread of such ideas, and to prevent any such
result we now command that the six metropolitan
departments which we previously abolished be re-established
exactly as before. Again, our original intention in
authorising the establishment of official newspapers, and
allowing all and sundry of our subjects to address us, was
to encourage the spread of knowledge and to improve our
own sources of intelligence. Unfortunately, however, the
right of addressing the Throne has been greatly abused,
and the suggestions which have reached us in this way
have not only been trivial and useless on many occasions,
but have recently shown a tendency towards revolutionary
propaganda. For this reason the right to memorialise the
Throne will in future be strictly reserved in accordance
with the established and ancient custom. As for official
newspapers, we have come to the conclusion that they
are quite useless for any purposes of the government, and
that they only lead to popular discontent; they are
therefore abolished from this day forth. The proper
training grounds for national industry and talent are
Colleges, and these are to go on as before, it being the
business of the local officials, acting upon public opinion
in their respective districts, to continue the improvement
of education on the lines laid down; but there is to be no
conversion of temples and shrines into schools, as was
previously ordered, because this might lead to strong
objection on the part of the people. Generally speaking,
there shall be no measures taken contrary to the established<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span>
order of things throughout the Empire. The times are
critical, and it behoves us, therefore, to follow in
government matters the happy mean and to avoid all
extreme measures and abuses. It is our duty, without
prejudice, to steer a middle course, and it is for you, our
officials, to aim at permanence and stability of administration
in every branch of the government.”</p>

</div>

<p>Jung Lu was now raised to membership of the Grand
Council, and given supreme command of the northern forces
and control of the Board of War; he thus became the
most powerful official in the Empire, holding a position for
which no precedent existed in the annals of the Manchu
Dynasty. He had once more proved loyal to the Empress
and faithful to the woman whom he had served since the
days of the flight to Jehol; and he had his reward. It was
natural, if not inevitable, that the part played by Jung Lu in
the crisis of the <i>coup d’état</i> should expose him to severe
criticism, especially abroad; but, from the Chinese official’s
point of view, his action in supporting the Empress Dowager
against her nephew, the Emperor, was nothing more than his
duty, and as a statesman he showed himself consistently
moderate, sensible, and reliable. The denunciations subsequently
poured upon him by the native and foreign Press
at the time of the Boxer rising were the result, partly of
the unrefuted falsehoods disseminated by K’ang Yu-wei and
his followers, and partly of the Legations’ prejudice (thence
arising) and lack of accurate information. As will hereafter
be shown, all his efforts were directed towards stemming
the tide of that fanatical outbreak and restraining his
Imperial mistress from acts of folly. Amidst the cowardice,
ignorance and cruelty of the Manchu Clansmen his foresight
and courage stand out steadily in welcome relief; the
only servant of the Throne during Tzŭ Hsi’s long rule who
approaches him in administrative ability and disinterested
patriotism is Tseng Kuo-fan (of whose career a brief account
has already been given). From this time forward until his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span>
death (1903) we find him ever at Tzŭ Hsi’s right hand, her
most trusted and efficient adviser; and her choice was well
made. As will be seen in a later chapter, there was a time
in 1900, when the Old Buddha, distraught by the tumult and
the shouting, misled by her own hopes, her superstitious
beliefs and the clamorous advice of her kinsfolk, allowed
Prince Tuan and his fellow fanatics to undermine for a little
while Jung Lu’s influence. Nevertheless (as will be seen by
the diary of Ching Shan) it was to him that she always
turned, in the last resort, for counsel and comfort; it was on
him that she leaned in the dark hour of final defeat,—and he
never failed her. She lived to realise that the advice which
he gave, and which she sometimes neglected, was invariably
sound. Amidst all the uncertainties of recent Chinese history
this much is certain, that the memory of Jung Lu deserves a
far higher place in the esteem of his countrymen and of
foreigners than it has hitherto received. Unaware himself of
many of the calumnies that had been circulated about him at
the time of the Court’s flight, he was greatly hurt, and his
sense of justice outraged, by the cold reception given him by
the Legations after the Court’s return to Peking. Thereafter,
until his death, he was wont to say to his intimate friends that
while he would never regret the stand he had taken against
the Boxers, he could not understand or forgive the hostility
and ingratitude shown him by foreigners. “It was not for
love towards them,” he observed, on one occasion recorded,
“that he had acted as he did, but only because of his devotion
to the Empress Dowager and the Manchu Dynasty; nevertheless,
since his action had coincided with the interests of
the foreigner, he was entitled to some credit for it.”</p>

<p>The Empress Dowager consulted long and earnestly with
Jung Lu as to the punishment to be inflicted upon the
reformers. He advocated strong measures of repression,
holding that the prestige of the Manchu Dynasty was
involved. The six prisoners were examined by the Board of
Punishments, and Jung Lu closely questioned them as to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span>
K’ang Yu-wei’s intentions in regard to the Empress
Dowager. Documents found in K’ang’s house had revealed
every detail of the plot, and upon the Grand Council
recommended the execution of all the prisoners. There
being no doubt that they had been guilty of high treason
against Her Majesty, it seemed clearly inadvisable to
prolong the trial, especially as there was undoubtedly a
risk of widening the breach between Manchus and Chinese
by any delay in the proceedings, at a time when party spirit
was running high on both sides. The Old Buddha
concurred in the decision of the Grand Council, desiring to
terminate the crisis as soon as possible; accordingly, on the
13th day of the Moon, the reformers were executed. They
met their death bravely, their execution outside the city
being witnessed by an immense crowd. It was reported
that amongst the papers of Yang Jui were found certain
highly compromising letters addressed to him by the
Emperor himself, in which the Empress Dowager was
bitterly denounced. There was also a Memorial by Yang
impeaching Her Majesty for gross immorality and illicit
relations with several persons in high positions, one of whom
was Jung Lu; this document had been annotated in red ink
by the Emperor himself. It quoted songs and ballads
current in the city of Canton, referring to Her Majesty’s
alleged vicious practices, and warned the Emperor that, if
the Manchu dynasty should come now to its end, the fault
would lie as much with Tzŭ Hsi and her evil deeds as was
the case when the Shang dynasty (of the 12th Century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>)
fell by reason of the Emperor Chou Hsin’s infatuation for
his concubine Ta Chi, whose orgies are recorded in history.
Yang Jui had compared the Empress Dowager’s life at the
Summer Palace with the enormities committed by this
infamous concubine in her palace by the “Lake of Wine”;
small wonder then, said Tzŭ Hsi’s advocates in defence of
drastic measures, that, having seen for herself, in the
Emperor’s own handwriting, that these treasonable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span>
utterances met with his favour and support, Her Majesty
was vindictively inclined and determined to put an end,
once and for all, to his relations with the Reform party.</p>

<p>The edict which ordered the execution of the Reform
leaders was drafted by the Empress Dowager herself with
the aid of Jung Lu, but with cynical irony it was issued in
the name of the Emperor. It was written in red ink as an
indication of its special importance, a formality usually
reserved for decrees given by the Sovereign under his
own hand. After laying stress upon the necessity for
introducing reforms in the country’s administration, and on
the anxiety felt by the Throne in regard to the increasing
difficulties of government, this Decree proceeded to state
that K’ang Yu-wei and his followers, taking advantage
of the necessities of the moment, had entered into a
rebellious conspiracy, aiming at the overthrow of the Throne
itself; fortunately, their treacherous intentions had been
disclosed, and the whole plot revealed. The Decree
continued as followed:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We are further informed that, greatly daring, these
traitors have organised a secret Society, the objects of which
are to overthrow the Manchu dynasty for the benefit of the
Chinese. Following the precepts of the Sages, We, the
Emperor, are in duty bound to propagate filial piety as
the foremost of all virtues, and have always done so, as our
subjects must be fully aware. But the writings of K’ang
Yu-wei were, in their tendency, depraved and immoral;
they contain nothing but abominable doctrines intended to
flout and destroy the doctrines of the Sages. Originally
impressed by his knowledge of contemporary politics, we
appointed him to be a Secretary of the Tsungli Yamên, and
subsequently gave him charge of the establishment of the
proposed official newspaper at Shanghai; but instead of
going to his post, he remained for the purposes of his evil
conspiracies at Peking. Had it not been that, by the
protecting influences of our ancestors, his plot was revealed,
appalling disasters must undoubtedly have followed. K’ang<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span>
himself, the moving spirit in this conspiracy, has fled from
justice, and we rely upon the proper authorities to see to it
that he be arrested, and that capital punishment be inflicted
upon him.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Decree then proceeded to award the death penalty to
K’ang Yu-wei’s colleague, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, a scholar of the
highest repute, who subsequently found a refuge in Japan,
and there edits a newspaper of high and well-deserved
reputation. Next in order of importance were the three
Secretaries of the Grand Council, who were awaiting the
result of their trial in the Board of Punishments. The Edict
added that any delay in their execution might, in the
opinion of the Grand Council, lead to a revolutionary
movement, and for this reason further formalities of justice
in regard to all six prisoners were dispensed with, and their
summary decapitation ordered.</p>

<p>After disposing of K’ang Yu-wei’s followers and accomplices,
the Decree once more emphasises the heinous guilt of
their leader:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Our dynasty,” it says, “rules in accordance with the teachings
of Confucius. Such treason as that of K’ang Yu-wei is
abhorred by gods and men alike. Surely the elemental
forces of nature must refuse to protect such a man,<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> surely
all humanity must unite in the extermination of such
noisome creatures. As to those of his followers who, for the
most part, were led away by his immoral doctrines, their
number is legion, and the Throne has taken note of their
names, but the Imperial clemency is all-abounding, and we
have decided to go no further with our enquiries into these
treasonable plottings. Let all concerned now take warning
by K’ang’s example. Let them conscientiously follow the
doctrines of the Sages, and turn their hearts to wisdom in
devotion to the Throne.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span></p>

<p>Despite the Throne’s “all abounding clemency” and Tzŭ
Hsi’s declared intention to take no steps beyond the execution
of the six reform leaders, her “divine wrath” continued
to be stirred up by the recollection of the personal attacks that
had been made against her. Following immediately upon
the Decree above quoted, came another whereby Chang
Yin-huan was sentenced to banishment to the New Dominion
on a vague charge of the usual classical type. His real
offence lay in that he had denounced the Empress Dowager
for extravagance, and she was the more embittered against
him because the British Minister had presumed to intervene
with a plea for his life.</p>

<p>In another Decree the proposed visit to Tientsin was
cancelled, at the earnest request of Jung Lu, who dreaded
the possibility of an attempt on the life of the Empress
Dowager. Her feminine curiosity had been stirred by the
prospect of a visit to the Treaty port and a change from the
seclusion of Peking, but she yielded to the advice of the
Commander-in-Chief. At the same time military reorganisation
was pressed forward with the greatest energy, and the
occasion was taken to bestow <i>largesse</i> on the Chihli troops.</p>

<p>Upon Jung Lu coming to Peking Yü Lu was appointed
to succeed him as Viceroy of Chihli. This bigoted official
enjoyed in a large measure the confidence of the Empress
Dowager. Unusually ignorant, even for a Manchu, and
totally devoid of ability, he was subsequently responsible for
the growth of the Boxer movement in and around Tientsin.
At this particular crisis, however, distrust of the Chinese was
rife, and the Old Buddha felt that the presence of a Manchu
Viceroy to control the Metropolitan Province was necessary
to prevent any organised movement by the revolutionaries.</p>

<p>There now remained unpunished in Peking only one high
official who had been in any way publicly associated with
the reformers, <i>i.e.</i>, Li Tuan-fen, President of the Board of
Ceremonies. After waiting a few days and finding that his
case was not referred to in any of the Edicts, he applied in a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span>
Memorial to the Throne that the offence which he had
committed (in recommending K’ang Yu-wei and other
reformers for government employment) should be suitably
punished. The Memorial is in itself a most interesting
document, as it throws light on several characteristic features
of the internal economy of the Chinese Government. The
writer, after admitting his guilt, and expressing astonishment
that it has not been brought home to him, placed on record
his gratitude for the clemency thus far exercised, and asked
that, as his conscience gave him no peace, Her Majesty
might be pleased to determine the penalty for his guilt, “to
serve as a warning to all officials who may be led to recommend
evil characters to the notice of the Throne.” Tzŭ
Hsi’s reply was equally interesting, and was issued, as usual,
in the name of the Emperor:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We have read the Memorial of Li Tuan-fen. This
official has enjoyed our special favour; nevertheless, it was
he who recommended to our notice that base traitor, K’ang
Yu-wei, and he repeated his recommendations at more than
one subsequent audience. His present action in admitting his
guilt after the conspiracy has been exposed indicates a certain
amount of low cunning on his part, which makes it quite
impossible for us to treat him with further leniency. He is
therefore to be cashiered forthwith and banished to the New
Dominion, where he will be kept under close observation by
the local authorities.”<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p>

</div>

<p>The whole episode and correspondence are strongly
suggestive of the sport of a cat with a mouse.</p>

<p>By this time the violent measures of the reactionary party
had aroused a storm of indignation in the South, where
societies were being organised in support of His Majesty
Kuang-Hsü. Newspapers published in the foreign settlements
at Shanghai repeated daily the wildest and bitterest denunciations
against Her Majesty and Jung Lu, the latter being<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span>
specially singled out for attack. The writers of these articles,
evidently inspired by the fugitive reform leaders, declared
that the movement in Peking was essentially anti-Chinese,
and that it would undoubtedly end in the appointment of
Manchus to all important posts in the Empire. On the other
hand, anti-foreign disturbances were fomented in several
provinces by those who believed that the Empress Dowager
would be gratified by these manifestations of public feeling.
This state of affairs was undoubtedly fraught with serious
danger, to which the attention of the Empress Dowager was
drawn in a very plain-spoken Memorial by a Censor and
Imperial Clansman named Hui Chang.</p>

<p>The memorialist congratulated the Throne upon the
energetic and successful suppression of K’ang Yu-wei’s
treason, an achievement which would redound for ever to
the fame of the Old Buddha. He then referred to the
position of affairs in South China as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Of late many rumours have been in circulation, due to
the fact that the criminals executed by order of the Throne
are all Chinese, and your Majesties are therefore accused of
desiring to promote the interests of Manchus at the expense
of your Chinese subjects. Although it should be well known
and recognised that our dynasty has never held the balance
unevenly between Manchus and Chinese, yet the followers of
K’ang Yu-wei are undoubtedly taking advantage of these
rumours, and the result threatens the State with danger.”</p>

</div>

<p>The writer, after referring to the general futility of Edicts,
then advised that special honours should be accorded to a few
selected Chinese of undoubted loyalty and orthodoxy, by
which means public opinion would be reassured. He justly
observed that, if those who had been guilty of high treason
had been made to suffer the penalty, those who had been
consistently loyal should be suitably rewarded. He advised
that all those who, during the past few months, had sent in
Memorials denouncing the reform movement and rebuking<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span>
the corrupt tendencies of the so-called new scholarship,
should be advanced in the public service. Finally, he made
the significant observation, that loyalty and patriotism when
displayed by Chinese subjects are of greater value to the
integrity of the Empire than these virtues when displayed by
Manchus, an indication of statecraft likely to appeal to the
acute intelligence of the Old Buddha. The Empress
Dowager’s reply, while ostensibly in the nature of a rebuke,
was marked by unusual evasiveness on the subject actually
at issue. She laid stress only on the strict impartiality of
the Throne’s decision, professing to be animated by feelings
of abstract justice, and to be free from all manner of prejudice,
whether against Manchus or Chinese. The Memorialist was,
however, shortly afterwards promoted, and as a proof of her
impartiality, the Empress Dowager proceeded, on the same
day, to dismiss half-a-dozen high officials, one of whom was
a Manchu; and on the ground that Jung Lu himself had
recommended one of the reformers for employment, she
ordered that he too be referred to the Board of Civil
Appointments for the determination of a suitable penalty.
This was merely “saving face.”</p>

<p>Stirred, as usual, to activity by anything in the nature of
criticism, Her Majesty now issued Decrees in rapid succession.
One of these declared the necessity for adequate
protection of foreigners in the interior and for the Legations
in Peking; another took the form of a homily to the
Provincial Authorities in regard to the selection of subordinate
officials. A third called for advice from the Provincial
Viceroys and Governors, but they were told, at the same
time, to avoid criticising on party grounds because “the
Throne was fully aware of the motives which usually inspire
such attacks.”</p>

<p>Subsequently, the Empress Dowager took occasion in a
homily on the whole art of government, to place on record a
defence of her policy as head of the Manchus in China.
The following extract from this Decree is worth quoting:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The test of good government has always been the
absence of rebellion; a State which takes adequate measures
for self-defence can never be in serious danger. By the
accumulated wisdom of six successive Sovereigns, our
dynasty has succeeded in establishing a system of government,
based on absolute justice and benevolence, which
approaches very nearly to perfection. It has been our
pleasure to grant immediate relief in times of flood and
famine. When rivers burst their banks, our first thought
has ever been the safety of our people. Never have we
resorted to conscription, or to the levying of <i>corvées</i>. We
have always excluded Chinese women from service as
subordinates in the Palace. Surely such evidences of
benevolent solicitude merit the hearty co-operation of all our
subjects, and entitle us to expect that all our people, high
and low, should peacefully pursue their business in life, so
that all men, even the humblest labourers, may enjoy the
blessings of peace. Is it any wonder then, that our soul is
vexed when abominable treachery and the preaching of
rebellion have been permitted to exist and to be spread
broad-cast; when high officials, lacking all proper principles,
have dared to recommend traitors to the Throne, in
furtherance of their own evil designs? When we think of
these things, our righteous indignation almost overwhelms
us; nevertheless, we have granted a general amnesty, and
will enquire no further into these base plottings.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Decree concluded with the usual exhortation to the
official class, and an appeal for the exercise of ideal virtue.</p>

<p>Her Majesty’s next step was to reinstate certain leading
reactionaries, whom the Emperor had recently dismissed,
notably Hsü Ying-kuei, who had denounced the reformer
Wang Chao. The Emperor’s party was now completely
broken up, and he was left without supporters or friends in
Peking. The Manchu Treasurer of Kansuh (Tseng Ho)
was the last high official to speak in favour of the reform
movement, or rather of one of its chief advocates, and, by
so doing, to bring down upon him the wrath of the Old<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span>
Buddha. The Memorial which brought about his summary
dismissal from office, never again to be re-employed, referred
in terms of regret to the disgrace of Weng T’ung-ho, the
Emperor’s tutor.</p>

<p>Her Majesty next turned her attention to the provinces,
and administered a severe rebuke to Liu K’un-yi, who, on
grounds of ill-health, had asked to be relieved of the
Nanking Viceroyalty. Her Majesty, reminding him in the
classical phraseology of the high favours showered upon him
by the Throne, directed him to abstain from frivolous
excuses and to continue in the performance of his duties,
exercising more diligence therein, and more care in his
selection of subordinate officials.</p>

<p>The audacity of Weng T’ung-ho continued to rankle
sorely in Her Majesty’s mind, and to allow him to continue
to live in honourable retirement in his native place without
loss of rank or other punishment was not in accordance
with her ideas of fitness; nor was it likely that Jung Lu,
who had always borne a grudge against the Imperial tutor,
would do anything to mitigate her wrath against him. In a
Decree, issued in the name of the Emperor, she once more
vented her spite on this aged and inoffensive scholar, in
a manner highly characteristic of her temperament. The
Edict is sufficiently interesting to justify the following
quotation:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“When Weng T’ung-ho acted as our Imperial tutor, his
method of instruction left much to be desired; he never
succeeded in explaining the inner meaning of classical or
historical subjects, but would spend his time endeavouring to
gain our favour and distract our attention by showing us
curios and pictures. He would endeavour also to ascertain
our views on current events and matters of policy by
discussing questions of general contemporary interest.
During the war with Japan, for instance, he would at one
time profess to advocate peace, and again he would be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span>
all for war, and finally he even advised us to flee from
our capital. He had a habit of exaggerating facts in order
to make them coincide with his own views, and the result of
the foolish and wrongful performance of his duties is now to
be seen in a situation almost irreparable. In the spring
of last year he was all in favour of reform, and secretly
recommended to us K’ang Yu-wei as a man whose ability, he
said, exceeded his own one hundred fold. We, being
anxious above all things to strengthen our Empire at a time
of national danger, reluctantly yielded to K’ang Yu-wei’s
advice in regard to reform. He, however, took advantage
of our complaisance to plot treason. For this Weng
T’ung-ho is primarily to blame, and his guilt is too great
to be overlooked. Besides this, he has incurred our
displeasure in several other ways; for instance, he would
allow himself to show annoyance if we disagreed with his
recommendations, and would even attempt to browbeat us.
At such times his language was most improper, and the
recollection of his bullying propensities remains in our mind
most unpleasantly. In a previous Decree we ordered him
to vacate his post and return to his native place, but for
his many offences this in itself is no adequate punishment.
We now order that he be cashiered, never again to be
re-employed, and that henceforth he be held under close
supervision of the local authorities and prohibited from
creating trouble, as a warning to all double-minded officials
for the future.”<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>

</div>

<p>Weng T’ung-ho lived in his family home (Chang Shu in
Kiangsu) until June, 1904, beloved and respected by all who
knew him. He was by no means a nonentity like most
of the aged officials near the Throne, but rather a person of
considerable force of character, and after his dismissal lived
always in the hope that he might yet return to serve the
Emperor and the cause of reform upon the death of the
Old Buddha. Meanwhile, he became a source of considerable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span>
trouble and anxiety to the District Magistrate
of his native place, as he made it his practice to call on that
official three times a month, and, in the guise of a suppliant,
to address him, thus, on his knees: “You have orders from
the Throne secretly to keep watch over my conduct, and I
therefore now attend, as in duty bound, to assist you in
carrying out these orders.” As the Magistrate could never
be certain that the once all-powerful Grand Secretary might
not return to power, his own position was evidently one of
considerable embarrassment, especially as the Weng family
was the most important of the whole neighbourhood.
In the intervals of baiting local officials, the Grand Secretary
spent his time in scholarly retirement, and a volume of the
letters written by him at this period has since been published;
they show the man in a most attractive light, as a scholar
and a poet; his light and easy style, combined with a
tendency to mysticism and philosophic speculation, has
always been highly appreciated by the <i>literati</i>. As his
fortune had not been taken from him, his old age was
probably happier in his native place than had it been
exposed to the intrigues and hard work of official life at the
Capital; and he died in the enjoyment of a reputation for
patriotism and intelligence which extended far beyond
his native province, and which, since his death, has greatly
increased.</p>

<p>The Empress Dowager, realising that the loyalty of the
<i>literati</i> had been greatly shaken by the Emperor’s abolition
of the old system of classical studies and public examinations,
proceeded to reverse His Majesty’s decision in a
Decree which thoroughly delighted the Conservative Party.
Scholars throughout the country praised it in unmeasured
terms, as a striking example of the Old Buddha’s acute
reasoning powers. To a certain extent it may be admitted
that the new system of examinations introduced by the
Emperor had led, at the outset, to abuses which were absent
under the old classical system, where the anonymity of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span>
candidates was a cardinal principle. Her Majesty dealt with
the question as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The ancient system whereby our Dynasty has selected
the scholars at public examinations by means of essays taken
from the Four Books, is based on the principle that the
foundation of all education lies in expounding the fundamental
doctrines of our national Sages and the Standard Commentaries
on the Confucian doctrine. For over two
centuries this system has worked most satisfactorily, and it
is only quite lately that certain meretricious tendencies have
sprung up in connection therewith, and that candidates at
these examinations have succeeded in obtaining degrees by
the use of parrot-like repetitions and empty catch-words.
The fault has been wrongly attributed to the system; it is
in reality due to incapable examiners, who have allowed these
abuses to creep in. Critics have failed to realise the truth
in this matter, and have allowed themselves to abuse the
system, going as far as to assert that the classical subjects
in themselves are of no practical value. They forget that
the classical essays set at these examinations are merely a
first stage, a test for entrance upon an official career, and
that, if the candidate is really a man of ability, the fact that
he has been made to compose verses in accordance with the
time-honoured methods of the T’ang and Sung dynasties will
never prevent him from making his way in the world. But
should he be a man in whom there exists already a tendency
towards rash and unorthodox principles, it may safely be said
that to set him essays on subjects of contemporary interest
for the purposes of this examination would only serve to
aggravate the evil and further to demoralise his nature. For
these reasons, therefore, I now definitely decree that, for the
future, the old system shall be restored, and that public
examinations shall henceforward consist of themes and
extracts from the Classics. A special examination for
students of political economy, lately authorised, has been
shown to be productive of evil, and is therefore abolished.
It is the wish of the Throne that these public examinations
shall be in reality a sound test of merit. Examiners and candidates
alike should avoid meretricious adornments of style,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span>
and endeavour to conform strictly to the classical models.
We desire, of course, that studies of a practical nature should
be continued, but these had best be conducted under the
guidance of local officials. It is certainly desirable that agriculture,
and the promotion of industrial and commercial
enterprises, should be placed on a more effective basis of
organisation, but owing to difficulties of inter-communication
and voluminous correspondence, it is inadvisable that these
matters should be centralised at Peking. Let Bureaux be
established at the various provincial capitals, and let a beginning
be made at Tientsin, as a test case and an example for
the rest of the Empire. The Peking Bureau is hereby
abolished.”</p>

</div>

<p><i>Souvent femme varie</i>, and the mind of Tzŭ Hsi never ran
consistently for long in the same groove. Anxious always
as to her popularity with all parties in the State, and
with a view to adjusting that nice equilibrium of conflicting
forces which constituted the pride of her statecraft and the
strength of her rule, we find her next issuing a Decree which
set forth the principles by which she professed to be guided.
This Decree reflects a certain amount of anxiety and a doubt
as to whether the punishment inflicted on the leading
reformers might not be severely criticised by the outside
world. Her Majesty therefore decrees:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“From times of remote antiquity it has always been
recognised that the perfect Government is that which is
based on consistent maintenance of the doctrines of the
Sages, but, in practice, the exigencies of any particular crisis
must always justify modification of these principles, so that
there can be no such thing as final and absolute adherence to
any particular principle or method. Recently there have
been introduced certain energetic measures of reform
intended to put an end to the many and increasing abuses
which admittedly exist all over the Empire; but certain
evil-disposed persons have made these reforms the excuse for
a revolutionary movement. These we have punished, so
that the flood of treason and rebellion has been stemmed.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span>
This does not mean, however, that we shall fail to initiate
and enforce all such measures, whether of a liberal or
conservative nature, as may be necessary in the interest and
for the welfare of our subjects. Was ever any man deterred
from eating for fear lest a mouthful should choke him?
There can surely be no real misapprehension in the public
mind in the face of all the Decrees which we have issued on
this subject, but we regret to note a marked lack of coherent
opinion on the subject amongst our official advisers, for,
at the time when these treasonable schemes were rife, we
received scarcely any Memorials alluding to this national
danger, and no suggestions for meeting it. It was only
when the plot had been discovered and suppressed that
certain attempts were made to acquire merit by those who
thought they had fathomed the motives which had actuated
our action. These misguided persons overlooked the
important fact that it is the public interest, and the
public interest only, which guides the policy of the Throne
in matters of administration. The path we pursue is that
of the just mean, diverging neither to right nor left. Once
more would we admonish you, our officials throughout
the Empire, bidding you purify your hearts and get rid,
once and for all, of these false distinctions between reaction
and reform. Let your Memorials consider only the needs of
each day and each case as they come, and cease to submit
haphazard schemes on the chance of their meeting with our
personal approval.”</p>

</div>

<p>Her Majesty next turned her attention to the necessities
and distressing condition of her people at large, and ordered
that measures should once more be taken to prevent the
constant destruction of life and property by the Yellow
River in Shantung Province. She was under no delusion as
to the nature of the measures taken in the part to remedy
“China’s Sorrow” which, from time immemorial has been
the happy hunting ground of peculating officialdom; nor
could she expect that her stereotyped exhortations to virtue
in this matter would afford her subjects any particular
gratification. Her Majesty alluded to the fact that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span>
“frequent repairs to the banks of the Yellow River had not
appeared to produce any permanent results,” but the remedy
which she applied, viz., a consultation between the Grand
Council and the various Ministries with the Censorate, was
not very reassuring. Nor was her subsequent decision to
send Li Hung-chang, to estimate on the spot the sum
required for the construction of effective river conservancy
works, calculated to convince the public of the sincerity of
her benevolent intentions.</p>

<p>As in the days immediately following her first assumption
of power after the overthrow of the Tsai Yüan conspiracy in
1861, the Empress Dowager at this period displayed
remarkable activity in every direction, as is shown by the
number of her Decrees at this period. After dealing with
the Yellow River, she turned her attention to another
permanent and crying evil, which for centuries has weighed
heavily upon the lower classes of the Chinese people, viz., the
interminable delay and heavy cost of legal proceedings and
the hardships thus inflicted on all who may be compelled to
seek justice at the hands of Chinese officials.</p>

<p>Her Majesty, in her Edict on the subject, showed a very
close knowledge of the abuses with which, indeed, all
Chinese are fully acquainted, but which official documents
usually ignore. It is no doubt largely to her frankness in
cases of this kind that the Old Buddha’s widespread reputation
for good nature and tender-heartedness may be ascribed.
Throughout the country, but especially in the north, it has
always been the opinion of the peasantry and of the
merchant class, that the Old Buddha was, if anything, too
tender-hearted, and that her extreme mildness of disposition,
though no doubt laudable, was on many occasions a source
of danger. To her untimely “benevolence” the populace in
Peking in 1900 undoubtedly ascribed the fact that the
foreigners and native Christians were not massacred <i>en masse</i>
before the arrival of the relief expedition. In this Decree
on the subject of lawsuits, Her Majesty states that she has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span>
recently learned that legal proceedings are frequently hung
up for several months at a time, and that innocent persons
have been detained in custody for indefinite periods pending
enquiry.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Every sort of extortion is apparently practised in these
courts, and their gaolers deliberately obstruct the hearing of
cases unless they are heavily bribed. But if one member of
a family is thrown into prison, it is evident that his whole
household must suffer. Who would willingly enter upon
legal proceedings, unless suffering from injustice too grievous
to be borne, when the myrmidons of the law are able thus
to ill-treat claimants? At the root of the whole evil lies the
fact that the magistrates wilfully delay their business, being
deaf to the needs of the people. From our hearts we pity
them, and we now decree that regulations shall at once be
drawn up for the expediting of outstanding cases. Any
delay in this matter will involve heavy penalties.”</p>

</div>

<p>Again, another Edict thus reflects the benevolence of the
“Divine Mother” and her desire to conciliate public
opinion:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“In the majority of recent cases of summary executions
in the provinces, the culprits have been guilty of robbery
under arms. However heinous the offences of such criminals,
they really deserve our sincere pity. The excuse generally
given for their folly is that they have been forced into crime
by starvation; under such conditions men are apt to forget
that their evil acts will bring upon them the death penalty.
These criminals are hardy men and resolute; if they could
only be turned from their evil ways to service in our Army
or to agriculture, they might become good citizens: how
preferable such a result to seeing them cast into prison and
finally dismembered? Apart from this consideration, the
crimes which they commit involve their parents and families,
a thought sufficient in itself to disturb their conscience for
ever. Here, in the remote seclusion of our Palace, we think
only of our people’s welfare, and we long for the time when
virtue may prevail and punishment become a thing of the
past. We therefore now implore you, our children, to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span>
remember how real is our sympathy in all your troubles;
strive then to be virtuous citizens, and cease from acts of
violence which only bring trouble and misery in their train.
Let this our Decree be made known to the most remote
districts of our Empire, so that all may be aware of our
solicitude and tender regard for our people.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Empress Dowager was much incensed at the sympathy
for the Emperor shown by foreigners both in China and
abroad, a sympathy which was reflected for a time in the
attitude of the British Minister and other members of the
Diplomatic Body at Peking. Adopting, however, that
policy of “conciliation pending a fitting opportunity for
hostilities,” which (as will be seen in another place) she had
learned from study of the classics, she invited the wives of
the foreign Ministers and other Legation ladies to an
audience in the Palace at the beginning of the winter, and
treated them with such courtesy and consideration that she
won their hearts in a day. That her friendliness was entirely
assumed, we have learned from her own statements, and there
is no doubt that, from this time forward, she came more and
more under the influence of the chief reactionary Kang Yi,
who, during the absence of Jung Lu on leave, was able to
persuade her that the first essential towards improving the
country’s military resources was the organisation of bands of
militia throughout the Empire. By missionaries who were
close observers of events in Shantung and other head-quarters
of this patriotic movement, it was soon realised that this
military activity was directed primarily against foreigners,
and owed its origin in the first instance to the Empress
Dowager’s approval of Kang Yi’s policy of violent reaction.</p>

<p>The following Decree, promulgated towards the close of
the year may, in a certain sense, be regarded as the beginning
and the charter of the Boxer Movement; it was
undoubtedly inspired by Kang Yi and his party.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“There has never been a time when the relations between
Sovereign and people could safely dispense with a good<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span>
understanding and certain general common objects. It is of
course for the local Magistrates to initiate measures in all
questions of local importance, but no successful national
policy can be maintained unless the gentry and the lower
classes co-operate with the Government. If we consider, for
example, the question of food-supply reserves, the organisation
of police, the drilling of militia or train-bands, and so
forth: they may seem very ordinary matters, but if they are
efficiently handled they may be made of the very greatest
value to the nation; for by making due provision against
famine, the people’s lives are protected, and similarly, by the
organisation of local police, protection is afforded against
bandits. As to the train-bands, they only require to undergo
regular training for a sufficient period to enable us to
attain to the position of a nation in arms. At any crisis in
our country’s affairs their services would then be available
and invaluable.</p>

<p>“We therefore decree that a beginning be now made in
the Provinces of Chihli, Mukden, and Shantung, where all
the local authorities must admonish the gentry and common
people, so that these measures may be carried out with the
utmost energy. Where any organisation already exists for
the purposes mentioned, it need only be remodelled, and
brought into line with the general system. Let steps be
taken first at the provincial capitals, and extended thence
throughout the Provinces. Eventually it is our intention
that the system adopted shall be enforced throughout the
Empire, on the basis of the new regulations adopted in these
three Provinces.”</p>

</div>

<p>The rest of the Decree consists of the usual exhortations
and warnings, and is of no particular interest. It is not
certain from this document that the Empress herself understood
clearly the forces that were about to be let loose in
these so-called military train-bands, and her subsequent
vacillation in regard to the Boxers would seem to afford
an indication, if not proof, that she acted impulsively and
without full knowledge, under the influence of Kang Yi. But
the question rapidly increased in importance, so that a few<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span>
days later we find Her Majesty issuing a second Decree,
which shows that the potential power of the train-bands as a
national force was gradually impressing itself upon her mind,
where, as we know, the hope of revenge on foreigners was ever
latent. In this second Decree occurs the following passage:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Recent events have caused me the greatest grief and
anxiety; by day and by night, in the seclusion of my Palace,
my thoughts dwell on these matters, and my one object is
now to secure the tranquillity and prosperity of my subjects
by the organisation of adequate military forces. My purposes,
set forth in numerous Decrees, regarding the organisation of
a strong army, the improvement of communications, and the
formation of train-bands and militia, aim all at strengthening
the Empire and promoting the contentment of my people.”</p>

</div>

<p>After reiterating the substance of former Decrees, Her
Majesty proceeds pathetically to complain “that they have
to a large extent been ignored, or merely transmitted by
one provincial authority to another, descending from the
Governor to the District Magistrate through the usual routine
channels, and eventually pigeon-holed as so much waste
paper.” She admits frankly that this method of treating
Imperial Decrees is quite usual, and that it has the sanction
of tradition, but she insists that the time has come for a
change, and therefore now directs that all her Decrees are in
future to be printed on special Imperial yellow paper, and
their contents made known throughout the length and
breadth of the Empire.</p>

<p>After further earnest exhortations to patriotism, and to
that keen sense of duty which alone can develop efficiency
in the public service, she directs that the local officials
should keep closer touch with the gentry and the elders of
the people, and that officers in command of military forces
are to explain clearly to the rank and file the objects
which Her Majesty has in view in deciding upon military
organisation.</p>

<p>The Decree concludes with the following words:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“If in times of peace my people are prepared to face all
possible dangers, and to put away from them selfish and
ignoble ease, they will find that, when the hour of trial
comes, their common resolution is in very truth a tower of
strength, which shall not fail to bring about its due reward.
By this means shall the foundations of our Empire be
strengthened, and its prestige increased, and thus shall my
purposes be fulfilled, for which I have issued to you this
solemn admonition.”</p>

</div>

<p>This Decree was followed by another, in the classical
manner, exhorting the troops to practise patriotism, which
calls for no especial notice, and certainly produced no more
conspicuous effect than her repeated warnings to the provincial
Mandarins and her appeals for more energy and intelligence
in the public service. Certain writers have pointed to the
numerous and plain-spoken Decrees issued by Tzŭ Hsi
at this period, as proof that her heart was really set upon
effectively reforming the country’s administration, but it
is always difficult for foreigners, and even for Chinese
outside the Palace, to form any concise idea as to the
inner meaning of these lucubrations, and how much of them
was, on any particular occasion, to be taken as something
outside of the traditional and stereotyped utterances of the
Throne. It is certain that she herself failed to exercise the
personal influence and example that would have convinced
the world of her sincerity, and that she did nothing to put
her house of the Forbidden City in order or to do away with
the manifest and notorious abuses at her Court.</p>

<p>The Old Buddha concluded this remarkable display of
literary and political activity by returning once more to the
grievance which rankled most deeply, viz., that the chief
conspirator against her sacred authority and person had
made good his escape. Professing to believe that the
heinousness of K’ang Yu wei’s crimes was not fully realised
by her people, she issued another Decree on the subject, in
December, as follows:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“T’an Chung-lin, Viceroy of Canton, has memorialised
stating that he has brought to light, by searches at K’ang
Yu-wei’s birthplace, a large quantity of documents, chiefly
correspondence between the members of K’ang’s party,
together with certain seals, made of stone; all of which he
has forwarded for our personal inspection. These letters
contain a mass of treasonable matter. In one place the
suggestion is actually made that T’an Ssu-t’ung (one of the
reformers executed) should be nominated as President of
the Chinese Republic! The writers ignore the present
Dynasty even in dating their correspondence, and use instead
a chronology which begins with the birth of Confucius;
one of them has actually had the unbounded audacity to
describe the present Dynasty as ‘perfectly useless.’
Abominable wickedness of this kind shows that these men
were something worse than ordinary rebels and parricides.
Their correspondence implicates an enormous number of
persons, but, as the Throne desires to show mercy and to
refrain from any further enquiry into this matter, the whole
correspondence has now been burnt by our orders.</p>

<p>“When first we stated in our Decrees the nature of the
treasonable conspiracy that K’ang Yu-wei had organised and
of his revolutionary programme, it was our object to nip
rebellion in the bud. But it would appear, from information
which has reached us, that certain misinformed people still
hold to the opinion and express it, that K’ang Yu-wei was
nothing worse than an over-zealous reformer. We mention
therefore this matter of the correspondence of these traitors,
as proving beyond possibility of doubt that K’ang Yu-wei
was indeed a base and unnatural malefactor, and we feel
convinced that our loyal subjects, from the highest to the
lowest, realising this truth, will now relegate his revolutionary
utterances to their proper position of insignificance.
Thus shall right principles triumph and the wrong be
wiped out.”</p>

</div>

<p>Thus was Tzŭ Hsi established in her pride of place and
thus were sown the seeds of that great upheaval which was
soon to shake the Empire to its foundations.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XVI">XVI<br>
<span class="smaller">THE GENESIS OF THE BOXER MOVEMENT</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The history of the Boxers has been so fully written, and
so many excellent accounts given of the origins and
contributing factors of the movement, that any further
reference to the matter may seem superfluous. Nevertheless,
the following extracts from a letter addressed by Jung Lu
to his friend Hsü Ying-kuei, the Viceroy of Fukien, may
throw some new light, not only on the causes of the growth
of the movement in Chihli but also on the character, private
opinions and political methods of the Empress Dowager’s
favourite and trusted adviser. It was written in the early
part of July 1900.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Boxers started in eighteen villages of the Kuan
district of Shantung and they were originally called the
‘Plum Blossom Fists.’ When Li Ping-heng was Governor
of the Province (1895) he did not forbid their proceedings,
but, on the contrary, proceeded to enrol them as Militia.
Last summer there were several conflicts between these
Boxers and the Imperial troops, but the Military commander
was cashiered by order of the Governor for his action and all
the Boxer prisoners were released. Their leader at this time
openly described himself as a descendant of the Ming
Emperors and the female branch of his society called ‘Red
Lamp Light’ was named after him. Last autumn, thus
encouraged, the movement spread into Chihli. The
magistrate at Chingchou put out a proclamation warning
the people not to believe in their so-called magic arts; he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span>
said these Boxers were only the ‘White Lily Sect’ under
another name. This magistrate was a good friend to the
French missionaries, and the Viceroy, hearing of the
incident, enquired into the matter and promptly had him
dismissed. This caused me great regret, for both Wang
Wen-shao and I had known the man well, when we held the
Chihli Viceroyalty, and respected him.</p>

<p>“At the end of the 9th Moon of last year there were
Boxers openly displaying huge banners in Chihli, on which
was written, ‘The Gods assist us to destroy all foreigners;
we invite you to join the patriotic Militia.’ At one place
a Buddhist abbot was the head of the Society and he led on
the mob, burning the Christian chapel there. Subsequently,
while they were burning converts’ houses at Liupa, the
magistrate came out and attacked them with his troops.
The soldiers opened fire and the Boxers retreated, but their
priest leaders were captured, and some thirty or forty were
shot dead. This ought to have demonstrated to the people
at large how nonsensical were the stories about the invulnerability
of these mountebanks: our soldiers dealt with them
as easily as if they had been trussing chickens! There were
charms and forms of incantation found on the persons of the
priests who, after an examination by the magistrate, were
summarily executed.</p>

<p>“The provincial treasurer, T’ing Yung,<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> was largely
responsible for the beginning of the trouble. I hear that
about ten days ago he sent for all his subordinates to attend
at his Yamên, and the Prefect of Hsüanhua,<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> who was
passing through, came to pay his respects with the others.
This man said, ‘in the reign of Chia Ch’ing there were
heterodox cults of this kind, and the Emperor ordered them
to be suppressed.’ T’ing Yung replied, ‘circumstances alter
cases. Why should you now refer to those days?’ The
Prefect answered him, ‘It is quite true that the calendar is no
longer the same as it was at that time, but the enlightened
principles laid down by our sacred ancestors should be a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span>
guidance to us for ever.’ T’ing had of course nothing to
say, and could only glare at him in silence and change the
conversation.</p>

<p>“When first I read Her Majesty’s decree of the 21st June
in which she orders us to form train-bands of these brave
Boxers, describing them as patriots of whom large numbers
are to be found, and should be enrolled, in every province, I
lay awake all the next night thinking over this matter.
Unable to sleep, more than once I sprang from my bed restless
and excited with mixed feelings of joy and fear. The
idea of enlisting these patriotic volunteers to repel the
aggression of the foreigner is undoubtedly a good one, and,
if carefully worked out and directed by firm discipline and
good leadership, it might no doubt be of the very highest
utility. But if otherwise handled, these men will inevitably
get out of hand, and the only result will be chaos and disaster.
You will, no doubt, agree with me, my old friend and
colleague, that the motive which inspires these Boxers is a
patriotic one. So great is the ill-feeling that exists between
the mass of our people and the converts to Christianity that
we have been unavoidably dragged to the very verge of
hostilities, and our Government has embarked upon a desperate
course ‘of inviting the enemy to meet us in battle
before the walls of our capital.’ It is as if we were treading
on naked swords without flinching; there can be no question
as to the enthusiasm and ardour in our cause.</p>

<p>“But, at the beginning of the movement, these Boxers
were afraid to come together in large numbers lest the
Imperial troops should attack and destroy them; from this
alone we may reasonably infer that they are not devoid of
the common instinct of fear. By themselves they cannot
be fully trusted, but it seems to me (though you may consider
the idea absurd) that one might profitably use them to
inspire, by their fanaticism, the martial ardour of our regular
troops. As a fighting force they are absolutely useless, but
their claims to supernatural arts and magic might possibly be
valuable for the purpose of disheartening the enemy. But it
would be quite wrong, not to say fatal, for us to attach any
real belief to their ridiculous claims, or to regard them as of
any real use in action. Even if there were any truth in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span>
these tales of magic they must necessarily be founded in
heresy, and you know full well that Chinese history records
numerous instances of such superstitious beliefs ending in
rebellions against the reigning Dynasty. You recently telegraphed
me advising me not to be unduly anxious, because
in your opinion the Boxers acquitted themselves exceedingly
well in the fights at Tientsin and Taku on the 20th June. I
am not so sure of this myself; in any case it is well to
bear in mind that there is a very great difference between
the fighting capacity and temperament of the natives of the
north and south of China.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> All the southern provinces are
teeming with secret and revolutionary societies, salt smugglers,
and other kinds of desperadoes; so much tinder, which any
spark may kindle into flames of disturbance at any moment.
These southern people are gamblers and disorderly characters
by profession, but they are certainly not animated by any
patriotic instinct, and if you were to enlist any large number
of them as a military force, it would be just like organising
bands of jackals and wolves to fight tigers. The result would
be that while none of the tigers would be destroyed, millions
of your own people, who may be likened to sheep, would
suffer miserably. On the other hand these northern Boxers
are not inspired by any lust of plunder, but by a species of
religious frenzy. Now, as you know, northerners are dull
and obstinate by nature, while the southerners are alert but
unreliable, so that it is difficult, if not impossible, to arrive
at any fixed policy or joint action in dealing with them
together. Was it not because of this characteristic of the
southerners that the Grand Council was so indignant in
1894, when, in fighting against the Japanese, our men feared
them worse than tigers, and, recognising their own hopeless
inferiority, threw down their weapons and would not face the
enemy?</p>

<p>“These Boxers are not trained troops, but they are ready
to fight, and to face death. It is indeed a very gratifying
surprise to see any of our people display courage, and to
witness their enthusiasm for paying off old scores against the
foreigner; but if, inspired by the sight of these brave fellows,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span>
we imagine for a moment that the whole Empire is going to
follow their example, and that we shall thus be enabled to
rid ourselves of the accursed presence of the foreigner, we are
very much mistaken, and the attempt is foredoomed. My
advice therefore to your Excellency, is not to hesitate
in disobeying the Edict which commanded you to raise these
train-bands. I do not hesitate to give you this advice and to
assure you that you run no risks in following it. You should,
of course, act with great discretion, but the main thing is to
prevent the Throne’s Decree becoming an excuse for the
banding together of disorderly characters. I write this
private letter under stress of much natural apprehension, and
you will therefore pray forgive the haste and confusion
of its contents, and I trust that you will favour me in due
course with your reply.</p>

<p class="center">(Signed)</p>

<p class="right">“<span class="smcap">Jung Lu.</span>”</p>

</div>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus15" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus15.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The “Beileh”
  Tsai Ying, Son of Prince Kung (Cashiered by Tzŭ Hsi for pro-Boxer
  Proclivities), and his Son.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XVII">XVII<br>
<span class="smaller">THE DIARY OF HIS EXCELLENCY CHING SHAN</span></h2>

</div>

<div class="smaller">

<p>[<span class="smcap">Note.</span>—Ching Shan, a Manchu of the Plain Yellow Banner Corps, was
born in 1823. In 1863 he became a Metropolitan Graduate and Hanlin
Compiler, especially distinguished as a scholar in Sung philosophy. In the
following year he was appointed a Junior Secretary of the Imperial Household
(Nei wu fu), rising to Senior Secretary in 1869 and Comptroller in
1879. His father, Kuang Shun, had held the post of Comptroller-General
under the Emperor Tao-Kuang, with whom he was for years on terms of
intimacy; he was a kinsman of the Empress Dowager’s family and in close
touch with all the leading Manchu nobles. Ching Shan had therefore
exceptional opportunities of knowing all the gossip of the Court, of learning
the opinions and watching the movements of the high officials, Chinese and
Manchu, who stood nearest to the Throne. After holding office in several
of the Metropolitan Boards, he retired in 1894. He was tutor to Prince
Tuan, Duke Tsai Lan, and other sons of Prince Tun (younger son of the
Emperor Tao-Kuang), and therefore intimately associated with the leaders
of the Boxer movement.</p>

<p>Seen even against the lurid background of the abomination of desolation
which overtook Peking in August 1900, Ching Shan’s fate was unusually
tragic. Above the storm and stress of battle and sudden death, of dangers
from Boxers, wild Kansuh soldiery and barbarian invaders, the old scholar’s
domestic griefs, the quarrels of his women folk, his son’s unfilial behaviour,
strike a more poignant note than any of his country’s fast pressing misfortunes.
And with good cause. On the 15th August, after the entry of
the allied forces into Peking and the flight of the Empress Dowager, his
wife, his senior concubine, and one of his daughters-in-law committed
suicide. He survived them but a few hours, meeting death at the hands of
his eldest son, En Ch’un, who pushed him down a well in his own courtyard.
This son was subsequently shot by British troops for harbouring armed
Boxers.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span></p>

<p>The Diary was found by the translator in the private study of Ching
Shan’s house on August 18th and saved, in the nick of time, from being
burnt by a party of Sikhs. Many of the entries, which cover the period
from January to August 1900, refer to trivial and uninteresting matters.
The following passages are selected chiefly because of the light they throw
on the part played by the Empress Dowager in that tragedy of midsummer
madness—on the strong hand and statecraft of the woman, and on the
unfathomable ignorance which characterises to-day the degenerate descendants
of Nurhachu. It should be explained that Ching Shan (景善),
who retired from office in 1894, must be distinguished from Ching Hsin
(敬信), who died about 1904. The latter was also a Manchu and a
favourite of Tzŭ Hsi, well known to foreigners at the capital. He held
various high posts, rose to be a Grand Secretary, and remained in Peking
after the flight of the Court, in charge of the Palace. It was he who
escorted the Diplomatic Body through the deserted halls of the Forbidden
City in September 1900. He was highly respected by all who knew him.</p>

<p>Ching Shan, though of similarly high rank, was personally quite unknown
to foreigners, but a short note on his career (and another on that of Ching
Hsin) will be found in the “List of the Higher Metropolitan and provincial
officials” periodically compiled by the Chinese Secretariat of the British
Legation; Edition of 1902, Kelly and Walsh, Shanghai.]</p>

</div>

<p><i>25th Year of Kuang Hsü, 12th Moon, 25th Day</i> (25th
January, 1900).—Duke Tsai Lan came to see me, his old
tutor, to-day. He has much to tell me concerning the
“Patriotic Harmony” train-bands (I Ho Tuan) which have
been raised in Shantung by Yü Hsien, the Governor. Later,
he described yesterday’s audience at the Palace; in addition
to the Grand Secretaries, the Presidents of Boards and the
Ministers of the Household, the “Sacred Mother” received
Prince Kung, his uncles Tsai Ying and Tsai Lien and
Prince Tuan. The Old Buddha announced her intention of
selecting a new Emperor. She said: “The nation has
shown resentment and reproached me for putting Kuang
Hsü on the Throne, he being of the wrong generation;
furthermore, he himself has shown great lack of filial duty to
me notwithstanding the debt of gratitude he owed me for
my kindness in thus elevating him. Has he not plotted
against me with traitors from the south? I now propose
therefore to depose him and to place a new Emperor on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span>
Throne, whose accession shall take place on the first day of
the New Year. It should be for you Ministers now to
consider what title should be given to Kuang Hsü upon his
abdication. There is a precedent for his removal from the
Throne in the case of the Emperor Ching T’ai of the Ming
Dynasty who was reduced to the rank of Prince and whose
brother was restored to the Throne after eight years of
captivity among the Mongols.” There was dead silence for
some time in the Hall of Audience. At last the Grand
Secretary Hsü T’ung suggested as appropriate the title of
“Hun-te-Kung,” which means, “The Duke of Confused
Virtue”—or well-meaning bungler:—it had been given by
the Mongol Dynasty to a deposed Sung Emperor. The
Old Buddha approved. She then declared to the assembly
that her choice of the new Emperor was already made; it
had fallen upon the eldest son of Prince Tuan, whose great
devotion to Her Majesty’s person was well known. Henceforward
Prince Tuan should be in constant attendance at the
Palace to supervise the education of his son. At this point
the Grand Secretary Sun Chia-nai<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> craved permission to
speak. He implored the Empress not to depose the
Emperor; of a certainty there would be rebellion in the
Southern provinces. The choice of a new Sovereign rested
with her, but it could only be done after “ten thousand years
had elapsed” (<i>i.e.</i>, after the death of the present Emperor).
The “Motherly Countenance” showed great wrath; turning
on Sun Chia-nai, she bade him remember that this was a
family council to which she only admitted Chinese as an act
of grace. She had already notified the Emperor of her
intention, and he had no objections to offer. The Empress
then ordered all present to repair to the Hall of Diligent
Government there to await her and the Emperor, and upon
their coming to witness the draft of the Decree appointing
the Heir Apparent. The formal announcement of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span>
accession to the throne would be postponed until the first day
of the New Year.</p>

<p>They proceeded therefore to the entrance of the appointed
Hall, and in a few minutes the Empress’s chair appeared at
the gateway, when all knelt and kowtowed three times. A
number of eunuchs accompanied her, but she bade them
remain without. She sent Major-domo Li Lien-ying to
request the Emperor’s presence; he came in his chair,
alighting at the outer gate and kowtowed to the Empress,
who had taken her seat on the main throne within. She
beckoned him to come to the Hall, and he knelt again, all
officials still kneeling outside. “<i>Chin lai, pu yung kuei
hsia</i>” (Come in, you need not kneel), called Her Majesty.
She bade him sit down, and summoned next the princes and
ministers—some thirty in all—to enter. Again the Old
Buddha repeated her reasons for the step she was taking.
The Emperor only said “What Your Majesty suggests
is quite proper and in accordance with my views.” At this
the Grand Secretary Jung Lu handed to the Empress the
Decree which the Grand Council had drafted.<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> She read
it through and forthwith ordered its promulgation. Nothing
was said to “The Lord of Ten Thousand Years” as to his
being deposed; only the selection of the Heir Apparent
was discussed. The Grand Council then remained for
further audience, but the Princes were ordered to withdraw,
so that Duke Lan does not know what passed thereafter.
The Emperor seemed dazed, as one in a dream.</p>

<p><i>30th Day</i> (30th January, 1900).—To-day Liu Shun shaved
my head; he leaves to-night for his home at Pao-ti-hsien
there to spend the new year. My eldest son, En Ch’u,
is pressing me to give him fifty taels to buy an ermine cloak;
he is a bad son and most undutiful. Chi Shou-ch’ing came
to see me to-day; he has moved to “Kuai Pang” Lane.
He tells me that his father-in-law, Yü Hsien, is to be made<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span>
Governor of Shansi. The Old Buddha has received him in
audience since his removal from the Governorship of
Shantung on account of the murder of a French<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>
missionary, and praised him for the honesty and justice
of his administration. She does not approve of the Big
Sword Society’s proposed extermination of foreigners,
because she does not believe they can do it; Yü Hsien goes
often to Prince Tuan’s palace, and they have many secret
interviews. Prince Tuan declares that if he were made
President of the Tsung-li Yamên he would make short
work of all difficulties with foreigners. He is a violent man
and lacking in refinement.</p>

<p><i>1st Day of 26th Year of Kuang Hsü</i> (31st January,
1900).—To-day I am 78 years of age and my children mock
me for being deaf. They are bad sons and will never rise so
high as their father has done. When I was their age,
between 20 and 30, the Emperor Tao-Kuang had already
praised my scholarship and presented me with a complimentary
scroll bearing a quotation from the writings of the
philosopher Chu.</p>

<p>This year will witness many strange events; the people
all say so. The eighth month is intercalary which, in a year
that has “Keng” for its cyclical character, has ever been an
evil omen. The New Emperor was to have been
proclaimed to-day under the title of “Heng-Ching”—all
pervading prosperity—but my son En Lin tells me that the
new year sacrifices were performed by the Ta-A-Ko (heir
apparent) at the Palace of Imperial Longevity, acting only
as Deputy for the Emperor Kuang Hsü. The Ta-A-Ko is a
boy of fourteen; very intelligent, but violent-tempered. He
walked on foot to the Palace Hall from the Coal Hill Gate.</p>

<p><i>5th Moon, 5th Day: The Dragon Festival</i> (1st June, 1900).<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>—Arose
at six o’clock and was washing my face in the small<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span>
inner room, when Huo Kuei, the gatekeeper, came in with
the card of Kang Yi, the Grand Secretary, and a present of
ten pounds of pork, with seasonable greetings. I was not
aware that he had already returned from his journey to Chu
Chou, whither he had gone with Chao Shu-ch’iao to examine
and report on the doings of the “patriotic train bands” (<i>i.e.</i>
Boxers). He sends word by the messenger that he will call
upon me this morning.</p>

<p>My sons En Ch’u and En Shun are going to-day to a
theatrical performance at Chi Shou-ch’eng’s residence. My
youngest son, En Ming, is on duty at the Summer Palace,
where, for the next four days, the Old Buddha will be
having theatricals. I am surprised that Kang Yi is not out
there also. No doubt he only returned to Peking last
night, and so does not resume his place on the Council till
to-morrow morning.</p>

<p><i>The Hour of the Monkey</i> (3 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>).—Kang Yi has been here
and I persuaded him to stay for the mid-day meal. He is a
worthy brother-in-law, and, though twenty years younger
than I am, as wise and discreet a man as any on the Grand
Council. He tells me that several hundred foreign devil
troops entered the City yesterday evening. He and Chao
Shu-ch’iao arrived at Peking at 4.30 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>, and immediately
set to composing their memorial to the Empress Dowager
about the heaven-sent Boxers, for presentation to-morrow
morning. Prince Tuan has five days’ leave of absence:
Kang Yi went to see him yesterday evening. While they
were discussing the situation, at the Prince’s own house,
there came a Captain of Prince Ch’ing’s bodyguard with a
message. Saluting Prince Tuan, he announced that about
300 foreign soldiers had left Tientsin in the afternoon
as reinforcement for the Legation Guards. Prince Ch’ing
implored Prince Tuan not to oppose their entry, on the
ground that a few hundred foreigners, more or less, could
make no difference. He trusted that Prince Tuan would
give orders to his Corps (the “Celestial Tigers” Force) not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span>
to oppose the foreign devils. It was the wish of the Old
Buddha that they should be permitted to guard the
Legations. Prince Tuan asked for further details, and the
Captain said that Prince Ch’ing had received a telegram
from the Governor-General of Chihli (Yü Lu) to the effect
that the detachment carried no guns. At this Prince Tuan
laughed scornfully and said “How can the few resist the
many? What indeed will a hundred puny hobgoblins,
more or less, matter?” Kang Yi, on the contrary, tells me
that he strongly urged Prince Tuan to issue orders to
Chung Li, the Commandant of the city, to oppose the entry
of the foreign troops, but it appears that Jung Lu had
already ordered their admission. Kang Yi is much incensed
with Jung Lu about this, and cannot understand his
motives. It seems that towards the close of last year
Prince Tuan and Jung Lu had agreed to depose the
Emperor and to put the Heir Apparent on the Throne, and
Tuan confesses that, were it not for Jung Lu’s great influence
with the Old Buddha she would never have agreed to select
his son as Heir Apparent. But now Jung Lu is for ever
denouncing the Boxers and warning the Empress against
encouraging and countenancing them. Prince Tuan and
Kang Yi despair of ever being able to induce her to support
the Boxers whole-heartedly so long as Jung Lu is against
them. As an example of her present attitude, Prince Tuan
told Kang Yi one day lately that his son, the Ta-a-ko, had
dressed himself up as a Boxer and was going through their
drill in the Summer Palace grounds with some eunuchs.
The Old Buddha saw him and promptly gave orders that
he be confined to his rooms. She also reprimanded the
Grand Secretary, Hsü Tung, for not keeping a better watch
on his pupil and for permitting such unseemly behaviour, as
she called it.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp95" id="illus16" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus16.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">H.M. The
  Empress Dowager and Ladies of her Court (1903).</span></p>
  <table class="caption">
    <tr>
     <td></td>
      <td class="center nw">Daughters of H. E. Yü Keng.</td>
      <td class="center">Wife of H. E. Yü Keng, ex-Minister to Paris.</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td class="center">Second wife of late Emperor.</td>
      <td class="center nw">H.M. Tzŭ Hsi.</td>
      <td class="center">Empress Consort of Kuang-Hsü, now Empress Dowager.</td>
    </tr>
  </table>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>After leaving Prince Tuan’s house, Kang Yi had gone out
of the city by the Ch’ien Men and had seen the foreign troops
pass in. The people muttered curses, he says, but no one<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span>
molested them. What does it matter? None of them will
ever leave the city. Kang Yi’s journey to Chu-chou has convinced
him that the whole province stands together as one
man; even boys in their teens are drilling. Not a doubt of
it; the foreigner will be wiped out this time! At Chu-chou
the Departmental Magistrate, a man named Kung, had
arrested several Boxer leaders, but Kang Yi and Chao Shu-ch’iao
ordered them to be released and made them go
through their mystic evolutions and drill. It was a wonderful
sight, scarcely to be believed; several of them were
shot, some more than once, yet rose uninjured from the
ground. This exhibition took place in the main courtyard
of the Magistrate’s Yamên, in the presence of an enormous
crowd, tight pressed, as compact as a wall. Chao Shu-ch’iao
remembers having seen many years ago, in his native province
of Shensi, a similar performance, and it is on record that
similar marvels were seen at the close of the Han Dynasty,
when Chang Chio headed the Yellow Turban insurrection
against the Government and took many great cities with half
a million of followers. They were said to be under the protection
of the Jade Emperor<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> and quite impervious to sword-thrusts.
Kang Yi and Chao Shu-Ch’iao will memorialise
the Empress to-morrow, giving the results of their journey
and begging her to recognise the “patriotic train-bands”
as a branch of the army. But they should be placed under
the supreme command of Prince Tuan and Kang Yi, as
Jung Lu, the Commander-in-Chief of the Northern army,
is so incredulous as to their efficacy against foreign troops.</p>

<p>Although Major Domo Li Lien-ying is a warm supporter
of the Boxers, and never wearies of describing their feats to
the Old Buddha, feats which he himself has witnessed, it is
by no means certain that the “kindly Mother” will heed
him so long as Jung Lu is opposed to any official encouragement
of the movement. And, besides, the nature of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span>
Empress is peace-loving; she has seen many springs and
autumns. I myself know well her refined and gentle tastes,
her love of painting, poetry, and the theatre. When in a
good mood she is the most amiable and tractable of women,
but at times her rage is awful to witness. My father was
Comptroller-General of the Imperial Household, and it was
his lot on one occasion to experience her anger. This was in
the sixth year of T’ung Chih (1868), when she learned that
the chief eunuch, “Hsiao An’rh,”<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> had been decapitated in
Shantung by the orders of the Co-Regent, the late “Empress
Dowager of the East.” She accused the Comptrollers of
the Household of being leagued together in treachery against
her, as they had not told her of what was going on she
declared that Prince Kung was plotting against her life, and
that all her attendants were associated in his treason. It
was years before she forgave him. All An’s fellow-eunuchs
were examined under torture by the Department responsible
for the management and discipline of the Household. When
the chief eunuch’s betrayer was discovered by this means, he
was flogged to death by her orders in the Palace. But
nowadays the Old Buddha’s heart has softened, even towards
foreigners, and she will not allow any of them to be done
away with. One word from her would be sufficient to bring
about their immediate and complete destruction, so that
neither dog nor fowl be left alive, and no trace be left of all
their foreign buildings. Kang Yi stayed with me about two
hours and left to go and see Prince Tuan, who was expecting
Major Domo Li Lien-ying to come into the city this
afternoon.</p>

<p>K’un Hsiu, Vice-President of the Board of Works, called
to see me. He tells me that Prince Ch’ing habitually
ridicules the Boxers in private conversation, declaring them
to be utterly useless, and unworthy of even a smile from a wise
man. In public, however, he is most cautious—last week<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span>
when the Old Buddha asked his opinion of them he replied
by vaguely referring to the possible value of train-bands for
protection of the Empire.</p>

<p>9 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>—My son En Ch’u has returned from Chi Shou-ch’eng’s
theatricals; everyone was talking, he says, of Jung
Lu’s folly in allowing the foreign troops to enter the city
yesterday. Chi’s father-in-law, Yü Hsien, has written to him
from Shansi saying that for the present there are but few
Boxers enrolled in that province, but he is doing his best to
further the movement, so that Shansi may unite with the
other provinces of the north “to destroy those who have
aroused the Emperor’s wrath.” By common report, Yüan
Shih-k’ai has now become a convert to Christianity: if he too
were to suppress the movement in Shantung, not death
itself could expiate his guilt.</p>

<p>En Chu’s wife is most undutiful; this evening she has had
a quarrel with my senior concubine, and the two women
almost came to blows. Women are indeed difficult to
manage; as Confucius has said, “Keep them at a distance,
they resent it; treat them familiarly, and they do not
respect you.” I am seventy-eight years of age and sore
troubled by my family; their misconduct is hard for an old
man to bear.</p>

<p><i>12th Day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 8th, 1900).—My son, En
Ming, came in this morning about midday; as Officer of the
Bodyguard he had been in attendance on the Empress coming
in from the Summer Palace. Jung Lu had been there
yesterday morning and had had a long audience with Her
Majesty. He gave her details of the burning of the railway
by the Boxers. She was seriously alarmed and decided to
return at once to the Winter Palace on the Southern Lake.
It seems she cannot make up her mind as to the Boxers’
invulnerability. Jung Lu has again applied for leave. When
he is absent from the Grand Council, Kang Yi and Ch’i Hsiu
have the greatest influence with her. En Ming says that
on the way to the city she kept urging the chair-bearers to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span>
hurry, and seemed out of sorts—nervously fanning herself all
the time. At the Ying Hsiu gate of the Winter Palace the
Emperor and the Heir Apparent were kneeling to receive
her. No sooner had she reached the Palace than she
summoned Prince Tuan to audience, which lasted a long
time. It is a pity that the Old Buddha will not decide
and act more promptly. The Emperor never speaks at
audience nowadays, although Her Majesty often asks him for
his opinion. Tung Fu-hsiang accompanied the Court into
Peking; he denounced Jung Lu at audience to-day, telling
the Empress that if only the Legations were attacked, he
would undertake to demolish them in five days; but that
Jung Lu, by failing to support the Boxers, was a traitor to
the Dynasty. The Empire, said he, would be endangered
unless the present opportunity were seized to wipe off old
scores against the foreigner. Tung is a coarse, foul-spoken
fellow, most violent in his manner towards us Manchus.
Kang Yi hates him, but for the present is only too willing to
make use of him.</p>

<p><i>14th day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 10th).—Grand Councillor
Ch’i Hsiu called to-day—he showed me the draft of a
Decree breaking off all relations with foreigners, which
he had prepared for the Empress’s signature; so far,
however, she has given no indication of agreeing to make
war against them. In the afternoon I went to Duke Lan’s
residence—to-day being his wife’s birthday. There are more
than a hundred Boxers living in his outer courtyard, most of
them country-folk, under the command of a Banner Captain
named Wen Shun. Among them are five or six lads of
thirteen or fourteen who will fall into a trance, foam at
the mouth, then rise up and grasp wildly at anything that
comes within their reach, uttering the while strange uncouth
noises. Duke Lan believes that by their magic arts they
will be able to guide him, when the time comes, to the
houses of Christian converts (<i>lit.</i> Secondary Devils). He
says that his wife goes often to the Palace and that she has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span>
told the Old Buddha of these things. The “Ta Kung Chu”
(Princess Imperial and adopted daughter of the Empress
Dowager) has over two hundred and fifty Boxers quartered
at the Palace outside the Hou Men, but she has not dared to
tell the Empress Dowager. Her brother, the “Prince”
Tsai Ying, is also learning this drill. Truly it is a splendid
society! The Kansuh braves are now entering the Chinese
city, and thousands of people are preparing to leave
Peking.</p>

<p><i>16th day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 12th).—Jung Lu attended
the Grand Council this morning. Prince Li, the Senior
Councillor, did not dare to tell the Empress that a foreign
devil<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> had been killed yesterday by the Kansuh braves just
outside the Yung-Ting Gate. Jung Lu was called to the
audience chamber after Prince Li had retired, and Kang Yi
believes that he urged her to order Tung Fu-hsiang to leave
the city with his troops and at the same time to issue an
Edict, bestowing posthumous honours on the murdered
foreigner. None of the other Grand Councillors were
summoned to audience; when Jung Lu left the presence, he
returned straightway to his own house and spake no word to
any of his colleagues. It is rumoured that more foreign
troops are coming to Peking, and that the Empress
Dowager will not permit them to enter the city. In this
Jung Lu agrees with her. He has advised that all foreigners
shall be allowed to leave Peking, but that it is contrary
to the law of nations to attack the accredited representatives
of foreign Powers.</p>

<p><i>18th Day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 14th).—Yesterday, just
before nightfall, En Ch’u came in to tell me that several
hundred Boxers had entered the Ha-Ta Gate. I was sorry
that my lameness prevented me from going out to see them,
but I sent Hao Ching-ting to report. Well indeed, is it,
that I have lived to see this day; almost every foreign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span>
building except the Legations had been burnt to the ground.
Throughout the night flames burst forth in every quarter of
the city; a grand sight! Kang Yi has sent me a message
to say that he and Duke Lan went to the Shun Chih
(S.W.) Gate at about the third watch to encourage and
direct the Boxers who were burning the French Church.
Hundreds of converts were burnt to death, men, women and
children, and so great was the stench of burning flesh that
Duke Lan and Kang Yi were compelled to hold their noses.
At dawn Kang Yi went to the Palace to attend the Grand
Council. Major Domo Li Lien-ying told him that the
Old Buddha had watched the conflagrations from the
hillock to the west of the Southern Lake, and had plainly
seen the destruction of the French Church at the Shun-Chih
Men. Li Lien-ying had told her that the foreigners
had first fired on the crowd inside the Ha-Ta Gate, and
that this had enraged the patriotic braves who had
retaliated by slaughtering the converts. It seems that Hsü
T’ung is unable to get out of his house because the foreign
devils have barricaded the street; the Old Buddha is
anxious about him and has commanded Prince Ch’ing to ask
the foreign Legations to let him pass out. She is amazed at
the Boxers’ courage, and Kang Yi believes that she is about
to give her consent to a general attack upon the Legations.
Nevertheless, Li Lien-ying has warned him that exaggerated
praise of the Boxers arouses her suspicions, and that, with the
exception of Jung Lu, all the Grand Councillors are afraid
to advise her. Her Majesty is moving into the Palace of
Peaceful Longevity in the Forbidden City, as all these
alarms and excursions disturb her sleep at the Lake Palace.</p>

<p><i>21st Day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 17th).—A great fire has
been raging all to-day in the southern city. Those reckless
Boxers set fire to a foreign medicine store in the Ta Sha-lan’rh,
and from this the flames spread rapidly, destroying
the shops of the wealthy goldsmiths and assayers. Rightly
says the Canon of History, “When fire rages on the Kun<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span>
Lun ridge, common pebble and precious jade will be
consumed together.” The Boxers themselves are worthy
men, but there are among them many evil doers whose only
desire is plunder; these men, wearing the Boxer uniform,
bring discredit upon the real “patriotic braves.” The outer
tower of the Ch’ien Men having caught fire, the Empress
ordered Jung Lu to send Banner troops on to the wall so as
to prevent any ruffians entering the Tartar City by the Ta
Ch’ing Gate.</p>

<p>In the afternoon my married niece came over to see her
aunt: she has been greatly alarmed by the uproar and fighting
near her home, so they are moving to her father-in-law’s
house in the northern city.</p>

<p>I hear that Prince Tuan has now persuaded the Old
Buddha to appoint him President of the Tsung Li Yamên;
also that she has authorised him to require all foreigners to
leave Peking, but they are to be protected against any attacks
by the Boxers. My old friend, Ch’i Hsiu, has been made a
Minister of the Tsung Li Yamên, also Na T’ung, the Sub-Chancellor
of the Grand Secretariat. The latter memorialised
lately advising the Throne to declare war before the foreign
Powers could send reinforcements; the Old Buddha has
placed him in the Tsung Li Yamên to assist Prince Tuan
and Chi Hsiu in arranging for the foreigners’ departure from
the city. Prince Ch’ing still says nothing for or against the
Boxers. Jung Lu has offered to escort the foreign Ministers
half-way to Tientsin, but he stipulates that the Viceroyalty
of Chihli must be taken from Yü Lu. My wife was taken
seriously ill this evening; she kept on muttering incoherently
and rolling about on the k’ang as if in great pain. We sent
for Dr. Yung, who applied acupuncture.</p>

<p><i>24th Day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 20th).—Yesterday, at
mid-day, Yü Lu’s memorial reached the Throne. He says
that the foreign devils have actually demanded the surrender
of the Taku forts, and he begs the Empress Dowager to
declare war on them forthwith, to make them atone for their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span>
insolence and treachery. A special meeting of the Grand
Council was immediately called. The Old Buddha was very
wroth, but said she would postpone her decision until to-day,
when all the Princes, Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the
Boards and Ministries, and the Lieutenant-Generals of
Banners, would meet in special audience. Prince Tuan,
Ch’i Hsiu and Na T’ung showed her a despatch from the
foreign Ministers couched in most insolent language
demanding her immediate abdication, the degradation of
the Heir Apparent, and the restoration of the Emperor.<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>
The Ministers also asked that the Emperor should allow
10,000 foreign troops to enter Peking to restore order.
Kang Yi came to tell me that never had he seen the Old
Buddha so angry, not even when she learned of K’ang Yu-wei’s
treason. “How dare they question my authority!”
she exclaimed. “If I can bear this, what must not be
borne? The insults of these foreigners pass all bounds.
Let us exterminate them before we eat our morning meal.”<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>

<p>The wrath of the Old Buddha is indeed beyond control;
neither Jung Lu, nor any other can stop her now. She has
told Jung Lu that if he wishes, he may still offer to escort
the foreign Ministers to Tientsin, but she will give no
guarantee for their safety on the journey because of their
monstrous suggestion that she should abdicate. She does
not absolutely desire their death, but says that the consideration
she showed them in allowing the Legation guards
to enter the city, and her solicitude in restraining the
Boxers, have been ill-requited. “It were better,” says she,
“to go down in one desperate encounter than to surrender
our just rights at the bidding of the foreigner.”</p>

<p>Though only a woman, Her Majesty Tzŭ Hsi has all the
courage of a man, and more than the ordinary man’s
intelligence.</p>

<p><i>24th Day of the 5th Moon</i>: <i>The Hour of the Cock</i>, 5-7 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span></span>
(20th June).—I have just returned from visiting my brother-in-law,
the Grand Secretary Kang Yi; he told me all about
this morning’s audience. At the hour of the Tiger
(3-5 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>) the Grand Council assembled in the Palace by
the Lake, and were received by the Old Buddha in the
Pavilion of the Ceremonial Phœnix. All were there,
Prince Li, Jung Lu, Kang Yi, Wang Wen-shao, Ch’i Hsiu,
and Chao Shu-ch’iao, but the Emperor was absent. This
was a special audience, preparatory to the general audience
of all the Princes and Ministers, and its object was to give
the Grand Council an opportunity of laying before Her
Majesty any new facts or opinions bearing upon the
situation.</p>

<p>With tears in his eyes, Jung Lu knelt before Her
Majesty; he confessed that the foreigners had only themselves
to blame if China declared war upon them, but he
urged her to bear in mind that an attack on the Legations,
as recommended by Prince Tuan and the rest of the
Council, might entail the ruin of the ancestral shrines of the
Dynasty, as well as the altars of the local and tutelary Gods.
What good purpose, he asked, would be served by the
besieging nay, even by the destruction, of this isolated handful
of Europeans? What lustre could it add to the Imperial
arms? Obviously, it must be waste of energy and misdirected
purpose.</p>

<p>The Old Buddha replied that if these were his views, he
had better persuade the foreigners to leave the city before
the attack began; she could no longer restrain the patriotic
movement, even if she wished. If therefore, he had no
better advice than this to offer, he might consider himself
excused from further attendance at the Council.</p>

<p>Jung Lu thereupon kowtowed thrice and left the audience
hall to return to his own house. Upon his departure, Ch’i
Hsiu drew from his boot the draft of the Decree which was
to declare war. Her Majesty read it and exclaimed,
“Admirable, admirable! These are exactly my views.”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span>
She asked each Grand Councillor in turn for his opinion, and
they declared unanimously in favour of hostilities. It was
now the hour appointed for the general audience and
Li-Lien-ying came in to conduct her Majesty to her own
apartments to take tea before proceeding to the “Hall of
Diligent Government.”</p>

<p>All the leading members of the Imperial Clan were
kneeling at the entrance to the Hall, awaiting their
Majesties’ arrival: the Princes Kung, Ch’un and Tuan; the
“Beilehs” Tsai Lien and Tsai Ying; Duke Lan and his
brother the “Beitzu” Ying; Prince Ch’ing and the five
Grand Councillors; the Princes Chuang, Su and Yi; the
Presidents, Chinese and Manchu, of the six Boards and the
nine Ministries; the Lieutenants-General of the twenty-four
Banner divisions; and the Comptrollers of the Imperial
Household. Their Majesties arrived together in chairs,
borne by four bearers. The Emperor alighted first, and
knelt as the “benign mother” left her palanquin and
entered the Hall, supported by the Chief Eunuch Li Lien-ying,
and by his immediate subordinate, T’sui Chin. The
Emperor was ghastly pale, and it was observed that he
trembled as he took his seat on the Lower Throne by the
Empress Dowager’s side.</p>

<p>The Old Buddha first called on all present to draw
near to the Throne; then, speaking with great vehemence,
she declared that it was impossible for her to brook these
latest indignities put upon her by the foreigners. Her
Imperial dignity could not suffer it. Until yesterday, until,
in fact, she had read the dispatch addressed to the Tsungli
Yamên by the Diplomatic Body, it had been her intention
to suppress the Boxers; but in the face of their insolent
proposal that she should hand over the reins of government
to the Emperor, who had already proved himself quite
unfitted to rule, she had been brought to the conclusion that
no peaceful solution of the situation was possible. The
insolence of the French Consul at Tientsin Tu Shih-lan (Du<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span>
Chaylard), in demanding the surrender of the Taku Forts
was bad enough, but not so grievous an affront as the
Ministers’ preposterous proposal to interfere with her personal
prerogatives as Sovereign. Her decision was now taken, her
mind resolved; not even Jung Lu, to whom she had always
looked for wise counsel, could turn her from this purpose.
Then, addressing more directly the Chinese present, she bade
them all to remember that the rule of her Manchu House
had conferred many and great benefits upon the nation for
the past two hundred and fifty years, and that the Throne
had always held the balance fairly in the benevolent consideration
for all its subjects, north and south alike. The
Dynasty had scrupulously followed the teachings of the
Sages in administering the government; taxation had been
lighter than under any previous rulers. Had not the people
been relieved, in time of their distress, by grants from the
Privy Purse? In her own reign, had not rebellions been suppressed
in such a manner as to earn the lasting gratitude of
the southern provinces? It was therefore now their duty to
rally to the support of the Throne, and to assist it in
putting an end, once and for all, to foreign aggression. It
had lasted too long. If only the nation were of one mind, it
could not be difficult to convince these barbarians that they
had mistaken the leniency of the past for weakness. That
leniency had been great; in accordance with the principle
which prescribes the showing of kindness to strangers from
afar, the Imperial House had ever shown them the greatest
consideration. The Emperor K’ang Hsi had even allowed
them liberty to propagate their religion, an act of mistaken
benevolence which had been an increasing cause of regret to
his successors. In matters of vital principle, she said, these
foreigners ignore the sacred doctrines of the Sages; in
matters of detail, they insult the customs and cherished
beliefs of the Chinese people. They have trusted in the
strength of their arms, but to-day China can rely upon
millions of her brave and patriotic volunteers. Are not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span>
even striplings taking up arms for the defence of their
country? She had always been of the opinion that the
allied armies had been permitted to escape too easily in the
tenth year of Hsien Feng (1860), and that only a united
effort was then necessary to have given China the victory.
To-day, at last, the opportunity for revenge had come.</p>

<p>Turning to the Emperor, she asked for his opinion. His
Majesty, after a long pause, and with evident hesitation,
urged her to follow Jung Lu’s advice, to refrain from
attacking the Legations, and to have the foreign Ministers
escorted in safety to the coast. But, he added, it must be
for her to decide. He could not dare to assume any
responsibility in the matter.</p>

<p>The junior Chinese Member of the Council, Chao
Shu-ch’iao then spoke. He begged the Old Buddha to
issue her orders for the immediate extermination of every
foreigner in the interior, so as to avoid the danger of
spies reporting on the nature and extent of the patriotic
movement. Her Majesty commanded the Grand Council to
consider this suggestion and to memorialise in due course for
an Edict.</p>

<p>After him, however, each in his turn, the Manchu
Li-shan, and the Chinese Hsü Ching-ch’eng and Yüan
Ch’ang implored the Empress not to declare war against the
whole world. China, they said, could not possibly escape
defeat, and, even if the Empire should not be partitioned,
there must arise great danger of rebellion and anarchy from
within. Yüan Ch’ang even went so far as to say that he had
served as a Minister of the Tsungli Yamên for two years
and that he had found foreigners to be generally reasonable
and just in their dealings. He did not believe in the
authenticity of the despatch demanding the Empress’s
abdication, which Prince Tuan professed to have received
from the Diplomatic Body; in his opinion, it was impossible
that the Ministers should have dared to suggest any such
interference with China’s internal affairs.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span></p>

<p>At this Prince Tuan arose and angrily asked the
Empress whether she proposed to listen to the words of
a Chinese traitor? Her Majesty rebuked him for his loud
and violent manner of speaking, but ordered Yüan Ch’ang
to leave the Audience Hall. No one else dared to say
anything.</p>

<p>She then ordered the promulgation of the Decree, for
immediate communication to all parts of the Empire; at the
same time announcing her intention of sacrificing at the
ancestral shrines before the commencement of hostilities.
Prince Chuang and Duke Lan were appointed joint
Commanders-in-Chief of the Boxers, but Tzŭ Hsi gave them
clearly to understand that if the foreign Ministers would
agree to take their departure from Peking this afternoon
Jung Lu was to do his best to protect them as far as
Tientsin. Finally, the Empress ordered the Grand Council
to report themselves at mid-day for further orders. All
were then permitted to retire with the exception of Prince
Tuan and Duke Lan; these remained in special audience
for some time longer. Hsü T’ung was present at the
general audience, having made good his escape from the
Legation quarter, and was congratulated by Her Majesty on
his safety.</p>

<p>They say that Duke Lan told the Empress of a vision in
which, the night before, he had seen Yü Huang, the Jade
Emperor. To him, and to his company of Boxers while
drilling, the god had appeared, and had expressed his
satisfaction with them and their patriotic movement. The
Old Buddha observed that the Jade Emperor had appeared
in the same manner at the beginning of the reign of the
Empress Wu of the T’ang Dynasty (the most famous woman
ruler in Chinese history); the omen, she thought, showed
clearly that the gods are on the side of China and against
the barbarians.</p>

<p>When, at the hour of the Sheep (1 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>) Kang Yi returned
to the Palace, he found Prince Ch’ing in the anteroom of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span>
the Grand Council, greatly excited. It seems that En Hai,<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>
a Manchu sergeant, had just come to his residence and
reported that he had shot and killed two foreigners whom he
had met, riding in sedan chairs that morning, just opposite
the Tsungpu Street. As orders had been issued by Prince
Tuan and Ch’i Hsiu to the troops that all foreigners were
to be shot wherever met, and as one of these two was the
German Minister, he hoped that Prince Ch’ing would
recommend him for special promotion. Prince Tuan had
already heard the news and was greatly pleased. Prince
Ch’ing and Kang Yi discussed the matter and decided to
inform the Empress Dowager at once. Kang Yi did not
think that the death of one foreign devil, more or less, could
matter much, especially now that it had been decided to
wipe out the Legations entirely, but Prince Ch’ing thought
differently and reiterated his opinion that the killing of an
accredited Envoy is a serious matter. Until now, only
missionaries and their converts had been put to death, but
the murder of a Minister could not fail to arouse fierce
indignation, even as it did in the case of the British
negotiator<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> who was captured by our troops in the 10th year
of Hsien-Feng (1860).</p>

<p>The Grand Council then entered the presence. Prince Li,
as the senior member of the Council, told the Old Buddha
the news, but added that the foreigners had brought it on
themselves because they had first fired on the people.
Upon hearing this Her Majesty ordered Jung Lu to be
summoned in haste, but Kang Yi, being extremely busy
with his work of providing supplies for the Boxers, did not
await his arrival.</p>

<p>Now, even as I write, they tell me that bullets are
whizzing and whistling overhead; but I am too deaf to hear
them. En Ch’u says that already the Kansuh braves have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span>
begun the attack upon the Legations and that Jung Lu’s
endeavours to have the foreigners escorted to a place of
safety have completely failed.</p>

<p>Liu Shun has just come in and asked for leave to go home
for a week. People are leaving the city in all directions and
in great numbers.</p>

<p><i>24th Day of the 5th Moon</i>: <i>the Hour of the Dog</i>, 7-9 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>
(June 20th, 1900).—En Ming has just come in to inform me
that a foreign devil<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> has been captured by Tung Fu-hsiang’s
troops. They were taking him, wounded, to Prince Chuang’s
Palace, prodding at him with their bayonets; and he was
babbling in his foreign tongue. He will be decapitated, and
his captors will receive good rewards (Prince Ch’ing has
just been given command of the gendarmerie). “The rut
in which the cart was overturned is just ahead.” Let this
be a warning to those puny barbarian ruffians, the soldiery
encamped at the very gates of the Palace. (<i>This alludes to
the proximity of the Legations to the Palace enclosure.</i>)
Jung Lu was all ready to escort the foreigners to Tientsin;
he had with him over 2,000 Manchu troops. Doubtless he
means well, but the Old Buddha now says that she will not
prevent the Kansuh braves from destroying the Legations.
If the foreigners choose to leave with Jung Lu, let them do
so, and they will not be attacked; but if they insist upon
remaining, then their punishment be upon their own heads,
and “let them not say they were not forewarned.”</p>

<p>Duke Lan sent over to invite me to breakfast with him
to-morrow; he is sore pressed with business cares just now;
nevertheless, he and his brothers always treat their old
teacher with politeness and respect. Though bellicose by
nature, he is singularly gentle and refined. Chi Pin<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> sent
over to ask whether we would like to move to his house in
the north of the city, because the noise of the firing is very<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span>
great in our quarter, but I am so deaf that I hear not a sound
of it all.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p>

<p>Chi Pin is writing to his father-in-law, Yü Hsien, about
the audience in the Palace.</p>

<p>Duke Lan writes to tell me that this evening ⸺
informed Prince Tuan and Chi Hsiu that, by the orders of
that rascally Chinaman, Yüan Ch’ang, the corpse of the
foreign devil had been coffined. ⸺ wanted Prince
Tuan to have the corpse decapitated and the head exhibited
over the Tung An Gate. Yüan Ch’ang defends his action,
saying that he knew the German Minister personally at the
Tsung Li Yamên, and he cannot bear the idea of leaving his
body uncoffined. Mencius says, “It is common to all men
to feel pity. No one can see a child fall into a well without
a shudder of commiseration and horror.” But these Chinese
traitors of ours are compassionate to the enemies of our
glorious Kingdom, and the foes of our ancient race. It is
passing strange!</p>

<p><i>25th Day of the 5th Moon: the Hour of the Monkey</i>, 3-5 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>
(June 21st).—My chair-bearers have fled from the city, so
to-day I had to use my cart to go to Duke Lan’s residence.
Prince Tuan and the Grand Secretary, Kang Yi, were there;
also Chung Li, lately Commandant of the gendarmerie, and
the “Beileh” Tsai Lien. Prince Tuan had seen the Old
Buddha this morning; their Majesties have moved from the
Palace by the lake into the Forbidden City. As the Empress
Dowager was crossing the road which runs between the Gate
of the Hsi Yüan (Western Park) and the Hsi Hua Gate of
the Forbidden City she saw that a number of Boxers had
lined up on each side of the street as a Guard of Honour for
the “Sacred Chariot.” She presented them with 2,000 taels,
congratulating their commander, Prince Chuang, on their
stalwart appearance. Said the Old Buddha to Prince Tuan,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span>
“The foreigners are like fish in the stew-pan. For forty
years have I lain on brushwood and eaten bitterness because
of them, nursing my revenge like Prince Kou Chien of the
Yüeh State (5th Century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>). Never have I treated the
foreigners otherwise than generously; have I not invited
their womenfolk to visit the Lake Palace? But now, if
only the country will stand together, their defeat is
certain.”</p>

<p>I think Prince Tuan hopes that the Old Buddha will now
have the Ta-A-Ko proclaimed Emperor; but unfortunately
the Nanking Viceroy, Liu K’un-yi, has much influence over
her in this matter. When he was in Peking this spring, in
the second moon, he solemnly warned her against the Boxers
and ventured even to remonstrate at the Ta-A-Ko being
made Heir Apparent. Were it not for Liu K’un Yi, he
would have been Emperor long since; therefore Prince Tuan
has a very bitter hatred against him. Liu told the Old
Buddha at his second audience that if H.M. Kuang Hsü
were deposed, the people of his province would assuredly
rise in rebellion. What concern is it of theirs who reigns
in the Capital? His present Majesty’s reign has brought
many misfortunes to the nation; it is high time that it
came to an end. Why does not Prince Tuan enter the
Palace and proclaim his son Emperor? Tung Fu-hsiang’s
Kansuh braves and the Prince’s own Manchu soldiery would
surely rally round him. But if Jung Lu opposed them the
Old Buddha would side with him. His wife<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> is for ever in
the Palace.</p>

<p><i>26th Day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 22nd).—I went this
morning to Prince Li’s palace in the western quarter of the
city. I had to go in my small cart, because my chair-bearers
have either run away to their homes in the country<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span>
or had joined the Boxers. My two sons, En Ch’u and
En Ming, have been making arrangements to quarter one
hundred Boxers in our outer courtyard, and it seems that
we shall have to supply them with food. Although it
cannot be denied that everyone should join in this noble
work of exterminating the barbarians, I grudge, nevertheless,
spending money in these hard times even for the Boxers, for
rice is now become as dear as pearls, and firewood more
precious than cassia buds. It may be that, in my old age, I
am becoming like that Hsiao Lung, brother to the founder
of the Liang Dynasty, who was so miserly that he stored up
his money in heaps. On every heap of a million cash he
would place a yellow label, while a purple label marked each
hoard of ten millions. It is recorded of him, that his
relatives abused him for this habit; as for me, my sons
would like to get at my money, but they cannot.</p>

<p>I find Prince Li much depressed in his mind; his treasure
vaults contain vast wealth; as senior member of the Grand
Council, moreover, he feels a weight of responsibility that is
too much for him. His abilities are certainly small, and
I have never yet understood why the Old Buddha appointed
him to succeed Prince Kung as senior Councillor. He tells
me of a stormy meeting at the Grand Council this morning;
it seems that Her Majesty is greatly annoyed with Liu
K’un-yi for sending in a telegram strongly denouncing
the Boxers. He has also telegraphed privately to Jung Lu,
imploring him to check their rebellion, but no one knows
what answer Jung Lu has made.</p>

<p>In his telegram to the Empress Dowager, which came
forward by express couriers from Pao-ting-fu, the Viceroy
declares that he would be more than ready to march north
with all his troops if it were to repel a foreign invasion,
but he firmly declines to lend his forces for the purpose
of massacring a few helpless foreigners. Commenting on
this, the Empress Dowager quoted the words of the Classic
Historical Commentary (Tso Chüan): “The upper and lower<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span>
jaws mutually assist each other; if the lips shrivel, then
must the teeth catch cold.” Thereby she meant to imply
that even such, in its close interdependence, is the relation
between the northern and southern parts of our Empire, and
no one should know this better than Liu K’un-yi, after his
experiences at the time of the Taiping Rebellion.</p>

<p>The Old Buddha has directed Prince Chuang, as head of
the city gendarmerie, to issue a proclamation offering
Tls. 50 for every head of a male barbarian brought in,
Tls. 40 for that of a woman, and Tls. 30 for that of a
child.</p>

<p>While I was still talking with Prince Li, Jung Lu came
over in his sedan chair to visit his kinsman. He looks very
tired, and walks with a limp. He was loud in denouncing
the Boxers, who, he says, are quite incapable of doing any
good. They had even now dared to shout abuse at him
while passing the “Houmen,” calling him a Chinese traitor.
I could not help thinking that Jung Lu deserved the name,
but I did not say so. He is a strong man, the strongest of
all the Manchus, and I greatly fear that his influence may
yet be able to wreck all our hopes.</p>

<p>Returning to my house, I heard that the Princes Tuan
and Chuang were sending troops to surround the French
Cathedral, which is defended by a few foreign soldiers only,
and which should, therefore, be easily captured. Prince Li’s
palace is within a stone’s throw of the cathedral, and to enter
the Forbidden City he has to pass just south of it, through
the “Hsi-Hua” gate. Although greatly disturbed by the
impending hostilities in his neighbourhood, he fears to move
to a quieter locality, lest, in his absence, his treasure vaults
should be plundered. No doubt the cathedral will fall in
a few days.</p>

<p>My courtyard is now full of Boxers and Kansuh soldiery;
I can no longer call my house my own. How I loathe
these cursed foreigners for causing all this disturbance!</p>

<p><i>The same Day: at the Hour of the Dog</i> (7-9 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>).—I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span>
learn that Jung Lu has just sent off a courier with a
telegram, which Yüan Shih-k’ai is to send on to the Viceroys
of Canton, Nanking and Wucha’ng. Prince Li has sent me
a copy, which I am to keep secret; it reads as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“With all respect I have received your telegrams.
Where one weak people dares to oppose ten or more
powerful nations, the inevitable result can only be complete
ruin. It has always been maintained as a fixed principle
with civilised nations, that, in the event of war between any
two Powers, their respective Envoys should be treated with
respect. Can it now be that this our great inheritance,
founded by our remote ancestors at so great a cost of toil
and danger, is to be endangered, and suddenly brought
to ruin, by these false workers of magic? Shall the fate of
the Dynasty be staked on a single throw? It requires
no peculiar sagacity to see that these Boxers’ hopes of
success are nothing but the shadow of a dream. It is true
and undeniable, that, from their Majesties on the Throne
down to the very lowest of our people, all have suffered
from the constant aggression of foreigners and their
unceasing insults. For this reason these patriotic train-bands
have been organised, claiming a divine mission of
retaliation; but the present crisis is all-serious, and although
I have used every effort to explain its dangers, I have
laboured in vain. I am sick and suffering from lameness,
but since I obtained leave of absence I have already
submitted seven separate memorials denouncing these
Boxers. Seeing that they produced no result, I have now
left my sick bed, in order, if possible, to explain the situation
clearly to their Majesties; and this also has been in vain.</p>

<p>“All the Princes and Ministers of State who surround the
Throne now cry out against me with one voice, as your
Excellencies can readily believe. I dare not quote in this
place the words of Her Majesty, but I may say that the
whole of the Imperial family have joined the Boxers, and at
least two-thirds of our troops, both Manchu and Chinese,
are with them. They swarm in the streets of our capital
like a plague of locusts, and it will be extremely difficult to
disperse them.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span></p>

<p>“Even the divine wisdom of Her Majesty is not sufficient
to stand against the will of the majority. If Heaven is not
on our side, how can I oppose its will? For several days
past I have been pondering night and day on some way out
of our difficulties, some forlorn hope of escape. Therefore
yesterday morning (June 20th) I arranged for a meeting with
the foreign Ministers at the Tsung Li Yamên, with a view to
providing a safe conduct for the entire foreign community,
with my own troops, to Tientsin. This course appeared to
me to hold out some reasonable chances of success, but
Prince Tuan’s soldiery slew the German Minister, and since
then the situation continues to develop from hour to hour
with such extraordinary rapidity that words fail me to
describe it. On my side, in the discussions of the Grand
Council and the Chamberlains of the Presence, are Prince
Ch’ing and Wang Wen-shao, but the former, following his
usual practice, has applied for leave, and Her Majesty will
have nothing to do with him; so that these two are of no
real assistance to me. I have no fear of death, but I grieve
at the thought of the guilt which will be recorded against
me in history; Heaven knows that I am overwhelmed
with grief and shame. I have received great favours at
the hands of the Throne, and can only now pray to the
spirits of the Dynastic ancestors to protect our Empire.
The situation here is well-nigh lost, but it remains for your
Excellencies to take all possible steps for the protection of
your respective provinces. Let each do his utmost, and let
proper secrecy be maintained.” Signed “Jung Lu, with
tears in his eyes.”</p>

</div>

<p>It is reported from the Grand Council that Chang Chih-tung
has telegraphed to Her Majesty, assuring her of his
devotion and loyalty, and asking whether he should come
north with his troops to help in the work of destroying the
barbarians. Chang is a time-server, and loves not the
Emperor;<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> we have not forgotten how he approved the
Decree appointing an Heir Apparent, and how he would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span>
have been a party to His Majesty’s removal from the
Throne, justifying himself on quibbling grounds of legality
and precedents as to the lawful succession. He trims his
sails according to the wind of the moment, and has no
courage of fixed principles, like Liu K’un-yi. I despise the
latter’s views in opposing the Boxers, but no one can help
admiring his upright character.</p>

<p>(<i>At this point the diarist proceeds to give a full account of
the rise and spread of the Boxer movement, describing in detail
their magic rites, their incantations, and their ceremonies of
initiation. The facts have nearly all been published before, so
that most of this portion of the Diary is here omitted. It is
chiefly interesting as showing to what heights of superstition
even the most educated of the Manchus, including the Empress
Dowager, could go. We give one example only of the farrago
of gibberish which, believed in high quarters, nearly brought
about the end of the Dynasty.</i>)</p>

<p>The Boxers also possess a secret Talisman, consisting of
a small piece of yellow paper, which they carry on their
persons when going into battle. On it is drawn, in vermilion
paint, a figure which is neither that of man nor devil, demon
nor saint. It has a head, but no feet; its face is sharp-pointed,
with eyes and eyebrows, and four halos. From the monster’s
heart to its lower extremities runs a mystic inscription, which
reads: “I am Buddha of the cold cloud; before me lies the
black deity of fire; behind is Laotzu himself.” On the
creature’s body are also borne the characters for Buddha,
Tiger, and Dragon. On the top left-hand corner are the
words “invoke first the Guardian of Heaven,” and on the
right-hand corner, “invoke next the black gods of pestilence.”
The Empress Dowager has learned this incantation by heart,
and repeats it seventy times daily, and every time that she
repeats it the chief eunuch (Li Lien-ying) shouts: “There
goes one more foreign devil.” The Boxers determine the fate
of their victims by a curious test, which consists of burning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span>
a ball of paper, and seeing whether the ashes ascend or
remain upon the ground. They may believe that it is the
spirits who decide, but, as a matter of fact, these balls of
paper are sometimes made of thinner material, which
naturally leave a lighter ash that is easily caught up in the
air; whereas, when they use thick paper, the ashes seldom
rise. Some of the balls are also more tightly rolled than
others, and it is quite evident that the ashes of the loose ones
have a much better chance of blowing away than those which
are tightly rolled. Similarly, when they set fire to any place,
they profess to be guided by their gods, and they say that fire
leaps forth at the point of their swords in any quarter which
the spirits desire to have destroyed. As a matter of fact,
however, there is deception practised in this also, for when
they wish to burn any place for purposes of plunder they
have it sprinkled in advance with kerosene oil, and if no oil
is available, they even pile up brushwood around it, upon
which they drop a lighted match secreted upon their
persons.</p>

<p><i>27th Day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 23rd).—The foreign
barbarian of whom I have written<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> was executed this
morning at the hour of the Hare (6 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>) and his head is now
exhibited in a cage, hanging from the main beam of the
“Tung-An” gate. It had to be put in a cage, as there was
no queue to hang it by. The face has a most horrible
expression, but it is a fine thing, all the same, to see a
foreigner’s head hung up at our palace gates. It brings
back to memory the heads that I saw outside the Board of
Punishments in the tenth year of Hsien-Feng (1860), but
there were black devils among those. Jung Lu tried to
save the barbarian’s life, and even intended to rescue him by
force, but the Princes Tuan and Chuang had determined
upon his death, and they had him executed before Jung Lu
knew it, so that, when his men arrived upon the scene, the
foreigner’s head had already parted company from his body.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span>
The Princes had him kneeling before them yesterday for
several hours on a chain, and all the time he kept on
imploring them to spare his life; his groans were most
painful to hear. The Old Buddha has been informed of his
death, and she gave orders that Tls. 500 be distributed to
the soldiers who had captured him, <i>i.e.</i> a reward ten times
greater than that which was promised in the proclamations.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus17" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus17.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The Ta-A-Ko, Son
  of Prince Tuan, the Boxer Leader.</span></p>
  <p>Appointed Heir-Apparent in January, 1900. Appointment rescinded
  November, 1901.</p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The Boxers who occupy my courtyard tried to take away
my cigars from me, but subsequently relented and allowed
me to keep them because of my extreme old age. Nothing
of foreign origin, not even matches, may be used nowadays,
and these Boxer chiefs, Chang Te-ch’eng and Han Yi-li,
both of whom are common and uneducated men, are treated
with the greatest respect even by Princes of the blood: a
curious state of affairs indeed!</p>

<p>Duke Tsai Lan came to see me this afternoon. He tells
me an extraordinary story how that the Heir Apparent
called the Emperor a “Devil’s pupil” this morning, and,
when rebuked for it, actually boxed His Majesty’s ears.
The Emperor then reported the facts in a memorial to
Her Majesty, who flew into a towering rage, and gave
orders to the eunuch Ts’ui to administer twenty sharp
strokes of the whip on the Heir Apparent’s person. Prince
Tuan is much enraged at this, but he is horribly afraid of
Her Majesty, and, when she speaks to him, “he is on
tenter-hooks, as if thorns pricked him, and the sweat runs
down his face.”</p>

<p>T’ung Fu-hsiang told the Empress Dowager yesterday
that the Legations have come to the end of their tether.
From a rockery on some high ground in the Forbidden
City gardens, the Old Buddha could see the flames bursting
from the Legation quarter, and was more than once assured
that final destruction had come upon the foreigners at last.
But later in the afternoon, Hsü Ching-ch’eng was received
in audience, when he presented a memorial which he and
Yüan Chang had drawn up, denouncing the Boxers; he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span>
told Her Majesty that it was not the Legations, but the
Han Lin Academy, that was in flames, the Kansuh soldiery
having set fire to it in the hope that the conflagration might
spread and thus enable them to force a way into the
Legation. Her Majesty was greatly disappointed and
displeased, severely blaming Tung Fu-hsiang, and she sent
for Jung Lu and talked with him in private for a long while.</p>

<p>Good news has come in to-day of victorious fighting at
Tientsin; Yü Lu reports that many foreigners were slain
in their attack on the Taku forts, and several of their warships
sunk. Practically the whole of the foreign community
of Tientsin had been annihilated, he says.</p>

<p>Many hundreds of Chinese Christians were put to death
to-day just outside Prince Chuang’s palace. The judges
who convicted them were Prince Chuang, Yi Ku, Fen Che,
and Kuei Ch’un. There was no mercy shown, and a large
number of innocent people perished with the guilty. The
Empress is essentially a kind-hearted woman, and she was
greatly shocked to hear of this wholesale massacre. She was
heard to say that if the Catholics would only recant and
reform, a way of escape might very well be provided for
them.</p>

<p><i>29th Day of the 5th Moon</i> (June 25th).—To-day about
sixty of the Boxers, led by the Princes Tuan and Chuang,
and the “Beilehs” Tsai Lien and Tsai Ying, marched to the
Palace at 6 o’clock in the morning to search there for
converts. Coming to the gate of the Palace of Peaceful
Longevity, where their Majesties were still abed, they noisily
clamoured for the Emperor to come out, denouncing him as a
friend of foreigners. Prince Tuan was their spokesman. I
heard of the incident from Wen Lien, Comptroller of the
Household, who was on duty this morning; he was amazed at
the foolhardy effrontery of Prince Tuan, and thought that he
had probably been drinking. On hearing the noise outside
and the shouts of the Boxers clamouring to kill all “Devil’s
pupils,” the Old Buddha, who was taking her early tea,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span>
came out swiftly and stood at the head of the steps, while
the Princes and the Boxer leaders swarmed in the court-yard
below her. She asked Prince Tuan whether he had
come to look upon himself as the Emperor; if not, how
dared he behave in this reckless and insolent manner? She
would have him know that she, and she alone, had power to
create or depose the Sovereign, and she would have him
remember that the power which had made his son Heir
Apparent could also wipe him out in a moment. If he and
his fellow Princes thought that because the State was at a
crisis of confusion they could follow their own inclinations
in matters of this kind, they would find themselves very
seriously mistaken. She bade them depart, and refrain
from ever again entering the palace precincts, except when
summoned to her presence on duty. But they would first
prostrate themselves and ask His Majesty’s pardon for their
insolent behaviour. As a slight punishment for their
offences, she further commanded that the Princes be
mulcted of a year’s allowances. As to the Boxer chiefs,
who had dared to create this uproar in her hearing, they
should be decapitated upon the spot, and Jung Lu’s guards,
who were on duty at the outer gates, were ordered to carry
this sentence into immediate effect. Her Majesty is so
greatly incensed against the Boxers at this moment that
everyone thinks that Jung Lu will now be able to put a
stop to the attacks on the Legations. The Emperor was
much alarmed at this incident, and when it was over humbly
thanked Her Majesty for so benevolently protecting him.</p>

<p><i>Later</i>; 9 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>—The Old Buddha has suddenly determined,
in her rage against Prince Tuan and his followers, to put a
stop to the fighting in Peking, and she now agrees that
Jung Lu shall proceed to the Legations to discuss terms of
peace. At 6 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> to-day all firing stopped, and Jung Lu, at
the head of his troops, proceeded to the bridge which lies on
the north of the Legation quarter. The foreigners came out
from their hiding-places and commenced to parley; they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span>
were shown a board, and on it the words written: “Orders
have now been received from the Empress Dowager to afford
due protection to the Legations.” Jung Lu hoped to be able
to induce the foreign Ministers to confer with him for the
purpose of restoring order. For three hours not a shot has
been fired; but En Ming has just come in to tell me that
the situation has again changed, and that the Old Buddha
has heard such good accounts of the defeat of the foreign
relief force on its way to Peking that she is once more
determined to give the Boxers their head and “to eat the
flesh and sleep on the skins” of the foreign devils.</p>

<p><i>4th Day of the 6th Moon: at the Hour of the Dog</i>, 7 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>
(June 30, 1900).—Kang Yi called to-day, and remained with
me for the evening meal. He tells me that Tung Fu-hsiang
called in person this morning on Jung Lu at his
residence, and asked him for the loan of the heavy artillery
which is under his orders. Jung Lu is said to have ample
armaments in stock in the city, the property of the Wu
Wei-chün (Military Defence Corps) sufficient to knock every
foreign building to pieces in a few hours.</p>

<p>Tung was kept waiting at Jung Lu’s door for over an
hour; when finally admitted, he began to bluster, whereupon
Jung Lu feigned sleep. “He gave no consent, but leant on
his seat and slumbered.”<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> Tung then expostulated with
Jung Lu for his rudeness, but the Commander-in-chief only
smiled, and brought the interview to an end by remarking
that Tung’s only way to get the guns would be to persuade
the Old Buddha to give him Jung Lu’s head with them.
“Apply for an audience at once,” he said. “She believes
you to be a brave man and will certainly comply with any
request you may make.”</p>

<p>Tung Fu-hsiang left in a towering rage, and made
straight for the Forbidden City, although the hour for
audiences was long since past. At the gate of the Hall of
Imperial Supremacy (Huang Chi-tien) he made a loud<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span>
disturbance, bidding the eunuchs inform Her Majesty that
the Kansuh Commander-in-chief was without, desiring
audience. It so happened that the Old Buddha was
engaged in painting a design of bamboos on silk, and she
was highly displeased at being thus disturbed. Tung was
ushered in, however, and fell on his knees. “Well,” said
Her Majesty, “I suppose that you have come to report the
complete destruction of the Legations? This will be the
tenth time since the end of last Moon.” “I have come,”
replied Tung Fu-hsiang, “to ask Your Majesty’s permission
to impeach the Grand Secretary Jung Lu as a traitor and
the friend of barbarians. He has the guns which my army
needs; with their aid not a stone would be left standing in
the whole of the Legation quarter. But he has sworn never
to lend these guns, even though Your Majesty should
command it.” Angrily the Old Buddha replied, “Be silent.
You were nothing but a brigand to begin with, and if I
allowed you to enter my army it was only to give you an
opportunity of atoning for your former misdeeds. Even
now you are behaving like a brigand, forgetting the majesty
of the Imperial Presence. Of a truth, your tail is becoming
too heavy to wag. Leave the Palace forthwith, and do not
let me find you here again unless summoned to audience.”</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus18" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus18.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p>Reproduction of Picture painted on Silk,
  by Her Majesty Tzŭ Hsi.</p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Kang Yi declares that we shall never take the
Legations so long as Jung Lu continues to exercise his
present great influence at Court. Li Shan, who is also
a great favourite of the Empress Dowager, is now on the side
of those who would make peace with the foreigners, and has
been impeached for it by Na T’ung.</p>

<p>The following proclamation is now placarded all over the
city, in accordance with the Empress Dowager’s orders
issued to Prince Chuang. They say that she means to pay
the rewards from her own privy purse:</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="center">“<span class="smcap">Rewards.</span></p>

<p>“Now that all foreign churches and chapels have been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span>
razed to the ground, and that no place of refuge or concealment
is left for the foreigners, they must unavoidably
scatter, flying in every direction. Be it therefore known
and announced to all men, scholars and volunteers, that any
person found guilty of harbouring foreigners will incur the
penalty of decapitation. For every male foreigner taken
alive a reward of 50 taels will be given; for every female 40
taels, and for every child 30 taels; but it is to be clearly
understood that they shall be taken alive, and that they
shall be genuine foreigners. Once this fact has been duly
authenticated, the reward will be paid without delay. A
special proclamation, requiring reverent obedience.”</p>

</div>

<p>Much larger rewards than these were paid in the tenth
year of Hsieng-Feng (1860) for the heads of barbarians,
but of course in those days they were comparatively rare,
whereas now, alas, they have become as common as bees!</p>

<p>This morning an important trial took place outside the
gate of Prince Chuang’s palace; Yi Ku, Fen Che, and Kuei
Ch’un presided. Over nine hundred people were summarily
executed by the Boxers, in some cases before any proofs
whatsoever had been substantiated in regard to their alleged
connection with foreigners. Helpless babes even were
amongst the slain. Fen Che is nothing more than a butcher
and the Old Buddha remonstrated with Prince Chuang for
not keeping the Boxers in better order.</p>

<p><i>8th Day of the 6th Moon</i>, 11 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> (July 4th).—Yü Hsien’s
son-in-law, Chi Shou-ch’eng, came and talked with me for a
long while. The bombardment of the city was going on all
the time he was here, and to the south of my house, close to
the Imperial City Wall, the troops of Li Ping-heng were
mounting cannon on an elevated platform. They are all still
very wroth with Jung Lu, who refuses to lend his guns, and
his troops are so faithful to him that it is impossible to bribe
them to disobey him. Jung Lu’s courage is really extraordinary;
he said of himself lately, that “in the days of the
wicked Ruler (meaning Prince Tuan) he bided his time on
the shores of the bleak North Sea, awaiting the purification<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span>
of the Empire.”<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> I am told that Prince Tuan has taken
possession of one of the Imperial Seals, so as to be able to
proclaim his son Emperor at the first favourable opportunity;
but if the Old Buddha finds this out, as most probably she
will, there is trouble ahead for Prince Tuan.</p>

<p>Chi Shou-ch’eng tells me that Yü Hsien has sent in a
memorial to the Empress Dowager with reference to the missionaries
in Shansi. Ten days ago she had sent him a secret
Decree, saying, “Slay all foreigners wheresoever you find
them; even though they be prepared to leave your province,
yet must they be slain.” It seems that the Old Buddha
ordered that this Decree should be sent to every high provincial
official in the Empire, but it is now reported that Tuan
Fang, the acting governor of Shensi, and Yü Chang, governor
of Honan, together with the high officials in Mongolia,
received the Edict in a very different form, for the word
“slay” had been changed to “protect.” It is feared that
some treacherous minister is responsible for this, but no one
dares inform Her Majesty. To Yü Hsien’s latest memorial,
she has made the following reply, which has been sent by
the fastest express riders to T’ai-Yüan fu:—“I command
that all foreigners—men, women, and children, old and
young—be summarily executed. Let not one escape, so that
my Empire may be purged of this noisome source of corruption,
and that peace may be restored to my loyal subjects.”
Chi Shou-ch’eng tells me that Yü Hsien’s bitterness against
foreigners is inspired by his wife, of whom he is greatly afraid.
He himself has earned golden opinions in T’ai-Yüan during
his short administration, and has a high reputation for even-handed
justice. He says also that this last Decree gave
pleasure to Prince Chuang; Jung Lu tried to stop it, asking
the Old Buddha what glory could China expect to gain by
the slaughter of women and children. “We should become
the laughing-stock of the world,” he said, “and the Old
Buddha’s widespread fame and reputation for benevolence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span>
would be grievously injured.” “Yes,” replied the Empress
Dowager, “but these foreigners of yours wish to see me
deposed, and I am only paying off old scores. Ever since
the days of Tao-Kuang this uproarious guest within our
borders has been maltreating his hosts, and it is time that all
should know who is the real master of the house.”</p>

<p>Yesterday afternoon the Empress Dowager crossed over
to the Lake Palace for a water picnic, attended by several
ladies of the Court. The continuous bombardment of the
French cathedral eventually made her head ache, so she
despatched a chamberlain to the officer commanding at
the Hsi-Hua Gate, ordering them to cease firing until
her return to the Forbidden City.</p>

<p><i>11th Day of the 6th Moon</i> (7th July).—Yü Lu has sent in
a ridiculous memorial, reporting the capture of four camels,
as well as the killing of many foreigners, in Tientsin. Jung
Lu has advised him to cease attacking the foreign Settlements.
Talking of Jung Lu, I hear that Tung Fu-hsiang
recently hired a Manchu soldier to assassinate him, but,
instead of doing so, the man betrayed the plot to Jung Lu.
This soldier turns out to be a brother of that En Hai who
slew the foreign devil (Baron von Ketteler), and Tung thought
therefore that he would gladly do anything to assist
in destroying the Legations. But he is a clansman of Jung
Lu’s banner, and, like Yü Kung-ssŭ, whom Mencius called
the best archer in Wei, “he could not bear to slay the old
Chief who had taught him the arts of war.” Jung Lu has
again memorialised the Old Buddha, reminding her of that
well-known saying in the Spring and Autumn annals,<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> which
lays down that the persons of foreign Envoys are always
inviolate within the territories of any civilised State. This
attack on the Legation, he says, is worse than an outrage;
it is a piece of stupidity which will be remembered against
China for all time. Her Majesty appeared to think that,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span>
because a small nation like the Transvaal could conquer a
great Power like England, China must necessarily be even
more successful in fighting the whole world; but there was
no analogy between the two cases. If peace were to be
made at once, the situation might still be saved; but if
the Legations were demolished, there must be an end of
Manchu rule. He warned Her Majesty solemnly, and she
appears to be gradually coming to look at things from his
point of view. These Boxers can certainly talk, but they do
very little.</p>

<p>Bad news has reached the palace to-day of the fighting
around Tientsin, and Her Majesty is most anxious about it,
though she still refuses to believe that the foreign brigands
can possibly enter Peking.</p>

<p><i>15th Day of the 6th Moon</i> (11th July).—My neighbour
Wen Lien, Comptroller-General of the Imperial Household,
tells me that the Old Buddha is in a furious rage. She finds
the heat trying, and yesterday she turned on the Heir
Apparent and snubbed him badly for impertinence; he had
asked if he might be permitted to escort her to Jehol, leaving
the Emperor to settle matters with his foreign friends in
Peking. One of the young eunuchs tried to mollify her by
reporting, whenever the report of a gun was heard, that
another foreign devil had been killed, but as the Old Buddha
observed, “there has been enough firing for the past few
weeks to kill off every foreigner in China several times, and
so far there is hardly anything to show for it.”</p>

<p><i>17th Day of the 6th Moon</i> (13th July).—Jung Lu asked
Her Majesty yesterday what she would do if the Boxers
were defeated, and if Peking were captured by the foreigners.
In reply, she quoted to him the words of Chia Yi, a sophist
of the Han dynasty, in reference to the Court’s diplomatic
dealings with the Khan of the Hans:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“If the Emperor wishes to gain the allegiance of other
countries, he can only do so by convincing their rulers that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span>
he possesses the three cardinal virtues of government, and
by displaying the five allurements.</p>

<p>These allurements are: (1) Presents of chariots and rich
robes, to tempt the eye; (2) rich food and banquets, to
tempt the palate; (3) musical maidens, to tempt the ear;
(4) fine houses and beautiful women, to tempt the instinct
of luxury; and (5) the presence of the Emperor at the table
of the foreign ruler, to tempt his pride.</p>

<p>The three cardinal virtues of government are: (1) to
simulate affection; (2) to express honeyed sentiments; and
(3) to treat one’s inferiors as equals.”</p>

</div>

<p>Two years ago, said the Empress, she had invited the
foreign ladies to her Court, and had noticed their delight at
the reception she gave them, although she well knew that
their sympathies were with the Emperor, and against her.
She would again allure them to her side with rich gifts and
honeyed words.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p>

<p><i>20th Day of the 6th Moon</i> (16th July).—Bad news from
Yü Lu; Tientsin has been captured by the foreigners, who
now swarm like locusts. Not one of the Grand Councillors
dared to carry the news to Her Majesty, so Prince Tuan
went in boldly, and informed her that the foreign devils had
taken the city, because the Boxers had been negligent in
the performance of their prescribed rites; Peking, however,
would always be perfectly safe from invasion. Early this
morning Jung Lu had informed the Old Buddha that he
had ascertained beyond doubt that the document, which
purported to come from the Foreign Ministers, demanding
her abdication, was a forgery. It had been prepared by
Lien Wen-chung, a Secretary of the Grand Council, at
Prince Tuan’s orders. The Old Buddha was therefore in no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span>
soft mood; angrily she told Prince Tuan that, if the
foreigners entered Peking, he would certainly lose his head.
She was quite aware of his motives; he wanted to secure
the Regency, but she bade him beware, for, so long as she
lived, there could be no other Regent. “Let him be
careful, or his son would be expelled from the palace, and
the family estates confiscated to the throne.” His actions
had indeed been worthy of the dog’s<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> name he bore.
Prince Tuan left the palace, and was heard to remark that
“the thunderbolt had fallen too quickly for him to close
his ears.”</p>

<p>Jung Lu has won over all the military commanders except
Tung Fu-hsiang and his staff, and they have come to a
general understanding that the bombardment of the
Legations must cease. Jung Lu has explained, as his
reason for not allowing the heavy artillery to be used, that
it would inevitably have inflicted serious damage on the
Imperial shrines and the Ancestral temple.</p>

<p>The Old Buddha is sending presents to the Legations,
water-melons, wine, vegetables, and ice, and she has expressed
a wish that Prince Ch’ing should go and see the Foreign
Ministers.</p>

<p>They say that Hsü Ching-ch’eng is secretly communicating
with the Legations.</p>

<p>A messenger with twelve dispatches from the Legations
was captured to-day and taken to Prince Chuang’s Palace.
Three of the twelve were in cipher and could not be
translated by the Tsung Li Yamên interpreter, but from the
others it was learned that the foreigners had lost over a
hundred killed and wounded and that their provisions were
running very low.</p>

<p>Chi Shou-ch’eng has gone to T’ai-Yüan fu to see Yü Hsien,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span>
his father-in-law. The latter has memorialised the Throne,
reporting that he cunningly entrapped all the foreigners, cast
them into chains and had every one decapitated in his
Yamên. Only one woman had escaped, after her breasts
had been cut off, and had hidden herself under the City wall.
She was dead when they found her.</p>

<p>Rain has fallen very heavily to-day. Liu Ta-chiao brought
me 8 lbs. of pork from the Palace kitchen, and I sent a large
bowl of it to my married sister. Towards evening a
detachment of cavalry, with several guns, passed my door.
They were Li Ping-heng’s men, on their way to mount these
guns on a platform above the Forbidden City wall, as a
precaution against sorties by the foreigners. There has been
heavy firing all night, and it is reported that foreign devils
have been seen in the neighbourhood of the Ha-Ta Men.</p>

<p><i>21st Day of the 6th Moon</i> (17th July).—A lovely day. I
walked over to call on Prince Li and Duke Lan. The
latest rumour is that Yü Lu’s troops are in flight and
harrying the country side. They are said to be clamouring
for their pay, which is months in arrears, and have plundered
both Tungchou and Chang Chia-wan most thoroughly. Both
the eastern gates of the City are now kept closed, and the
northern gate (Anting men) is only opened occasionally.</p>

<p>Yang Shun, the gate-keeper, has returned from his home
at Pao-ti hsien, east of Peking, where he reports things fairly
quiet.</p>

<p>Li Ping-heng’s troops are reported to have won a great
victory and driven the barbarians to the sea. Nevertheless,
heavy firing was heard to the south-eastward this afternoon.</p>

<p>Duke Lan has gone out with a large force of Boxers to
search for converts reported to be in hiding in the temple of
the Sun.</p>

<p><i>27th Day of the 6th Moon</i> (23rd July).—This morning
Yüan Ch’ang and Hsü Ching-ch’eng handed in the third of
their Memorials against the Boxers, in which they recommend
the execution of several members of the Grand Council.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span>
Their valour seems to be more laudable than their discretion,
especially as the Old Buddha is disposed once more to believe
in the Boxers as the result of Li Ping-heng’s audience with
her yesterday. He came up from Hankow, and has now
been appointed joint Commander, with Jung Lu, of the
army of the North. He confidently assured her of his ability
to take the Legations by storm, and repeatedly said that
never again would the tutelary deities of the Dynasty suffer
her to be driven forth, in humiliation, from her capital.</p>

<p>I went across to Duke Lan’s house this morning and found
Prince Tuan and Li Ping-heng there. They were busy
planning a renewed attack on the Legations, and Li was
strongly in favour of mining from the Hanlin Academy side.
He has advised the Empress Dowager that a mine should be
sprung, as was done lately at the French Cathedral, and he
is convinced that in the ensuing confusion the foreigners
would be easily overwhelmed.</p>

<p>After reading the latest Memorial of Hsü and Yüan, the
Old Buddha observed, “These are brave men. I have never
cared much for Hsü, but Yüan behaved well in 1898 and
warned me about K’ang Yu-wei and his plotting. Be that as
it may, however, they have no business to worry me with
these persistent and querulous questions. The Throne itself
is fully competent to judge the character of its servants, and
it is a gross misconception of duty for ‘the acolyte to
stride across the sacred vessels and show the priest how to
slaughter the sacrificial beasts.’<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Desiring to deal leniently
with the Memorialists, I command that my censure be
communicated to them and that they take heed to refrain
in future from troubling my ears with their petulant
complainings.”</p>

<p><i>3rd Day of the 7th Moon</i> (28th July).—The Old Buddha
places much confidence in Li Ping-heng. Yesterday he and
Kang Yi discovered that the word “to slay,” in Her Majesty’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span>
Decree ordering the extermination of all foreigners, had been
altered to “protect” by Yüan Ch’ang and Hsü Ching-ch’eng.
I have just seen Kang Yi, and he says that Her
Majesty’s face was divine in its wrath. “They deserve the
punishment meted out to Kao Ch’u-mi,”<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> she said, “their
limbs should be torn asunder by chariots driven in opposite
directions. Let them be summarily decapitated.” An Edict
was forthwith issued, but no mention is made in it of the
alteration of the Decree, as this is a matter affecting the
nation’s prestige; the offenders are denounced only for
having created dissensions in the Palace and favoured the
cause of the foreigner. Both were executed this morning;
my son, En Ming, witnessed their death. It is most painful
to me to think of the end of Yüan Ch’ang, for he had many
sterling qualities; as for Hsü, I knew him in the days when
we were colleagues at the Grand Secretariat, and I never
had a high opinion of the man. His corruption was
notorious. Just before the sword of the executioner fell,
Yüan remarked that “he hoped that the Sun might soon
return to its place in the Heaven, and that the usurping
Comet might be destroyed.” By this he meant that Prince
Tuan’s malign influence had led the Empress Dowager to act
against her own better instincts. Duke Lan, who was
superintending the execution, angrily bade him be silent for
a traitor, but Yüan fearlessly went on, “I die innocent. In
years to come my name will be remembered with gratitude
and respect, long after you evil-plotting Princes have met
your well-deserved doom.” Turning then to Hsü, he said,
“We shall meet anon at the Yellow Springs.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> To die is
only to come home.” Duke Lan stepped forward as if to
strike him, and the headsman quickly despatched them
both.</p>

<p><i>8th Day of the 7th Moon</i> (3rd August).—I have had much<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span>
trouble with my eldest son to-day. He has been robbing
me lately of large sums, and when I rebuked him he had
the audacity to reply that my duty to the Throne would
make my suicide a fitting return for the benefits which I
have received at its hands.</p>

<p>Li Ping-heng has gone to the front to rally the troops and
check the foreigners’ advance. He has impeached Jung Lu
but the Old Buddha has suppressed the Memorial. The
Emperor thanked Jung Lu for his services, and the
Commander-in-Chief replied that he of all the servants of
the Throne never expected to receive praise from His
Majesty, considering the events of the past two years.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p>

<p><i>11th Day of the 7th Moon</i> (5th August).—The Old Buddha
has commanded Jung Lu to arrange for escorting the
foreigners to Tientsin, so that the advance of the Allies may
be stopped. In this connection, I hear that not many days
ago, ⸺ persuaded Ch’i Hsiu to have a letter sent to
the Foreign Ministers, inviting them to come, without
escort of troops, to an interview with the Tsung Li Yamên,
his idea being to have them all massacred on the way.
Ch’i Hsiu thought the suggestion excellent, but, although
several letters have been sent proposing it, the Ministers
decline to leave the Legations. Meanwhile, there have been
several fresh attacks on the Legations during the past
few days.</p>

<p>A foreign devil, half naked, was found yesterday in
Hatamen Street. He kowtowed to everyone he met, high
class or low, imploring even the rag-pickers to spare his life
and give him a few cash. “We shall all be massacred soon,”
he said, “but I have done no wrong.” One of Jung Lu’s
sergeants seized him and took him to the Commander-in-Chief’s
residence. Instead of decapitating him, Jung Lu
sent him back. This shows, however, the desperate straits
to which the foreigners are reduced.</p>

<p><i>15th Day of the 7th Moon</i> (9th August).—Bad news from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span>
the South. Yü Lu’s forces have been defeated and the
foreigners are approaching nearer every day. The Old
Buddha is meditating flight to Jehol, but Jung Lu strongly
urges her to remain, even if the Allies should enter the
City. Duke Lan scoffs at the idea of their being able to do
so. One comfort is that, if they do come, they will not loot
or kill. I remember well how good their discipline was
forty years ago. I never stirred out of my house and not
one of the barbarians ever came near it. We had a little
difficulty about getting victuals, but the foreigners hardly
came into the city, and did us no harm.</p>

<p><i>16th Day of the 7th Moon</i> (10th August).—My old
colleague, Li Shan, whose house adjoins the French
Cathedral, has been accused of making a subterranean
passage and thus assisting the foreigners with supplies. He
has been handed over to the Board of Punishments by Prince
Tuan, without the knowledge of the Empress Dowager,
together with Hsü Yung-yi and Lien Yuan. Prince Tuan
has long had a grudge against Hsü for having expressed
disapproval of the selection of the Heir Apparent. As to
Lien, they say that his arrest is due to ⸺, and his
offence is that he was on terms of intimacy with Yüan
Ch’ang. All three prisoners were decapitated this morning.
Hsü Yung-yi was older than I am (seventy-nine) and his
death is a lamentable business indeed. But he went to his
death calmly and without complaint when he learned that
the Empress Dowager knew nothing of the matter and that
it was Prince Tuan’s doing alone. “The power of the
usurper,” said he, “is short-lived. As for me, I am glad to
die before the foreigners take Peking.” The Old Buddha
will be very wrath when she hears that two Manchus have
thus been put to death. Li Shan and Jung Lu were old
friends.</p>

<p>A certain General Liu, from Shansi, assured the Empress
this morning that he would undertake to demolish the
Legations in three days, and this would so alarm the allies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span>
that their advance would certainly be stopped. A furious
bombardment has just begun.</p>

<p>The Boxers have proved themselves utterly useless. I
always said they never would do anything.</p>

<p><i>18th Day of the 7th Moon</i> (<i>12th August</i>).—The foreigners
are getting nearer and nearer. Yü Lu shot himself with a
revolver on the 12th at Ts’ai Ts’un. He had taken refuge in
a coffin shop, of all ill-omened places! His troops had been
utterly routed thrice, at Pei Tsang, Yang Ts’un and at
Ts’ai Ts’un. Li Ping-heng reached Ho-hsi wu on the 14th,
but in spite of all his efforts to rally our forces, the two
divisional leaders, Chang Ch’un-fa and Ch’en Tsê-lin, refused
to fight. Li Ping-heng therefore took poison. Jung Lu
went to-day to break the news to the Old Buddha:
sovereign and Minister wept together at the disasters which
these Princes and rebels have brought upon our glorious
Empire. Jung Lu refrained from any attempt at self-justification;
he is a wise man. The Old Buddha said she
would commit suicide and make the Emperor do the same,
rather than leave her capital. Jung Lu besought her to
take his advice, which was to remain in Peking and to issue
Decrees ordering the decapitation of Prince Tuan and his
followers, thus proving her innocence to the world. But she
seems to cling still to a hope that the supernatural powers of
the Boxers may save Peking, and so the furious bombardment
of the Legations continues.</p>

<p>Eight audiences have been given to-day to Jung Lu and
five to Prince Tuan. All the other members of the Grand
Council sat with folded hands, suggesting nothing.</p>

<p><i>20th Day</i> (<i>14th August</i>), 5 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>—Tungchou has fallen and
now the foreigners have begun to bombard the city. The
Grand Council has been summoned to five meetings to-day
in the Palace of Peaceful Longevity: Her Majesty is
reported to be starting for Kalgan. At the hour of the
Monkey (4 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>) Duke Lan burst into the Palace,
unannounced, and shouted, “Old Buddha, the foreign devils<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span>
have come!” Close upon his footsteps came Kang Yi, who
reported that a large force of turbaned soldiery were
encamped in the enclosure of the Temple of Heaven.
“Perhaps they are our Mahommedan braves from Kansuh,”
said Her Majesty, “come to demolish the Legations?”
“No,” replied Kang Yi, “they are foreign devils.
Your Majesty must escape at once, or they will murder
you.”</p>

<p><i>Later, midnight.</i>—There has just been an Audience given
to the Grand Council in the Palace, at which Kang Yi,
Chao Shu-ch’iao and Wang Wen-shao were present.
“Where are the others?” said the Old Buddha. “Gone, I
suppose, everyone to his own home, leaving us here, Mother
and Son,<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> to look after ourselves as best we may. At all
events, you three must now accompany me on my journey.”
Turning to Wang Wen-shao, she added:—“You are too
old, and I could not bear the thought of exposing you to
such hardships. Make such speed as you can and join me
later.” Then to the other two she said, “You two are good
riders. It will be your duty never to lose sight of me for an
instant.” Wang Wen-shao replied, “I will hasten after Your
Majesty to the best of my ability.” The Emperor, who
seemed surprisingly alert and vigorous, here joined in, “Yes,
by all means, follow as quickly as you can.” This ended
the audience, but the actual hour of Her Majesty’s
departure remains uncertain. Jung Lu’s attendance was
impossible because he was busy trying to rally our forces.</p>

<p><i>21st Day</i> (<i>15th August</i>).—Wen Lien tells me that the Old
Buddha arose this morning at the Hour of the Tiger
(3 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>) after only an hour’s rest, and dressed herself
hurriedly in the common blue cloth garments of a peasant
woman, which she had ordered to be prepared. For
the first time in her life, her hair was done up in the
Chinese fashion. “Who could ever have believed that
it would come to this?” she said. Three common carts
were brought into the Palace; their drivers wore no official
hats.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span></p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus19" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus19.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Facsimile
  of a Fragment of the Diary.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span></p>

<p>All the Concubines were summoned to appear before Her
Majesty at 3.30 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>; she had previously issued a decree
that none of them would accompany her for the present.
The Pearl Concubine, who has always been insubordinate to
the Old Buddha, came with the rest and actually dared to
suggest that the Emperor should remain in Peking. The
Empress was in no mood for argument. Without a
moment’s hesitation, she shouted to the eunuchs on duty,
“Throw this wretched minion down the well!” At this
the Emperor, who was greatly grieved, fell on his knees in
supplication, but the Empress angrily bade him desist,
saying that this was no time for bandying words. “Let her
die at once,” she said, “as a warning to all undutiful
children, and to those ‘hsiao’ birds<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> who, when fledged,
peck out their own mother’s eyes.” So the eunuchs Li and
Sung took the Pearl Concubine and cast her down the large
well which is just outside the Ning Shou Palace.</p>

<p>Then to the Emperor, who stood trembling with grief and
wrath, she said: “Get into your cart and hang up the
screen, so that you be not recognised” (he was wearing a
long gown of black gauze and black cloth trousers). Swiftly
then the Old Buddha gave her orders. “P’u Lun, you will
ride on the shaft of the Emperor’s cart and look after him.
I shall travel in the other cart, and you, P’u Chün (the
Heir Apparent) will ride on the shaft. Li Lien-ying, I
know you are a poor rider, but you must shift as best you
can to keep up with us.” At this critical moment it seemed
as if the Old Buddha alone retained her presence of mind.
“Drive your hardest,” she said to the carters, “and if
any foreign devil should stop you, say nothing. I will speak
to them and explain that we are but poor country folk,
fleeing to our homes. Go first to the Summer Palace.”
Thereupon the carts started, passing out through the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span>
northern gate of the Palace (The Gate of Military Prowess)
while all the members of the Household and the Imperial
Concubines prostrated themselves, wishing their Majesties a
long life. Only the three Grand Councillors followed on
horseback, a rendezvous having been arranged for other
officials at the Summer Palace. My neighbour Wen Lien,
the Comptroller of the Household, followed their Majesties
at a distance, to see them safely out of the city. They
left by the “Te-sheng-men,” or Gate of Victory, on the
north-west side of the city, where for a time their
carts were blocked in the dense mass of refugees passing
out that way.</p>

<p>4 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>—The Sacred Chariot of Her Majesty reached the
Summer Palace at about 8 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> and Their Majesties
remained there an hour. Meanwhile, at 6 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, Prince
Ch’ing, just before starting for the Summer Palace,
sent a flag of truce to the Japanese Pigmies who were
bombarding the city close to the “Chi Hua” Gate on the
east of the city. The gate was thrown open and the troops
swarmed in.</p>

<p>My son En Ming was on duty at the Summer Palace with
a few of his men, when the Imperial party arrived, all
bedraggled and dust-begrimed. The soldiers at the Palace
gate could not believe that this was really their Imperial
mistress until the Old Buddha angrily asked whether they
failed to recognise her. The carts were driven in through
the side entrance, and tea was served. Her Majesty gave
orders that all curios, valuables, and ornaments were to
be packed at once and sent off to Jehol; at the same time
she despatched one of the eunuchs to Peking to tell the
Empress<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> to bury quickly every scrap of treasure in the
Forbidden City, hiding it in the courtyard of the Ning
Shou Palace.</p>

<p>The Princes Tuan, Ching, Na, and Su joined Their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span>
Majesties at the Summer Palace; a few Dukes were there
also, as well as Wu Shu-mei and Pu Hsing of the higher
officials. About a dozen Secretaries from the different
Boards, and three Clerks to the Grand Council, accompanied
the Court from this point. General Ma Yu-k’un, with a
force of 1,000 men escorted Their Majesties to Kalgan,
and there were, in addition, several hundreds of Prince
Tuan’s “Heavenly Tiger” Bannermen, fresh from their
fruitless attacks on the Legations. Jung Lu is still
endeavouring to rally his troops.</p>

<p>I have just heard of the death of my old friend, Hsü
T’ung, the Imperial Tutor and Grand Secretary. He has
hanged himself in his house and eighteen of his womenfolk
have followed his example. He was a true patriot and a
fine scholar. Alas, alas! From all sides I hear the same
piteous story; the proudest of the Manchus have come to
the same miserable end. The betrothed of Prince Ch’un,
whom he was to have married next month, has committed
suicide, with all her family. It is indeed pitiful.<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p>

<p>Thus, for the second time in her life, the Old Buddha has
had to flee from her Sacred City, like the Son of Heaven in
the Chou Dynasty, who “fled with dust-covered head.” The
failure of the southern provinces to join in the enterprise has
ruined us. Prince Tuan was much to blame in being anti-Chinese.
As Confucius said, “By the lack of broad-minded
tolerance in small matters, a great design has been frustrated.”
After all, Jung Lu was right—the Boxers’ so-called magic
was nothing but child’s talk. They were in reality no
stronger than autumn thistledown. Alas, the bright flower
of spring does not bloom twice!</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus20" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus20.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Daughters of
  a High Manchu Official of the Court.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>My wife and the other women, stupidly obstinate like all
females, intend to take opium. I cannot prevent them from
doing so, but, for myself, I have no intention of doing anything<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span>
so foolish. Already the foreign brigands are looting in
other quarters of the city, but they will never find my hidden
treasure, and I shall just remain here, old and feeble as I am.
My son, En Ch’u, has disappeared since yesterday, and
nearly all my servants have fled. There is no one to
prepare my evening meal.</p>

<p>(<i>Here the Diary ends. The old man was murdered by his
eldest son that same evening; all his women folk had
previously taken poison and died.</i>)</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging"><i>Vermilion Decree of H.M. Kuang Hsü, 24th day, 12th Moon
of 25th year (January, 1900), making Prince Tuan’s son
Heir Apparent.</i></p>

<p>“In days of our tender infancy we succeeded by adoption
to the Great Inheritance, and were favoured by the Empress
Dowager, who graciously ‘suspended the curtain’ and
administered the Government as Regent, earnestly labouring
the while at our education in all matters. Since we assumed
the reins of government, the nation has passed through severe
crises, and our sole desire has been to govern the Empire
wisely in order to requite the material benevolence of Her
Majesty as well as to fulfil the arduous task imposed on us
by His late Majesty.</p>

<p>“But since last year our constitution has been sore-stricken
with illness, and we have undergone much anxiety lest the
business of the State should suffer in consequence. Reflecting
on the duty we owe to our sacred ancestors and to the
Empire, we have therefore besought Her Majesty to
administer the Government during the past year. Our
sickness has so far shown no signs of improvement, and
it has prevented us from performing all the important
sacrifices at the ancestral shrines and at the altars of the
gods of the soil.</p>

<p>“And now at this acute crisis, the spectacle of Her
Majesty, labouring without cease in the profound seclusion<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span>
of her Palace, without relaxation or thought of rest, has
filled us with dismay. We can neither sleep nor eat in the
anxiety of our thoughts. Reflecting on the arduous labours
of our ancestors from whom this great Heritage has descended
to us, we are overwhelmed by our unfitness for this task of
government. We bear in mind (and the fact is well known
to all our subjects) that when first we succeeded by adoption
to the Throne, we were honoured with a Decree from the
Empress Dowager to the effect that so soon as we should
have begotten an heir, he should become the adopted son
of His Majesty T’ung-Chih. But our protracted sickness
renders it impossible for us to hope for a son, so that His
late Majesty remains without heir. This question of the
succession is of transcendent importance, and our grief, as
we ponder the situation, fills us with feelings of the
deepest self-abasement, and renders illusive all hope of our
recovery from this sickness.</p>

<p>“We have accordingly prostrated ourselves in supplication
before our Sacred Mother, begging that she may be pleased
to select some worthy person from among the Princes of the
Blood as heir to His Majesty T’ung-Chih, in order that the
Great Inheritance may duly revert to him. As the result of
our repeated entreaties Her Majesty has graciously consented,
and has appointed P’u Chün, son of Prince Tuan, as
heir by adoption to His late Majesty. Our gratitude at this
is unbounded, and obediently we obey her behests, hereby
appointing P’u Chün to be Heir Apparent and successor to
the Throne. Let this Decree be made known throughout
the Empire.”</p>

</div>

<p>Seldom has history seen so tragically pathetic a document.
It was not only a confession of his own illegality and an
abdication, but his death-warrant, clear writ for all men to
read. And the poor victim must perforce thank his executioner
and praise the “maternal benevolence” of the woman
whose uncontrollable love of power had wrecked his life from
the cradle.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging"><i>Memorial from the Censorate at Peking to the Throne at
Hsi-an, describing the arrest of En Hai, the murderer of the
German Minister, Baron von Ketteler.</i><a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p>

</div>

<p>This Memorial affords a striking illustration of the
sympathy which animated, and still animates, many of those
nearest to the Throne in regard to the Boxers and their
anti-foreign crusade, and their appreciation of the real
sentiments of the Empress Dowager, even in defeat. It
also throws light on the Chinese official’s idea of heroism in
a soldier.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“A spy in Japanese employ, engaged in searching for
looted articles in the pawnshops of the district in Japanese
military occupation, found among the unredeemed pledges
in one shop a watch bearing Baron von Ketteler’s monogram.
The pawnbroker said that it had been pledged by a
bannerman named En Hai, who lived at a carters’ inn of the
Tartar city. This spy was a man named Te Lu, a writer
attached to the Manchu Field Force, of the 8th squad of
the ‘Ting’ Company. He went at once and informed the
Japanese, who promptly sent a picquet to the inn
mentioned. Two or three men were standing about in the
courtyard, and the soldiers asked one of them whether En
Hai was there. ‘I’m the man,’ said he, whereupon they
took him prisoner. Under examination, En was perfectly
calm and showed no sort of emotion. The presiding
Magistrate enquired ‘Was it you who slew the German
Minister?’ He replied ‘I received orders from my
Sergeant to kill every foreigner that came up the street. I
am a soldier, and I only know it is my duty to obey orders.
On that day I was with my men, some thirty of them, in
the street, when a foreigner came along in a sedan chair.
At once I took up my stand a little to the side of the street,
and, taking careful aim, fired into the chair. Thereupon the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span>
bearers fled: we went up to the chair, dragged the foreigner
out, and saw that he was dead. I felt a watch in his breast
pocket and took it as my lawful share; my comrades appropriated
a revolver, some rings and other articles. I never
thought that this watch would lead to my detection, but I
am glad to die for having killed one of the enemies of my
country. Please behead me at once.’</p>

<p>“The interpreter asked him whether he was drunk at the
time. He laughed and said, ‘Wine’s a fine thing, and I
can put away four or five catties at a time, but that day I
had not touched a drop. Do you suppose I would try to
screen myself on the score of being in liquor?’ This
En Hai appears to have been an honest fellow; his words
were brave and dignified, so that the bystanders all realised
that China is not without heroes in the ranks of her army.
On the following day he was handed over to the Germans,
and beheaded on the scene of his exploit. We, your Memorialists,
feel that Your Majesties should be made acquainted
with his meritorious behaviour, and we therefore report the
above facts. We are of opinion that his name should not
be permitted to fall into oblivion, and we trust that Your
Majesties may be pleased to confer upon him honours as in
the case of one who has fallen in battle with his face to the
foe.”</p>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XVIII">XVIII<br>
<span class="smaller">IN MEMORY OF TWO BRAVE MEN</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The Memorial of the Censors given in the last chapter,
recording the arrest and execution of the Manchu soldier
who shot the German Minister defenceless in his chair, took
occasion to congratulate the Empress and the nation on
possessing such brave defenders; and to do the man justice,
he met his end with a fine courage. But with fuller knowledge
and a clearer insight, the scholars of the Empire
might well put forward claims to real heroism, moral courage
of the rarest kind, in the case of Yüan Ch’ang and Hsü
Ching-ch’eng, the two Ministers who, as we have shown, so
nobly laid down their lives for what they knew to be their
country’s highest good. So long as China can breed men
like these, so long as the Confucian system contains moral
force sufficient to produce Stoic scholars of this type, the
nation has no cause to despair of its future. We make no
apology for insisting on the claims of these two men to our
grateful admiration, or for reproducing their last Memorials,
in which they warned the Old Buddha of her folly, and, by
denouncing the Boxers, braved all the forces of anarchy and
savagery which surged about the Dragon Throne. Already
their good name stands high in the esteem of their countrymen.
<i>Et prevalebit</i>: their courage and unselfish patriotism
have been recognised by their canonisation in the Pantheon
of China’s worthies, under an Edict of the present Regent.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span></p>

<p>Shortly after their execution the following circular letter
<i>pour faire part</i> was addressed by the sons of Yüan Ch’ang to
the relatives and friends of the family:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging"><i>Notice sent by the Yüan family to their relatives regarding
the death of Yüan Ch’ang, September, 1900.</i></p>

</div>

<p>After the usual conventional formulæ of grief and self-abasement,
this circular letter proceeds as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We realise that it was because of his outspoken courage
in resisting the evil tendencies of the times that our parent
met his untimely death, and we now submit the following
report of the circumstances for the information of our
relatives and friends.</p>

<p>“When, in the 5th Moon of this year, the Boxer madness
commenced, our late father, in his capacity as a Minister of
the Foreign Office, felt extremely anxious in regard to the
situation, and his anxiety was shared by his colleague, Hsü
Ching-ch’eng. On three occasions when the Princes and
Ministers were received in audience, my father expressed his
opinion to the Throne that the Boxers were utterly unreliable.
‘I have been in person,’ he said, ‘to Legation Street, and
have seen the corpses of Boxers lying on all sides. They had
most certainly been shot, proving that their unholy rites
availed them nothing. They should be exterminated and not
used as Government forces.’ On hearing this advice, the
Emperor, turning to Hsü Ching-ch’eng, enquired whether
China is strong enough to resist the foreigners or not, and
other questions bearing on the position of the Foreign Powers
abroad. Hsü replied without hesitation that China was far
too weak to think of fighting the whole world. His Majesty
was so much impressed by what he had heard that he caught
hold of Hsü by the sleeve and seemed much distressed. Hsü
sorrowfully left the presence, and proceeded with our father
to draft the first of their joint Memorials.</p>

<p>“Later on, when the bombardment of the Legations was
in full swing, our father observed to Hsü, ‘This slaughtering
of Envoys is a grave breach of all international law. If the
Legations are destroyed and the Powers then send an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309"></a>[309]</span>
expedition to avenge them, what will become of our
country? We must oppose this folly, you and I, even at
the risk of our lives.’ So they put in their second Memorial,
which never appeared in the Gazette, but which so frightened
the Boxer princes and Ministers that they slackened for a
while in their attacks on the foreigners. The preservation of
the Legations on this occasion was really due to this Memorial,
and from this moment the enemies of Hsü and our father
became more than ever bent on revenge.</p>

<p>“In the last few days of the 6th Moon (July 15th to 25th)
the foreign armies were massing for their march on Peking,
and our father said to Hsü, ‘We are only waiting for death.
Why should we delay it any longer?’ So they handed in
their third Memorial. In this document they declared that
the situation was becoming desperate, that even the Princes
of the Blood and the Ministers of the Grand Council had
come to applaud these Boxers, and to assist in deceiving
their Majesties. There was only one way left to avoid dire
peril and hold back the foreign armies, and that was to put
an end to these Boxers, and to do this it was necessary to
begin by beheading their leaders among the Princes and
Ministers. Having sent in this Memorial, our father said to
our mother ‘Things have now come to such a pass that,
whether I speak out or keep silence, my death is certain.
Rather than be murdered by these treacherous Ministers, I
prefer to die at the hands of the public executioner. If only
by my death I can convince the Throne of the peril of the
situation, I shall die gladly.’</p>

<p>“We all crowded round our father and wept. Calmly he
spake to us, saying, ‘I am giving my life for the State.
What other thought have I now? You must decide for
yourselves whether you will remain in Peking or return to
our home in the south.’ He then gave us a solemn admonition
in regard to our duties of loyalty and patriotism.</p>

<p>“On the second day of the 7th Moon, (July 27th) he was
arrested and taken to the Board of Punishments. Next day,
at 1 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>, ‘his duty was finally consummated.’ The
execution ground was crowded with a mob of Boxers.
Angrily some of them asked him why he had borne a grudge,
and spoken evil, against the ‘Patriotic Harmony Militia.’<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310"></a>[310]</span>
Our father mockingly answered ‘A statesman speaks out in
obedience to a sense of duty. How should such as you
understand?’</p>

<p>“We were informed by the gaolers that our father and
Hsü had chatted quietly and contentedly in prison. They
had asked for paper and ink, and had written over twenty
sheets, but this document was found by the Boxers and
burned. Was it, we wonder, a valedictory Memorial to the
Throne, or a last mandate to their families? We cannot say,
and we shall never know. Alas, alas, that we, undutiful sons
as we are, should have to bear this crowning sorrow! We
have failed in our duty both as sons and as men. Our
mother still survives, and our father’s burial remains to be
attended to, so that we feel bound to go on, drawing the
breath of pain, so as to perform our duty to our lamented
sire. On the 8th of this Moon we propose to carry his
remains to a place of temporary sepulture in the Garden of
‘Wide Friendship’ at Hangchow, and shall escort our
mother to her home. We shall set up the tablet of our
father in a building adjoining his temporary grave, and there
weep and lament.”</p>

</div>

<p>If to meet an undeserved doom with high courage is
heroism, then these men were indeed heroes. In reading
their Memorials—and especially the last of them—one is
inevitably and forcibly reminded of the best examples in
Greek and Roman history. In their high-minded philosophy,
their instinctive morality and calm contemplation of death,
there breathes the spirit of Socrates, Seneca and Pliny, the
spirit which has given European civilisation its classical
models of noble fortitude and many of its finest inspirations,
the spirit which, shorn of its quality of individualism, has
been the foundation of Japan’s greatness. In the last of
these three Memorials, their swan-song, there rings the true
heroic note, clear-seeing, earnest and fearless. The first,
though forwarded in the name of Yüan alone, was drafted
conjointly with Hsü Ching-ch’eng. Hsü, well-known in
diplomatic circles by his having been Minister in St. Petersburg
and Berlin, had not the same high reputation for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311"></a>[311]</span>
personal integrity and disinterested patriotism as his friend,
but whatever his former failings, he made full amends by the
unflinching nobility of purpose that led to his death.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging"><i>Yüan Ch’ang’s First Memorial against the Boxers, Dated
20th June, 1900.</i></p>

<p>“Ever since the 16th day of the Moon (June 12th), when
the Boxers first burst into Peking, your Majesties have been
giving audience daily to all the Princes and Ministers of
State. The weight of the nation’s sorrow has afflicted your
Sacred Persons, and you have sought the advice of us, your
humble servants, in your anxious desire that a policy may be
devised whereby peace should be restored to the shrines
of your ancestors and to the Chinese people. But we have
failed so far to avert calamity, and thus to bring comfort to
our sorrowing Sovereigns; grievous indeed are our shortcomings,
which fill us with shame and dismay.</p>

<p>“Humbly I recall to your Majesties’ memories a Decree
which was issued in the 7th Moon of the 13th year of Chia-Ch’ing.
Therein it is recorded that, in the provinces of
Shantung and Honan, a dangerous conspiracy had been
organised by evil-doers under the name of the ‘Eight
Diagram’ Society. These latter day Boxers are, in fact,
merely the descendants of the ‘White Lily’ sect, and your
Majesties have already decreed their extermination. It was
only last year that the District Magistrate of Wu Chiao, in
Shantung, drew up a memorandum giving a very full
account of this sect, and two months ago the Governor
of Shantung (Yüan Shih-k’ai), replying to your Majesties’
enquiries, reported that these Boxers were in no way
deserving of Imperial favour, and could never be enrolled as
Government troops. No statement could be more explicit.
Furthermore, the ex-Governor, Yü Hsien, reporting in
connection with the case of a leader of this sect named
Chu Hung-teng, or ‘Chu of the Red Lamp,’ stated that
this impostor claimed to be a descendant of the Ming
Dynasty; he had so worked upon the ignorant people that
the whole district was in a state of unrest, and these treasonable
proceedings increased and spread until the Imperial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312"></a>[312]</span>
forces arrested and executed the ringleaders. Their purely
mythical claims to invulnerability were clearly disproved by
the fact that their execution presented no difficulties.</p>

<p>“When seeking information on this subject last year, I
was informed by General Ch’eng Wen-ping that five years
ago (in 1895) he was stationed at a post on the Chihli
frontier, infested by robbers, who there went by the name
of the ‘Golden Bell’ Society, and were brothers of the
‘Golden Lamp.’ On one occasion some fifty of these men
desired to join General Ch’eng’s forces, but upon his putting
their alleged powers to the test, by firing bullets at them and
stabbing them with swords, blood flowed in the most natural
manner, so that these magic workers died. I mention the
fact to show the absurdity of this superstition; it proves,
beyond doubt, that the organisers of these Societies are
dangerous and treasonable rogues, harbouring evil designs
against the Dynasty, especially when they claim to be
descendants of the Mings. They have, however, collected
an enormous following, and should be dealt with as rebels,
which they undoubtedly are.</p>

<p>“Last year, in the 11th Moon, 13th day, your Majesties
granted me audience, and I reported the above facts, adding
that the alleged anti-Christian propaganda of these Boxers
was merely a pretext, and that their treasonable aims
justified their immediate extermination. Subsequently Yüan
Shih-k’ai, then newly appointed Governor, did his duty
in suppressing the movement, so that several Boxer societies
were broken up or destroyed. Once more peace reigned, so
that the gentry and <i>literati</i> of the province, who for a time
had believed in the Boxers and had accused the Governor of
ruthless methods, were forced to admit that he had acted
rightly and that they had been misled. Who could have
supposed that the suppression of the movement in Shantung
would be followed by its spreading and increasing in Chihli?
The Viceroy (Yü Lu) must undoubtedly be blamed for this;
he has allowed the canker to grow without check, playing the
part of an indifferent spectator. Latterly, after these Boxers
had murdered the Magistrate of Lai Shui, the Viceroy
appeared to realise, for the first time, that their professed
campaign against the Christians was merely a cloak for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313"></a>[313]</span>
rebellion. He telegraphed, therefore, recommending their
suppression. But there were differences of opinion at Court,
and nothing was decided. Other districts became speedily
affected with the evil, and for no other reason than that the
rebels of Lai Shui had escaped without punishment. They
grew bolder and bolder, until finally they tore up the railway
lines and destroyed the telegraphs throughout the province,
although both are Government property, upon which vast
sums of the public money have been spent. Deplorable,
indeed, that one morning’s work of rebels should witness the
loss of millions of taels! They have also destroyed many
Christian churches, for which the State will have to pay
heavily hereafter.</p>

<p>“I humbly submit that this fierce outbreak of the Boxers
against Christians is a matter of deadly peril to the Empire.
By our laws, Magistrates are expected to administer justice
without fear or favour; there is no distinction to be made
between Christians and non-Christians, and it should
certainly not be permitted that evil-doers should pursue their
ends on any plea of religious zeal. And now, within the
last few days, these rebels have even dared to invade our
Capital, and their armed mob profanes the very chariot
wheels of the Throne. Arson and murder are their work;
they have burned the churches and attacked the Legations.
Your Majesties’ Palace is shaking to its foundations, as by an
earthquake. For such deeds there is no penalty but death;
clemency in such a case were folly.</p>

<p>“On the 20th day of this Moon they set fire to more than
a thousand shops outside the Main Gate, so that the wealthiest
quarter of the city is now a hideous desert. Nine out of
every ten inhabitants are fleeing from the city, and hardly a
shop remains open. There is no money forthcoming from
the provinces wherewith to pay our troops. Words cannot
describe the utter desolation prevailing on all sides. In
allowing these rioters to stalk through the land, breathing
slaughter and plunder, we were making ourselves a byeword
and an object of derision throughout the civilised world. The
ministers of the foreign Powers, alarmed by the Boxers’ wild
threats, have been compelled, by the necessities of their
situation, to bring up Legation guards, but these only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314"></a>[314]</span>
amount to four hundred and ten men altogether, and the
object of their coming is clearly not offensive, but defensive
only.</p>

<p>“On the 16th day (June 12th) Ch’i Hsiu and other members
of the Grand Council were instructed by your Majesty (the
Empress Dowager) to have compliments and expressions of
sympathy sent to the foreign Ministers and their wives. This
act of benevolent courtesy was gratefully recognised. They
were fully alive to the bountiful measure of protection thus
extended to them in your Majesty’s clemency; it penetrated
to their very marrow. The Ministers then informed your
Majesty that their Legation guards have been brought up
solely as a precaution, and they have no thought of interfering
in the domestic affairs of our country. They give the
most solemn assurances, invoking the sun as witness and
pointing to heaven, that, so soon as these disturbances are
at an end, their troops will immediately be withdrawn.
There is no reason to suspect them of any treachery or evil
purpose. It should be our immediate aim to rid the Tartar
city of the presence of these rebels, in order not only to
reassure the minds of our own people, but to relieve the
anxiety of the foreigners. If we do this, there will be no
further talk of the foreign Powers sending more troops; if we
crush the rebellion ourselves, there would be no need of
foreign co-operation to that end. Surely the wisdom of this
course is self-evident.” (<i>Here follow certain suggestions for
Police and military measures.</i>)</p>

<p>“If it be objected that the destruction of so vast a number
of Boxers is impracticable, I venture to reply that the present
situation has been entirely brought about by a few ringleaders,
and that the majority of the Boxers are simply ignorant
peasantry. If, on the other hand, it be maintained that these
rebels are in possession of magical secrets which confer upon
them supernatural powers, I would venture to remind your
Majesties of Chang Chio’s ‘Yellow Turban’ sect, which
flourished towards the end of the Han Dynasty, and of the
historic case of P’an Kuang, the ‘head-breaker’ of the Yuan
Dynasty; both of these men, though possessing supernatural
powers, nevertheless lost their heads. One of the principal
reasons for the alleged invulnerability of these Boxer bandits<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315"></a>[315]</span>
is that in the day time they lie low; it is at night that
they display activity, and call upon their deities to succour
them. All the magical arts which they profess—their
incantations, charms, invocations of spirits, table-turning,
and the ‘five demon’ trick—are merely cheap devices of
useless sorcery. Let them encounter any lethal weapon, let
them be struck by cannon or rifle bullet, and they fall dead
upon the spot. Can it be seriously maintained that they are
really safe from bullets when it is notorious that a large
number of them were shot by the foreign troops on the
17th day of this Moon (June 13th), when they began their
attack upon the Legations? Only yesterday over forty
Boxers were shot dead in Shuai Fu lane,<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> and their altar was
destroyed.</p>

<p>“The population of Peking numbers close upon a million,
and, with the exception of these wretched mobs or Boxers,
they are all loyal to the Throne and law-abiding. The
capture and execution of these Boxers would vindicate the
majesty of the law, and tranquillise the minds of the people;
the courage of the rebels would wane as that of the
respectable community increased. Once rid Peking of the
Boxers, and the Legations will gratefully recognise the
efficacy of your Majesty’s divine protection, and their
feelings towards you will be as towards a second Creator.
The reinforcements of the foreign guards could then reasonably
be stopped, or withdrawn, at an early date, there being
clearly no further necessity for their presence.</p>

<p>“In conclusion it is written in the Book of Ceremonies of
the Chou Dynasty ‘that the existence of anarchy in a State
necessitates the adoption of the death penalty’; also in the
Canon of History it is written ‘that there is a time when
the infliction of capital punishment becomes a sacred duty.’
It would therefore appear to be clearly proved that these
Boxers should properly be exterminated, and that any further
continuance of procrastination or of evasive measures, such as
their enrolment in the army, will be utterly unavailing. The
foreign Powers are strong, and their indignation has reached
extreme limits. Should they now unite in measures of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316"></a>[316]</span>
retaliation, indescribable disasters await us. Instead of
allowing the foreigners to suppress the Boxers, which
would mean much fighting and bloodshed in and around
Peking, the slaughter of many innocent persons (‘jade and
common stone perishing together in one catastrophe’), let
us rather suppress the movement ourselves, and thus close
the mouths of our detractors and those who criticise our
Empire. Thus only will the ancestral shrines escape
desecration, and the people enjoy untold benefits.</p>

<p>“The Grand Secretary, Jung Lu, is patriotic and loyal.
If your Majesties will but grant him full powers, success
will speedily be attained. Diplomatic difficulties can easily
be overcome by careful attention to the exigencies of the
moment. Urging upon your Majesties the essential fact
that in undivided control of authority lies our only safeguard
against dire catastrophe, I now beg humbly to submit
this my Memorial, laying bare my innermost feelings, and
ask that your Majesties’ divine wisdom may consider and
decide the matter.”</p>

</div>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging"><i>The Second Memorial of Yüan Ch’ang and Hsü Ching-ch’eng,
July 8th.</i></p>

<p>“Ever since, on the 24th day of last Moon, the German
Minister von Ketteler was killed by the Boxers, the latter
have been besieging the Legations, and the Kansuh troops
under Tung Fu-hsiang have been their willing accomplices
in perpetrating every kind of evil. Countless is the
number of our people, residing near the Legations, who
have suffered death at their hands. Practically every house
in the eastern quarter of the city, whether public or private
property, has been mercilessly plundered.</p>

<p>“The Boxers originally proclaimed that their mission was
to pay off old scores against the Christians; they then
proceeded to include the Legations in their attacks. From
the Legations they have extended their sphere of activity,
directing their operations against our officials and the
common people. That a mutinous soldiery and mobs of
rebels should be permitted to run riot over our Capital, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317"></a>[317]</span>
work their evil will upon the people, is indeed a circumstance
unparalleled in our history.</p>

<p>“When the siege began it was their boast that, within
twenty-four hours, not a single Legation would remain
standing, nay more, Tung Fu-hsiang has repeatedly boasted
that they are already nothing more than a heap of ashes.
As a matter of fact, however, nearly a month has passed,
and whereas scarcely a foreign soldier has been killed, the
entire Legation quarter lies strewn with the corpses of these
Boxers. Where now the proud boast, with which they
deluded simple folk, that their magic arts rendered them
immune from bullet wounds? If, after a month’s effort,
fifty thousand bandits are unable to capture a few Legations
garrisoned by less than four hundred foreigners, we can form
a fairly accurate estimate of their value and prowess. Who
would ever dream of using the services of such heroes to
check foreign aggression?</p>

<p>“It may perhaps be suggested that genuine Boxers would
show very different results in their country’s service, and
that those who have been guilty of murder and arson are not
really Boxers at all, but outsiders and charlatans, having no
legitimate connection with the cult. But we submit that if
the society has been so disorganised as to be divided into
real and counterfeit members, and if the latter are permitted
with the tacit consent of the former, to commit every kind
of atrocity, it seems clear that the genuine Boxer himself is
a thoroughly disreputable person.</p>

<p>“Moreover, the Throne has expressly forbidden them to
take up arms and to continue their devastation with fire and
sword; they have been ordered to disband and leave Peking.
Nevertheless, they ignore these orders and continue in their
wicked ways. Whether genuine or counterfeit, these Boxers
vie with one another in flouting the law of the land. Their
incorrigible wickedness renders them one and all deserving
of death; the leniency shown them has but increased their
arrogance, and the number of these evil-doers has grown by
reason of the tolerance extended to them.</p>

<p>“In a previous Memorial we urged that the Grand
Secretary Jung Lu should be given full powers, with
instructions to adopt such severe measures as might be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318"></a>[318]</span>
necessary for the suppression of this movement, but your
Majesties declined to follow our advice. To-day the danger
has grown infinitely greater, and we feel it therefore our
bounden duty to lay before your Sacred intelligence our
crude and humble views even though, in doing so, we incur
the risk of death for our temerity. We bear in mind the
words of the Spring and Autumn classic, ‘in time of war
the persons of Envoys are inviolate.’ By the international
law of European countries, foreign Ambassadors are regarded
as semi-sacred personages: whosoever treats them wrongfully
commits a wrong against the State which they
represent. If these Boxer bandits be permitted to destroy
the Legations and to slay the foreign Ministers, the Powers
will undoubtedly consider this a monstrous outrage, and will
unitedly make any sacrifice in order to avenge it. The
foreign troops at present in Peking are but few in number,
but there are great armies to take their place. That China
should attempt to fight the entire world means, in our
humble opinion, not the defeat only, but the complete
annihilation of the Empire. For the past sixty years China
has made treaties with Foreign Powers, and has permitted
European missionaries to come amongst us for the propagation
of their religion. It is true that their converts take
advantage of their position to act unjustly to their fellow-countrymen
and to insult them. It is true that they frequently
rely upon missionary protection to secure their evil ends, but
it is also true that our local officials often treat these matters
with apathy and injustice. The non-Christians are therefore
filled with resentment and indignation against the Christians,
a result very largely due to lack of ability and energy on the
part of the Government officials. This is the case at
present; we are but reaping the harvest of past faults.
Your Memorialists do not venture to suggest that the cause
of this ill-feeling against the Christians lies chiefly with the
common people, but it cannot be denied that China loses
dignity in the eyes of the world while our Government
remains indifferent to these continual feuds between
Christians and non-Christians. It is inadmissible that the
local officials should excuse themselves for inaction on the
plea that they cannot maintain order. For example, if two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319"></a>[319]</span>
neighbours in a village are on bad terms, and a clan fight
takes place between their respective families and followers,
and if, as the result, property is destroyed and lives lost in
the fray, reparation will be claimed by the aggrieved party,
not from the actual fighters, but from the heads of the other
clan, with whom rests the responsibility for law and order.
In matters of State the same principle holds good.</p>

<p>“The religions of Europe may be divided into Catholic
and Protestant; the priests of the former sect are known as
“spiritual fathers” while the latter are called “pastors.”
These Boxer brigands class all foreign religions alike, making
no difference between sect and sect; but the Russians are
of the Greek church, while the Japanese are Buddhists.
Neither of these nations has hitherto sent missions to the
interior of China, a fact which these Boxers completely
ignore. To them, the mere sight of a foreign costume, or
the hearing of words in a foreign tongue, immediately
evokes their war cry of “hairy devils,” who must be
exterminated. It is clear that all right principles of conduct
render such an attitude unjust, while our weakness as a
nation renders it inexpedient; and we would ask your
Majesties to remember that China has also sent its Envoys
on foreign missions. If the Powers, enraged by the massacre
of their Envoys, should retaliate by killing ours, will it
not be said that China has dealt the fatal blow to her
own Ministers by the hand of another? Your Majesty, the
Empress Dowager, has just sent presents to the foreign
Legations—fruit, vegetable, flour and rice—in order to
‘display your beneficence to the strangers from afar.’<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>
Nevertheless these Boxer brigands, trusting in their arrogant
Commander (Tung Fu-hsiang) as a tower of strength,
continue their attacks upon the Legations. If the foreigners
come to suspect the Throne of hypocritical displays of
friendliness while secretly encouraging this bombardment,
who will hereafter believe any statement that may be put
forward as to your innocence and disapproval of all this
carnival of slaughter, however earnestly you may proclaim it
to a doubting world?</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320"></a>[320]</span></p>

<p>“If, on the other hand, the Legations successfully maintain
their resistance until peace is eventually restored, then
the foreign Envoys, who have received your Majesty’s bounty,
will naturally feel bound, in common gratitude, to advise
their Governments that the Boxers alone were responsible
for the siege, which no foresight could have prevented, and
that your Majesties are to be acquitted of all blame for the
growth of this movement. By a wise course of action at
this juncture, the suspicions of foreign Powers may be lulled,
and a very great advantage gained at very little trouble
to ourselves. It will thus be easy to restore harmonious
relations. But if the Legations are utterly destroyed and
every foreign Minister put to the sword, by what means can
the outside world ever learn of your Majesty’s present
thoughtful generosity? It will be quite vain to hope that,
without supporting evidence, the Throne will ever be able to
persuade the foreign Powers of its innocence. They are now
pouring in troops on the plea of suppressing the rebellion on
behalf of China. There are many who believe that this is
merely an excuse for obtaining a permanent foothold on
Chinese territory; only the most credulous persons believe
in the sincerity of the professed motives of foreigners. We,
your Memorialists, have not wisdom sufficient to fathom
their real object, but we maintain that these lawless Boxer
mobs should long since have been wiped out of existence.
Why should it be necessary to wait until foreign Powers
demand their extermination, and, above all, why wait until
those Powers take in hand themselves a matter with which
we should have dealt?</p>

<p>“Thoroughly convinced that China’s only hope of preserving
her integrity lies in the preservation of the Legations,
we now ask that a strong Decree be issued, censuring Tung
Fu-hsiang and commanding the withdrawal of his troops
from Peking; he should under no circumstances be permitted
to approach the Legation quarter any more. It
should be clearly laid down that any of these Boxers or
of their followers who may continue the attack on the
Legations will at once be executed. By withdrawing the
support of the Government troops from the Boxers, the
destruction of the latter will be greatly facilitated. At<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321"></a>[321]</span>
the same time we earnestly request that Jung Lu be
authorised to expel every Boxer from Peking within a given
limit of time, so as to save the State from a danger which is
‘scorching its very eyebrows,’ and to prevent any recurrence
of these troubles.</p>

<p>“We are aware that the clear light of Heaven is
temporarily obscured by this very plague of locusts, and that
our plain speaking may very well be our own undoing.
But since, in all humility, we realise that China is like a sick
man whose every breath may be his last, our fear in speaking
weighs less heavily with us than our sense of duty. Therefore,
knowing that we face death in so doing, we submit this
our Memorial, and humbly beg that your Majesties may
honour us by perusing it.”</p>

</div>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging"><i>Extract from the third and last of the three Memorials by
Yüan Ch’ang and Hsü Ching-Ch’eng, 23rd July, 1900.</i></p>

<p>“We, your Memorialists, now humbly desire to point out
that it is more than a month since our sacred Capital was
given over to anarchy, a state of affairs which has reacted
throughout the entire Empire. We now stand confronted
by the prospect of a war with the whole civilised world, the
conclusion of which can only be an unparalleled catastrophe.</p>

<p>“In the reign of Hsien-Feng the Taiping and Mahomedan
rebels devastated more than ten provinces, and the uprising
was not quelled until ten years had passed. In the reign of
Chia-Ch’ing the rebellion of the ‘White Lily’ sect laid waste
three or four provinces. It is recorded in the history of
these wars that, only after the most heroic efforts, and with
the greatest difficulty, the Imperial armies succeeded in
restoring order. But these rebellions, in comparison with
the present Boxer rising, were mere trifling ailments: the
State to-day stands threatened with mortal sickness. For on
the former occasions everyone, from the Throne downwards
to the lowest of the people, was fully aware that the Taipings
were rebels; but to-day some of the highest in the land look
upon the Boxers as patriots, so that even those who know
them to be rebels are afraid to confess the truth. Our folly
is bringing down upon us the ridicule and hatred of every<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322"></a>[322]</span>
foreign country. When this movement began, these men
were ignorant peasants, unversed in military matters; they
drew after them large numbers of criminals by proclaiming
as their watchword ‘Prop up the Dynasty and slay the
foreigner.’ But what is the rational interpretation of this
watchword? If we are to take it as meaning that every
native of China who treads the soil of our country and lives
on its fruits should be imbued with feelings of deep gratitude
for the benevolent and virtuous rule which the present
Dynasty has maintained for over two centuries, and would
gladly repay the bounty of the Throne by fighting for its protection,
we heartily endorse the sentiment. But if it means
that, at a great crisis in our national history, it is the mob
alone that has power sufficient to ‘prop up’ our tottering
fortunes and restore tranquillity, should we not remember that
he who can ‘prop up’ can also throw down, and that the
power which ‘props up’ the Dynasty may overthrow it
to-morrow? What is this then but treasonable language,
and who so greatly daring as to utter sentiments of this kind?</p>

<p>“We, your Memorialists, unworthy as we are, fully realise
that the foreigners, who make their nests in the body of our
State, constitute a real danger. But the way to deal with the
situation is to reform the administration in the first place, and
in the meanwhile to deal most cautiously with all questions
of foreign policy. We must bide our time and select a
weak opponent; by this means our strength might in due
course be displayed, and old scores paid off.</p>

<p>“If foreign nations had gratuitously invaded our country,
we should be the first to welcome as loyal patriots everyone
who should take up arms and rush into the fray, however
feeble his efforts. But to-day, when the Throne’s relations
with foreign States were perfectly friendly, this sudden outcry
of ‘Slay the foreigner’ is nothing but a wanton provocation
of hostilities on all our frontiers. Foolishness of this kind is
calculated to destroy our Empire like a child’s toy. Besides,
when they talk of slaying the foreigner, do they mean only
the foreigners in China, or the inhabitants of every State
within the five Continents? The slaughter of Europeans in
China would by no means prevent others taking their places.
But if the meaning of this watchword is that they propose to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323"></a>[323]</span>
make a clean sweep of every non-Chinese inhabitant on the
face of the earth, any fool can see the utter impossibility of
their programme. It seems almost incredible that Yü Hsien,
Yü Lu and other Viceroys should not be capable of realising
such simple facts as these. Yü Lu in particular has gathered
around him the Boxer chiefs, and treats them as honoured
guests. Thousands of the most notorious villains throng into
his official residence, and are freely admitted on presenting a
card bearing the title of ‘Boxer.’ These men sit by the side
of the Viceroy on his judgment-seat, bringing the authority
of the Throne into contempt, and insulting the intelligence of
all educated men. Abominable scoundrels like the Boxer
chiefs, Chang Te-ch’ang and Han Yi-li, men formerly
infamous throughout their province, and now known in
Peking itself as a scourge, have actually been recommended
for official posts in a public Memorial to the Throne! Never
has there been a case of a Viceroy so flagrantly hoodwinking
his Sovereign.</p>

<p>“In regard to Yü Lu’s Memorials reporting his military
success at Tientsin, we have caused careful inquiry to be
made from many refugees, and they one and all deny the
truth of these reports. On the contrary they unanimously
assert that many thousands of our troops have been slain by
the foreigners, and they even go so far as to say that the
capture of the Taku Forts is entirely attributable to the fact
that Yü Lu first permitted the Boxers to attack the foreign
Settlements. Their indignation against Yü Lu may possibly
lead them into some slight exaggeration in these statements,
but, in our opinion, the Viceroy’s bombastic reports are of a
piece with Tung Fu-hsiang’s braggart lies, when he tells your
Majesties that he has destroyed the Legations and annihilated
their defenders. Tung Fu-hsiang is nothing but a Kansuh
robber, who, after surrendering to the Imperial forces and
obtaining some credit in their ranks, attained his present
position by the exceptional favours of the Throne. He
should have requited your Majesty’s bounty better than by
associating himself with treasonable rogues and behaving like
a common footpad. His present actions may very well foreshadow
some dastardly design hidden in his wolf-heart.</p>

<p>“Yü Lu is one of the highest officials in the Empire, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324"></a>[324]</span>
very different from military men of the Tung Fu-hsiang
type. It is hard to explain his blear-eyed stupidity. No
doubt he has been led astray by the deceitful representations
of your Majesty’s Ministers, who have even led the Throne
to depart from the path of wisdom formerly followed. It
is these Ministers who are entirely to blame.</p>

<p>“The Grand Secretary, Hsü T’ung, was born stupid; he
knows nothing of the needs and dangers of our times.
Grand Councillor Kang Yi, an obstinate bigot, herds with
traitors and fawns on rebels; Ch’i Hsiu is arrogant and
obstinate; while Chao Shu-ch’iao, the President of the
Board of Punishments, is crafty-hearted and a master of
sycophancy.</p>

<p>“After the first entry of the Boxers into Peking, your
Majesties held a special audience, at which all the Princes
and Ministers were present, and our advice was asked in
regard to the adoption of a policy of encouragement or
repression. Your Memorialists replied that the Boxers were
anything but patriots and were of no use against foreigners;
at the same time we earnestly begged that war should not
be lightly declared against the whole world. It was on this
occasion that Hsü Tung, Kang Yi, and the rest of them
actually dared to rebuke us in the presence of the Throne.
Now, if it were a fact that a hundred thousand newly
sharpened swords might suffice to overcome our enemies,
we, your Memorialists, by no means devoid of natural feelings
of patriotism, would welcome the day when these foreigners
might once for all be smitten hip and thigh. But if such
a result can by no means be achieved under existing conditions,
then it is not we who deserve the name of traitors,
but those Ministers who, by their errors, have led the
State to the brink of disaster.</p>

<p>“When, in the 5th Moon, your Majesties ordered Kang
Yi and Chao Shu-ch’iao to proceed to Cho Chou and order
the Boxers to disperse, the latter forced these Ministers to go
down upon their knees and burn incense before their altar
while they chanted their nonsensical incantations. Chao
Shu-ch’iao knew perfectly well the degrading folly of this
performance, and openly lamented his part in it; but he
had not courage sufficient to contradict Kang Yi, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325"></a>[325]</span>
believed in the Boxers’ magic, so that, upon his returning,
he joined Kang Yi in reporting to the Throne that the
Boxers had all dispersed. But if they have been dispersed,
how comes it now that their numbers have been so greatly
increased? And how does the Throne propose to deal
with Ministers who dare to memorialise in this haphazard
manner?</p>

<p>“Tientsin has already fallen, and the foreign troops draw
nearer every day. So far, no magical arts of the Boxers
have availed us anything, and it is our deliberate opinion
that, within a month, the enemy will be knocking at the
gates of our Capital. We ask your Majesties to consider the
dire consequences of the situation, and the possibility of the
desecration of the shrines of your sacred ancestors. Our
minds are filled with horror at the thought of what may
occur. But in the meantime Hsü T’ung, Kang Yi, and the
rest of them laugh and talk together. The ship is sinking,
but they remain splendidly unconcerned, just as if they
believed in the Boxers as a tower of refuge. From such
men, the State can no more derive council than from idiots
and drunkards. Even some of the highest in the land, your
Majesty’s own Ministers and members of the Grand Council,
have bowed the knee before the Boxers. Many a Prince’s
palace and a ducal mansion has been converted into a shrine
for the Boxer cult. These Boxers are fools, but they have
been clever enough all the same to befool Hsü T’ung, Kang
Yi, and their followers. Hsü T’ung, Kang Yi, and the
rest of them are fools, but they in their turn have
contrived to befool the Princes and Nobles of the Imperial
clan. All our calamities may be directly traced to these
Ministers, to Hsü T’ung, Kang Yi, and the rest of them,
and unless your Majesties will order their immediate decapitation,
thereby vindicating the majesty of the law, it is
inevitable that every official in and near the Court must
accept the Boxer heresies, and other Provincial Governors,
following the lead of Yü Lu and Yü Hsien, will adopt and
spread them.</p>

<p>“And not only on Hsü T’ung, Kang Yi, and their followers
should the Imperial wrath fall, but also upon those in high
places whose midsummer madness has led them to protect<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326"></a>[326]</span>
and encourage the Boxers. Their close relationship to your
Majesties, or their position as Imperial clansmen, should in
no wise protect them from the penalty of their guilt. Thus
only can the foreigners be led to recognise that this Boxer
madness, this challenge to the world in arms, was the work
of a few misguided officials, and in no sense an expression
of the intentions or wishes of the Throne. War will then
immediately give way to peace, and the altars of our gods
will remain inviolate. And when these things have come
to pass, may your Majesties be pleased to order the execution
of your Memorialists, so that the spirits of Hsü Tung,
Kang Yi, and their associates may be appeased. Smilingly
should we go to our death, and enter the realms of Hades.
In a spirit of uncontrollable indignation and alarm, we
present this Memorial with tears, and beg that your Majesties
may deign to peruse it.”</p>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327"></a>[327]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XIX">XIX<br>
<span class="smaller">SIDELIGHTS ON TZŬ HSI’S STATECRAFT</span></h2>

</div>

<p>Yüan Chang and Hsü Ch’ing-ch’eng were not alone in
warning Her Majesty of the danger and folly of her Boxer
proclivities. At the beginning of the crisis Liu K’un-yi, the
aged Viceroy of Nanking, sorely distressed at the suicidal
policy into which she had been led, wrote and despatched,
by telegram and swift couriers, a Memorial, in which he
implored her to put a stop to the attacks on the Legations.
Tzŭ Hsi’s reply to this document clearly reveals the
indecision which characterised her at this period, her hopes of
revenge on the hated foreigner struggling ever with her fears
of impending disaster. The diary of Ching Shan has shown
us the woman under the fierce stress of her conflicting
emotions and swiftly-changing impulses, of those moods
which found their alternating expression in the ebb and flow
of the struggle around the Legations for more than a month
after she had received and answered the southern Viceroy’s
Memorial. Of his unswerving loyalty she had no more
doubt than of that of Jung Lu, and his ripe wisdom had
stood her in good stead these many years. Nevertheless, his
advice could not turn her from the path of revenge, from her
dreams of power unrestrained. All it could effect, aided, no
doubt, by the tidings of the Allies’ capture of the Taku Forts,
was to cause her to prepare possible by-paths and bolt-holes
of escape and exoneration. To this end she addressed direct<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328"></a>[328]</span>
appeals, a tissue of artless fabrications, to the Sovereigns and
chief rulers of the Great Powers, and proceeded next to
display her sympathy with the besieged Ministers in the
Legations by presents of fruits and vegetables, to which she
subsequently referred with pride as convincing proof of her
good faith and goodwill. Her Majesty, in fact, was induced
to hedge, while never abandoning hope that Prince Tuan and
his Boxers would make good their boast and drive the barbarians
into the sea.</p>

<p>The Viceroy’s Memorial is chiefly interesting as an example
of that chief and unalterable sentiment which actuates the
Chinese <i>literati</i> and has been one of the strongest pillars of
Manchu rule, namely, that the Emperor is infallible, a sentiment
based on the fact that complete and unquestioning
loyalty to the Throne is the essential cornerstone of the
whole fabric of Confucian morality, filial piety, and ancestral
worship. While deprecating the Imperial folly, the Viceroy
is therefore compelled to ascribe it to everyone but Her
Majesty, and to praise the Imperial wisdom and benevolence.</p>

<p>His Memorial is as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The present war is due to bandits spreading slaughter
and arson on the pretext of paying off a grudge against
Christianity; thus we are face to face with a serious crisis.
The Powers are uniting to send troops and squadrons to
attack China on the plea of protecting their subjects and
suppressing this rebellion. Our position is critical and the
provinces are naturally bound to look now to their defences.
I have already made the necessary preparations, so that if
those hordes of foreigners do invade us, we shall resist them
with all our might. I feel that our Sovereigns are displaying
glorious virtue and that your Majesties are as bountiful as the
Almighty. Your indulgence to the men from afar indicates
the boundless magnanimity and good faith which animate all
your actions.</p>

<p>“At present, the first essential is to make the Throne’s embarrassments,
which have led up to the present situation,
widely known, as well as the quality of consistent kindness<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329"></a>[329]</span>
with which you are imbued. By so doing, rebels will be
deprived of any pretext for further rioting.</p>

<p>“At the beginning of the war, my colleagues and I issued
a proclamation bidding the people go about their avocations
as usual, and not to give heed to suspicious rumours. A
petition has now reached me from Chinese residents abroad
to urge effective protection for foreigners in China, so that
there may be no risk of revenge being taken on themselves.
The language used is very strong, and we have taken
advantage of the visit of the foreign Consuls, who suggested
certain measures for the protection of missionaries and merchants,
to give orders to the Shanghai Taotai to come to an
arrangement with them in regard to the preservation of peace
in the Yangtsze valley, and at Soochow and Hangchow.
This arrangement will hold good so long as they do not invade
the region in question. The Consuls have telegraphed to
their respective Governments, and I to our Ministers abroad,
explaining fully this arrangement. The Germans, owing to
the murder of their Minister, were disposed to oppose it, but
finally, under compulsion from their colleagues, gave their
consent also.</p>

<p>“I respectfully quote your Majesties’ decree of the 29th
of the 5th Moon (June 25th): ‘The foreign Ministers are
now in a desperately dangerous position; we are still doing
our best to protect them.’ The decree proceeds to direct us
to guard well our respective provinces and to take such steps
as policy may dictate at this emergency. Again, on the
3rd of the 6th Moon (June 29th), your decree to our
Ministers abroad states ‘We are now sending troops to
protect the Legations, but we are weak and can only do our
best. You are to carry on the business of your missions
abroad as usual.’</p>

<p>“In other words, the Throne is inflicting stern and exemplary
punishment on those foreigners in Tientsin who provoked
hostilities, while doing its utmost to protect those innocent
foreign officials, merchants and missionaries who were not
responsible for those attacks. Your benevolence and the
majesty of your wrath are displayed simultaneously, manifested
as brightly as the sun and moon.</p>

<p>“We have again and again implored you to protect the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330"></a>[330]</span>
foreign Ministers: this is the one all-important step which
must on no account be deferred a day, not only because your
Majesties’ own anxiety recognises its necessity, but because
the crisis now forces it upon you.</p>

<p>“The Ministers abroad, Yang Ju and his colleagues, have
telegraphed to the effect that our first duty is to protect the
lives of the foreign Ministers and of all foreigners in China.
I therefore humbly ask you to send competent troops to
protect the Legations in Peking, and by so doing to protect
the lives of your own Envoys abroad. I also urge you to
instruct the provincial authorities to protect all foreigners
within their respective jurisdictions, and thereby to protect
our Chinese subjects residing in foreign lands. My anxiety
is intense.”</p>

</div>

<p>To this memorial Tzŭ Hsi replied, by express courier and
telegram, as follows:</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Your memorial has reached us. The Throne was
reluctant lightly to enter upon hostilities, as we have already
informed the several foreign Governments and the various
provincial authorities. We have also issued several decrees
ordering protection for the Ministers and foreign residents
all over China. Hence our ideas seem to be identical with
your own.<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Happily all the Ministers, except Baron von
Ketteler, are perfectly well and quite comfortable; only a
day or two ago we sent them presents of fruits and viands, in
order to show our commiseration. If the Powers now dare
to invade your provinces, you must all protect your territories
and resist with all your might. Even though at the moment
peace may prevail, you must make most strenuous
preparations against possible emergencies. In a word, we
will not willingly be the aggressors. You are to inform our
various Legations abroad of our calm and kindly feelings
towards all foreigners, so that they may think out some plan
of a peaceful settlement, in the general interest. It is
highly desirable that you give no ready ear to vague rumours
which are calculated only to lead to further lack of unity.
This decree is to be conveyed by special courier, at six
hundred <i>li</i> (two hundred miles) a day.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331"></a>[331]</span></p>

<p>A few days before this Decree, <i>i.e.</i>, on the 1st of July,
Her Majesty had drafted with her own pen an explanatory
decree for the edification of the foreign Powers, recounting
how the Throne had been led into its present unpleasant
situation. It is interesting to note that, ten days before, she
had offered rewards for the heads of foreigners in Peking
and had sent orders to Yü Hsien to kill every foreigner in
Shansi, which he did. But Tzŭ Hsi had studied her classics
and knew from her own experience how easily dissension
and jealousies could be created among the barbarians.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Owing to a succession of most unfortunate circumstances,
rapidly and confusedly following each other, we are utterly
at a loss to account for the situation which has brought
about hostilities between China and the Powers. Our
representatives abroad are separated from us by wide seas,
and besides have no special knowledge of the facts, and they
are therefore unable to explain to the respective Foreign
Offices the real state of the Chinese Government’s feelings.
We therefore desire now to place before you the following
detailed statement of the facts.</p>

<p>“In the Provinces of Chihli and Shantung there has
arisen a certain class of disorderly characters who, in their
respective villages, have been wont to practise the use
of the quarter-staff and pugilism, combining these exercises
with certain magic arts and incantations. Owing to the
failure of the local Magistrates to detect and stop these
proceedings, the result has been that gradually a state of
unrest has shown itself throughout that region until, all of
a sudden, the Boxer movement assumed serious proportions.
They spread even to Peking, where they were regarded as
possessed of supernatural powers, so that they gained vast
numbers of followers and universal sympathy. Following
in their train the disorderly people of the lower sort raised a
cry of ‘Death to the Christians!’ following upon which, in
the middle of the 5th Moon, they proceeded to carry their
words into deeds, and to slaughter the converts. The
churches were burned, the whole city was in an uproar, and
the population passed completely out of our control.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332"></a>[332]</span></p>

<p>“When the first rumours of the coming disaster were
noised abroad, the Legations asked our consent to bring up
special guards, which consent, in view of the special necessities
of the case, was readily given. In all some five
hundred foreign troops came to Peking, which in itself shows
plainly the friendly disposition of the Throne towards all
foreign nations. Under ordinary circumstances the foreign
Legations and their guards do not come in contact with the
local Chinese authorities, and have no relations with them,
friendly or otherwise; but since the arrival of these troops,
the soldiers have not confined themselves to the duty of
protecting the Legations, but have gone upon the city walls
and have even patrolled the outlying parts of the capital,
with the result that shots have been exchanged and blood
has been shed. Indeed, so great are the liberties which they
have taken in the course of their walks abroad, that on one
occasion they actually endeavoured to force their way into
the Forbidden City, which, however, they failed to do. For
these reasons great and widespread indignation has been
excited against them, and evil-doers have seized the opportunity
to commit deeds of slaughter and arson, waxing daily
bolder. At this stage the Powers endeavoured to bring up<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>
reinforcements from Tientsin, but these were cut to pieces on
their journey from the sea, and the attempt was perforce
abandoned. By this time the rebels in the two provinces had
become so intermingled with the people that it was impossible
to identify them. The Throne was by no means averse to
give orders for their suppression, but had we acted with
undue haste, the result might have been a general conflagration,
and our efforts to protect the Legations might
have ended in a dire calamity. If we had proceeded to
destroy the rebels in the two provinces, no single missionary
or native Christian would have been left alive in either, so
that we had to proceed cautiously in this dilemma.</p>

<p>“Under these circumstances we were compelled to suggest
the temporary withdrawal of the Legations to Tientsin, and
we were proceeding to make the necessary arrangements to
this end when the German Minister was unfortunately
murdered one morning on his way to the Tsungli Yamên.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333"></a>[333]</span>
This incident placed the rebel leaders in a desperate position,
like that of the man who rides a tiger and who hesitates
whether it be more dangerous for him to continue his ride
or to jump off. It became then inexpedient that the proposed
withdrawal of the Legations to Tientsin should
proceed. All we could do we did, which was to enforce
urgent measures for the due protection of the Legations in
every emergency. To our dismay, on the 16th ultimo,
certain foreign naval officers from the squadron outside
Taku had an interview with the Commandant of the forts,
demanding their surrender, and adding that, if their demand
were refused, they would take them by force on the
following day. The Commandant was naturally unable to
betray the trust confided to him, and the foreigners
accordingly bombarded the forts and captured them after a
vigorous resistance. A state of war has thus been created,
but it is none of our doing; besides, how could China be so
utterly foolish, conscious as she is of her weakness, as to
declare war on the whole world at once? How could she
hope to succeed by using the services of untrained bandits
for any such a purpose? This must be obvious to the
Powers.</p>

<p>“The above is an accurate statement of our situation,
explaining the measures unavoidably forced upon China to
meet the situation. Our representatives abroad must carefully
explain the tenor of this decree to the Governments to
which they are accredited. We are still instructing our
military Commanders to protect the Legations, and can only
do our best. In the meantime you, our Ministers, must
carry on your duties as usual, and not pose as disinterested
spectators.”</p>

</div>

<p>Supplementing this Decree, the Empress, possibly instigated
by some of the master-minds of the Grand Council,
proceeded to prepare the way for a time-honoured, and
invariably successful, device of Chinese statecraft, namely,
the creation of dissension and jealousy between the Powers,
and to this end she addressed telegrams to the Emperor of
Russia, Queen Victoria, the Emperor of Japan, and other
rulers. It is typical of the infantile <i>naïveté</i> of Chinese<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334"></a>[334]</span>
officials in such matters of foreign policy, that copies of these
extraordinary messages, intended solely to mislead public
opinion abroad, should have been sent in to the (still
besieged) Legations with the cards of Prince Ch’ing, and
the Ministers of the Tsungli Yamên.<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> It is certain that these
artless telegrams, as well as the conciliatory instructions
subsequently sent to China’s representatives abroad, were
but the outward and visible signs of Tzŭ Hsi’s inward and
spiritual misgivings caused by the fall of the Taku Forts, the
capture of the native city of Tientsin, and the massing of
the armies of the Allies for the advance on her capital. If
possible, she would therefore make friends in advance among
the humane, and invariably gullible, sovereigns of Europe,
making good use of her knowledge of their little weaknesses
in matters of foreign policy, and be ready to pose in due
course as the innocent victim of circumstance and fate. But
“in the profound seclusion of her Palace” she continued to
hope against hope for the Boxers’ promised victories and
the fall of the Legations which she was so carefully
“protecting.”</p>

<p>And here let us briefly digress. Students of modern
Chinese history, desirous of applying its latest lessons to
future uses, will no doubt observe, that in advising the
Throne either for peace or war, all Chinese and Manchu
officials (no matter how good or bad from our point of view,
how brave or cowardly, how honest or corrupt) agree and
unite in frankly confessing to their hatred of the foreigner
and all his works. This sentiment, loudly proclaimed by
the simple-minded braggart Boxers, is politely re-echoed by
the <i>literati</i>, and voiced with equal candour by the picked
men of the Government, men like Yuan Shih-k’ai, Jung Lu,
and Liu K’un-yi. Those who pose as the friends of
foreigners merely advocate dissimulation as a matter of
expediency. The thought should give us pause, not only
in accepting at their current value the posturings and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335"></a>[335]</span>
pronouncements of the <i>monde diplomatique</i> at Peking, and
the reassurances given as to our excellent relations with such-and-such
officials, but it should also lead us to consider what
are the causes, in us or in them, which produce so constant
and so deep a hatred? If we study the Memorials of high
Chinese officials for the past fifty years, the same unpleasant
feature presents itself at every turn. We may meet with
exceptional cases, here and there, like Yüan Ch’ang, who will
profess respect for the European, but even his respect will
be qualified and never go to the length of intimate friendship.
Our perennial gullibility, that faculty which makes the
Chinese classical “allurements” invariably successful with
the foreigner, accounts, no doubt, to some extent for the
Chinese official’s contempt for our intelligence, and for our
failure to learn by experience. It is fairly certain that the
Boxers of to-morrow will be pooh-poohed (if not applauded)
in advance by our Chinese Secretariats, as they were in
1900. But for the Chinese official’s unchanging hostility
towards us, no such explanation offers, and it is perhaps,
therefore, most satisfactory to our <i>amour propre</i> to assume
that his attitude is dictated by feelings similar to those
which inspired Demetrius of the Ephesians, ostensibly
fearful for the cult of Diana, but in reality disturbed for
his own livelihood.</p>

<p>To return. The following are translations of the telegrams
sent under date 3rd July, by order of the Empress Dowager,
to the Emperor of Russia, Queen Victoria, and the Emperor
of Japan. The text of those which were sent at the same
time to the Presidents of the French and American
Republics, and which were dated, curiously enough, on the
19th of June (the Taku Forts fell on the 16th), have been
published in Monsieur Cordier’s most accurate and painstaking
work, <i>Les Relations de la Chine</i>, Vol. III.</p>

<p>Telegram dated 3rd July:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336"></a>[336]</span></p><div class="blockquote">

<p>“To the Emperor of Russia:—Greeting to your Majesty!
For over two hundred and fifty years our neighbouring
Empires have enjoyed unbroken relations of friendship,
more cordial than those existing between any other Powers.</p>

<p>“Recent ill-feeling created between converts to Christianity
and the rest of our people have afforded an opportunity to
evil-disposed persons and rebels to create disturbances, and
the result has been that the foreign Powers have been led to
believe that the Throne itself is a party to their proceedings
and is hostile to Christianity. Your Majesty’s representative
at my Court (M. de Giers) has actually requested our
Foreign Office to suppress the rebellion and thus to allay the
suspicions of the Powers. But at the time that he made
this request, Peking was thoroughly infested with rebels,
who had stirred up the people and gained for themselves no
small prestige. Not only our soldiery but the mass of the
people were burning for revenge against those who practised
the foreign religion, and even certain Princes of our Imperial
Clan joined in the movement, declaring that there was no
room in the Celestial Kingdom for Christianity and the
ancient religions of the soil. My chief anxiety has been lest
any precipitate action on the part of the Government might
lead to some dire catastrophe (<i>i.e.</i>, the destruction of the
Legations), and I feared, too, that the anti-foreign movement
might break out simultaneously at the Treaty Ports in the
South, which would have made the position hopeless. I
was doing my utmost to find a way out of the dilemma when
the foreign Powers, evidently failing to realise the difficulties
of our situation, precipitated matters by the bombardment
and capture of the Taku Forts: now we are confronted with
all the dire calamities of war, and the confusion in our
Empire is greater than ever before. Amongst all the Powers,
none has enjoyed such friendly relations with China as
Russia. On a former occasion I deputed Li Hung-chang to
proceed to your Majesty’s capital as my special Envoy; he
drew up on our behalf and concluded with your country a
secret Treaty of Alliance, which is duly recorded in the
Imperial Archives.</p>

<p>“And now that China has incurred the enmity of the civilised
world by stress of circumstances beyond our power to
control, I must perforce rely upon your country to act as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337"></a>[337]</span>
intermediary and peacemaker on our behalf. I now make
this earnest and sincere appeal to your Majesty, begging
that you may be pleased to come forward as arbitrator, and
thus to relieve the difficulties of our situation. We await
with anxiety your gracious reply.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the same day the Empress Dowager addressed Her
Majesty Queen Victoria in a telegram which was sent in the
Emperor’s name and forwarded through the Chinese Minister
in London. Its text runs as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“To your Majesty, greeting!—In all the dealings of England
with the Empire of China, since first relations were
established between us, there has never been any idea of
territorial aggrandisement on the part of Great Britain, but
only a keen desire to promote the interests of her trade.
Reflecting on the fact that our country is now plunged into
a dreadful condition of warfare, we bear in mind that a large
proportion of China’s trade, seventy or eighty per cent., is
done with England: moreover, your Customs duties are the
lightest in the world, and few restrictions are made at your
sea-ports in the matter of foreign importations; for these
reasons our amicable relations with British merchants at our
Treaty Ports have continued unbroken for the last half
century, to our mutual benefit.</p>

<p>“But a sudden change has now occurred and general suspicion
has been created against us. We would therefore ask
you now to consider that if, by any conceivable combination
of circumstances, the independence of our Empire should be
lost, and the Powers unite to carry out their long plotted
schemes to possess themselves of our territory, the results
to your country’s interests would be disastrous and fatal
to your trade. At this moment our Empire is striving
to the utmost to raise an army and funds sufficient for its
protection; in the meanwhile we rely upon your good services
to act as mediator, and now anxiously await your decision.”</p>

</div>

<p>Again, in the name of the Emperor and through the
Chinese Minister at Tokio, the following message was
addressed to the Emperor of Japan:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338"></a>[338]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“To your Majesty, greeting!—The Empires of China and
Japan hang together, even as the lips and the teeth, and the
relations existing between them have always been sympathetic.
Last month we were plunged in deep grief when
we learned of the murder of the Chancellor of your
Legation in Peking; we were about to arrest and punish the
culprits when the Powers, unnecessarily suspicious of our
motives, seized the Taku Forts, and we found ourselves
involved in all the horrors of war. In face of the existing
situation, it appears to us that at the present time the
Continents of Europe and Asia are opposed to each other,
marshalling their forces for a conflict of irreconcilable
ambitions; everything therefore depends upon our two
Asiatic Empires standing firm together at this juncture.
The earth-hungry Powers of the West, whose tigerish eyes
of greed are fixed in our direction, will certainly not confine
their attention to China. In the event of our Empire being
broken up, Japan in her turn will assuredly be hard pressed
to maintain her independence. The community of our
interests renders it clearly imperative that at this crisis we
should disregard all trifling causes of discord, and consider
only the requirements of the situation, as comrade nations.
We rely upon your Majesty to come forward as arbitrator,
and anxiously await your gracious reply to this appeal.”</p>

</div>

<p>These remarkable effusions have been inscribed in the
annals of the Dynasty, by order of Her Majesty, those same
annals from which all her Boxer Edicts have been solemnly
expunged for purposes of historic accuracy. One cannot but
hope that, in process of time, consideration of facts like these
may cure European diplomacy and officialdom generally of its
unreasoning reverence for the Chinese written character, a
species of fetish-worship imbibed from the native pundit and
aggravated by the sense of importance which knowledge of
this ancient language so frequently confers.</p>

<p>These Imperial messages throw into strong relief the
elementary simplicity of China’s foreign policy, a quality
which foreigners frequently misunderstand, in the general<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339"></a>[339]</span>
belief that the Oriental mind conceals great depths of
subtlety and secret information. Looking at these documents
in the light of the known facts of China’s political
situation at that moment, and stripping them of all artificial
glamour, it becomes almost inconceivable that any Government
should publish to the world and file in its archives
such puerile productions. But it is frequently the case that
this very kindergarten element in Chinese politics is a
stumbling-block to the elaborate and highly specialised
machinery of European diplomacy, and that, being at a loss
how to deal with the suspiciously transparent artifices of the
elderly children of the Waiwupu, the foreigner excuses and
consoles himself by attributing to them occult faculties and
resources of a very high order. If one must be continually
worsted, it is perhaps not unwise to attribute to one’s
adversary the qualities of Macchiavelli, Talleyrand and
Metternich combined. As far as British interests are concerned,
one of the chief lessons emphasised by the events of
the past ten years in China is, that the reform of our diplomatic
machinery (and particularly of the Consular service)
is urgently needed, a reform for which more than one British
Minister has vainly pleaded in Downing Street.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340"></a>[340]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XX">XX<br>
<span class="smaller">THE FLIGHT FROM PEKING AND THE COURT IN EXILE</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The diarist, Ching Shan, has described in detail the flight
of the Empress Dowager and Emperor from Peking, before
dawn, on the morning of the 15th August. From an account
of the Court’s journey, subsequently written by the Grand
Secretary, Wang Wen-shao, to friends in Chekiang, and published
in one of the vernacular papers of Shanghai, we obtain
valuable corroboration of the diarist’s accuracy, together with
much interesting information.</p>

<p>Wang Wen-shao overtook their Majesties at Huai-lai on
the 18th August; for the past three days they had suffered
dangers and hardships innumerable. On the evening of the
19th they had stopped at Kuanshih (seventy <i>li</i> from Peking),
where they slept in the Mosque. There the Mahommedan
trading firm of “Tung Kuang yü” (the well-known contractors
for the hire of pack animals for the northern caravan
trade) had supplied them with the best of the poor food
available—coarse flour, vegetables, and millet porridge—and
had provided mule litters for the next stage of the journey.
As the troops of the escort had been ordered to remain at
some distance behind, so long as there was any risk of
pursuit by the Allies’ cavalry, their Majesties’ arrival was
unannounced, and their identity unsuspected. As they
descended from their carts, travel-stained, weary, and distressed,
they were surrounded by a large crowd of refugee<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341"></a>[341]</span>
idlers and villagers, eager for news from the capital. An
eye-witness of the scene has reported that, looking nervously
about him, the Emperor said, “We have to thank the Boxers
for this,” whereupon the Old Buddha, undaunted even at the
height of her misfortunes, bade him be silent.</p>

<p>Next day they travelled, by mule litter, ninety <i>li</i> (thirty-two
miles), and spent the night at Ch’a-Tao, just beyond the
Great Wall. Here no preparations of any kind had been
made for their reception, and they suffered much hardship,
sleeping on the brick platform (<i>k’ang</i>) without any adequate
bedding. But the Magistrate of Yen-Ch’ing chou had been
able to find a blue sedan-chair for Her Majesty, who had thus
travelled part of the day in greater comfort. Also at
midday, stopping to eat at Chü-yung kuan, Li Lien-ying,
the chief eunuch, had obtained a few tea cups from the
villagers.</p>

<p>On the 16th they travelled from Ch’a-Tao to Huai-lai, a
hard stage of fifty <i>li</i>. Some of the officials and Chamberlains
of the Court now joined their Majesties, so that the party
consisted of seventeen carts, in addition to the Old Buddha’s
palanquin and the Emperor’s mule litter. As the <i>cortège</i>
advanced, and the news of their flight was spread abroad,
rumours began to be circulated that they were pretenders,
personating the Son of Heaven and the Old Buddha, rumours
due, no doubt, to the fact that Her Majesty was still wearing
her hair in the Chinese manner, and that her clothes were the
common ones in which she had escaped from the Forbidden
City. In spite of these rumours the Magistrate of Huai-lai,
a Hupeh man (Wu Yung), had received no intimation of their
Majesties’ coming, and, when the Imperial party, accompanied
by an enormous crowd, entered his Yamên, he had
no time to put on his official robes, but rushed down to
receive them as he was. After prostrating himself, he wanted
to clear out the noisy and inquisitive rabble, but the Old
Buddha forbade him, saying, “Not so; let them crowd around
us as much as they like. It amuses me to see these honest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342"></a>[342]</span>
country folk.” Here, after three days of coarse fare, the
Empress Dowager rejoiced once more in a meal of birds’-nest
soup and sharks’ fins, presented by the Magistrate, who also
furnished her with an outfit of woman’s clothing and suits
for the Emperor and the Heir Apparent, for all of which
he received Her Majesty’s repeated and grateful thanks.</p>

<p>It was here, at Huai-lai, while the Court was taking a
day’s rest, that Wang Wen-shao came up with them. He
was cordially, even affectionately, greeted by the Old
Buddha, who condoled with him on the hardships to which
he had been exposed, and insisted on his sharing her birds’-nest
soup, which, she said, he would surely enjoy as much
as she had done after so many and great privations. She
rebuked the Emperor for not greeting the aged Councillor
with warm thanks for his touching devotion to the Throne.</p>

<p>From Huai-lai, Prince Ch’ing was ordered to return to
Peking to negotiate terms of peace with the Allies. Knowing
the difficulties of this task, he went reluctantly; before
leaving he had a long audience with Her Majesty, who
assured him of her complete confidence in his ability to
make terms, and bade him adopt a policy similar to that of
Prince Kung in 1860.</p>

<p>Wang Wen-shao’s account of the first part of the Court’s
journey is sufficiently interesting to justify textual reproduction.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Their Majesties fled from the palace at the dawn of day
in common carts. It was only after their arrival at Kuanshih
that they were provided with litters. The Emperor and
Prince P’u Lun rode on one cart until their arrival at Huai-lai,
where the District Magistrate furnished a palanquin, and
later on, at Hsüan-hua, four large sedan chairs were found
for the Imperial party. It was at this point that the
Emperor’s Consort overtook their Majesties.</p>

<p>“So hurried was the flight that no spare clothes had been
taken; the Empress Dowager was very shabbily dressed, so
as to be almost unrecognisable, the Chinese mode of hair-dressing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343"></a>[343]</span>
producing a very remarkable alteration in her
appearance. On the first night after leaving Peking, they
slept, like travellers of the lowest class, on the raised brick
platform of the inn, where not even rice was obtainable for
the evening meal, so that they were compelled to eat common
porridge made of millet. In all the disasters recorded
in history, never has there been such a pitiful spectacle.</p>

<p>“It was only after reaching Huai-lai that their condition
improved somewhat, but even then the number of personal
attendants and eunuchs was very small, and not a single
concubine was there to wait upon the Old Buddha. For the
first few days’ flight, neither Prince Li, nor Jung Lu, nor
Ch’i Hsiu (all of them Grand Councillors), were in attendance
so that Her Majesty nominated Prince Tuan to serve on
the Council. She reviled him at the outset severely, reproaching
him for the misfortunes which had overtaken the
Dynasty, but as time went on, as he shared with her the
privations and troubles of the day’s journey, she became
more gracious towards him. This was to some extent due
to the very great influence which Prince Tuan’s wife exercised
at Court.</p>

<p>“When I reached Huai-lai, the Court consisted of the
Princes Tuan, Ching, Na, Su, and P’u Lun, with a following
of high officials led by Kang Yi, and some twenty
Secretaries. General Ma’s troops and some of the Banner
Corps of Prince Tuan formed the Imperial escort; and they
plundered every town and village on their line of march.
This, however, is hardly remarkable, because all the shops
had been closed and there were no provisions to be purchased
anywhere.</p>

<p>“To go back for a few days. Yü Lu (Viceroy of Chihli)
shot himself in a coffin shop at a place south of the Hunting
Park, and Li Ping-heng took poison after the defeat of his
troops at T’ungchow. The Court’s flight had already been
discussed after the first advance of the Allies from T’ungchow
towards Peking; but the difficulty in providing sufficient
transport was considered insuperable. On the 19th of the
Moon a steady cannonade began at about midnight, and, from
my house in Magpie Lane, one could note, by the volume
of sound, that the attack was steadily advancing closer to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344"></a>[344]</span>
the city, and eventually bullets came whistling as thick as
hail. The bombardment reached its height at about noon
on the 20th, when news was brought that two gates of the
Imperial City had been taken by storm. I was unable to
verify this report. It was my turn for night duty at the
Palace, but after the last audience, I was unable to enter the
Forbidden City, as all its gates were barred. It was only at
7 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> on the 21st inst. (August 15th) that I was able to
gain admittance to the Forbidden City, and then I learned
that their Majesties had hurriedly fled. On the previous day
five urgent audiences with the Grand Council had been held;
at the last of these only Kang Yi, Chao Shu ch’iao, and
myself were present. Sadly regarding us, the Old Buddha
said, ‘I see there are only three of you left. No doubt all
the rest have fled, leaving us, mother and son, to our fate.
I want you all to come with me on my journey.’ Turning
to me she then said, ‘You are too old. I would not wish
you to share in all this hardship. Follow us as best you
can later on.’ The Emperor expressed his wishes in the
same sense.</p>

<p>“By this time it was nearly midnight, and they still
hesitated about leaving the city; judge then of my surprise
to learn that, at the first streak of dawn, their Majesties had
left the city in indescribable disorder and frantic haste. I
could not return to my house that day because all the gates
of the Imperial City were closed, but at 10 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> on the
following day, I made my way out of the Houmen.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> On
my way I came across Jung Lu; he had fainted in his chair,
and had been forsaken by his cowardly bearers. He said:
‘This is the end. You and I never believed in these Boxers;
see now to what a pass they have brought the Old Buddha.
If you see Her Majesty, tell her that I have gone to rally
the troops, and that, if I live, I will join her later on.’</p>

<p>“After leaving Jung Lu, I made my way to a little temple
which lies midway between the North and the North-West
Gates of the city, and there I rested a while. It was the
opinion of the Abbot in charge that the foreigners would
burn every temple of the city, as all of them had been used
by the Boxers for their magic rites, and he said that, in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345"></a>[345]</span>
times of dire peril such as this, it was really inconvenient
for him to offer any hospitality to visitors. Just at this
moment news was brought us that the foreign troops were
on the wall of the city, between the two gates nearest to us,
and that they were firing down upon the streets; the city
was already invested, but the foreigners were not molesting
civilians, though they were shooting all ‘braves’ and men in
uniform. As the priest declined to receive me, I sought
refuge at the house of a man named Han, retainer in the
Imperial Household, who lived close by. All my chair-bearers
and servants had fled. Shortly after noon I heard
that one might still leave Peking by the Hsi-chih Men; so
leaving everything—carts, chairs, and animals—where they
were, I started off at dusk on foot with such money and
clothing as I had on my person. The road ahead of me was
blocked by a dense crowd of refugees. I took the road by
the Drum Tower, skirting the lakes to the north of the
Imperial City. Towards evening a dreadful thunderstorm
came on, so I took refuge for the night with the Ching
family. The bombardment had ceased by this time, but the
whole northern part of the Imperial City appeared to be in
flames, which broke out in fresh places all through the night.
At three in the morning we heard that the West Gates were
opened, and that the City Guards had fled, but that the
foreigners had not yet reached that part of the city.</p>

<p>“I had intended to travel by cart, but the disorganised
troops had by this time seized every available beast of
burden. My second son, however, was luckily able to persuade
Captain Liu to fetch one of my carts out from the
city, and this was done after several narrow escapes. I had
left Peking on foot, but at the bridge close to the North-West
Gate I found this cart awaiting me, and with it my
second son, who was riding on a mule, and the five servants
who remained to us following on foot. When we reached
Hai-Tien (a town which lies close to the Summer Palace)
every restaurant was closed, but we managed to get a little
food, and then hurried on after their Majesties to Kuanshih,
where we passed the night. Next day, continuing our
journey, we learned that their Majesties were halting at
Huai-lai, where we overtook them on the 24th day of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346"></a>[346]</span>
Moon. We expect to reach T’ai-yüan fu about the middle
of next week.</p>

<p>“The dangers of our journey are indescribable. Every
shop on the road had been plundered by bands of routed
troops, who pretend to be part of the Imperial escort.
These bandits are ahead of us at every stage of the journey,
and they have stripped the country-side bare, so that when
the Imperial party reaches any place, and the escort
endeavour to commandeer supplies, the distress of the
inhabitants and the confusion which ensues are really
terrible to witness. The districts through which we have
passed are literally devastated.”</p>

</div>

<p>From Huai-lai the Court moved on to Hsüan-hua fu, a
three days’ march, and there remained for four days, resting
and preparing for the journey into Shansi. The Border
Warden at Sha-ho chên had provided their Majesties with
green (official) sedan chairs, and the usual etiquette of the
Court and Grand Council was being gradually restored. Her
Majesty’s spirits were excellent, and she took a keen interest
in everything. At Chi-ming yi, for instance, she was with
difficulty dissuaded from stopping to visit a temple on the
summit of an adjoining hill, in honour of which shrine the
Emperor Kanghsi had left a tablet carved with a memorial
inscription in verse.</p>

<p>At Hsüan-hua fu there was considerable disorder, but the
Court enjoyed increased comforts; thanks to the zeal and
energy of the local Magistrate (Ch’en Pen). Here the Old
Buddha received Prince Ch’ing’s first despatch from Peking,
which gave a deplorable account of the situation.</p>

<p>The Court left Hsüan-hua on the 25th August (its
numbers being increased by the Emperor’s Consort with a
few of her personal attendants) and spent the night at a
garrison station called Tso-Wei. The deplorable state of
the country was reflected in the accommodation they found
there; for the guards had fled, and the official quarters had
all been plundered and burnt, with the exception of two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347"></a>[347]</span>
small rooms, evil-smelling and damp. There was no food to
be had, except bread made of sodden flour. One of the two
available rooms was occupied by the Old Buddha, the other
by Kuang Hsü and his Consort, while all the officials of the
Court, high and low, fared as best they might in the stuffy
courtyard. For once the venerable mother’s composure
deserted her. “This is abominable,” she complained; “the
place swarms with insects, and I cannot sleep a wink. It is
disgraceful that I should have come to such a pass at my time
of life. My state is worse even than that of the Emperor
Hsüan-Tsung of the T’ang Dynasty, who was forced to fly
from his capital, and saw his favourite concubine murdered
before his very eyes.” An unsubstantiated report that the
Allies had plundered her palace treasure vaults was not
calculated to calm Her Majesty, and for a while the suite
went in fear of her wrath.</p>

<p>On August 27th the Court crossed the Shansi border, and
spent the night at T’ien-chen hsien. The local Magistrate,
a Manchu, had committed suicide after hearing of the fall of
Moukden and other Manchurian cities; and the town was
in a condition of ruinous disorder. Their Majesties supped
off a meal hastily provided by the Gaol Warder. But their
courage was restored by the arrival of Ts’en Ch’un-hsüan,<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>
an official of high intelligence and courage, who greatly
pleased the Old Buddha by bringing her a gift of eggs and
a girdle and pouch for her pipe and purse.</p>

<p>On the 30th August the Court lay at Ta-t’ung fu, in the
Yamên of the local Brigadier-General. They stayed here
four days, enjoying the greatly improved accommodation
which the General’s efforts had secured for them.</p>

<p>On September 4th, they reached the market town of T’ai-yüeh,
having travelled thirty-five miles that day, and here
again they found damp rooms and poor fare. But Her
Majesty’s spirits had recovered. On the 16th, while<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348"></a>[348]</span>
crossing the hill-pass of the “Flighting Geese,” Her Majesty
ordered a halt in order to enjoy the view. “It reminds me
of the Jehol Country,” she said. Then, turning to the
Emperor, “After all, it’s delightful to get away like this
from Peking and to see the world, isn’t it?” “Under
happier circumstances, it would be,” replied Kuang Hsü. At
this point Ts’en Ch’un-hsüan brought Her Majesty a large
bouquet of yellow flowers, a present which touched her
deeply: in return she sent him a jar of butter-milk tea.</p>

<p>On the 7th, the only accommodation which the local
officials had been able to prepare at Yüan-p’ing was a mud-house
belonging to one of the common people, in which, by
an oversight, several empty coffins had been left. Ts’en,
arriving ahead of the party, was told of this, and galloped
to make excuses to Her Majesty and take her orders.
Happily, the “Motherly Countenance” was not moved to
wrath, and “the divine condescension was manifested.” “If
the coffins can be moved, move them,” she said; “but so
long as they are not in the main room, I do not greatly
mind their remaining.” They were all removed, however,
and the Old Buddha was protected from possibly evil
influences.</p>

<p>On the 8th September, at Hsin Chou, three Imperial
(yellow) chairs had been provided by the local officials, so
that their Majesties’ entrance into T’ai-yüan fu, on the 10th,
was not unimposing. The Court took up its residence in
the Governor’s Yamên (that same bloodstained building
in which, six weeks before, Yü Hsien had massacred the
missionaries). Yü Hsien, the Governor, met their Imperial
Majesties outside the city walls, and knelt by the roadside as
the Old Buddha’s palanquin came up. She bade her bearers
stop, and called to him to approach. When he had done so,
she said: “At your farewell audience, in the last Moon of
the last year, you assured me that the Boxers were really
invulnerable. Alas! You were wrong, and now Peking has
fallen! But you did splendidly in carrying out my orders<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349"></a>[349]</span>
and in ridding Shansi of the whole brood of foreign devils.
Everyone speaks well of you for this, and I know, besides,
how high is your reputation for good and honest work.
Nevertheless, and because the foreign devils are loudly calling
for vengeance upon you, I may have to dismiss you from office,
as I had to do with Li Ping-heng: but be not disturbed in
mind, for, if I do this, it is only to throw dust in the eyes of
the barbarians, for our own ends. We must just bide our
time, and hope for better days.”</p>

<p>Yü Hsien kowtowed, as in duty bound, nine times, and
replied: “Your Majesty’s slave caught them as in a net, and
allowed neither chicken nor dog to escape: yet am I ready
to accept punishment and dismissal from my post. As to
the Boxers, they have been defeated because they failed to
abide by the laws of the Order, and because they killed and
plundered innocent people who were not Christians.”</p>

<p>This conversation was clearly heard by several bystanders,
one of whom reported it in a letter to Shanghai. When
Yü Hsien had finished speaking, the Old Buddha sighed,
and told her bearers to proceed. A few days later she
issued the first of the Expiatory Decrees by which Yü
Hsien and other Boxer leaders were dismissed from office,
but not before she had visited the courtyard where the
hapless missionaries had met their fate, and cross-examined
Yü Hsien on every detail of that butchery. And it is
recorded, that, while she listened eagerly to this tale of
unspeakable cowardice and cruelty, the Heir Apparent was
swaggering noisily up and down the courtyard, brandishing
the huge sword given him by Yü Hsien, with which his
devil’s work had been done. No better example could be
cited of this remarkable woman’s primitive instincts and
elemental passion of vindictiveness.</p>

<p>Once more, during the Court’s residence at T’ai-yüan, did
the Old Buddha and Yü Hsien meet. At this audience,
realising the determination of the foreigners to exact the
death penalty in this case, and realising also the Governor’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_350"></a>[350]</span>
popularity with the inhabitants of T’ai-yüan, she told him,
with unmistakable significance, that the price of coffins was
rising, a plain but euphemistic hint that he would do well to
commit suicide before a worse fate overtook him.</p>

<p>Her Majesty was much gratified at the splendid accommodation
provided for her at T’ai-yüan, and particularly
pleased to see all the gold and silver vessels and utensils
that had been made in 1775 for Ch’ien Lung’s progress to
the sacred shrines of Wu-T’ai shan; they had been polished
up for the occasion and made a brave show, so that the
“Benevolent Countenance” beamed with delight. “We
have nothing like this in Peking,” she said.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus21" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus21.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Marble Bridge in
  the Grounds of the Lake Palace.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Betines, Peking.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus22" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus22.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">In the Grounds of
  the Palace in the Western Park.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Betines, Peking.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Jung Lu joined the Court on the day after its arrival at
T’ai-yüan, and was most affectionately welcomed by the
Old Buddha, to whom he gave a full account of his journey
through Chihli and of the widespread devastation wrought
by the Boxers. He had previously sent in the following
Memorial which clearly reflects those qualities which had
endeared him to his Imperial Mistress, and which so honourably
distinguished him from the sycophants and classical
imbeciles of the Court:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“At dawn, on the 21st day of the 7th Moon (15th August)
your Majesty’s servant proceeded to the Gate of Reverend
Peace (inside the Palace), and learned that your Majesties’
sacred chariot had left for the West. While there I came
across Ch’ung Ch’i,<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> the President of the Board of Revenue,
and we were proposing to hurry after your Majesties, when
we learned that the North-Eastern and Northern Gates of
the city had fallen. So we left Peking by another gate, my
first object being to try and rally some of the troops. But
after several conferences with Generals Sung Ch’ing and
Tung Fu-hsiang, I was forced to the conclusion that our
repeated defeats had been too severe, and that, in the
absence of large reinforcements, there was no hope of our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_351"></a>[351]</span>
being able to take the field again. Our men were in a state
of complete panic and had lost all stomach for fighting. I
therefore left and came on to Pao-t’ing fu, and lodged there
with Ch’ung Ch’i in the “Water Lily” Garden. All night
long he and I discussed the situation, hoping to see some
way out of the misfortunes which had overtaken the State.
Ch’ung Ch’i could not conceal the bitterness of his grief, and
on the morning of the next day he hanged himself in one
of the outer courtyards, leaving a letter for me in which
was enclosed his valedictory Memorial to your Majesties,
together with a set of verses written just before his death.
These I now forward for your Majesty’s gracious perusal,
because I feel that his suicide deserves your pity, just as his
high sense of duty merits your praise. He was indeed a
man of the purest integrity, and had all the will, though,
alas, not the power, to avert the misfortunes which have
befallen us. He had always looked upon the magic arts of
the Boxers with profound contempt, unworthy even of the
effort of a smile from a wise man. At this critical juncture,
the loss of my trusted colleague is indeed a heavy blow, but
I am compelled to remember that the position which I hold,
all unworthily, as your Majesty’s Commander-in-Chief,
necessitates my bearing the burden of my heavy responsibilities
so long as the breath of life is in my body.</p>

<p>“Such makeshift arrangements as were feasible I made
for the temporary disposal of Ch’ung Ch’i’s remains, and I
now forward the present Memorial by special courier to your
Majesty, informing you of the manner of his decease, because
I hold it to be unfitting that his end should pass unnoticed
and unhonoured. Your Majesty will, no doubt, determine
on the posthumous honours to be accorded to him.</p>

<p>“It is now my intention to proceed, with what speed I may,
to T’ai-yüan fu, there to pay my reverent duty to your
Majesty and to await the punishment due for my failure to
avert these calamities.”</p>

</div>

<p>In reply to this Memorial, Tzŭ Hsi conferred high posthumous
honours upon Ch’ung Ch’i, praising his loyalty and
honesty.</p>

<p>Jung Lu proceeded on his journey, but at a town on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_352"></a>[352]</span>
Chihli border his wife took ill and died. She had only
joined him at Pao-t’ing fu. The Old Buddha welcomed him
with sincere affection upon his arrival at T’ai-yüan and
raised his secondary wife, the Lady Liu, to the rank of “Fu
Jen” or legitimate consort. (This lady had always had
great influence with the Empress Dowager, which increased
during the exile of the Court, and became most noticeable
after the return to Peking.)</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi asked Jung Lu for his advice as to her future
policy. Bluntly, as was his wont, he replied “Old Buddha,
there is only one way. You must behead Prince Tuan and
all the rest of the Princes and Ministers who misled you and
then you must return to Peking.”</p>

<p>An incident, vouched for by a high Manchu official
attached to the Court, illustrates the relations at this time
existing between the Emperor, the Empress Dowager,
and Jung Lu. When the latter reached T’ai-yüan fu,
Kuang-Hsü sent a special messenger to summon him. “I
am glad you have come at last,” said His Majesty. “I desire
that you will have Prince Tuan executed without delay.”</p>

<p>“How can I do so without the Empress Dowager’s
orders?” he replied. “The days are past when no other
Decree but your Majesty’s was needed.”<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p>

<p>Jung Lu’s position, but for the high favour of the
Empress Dowager, would have been full of danger, for
he was disliked by reactionaries and reformers alike;
surrounded by extremists, his intuitive common sense, his
doctrine of the “happy mean” had made him many enemies.
Nor could he lay claim to a reputation for that “purest
integrity” which he had so greatly admired in his colleague
Ch’ung Ch’i. At T’ai-yüan fu, he was openly denounced to
the Old Buddha for having connived in the embezzlements
of a certain Ch’en Tsê-lin, who had been robbing the military
Treasury on a grand scale. Jung Lu had ordered that his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_353"></a>[353]</span>
defalcations be made good, but subsequently informed the
Throne that the money had been captured by the Allies,
and the accusing Censor did not hesitate to say that the
price of his conversion (brought to his quarters by the hands
of a sergeant named Yao) had been forty thousand taels of
silver, twenty pounds of best birdnests, and four cases of
silk. The Empress Dowager shelved the Memorial, as was
her wont, though no doubt she used the information for the
ultimate benefit of her privy purse. Jung Lu also received
vast sums of money and many valuable presents on his
birthday, and at the condolence ceremonies for the death of
his wife, so much so that he incurred the fierce jealousy
of the chief eunuch Li Lien-ying, who was doing his best
at this time to re-feather his own nest, despoiled by the
troops of the Allies.</p>

<p>At T’ai-yüan fu, so many officials had joined the Court
that intrigues became rife; there was much heartburning
as to precedence and status. Those who had borne the
burden and heat of the day, the dangers and the hardships
of the flight from Peking, claimed special recognition and
seniority at the hands of their Imperial Mistress. Each
of these thought they should be privileged above those of
equal rank who had only rejoined the Court when all danger
was past, and still more so above those who were now
hurrying up from the provinces in search of advancement.</p>

<p>The chief topic of discussion at audience, and at meetings
of the Grand Council, was the question of the Court’s return
to Peking, or of the removal of the Capital to one of
the chief cities of the South or West. Chang Chih-tung
had put in a Memorial, strongly recommending the city of
Tang-Yang in Hupei, on account of its central position.
One of the arguments gravely put forward by the “scholarly
bungler” for this proposal was, that the characters “Tang-Yang”
(which mean “facing south”) were in themselves of
good augury, and an omen of better days to come, because
the Emperor always sits with his face to the south. Chang’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_354"></a>[354]</span>
enemies at Court saw in this idea a veiled hint that the
Emperor should be restored to power.</p>

<p>But Jung Lu was now <i>facile princeps</i> in the Old Buddha’s
counsels, and at audience his colleagues of the Grand Council
(Lu Ch’uan-lin and Wang Wen-shao) followed his lead
implicitly. He never ceased to advise the Empress to return
forthwith to Peking, and, when at a later date she decided
on this step, it was rather because of her faith in his sound
judgment than because of the many Memorials sent in from
other high officials. During the Court’s stay at T’ai-yüan fu,
argument on this subject was continual, but towards the end
of September rumours reached Her Majesty that the Allies
were sending a swift punitive expedition to avenge the
murdered missionaries; this decided her to leave at once for
Hsi-an fu, where she would feel safe from further pursuit. The
Court left accordingly on the 30th September; but as the
preservation of “face” before the world is a fundamental
principle, with Empresses as with slave-girls, in China, her
departure was announced in the following brief Edict:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“As Shansi province is suffering from famine, which
makes it very difficult to provide for our needs, and as the
absence of telegraphic communication there causes all manner
of inconvenient delays, we are compelled to continue our
progress westwards to Hsi-an.”</p>

</div>

<p>The journey into Shensi was made with all due provision
for the dignity and comfort of their Majesties, but the
Empress was overcome by grief <i>en route</i> at the death of
Kang Yi, chief patron of the Boxers, and the most bigoted
and violent of all the reactionaries near the Throne. He fell
ill at a place called Hou Ma, and died in three days, although
the Vice-President of the Board of Censors, Ho Nai-ying,
obtained leave to remain behind and nurse him. The Old
Buddha was most reluctant to leave the invalid, and showed
unusual emotion. After his death she took a kindly interest
in his son (who followed the Court to Hsi-an) and would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_355"></a>[355]</span>
frequently speak to him of his father’s patriotism and
loyalty.</p>

<p>At Hsi-an fu the Court occupied the Governor’s official
residence, into which Her Majesty removed after residing for
a while in the buildings formerly set apart for the temporary
accommodation of the Viceroy of Kansuh and Shensi on
visits of inspection. Both Yamêns had been prepared for
Their Majesties’ use; the walls had been painted Imperial red,
and the outer Court surrounded with a palisade, beyond
which were the quarters of the Imperial Guards, and the
makeshift lodgings of the Metropolitan Boards and the
officials of the nine Ministries on Palace duty. The arrangements
of the Court, though restricted in the matter of space,
were on much the same lines as in Peking. The main hall
of the “Travelling Palace” was left empty, the side halls
being used as ante-chambers for officials awaiting audience.
Behind the main hall was a room to which access was given
by a door with six panels, two of which were left open,
showing the Throne in the centre of the room, upholstered
in yellow silk. It was here that Court ceremonies took
place. On the left of this room was the apartment where
audiences were held daily, and behind this again were the
Empress Dowager’s bedroom and private sitting-room. The
Emperor and his Consort occupied a small apartment communicating
with the Old Buddha’s bedroom, and to the west
of these again were three small rooms, occupied by the Heir
Apparent. The chief eunuch occupied the room next to
that of the Old Buddha on the east side. The general
arrangements for the comfort and convenience of the Court
were necessarily of a makeshift and provisional character and
the Privy Purse was for a time at a low ebb, so that Her
Majesty was much exercised over the receipt and safe custody
of the tribute, in money and in kind, which came flowing in
from the provinces. So long as the administration of her
household was under the supervision of Governor Ts’en, the
strictest economy was practised; for instance, the amount<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_356"></a>[356]</span>
allowed by him for the upkeep of their Majesties’ table was
two hundred taels (about £25) per day, which, as the Old
Buddha remarked on one occasion, was about one-tenth of
the ordinary expenditure under the same heading at Peking.
“We are living cheaply now,” she said; to which the
Governor replied, “The amount could still be reduced with
advantage.”</p>

<p>Her Majesty’s custom, in selecting the menus for the day,
was to have a list of about one hundred dishes brought in
every evening by the eunuch on duty. After the privations
of the flight from Peking, the liberal supply of swallows’
nests and <i>bêche-de-mer</i> which came in from the South was
very much appreciated, and her rough fare of chickens and
eggs gave way to recherché menus; but the Emperor, as
usual, limited himself to a diet of vegetables. She gave
orders that no more than half a dozen dishes should be
served at one meal, and she took personal pains with the
supply of milk, of which she always consumed a considerable
quantity. Six cows were kept in the immediate vicinity of
the Imperial apartments, for the feeding of which Her
Majesty was charged two hundred taels a month. Her health
was good on the whole, but she suffered from indigestion,
which she attributed to the change of climate and the
fatigues of her journey. For occasional attacks of insomnia
she had recourse to massage, in which several of the eunuchs
were well-skilled. After the Court had settled down at
Hsi-an fu, Her Majesty was again persuaded to permit the
presentation of plays, which she seemed generally to enjoy
as much as those in Peking. But her mind was for ever
filled with anxiety as to the progress of the negotiations
with the foreign Powers at the Capital, and all telegrams
received were brought to her at once. The news of the
desecration of her Summer Palace had filled her with wrath
and distress, especially when, in letters from the eunuch
Sun (who had remained in charge at Peking), she learned
that her Throne had been thrown into the lake, and that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_357"></a>[357]</span>
soldiers had made “lewd and ribald drawings and writings”
even on the walls of her bedroom. It was with the greatest
relief that she heard of the settlement of the terms of peace,
subsequently recorded in the Protocol of 7th of September,
and so soon as these terms had been irrevocably arranged,
she issued a Decree (June, 1901) fixing the date for the
Court’s return in September. This Decree, issued in the
name of the Emperor, was as follows:</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Our Sacred Mother’s advanced age renders it necessary
that we should take the greatest care of her health, so that
she may attain to peaceful longevity; a long journey in
the heat being evidently undesirable, we have fixed on the
19th day of the 7th Moon to commence our return journey,
and are now preparing to escort Her Majesty, viâ Honan.”</p>

</div>

<p>One of the most notorious Boxer leaders, namely, Duke
Kung, the younger brother of Prince Chuang, had accompanied
the Court, with his family, to Hsi-an. The Old
Buddha, realising that his presence would undoubtedly
compromise her, now decided to send him away. His
family fell from one state of misery to another; no assistance
was rendered to them by any officials on the journey,
and eventually, after much wandering, the Duke was
compelled to earn a bare living by serving as a subordinate
in a small Yamên, while his wife, who was young and
comely, was sold into slavery. It was clear that the Old
Buddha had now realised the error of her ways and the folly
that had been committed in encouraging the Boxers. After
the executions and suicides of the proscribed leaders of
the movement she was heard on one occasion to remark:
“These Princes and Ministers were wont to bluster and
boast, relying upon their near kinship to ourselves, and we
foolishly believed them when they assured us that the
foreign devils would never get the better of China. In their
folly they came within an ace of overthrowing our Dynasty.
The only one whose fate I regret is Chao Shu-ch’iao. For
him I am truly sorry.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_358"></a>[358]</span></p>

<p>The fate of Prince Chuang’s brother showed clearly that
both officials and people had realised the genuine change in
the Empress Dowager’s feelings towards the Boxers, for
there was none so poor to do him honour.</p>

<p>Both on the journey to Hsi-an fu and on the return to
the Capital, Her Majesty displayed the greatest interest in
the lives of the peasantry and the condition of the people
generally. She subscribed liberally to the famine fund in
Shansi, professing the greatest sympathy for the stricken
people. She told the Emperor that she had never appreciated
their sufferings in the seclusion of her Palace.</p>

<p>During the Court’s stay at Hsi-an fu the Emperor came
to take more interest in State affairs than he had done at
any time since the <i>coup d’état</i>, but although the Old Buddha
discussed matters with him freely, and took his opinion, he
had no real voice in the decision of any important matter.
His temper continued to be uncertain and occasionally violent,
so that many high officials of the Court preferred always to
take their business to the Empress Dowager. One important
appointment was made at this time by the Old Buddha at
the Emperor’s personal request, viz., that of Sun Chia-nai
(ex-Imperial tutor) to the Grand Secretariat. This official
had resigned office in January 1900 upon the selection
of the Heir Apparent, which he regarded as equivalent to
the deposition of the Emperor.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> Subsequently, throughout
the Boxer troubles, he had remained in his house at Peking,
which was plundered, and he himself would undoubtedly
have been killed, but for the protection given him by Jung
Lu. At this time also, Lu Ch’uan-lin joined the Grand
Council. When the siege of the Legations began, he had left
his post as Governor of Kiangsu, and marched north with
some three thousand men to defend Peking against the
foreigners. Before he reached the Capital, however, it had
fallen, so that, after disbanding his troops, he went for a few
weeks to his native place in Chihli, and thence proceeded to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_359"></a>[359]</span>
join the Court at T’ai-yüan fu, where the Old Buddha received
him most cordially. His case is particularly interesting in
that he was until his death a member of the Grand Council,<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>
and that, like many other high officials at Peking, his ideas
of the art of government and the relative position of
China in the world, remained exactly as they were before the
Boxer movement. His action in proceeding to Peking with
his troops from his post in the south is also interesting, as
showing the semi-independent position of provincial officials,
and the free hand which any man of strong views may claim
and enjoy. The Viceroys of Nanking and Wuch’ang might
dare to oppose the wishes of the Empress Dowager, and to
exercise their own judgment as regards declaring war upon
foreigners, but it was equally open to any of their subordinates
to differ from them, and to take such steps as they might
personally consider proper, even to the movement of troops.</p>

<p>An official, one of the many provincial deputies charged
with the carrying of tribute to the Court at Hsi-an, returning
thence to his post at Soochow, sent to a friend at Peking a
detailed description of the life of the Court in exile, from
which the following extracts are taken. The document,
being at that time confidential and not intended for
publication, throws some light on the Court and its doings
which is lacking in official documents:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Empress Dowager is still in sole charge of affairs,
and controls everything in and around the Court; those
who exercise the most influence with her are Jung Lu
and Lu Ch’uan-lin. Governor Ts’en, has fallen into
disfavour of late. His Majesty’s advisers are most anxious
that she should return to Peking. She looks very young
and well; one would not put her age at more than forty,
whereas she is really sixty-four. The Emperor appears to
be generally depressed, but he has been putting on flesh
lately. The Heir Apparent is fifteen years of age; fat,
coarse-featured, and of rude manners. He favours military
habits of deportment and dress, and to see him when he goes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_360"></a>[360]</span>
to the play, wearing a felt cap with gold braid, a leather
jerkin, and a red military overcoat, one would take him for
a prize-fighter. He knows all the young actors and rowdies,
and associates generally with the very lowest classes. He is
a good rider, however, and a very fair musician. If, at the
play-houses, the music goes wrong, he will frequently get up
in his place and rebuke the performer, and at times he even
jumps on to the stage, possesses himself of the instrument,
and plays the piece himself. All this brings the boy into
disrepute with respectable people, and some of his pranks
have come to the ears of the Old Buddha, who they say
has had him severely whipped. His last offence was to
commence an intrigue with one of the ladies-in-waiting
on Her Majesty, for which he got into serious trouble. He
is much in the company of Li Lien-ying (the chief eunuch),
who leads him into the wildest dissipation.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> My friend Kao,
speaking of him the other day, wittily said, that ‘from being
an expectant Emperor, he would soon become a deposed
Heir Apparent’; which is quite true, for he never reads, all
his tastes are vicious, and his manners rude and overbearing.
To give you an instance of his doings: on the 18th of
the 10th Moon, accompanied by his brother and by his
uncle, the Boxer Duke Lan, and followed by a crowd of
eunuchs, he got mixed up in a fight with some Kansu braves
at a theatre in the temple of the City God. The eunuchs
got the worst of it, and some minor officials who were in the
audience were mauled by the crowd. The trouble arose, in
the first instance, because of the eunuchs attempting to claim
the best seats in the house, and the sequel shows to what
lengths of villainy these fellows will descend, and how great
is their influence with the highest officials. The eunuchs
were afraid to seek revenge on the Kansu troops direct, but
they attained their end by denouncing the manager of the
theatre to Governor Ts’en, and by inducing him to close
every theatre in Hsi-an. Besides which, the theatre manager
was put in a wooden collar, and thus ignominiously paraded
through the streets of the city. The Governor was induced
to take this action on the ground that Her Majesty, sore
distressed at the famine in Shansi and the calamities which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_361"></a>[361]</span>
have overtaken China, was offended at these exhibitions of
unseemly gaiety; and the proclamation which closed the
play-houses, ordered also that restaurants and other places of
public entertainment should suspend business. Everybody
in the city knew that this was the work of the eunuchs.
Eventually Chi Lu, Chamberlain of the Household, was
able to induce the chief eunuch to ask the Old Buddha
to give orders that the theatres be reopened. This was
accordingly done, but of course the real reason was not
given, and the Proclamation stated that, since the recent fall
of snow justified hopes of a prosperous year and good
harvests, as a mark of the people’s gratitude to Providence,
the theatres would be reopened as usual, ‘but no more
disturbances must occur.’</p>

<p>“The chief eunuch does not seem to be abusing his
authority as much as usual at Hsi-an, most of his time and
attention being given to the collection and safe keeping
of tribute. If the quality and quantity received is not up
to his expectations, he will decline to accept it, and thus
infinite trouble is caused to the officials of the province
concerned.</p>

<p>“A few days before the Old Buddha’s sixty-fifth birthday
in the 10th Moon, Governor Ts’en proposed that the city
should be decorated, and the usual costly gifts should be
presented to Her Majesty, but to this proposal Prince
P’u Tung took the strongest exception; ‘China is in
desperate straits,’ he said, ‘and even the ancestral shrines and
birthplaces of the Dynasty are in the hands of foreign troops.
How then could the Old Buddha possibly desire to celebrate
her birthday? The thing is impossible.’ The matter was
therefore allowed to drop. But the Governor is certainly
most anxious to make a name for himself, and, in spite
of his blustering professions of an independent attitude,
he does not disdain to curry favour with the chief eunuch
and others who can serve him. They say that he has
recently sworn ‘blood brotherhood’ with Hsin, the eunuch
whose duty it is to announce officials at audiences. No
doubt it is due to this distinguished connection that he has
recently been raised to the rank of a Board President,
and therefore entitled to ride in a sedan chair within the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_362"></a>[362]</span>
precincts of the Court, which, no doubt, he considers more
dignified than riding in a cart.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p>

<p>“Tung Fu-hsiang has returned to his home in Kansu, but
his troops remain still at Hsi-an under the command of
General Teng, who so greatly distinguished himself in the
Mahomedan rebellion.</p>

<p>“It would seem that the Old Buddha still cherishes hopes
of defeating the foreigners, for she is particularly delighted
by a Memorial which has been sent in lately by Hsia Chen-wu,
in which he recommends a certain aboriginal tribesman
(‘Man-tzu’) as a man of remarkable strategic ability. He
offers to lose his own head and those of all his family, should
this Heaven-sent warrior fail to defeat all the troops of the
Allies in one final engagement, and he begs that the
Emperor may permit this man to display his powers and
thus save the Empire.”</p>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_363"></a>[363]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXI">XXI<br>
<span class="smaller">HOW THE BOXER LEADERS DIED</span></h2>

</div>

<p>China’s officials may be said to be a class of individualists,
incapable, as a rule, of collective heroism or any sustained
effort of organised patriotism; but it is one of the remarkable
features and results of her system of philosophy that the
mandarins, even those who have been known publicly to
display physical cowardice at critical moments, will usually
accept sentence of death at the hands of their Sovereign with
perfect equanimity, and meet it with calm philosophic
resignation. The manner in which the Boxer leaders died,
who were proscribed in the course of the negotiations for the
peace Protocol at Peking, affords an interesting illustration
of this fact; incidentally it throws light also on a trait in the
Chinese character, which to some extent explains the solidity
and permanence of its system of government, based as it is
on the principle of absolute obedience and loyalty to the
head of the State as one of the cardinal Confucian virtues.</p>

<p>Despite the repeated and unswerving demands of the
foreign Powers that the death penalty should be inflicted
upon the chief leaders and supporters of the Boxers, the
Empress Dowager was naturally loth to yield, inasmuch as
she herself had been in full sympathy with the movement.
It was only after many and prolonged meetings with her
chief advisers, and when she realised that in this course lay
her only hope of obtaining satisfactory terms of peace, that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_364"></a>[364]</span>
she finally and most reluctantly consented, in February
1901, to the issue of a Decree (drafted by Jung Lu) in which
she abandoned to their fate those who, with her full knowledge
and approval, had led the rising which was to drive all
foreigners into the sea. With the knowledge in our
possession as to Her Majesty’s complicity, and in some cases
her initiative, in the anti-foreign movement, it is impossible
to read this Decree without realising something of the
ruthlessness of the woman and her cynical disregard of
everything except her own safety and authority. Even so,
however, Tzŭ Hsi could not bring herself at first to comply
with all the demands of the Powers, evidently hoping by
compromise and further negotiations to save the lives of her
favourites, Prince Tuan, Duke Lan and Chao Shu-ch’iao.
The Decree, issued in the Emperor’s name, was as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“In the summer of last year, the Boxer Rebellion arose,
which brought in its train hostilities with friendly Powers.
Prince Ch’ing and Li Hung-chang have now definitely
settled the preliminary conditions of the Peace Protocol.
Reflecting on the causes of this disaster, we cannot escape
the conclusion that it was due to the ignorance and arrogance
of certain of our Princes and Ministers of State who,
foolishly believing in the alleged supernatural power of the
Boxers, were led to disobey the Throne and to disregard our
express commands that these rebels should be exterminated.
Not only did they not do this, but they encouraged and
assisted them to such an extent that the movement gained
hosts of followers. The latter committed acts of unprovoked
hostility, so that matters reached a pass where a general
cataclysm became inevitable. It was by reason of the folly
of these men that General Tung, that obstinate braggart,
dared to bombard the Legations, thus bringing our Dynasty
to the brink of the greatest peril, throwing the State into
a general convulsion of disorder, and plunging our people
into uttermost misery. The dangers which have been
incurred by Her Majesty the Empress Dowager, and myself
are simply indescribable, and our hearts are sore, aching with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_365"></a>[365]</span>
unappeased wrath at the remembrance of our sufferings. Let
those who brought about these calamities ask themselves
what punishment can suffice to atone for them?</p>

<p>“Our former Decrees on this subject have been far too
lenient, and we must therefore now award further punishments
to the guilty. Prince Chuang, already cashiered,
led the Boxers in their attack upon the French Cathedral
and the Legations, besides which, it was he who issued a
Proclamation in violation of all our Treaties. (This refers
to the rewards offered for the heads of foreigners.) He too
it was who, acting as the leader of the savage Boxers, put to
death many innocent persons. As a mark of clemency unmerited
by these crimes, we grant him permission to commit
suicide, and hereby order that Ko Pao-hua shall supervise
the execution of these our commands.</p>

<p>“Prince Tuan, already cashiered, was the leader and
spokesman of the Imperial Clan, to whom was due the
declaration of war against foreigners; he trusted implicitly
in Boxer magic, and thus inexcusably brought about hostilities.
Duke Lan, who assisted Prince Chuang in drawing
up the proclamation which set a price on the head of every
foreigner, deserves also that he be stripped of all his dignities
and titles. But remembering that both these Princes are our
near kinsmen, we mitigate their sentence to exile to Turkestan,
where they will be kept in perpetual confinement. The
Governor of Shensi, Yü Hsien, already cashiered, believed in
the Boxers at the time when he held the Governorship of
Shantung; when he subsequently came to Peking, he sang
their praises at our Court, with the result that many Princes
and Ministers were led astray by his words. As Governor
of Shansi he had put to death many missionaries and native
converts, proving himself to be an utterly misguided and
bloodthirsty man. He was undoubtedly one of the prime
causes of all our troubles. We have already decreed his
banishment to Turkestan, and by this time he should already
have reached Kansu. Orders are now to be transmitted for
his immediate decapitation, which will be superintended by
the Provincial Treasurer.</p>

<p>“As to the late Grand Secretary, Kang Yi, he also
believed in the Boxers, and went so far as to set a price on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_366"></a>[366]</span>
the lives of foreigners so that, had he lived, he too would
have been sentenced to death, but as matters stand, we order
that he be posthumously deprived of his rank and summarily
cashiered.</p>

<p>“We have already cashiered Tung Fu-hsiang. While
permitted to retain his rank as a military official, he cannot
escape a certain share of responsibility for the siege of
the Legations, although his orders emanated from Princes
and Ministers of State; and because of his ignorance of
foreign affairs, slack discipline, and general stupidity, he
certainly deserves severe punishment. But we cannot overlook
the services he has rendered in the Kansu rebellion, and
the good name which he bears amongst our Chinese and
Mahomedan subjects in that province, so that, as a mark of
our favour and leniency, we merely remove him from his
post.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p>

<p>“Ying Nien, Vice-President of the Censorate, was opposed
to the issue of the proclamation which offered rewards for
foreigners’ heads, and for this he deserves lenient treatment,
but he failed to insist strongly in his objections, and we are
therefore compelled to punish him. He is hereby sentenced
to be cashiered and imprisoned pending decapitation.<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p>

<p>“As regards the Grand Councillor Chao Shu-ch’iao, he
had never, to our knowledge, shown any hostility to foreigners,
and when we despatched him on a special mission to confer
with the Boxers, the report which he submitted on his
return showed no signs of sympathy with their proceedings.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>
Nevertheless, he was undoubtedly careless, and we therefore,
acting in leniency, decree that he be cashiered and imprisoned
pending decapitation.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p>

<p>“The Grand Secretary Hsü T’ung and Li Ping-heng, our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_367"></a>[367]</span>
Assistant Commander-in-Chief, have both committed
suicide, but as their behaviour has been very severely
criticised, we order that they be deprived of their ranks; and
all posthumous honours granted to them are hereby
cancelled.</p>

<p>“The Ministers of the friendly Powers can no longer fail
to recognise that the Boxer Rebellion was indeed the work
of these guilty officials, and that it was in no way due to
any action or wishes on the part of the Throne. In the
punishment of these offenders we have displayed no
leniency, from which all our subjects may learn how grave
has been the recent crisis.”</p>

</div>

<p>As the terms of this Decree still failed to satisfy
the foreign Ministers, especially as regards the sentences
passed on Prince Tuan and Duke Lan, another Decree, a
week later, ordered that both these Manchu leaders should
be imprisoned pending decapitation, a sentence which was
eventually reduced to one of perpetual banishment to
Turkestan. Posthumous decapitation, a grievous disgrace
in the eyes of Chinese officials, was decreed as a further
punishment upon Kang Yi, while Chao Shu-ch’iao and Ying
Nien were ordered to commit suicide. Finally, the Grand
Councillor Ch’i Hsiu, and a son of the Grand Secretary
Hsü T’ung (who had closely followed in his father’s
footsteps as the most violent opponent of everything
foreign), were sentenced to decapitation, and were duly
executed at Peking.</p>

<p>In compliance with the last demands of the Foreign
Ministers, a final Decree, the wording of which points
clearly to reluctant action under compulsion, restored the
ranks and honours of the five officials who had been
executed for advising Her Majesty against the Boxers. To
revise this sentence without leaving them under some
imputation of blame would have involved most undesirable
loss of “face,” and the Decree therefore observes:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_368"></a>[368]</span></p><div class="blockquote">

<p>“When we urged these officials, at a general audience of
all our Ministers, to state their views definitely, so that we
might judge fairly of the issues, they expressed themselves
hesitatingly, and our evil-disposed Princes and advisers were
thus able to take advantage of their apparent indecision.
This was the cause of their undoing. They were impeached
on all sides, and were eventually decapitated. We recall to
mind the fact that these five officials always showed considerable
ability in handling diplomatic questions, and, as a
mark of our favour, we therefore restore to them their
original rank.”</p>

</div>

<p><i>The Death of Chao Shu-ch’iao.</i>—This Grand Councillor,
one of the Empress’s favourite Ministers, whom to the last
she endeavoured to protect from execution, was originally
sentenced only to imprisonment for life. He was confined
in the prison of the Provincial Judge at Hsi-an, where his
family were allowed to visit him. On the day before the issue
of the Decree which sentenced him to imprisonment, the
Old Buddha had said, at a meeting of the Grand Council,
“I do not really believe that Chao sympathised in the
very least with the Boxers; the error that he made lay in
under-estimating the seriousness of the movement.” This
was reported to Chao, who was naturally much elated, and
believed that his life would surely be spared. A few days
later, however, it was freely rumoured that the foreign
Powers were insisting upon his decapitation, and the news
created the greatest excitement throughout the city, which
was his native place. Some three hundred of the chief men of
the city having drawn up a monster petition, proceeded with
it to the office of the Grand Council, and begged, in the
name of the whole community, that his life be spared. The
Grand Councillors were afraid to take the petition to Her
Majesty, but, in reply to the deputation, the President of the
Board of Punishments (who was related to Chao) declared
that his execution would be an act of monstrous injustice.</p>

<p>On the first day of the New Year, these rumours took
more definite shape, and on that day Her Majesty’s audience<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_369"></a>[369]</span>
with the Grand Council lasted from six to eleven in the
morning; but even then no decision had been come to in
regard to complying with the demand for Chao’s execution.
Throughout the neighbourhood of the Drum Tower the
streets were packed with a huge crowd, who threatened that
they would certainly rescue Chao if he were taken out for
execution. So great was the clamour that the Grand
Council feared a riot, and they determined, therefore, to beg
Her Majesty to permit Chao to commit suicide. This was
done, and Tzŭ Hsi reluctantly agreeing, issued the Decree
at one o’clock on the following morning, which fixed the
hour for reporting his death to Her Majesty at five o’clock
in the afternoon of the same day. Governor Ts’en was
ordered to proceed to the prison, and read the Decree to
Chao, which he did in due form. After hearing it in silence
to the end, Chao asked: “Will there be no further Decree?”
“No,” said Ts’en. “Surely, there must be,” said Chao. At
this his wife, intervening, said, “There is no hope; let us
die together!” She then gave him poison, of which he took
a little, but up till 3 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> it appeared to have had no effect
whatsoever, for he seemed most vigorous, and discussed at
great length with his family the arrangements to be made
for his funeral. He was much exercised in mind at the
effect which his death would have upon the health of his
aged mother. All day long his room was crowded by friends
and colleagues; the Governor had endeavoured at first to
prevent their coming, but had eventually yielded, so that
the number of those present was very large. Chao, addressing
them, said: “I have been brought to this pass entirely
by the fault of Kang Yi.” The Governor, observing that
his voice sounded clear and firm, and that, at this hour, there
were no signs of impending death about him, ordered one of
the attendants to give him some opium to swallow. At
5 o’clock, the opium having apparently taken no effect, the
attendants were ordered to give him a liberal dose of arsenic,
after which he rolled over on to the ground, and lay there,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_370"></a>[370]</span>
groaning and beating his breast with his hands. Later,
complaining of extreme pain, he asked that friction might
be applied to his chest, but so strong was his constitution,
and so determined his will, that even at 11 o’clock it was
evident that there was still no little life left in him. The
Governor was much disturbed and distressed, being well
aware that the Old Buddha would require some adequate
explanation of this long delay in the execution of her orders.
“I was to report his death at 5 o’clock,” said he, “the man
will not die: what is to be done?” The attendants suggested
that he should screw up some pieces of thick paper, dip
them in strong spirit, and with them close the breathing
passages; by this means he would be speedily suffocated.
Ts’en approved of the suggestion, and after five wads of
paper had been inserted, death ensued. His wife, weeping
bitterly, thereupon committed suicide. To the end, Chao
could not believe that the Empress Dowager would allow
his death, and for this reason it is probable that he purposely
took an insufficient dose of opium in order to gain time for
a reprieve.</p>

<p><i>The Death of Prince Chuang.</i>—Prince Chuang, with his
concubine and son, went to Tu Chou, in South Shansi, there
to await the decision of the Empress Dowager as to his fate.
He lodged in an official house of entertainment. When Ko
Pao-hua, the Imperial Commissioner, brought thither the
Decree commanding him to commit suicide, it was early in
the morning; nevertheless, upon his arrival, crackers were
fired, in accordance with etiquette, to greet him. The noise
greatly irritated Prince Chuang, who turned savagely upon
the attendants, and asked what they meant by making such
a noise at such an hour. “An Imperial Commissioner has
arrived,” they said. “Has he come about me?” asked the
Prince. “No,” they replied, “he is merely passing through
on business.” When the Imperial Commissioner was
ushered in, the Prince began to ply him with questions
about the Court, to which Ko briefly replied. After talking<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_371"></a>[371]</span>
for a little while Ko went off to inspect the premises, at the
back of which he found an old temple, in which he selected
an unoccupied room to be the scene of Prince Chuang’s
suicide. From a beam in the roof he hung a silken cord,
and, after fastening it securely, he directed the Prefect and
the District Magistrate to send some soldiers to keep order.
Having made these preparations he returned to the presence
of the Prince, and informing him that he had an Imperial
Decree to read to him, ordered him to go down on his
knees to hear it. The Prince, drawing himself up to his full
height, said, “Is it my head that you want?” The Imperial
Commissioner made no direct reply, but proceeded to read
the Decree to the Prince, who reverently knelt.<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> When
the Commissioner had finished, “So it is suicide,” said the
Prince, “I always expected they would not be content with
anything less than my life. I greatly fear that even our
Old Buddha will not be allowed to last much longer.”
He next asked the Imperial Commissioner to be permitted
to bid farewell to his family, which was allowed
him. At this moment, his concubine and his son, having
learned of the Imperial Commissioner’s business, entered
the room. The Prince, addressing his son, said:—“Remember
that it is your duty to do everything in
your power for your country; at all costs, these foreigners
must not be allowed to possess themselves of the glorious
Empire won for us by our ancestors.”<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> His son, bitterly
weeping, could not reply, while his concubine passed from
frantic grief to a swoon. The Prince, unmoved, asked:—“Where
is the death chamber?” The Imperial Commissioner
replied:—“Will your Highness please to come to
the empty room at the back of the house.” When the
Prince, following him, saw the silken cord hanging from the
beam, he turned and said:—“Your Excellency has indeed
made most admirable and complete arrangements.” With<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_372"></a>[372]</span>
these words he passed the cord around his neck, and in
a very few minutes life was extinct.</p>

<p><i>The Death of Ying Nien.</i>—Ying Nien was an arrant
coward. On the day of the issue of the first Decree,
ordering his imprisonment at Hsi-an, his family deserted him,
and he remained all through the night, weeping, in great
distress of mind. To his attendants he complained bitterly
that Prince Ch’ing had not intervened to protect him. The
next day was the New Year Festival, and as everybody was
busy with preparations for the occasion, little heed was paid
to him, and he spent the day weeping. Towards midnight
his crying suddenly ceased, and on the following morning he
was found by his servant, prone upon the ground, his face
covered with mud, quite dead. He had choked himself
by swallowing mud, but as the Decree ordering him to
commit suicide had not actually been issued, the fact of his
death was suppressed for forty-eight hours, after which
Governor Ts’en was informed, and he reported it to the Old
Buddha.</p>

<p><i>The Decapitation of Yü Hsien.</i>—When the Decree,
commanding his decapitation, reached Yü Hsien, he had
already started under escort for his place of banishment, but
he was a sick man and could only totter weakly along.
On learning the news, he appeared as one dazed, a very
different man indeed from that fierce Governor of Shansi,
who had displayed such bloodthirsty activity. On the day
before his death he was very seriously ill, and when the
time came, he was so weak that he had to be supported
to the execution ground. On the previous day the leading
citizens of Lan-chou fu expressed their desire to offer him
a valedictory banquet, but he declined the honour with
thanks, expressing his wish to spend his last day in quietude.
He wrote a pair of scrolls as an expression of his gratitude
for the courtesy thus shown to him, and the elders of
the city decided and informed him that the execution
ground would be decorated with red cloth, as for a festival,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_373"></a>[373]</span>
in his honour. Towards evening, notices were placarded in
the principal streets, calling on the people to insist upon his
being reprieved, but Yü Hsien knew that this was quite
useless. He composed a statement of his actions in the
form of an official proclamation, maintaining stoutly that his
death was to be regarded as a glorious and patriotic end, and
bidding the people on no account to interfere with the
execution of his sentence. Finally he wrote, with his own
hand, a pair of valedictory scrolls, the text of which was
widely quoted after his death all over China. The first may
be translated as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Minister dies for his Sovereign; wives and concubines
die for their lord. Who shall say that this is unseemly? It
is sad that my aged mother is ninety years of age, and my
little daughter only seven. Who shall protect them in their
old age and tender youth? How shall that filial piety be
fulfilled which a man owes to his parent? The Sovereign
commanded, and the Minister obeyed. I slew others; now,
in my turn, am I slain. Why should I regret it? Only one
cause for shame have I—that I have served my Sovereign
all these years, and have held high rank in three provinces,
without displaying merit more conspicuous than a grain of
sand in the desert or a drop of water in the ocean. Alas,
that I should thus unworthily requite the Imperial bounty.”</p>

</div>

<p>And the second reads:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Minister has by his guilt incurred the sentence of
decapitation. At this moment there is no thought in my
mind except the hope that my death may be as glorious as
my life has been honest.<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> I would far rather die than pine
away the rest of my life in degrading imprisonment. I have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_374"></a>[374]</span>
ill-requited Her Majesty’s kindness. Who shall now relieve
her grief? I sincerely hope that you, the Statesmen who
surround the Throne, may yet find means to restore our
fallen fortunes, and that you will honourably fulfil your
bounden duty in ministering to the distress of their Imperial
Majesties.”</p>

</div>

<p>On the following day, at one o’clock of the afternoon,
Yü Hsien’s head was severed from his body, in the presence
of a great crowd, which greeted his end with sounds of
lamentation.</p>

<p><i>The Death of Ch’i Hsiu.</i>—Ch’i Hsin was executed, together
with Hsü Ching-yu, outside the wall of the Tartar city, in
Peking, early one morning in February, 1901, the execution
being witnessed by more than one European. When informed
that he was to die, Ch’i Hsiu’s only question was:
“By whose commands?” and when told that a Decree had
come from Hsi-an fu, he said, “It is by the will of the
Empress Dowager; I die happy then, so long as it is not by
order of the foreigners.” This Grand Councillor had been
arrested several months before by the Japanese, and Prince
Ch’ing had been able to obtain his release on the ground that
his aged mother was very ill; but when she subsequently
died, he strongly advised Ch’i Hsiu “to make his filial
piety coincide with his loyalty by committing suicide.”
Coming from Prince Ch’ing, the suggestion was one hardly
to be misunderstood, but Ch’i Hsiu failed to act upon it,
thereby incurring a certain amount of criticism.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_375"></a>[375]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXII">XXII<br>
<span class="smaller">THE OLD BUDDHA PENITENT</span></h2>

</div>

<p>When the wrath of the Powers had been appeased by the
death and banishment of the leading Boxers, and when the
Empress Dowager had come to realise that her future policy
must be one of conciliation and reform, she proceeded first
of all to adjust the annals of her reign for the benefit of
posterity, in the following remarkable Edict (13th February,
1901):—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“In the summer of last year, the Boxers, after bringing
about a state of war, took possession of our Capital and
dominated the very Throne itself. The Decrees issued
at that time were the work of wicked Princes and Ministers
of State, who, taking advantage of the chaotic condition of
affairs, did not hesitate to issue documents under the
Imperial seal, which were quite contrary to our wishes. We
have on more than one previous occasion hinted indirectly
at the extraordinary difficulty of the position in which we
were placed, and which left us no alternative but to act as
we did. Our officials and subjects should have no difficulty
in reading between the lines and appreciating our meaning.</p>

<p>“We have now punished all the guilty, and we hereby
order that the Grand Secretariat shall submit for our perusal
all Decrees issued between the 24th day of the 5th moon and
the 20th day of the 7th moon (20th June to 14th August), so
that all spurious or illegal documents may be withdrawn and
cancelled. Thus shall historical accuracy be attained and
our Imperial utterances receive the respect to which they
are properly entitled.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_376"></a>[376]</span></p>

<p>Having thus secured the respect of posterity, Tzŭ Hsi
proceeded to make the “amende honorable,” (with due
regard to the Imperial “face,”) for so many of her sins as
she was prepared to admit. In another Decree, in the
name of the Emperor, which gives a Munchausen account
of the Throne’s part and lot in the crisis of 1900, and a
pathetic description of her own and the Emperor’s sufferings
during the flight, she makes solemn confession of error and
promise of reform. As an example of the manner in which
history is made in China, the Edict is of permanent interest
and value.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="center">“<span class="smcap">A Penitential Decree</span></p>

<p class="center">“<i>26th day, 12th moon of Kuang-Hsü’s 26th year</i>
(<i>Feb. 13th, 1901</i>).</p>

<p>“Last summer the Boxers sowed the seeds of rebellion,
which led to our being involved in a war with friendly
Powers. Thereafter, our Capital being thrown into a state
of great disorder, we escorted the Empress Dowager, our
mother, on a progress of inspection throughout the Western
Provinces. To Prince Ch’ing and to the Grand Secretary
Li Hung-chang we entrusted full powers, and bade them
negotiate with the foreign Ministers for the cessation of
hostilities and a Treaty of peace. These Plenipotentiaries
having lately telegraphed to us the twelve principal clauses
of the proposed protocol, we have consented thereto, but at
the same time have instructed them carefully to scrutinise
their various provisions in the light of China’s ability to
fulfil them.</p>

<p>“It having been accorded to us to retrieve our disastrous
mistakes, we are in duty bound to promulgate this Penitential
Decree, and to let every one of our subjects know how
vast and harassing were the perplexities with which the
Throne has been beset.</p>

<p>“There are ignorant persons who believe that the recent
crisis was partly caused by our government’s support of the
Boxers; they must have overlooked our reiterated Decrees
of the 5th and 6th moons, that the Boxers should be exterminated,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_377"></a>[377]</span>
and the Christians protected. Unfortunately these
rebels and their evil associates placed us in a position from
which it was impossible to escape; we exhausted every
possible effort of strong remonstrance, appalled at the impending
ruin of our Empire. Events moved swiftly until,
on the 21st of the 7th moon, our Capital fell; on that day,
both Her Majesty the Empress Dowager and ourselves
decided to commit suicide in the presence of the tutelary
deities of our Dynasty and the gods of the soil, thus making
atonement and offering propitiation to the spirits of our nine
Imperial ancestors. But, at the critical moment of dire
lamentation and confusion, we were seized by our Princes
and Ministers, and forcibly led away from that place where
bullets fell like rain, and where the enemies’ guns gathered
thick as forest trees. Hastily, and with souls perturbed, we
started on our Western tour. Were not all these disasters
caused by the Boxers? The imminent danger of her sacred
Majesty, the overwhelming ruin of our ancestors’ inheritance,
our prosperous Capital turned to a howling wilderness, its
ravines filled with the dead bodies of our greatest men: how
can it possibly be said that the Throne could protect the
rebels who brought such disasters upon us?</p>

<p>“There was, however, an explicable cause for the
Boxer movement and for its disastrous results.” (<i>The
Decree proceeds here to ascribe blame to local Magistrates
for not administering even justice between Christians
and non-Christians, and thus producing a state of
discontent and unrest, which afforded opportunities to the
Boxers. The latter received a further impetus by reason of
the inefficiency of the Imperial troops sent to quell the first
rising. Finally, references are made to the evil advice and
ignorance of the highly placed clansmen and Ministers of
State who favoured the Boxer cause. This Decree is in fact a
complete justification of the views expressed in the three
memorials by Yüan Ch’ang and Hsü Ching-ch’eng, for which
these patriotic officials laid down their lives. After
describing the entry of the Boxers into Peking, and lamenting
the position of the Throne as resembling “a tail which is too
big to wag,” the Decree proceeds</i>):—“Nevertheless, and while
the Legations were being besieged, we repeatedly directed our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_378"></a>[378]</span>
Ministers of the Tsungli Yamên to put a stop to hostilities,
and at the same time to keep up communication with the
foreign Ministers, assuring them of our kindly and sympathetic
regard. This latter order, however, was not carried
out because of the continuous artillery and rifle fire between
the besiegers and the besieged, and it was impossible for us,
under such conditions, to insist upon its execution.
Supposing, by some horrible fatality, the Legations had
actually fallen, how could China have hoped to preserve her
integrity? To the Throne’s strenuous efforts is really due
the avoidance of such a dreadful catastrophe, and the gifts
of wine, fruit and water-melons to the besieged Legations,
were an indication of Her Majesty’s benevolent intentions.
It was but natural and right that the friendly Powers should
appreciate these our feelings, and the fact that at such a
crisis they have respected the integrity of our Empire as a
Sovereign State, goes to prove that the Allies attribute no
longer any blame to the Throne. This, however, only adds
to our wrath at the ignorance and violence of our offending
subjects; when we look back upon the past, we are filled
with shame and indignation. We are convinced that, in
these peace negotiations, the foreign Powers will not
attempt to extract from us more than we are able to
concede. We have ordered Prince Ch’ing and Li Hung-chang,
negotiating this Treaty, to continue patiently in
friendly discussion, maintaining all questions of vital
principle, while recognising the special circumstances which
attach to any given case. Foreign Powers are lovers of
justice, and they are bound to consider what China is
capable of doing if they wish to see this negotiation brought
to a successful conclusion. To this end we expect that our
Plenipotentiaries will display their virtue of patriotism to
the very best of their ability.</p>

<p>“At the time of the terror in Peking, our provincial
authorities were ordered to keep the peace in their respective
provinces, and to take no part in provoking hostilities. If
the Southern and Eastern parts of our Empire enjoyed full
protection from disorders, the fact was solely due to our
Decrees, which insisted upon the rigid maintenance of
peace. The trade of foreign Powers was in no way injured,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_379"></a>[379]</span>
our Viceroys and Governors being able to preserve normal
conditions in those parts of our Empire. As regards the
Southern provinces, however, which are always talking
loudly of strengthening their defences, it cannot be gainsaid
that, upon the outbreak of any trouble, they fall into a state
of hopeless confusion. Caring nothing for the innumerable
difficulties which beset our Throne, they stand idly by,
contenting themselves with delivering oracular opinions and
catch-words, and they even go so far as to reproach their
Sovereign, the father of his people. We would have
them bear in mind that when our Imperial chariot departed
in haste from the Forbidden City, the moaning of the wind
and the cry of the heron overhead seemed to our startled
ears as the tramp of an advancing enemy. As we fled
through Ch’ang-ping chou northward to Hsüan-hua, we
personally attended on the wants of the Empress
Dowager. We were both clad in the meanest of garments,
and to relieve our hunger we were scarcely able to obtain a
dish of beans or porridge. Few of our poorest subjects
have suffered greater hardships of cold and hunger than
befell us in this pitiful plight. We wonder whether those
who call themselves our faithful Ministers and servants have
ever taken real thought of their bounden duty towards their
afflicted and outraged Sovereigns?</p>

<p>“To sum up the matter in a word, is it not the case that,
when either our Statesmen or our people are guilty of any
offence, it is upon our Imperial persons that the blame must
fall? In recalling this fact to mind, we do not desire to
rake up bygone offences, but rather because it is our duty to
warn our subjects against their repetition. For the past
twenty years, whenever difficulties have arisen with foreign
nations, it has been our duty to issue solemn warnings and
reproofs. But the saying which is in common use, that we
‘sleep on brushwood and taste gall’ has, by lapse of time,
become almost meaningless; when we talk of putting our
house in order, and reforming our finances, the words have
no real significance. The time of danger once over, favouritism
and the neglect of public business go on as of old; as of old,
money purchases rank, and the Throne continues to be
persistently misled. Let our officials ask themselves in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_380"></a>[380]</span>
silence of the night watches whether, even had there been
no Boxer rebellion, China could possibly have become a
great Power? Even before these disasters occurred there was
great difficulty in maintaining our position as a nation, and
now, after this awful visitation, it must be obvious to the
dullest amongst us that our weakness and poverty have been
greatly increased. To our Ministers of State, who have
received high favour from the Throne, we would say that,
at this time of our nation’s history, it is essential to display
new qualities of integrity and patriotism. Taxation should
now be re-arranged in such a manner as to enable us to repay
the foreign indemnities, while bearing in mind the poverty
of the lower classes of the people. In the selection of officials,
good character should be considered the first essential, and
men of talent should be encouraged to the utmost.</p>

<p>“The whole duty of a Minister of State may be summed
up in two words: to abolish corrupt tendencies, and to put
off the abuses of former days. Justice and energy should
be the principles guiding towards economical and military
efficiency; on this the spirit of the nation and its future
depend as upon its very life blood.</p>

<p>“For nearly thirty years our mother, the Empress
Dowager, has laboured without ceasing to instruct us and
train us in the right way, and now, at one blow, all the
results of her labour are brought to nought. We cannot
but remember the abomination of desecration which has
overthrown our ancestral shrines and the temples of our
gods. Looking to the North, we think upon our Capital
ruined and profaned, upon the thousands of our highest
officials whose families have lost their all, of the millions
of our subjects whose lives and property have been sacrificed
in this cataclysm. We can never cease to reproach ourselves:
how then should we reproach others? Our object in issuing
this solemn warning is to show that the prosperity or the
ruin of a State depends solely upon the energy or apathy
of its rulers and people, and that the weakness of an
Empire is the direct result of rottenness in its administration.
We desire to reiterate our commands that friendly relations
with foreign Powers are to be encouraged, that at the same
time our defences are to be strengthened, that freedom of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_381"></a>[381]</span>
speech and the employment of trustworthy servants are to
be encouraged. We expect obedience to these commands,
and sincere patriotism from our subjects. Earnestly the
Empress Dowager and ourselves pray that it may be brought
home to our Ministers of State, that only out of suffering
is wisdom developed, and that a sense of duty insists upon
unceasing effort. Let this Decree be made known throughout
the entire Empire.”</p>

</div>

<p>This Edict was issued in February, coincidently with Her
Majesty’s acceptance of the conditions imposed by the
Powers in the peace negotiations at Peking. From that
date until, in June, the terms of the Protocol were definitely
settled by the plenipotentiaries, her attitude continued to be
one of nervous apprehension, while the discomfort of life at
Hsi-an, as well as the advice repeatedly given her by
Jung Lu and the provincial Viceroys, combined to make her
look forward with impatience to the day when she might set
out for her capital.</p>

<p>There remained only one source of difficulty, namely, the
presence of Prince Tuan’s son, the Heir Apparent, at her
Court. Tzŭ Hsi was well aware that she could hardly look
for cordial relations with the representatives of the Powers
at Peking, or for sympathy abroad, so long as this son of the
Boxer chief remained heir to the Throne. It would clearly
be impossible, in the event of his becoming Emperor, for
him to consent to his father remaining under sentence of
banishment, and equally impossible to expect the Powers to
consent to Prince Tuan’s rehabilitation and return. Yet the
youth had been duly and solemnly appointed to succeed to
the Throne, a thing not lightly to be set aside. Once again
the Old Buddha showed that the sacred laws of succession
were less than a strong woman’s will.</p>

<p>Politics apart, it was common knowledge that Tzŭ Hsi
had for some time repented of her choice of Prince Tuan’s
ill-mannered, uncouth son as Heir Apparent. More than
once had she been brought to shame by his wild, and sometimes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_382"></a>[382]</span>
disgraceful, conduct. Even in her presence, the lad
paid little heed to the formalities of Court etiquette, and
none at all to the dignity of his own rank and future position.
Tzŭ Hsi was therefore probably not sorry of the excuse for
deposing him from that high estate. In the Decree
cancelling his title to the Throne, she observed that his
father, Prince Tuan, had brought the Empire to the verge
of ruin, and that the guilt which he had thus incurred
towards his august ancestors could never be wiped out. In
order to save the “face” of the Heir Apparent and her own,
in a difficult position, the Edict describes him as being fully
convinced of the impossibility of his succeeding to the
Throne under existing conditions, and that he himself had
therefore petitioned Her Majesty to cancel her previous
decision. In granting this request and directing him to
remove himself forthwith from the Palace precincts, the
Empress conferred upon him the rank of an Imperial Duke
of the lowest grade, excusing him at the same time from
performance of any official duties in that capacity. By this
decision she meant to mark the contempt into which the
Heir Apparent had fallen, for the rank thus granted him
was a low one, and, without any official duties or salary, he
was condemned to a life of poverty and obscurity. This
fallen Heir to the Dragon Throne is a well-known figure
to-day in the lowest haunts of the Chinese City at Peking:
a drunkard and disreputable character, living the life of
a gambler, notorious only as a swashbuckler of romantic
past and picturesque type,—one who, but for adverse
fate and the accursed foreigner, would have been Emperor
of China at this moment.</p>

<p>Having deposed him, the Empress let it be known that
the selection of an heir to the disconsolate shade of T’ung-Chih
would be postponed “until a suitable candidate should
be found,” an intimation generally understood to mean that
the vital question of providing an heir in legitimate and
proper succession to the Throne could not well be determined<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_383"></a>[383]</span>
until China’s foreign relations, as well as her internal affairs,
had been placed upon a basis of greater security. It is
curious to note how, in all such utterances, it appears to
have been tacitly understood that the Emperor Kuang Hsü
was a “bad life.”</p>

<p>Thus, in exile, the Old Buddha wore philosophically the
white sheet of penance and burned the candle of expiation,
preparatory to re-entering anon upon a new lease of power
in that Peking where, as she well knew, the memory of the
foreigner is short and his patience long. In June, 1901, the
terms of peace were settled; on the 7th September the
Peace Protocol was solemnly signed by the representatives of
all the Powers, that “monument of collective inefficiency”
which was to sow the seeds of trouble to last for many
years to come. At Hsi-an “in the profound seclusion of the
Palace” she knew remorse, not unstimulated by fear; on
the return journey to her capital (from 20th October, 1901,
to 6th January, 1902), while preparing her arts and graces to
captivate the barbarian, she was still a victim to doubt and
apprehension. Meanwhile, at Peking, the mandarin world,
reassured by the attitude of the peace negotiators and their
terms, was fast shedding its garments of fear and peacocking
as of yore, in renewed assurance of its own indisputable
superiority. Evidence of this spirit was to be met with on
all sides, gradually coming to its fine flower in the subsequent
negotiations for the revision of the commercial Treaties, and
bringing home once more, to those who study these things,
the unalterable truth of the discovery made years ago by one
of the earliest British representatives in China, namely, that
“this people yields nothing to reason and everything to
fear.”</p>

<p>One of the most remarkable instances of this revival of
the mandarin’s traditional arrogance of superiority occurred,
significantly enough, in connection with the penitential
mission of the Emperor’s brother, Prince Ch’un (now
Regent) to Berlin, an episode which threatened for a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_384"></a>[384]</span>
moment to lead to a rupture between Germany and China.
By Article 1 of the Peace Protocol, Prince Ch’un had been
specially designated for this mission to convey in person to
the German Emperor the regrets of the Chinese Government
for the murder of Baron von Ketteler. He left Peking for
the purpose on the 12th July, 1901, with definite instructions
as to the manner in which the Chinese Government’s regrets
were to be expressed. The German Emperor’s proposals as
to the form of ceremony to be followed in this matter were
regarded by Prince Ch’un as incompatible with his instructions,
and it will be remembered that, after some hesitation
on the part of the German Government, the Chinese policy
of passive resistance eventually carried the day. The
following telegraphic correspondence on the subject is of
permanent interest. Prince Ch’un (whose personal name is
Tsai Feng) telegraphed from Germany on the 26th September
to the Peace Plenipotentiaries, Prince Ch’ing and Li
Hung-chang, as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I have duly received the Grand Council’s message, and
note that I am commanded to act as circumstances may
require, and that a middle course is suggested as expedient.
I fully appreciate the intelligent caution of your policy, and
fortunately had already taken steps to act in the sense
indicated. On the 14th of this moon the German Emperor
had given orders to stop preparations for the ceremony, but
as I noticed that the Royal train had not been withdrawn
nor had his aide-de-camp left my suite, I inferred that there
was a possibility of his yielding the points in dispute.
Accordingly, after a long discussion of the situation with
Yin Ch’ang, I directed him to write in German to Jeng-yintai<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>
requesting his friendly intervention at the Foreign
Office with a definite explanation that China could not possibly
agree that the mission should be received kneeling, that
Germany had nothing to gain on insisting upon such a
procedure, and that the only result of a fiasco would be to
make both countries appear extremely ridiculous. I therefore<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_385"></a>[385]</span>
begged that the Emperor should accede to my personal
appeal and waive the point. At the same time I requested
the German gentleman who acts as Chinese Consul for
Bavaria to address the Foreign Office to the same effect, and
with a request that we might enter upon discussion of the
point. Four days later I directed Lü Hai-huan to return
to his post at Berlin to make such arrangements as might
be possible, and on the following day I telegraphed to him a
summary of the Grand Council’s views on the matter. In
the afternoon of the 20th I received the Consul for Bavaria,
who informed me that he had received a telegram from the
Foreign Office inquiring when I proposed to start for Berlin,
and hoping that I would do so speedily, as the Emperor had
now consented to waive the question of our kneeling, but
required that only Yin Ch’ang should accompany me when
presenting the letter of regret, the remainder of my suite to
remain in another place.</p>

<p>“The same evening I received a message from Lü Hai-huan,
stating that the Emperor would undoubtedly receive
me, and that, since all other difficult questions had been
settled, His Majesty wished to leave for the country in a few
days. Under these circumstances I did not consider it
advisable to insist too strictly on minor details of etiquette,
being pressed for time, and I therefore requested the German
Emperor’s Chamberlain to have a special train prepared for
my journey. We reached Potsdam at 3 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> on the 21st<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>;
I was met by a General sent by the Emperor with his state
carriage. Myself and my suite were lodged in the Palace,
where every attention was shown to us, and it was arranged
that I should fulfil my mission on the following day, after
depositing a wreath on the grave of the late Empress. On
the morning of the following day I visited her tomb, and at
noon the state carriage came to take me to the New Palace,
where, after being ushered into the Emperor’s presence, I
read aloud Their Majesties’ complimentary letter. The
members of my suite were awaiting in an adjoining apartment.
After the ceremony I was escorted back to my
residence, and at 2 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> the Emperor came to call upon me.
He was very cordial and remained talking with me for a long<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_386"></a>[386]</span>
time. By his orders a steam launch was provided for me, in
which I visited the Lake and Peacock Island; on the following
day I saw a review of the troops, and was presented to the
Empress. The Emperor begged me to remain longer in
Berlin, suggesting that I should visit the arsenals and inspect
the fleet under Prince Henry at Stettin. I could scarcely
decline these polite attentions, and after visiting the Empress
I took lodging in an hotel at Berlin. Thanks to the glorious
prestige of our Empire, matters have thus been satisfactorily
settled, and the knowledge that my mission has been satisfactorily
carried out will, I hope, bring comfort to Their
Imperial Majesties in their anxiety. I beg that you will
memorialise the Throne accordingly. Tsai Feng.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Empress Dowager was pleased to express her approval
of the result of this mission, which in the eyes of the Chinese
Government was undoubtedly one of those diplomatic
triumphs which China appears to attain most easily when
her material resources have completely failed. Reading the
above despatch, it is difficult to realise that the Prince’s
mission had for its object the expiation of a brutal murder
committed, with the full approval of the Chinese Government
and Court, on the representative of a friendly nation.
The opinion is commonly believed, held by the Legations at
Peking, that the present Regent has learned much since he
returned from that penitential mission to the German capital.
During the present year his brothers have been engaged on
missions ostensibly intended to acquire knowledge for the
sorely-needed reorganisation of China’s army and navy,
missions which have been received with royal honours by
almost every civilised Power; but there are many close
observers of the changing conditions at Peking who see in
these missions merely a repetition of farces that have often
been played before, and an attempt to gain prestige in the
eyes of the Chinese people for the Regent’s family and the
Court, rather than any definite intention or desire to reform
the official system.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus23" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus23.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">His Highness
  Prince Tsai Hsün.</span></p>
  <p>Brother of the late Emperor and Present Regent—recently head
  of the Naval Mission to Europe and America.</p></figcaption>
</figure>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_387"></a>[387]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXIII">XXIII<br>
<span class="smaller">THE RETURN OF THE COURT TO PEKING</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The state of mind of the Empress Dowager during the
flight from the Capital, and subsequently while the Court
remained in exile at Hsi-an, was marked by that same
quality of indecision and vacillating impulse which had
characterised her actions throughout the Boxer crisis and
the siege of Peking. This may be ascribed partly to her
advancing age and partly to the conflicting influences of
astrologers and fortune-tellers, to whose advice she attached
the greatest importance in all times of peril. We have dealt
in another place with her marked susceptibility to omens
and superstitious beliefs; its effect is most noticeable,
however, at this stage of her life, and was conspicuous in
matters of small detail throughout the return journey to
Peking.</p>

<p>The influence of Jung Lu at Hsi-an, and that of Li
Hung-chang at Peking, had been systematically exercised to
induce Her Majesty to return to the Capital; but until the
Peace Protocol conditions had been definitely arranged, and
until she had been persuaded to decree adequate punishment
upon the Boxer leaders, the predominant feeling in her mind
was evidently one of suspicion and fear, as was shown when
she ordered the hurried flight from T’ai-yüan fu to Hsi-an.
The influence of Li Hung-chang, who, from the outset, had
realised the folly committed by the Chinese Government in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_388"></a>[388]</span>
approving the attack upon the Legations, was exercised to
create in the mind of Her Majesty a clearer sense of the
folly of that policy. At the height of the crisis (21st July,
1900), realising that the foreign forces brought to bear upon
China were steadily defeating both Boxers and Imperial
troops, she appointed Li Hung-chang to be Viceroy of
Chihli, and directed that he should proceed from Canton
with all haste, there being urgent need of the services of a
diplomat versed in foreign affairs. Her Majesty went so far
as to suggest that he should proceed from Shanghai to
Tientsin in a Russian vessel which “he might borrow for
the purpose.” Li Hung-chang’s reply, telegraphed to
Yüan Shih-k’ai for transmission to the Throne, while
outwardly respectful, clearly implies that Her Majesty has
been to blame for the disasters then occurring. “I am
sincerely grateful,” he says, “for Your Majesty’s gratifying
confidence in me, but cannot help recalling to mind the folly
which has now suddenly destroyed that structure of
reformed administration which, during my twenty years’
term of office as Viceroy of Chihli, I was able to build up
not unsuccessfully. I fear it will not be possible for me to
resume the duties of this difficult post at a time of crisis
like the present, destitute as I am of all proper and material
resources.” He proceeds even to criticise Her Majesty’s
suggestion as to his journey, observing that “Russia
possesses no vessel at Shanghai, and would certainly refuse
to lend if she had one, in view of the state of war now
existing.” Finally, he excuses himself for deferring his
departure, on the ground that the British Minister had
requested him not to leave until the foreign Ministers had
been safely escorted from Peking to Tientsin. “I do not
know,” says he, “if any such arrangements for safely
escorting them can be made,” and therefore concludes by
asking Yüan to inform the Throne that he will start northwards,
journeying by land, “as soon as his health permits
it.” To this plain-spoken message from the great Viceroy,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_389"></a>[389]</span>
Tzŭ Hsi replied in two lines of equally characteristic directness:—“Li
Hung-chang is to obey our earlier Decree, and to
make all haste northwards. The crisis is serious. Let him
make no further excuses for delay.”</p>

<p>In spite of these peremptory orders, Li Hung-chang, who
had a very definite conception of his own predicament,
remained at Shanghai, ostensibly negotiating, but in reality
waiting, to see what would be the outcome of the siege of
the Legations. He was interviewed by <i>The Times</i> correspondent
at Shanghai on the 23rd of July, and then stated
that he would not proceed to his post in the north until
convinced by clear proofs that the Empress Dowager had
seen the folly of her ways, and was prepared to adopt a
conciliatory policy towards the outraged foreign Powers.
At the end of July, when it became clear to him that the
Court had determined on flight, he forwarded by special
courier a very remarkable Memorial, in which he called the
Throne to task in the plainest possible terms, and urged an
immediate change of policy. This Memorial reached the
Empress before her departure from Peking; certain extracts
from it are well worth reproduction, as showing Li Hung-chang
at his best, and displaying that quality of courageous
intelligence which made him for twenty years the foremost
official in China and a world-wide celebrity:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“It is to be remembered that between this, our Empire
of China, and the outer barbarians, hostilities have frequently
occurred since the remotest antiquity, and our national
history teaches that the best way to meet them is to determine
upon our policy only after carefully ascertaining their
strength as compared with our own. Since the middle of
the reign of Tao-Kuang the pressure of the barbarians on
our borders has steadily increased, and to-day we are brought
to desperate straits indeed. In 1860 they invaded the
Capital and burnt the Summer Palace; His Majesty Hsien-Feng
was forced to flee, and thus came to his death. It is
only natural that His Majesty’s posterity should long to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_390"></a>[390]</span>
avenge him to the end of time, and that your subjects should
continue to cherish undying hopes of revenge. But since
that time, France has taken from us Annam, the whole of
that dependency being irretrievably lost; Japan has fought
us, and ousted us from Korea. Even worse disasters and
loss of territory were, however, to follow: Germany seized
Kiaochao; Russia followed by annexing Port Arthur and
Talienwan; England demanded Wei-hei-wei and Kowloon,
together with the extension of the Shanghai Settlements,
and the opening of new treaty ports inland; and France
made further demands for Kuang-Chou wan. How could
we possibly maintain silence under such grievous and repeated
acts of aggression? Craven would be the man who would
not seek to improve our defences, and shameless would be
he who did not long for the day of reckoning. I myself
have enjoyed no small favours from the Throne, and much
is expected of me by the nation. Needless for me to say
how greatly I would rejoice were it possible for China to
enter upon a glorious and triumphant war; it would be the
joy of my closing days to see the barbarian nations subjugated
at last in submissive allegiance, respectfully making
obeisance to the Dragon Throne. Unfortunately, however,
I cannot but recognise the melancholy fact that China is
unequal to any such enterprise, and that our forces are in no
way competent to undertake it. Looking at the question as
one affecting chiefly the integrity of our Empire, who would
be so foolish as to cast missiles at a rat in the vicinity of a
priceless piece of porcelain? It requires no augur’s skill in
divination to foresee that eggs are more easily to be cracked
than stones. Let us consider one recent incident in proof of
this conclusion. Recently, in the attack by some tens of
thousands of Boxers and Imperial troops upon the foreign
Settlements at Tientsin, there were some two or three
thousand foreign soldiers to defend them; yet, after ten
days of desperate fighting, only a few hundred foreigners
had been slain, while no less than twenty thousand Chinese
were killed and as many more wounded. Again, there are no
real defences or fortified positions in the Legations at Peking,
nor are the foreign Ministers and their Legation staffs
trained in the use of arms; nevertheless, Tung Fu-hsiang’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_391"></a>[391]</span>
hordes have been bombarding them for more than a month,
and have lost many thousands of men in the vain attempt to
capture the position.</p>

<p>“The fleets of the Allied Powers are now hurrying forward
vast bodies of their troops; the heaviest artillery is now being
brought swiftly to our shores. Has China the forces to meet
them? Does she possess a single leader capable of resisting
this invasion? If the foreign Powers send 100,000 men,
they will easily capture Peking, and Your Majesties will then
find escape impossible. You will no doubt endeavour once
more to flee to Jehol, but on this occasion you have no commander
like Sheng Pao to hold back the enemies’ forces from
pursuit; or, perhaps, you may decide to hold another Peace
Conference, like that at Shimonoseki, in 1895? But the conditions
to-day existing are in no way similar to those of
that time, when Marquis Ito was willing to meet me as your
Minister Plenipotentiary. When betrayed by the Boxers
and abandoned by all, where will your Majesties find a single
Prince, Councillor, or Statesman able to assist you effectively?
The fortunes of your house are being staked upon a single
throw; my blood runs cold at the thought of events to come.
Under any enlightened Sovereign these Boxers, with their
ridiculous claims of supernatural powers, would most assuredly
have been condemned to death long since. Is it not on record
that the Han Dynasty met its end because of its belief in
magicians, and in their power to confer invisibility? Was
not the Sung Dynasty destroyed because the Emperor
believed ridiculous stories about supernatural warriors clad
in miraculous coats of mail?</p>

<p>“I myself am nearly eighty years of age, and my death
cannot be far distant; I have received favours at the hands
of four Emperors. If now I hesitate to say the things that
are in my mind, how shall I face the spirits of the sacred
ancestors of this Dynasty when we meet in the halls of
Hades? I am compelled therefore to give utterance to this
my solemn prayer, and to beseech Your Majesties to put
away from you at once these vile magic workers, and to have
them summarily executed.</p>

<p>“You should take steps immediately to appoint a high
official who shall purge the land of this villainous rabble, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_392"></a>[392]</span>
who shall see to it that the foreign Ministers are safely
escorted to the headquarters of the Allied Armies. In spite
of the great heat, I have hurried northwards from Canton
to Shanghai, where your Majesties’ Decrees urging me to
come to Peking have duly reached me. Any physical
weakness, however serious, would not have deterred me
from obeying this summons, but perusal of your Decrees
has led me to the conclusion that Your Majesties have not
yet adopted a policy of reason, but are still in the hands of
traitors, regarding these Boxers as your dutiful subjects, with
the result that unrest is spreading and alarm universal.
Moreover, I am here in Shanghai without a single soldier
under my command, and even should I proceed with all
haste in the endeavour to present myself at your Palace
gates, I should meet with innumerable dangers by the way,
and the end of my journey would most probably be that I
should provide your rebellious and turbulent subjects with
one more carcass to hack into mincemeat. I shall therefore
continue in residence here for the present, considering ways
and means for raising a military force and for furnishing
supplies, as well as availing myself of the opportunity of
ascertaining the enemies’ plans, and making such diplomatic
suggestions as occur to me to be useful. As soon as my
plans are complete, I shall proceed northwards with all
possible speed.”</p>

</div>

<p>The plain-spoken advice of Li Hung-chang was not without
effect on the Empress Dowager. The Decrees issued by
her in the name of the Emperor from Huai-lai on the 19th
and 20th of August are the first indications given to the outside
world that she had definitely decided on a policy of
conciliation so as to render possible her eventual return to the
capital—an event which, as she foresaw, would probably be
facilitated by the inevitable differences and jealousies already
existing among the Allies.</p>

<p>In the Edict of the 19th of August, after explaining that
the whole Boxer crisis and the attack on the Legations was
the result of differences between Christian and non-Christian
Chinese, she querulously complains that the foreign Powers,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_393"></a>[393]</span>
although doubtless well meaning in their efforts to “exterminate
the rebels,” are behaving in a manner which
suggests aggressive designs towards China, and which shows
a lamentable disregard of proper procedure and friendliness.
She naively observes that the Chinese Government had been
at the greatest pains to protect the lives and property of
foreigners in Peking, in spite of many difficulties, and
expresses much surprise at such an evil return being made
for her invariable kindness and courtesy. If it were not for
the unbounded capacity of foreign diplomats, fully proved
in the past, in the matter of credulity where Chinese statecraft
is concerned, it would be difficult to regard utterances
like these as the work of an intelligent ruler. But Tzŭ Hsi
was, as usual, justified, for at the very time when these
Decrees were issued, Russia was already using very similar
arguments, and making excuses for the Chinese government,
in pursuance of her own policy at Peking.</p>

<p>In the conclusion of the Decree above referred to, Her
Majesty orders Jung Lu, Hsü T’ung and Ch’ung Ch’i
to remain in Peking to act as peace negotiators, but she
admits that, in dealing with foreigners supported by troops
and flushed with success, it may be difficult for them at the
outset to determine on a satisfactory line of procedure. She
leaves it to these plenipotentiaries, therefore, to determine
whether the best course would be to telegraph to the
respective Foreign Offices of the countries concerned, or to
consult with the Consuls-General at Shanghai (<i>sic</i>), with
a view to obtaining friendly intervention! It could not
escape so shrewd a person as Tzŭ Hsi that the atmosphere of
Peking at this juncture was not likely to be favourable
to her purposes, and that it would be easier to hoodwink the
Foreign Offices and the Consuls at Shanghai than those who
had just been through the siege.</p>

<p>A Decree of the following day, also in the name of the
Emperor, is couched in a very different strain—a pathetic
admission of the Throne’s guilt, a plea for the sympathy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_394"></a>[394]</span>
of his people, and an exhortation to return to ways of wisdom.
“Cleanse your hearts, and remove all doubt and suspicion
from your minds, so as to assist us, the Emperor, in our
shortcomings. We have been utterly unworthy, but the
time is at hand when it shall be for us to prove that Heaven
has not left us without sense of our errors and deep remorse.”
The whole document reads with an unusual ring of sincerity,
accepting, in the name of the Emperor, full blame for all
the disasters which had overtaken the country, while reminding
the official class that the first cause of these calamities
dates back to the time when they learned and adopted habits
of inveterate sloth and luxury. From depths of contrition,
the Edict admits fully the Throne’s responsibility, “We, the
Lord of this Empire, have failed utterly in warding off
calamities from our people, and we should not hesitate
for one moment to commit suicide, in order to placate
our tutelary deities and the gods of the soil, but we
cannot forget that duty of filial piety and service which
we owe to our sacred and aged mother, the Empress
Dowager.”</p>

<p>The policy of reform is now clearly enunciated and
outlined as an essential condition of the future government
of the Empire. Provincial and metropolitan officials are
ordered to proceed at once to join the Court, in order that
the reform programme may be speedily initiated; the
Yangtsze Viceroys are thanked for preserving order in
accordance with “treaty stipulations,” and Chinese converts
to Christianity are once more assured of the Throne’s
protection and good-will.</p>

<p>These utterances of the Throne, which lost nothing in
their presentation to the respective Powers by Prince Ch’ing
and his colleagues, soon produced the desired effect, and
reassured the Throne and its advisers as to their personal
safety. Accordingly, early in September, we find all the
Viceroys and high officials of the Provinces uniting in a
Memorial, whereby the Court is urged to return at once to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_395"></a>[395]</span>
the Capital, advice which would never have been given had
there been any question of violent measures being taken by
the Allies against the Empress Dowager. At this time the
question of the future location of the Chinese Capital was
being widely discussed at Court, and there was much
conflicting advice on the subject. The Viceroys’ Memorial
was drafted by Yüan Shih-k’ai and forwarded by him to
Liu K’un-yi, at Nanking, for transmission; it definitely
blames the Boxers and their leaders for the ruin which had
come upon China, and rejoices at the thought that “the
perplexities which embarrassed your Majesties in the past
have now given place to a clearer understanding of the
situation.” Noting the possibility of the Court’s leaving T’ai-yüan
fu and making “a further progress” westwards to
Hsi-an, the Memorialists deplore the idea and proceed to
show that such a step would be unwise as well as inconvenient.
As an example of the way in which Chinese
Ministers of State deal with questions of high policy and
strategy, the following extract from this Memorial is not
without interest:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“It is true that, in times past, our Capital has been shifted
on more than one occasion of national danger, but in those
days our enemies were not able to push their armies far into
the interior of our country for indefinite periods, and were
compelled to withdraw after brief expeditions. The position
of affairs to-day, however, is very different, so that we can
obtain no reliable guidance from precedents of history.
As regards the province of Shensi, it has always been a
centre of wars and rebellions; its people are poverty stricken,
and there is no trade there. Seven centuries ago, Hsi-an was
an Imperial city, but is now anything but prosperous. Its
vicinity to Kansu and the New Dominion territories, infested
with Mahomedan rebels and adjoining the Russian Empire,
renders it most unsuitable as a site for your Majesties’
Capital. Supposing that the Allies, flushed with success,
should determine on an advance westwards, what is there to
prevent them from doing so? If ten thousand miles of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_396"></a>[396]</span>
ocean have not stopped them, are they likely to be turned
back from a shorter expedition by land?”</p>

</div>

<p>After referring to the fact that the cradle of the Dynasty
and the tombs of its ancestors are situated near Peking, and
that it is geographically best fitted to be the centre of
Government, the Memorialists remind the Throne that the
foreign Powers have promised to vacate Peking, and to
refrain from annexing any territory if the Court will return.
These ends, they say, will not be attained should the Court
persist in its intention to proceed further westwards, since
it is now the desire of the foreign Ministers that China’s
rulers should return to Peking. In the event of a permanent
occupation of Peking by the Allies, the loss of Manchuria
would be inevitable. The Memorialists predict partition and
many other disasters, including financial distress, and the
impossibility of furnishing the Throne with supplies at
Hsi-an or any other remote corner of the Empire. If the
Court’s decision to proceed to Hsi-an is irrevocable, at least
a Decree should now be issued, stating that its sojourn
there will be a brief one, and that the Court will return to
Peking upon the complete restoration of peaceful conditions.
“The continued existence of the Empire must depend upon
the Throne’s decision upon this matter.” The Memorial
concludes by imploring their Majesties to authorise Prince
Ch’ing to inform the foreign Ministers that the withdrawal
of the allied armies will be followed by a definite announcement
as to the Court’s return.</p>

<p>In a further Memorial from the Viceroys and Governors,
it is stated that the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs had
suggested to the Chinese Minister in St. Petersburg, that
the location of the Capital at Hsi-an would certainly prove
undesirable, in view of the poverty-stricken condition of the
province, and that their Majesties would no doubt, therefore,
proceed to Lan-chou fu, in Kansu. Referring to this interesting
fact, the Memorialists observe:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_397"></a>[397]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Those who are in favour of establishing the Capital at
Hsi-an profess to claim that the Yellow River and the T’ung
Kuan Pass constitute natural and impassible frontiers against
attack. They forget, however, that foreign nations possess
artillery of very long range. At T’ung Kuan the Yellow
River is less than two miles wide, and their guns will easily
carry twice that distance. Your Majesties have nothing but
the native artillery, and a few inferior foreign guns, and
would never be able to hold the position. The foreigners
would undoubtedly penetrate far into the interior, and
control all the waterways, thus preventing transport and
supplies. Even if one foreign Power were to find it difficult,
there is no doubt that it would be easy for several of them
acting together.</p>

<p>“Moreover, friendly Powers are entitled, by the law of
civilised nations, to send their diplomatic representatives to
our Capital. If peace be made, and the foreign Powers
assent to the proposed change of capital, they will surely
insist upon sending their envoys into Shensi. After their
recent experiences, they will require to have foreign troops
to guard their Legations, whose numbers must necessarily
be large, in proportion to the distance from the coast.
Foreign garrisons would thus have to be established at
points in Honan, Shansi and Chihli, in order to maintain
their line of communications, so that China would eventually
be overrun by foreign troops. It is, therefore, plainly out of
the question that the Court should leave Peking. In times
of peace it might have been suggested, but to think of it after
a disastrous war is impossible. The foreigners are acting
in unison; China is completely disorganised. They have
ample resources and reinforcements; China has none. If
we have thoughts of fighting any foreign Power we must
first form alliances with several others; in any case nothing
can be done before an ample supply of ordnance and munitions
of war has been accumulated. This is no time for
considering such possibilities. We, your Memorialists,
venture to suggest that Your Majesties have failed to take
into consideration all these facts, and in impressing them
upon you, we earnestly beg that you may now come to a
wise decision.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_398"></a>[398]</span></p>

<p>Before coming to a decision, however, Tzŭ Hsi required
to be fully assured that the foreign Powers would not insist
on her abdicating the supreme power as one of the conditions
of peace. Convinced on that point, the hesitation which she
had previously shown in regard to returning to Peking
dropped from her like a garment. It had been freely
predicted by conservative officials and the <i>literati</i> that the
Old Buddha would never again wish to see her desecrated
capital or to visit the polluted shrines of her ancestors. In
spite of her superstitious nature, however, she was far too
level-headed and far-seeing a woman to attach supreme
importance to sentimental considerations, or to allow them
to weigh heavily in the balance when the question of her
own rulership was at stake. The hesitation which she had
shown and the attention which she had paid to the advice of
those who, like Chang Chih-tung, desired her to establish a
new capital in Central China, were primarily a question of
“face.” She would only return to Peking if guaranteed the
full dignity and power of her former position. But as the
peace negotiations proceeded, and as it became clear to her
that along the well-worn path of international jealousies she
might return unpunished, and even welcomed, to Peking,
she proceeded to make preparations for an early return.
Fully informed each day by Prince Ch’ing of the progress
which her plenipotentiaries were making towards the completion
of the Peace Protocol, and overjoyed at its terms,
she waited only until the condition of the roads, always
more or less impassable after the summer rains, had
sufficiently improved to permit of comfortable travelling.
During the delay necessitated by the collecting and
packing of the enormous quantity of “tribute” collected
by Her Majesty and the Court during their stay at Hsi-an,
she received definite confirmation of the good news that
her treasure vaults in the capital had not been plundered
by the foreign troops—good news which increased her
anxiety to return as quickly as possible to superintend<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_399"></a>[399]</span>
its removal before any pilfering by the eunuchs should
take place.</p>

<p>It was on the 24th day of the 8th Moon (20th October,
1901) that the long procession started from Her Majesty’s
temporary residence in the Governor’s Yamên; followed by
an enormous retinue, she commenced her journey by
sacrificing to the God of War, the guardian spirit of her
Dynasty (and, it may be added, patron of the Boxers), at a
small temple outside the city gates. From this onward the
Court advanced northward by easy stages of about twenty-five
miles a day, resting first at Ho-nan fu; thence on to
K’ai-fêng, where her sixty-sixth birthday was celebrated and
where she remained for some weeks. The travelling lodges
and other arrangements for her comfort and convenience
along the whole line of her route were in striking contrast
to the squalor and privation which the Court had endured in
the flight from Peking.</p>

<p>It was during her stay at K’ai-fêng that the Peace Protocol
was signed at Peking. It was also before her departure from
that city, at the end of the 9th Moon, that Li Hung-chang
died. His knowledge of foreign affairs and remarkable
ability in negotiations had been of the greatest service to his
Imperial mistress, and there is no doubt that the liberal terms
granted to China by the victorious Allies were very largely
due to his efforts. Her Majesty, while fully appreciating his
ability, had never treated him with marked favour, and had
always refused to appoint him to the Grand Council, giving
as her excuse that she could not understand his dialect.
Upon his death, however, she conferred upon him an honour
which had never before been granted to any Chinese subject
under the Dynasty, namely, that of having a shrine built to
his memory at the capital itself, in addition to those erected
in the provinces where he had borne office.</p>

<p>It was significant of her impartial and intelligent rulership
that, although she had blamed him as originally
responsible for the Japanese War and its disastrous results,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_400"></a>[400]</span>
she had never approved of the Emperor’s hasty and vindictive
action in removing him from the Viceroyalty of Chihli.
Upon the signing of the Peace Protocol she conferred
additional posthumous honours upon him, taking occasion at
the same time, in an Imperial Decree, to congratulate and
thank Prince Ch’ing, Yüan Shih-k’ai and others, who
assisted in bringing about the settlement of peace terms. In
particular she praised the loyalty of Jung Lu, “who had
earnestly advised the annihilation of the Boxers, and who,
in addition to other meritorious services on the Grand
Council, had been chiefly instrumental in protecting the
Legations.”</p>

<p>After a series of magnificent theatrical entertainments in
honour of her birthday, the Court left K’ai-fêng and continued
its journey to the capital. On the eve of her departure
Her Majesty took occasion sternly and publicly to
rebuke the Manchu Prefect, Wen T’i,<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> who had dared to
advise her against returning to the capital, and to predict
that the treacherous foreigners would certainly seize her
sacred person—a useful piece of play to the gallery.</p>

<p>At the crossing of the Yellow River, which took place in
beautiful weather, she sacrificed to the River God, in expiation
and thanksgiving. The local officials had constructed a
magnificent barge, in the form of a dragon, upon which she
and the ladies of the Court crossed the stream. It was
noticed from this point onwards that wherever foreigners
happened to be amongst the spectators of the Imperial
cortège, she made a point of showing them particular
attention and civility, and before her arrival in Peking she
issued a Decree commanding that Europeans should not be
prevented from watching the procession upon her arrival,
and this in spite of the fact that, in accordance with the
usual custom, the Legations had issued notices forbidding
their nationals to appear in the streets during the passage of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_401"></a>[401]</span>
the Imperial cortège. Everything indicated, in fact, that
Her Majesty now desired to conciliate the European Powers
by all possible means, and if it be borne in mind that it was
part of her deliberate policy thus to ingratiate herself with
foreigners as a means of furthering her own future policy,
her actions lose nothing of interest, while they gain something
from the humorous point of view.</p>

<p>On crossing the borders of the Province of Chihli, Her
Majesty issued a Decree, couched in almost effusive terms
of friendliness, proclaiming that the Emperor would receive
the foreign Ministers in audience immediately upon his
return to the Palace, and that the reception would take
place in the central Throne Hall of the sacred enclosure.
Chinese, reading this Decree, and ignorant of the terms of
the Peace Protocol which provided for this particular concession
to the barbarian, would naturally regard it as a
spontaneous mark of the Imperial clemency and goodwill.
In the same Edict Her Majesty proclaimed her intention of
receiving the Ministers’ wives in person, intimating that she
cherished most pleasant memories of past friendly intercourse
with them. Here, again, we note fulfilment of a plan,
deliberately conceived and formed upon the best classical
models, “for dealing with strong and savage people.”</p>

<p>At noon on the 6th of January, 1902, the Imperial party
arrived by special train at the temporary station which had
been erected close to the Southern walls of Peking, and
adjoining the old terminus at Ma-chia pu. Large pavilions,
handsomely decorated, had been erected near the station, in
which the Old Buddha and the Emperor were to be
received; they were furnished with a throne of gold lacquer,
cloisonné altar vessels and many valuable pieces of porcelain.
Several hundreds of the highest metropolitan officials were
in attendance, and a special place had been provided for
foreigners. As the long train of over thirty carriages drew
up at the station, the keen face of the Old Buddha was seen
anxiously scanning her surroundings from one of the windows<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_402"></a>[402]</span>
of her car. With her were the young Empress and the
Princess Imperial, while the chief eunuch, Li Lien-ying, was
in attendance. Recognising Her Majesty, every official fell
upon his knees, whilst Chi Lu, chief officer of the Household,
officiously shouted to the foreigners to remove their
hats (which they had already done). The first to emerge
from the train was the chief eunuch, who proceeded
forthwith to check the long list of provincial tribute and
treasure, mountainous loads of baggage which had travelled
with the Court from the start and under Her Majesty’s close
personal supervision. After the eunuch came the Emperor,
evidently extremely nervous, who, at a sign from Her
Majesty, hurried into his sedan-chair and was swiftly borne
away, without a word or a sign of recognition to any of the
officials in attendance. After his departure, the Empress
came out and stood upon the platform at the end of her
carriage. “Quite a number of foreigners are here, I see,”
she was heard to observe. She saluted them in accordance
with the etiquette observed by Chinese women—bowing and
raising her crossed hands. Prince Ch’ing then advanced to
greet Her Majesty, and with him Wang Wen-shao (who
had succeeded Li Hung-chang as Peace Plenipotentiary).
They invited Her Majesty to enter her chair: “There is no
hurry,” she replied. She stood for some five minutes in full
view of the crowd, talking energetically with the bystanders,
and looking extremely well and youthful for her age, until
the chief eunuch returned and handed her the list of
baggage and treasure, which she scanned with close attention
and then returned to him with an expression of satisfaction.</p>

<p>After this, at the request of the Viceroy of Chihli (Yüan
Shih-k’ai), the foreign manager and engineer of the railway
were presented to her, and received her thanks for the
satisfactory arrangements made throughout the journey.
She then entered her chair, a larger and finer conveyance
than that supplied to the Emperor, and was borne away
towards the Palace; by her side ran one of her favourite<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_403"></a>[403]</span>
eunuchs repeatedly calling Her Majesty’s attention to
objects of interest. Whenever foreigners were in sight he
would inform Her Majesty of the fact, and by one he was
heard distinctly to say: “Look! Old Buddha, look quickly at
that foreign devil,” whereupon the Empress smiled and
bowed most affably. Passing through the Southern gate of
the Chinese city, her bearers carried her straight to the large
enceinte of the Tartar city wall at the Ch’ienmen, where
stands the shrine dedicated to the tutelary God of the
Manchus. Here crowds of foreigners were in waiting on
the wall. Looking down on the courtyard towards the
shrine, they saw the Old Buddha leave her chair and fall
upon her knees to burn incense before the image of the God
of War, whilst several Taoist priests chanted the ritual.
Rising she next looked up towards the foreigners, smiling
and bowing, before she was carried away through the gate
into the precincts of the Forbidden City. No sooner had
she reached the inner palace (the Ning Shou kung) at about
2 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>, than she commanded the eunuchs to commence
digging up the treasure which had been buried there at the
time of her flight; she was gratified beyond measure to find
that it had indeed remained untouched.</p>

<p>Next, with an eye not only upon her future relations
with foreigners but also on public opinion throughout
the Empire, she issued a Decree conferring posthumous
honours on the “Pearl concubine,” who, as it will be
remembered, was thrown down a well by her orders on the
morning of the Court’s flight from the Palace. In this
Decree Her Majesty praises the virtue and admirable
courage of the dead woman, which “led her virtuously to
commit suicide when unable to catch up the Court on its
departure,” unwilling as she was to witness the destruction
and pollution of the ancestral shrines. Her trustworthy
conduct was therefore rewarded by the granting of a
posthumous title and by promotion of one step in rank
in the Imperial harem. The Decree was generally<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_404"></a>[404]</span>
regarded as fulfilling all reasonable requirements of atonement
towards the deceased, for in China the dead yet live
and move in a shadowy, but none the less real, hierarchy.
Alive, a “Pearl concubine” more or less counted for little
when weighed against the needs of the Old Buddha’s
policies; once dead, however, her spirit must needs be
conciliated and compensated.</p>

<p>Many Europeans who had witnessed the arrival of the
Empress Dowager, remained at the railway station to see
the unloading of her long baggage train, a most interesting
and instructive sight. First were discharged the yellow
chairs of the young Empress and the Princess Imperial, and
four green chairs with yellow borders for the principal
concubines; the other ladies of the Court followed in official
carts, two to each vehicle. There were about ninety of them
altogether, and the arrangements for their conveyance were
accompanied by no little noise and confusion, the loquacity
of some of the elder ladies being most noticeable. After
their departure the attention of the eunuchs and minor
officials was directed to the huge pile of the Empress
Dowager’s personal baggage, which included her cooking
utensils and household articles in daily use. This operation,
as well as the removal of a very large quantity of bullion,
(every case of which was marked with the name of the
province or city that had sent it as tribute), was for a time
superintended by the Grand Council. But as the work was
enough to last for several hours, it was not long before, led
by Jung Lu, they entered their chairs and left for the City.
It was noticed that Jung Lu seemed very infirm, and was
supported as he walked by two attendants of almost gigantic
stature.</p>

<p>From Cheng-ting fu to Pao-ting fu, and thence to Peking,
the Court travelled, for the first time in its history, by train.
The following description of the journey is reprinted, by kind
permission of the editor of <i>The Times</i>, from an article published
in that paper in March, 1902. It shows an interesting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_405"></a>[405]</span>
side of the Empress Dowager’s character, that of the thrifty
mistress of her goods and chattels, and gives a clear-cut
impression of that vigorous personality which devoted the
same close attention to details of transport and domestic
economy as to niceties of Court ceremonial or historical
precedents on vital questions of State; characteristics which
inevitably suggest a marked resemblance between the Old
Buddha and <i>le petit Caporal</i>.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Early on December 31st the Court arrived at Cheng-ting
fu, escorted by a large body of cavalry and accompanied
by an enormous suite of officials, eunuchs and servants. The
baggage was carried by a train of carts, estimated by an eye-witness
at three thousand. The eunuchs numbered between
three and four hundred, and of cooks and other kitchen
servants there were almost as many. To provide accommodation
for such a mass of people was impossible, especially
as all the best quarters in the town had already been
occupied by the high officials who, with their retainers, had
come from the north to welcome the Empress Dowager on
her return. For three days the Court rested in Cheng-ting
fu, during which time the scene was one of indescribable
confusion; baggage, stacked haphazard, filled every available
corner, eunuchs and servants camping around and upon it,
stolidly enduring much physical discomfort with the apathy
peculiar to Asiatics. Yet, so great was the cold (on the
night of January 1st the thermometer stood at two degrees
(Fahrenheit) below zero) that many of these wayfarers gave
way to lamentations and tears. Officials of the lower and
middle grades, unable to obtain a lodging, were compelled
to pass these days in such makeshift shelter as they could
find in the vicinity of the railway station, where swarmed a
mob of undisciplined soldiery. On the second night a fire
broke out in the stables of the Imperial residence, which,
though eventually checked before much damage was done,
added greatly to the general disorder, and might well have
had serious results in the absence of all organisation and
control. The definite announcement of the Court’s intention
to leave for Pao-ting fu on the 3rd of January was received
with unmistakable relief by the hungry, motley crowd<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_406"></a>[406]</span>
which represented the pomp and pride of Asia’s greatest
Empire.</p>

<p>“From the Yellow River to the railway terminus at
Cheng-ting fu—a distance of about two hundred and fifty
miles—the ever-growing Imperial procession had travelled
almost continuously in chairs, litters, carts, and on horse-back,
affording a spectacle which recalled in many of its
chief characteristics those of Europe’s mediæval pageantry
as described by Scott. Every Manchu Prince had a retinue
of horsemen varying from thirty to a hundred in number;
along the frost-bound, uneven tracks which serve for roads
in Northern China, an unending stream of laden waggons
creaked and groaned through the short winter’s day, and
on, guided by soldier torch-bearers, through bitter nights to
the appointed stopping places. But for the Empress
Dowager and the Emperor, with the Chief Eunuch and the
ladies of the Court, there was easy journeying and a
way literally made smooth. Throughout its entire distance
the road over which the Imperial palanquins were borne
had been converted into a smooth, even surface of shining
clay, soft and noiseless under foot; not only had every
stone been removed, but as the procession approached
gangs of men were employed in brushing the surface with
feather brooms. At intervals of about ten miles well-appointed
rest-houses had been built, where all manner of
food was prepared. The cost of this King’s highway, quite
useless, of course, for the ordinary traffic of the country, was
stated by a native contractor to amount roughly to fifty
Mexican dollars for every eight yards—say £1,000 a mile—the
clay having to be carried in some places from a great
distance. As an example of the lavish expenditure of the
Court and its officials, in a land where squalor is a pervading
feature, this is typical.</p>

<p>“The hour for leaving Cheng-ting fu was fixed by the
Empress Dowager at 9.30 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> on January 3rd. It is significant
of the character of this remarkable woman, now in
her sixty-seventh year, that even in matters of detail she
leaves nothing to chance, nothing to others; the long arm
of her unquestioned authority reaches from the Throne
literally to the servants’ quarters. Without creating any<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_407"></a>[407]</span>
impression of fussiness, she makes a distinctly feminine
personality felt, and the master-mind which has guided the
destinies of China for the last forty years by no means
disdains to concern itself in minor questions of household
commissariat and transport. It is impossible not to reflect
what such a woman might have been, what she might have
done for her people, had there come into her life some
accident or influence to show her, in their true light, the
corruption, dishonesty, and cold-blooded cruelty of her
reign.</p>

<p>“The departure of the Court by a special train, long
since prepared for its reception by the Belgian railway
authorities and Sheng Hsüan-huai, was fixed for 9.30 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>
in accordance with Her Majesty’s orders; that Imperial and
imperious lady, however, made her appearance at the station
at seven o’clock, accompanied by the young Empress, the
Imperial concubine, and the ladies-in-waiting. The Emperor
had preceded her, and upon her arrival knelt on the platform
to perform respectful obeisance, in the presence of an
interested crowd. The next two hours were spent by the
Empress, who showed no signs of fatigue, in supervision of
the arrangements for despatching the vast accumulation of
her personal baggage, and in holding informal audiences with
various high dignitaries, military and civil, on the platform.
Amongst others she sent for M. Jadot, and spent some time
in friendly conversation with him, expressing great satisfaction
at the excellent arrangements made for her comfort, and
pleasure at exchanging the sedan chair for her luxuriously-appointed
drawing-room car. She took pains to impress
upon the engineer-in-chief the importance which she
attached to keeping the Court’s baggage and effects within
reach, evincing on this subject much determination of a
good-humoured kind.</p>

<p>“Eventually, after the despatch of four freight trains, her
mind was relieved of this anxiety, but it was to be clearly
understood that the same personal supervision would be
exercised at Pao-ting fu, for in no circumstances could the
impedimenta be sent on in advance to Peking. There is a
touch of feminine nature in this incident which can hardly
fail to bring the Empress Dowager into some degree of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_408"></a>[408]</span>
kinship with her fellow-women in other lands; there is also
an implied reflection on the honesty of persons in attendance
on the Court which is not without significance.</p>

<p>“The scene upon the platform was one of remarkable
interest. In utter subversion of all accepted ideas in
regard to the seclusion and privacy in which the Chinese
Court is supposed to live, move, and have its being,
there was on this occasion—and indeed throughout the
journey—no sign of either attempt or wish to guard Their
Majesties from observation and intrusion. The crowd,
quietly inquisitive, but showing no inclination to demonstration
of any sort, came and went at its pleasure; Yüan
Shih-kai’s braves, who to the number of about a thousand
travelled to Peking as the Empress Dowager’s bodyguard,
crowded around the Imperial party, invading even their
railway carriages. While the ruler of the Empire held
audience with some of its highest officials, none of their
retainers were employed, as might have been expected, in
keeping the people at a respectful distance; the scene, in fact,
bore striking testimony to that democratic side of the
Chinese character which cannot but impress itself on every
foreign visitor to a Viceroy’s or magistrate’s yamên; in the
present instance, however, it must have been, for all concerned,
a new and remarkable experience.</p>

<p>“To the native spectators, the ladies of the Court with
their eunuch attendants were as much objects of interest
as the foreign railway officials; the Imperial concubine,
‘Chin’ (or ‘Lustrous’) Kuei fei, a lively young person of
pleasing appearance, attracting much attention. This lady,
gaily clad and with lavishly painted face, bestowed upon
everything connected with the train an amount of attention
which augurs well for the future of railway enterprise in
China, running from car to car and chatting volubly with
the ladies-in-waiting. All the ladies of the Court wore
pearls in profusion—those of the Empress being particularly
fine—and all smoked cigarettes in place of the time-honoured
water-pipe. Herein again, for the optimistically inclined,
may be found a harbinger of progress. During the Empress
Dowager’s audiences, lasting sometimes over a quarter of an
hour at a time, the Emperor stood close at her side; invariably<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_409"></a>[409]</span>
silent, generally listless, though his expression when
animated is described as conveying an impression of remarkable
intelligence. The young Empress has good features,
marred, in European eyes, by excessive use of paint; she,
too, appeared to be melancholy, and showed but little
interest in her surroundings. The Emperor and both
Empresses were simply dressed in quiet coloured silks.</p>

<p>“The special train in which, punctually at 9.30 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, the
rulers of China left for their capital consisted of a locomotive
and twenty-one carriages, arranged in the following order:—Nine
freight cars laden with servants, sedan chairs, carts, mules,
&amp;c.; a guard’s van, for employés of the railway; two first-class
carriages (Imperial Princes); Emperor’s special carriage;
first-class carriage for high officials in attendance (Jung Lu,
Yüan Shih-k’ai, General Sung Ch’ing, Lu Ch’uan-lin,
Governor Ts’en of Shansi, Ministers of the Household, and
others); Empress Dowager’s special carriage; special carriages
of the young Empress and the Imperial concubine; two
second-class carriages, for eunuchs in attendance; first-class
carriage for the Chief Eunuch, and the ‘Service’ carriage
of M. Jadot.</p>

<p>“The special carriages had been prepared at great expense
under instructions issued by the Director-General of Railways,
Sheng. Those of the Empress Dowager, the Emperor, and
his consort, were luxuriously furnished with costly curios and
upholstered in Imperial yellow silk; each had its throne,
divan, and reception room. Heavy window curtains had
been thoughtfully provided in the carriages intended for the
ladies’ use; they were not required, however, as none of the
party showed any desire for privacy during the entire
journey. While travelling, the carriage of the Empress
Dowager was the general rendezvous of all the ladies,
attended by their eunuchs, the Empress Dowager spending
much of the time in conversation with the Chief Eunuch—of
somewhat notorious character—and the Emperor.</p>

<p>“The Empress Dowager possesses in a marked degree
a characteristic frequently observed in masterful natures:
she is extremely superstitious. The soothsayers and astrologers
of the Court at Peking enjoy no sinecure; on the
other hand, more attention is paid to their advice than that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_410"></a>[410]</span>
which the average memorialist obtains, and the position of
necromancer to the Throne is not unprofitable. On the
present occasion the sages-in-ordinary had fixed the auspicious
hour for the Sovereign’s return to Peking at 2 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> on
January 7th; M. Jadot was accordingly requested to make
the necessary arrangements to this end, and the Empress
Dowager repeatedly impressed upon him the importance
which she attached to reaching the Yung-ting gate of the
city at that particular hour. To do this, as the engineer-in-chief
pointed out, would entail starting from Pao-ting-fu at
7 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, but the determined ruler of China was not to be put
off by any such considerations. At 6 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> this wonderful
woman arrived at the station; it was freezing hard, and the
sand storm was raging violently; soldiers bearing lanterns
and torches led the way for the chair-bearers, since the day
had not yet dawned. The scene in all its details appeals
powerfully to the imagination. Once more the baggage
question monopolised the Empress Dowager’s attention;
her last freight train, laden with spoils of the southern
provinces, preceded the Imperial train by only twenty minutes.
It will be realised that the august lady’s requirements
in the matter of personal supervision of her property added
responsibility of a most serious kind to the cares—at no
time light—of the railway staff.</p>

<p>“An incident occurred at Pao-ting fu which throws a
strong side-light upon the Empress Dowager’s character.
The high Chinese officials above mentioned, who travelled in
the first-class carriage between the Emperor’s special car
and that of the Empress, finding themselves somewhat
pressed for space, consulted the railway officials and obtained
another first-class compartment, which was accordingly
added to the train. Her Majesty immediately noticing this,
called for explanations, which failed to meet with her
approval. The extra carriage was removed forthwith,
Yüan Shih-k’ai and his colleagues being reluctantly compelled
to resume their uncomfortably crowded quarters; to these
Her Majesty paid a visit of inspection before leaving the
station, making enquiries as to the travellers’ comfort, and
expressing complete satisfaction at the arrangements generally.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_411"></a>[411]</span></p>

<p>“At 11.30 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, punctual to the minute, the train arrived
at Feng-T’ai, where the Luhan line from Lu Ko-ch’iao meets
the Peking-Tien-tsin Railway; here the British authorities
took charge. The Empress Dowager was much reassured
by the excellence of the arrangements and the punctuality
observed; nevertheless, she continued to display anxiety as
to the hour of reaching Peking, frequently comparing her
watch with railway time. To M. Jadot, who took leave of
Their Majesties at Feng-T’ai, she expressed again the satisfaction
she had derived from this her first journey by rail,
promising to renew the experience before long and to be
present at the official opening of communication between
Hankow and the capital. She presented five thousand
dollars for distribution among the European and Chinese
employés of the line, and decorated M. Jadot with the
order of the Double Dragon, Second Class.</p>

<p>“From Feng-T’ai the railway under British control runs
directly to the main south gate of the Tartar city (Ch’ienmen),
but it had been laid down by the soothsayers and
astrologers aforesaid that, for good augury, and to conform
with tradition, the Imperial party must descend at Machiapu
and enter the Chinese city by the direct road to the Palace
through the Yung-ting Men. At midday, therefore, leaving
the railway, the Court started in chairs for the city, in the
midst of a pageant as magnificent as the resources of Chinese
officialdom permit. The scene has been described by European
writers as imposing, but a Japanese correspondent refers
to its <i>mise-en-scène</i> as suitable to a rustic theatre in his
own country. Be this as it may, the Empress Dowager,
reverently welcomed by the Emperor, who had preceded
her, as usual, entered the city, from which she had fled so
ignominiously eighteen months before, at the hour named
by her spiritual advisers as propitious. Present appearances
at Peking, as well as the chastened tone of Imperial Edicts,
indicate that the wise men were right in their choice.</p>

<p>“It may be added, in conclusion, as a sign of the times,
that the Empress Dowager’s sleeping compartment, prepared
under the direction of Sheng Hsüan-huai, was furnished with
a European bed. <i>Per contra</i>, it contained also materials for
opium smoking, of luxurious yet workmanlike appearance.”</p>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_412"></a>[412]</span></p>

<p>Within a week or so of the Court’s return, the representatives
of the foreign Powers were duly received in audience
under the conditions named in the Peace Protocol. It was
observed that the Old Buddha assumed, as of old, the highest
seat on the Throne daïs, the Emperor occupying a lower and
almost insignificant position. At the subsequent reception
of the Minister’s wives, in the Pavilion of Tranquil Longevity,
the wife of the Doyen of the Diplomatic Corps presented
an address to “welcome Her Imperial Majesty back to her
beautiful Capital.” The document was most cordially,
almost effusively, worded, and showed that the astute and
carefully pre-arranged measures taken by the Empress to
conciliate the foreign Powers by adroit flattery and “allurements”
had already attained their desired effect. Already the
horrors of the siege, the insults and the arrogance of 1900,
were forgotten; already the representatives of the Powers
were prepared, as of old, to vie with each other in attempts to
purchase Chinese favour by working each against the other.</p>

<p>In receiving the address of the ladies of the Diplomatic
Body, Her Majesty created a marked impression by the
emotion with which she referred to her affectionate regard
for Europeans in general and her visitors in particular. With
every evidence of complete sincerity she explained that a
“Revolution in the Palace” had compelled her to flee from
Peking; she deeply regretted the inconvenience and hardships
to which her good friends of the Foreign Legations had
been so unfortunately subjected, and she hoped for a renewal
of the old cordial relations. The foreign ladies left the
audience highly satisfied with the Empress Dowager for her
condescension, and with themselves at being placed in a
position to display such magnanimity. This audience was
the first of many similar occasions, and reference to the
numerous works in which the social side of Her Majesty’s
subsequent relations with Europeans have been described
will show that the Old Buddha had not greatly erred when
she assured Jung Lu of the value of ancient classical methods<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_413"></a>[413]</span>
in dealing with barbarians, and promised him that all would
readily be forgiven and forgotten in the tactful exercise of
condescending courtesies.</p>

<p>Life settled down then into the old grooves, and all went
on as before in the Capital of China, the garrisons of the
Allies soon becoming a familiar feature in the streets to which
gradually the traders and surviving Chinese residents returned.
Once more began the farce of foreign intercourse with the
so-called Government of the Celestial Empire, and with it
were immediately renewed all the intrigues and international
jealousies which alone enable its rulers to maintain some
sort of equilibrium in the midst of conflicting pressures.</p>

<p>The power behind the Throne, from this time until his
death, was undoubtedly Jung Lu, but the Foreign Legations,
still confused by memories and echoes of the siege, and
suspicious of all information which did not conform to their
expressed ideas of the causes of the Boxer Rising, failed to
realise the truth, and saw in him a suspect who should by
rights have suffered punishment with his fellow conspirators.
But the actual facts of the case, and his individual actions
as recorded beyond dispute in the diary of His Excellency
Ching Shan, and unmistakably confirmed by other independent
witnesses, were not then available in the Chancelleries.
Accordingly, when Jung Lu first paid his formal official calls
upon the Foreign Ministers, he was anything but gratified
at the reception accorded to him. In vain it was that he
assured one member of the Diplomatic body, with whom he
had formerly been on fairly good terms, that as Heaven was
his witness he had done nothing in 1900 except his utmost
to defend and save the Legations; his statements were
entirely disbelieved, and so greatly was he chagrined at the
injustice done him, that he begged the Empress Dowager
in all seriousness to allow him to retire from the Grand
Council. But Tzŭ Hsi, fully realising the situation, assured
him of her complete confidence, and in a highly laudatory
decree refused his request:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_414"></a>[414]</span></p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Grand Secretary, Jung Lu,” she said, “is a most
patriotic and loyal servant of the Throne, upon whose services
we have long and confidently relied. During the
whole of the Boxer Rebellion crisis it was he, and he
alone, who calmly and fearlessly held to the path of firmness,
whilst all around him was confusion and shouting, so
that without doubt, he was the means of saving the Empire.
Most glorious indeed is his merit. Although it may be said
that the situation has now been practically saved, we have
by no means recovered from the effects of this grievous
national disaster, and there is urgent necessity for the
abolition of countless abuses and the introduction of a
programme of Reform. It is fitting that all should assist us
to this end. Whilst we ourselves, in the seclusion of the
Palace, labour unceasingly, how is it possible that the Grand
Secretary, who has received such high favour at our hands,
should even think of withdrawing from the stress of public
life, leaving to us incessant and harassing labour? Would
not his conscience drive him to remorse when reflecting on
the self-denying duties of every loyal Statesman in the
service of his Sovereign? His prayer is refused.”</p>

</div>

<p>On two subsequent occasions before her death, the populace
and the foreign community in Peking were afforded opportunities
of witnessing the Empress Dowager’s return to the
city from short excursions by railway, and on each of these
her affable, almost familiar, attitude was a subject of general
comment. The first occasion was in the following spring,
when she visited the Eastern Tombs, and upon her return,
sacrificing as usual before the shrine of the God of War in
the <i>enceinte</i> of the Ch’ienmên, she talked volubly with
several of the ladies whom she had met at Court. After
emerging from the Temple, she called upon one of the
eunuchs to bring her opera glasses, with which she eagerly
scanned the crowd looking down from the wall of the city,
waving her handkerchief whenever she perceived a familiar
face. On one occasion she even shouted up an inquiry
asking after the health of the daughter of one of the Foreign
Ministers. The Manchu Princes and Chamberlains of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_415"></a>[415]</span>
Court were unable to conceal their indignation and wrath at
such condescension on the part of the Empress Dowager
towards those whom, in spite of 1900, they still regarded
(and regard to this day) as outer barbarians. So much
incensed were they that they even urged Chi Lu to beg Her
Majesty to desist, and to re-enter her chair, an invitation to
which she paid not the slightest attention, being evidently
well pleased at the violation of ceremonial etiquette which
she was committing. It was noticed that the Emperor, on
the other hand, took no notice whatsoever of the foreigners,
and seemed to be sunk in a deep, listless melancholy.</p>

<p>The second occasion was after the Empress Dowager’s
visit to the Western Tombs in April, 1903, four days after
the death of her faithful friend and adviser, Jung Lu. On
this occasion Her Majesty appeared to be in very low spirits,
descending from the train slowly, and with none of her
wonted vivacity. She greeted Kuei Hsiang, her brother,
who was kneeling on the platform to receive her, with one
curt sentence, “You have killed Jung Lu by recommending
that useless doctor,” and passed on to her chair without
another word. It was on this occasion, receiving certain
foreign ladies in the travelling Palace erected for her at
Pao-ting fu, that the Old Buddha alluded directly to the
massacres of foreign missionaries which had taken place in
that city, “with which she had, of course, nothing to do.”
No doubt by this time, and by force of repetition, Tzŭ Hsi
had persuaded herself of her complete innocence; but however
this may be, she undoubtedly won over most of the
foreigners with whom she came in contact, by the charm
and apparent sincerity of her manner.</p>

<p>Before settling down to the accustomed routine of life in
the Palace, the Empress Dowager, whose <i>penchant</i> for personal
explanation in Imperial Edicts seemed to be growing
upon her, issued a Decree which gained for her renewed
sympathy from all classes of Chinese officials. After the
usual exhortations to her faithful subjects to co-operate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_416"></a>[416]</span>
loyally in her schemes for Reform, to put off the old bad
ways and to persist energetically in well-doing, she gives a
graphic description of the hardships which she and the
Emperor endured during her compulsory “tour to the
West.” After referring to the unforgettable shocks and
sorrows of that journey, the Edict says:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I have now returned once more to my Palace and find
the ancestral Temples reposing as of old in dignified and
unbroken serenity. Beneath the deep awe which overcomes
me in the presence of my glorious ancestors my soul feels an
added weight of grief and remorse, and I only hope that by
Heaven’s continued favour I may yet live to accomplish
some meritorious work.”</p>

</div>

<p>And again, in a later passage, after referring to the
drought which had brought Shensi and Shansi to the verge
of famine, she says:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Empire has come upon days of dire financial distress,
and my people have been compelled to find funds for
me from their very life blood; ill would it be for me to
requite their loyalty by further levies of taxation, and the
Throne is therefore bound to curtail its ordinary expenditure
and to make strict economy its guiding rule for the future.
With the exception of such repairs as are necessary to the
Temples and ancestral shrines, I hereby command that no
expenditure be incurred for repairs or decoration of the
Palaces, except in cases of absolute necessity.”</p>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_417"></a>[417]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXIV">XXIV<br>
<span class="smaller">HER MAJESTY’S NEW POLICY</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The crisis of 1900, all the horror of that abomination of
desolation in her Capital and the hardships of her wandering
in the wilderness, had brought home to the Empress
the inherent weakness of her country and the stern necessity
for remedial measures. Already, before the issue of the
penitential Decree, quoted in an earlier chapter, she had
announced to the world, with characteristic decision, her
intention to adopt new measures and to break with those
hoary traditions of the past which, as she had learned, were
the first cause of the rottenness of the State. Her subsequent
policy became in fact (though she was careful never
to admit it) a justification of those very measures which the
Emperor had so enthusiastically inaugurated in 1898, but
her methods differed from his in that she omitted no
precaution for conciliating the conflicting interests about
the Throne and for disarming the opposition of the
<i>intransigeants</i> of the provinces.</p>

<p>The first intimation of Her Majesty’s conversion to new
ideals of Government was given to the world in an Edict
issued at Hsi-an on the 28th January, 1901, in the name of
the Emperor. This document, drafted with the assistance
of Jung Lu, is a remarkable example of Tzŭ Hsi’s masculine
intelligence and statecraft, though somewhat marred by
those long-winded repetitions in which Chinese Edicts
abound. It was received with enthusiastic delight by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_418"></a>[418]</span>
<i>literati</i> throughout the Empire, even in Canton and the
southern provinces, where, at the moment, Her Majesty was
not personally popular. The vernacular Press claimed it
as the most striking Edict in Chinese history. It combined
an eloquent appeal to the people to accept the principle
of reform together with a masterful justification of
China and her people <i>vis-à-vis</i> the outside world.
It was most skilfully worded so as to placate all parties
in the State and thus to enhance the reputation of
the Old Buddha. The “Young China” party was particularly
enthusiastic, for by this Decree Her Majesty definitely
abandoned the principle of absolute autocracy which had
been for centuries the corner-stone of the Chinese system of
government. It was realised that so complete a departure
from the traditions of the Manchu Dynasty, of the Imperial
Clan and of all her previous convictions, could not have been
attained but for the bitter lessons of 1900, and, admiration
was therefore the more keen for the skill and courage with
which, on the verge of old age, she resumed the burden of
government in her ravaged capital. It was the ruling
passion bravely asserted, and the sympathy of the nation
could hardly be withheld from a ruler who thus bore her
share in the national humiliation, who so frankly accepted
responsibility for past errors and promised new and better
methods for the future.</p>

<p>It was, of course, inevitable, in the light of all experience,
that many of her subjects, as well as most foreigners, should
doubt her sincerity, and should regard this Edict, like many
others, as a case of “when the devil was sick.” But gradually,
after the return of the Court, as it became clear to her
immediate retainers and high officials that this self-confident
woman was really in earnest, and as she continued steadily
to impress her new policy upon the reluctant Clansmen, her
popularity with the people at large, and especially in the
south (where it had been much damaged by her fierce
suppression of the Cantonese reformers of 1898), was gradually<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_419"></a>[419]</span>
restored. From this time forward to the end of her life,
whatever may have been the good or bad faith of her advisers
and chief officials, every act of her career is stamped with
unmistakable signs of her sincerity in the cause of reform,
borne out by her recorded words and deeds.</p>

<p>From the Boxer movement she had learned at a bitter
cost the lesson she was now putting into practice, but for all
that she remained to the end faithful in her affection for the
memory of the Boxer leaders; to the last she never failed
to praise their loyalty to her person and the patriotic bravery
of their attempt to expel the foreigner. But she had been
compelled to learn in the hard school of experience the utter
hopelessness of that attempt, and she was forced to the conclusion
that, for the future, and until China should be strong
enough, all anti-foreign proceedings must be suppressed.</p>

<p>Unflinchingly, therefore, she announced to her people a
change of front unparalleled in the history of China. Certain
it is (as was fully proved in the case of the Emperor in
1898) that no other ruler of the Dynasty could have proclaimed
such drastic changes without causing serious
dissensions and possibly civil war. But so masterly were
her methods of dealing with the necessities of the situation,
and so forcibly did the style and arguments of her Decrees
appeal to the <i>literati</i>, that they carried very general conviction.
Even the most bigoted Confucianists were won by
her subtle suggestions as to what would have been the
attitude of the Sage himself if confronted by such problems
as the nation had now to face.</p>

<p>The text of the Decree recording her conversion is
interesting:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Throughout the entire universe there exist certain fixed
principles which govern the conduct of men, but nowhere do
we find any finally fixed form of government. It is written
in the Book of Changes<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> that when any given condition of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_420"></a>[420]</span>
affairs has run its natural course, and has been succeeded by
another, there is no saying how long this new state may last;
also in the Dialogues of Confucius it is written, that there is
no difficulty in tracing the changes and reforms which each
Dynasty has made in regard to the methods of its predecessors.
Certain things remain ever unchanged, namely,
the three fundamental bonds, between Sovereign and
subject, father and son, husband and wife; also the five
great moral obligations. These vary not, but are all as the
sun and moon, enlightening the world. But in other matters
there should be no fixed objection to change, no hide-bound
finality of ideas; to obtain music from a lute or guitar one
must touch all the strings. Each Dynasty in turn, since the
beginning of time, has seen fit to introduce changes and has
abolished certain customs of its predecessors; our own
ancestors have set us many an example in modifying their
conduct to meet the exigencies of their day. The system
which prevailed at the date when first the Manchus captured
Peking was very different from that in vogue when Moukden
was the capital of our Empire.</p>

<p>“Looking at the matter broadly, we may observe that
any system which has lasted too long is in danger of
becoming stereotyped, and things that are obsolete should
be modified. The essential need which confronts us is at all
costs to strengthen our Empire and to improve the condition
of our subjects. Ever since our journey to the West the
Empress Dowager has been over-burdened with the labours
and cares of the State.<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>

<p>“Bitterly have we reproached ourselves with the thought
that for the past twenty years abuses have steadily been
increasing, while means of suppressing them have been continually
put off until, at last, the state of our country has
become parlous indeed. At this moment, when peace
negotiations are proceeding, it is a matter of urgent necessity
that steps be taken to reorganise our system of government<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_421"></a>[421]</span>
so that hereafter our Celestial Empire may recover its
ancient place of wealth and power. The Empress Dowager
has now decided that we should correct our shortcomings by
adopting the best methods and systems which obtain in
foreign countries, basing our future conduct upon a wise
recognition of past errors.</p>

<p>“Ever since the 23rd and 24th years of Kuang Hsü (1897
and 1898) there has been no lack of plans for reform,
and suggestions of administrative change, but they have
all been marked by vagueness and foolish looseness of
thought. The crisis which was brought about in 1898
by the arch-traitor K’ang Yu-wei was in its possible consequences
even more dangerous than the evil which has since
been brought about by the unholy arts of the Boxers. To
this day Kang and his associates continue to preach treason
and to disturb the public mind by means of their writings
from overseas. The object of their writings is simply
anarchy, nor do they scruple to use catchwords which,
while apparently appealing to the patriotism of our
people, are really intended to create dissension. Thus they
talk of the “defence of the Empire” and the “protection of
the Chinese race,” and many of their dupes fail to realise
that their main object is not reform, but a revolution
against the Manchu Dynasty, and that they hope to create
ill-feeling between the Empress Dowager and the Emperor.
With treacherous cunning those conspirators took advantage
of our weak state of health, and we were therefore glad
when at our urgent request Her Majesty the Empress
Dowager resumed the Regency. With amazing rapidity
she grasped all the needs of the situation and delivered
us from imminent peril, visiting swift punishment upon
those traitors. But, whilst ridding the State of these evil-doers
it was never Her Majesty’s wish or intention to block
reform measures, whilst we, on our side, though recognising
the necessity for change in certain directions, were never
guilty of any desire to abolish all the ancient ways of our
ancestors. Our loyal subjects must recognise that it has been
Her Majesty’s invariable wish, and our own, to follow the
happy mean, we, as mother and son, being in complete accord,
to steer a wise middle course between conflicting policies.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_422"></a>[422]</span></p>

<p>“We have to-day received Her Majesty’s orders, and learn
that she is now thoroughly bent on radical reform. Nevertheless,
whilst we are convinced of the necessity of blending
in one harmonious form of administration the best customs
and traditions of Chinese and European Governments, there
is to be no talk of reaction or revolution. The chief defect
in our system of administration is undoubtedly too close an
adherence to obsolete methods, a too slavish devotion to the
written word; the result is a surfeit of commonplace and
inefficient officials, and a deplorable lack of men of real
talent. The average commonplace man makes a god of the
written word, whilst every bureaucrat in the land regards
it as a talisman wherewith to fill his purse, so that we have
huge mountains of correspondence eternally growing up
between one government office and another, the value of
which is absolutely <i>nil</i> so far as any good to the country
is concerned. On the other hand men of real ability lose
heart and give up the public service in disgust, prevented
from coming to the front by the mass of inefficiency that
blocks the way. Our whole system of government has
come to grief through corruption, and the first steps of
progress in our Empire are clogged by the fatal word
‘Precedent.’</p>

<p>“Up to the present the study of European methods has
gone no further than a superficial knowledge of the languages,
literature and mechanical arts of the West, but it must
be evident that these things are not the essentials upon
which European civilisation has been founded. The essential
spirit of that civilisation is to be looked for in the fact that
real sympathy and understanding exists between rulers
and people, that officials are required to be truthful in word
and courageous in action. The teachings handed down
to us by our sacred ancestors are really the same as those
upon which the wealth and power of European countries
have been based, but China has hitherto failed to realise this
and has been content to acquire the rudiments of European
languages or technicalities, while changing nothing of her
ancient habits of inefficiency and deep-rooted corruption.
Ignoring our real needs we have so far taken from Europe
nothing but externals; how can we possibly hope to advance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_423"></a>[423]</span>
on such lines? Any reforms to be effective and permanent
must be made with a real desire for efficiency and honesty.</p>

<p>“We therefore hereby decree and command that the
officials concerned shall now make close enquiry and
comparison as to the various systems of government in force
in European countries with special reference to those which
obtain in China to-day, not only as regards the constitution
of the Court and central government, but also concerning
those things which make for the prosperity of our subjects,
such as the system of examinations and education, the
administration of the army and the regulation of finance.
They will be required to report as to what changes are
advisable and what institutions should be abolished; what
methods we should adopt from abroad and what existing
Chinese institutions should be retained. The things we
chiefly need are a constant supply of men of talent, a sound
basis of national finance, and an efficient army. Reports
on these matters must be forwarded within two months,
and upon them we shall humbly address Her Majesty,
and ask for her decision before we take any definite
action.</p>

<p>“Whilst the Court was in residence at T’ai-yüan we
urgently called upon our subjects to assist us, and many
Memorials were received, but as a general rule the advice
they tendered was either stupid plagiarism taken from
newspaper articles or else the narrow and bigoted views
of untravelled scholars. They frequently sounded quite
reasonable, but were in reality sheer nonsense, their principal
characteristic being overweening conceit, which effectively
prevented any breadth of argument. Very few of the
suggestions advanced were practicable, for the reason that
in recommending any course of action writers laid stress
upon its alleged advantages without realising its drawbacks.
There are many who talk glibly of reform and the wealth
and power of foreign States, but deceive themselves as to
the real origin of all knowledge; on the other hand your
bigoted Confucianist will discourse endlessly upon the
doctrines of the Sages, without in the least realising the
needs of the present day. It is now for you, our officials,
to steer a reasonable midway course, avoiding both these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_424"></a>[424]</span>
defects in submitting your proposals. We desire that
your views shall be elaborated in the fullest detail for our
consideration in determining upon a course of action.</p>

<p>“The first essential, however, more important even than
the devising of new systems, is to secure men of administrative
ability. Without talent no system can be made to
succeed. If the letter of our projected reforms be not
illuminated and guided by this spirit of efficiency in our
officials then must all our hopes of reforming the State
disappear into the limbo of lost ideals. We fully recognise
that foolish adherence to the system of promotion by
seniority has been one of the main factors in bringing
about a condition of affairs that is almost incurable. If we
would now be rid of it, our first step evidently is to think
no more of selfish interests, but to consider the commonwealth
only and to secure efficiency by some new and
definite method, so that competent persons only may be
in charge of public affairs. But if you, our officials,
continue to cling to your ancient ways, following the ruts
of procrastination and slothful ease; should you persist in
evading responsibility, serving the State with empty catch-words
while you batten on the fruits of your misdeeds,
assuredly the punishment which the law provides stands
ready, and no mercy will be shown you! Let this Decree
be promulgated throughout the land.”</p>

</div>

<p>It will be observed that in this Decree the Emperor is
made to renounce and condemn the Reformers of 1898 and
all their works. This, however sincerely convinced Her
Majesty might be of the necessity for remedial measures,
was only natural. For it was never one of the weaknesses
of this masterful woman to make direct confession of error
for the benefit of her own immediate entourage; not thus
is prestige maintained in the atmosphere of an Oriental
Court. She was now prepared to adopt many of the reforms
which K’ang Yu-wei and his friends had advocated, but for
all-important purposes of “face” it must be made quite clear
that, in her hands, they were something radically different
and superior. In promulgating her new opinions she could<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_425"></a>[425]</span>
not afford to say anything which might be construed as direct
justification of that reform movement which she herself had
so ruthlessly suppressed. And so the “stupid people” must
clearly understand that her present programme was by no
means “revolutionary” like that of K’ang Yu-wei and his
fellow-“conspirators.” Nevertheless, her proposals for reform
went as far as theirs, and, in some cases, even further, the only
real difference being that in this case she, the Old Buddha,
was a prime mover, where before she had been an opponent.</p>

<p>Looking back on the six years of her life and rule which
followed the return from exile, there can be but little doubt
of the sincerity of her conversion to reform, although there
is no reason to believe that her sentiments towards foreigners
had undergone any change for the better. The lesson which
had been brought home to her with crushing force in the
rise and fall of the Boxer movement and in the capture of
Peking, was that national inefficiency means national extinction,
a lesson which not all the statesmen of western lands
have fully learned. She had realised that the material forces
of the western world were not to be met and overthrown by
quotations from the classics, and that, if China was to
continue to exist as an independent State she must follow
the example of Japan and put her house in order with
equipment and defences adapted from western models.
And with Tzŭ Hsi to realise was to act, a quality which,
more than all others, distinguished her from the ruck of her
Manchu kinsmen and officials, sunk in their lethargic
fatalism and helplessness.</p>

<p>The situation which confronted her at the outset was
anything but simple. Apart from the time-honoured
privileges of the Imperial clans, whose arrogant ignorance
she had come to appreciate at its proper value, she must
needs be cautious in handling the susceptibilities of the
provincial gentry and <i>literati</i>, the backbone of China’s collective
intelligence. At the same time, as far as the foreign
Powers were concerned, she must be careful to preserve to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_426"></a>[426]</span>
the full that dignity on which her prestige with her own people
depended, that “<i>l’empire c’est moi</i>” attitude which had been
rudely shaken by the events of 1900. Not as the chastened
penitent would she appear in their eyes, but as the innocent
and injured victim of circumstances beyond her control.
There were, in fact, several distinct rôles to be played, and
none of them were easy.</p>

<p>The Edict issued from Hsi-an in February 1901 had been
warmly applauded by scholars throughout the Empire as a
literary feat of the first order, but most of the provincial
officials (justified by all tradition and experience) regarded it
as merely a classical “obiter dictum,” and proceeded, therefore,
in their old way, certain in their minds that the Old
Buddha was only amusing herself, as was her wont, by
throwing dust in the eyes of the barbarian, and that she
would not be displeased if her lieutenants were to proceed
slowly in carrying them into effect. Unto the end, even in
the face of the earnest exhortations of her valedictory Decree,
there were many provincial officials who, for reasons of
personal prejudice and self-interest, professed to believe that
the Old Buddha had been merely playing a part, but we can
find nothing in her official or private record during these six
years to justify that belief. Just before her return to Peking
she issued an Edict in which her own convictions were very
clearly indicated:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Ever since my sudden departure from the capital a year
ago,” she declared, “I have not ceased for a moment to brood
over the causes of our national misfortunes and to feel deep
remorse. Now, thanks to the protection of our tutelary
deities, I am about to return to the capital. Whenever I
think of the reasons for our undoing and the causes of our
collective weakness I sincerely deplore the fact that I have
not long ago introduced the necessary reforms, but I am
now fully determined to put in force all possible measures
for the reform of the State. Abandoning our former
prejudices, we must proceed to adopt the best European
methods of government. I am firmly determined to work<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_427"></a>[427]</span>
henceforward on practical lines, so as to deliver the Empire
from its present rotten state. Some of the necessary
measures will naturally require longer periods of preparation
than others, but after my return to Peking they must one
and all gradually be introduced.</p>

<p>“In view of the urgent importance of this matter, Jung
Lu and his colleagues have urged me to make a clear statement
of my intentions and to declare without possibility of
hesitation or doubt the irrevocable decision of the Throne, so
that every official in the land may be stimulated to sincere and
unremitting co-operation. For this reason I issue the present
Decree solemnly recording my opinion that the condition of
the Empire permits of no further evasion or delay in the
matter of reform. Therein lies our only hope for the future.
Myself and the Emperor, in the interests of all that we hold
dear, have no alternative but to face, and steadily to pursue,
this new policy; we must make up our minds what are the
things to strive for, and employ the right men to help us to
attain them. We are, as mother and son, of one mind,
endeavouring only to restore our fallen fortunes. You, our
people, can best serve by united efforts to this end.”</p>

</div>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi had not only realised the immense superiority of
the material forces of the western world, but she had also
been convinced of the immense intellectual and political
forces which education and increased means of communication
were steadily creating amongst her own subjects, forces
with which, as she perceived, the effete and ignorant Manchus
would have to reckon sooner or later. It is quite plain from
her Edicts on this delicate subject that she realised clearly
the dangers which threatened the Manchu rule. She saw
that their class privileges, the right to tribute, and all the
other benefits of sovereignty which the founders of the
Dynasty had won by force of arms and opportunity, had now
become an anachronism, and must in the near future involve
the Manchus themselves in serious dangers and difficulties,
unless, by fusion, means could be found to avert them.
Among the rules laid down by the founders of the Dynasty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_428"></a>[428]</span>
for the maintenance of the pure Manchu stock, was that
which forbade intermarriage with Chinese. This law, though
frequently violated in the garrisons of the south, had
remained generally effective within the Metropolitan province,
where it had served its purpose of maintaining the ruling
class and its caste. But the Empress had now come to
understand that if China was to be preserved as a sovereign
State, it must be rather by means of Chinese energy and
intelligence grafted on to the Manchu stock, than by the
latter’s separate initiative. In January 1902, immediately
after her return to Peking, she gave effect to her convictions
on this subject in a remarkable Decree whereby she recommended
that, for the future, Manchus and Chinese should
intermarry. “At the time of the founding of our Dynasty,”
she says, “the customs and languages of the two races were
greatly different, and this was in itself reason sufficient for
prohibiting intermarriage. But at the present day, little or
no difference exists between them, and the time has come,
therefore, to relax this law for the benefit of the Empire as
a whole, and in accordance with the wishes of our people.”
In the same Edict Her Majesty deprecated the Chinese
custom, which the Manchus had never adopted, of foot-binding,
and urged that the educated classes should unite to
oppose a custom so injurious to health and inhuman in
practice. There was, however, to be no compulsion in this
matter. In one respect only did she desire to adhere to the
exclusive Manchu traditions, namely, as regards the selection
of secondary wives for the Imperial harem, who must continue
to be chosen exclusively from Manchu families; she
did not desire “to incur any risk of confusion or dissension
in the Palace, nor to fall into the error committed by the
Ming Dynasty, in the indiscriminate selection of concubines,
a matter affecting the direct and legitimate succession to the
Throne.” Nor would she expose her kinsmen to the risk of
conspiracy against the Dynasty which would certainly occur
if the daughters of the great Chinese houses were admitted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_429"></a>[429]</span>
to the Palace. The law had been laid down once and for
all by Nurhachu, and it was binding on every occupant of
the Dragon Throne, namely, “no Manchu eunuchs, no
Chinese concubines.”</p>

<p>Her next step, in a decree which frankly deplored the
hopeless ignorance of her kinsmen, was to authorise the
Imperial clansmen and nobles to send their sons to be
educated abroad, so that perchance the lump of their inefficiency
might yet be leavened. Eligible youths, between the
ages of fifteen and twenty-five, and of good physique, were
to be selected and their expenses would be defrayed by the
Government.</p>

<p>This much for the Manchus; but in regard to the whole
question of education, which she declared to be the very
root of all China’s difficulties, she perceived, after prolonged
consultations with Yüan Shih-k’ai and Chang Chih-tung,
that so long as the classical system continued, with its
strong hold of tradition upon the masses, it must constitute
the chief obstacle to any effective reform of the body politic.
After much careful deliberation she decided that unless the
whole system of classical examinations were abolished, root
and branch, no tinkering with western learning could be of
any practical use. The ancient system of arguing in a circle,
which for over two centuries had characterised the ideal
essay and hypnotised the ideal official, must undoubtedly
triumph over all other educational methods, so long as it
remained part of the official curriculum. Her Majesty took
pains to point out by Edict that colleges had undoubtedly
existed in the days of that model ruler, the Regent Duke
Chou, more than two thousand five hundred years ago,
on lines not greatly different from those of the foreign
Universities of the present day; she proved also that the
classical essay system was, so to speak, quite a recent innovation,
having been introduced for the first time under the
Ming Dynasty, about <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1390. Eventually, in 1904, upon
the advice of Yüan Shih-k’ai, approved by Chang Chih-tung,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_430"></a>[430]</span>
a Decree was issued finally abolishing the old system of
examinations and making graduation at one of the modern
colleges the only recognised path to official employment.
At the same time, realising that the training of students
in Japan, which had been proceeding on a very large scale,
had produced a body of revolutionary scholars most
undesirable in the eyes of the Government, she gave orders
that arrangements should be made for sending more students
in future to Europe and America.</p>

<p>This epoch-making announcement was followed by several
other important Decrees, notably that which ordered the
complete abolition of the opium traffic within a period of
ten years, a Decree, which, embodying a sincere and powerful
consensus of public opinion, has produced most unexpected
results, marvellously creditable to the moral sense and
recuperative energies of the Chinese race. The contrast is
most striking between the widespread reform effected under
this Edict, and the almost complete failure of those which
set forth to reform the Metropolitan administration; these,
thanks to the steady passive resistance of the mandarin in
possession, resulted merely in perpetuating the old abuses
under new names. The one new Ministry created at that
time, and saluted by foreigners as a sign of genuine progress,
was that of Posts and Communications (Yu-Ch’uan pu),
which has been a byword for corrupt practices since its
establishment, and a laughing stock among the Chinese
themselves for inefficiency and extravagance.</p>

<p>After dealing with education, the Old Buddha turned her
attention to a question which had frequently figured in
recent Memorials of progressive officials, namely, the
abolition of torture and other abuses prevalent in the so-called
judicial system of the Empire. She realised that if
China were ever to obtain the consent of the western
Powers to the abolition of the foreigner’s rights of extra-territoriality,
she must devise and enforce civil and criminal
codes similar to those of civilised countries. Her Edict on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_431"></a>[431]</span>
this subject, though in form excellent, seems to lack something
of the conviction which marks her other Decrees of this
period; it is very different, for instance, from those dealing
with the abolition of opium and the reform of education.
Its principles were obviously contrary to all her previous
ideas and practice, and it is only fair to say that its result, in
spite of much drafting of codes, has been little or none, as
far as the barbarous practices of the provincial Yamêns are
concerned. She decreed that, pending the introduction of
the criminal code, decapitation should be the extreme
penalty of the law; dismemberment and mutilation were
to be abolished as barbarous; branding, flogging, and the
vicarious punishment of relatives were to cease. These
savage penalties, she observed, were originally introduced
into China under the Ming Dynasty, and had only been
adopted by the Manchus, with other Chinese customs, against
their own more merciful instincts.</p>

<p>Finally, in deference to the unmistakable and growing
tendencies of public opinion in the south, Tzŭ Hsi took the
first steps towards the introduction of constitutional government
by sending an Imperial Commission (under Duke Tsai
Tsê) to study the various systems in force in foreign countries,
and their results. The return of this Mission was followed
in the autumn of 1905 by the issue of the famous Decree
in which she definitely announced her intention to grant a
constitution, which should come into effect sooner or later,
according to circumstances and the amount of energy or
procrastination displayed by the officials and people in preparing
themselves for the change. As an example of subtle
argument calculated to appeal to the Chinese mind, the
document is a masterpiece in its way. It says:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Ever since the foundation of the Dynasty one wise
sovereign after another has handed down sage counsels to
posterity; it has always been their guiding principle that
methods of Government should be modified and adapted to
meet the exigencies of the moment and changing conditions.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_432"></a>[432]</span>
China’s great and increasing danger to-day is largely due to
her unwise adherence to antiquated methods; if we do not
amend our educational and political systems, we shall be
violating the spirit which animated our Imperial ancestors,
and shall disappoint the best hopes of our people. Our
Imperial Commissioners have reported to us that the prosperity
and power of foreign nations are largely due to principles
of constitutional government based on the will of the
people, which assures bonds of union and sympathy between
the Sovereign and his subjects. It is therefore our duty to
consider by what means such a Constitution may be granted
as shall retain the sovereign power in the hands of the Throne,
and at the same time give effect to the wishes of the people
in matters of administration. Our State being at present
unprepared, and our people uneducated, any undue haste is
inadvisable, and would lead to no practical results. We
must first reform the official system, following this by the
introduction of new laws, new methods of education, finance
and military organisations, together with a police system, so
that officials and people may come to realise what executive
government means as a foundation and preparation for the
granting of a Constitution.”</p>

</div>

<p>It was not to be expected that even Tzŭ Hsi could frame
so radical and comprehensive a programme of change without
incurring the strongest opposition and criticism of those to
whom the established order meant loaves and fishes: at
Peking, however, owing to the absence of an outspoken
press, the opposition ran beneath the surface, exercised in
the time-honoured form of dogged adherence to the ancient
methods by the officials and bureaucrats on whose goodwill all
reform ultimately depends. Against anyone less masterful and
less popular than Tzŭ Hsi the Clansmen would undoubtedly
have concerted other and more forcible measures, but they
knew their Old Buddha and went in wholesome fear of her
wrath. It was only her exceptional position and authority
that enabled her to introduce the machinery for the
establishment of constitutional government, based on the
Japanese model, and there is reason to believe that even at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_433"></a>[433]</span>
this moment many conservative Manchus do not regard that
measure seriously.</p>

<p>But despite the promise of constitutional government,
public opinion in the south, never restrained in its utterances
by the free-lances of the vernacular press of Hongkong
and Shanghai, was outspoken in condemnation of Her
Majesty’s new policy, criticising her policy in general on
the ground of her undignified truckling to Europeans.
Lacking alike her masculine intelligence and courageous
recognition of hard facts, making no allowance for the
difficulties with which she was encompassed, and animated
in many instances by a very real hatred of the Manchu rule,
they attacked her in unmeasured terms of abuse; while the
foreign press of the Treaty Ports, naturally suspicious of her
motives and mindful of her share in the anti-foreign rising,
was also generally unsympathetic, if not hostile. In both
cases knowledge of the woman’s virility and vitality was
lacking. Her critics failed to realise that, like most mortals,
the Empress was a mixture of good and bad, of wisdom and
error, largely swayed by circumstances and the human
equations around her, as well as by an essentially feminine
quality of mutability; but withal, and above all, a born
leader of men and a politician of the very first order.</p>

<p>The following extracts from articles published in the
Shanghai press at that time, throw an instructive light on
the spirit of Young China (like that of the Babu of India)
as displayed in its anti-Manchu proclivities and bigoted
chauvinism. One critic, taking for his text the entertainments
given by Her Majesty to the Foreign Legations,
wrote:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“There can be no objection to giving a banquet to anyone
who is likely to be grateful and show some return for hospitality,
but what possible good purpose can be served by
feasting those who treat you with suspicion? We Chinese
are wont to despise our ignorant rustics when they display
servility to foreigners, but what is to be said when one in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_434"></a>[434]</span>
exalted position of the Empress Dowager demeans herself by
being on terms of affectionate intimacy with the wives of
Foreign Ministers, and even with women belonging to the
commercial and lower classes? Nowadays foreign food is
served at the Palace in a dining-room decked out in
European style: the guests at these entertainments thank
their Imperial hostess on taking leave, and the very next day
their Legations will furiously rage against China at our
Foreign Office. Therefore, as for moderating their barbarous
ways, her food and her wines are simply wasted. As a matter
of fact, these guests of hers do not scruple to compare her
banquets of to-day with the melons and vegetables which she
sent to the Legations during the siege, a comparison by no
means flattering to Her Majesty. The thing is becoming a
scandal. When Russia poured out entertainments in honour
of Li Hung-chang she got something for her money; can it
be that Her Majesty is looking to similar results in the
present case for herself?”</p>

</div>

<p>Another critic, nearer the truth as we know, doubted
whether the Empress Dowager was in reality enamoured of
foreign ways, and whether she was not simulating good
relations, while preparing some deep-laid scheme of future
revenge.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“It is scarcely credible,” he observed, “that, at her
time of life, she should be able to change all her habits and
form ties so completely alien to her education and nature.
Would not the foreigners naturally ask themselves whether
she was likely to cherish any real affection for people who had
plundered her palace and had forced her to hand over to the
executioners her most faithful and trusted officials?”</p>

</div>

<p>This writer had difficulty, however, in believing that she
contemplated another Boxer movement and frankly confessed
himself perplexed.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“As Her Majesty’s chief occupation at the present time
would appear to be to accumulate money at all costs rather
than to reorganise and strengthen the resources of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_435"></a>[435]</span>
Empire, her ultimate object may well be to secure that
whatever happens, her old age shall be comfortably provided
for.”</p>

</div>

<p>Nevertheless, unheeding of criticism and strong in the
wisdom of her own convictions, Tzŭ Hsi continued steadily
on the lines which she had laid down as necessary for the
future safety of the Empire. It was not to be expected that
even her strong personality could overcome in a day the
entrenched forces of native prejudice and conservatism
within and without the palace. At the time of her death
many of the chief strongholds of the ancient system (<i>e.g.</i>,
the power of the eunuchs and the organised corruption of
officials) remained practically uncriticised and untouched;
but at her passing she had marked out a rough course by
which, if faithfully followed, the ship of State might yet be
safely steered through the rocks and shallows of the dangerous
seas ahead.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_436"></a>[436]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXV">XXV<br>
<span class="smaller">THE VALEDICTORY MEMORIAL OF JUNG LU</span></h2>

</div>

<p>The death of Jung Lu was a great grief to the Empress
Dowager. In the course of her long life there was hardly
any crisis or important event of her reign wherein she had
not been greatly assisted by this devoted follower. Upon
hearing of his death she issued a Decree from the Travelling
Palace at Pao-ting-fu, praising the patriotism and
clear-sighted intelligence of the deceased, who, since the
beginning of his career as an honorary licentiate had risen
to be Controller of the Imperial Household, Tartar General
and Viceroy, in all of which capacities he had rendered
signal service. At the time of his death he had attained to
the highest honours open to a subject in China, namely, the
position of Grand Secretary and Grand Councillor. In this
Decree Her Majesty laid particular stress on his endeavours
to promote a good understanding with the foreign Powers
in 1900. Further, in token of her affectionate regard, she
bestowed upon him a coverlet with charms worked thereon
from the Dharani Sutra in Sanscrit and Thibetan, to be used
as a pall for his burial, and she commanded Prince Kung to
proceed to the residence of the deceased, with ten officers of
the Imperial Guard, to perform a sacrifice on her behalf to
the soul of the departed statesman. She granted him the
posthumous designation of “learned and loyal,” together
with the highest hereditary rank open to one who had not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_437"></a>[437]</span>
been a victorious military commander or a member of the
Imperial Clan. His ancestral tablet was given a place at the
Shrine of Good and Virtuous Officials, and three thousand
taels (£350) were issued from the privy purse towards his
funeral expenses.</p>

<p>Jung Lu’s valedictory Memorial has never been published
in China, but those in attendance on Her Majesty reported
that it affected her very deeply. On the day after it reached
her, she issued the following Decree:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The deceased Grand Secretary, Jung Lu, was our senior
Grand Councillor at a time of critical danger to the State,
and his sage counsel and eminent services to the Throne
have never been sufficiently appreciated either in China or
abroad. He was absolutely indispensable to us, and we
depended entirely upon his advice. Two months ago, owing
to his ill-health, we were compelled to grant him leave of
absence, but, unfortunately, all remedies have proved unavailing,
and he has passed away. We have perused his
valedictory Memorial, full of a deep and touching earnestness
in regard to the future of our Empire and the condition
of the Chinese people; and in recalling all the incidents of
his distinguished career the violence of our grief can only
find expression in tears. Following upon the posthumous
honours already conferred upon him, we hereby decree that a
second Imperial sacrifice shall be offered to his spirit on the
day before his remains are removed for burial, and, furthermore,
that the record of his life be transmitted to the
Historiographers’ Department for inclusion in the annals of
our Dynasty. All faults that may have been recorded
against him shall be expunged, so that the depth of our
sincere affection for this faithful servant may be made
manifest.”</p>

</div>

<p>Jung Lu was sixty-seven years of age at the date of his
death (April 11th, 1903), and it is probable that had it not
been for the severe hardships and mental strain which he
endured during the Boxer crisis, he would have lived much
longer to serve his Imperial mistress. By his death Prince<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_438"></a>[438]</span>
Ch’ing and his corrupt following rose to increased power
(Prince Ch’ing being the only available Manchu of rank
sufficient to succeed Jung Lu as head of the Grand Council),
and they have retained it, in the subterranean labyrinths of
Palace intrigues, ever since.</p>

<p>Jung Lu was essentially a middle-course man, striving
earnestly for that “happy mean” which the Empress
Dowager professed to desire. Had he lived, it is safe to say
that he would not have approved of the haste with which
she proceeded to sanction the undigested programme for
constitutional government, and with his advice against it the
Old Buddha would probably not have persisted in the idea.
He had repeatedly urged her, before the return of the Court,
to make it quite clear in her Edicts that a reform policy was
necessary for the preservation of the Empire, but, like the
late Prince Ito, he was all for a slow and cautious procedure,
and present-day observers of events connected with the
constitutional government programme can hardly doubt the
wisdom of his advice.</p>

<p>The following is a translation of his, hitherto unpublished,
valedictory Memorial, a document which throws valuable
light on the <i>coup d’état</i> and the relations between Tzŭ Hsi
and the Emperor at that time. In other respects it confirms
many conclusions wherein Jung Lu’s authoritative testimony
was lacking to complete an otherwise satisfactory chain of
evidence.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I, your slave, Jung Lu, a Grand Councillor and Grand
Secretary of the Wen Hua Throne Hall, having grievously
failed to requite the favours of your Majesties, now that my
breath is almost spent, respectfully upon my knees do present
this my valedictory Memorial, and beg that your Majesties
may be pleased to cast your divine glance upon it.</p>

<p>“I, all unworthy, have received no small bounty at the
hands of your Majesty the Empress Dowager, and had
hoped that Heaven might grant me length of days, wherein
to display my utmost endeavour in your Majesty’s service.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_439"></a>[439]</span>
Respectfully I recall the fact that I began my career of
service as an Imperial guardsman, and was on duty with
H.M. Hsien-Feng in his excursion to the hunting park at
Mulan (Jehol) in the tenth year of his reign. At that time
the situation of the Empire was one of great danger;
within there was the grave peril of the rebellion, while from
without the English and French barbarians had captured
our sacred capital. We witnessed the violation of the
Imperial shrines and saw the sacred chariot of His Majesty
leave Peking, in accordance with the principle laid down by
Mencius that a sovereign should leave his capital when it is
threatened by invasion of barbarians.</p>

<p>“After the Court’s arrival at Jehol, I had the honour of
attending on your Majesty the Empress Dowager as
Chamberlain, and when His Majesty Hsien-Feng lay on his
deathbed, I had the honour to warn your Majesty and the
Empress Consort that the Princes Cheng and Yi were
conspiring against the State. After the death of His
Majesty, those wicked Princes usurped the Regency and for
many days your Majesty was in danger so great that it may
not be spoken of by any loyal subject. Happily, your
Majesty, acting on your own firm initiative and by the
favour of Heaven, dealt with those abominable traitors in
the twinkling of an eye and rescued the State from its dire
peril. For years thereafter you carried on the Regency,
rebellions were suppressed and peace reigned within the four
seas.</p>

<p>“Your slave received many marks of the Imperial favour
and rose to be Minister of the Household; I was thus
constantly in attendance on your Majesty. When the
late Emperor T’ung-Chih mounted the dragon and
ascended on high, it was to me that your Majesty confided
the duty of bringing the present Emperor Kuang-Hsü to
the Palace. Favours vast as the universe have I received,
and for these I have made no return.</p>

<p>“While acting as Captain General of the Peking
Gendarmerie, I incurred your Majesty’s displeasure; thereafter
for seven years I awaited, without incurring, the fitting
penalty for my offence. Later, when His Majesty came to
his majority and you were pleased to hand over to him the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_440"></a>[440]</span>
reins of government, you conferred on me the post of
Tartar General at Hsi-an. Subsequently I was recalled to
my former position at the capital. In the 24th year of
Kuang-Hsü (1898) your Majesties determined on the
introduction of European methods of government and
the Emperor summoned me to audience and conferred on
me the post of Viceroy of Chihli at Tientsin where I was
ordered to select and introduce reforms based on foreign
methods in order to remedy the weakness of China’s
administration. But who could then have believed that the
damnable treasons of K’ang Yu-wei should be the means of
thwarting your Majesties’ great plans? His Majesty the
Emperor, by giving ear to the lying inventions of that
traitor and his associates, if only for a little while,
undoubtedly allowed his filial piety to suffer temporary
decline. This was particularly the case when he wrote with
his own Imperial hand a Decree stating that his reform
proposals were being blocked by your Majesty and that, as
you were opposed to the spirit of progress, your interference
in State affairs was a danger to the nation. Towards me
also His Majesty displayed his divine wrath, so that once
more had your slave deserved the penalty of ‘axes and
halberds.’ But when I sought your Majesty in secret
audience and laid before you the details of the plot, once
more did your Majesty, without a moment’s hesitation
respond to our prayer and resume the control of affairs,
swiftly visiting upon evildoers of that treacherous crew the
might of your august displeasure.</p>

<p>“In the 26th year of Kuang-Hsü, certain Princes
and Ministers, statesmen deficient in virtue, gained your
Majesty’s ear, and even your divine wisdom was misled to
believe in the unholy arts and magic of the Boxers until
the ancestral shrines were the centre of cataclysmic disaster
and the destinies of the Empire trembled in the balance.
Again and again I besought your Majesty to put an end to
these traitors, but could not gain your consent. I incurred
at that time your censure on more than one occasion, and
for forty days waited in my house fully expectant of doom.
But even so your Majesty repeatedly sought my advice, and
though it was not always followed, I was able to avert the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_441"></a>[441]</span>
crowning misfortune which would have resulted from the
killing of the foreign Ministers. For this service your
Majesty has since deigned frequently to express gratitude.</p>

<p>“When your Majesties left the city on your tour of
inspection to Hsi-an, you decided upon punishing those evil-minded
Princes and Ministers, and thereafter to introduce a
policy of gradual and effective reform in every branch of the
administration. Already, during the past two years, considerable
progress has been made. By your return to the
capital the sun has been restored to our firmament, and
even the barbarians of the east and west have acclaimed
your Majesty’s benevolence and impartial solicitude for all,
Chinese and foreigners alike.</p>

<p>“For the past year I have been continually ill, but until
two months ago was able to continue in the performance of
my arduous duties. Since then I have been compelled to
apply for sick-leave and have sought permission to resign my
offices, but your Majesty sent eunuchs to me with gracious
messages and presents of ginseng<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> and commanded that I
should make all haste to recover and resume my duties.</p>

<p>“But even the beneficent protection of your Majesty has
failed to avert from me the last ravages of illness. Repeated
attacks of asthma, with increasing difficulty in breathing,
have now brought me to the last stage of weakness and the
very point of death. With my last breath I now entreat
your Majesty vigorously to continue in the introduction of
reforms, so that gradually our Middle Kingdom may attain
to a condition as prosperous as that of the great States of
Europe and Japan. During my tenure of the office of
Grand Councillor I have seen many men appointed to
offices for which they were by no means fitted; herein lies
a source of weakness, but above all it is necessary that a
radical change should be made in the selection of District
Magistrates and in the methods by which taxation is levied
and collected. It were well if the good example of economy
which your Majesty is setting were more generally followed.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_442"></a>[442]</span>
In the seclusion of the Palace it is impossible for
your Majesty to know the truth as to the condition of your
subjects, and were it not for the prohibitive cost of transporting
your enormous retinues, I should advise that the
Throne should make regular tours of inspection in various
parts of the Empire. His Majesty Ch’ien-Lung made
several such tours, and among the wise sovereigns of ancient
times the custom was regularly observed. At this moment
my mind is becoming confused; I can say no more. Humbly
do I pray that your Majesty’s fame may continue to grow,
and that all my good wishes on your Majesty’s behalf may
be fulfilled. Then, even though I die, yet shall I live.</p>

<p>“I have dictated this, my valedictory Memorial, to my
adopted son, Liang Ku’ei, for transmission to your Majesty,
in temporary residence at Pao-ting fu. Though conscious of
its numerous shortcomings, for which I beg forgiveness, I
reverently entreat your Majesty to peruse it. Prostrate
before the Throne, with my dying breath, I, Jung Lu, now
conclude my Memorial.</p>

<p class="center">“(<i>Dated the 10th April, 1903.</i>)”</p>

</div>

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<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_443"></a>[443]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXVI">XXVI<br>
<span class="smaller">HER MAJESTY’S LAST DAYS.</span></h2>

</div>

<p>In the summer of 1908 Tzŭ Hsi’s generally robust health
showed signs of failing, a fact which is recorded in her
valedictory Decree, and one of no small importance in considering
the coincident fact of the illness of the Emperor.
Of the causes and manner of the latter’s death, nothing will
ever be definitely known; they lie buried with many
another secret of the Forbidden City, in the hearts of
Li Lien-ying and his immediate satellites. Even among
the higher officials, Manchu and Chinese, of the capital,
opinions differ, and many conflicting theories are current to
account for the remarkable coincidence of the death of
Tzŭ Hsi and her unhappy nephew on successive days.
For those who seek it there is no lack of circumstantial
evidence to justify the conclusion that the long-threatened
Emperor was “removed” by the reactionaries,
headed by the chief eunuch, who had only too good cause
to fear his unfettered authority on the Throne. At the same
time it is conceivably possible that many of the plots and
proceedings of the Summer Palace at that time might have
been unknown to Tzŭ Hsi, and that she was purposely kept in
ignorance by those who foresaw the possibility of her early
death and took their precautions accordingly, after the
Oriental manner. Indeed, in the light of much trustworthy
evidence of eye-witnesses, this seems a rational explanation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_444"></a>[444]</span>
of events to which any solution by theories of coincidence
is evidently difficult. Most of the following account of Her
Majesty’s last days is derived from the statements of two
high officials, one Manchu and the other Chinese, who
were at that time on duty with the Court. Their testimony
and their conclusions coincide, on the whole, with those of
the best-informed and most reliable Chinese newspapers,
whose news from the capital is also generally from official
sources. We accept them, naturally, with all reserve, yet
with an inclination to give the Empress Dowager, on this
occasion, the benefit of their good opinions and our own
doubts. The simultaneous deaths may possibly have been
due to natural causes, but it is to be observed by the most
sympathetic critic, that the account given by Her Majesty’s
loyal servants of her behaviour immediately after the
Emperor’s death, is by no means suggestive of sorrow, but
rather of relief.</p>

<p>It was in the previous autumn that the Emperor became
very ill, so much so that he was gradually compelled during
the last year of his life to desist from performance of the
usual sacrifices, which entail no small expenditure of physical
energy through their genuflections and continual prostrations.
The impression gradually gained ground that His Majesty
was not likely to live much longer, and it was remarked, and
remembered as a significant fact, that the Old Buddha had
some time before given orders for the engagement of special
wet-nurses for the infant son of Prince Ch’un, born in
February, 1906. It was understood that these orders
implied the selection of this infant Prince to succeed Kuang-Hsü,
but although many attempts were made to induce her
to declare herself on this subject, she declined to do so
on the ground that her previous experience had been unlucky,
that her selections had been the cause of much misunderstanding,
and that, moreover, it was a house-law of the
Dynasty that the heir to the throne could only be lawfully
selected when the sovereign was <i>in extremis</i>, a rule which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_445"></a>[445]</span>
she had completely disregarded in the nomination of Prince
Tuan’s son in 1900.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p>

<p>In this connection, there is every reason to believe that
Tzŭ Hsi’s superstitious nature, and the memory of the
prophecies of woe uttered by the Censor Wu K’o-tu at
the time of his protesting suicide, had undoubtedly led
her to regret the violation of the sacred laws of succession
which she committed in selecting Kuang-Hsü for the
Throne. On more than one occasion in recent years she had
endeavoured to propitiate the shade of the departed Censor,
and public opinion, by conferring upon him posthumous
honours. Towards the end of her reign, after the humiliations
inflicted on China in successive wars by France,
Japan and the coalition of the Allies, she was frequently
heard to express remorse at having been led into courses
of error which had brought down upon her the wrath of
Heaven. In 1888, when the Temple of Heaven was
struck by lightning, and again, when the chief gate of the
Forbidden City took fire and was destroyed, she interpreted
these events as marks of the Supreme Being’s disapproval of
her actions. The Emperor’s subsequent conspiracy with
K’ang Yu-wei and his associates of 1898, became in her
eyes another judgment and visitation of Heaven. It may
therefore reasonably be assumed that when the Boxer
Princes persuaded her of the efficacy of their magic arts
and of their ability to drive the foreigner into the sea, she
seized upon the hope thus offered as a means of regaining
the favour of the gods and atoning for past errors. Although
in selecting the son of Prince Tuan to be heir to her son,
the Emperor T’ung-Chih (thus passing over Kuang-Hsü),
she had once more violated the house-laws of the Dynasty,
there is no doubt that she took her risks in the certain
hope that further prestige must accrue to her house and
to herself, by the fact that the boy Emperor’s father, next to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_446"></a>[446]</span>
herself in power, would be hailed by the Chinese people as
the Heaven-sent deliverer, the conqueror of the hated
barbarian, and the saviour of his country. In other words,
recognising that the mistakes she had committed had
seriously injured her in the eyes of the nation, she determined
to endeavour to retrieve them by one last desperate
throw. Later, after the return from exile, when she
realised that this heroic venture had been as misguided
in its inception as any of her former misdeeds, she showed
her splendid courage and resource by a swift <i>volte-face</i>
in the adoption of those very reform measures which she
had formerly opposed, and by annulling the appointment
of Prince Tuan’s son as Heir to the Throne. She thus cut
herself adrift from all connection with the Boxer leaders
as completely and unhesitatingly as she wiped out from
the annals of her reign all reference to the Edicts which
she had issued in their favour. The present-day result
brought about by this change of policy, and of the succession
of Prince Chun’s infant son to the Throne, has been to
establish more firmly than ever that junior branch of the
Imperial family. It is now believed, if not accepted, at
Court, that the first Prince Ch’un, the father of Kuang-Hsü
and grandfather of the present sovereign, will eventually be
canonised with the title of “Ti” or Emperor, which would
practically make him, by posthumous right, the founder of a
new Dynastic branch. The problem of the direct succession,
even in Chinese eyes, is not simple, and it was generally
supposed (<i>e.g.</i> by the <i>Times</i> correspondent at Peking
in October 1908) that the Empress Dowager would nominate
Prince P’u Lun to succeed Kuang-Hsü, thus restoring
the succession to the senior branch of the family. This
would certainly have appealed to orthodox and literary
officials throughout the Empire, and, as a means of appeasing
the distressed ghost of the protesting Censor, would have
been more effective than the course she actually adopted.
Doctor Morrison, discussing this question of the succession<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_447"></a>[447]</span>
before the event, expressed the general opinion that the
appointment of another infant to succeed the Emperor
Kuang-Hsü (involving another long Regency) would be
fraught with great danger to the Dynasty. There is no
doubt that the present situation, lacking that strong hand
which for half a century has held together the chaotic fabric
of China’s Government, suffers from the fact that for many
years to come the supreme authority must remain in the
hands of a Regent, and a Regent whose position is <i>ab initio</i>
undermined by the powerful influences brought to bear
by the senior branch of the Imperial Clan. Tzŭ Hsi was
fully aware of the position which would be created, or rather
prolonged, by the selection of Prince Chun’s son, and for
this reason, no doubt, the selection of Kuang-Hsü’s successor
was postponed until the very day of her death. When,
at last, confronted by the imperative necessity for action,
she had to make up her mind, there were two things that
chiefly weighed with her. These were, firstly, the promise
that she had made to Jung Lu, and, secondly, her unconcealed
dislike for Prince Ch’ing, who had made himself
the chief spokesman for the claims of Prince P’u Lun. It
was also only natural that she should wish to leave to her
favourite niece (the Consort of Kuang-Hsü) the title and
power of Empress Dowager, if only in reward for years
of faithful and loyal service to herself. In other words,
the claims of the human equation and her own inclinations
outweighed, unto the end, the claims of orthodox tradition
and the qualms of her conscience.</p>

<p>Throughout the winter of 1907 and the following spring,
the Empress enjoyed her usual vigorous health. In April
she went, as usual, to the Summer Palace, where she
remained all through the hot season. With the heat,
however, came a recurrence of her dysenteric trouble and
in August she had a slight stroke of paralysis, as the result of
which her face, hitherto remarkably youthful for a woman of
seventy, took on a drawn and tired appearance. In other<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_448"></a>[448]</span>
respects her health seemed fairly good; certainly her vigour
of speech remained unimpaired, and she continued to devote
unremitting attention to affairs of State. She was wont
frequently to declare her ambition of attaining to the same
age as Queen Victoria, a ruler for whom she professed the
greatest admiration; she would say that she could trace, in
the features of the English Queen, lines of longevity similar
to those in her own. The Taoist Abbot, Kao, whom she
used to receive in frequent audiences, and who possessed
considerable influence over her, had prophesied that she
would live longer than any former Empress of the Dynasty;
but his prophecy was not fulfilled, for she died younger than
three of her predecessors.</p>

<p>In the summer of 1908 the Old Buddha took a keen
interest in the impending visit of the Dalai Lama, which
had been arranged for the autumn. The chief eunuch, Li,
begged her to cancel this visitation on the ground that it
was notoriously unlucky for the “Living Buddha” and the
Son of Heaven to be resident in one city at the same time.
Either the priest or the sovereign would surely die, he said.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
To this Tzŭ Hsi replied that she had long since decided in
her mind that the Emperor’s illness was incurable, and she
saw no reason, therefore, to stop the coming of the Dalai
Lama. Nevertheless, in July, she summoned certain
Chinese physicians, educated abroad, to attend His Majesty,
who had become greatly emaciated and very weak. They
reported that he was suffering from Bright’s disease. Their
examination of the august patient and their diagnosis of his
symptoms were necessarily perfunctory, inasmuch as
etiquette prevented the application of the proper tests, but
they professed to have verified the fact that the action of
the heart was very weak. On the other hand, writers in the
newspapers of the south did not hesitate to assert that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_449"></a>[449]</span>
whole medical performance was a farce and that the death of
the Emperor would undoubtedly take place so soon as the
powers about the Throne had made up their minds that the
Empress Dowager was not likely to live much longer.</p>

<p>According to the general consensus of opinion in the
capital, the relations between the Old Buddha and His
Majesty were not unfriendly at this period. It was said
that shortly before his illness became acute the Empress
Dowager had encouraged him to take a more active part in
affairs of State, and to select candidates for certain high
offices: she certainly renewed the practice of showing him
Decrees for the formality of his concurrence. When the
reformer Wang Chao returned from flight, and gave
himself up to the police, she, who had vowed the death of
this man in 1898, invited His Majesty to decide what
punishment should now be inflicted upon him. The
Emperor, after long reflection, suggested that his life be
spared. “By all means,” replied the Old Buddha, “I had
fully intended to forgive him, but desired to hear your
opinion. Full well I know your sincere hatred of fellows
like K’ang Yu-wei and his associates, and I was afraid,
therefore, that you might insist on the immediate decapitation
of Wang Chao.” She evidently believed that she
had completely eradicated from His Majesty’s mind all
opposition to her wishes.</p>

<p>As the Emperor’s health grew worse, the eunuchs were
instructed not to keep him waiting when calling upon the
Empress Dowager and he was also excused at the meetings
of the Grand Council from awaiting her arrival and
departure on his knees. A Manchu holding a high position
at Court testifies to the truth of the following incident.
One morning, after perusal of a Censor’s Memorial, which
contained several inaccurate statements, His Majesty
observed to the Grand Council, “How little of truth there
is in common rumour. For instance, I know myself to be
really ill, yet here it is denied that there is anything the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_450"></a>[450]</span>
matter with me.” The Empress Dowager here broke in:—“Who
has dared to utter such falsehoods? If caught, he
will certainly be beheaded.” Kuang-Hsü then proceeded to
say:—“I am really getting weaker every day, and do not
see my way to performing the necessary ceremonies on the
occasion of Your Majesty’s approaching birthday.” Compassionately
the Old Buddha replied: “It is more important
to me that you should recover your health than that you
should knock your head on the ground in my honour.” The
Emperor fell on his knees to thank her for these gracious
words, but collapsed in a fainting fit. Prince Ch’ing thereupon
advised that a certain doctor, Chü Yung-chiu, trained
in Europe, should be called in, but his advice was not
followed till later. On the following day His Majesty
enquired of the Court physicians in attendance, whose
medical training is the same as that which has been handed
down since the days of the T’ang Dynasty, whether his
disease was likely to be fatal. “The heart of your
Emperor is greatly disturbed,” said he. Dr. Lu Yung-pin
replied:—“There is nothing in Your Majesty’s present
condition to indicate any mortal disease. We beseech Your
Majesty to be calm: it is for us, your servants, to be
perturbed in spirit.”</p>

<p>After Tzŭ Hsi’s stroke of paralysis, the wildest rumours
were circulated as to her condition, so much so that, realising
the excited state of provincial opinion, and its relation to
the question of the Constitution which was to have been
granted, Her Majesty decided to carry out without further
delay the promise she made in 1906. On the 1st of the 8th
Moon, she therefore promulgated a Decree, showing signs of
the same spirit of lofty statesmanship as was displayed by
the rulers of Japan, and evidently based on their example,
whereby it was promised that a constitutional form of
government would be completely established within a period
of nine years. At the same time it was decreed that every
branch of the government should institute the changes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_451"></a>[451]</span>
necessary to facilitate the introduction of the new dispensation.
On issuing this Decree she expressed her hope of
living to witness the convening of the first Chinese Parliament,
and added that if Prince Tuan’s son had proved
himself worthy, and had remained Heir Apparent, he would
by now have been of age to carry on the government after
the Emperor’s death. Age was creeping upon her, and she
would be glad to retire to the Summer Palace for her
declining years. As long as matters remained in their
present state, it would be necessary to refer important
questions for her decision, but she greatly wished that the
period of her Regency should not be indefinitely prolonged.</p>

<p>In September occurred the fiftieth birthday of the
ex-Viceroy of Chihli Yüan Shih-k’ai, while the Court was
still in residence at the Summer Palace. The Old Buddha
showered costly gifts upon her trusted Minister, and almost
every high official in Peking attended the birthday ceremonies
to present congratulations and gifts. Conspicuous by his
absence, however, was the Emperor’s brother, Prince Ch’un
(the present Regent), who had applied for short leave in
order to avoid being present, and who offered no presents.</p>

<p>A significant incident occurred in connection with the
birthday ceremonies. Among the many complimentary
scrolls, presented by friends and hanging on the walls, were
a pair which attracted much attention, until they were
hurriedly removed. One contained the following inscription:—“5th
day of the 8th Moon of the Wu Shen year”
(this was the date of the crisis of the <i>coup d’état</i> when Yüan
Shih-k’ai warned Jung Lu of the plot, and thus brought
about the practical dethronement of the Emperor), and on
the other were the words:—“May the Emperor live ten
thousand years! May Your Excellency live ten thousand
years.”</p>

<p>The words “<i>wan sui</i>,” meaning “ten thousand years,” are
not applicable to any subject of the Throne, and the inner
meaning of these words was, therefore, interpreted to be a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_452"></a>[452]</span>
charge against Yüan of conspiring for the Throne. It was
clear that some enemy had sent the scrolls as a reminder of
Yüan’s betrayal of his Sovereign ten years before, and that
they had been hung up either as the result of connivance or
carelessness on the part of Yüan’s people. Four months
later, when the great ex-Viceroy fell, this incident was
remembered and inevitably connected with Prince Ch’un’s
non-appearance at the birthday ceremonies.</p>

<p>In September, the Dalai Lama reached Peking, but owing
to a dispute on certain details of ceremonial, his audience
was postponed. It was finally arranged that the Pontiff
should kowtow to the Throne, and that the Emperor should
then rise from his seat and invite the Lama to sit beside
him on a cane couch. This ceremonial was most reluctantly
accepted, and only after much discussion, by the Dalai
Lama, who considered his dignity seriously injured by having
to kowtow. He had brought with him much tribute, and
was therefore the more disappointed at the Old Buddha’s
failure to show him the marks of respect which he had
expected. His audience was held early in October, when Her
Majesty requested him to offer up prayers regularly for her
long life and prosperity.</p>

<p>In October, the foreign Ministers were also received at
the Summer Palace, and on the 20th of that month the
Court returned to the Lake Palace for the winter. On this,
her last State progress, the Empress Dowager approached
the city as usual in her State barge, by the canal which joins
the Summer Palace Lake with the waters of the Winter
Palace, proceeding in it as far as the Temple of Imperial
Longevity, which is situated on the banks of this canal. It
was observed that as she left the precincts of the Summer
Palace she gazed longingly towards the lofty walls that rise
from the banks of the lake, and from thence to the hills
receding into the far distance. Turning to the “Lustrous”
concubine who sat at her feet, she expressed her fears that
the critical condition of the Emperor would prevent her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_453"></a>[453]</span>
from visiting her favourite residence for a long time to
come.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus24" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus24.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">View, from the
  K’un Ming Lake, of the Summer Palace.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The Old Buddha sat in a cane chair on the raised deck of
her magnificent barge adorned with carved dragons and
phœnixes; she was surrounded by her favourite eunuchs,
and half a dozen of the chief ladies of the Court. As she
descended from the barge, supported by two eunuchs, and
entered the sedan chair which bore her to within the temple
precincts, her vivacity and good spirits formed a subject of
general comment. She performed the usual sacrifices at the
Temple of Imperial Longevity, a shrine which she had
liberally endowed; but it was remembered after her death,
as an unfortunate omen, that the last stick of incense
failed to ignite. Upon leaving the temple she begged the
priests to chant daily liturgies and to pray for her longevity,
in view of her approaching birthday.</p>

<p>After leaving the temple precincts she proceeded with her
ladies-in-waiting to the Botanical and Zoological Gardens,
which lie just outside the “West-Straight gate” of the
city. On arrival at the gates, she insisted upon descending
from her sedan chair, and made the entire round of the
gardens on foot. She expressed interest and much pleasure
at the sight of animals which she had never seen before, and
announced her intention of frequently visiting the place.
She asked numerous questions of the keepers, being especially
interested in the lions, and created much amusement amongst
her immediate entourage by asking the director of the gardens
(a Manchu official of the Household) for information as to
where the animals came from, a subject on which he was
naturally quite uninformed. “You don’t seem to know
much about zoology,” she observed, and turned from the
crestfallen official to address one of the keepers in a most
informal manner. The chief eunuch, Li Lien-ying, wearied
by such unwonted exercise, implored Her Majesty not to tire
herself, but the Old Buddha took pleasure, clearly malicious,
in hurrying him round the grounds. The occasion was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_454"></a>[454]</span>
unusual and remarkably informal, and the picture brings
irresistibly to the English mind memories of another strong-minded
Queen and her inspection of another garden, where
heads were insecure for gardeners and Cheshire cats. Eye-witnesses
of that day’s outing commented freely on their
Imperial Mistress’s extraordinary spirits and vitality, predicting
for her many years of life.</p>

<p>Her Majesty, whose memory on unexpected subjects was
always remarkable, referred on this occasion to the elephant
which had been presented to her by Tuan Fang upon his
return from Europe, and which, together with several other
animals for which she had no fitting accommodation in the
Palace grounds, was the first cause and first inmate of the
Zoological Gardens. The elephant in question had originally
been in charge of the two German keepers who had accompanied
it from Hagenbeck’s establishment; these men had
frequently but unsuccessfully protested at the insufficient
rations provided for the beast by the Mandarin in charge.
Eventually the elephant had died of slow starvation, and the
keepers had returned to Europe, after obtaining payment of
their unexpired contracts, a result which brought down upon
the offending official Her Majesty’s severe displeasure. She
referred now to this incident, and expressed satisfaction that
most of the animals appeared to be well cared for, though
the tigers’ attendant received a sharp rebuke.</p>

<p>After Her Majesty’s return to the Winter Palace, everything
was given over to preparations for the celebration of her
seventy-third birthday on the 3rd of November. The main
streets of the city were decorated, and in the Palace itself
arrangements were made for a special theatrical performance
to last for five days. A special ceremony, quite distinct from
the ordinary birthday congratulations of the Court, was
arranged for the Dalai Lama, who was to make obeisance
before Her Majesty at the head of his following of priests.
The health of His Majesty did not permit of his carrying out
the prescribed ceremony of prostration before Her Majesty’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_455"></a>[455]</span>
Throne in the main Palace of Ceremonial Phœnixes; he
therefore deputed a Prince of the Blood to represent him in
the performance of this duty, and those who knew its deep
significance on such an occasion realised that the condition of
his health must indeed be desperate. This impression was
confirmed by the fact that he was similarly compelled to
abandon his intention of being present at a special banquet
to be given to the Dalai Lama in the Palace of Tributary
Envoys. The high priest, who had been compelled to kneel
outside the banquet hall to await the arrival of His Majesty,
was greatly incensed at this occurrence.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus25" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus25.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The Empress
  Dowager, with the Chief Eunuch, Li Lien-Ying.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>At eight in the morning of the birthday His Majesty left
his Palace in the “Ocean Terrace” and proceeded to the
Throne Hall. His emaciated and woe-begone appearance
was such, however, that the Old Buddha took compassion
upon him, and bade his attendant eunuchs support him to
his palanquin, excusing him from further attendance. Later
in the day she issued a special Decree praising the loyalty of
the Dalai Lama, and ordering him to return promptly to
Thibet, “there to extol the generosity of the Throne of
China, and faithfully to obey the commands of the Sovereign
power.” The Empress Dowager spent the afternoon of
her birthday in the congenial amusement of a masquerade,
appearing in the costume of the Goddess of Mercy, attended
by a numerous suite of concubines, Imperial Princesses, and
eunuchs, all in fancy dress. They picnicked on the lake,
and Her Majesty appeared to be in the very highest spirits.
Unfortunately, towards evening, she caught a chill, and
thereafter, partaking too freely of a mixture of clotted cream
and crab apples, she had a return of the dysenteric complaint
from which she had suffered all through the summer. On
the following day she attended to affairs of State as usual,
reading a vast number of Memorials and recording her
decision thereon, but on the 5th of November neither she nor
the Emperor were sufficiently well to receive the Grand
Council, so that all business of government was suspended<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_456"></a>[456]</span>
for two days. Upon hearing of Her Majesty’s illness, the
Dalai Lama hastened to present her with an image of
Buddha, which, he said, should be despatched forthwith to
her mausoleum at the hills, the building of which had just
been completed under the supervision of Prince Ch’ing.<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>
The high priest urged all haste in transmitting this miracle-working
image to her future burial-place; if it were done
quickly, he said, her life would be prolonged by many years,
because the unlucky conjunction of the stars now affecting
her adversely would avail nothing against the magic power
of this image. The Old Buddha was greatly reassured by
the Dalai Lama’s cheerful prognostications, and next
morning held audience as usual. She commanded Prince
Ch’ing to proceed without delay to the tombs, and there to
deposit the miraculous image on the altar.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> She ordered
him to pay particular attention to the work done at the
mausoleum, and to make certain that her detailed instructions
had been faithfully carried out. Prince Ch’ing demurred
somewhat at these instructions, inquiring whether she really
wished him to leave Peking at a time when she herself
and the Emperor were both ill. But the Old Buddha
would brook no argument, and peremptorily ordered him
to proceed as instructed. “I am not likely to die,” she
said, “during the next few days; already I am feeling
much better. In any case you will do as you are told.”
On Monday, November 9th, both the Empress Dowager
and the Emperor were present at a meeting of the Grand
Council, and a special audience was given to the Educational
Commissioner of Chihli province, about to leave for his post.
At this audience the Old Buddha spoke with some bitterness<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_457"></a>[457]</span>
of the increasing tendency of the student class to give vent
to revolutionary ideas, and she commanded the Commissioner
of Education to do all in his power to check their political
activities.</p>

<p>Shortly afterwards four more physicians, who had come
up from the provinces, were admitted to see His Majesty.
That same afternoon he had a serious relapse, and from
that day forward never left his palace. On the following
morning he sent a dutiful message (or it was sent for him)
enquiring after the Empress Dowager’s health, she being
also confined to her room and holding no audiences. The
Court physicians reported badly of both their Imperial
patients: being fearful as to the outcome, they begged
the Comptroller-General of the Household to engage other
physicians in their place. The Grand Council sent a message
to Prince Ch’ing, directing him to return to Peking with all
haste, his presence being required forthwith on matters
of the highest importance. Travelling night and day, he
reached the capital at about eight o’clock in the morning
of the 13th, and hastened to the palace. He found the
Old Buddha cheerful and confident of ultimate recovery,
but the Emperor was visibly sinking, his condition being
comatose, with short lucid intervals. His last conscious act
had been to direct his Consort to inform the Empress
Dowager that he regretted being unable to attend her, and
that he hoped that she would appoint an Heir Apparent
without further delay. Whether these dutiful messages
were spontaneous or inspired, and indeed, whether they were
ever sent by the Emperor, is a matter upon which doubt
has been freely expressed.</p>

<p>Immediately after the arrival of Prince Ch’ing, an
important audience was held in the Hall of Ceremonial
Phœnixes. Her Majesty was able to mount the Throne,
and, although obviously weak, her unconquerable courage
enabled her to master her physical ailments, and she spoke
with all her wonted vehemence and lucidity. A well-informed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_458"></a>[458]</span>
member of the Grand Council, full of wonder
at such an exhibition of strength of will, has recorded the
fact that she completely led and dominated the Council.
There were present Prince Ch’ing, Prince Ch’un, the Grand
Councillor Yüan Shih-k’ai, and the Grand Secretaries Chang
Chih-tung, Lu Ch’uan-lin and Shih Hsü.</p>

<p>Her Majesty announced that the time had come to
nominate an Heir to the Emperor T’ung-Chih, in accordance
with that Decree of the first day of the reign of Kuang-Hsü,
wherein it was provided that the deceased Sovereign’s
ancestral rites should be safeguarded by allowing him
precedence over his successor of the same generation. Her
choice, she said, was already made, but she desired to take
the opinion of the Grand Councillors in the first instance.
Prince Ch’ing and Yüan Shih-k’ai then recommended the
appointment of Prince P’u Lun, or, failing him, Prince
Kung. They thought the former, as senior great-grandson
of Tao-Kuang, was the more eligible candidate, and with
this view Prince Ch’un seemed disposed to agree. The
remaining Grand Councillors, however, advised the selection
of Prince Ch’un’s infant son.</p>

<p>After hearing the views of her Councillors, the Old
Buddha announced that long ago, at the time when she had
betrothed the daughter of Jung Lu to Prince Ch’un, she
had decided that the eldest son of this marriage should
become Heir to the Throne, in recognition and reward of
Jung Lu’s lifelong devotion to her person, and his paramount
services to the Dynasty at the time of the Boxer rising.
She placed on record her opinion that he had saved the
Manchus by refusing to assist in the attack upon the
Legations. In the 3rd Moon of this year she had renewed
her pledge to Jung Lu’s widow, her oldest friend, just
before she died. She would, therefore, now bestow upon
Prince Ch’un as Regent, the title of “Prince co-operating
in the Government,” a title one degree higher than that
which had been given to Prince Kung in 1861, who was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_459"></a>[459]</span>
made “Adviser to the Government” by herself and her
co-Regent.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp53" id="illus26" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus26.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The Son of
  Heaven. H.M. Hsüan-T’ung, Emperor of China.</span></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Upon hearing this decision, Prince Ch’un arose from
his seat and repeatedly kowtowed before Her Majesty,
expressing a deep sense of his own unworthiness. Once
more Yüan Shih-k’ai courageously advanced the superior
claims of Prince P’u Lun: he was sincerely of opinion that
the time had come for the succession to be continued
along the original lines of primogeniture; it was clear
also that he fully realised that Prince Ch’un was his bitter
enemy. The Old Buddha turned upon him with an angry
reprimand. “You think.” she said, “that I am old, and
in my dotage, but you should have learned by now that
when I make up my mind nothing stops me from acting
upon it. At a critical time in a nation’s affairs a youthful
Sovereign is no doubt a source of danger to the State,
but do not forget that I shall be here to direct and assist
Prince Ch’un.” Then, turning to the other Councillors, she
continued:—“Draft two Decrees at once, in my name,
the first, appointing Tsai-feng, Prince Ch’un, to be ‘Prince
co-operating in the Government’ and the second commanding
that P’u Yi, son of Prince Ch’un, should enter the palace
forthwith, to be brought up within the precincts.” She
ordered Prince Ch’ing to inform the Emperor of these
Decrees.</p>

<p>Kuang-Hsü was still conscious, and understood what Prince
Ch’ing said to him. “Would it not have been better,” he
said, “to nominate an adult? No doubt, however, the
Empress Dowager knows best.” Upon hearing of the
appointment of Prince Ch’un to the Regency, he expressed
his gratification. This was at 3 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>; two hours later the
infant Prince had been brought into the Palace, and was
taken by his father to be shown both to the Empress
Dowager and the Emperor. At seven o’clock on the following
morning the physicians in attendance reported that His
Majesty’s “nose was twitching and his stomach rising,”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_460"></a>[460]</span>
from which signs they knew that his end was at hand.
During the night, feeling that death was near, he had
written out his last testament, in a hand almost illegible,
prefacing the same with these significant words:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“We were the second son of Prince Ch’un when the
Empress Dowager selected Us for the Throne. She has
always hated Us, but for Our misery of the past ten years
Yüan Shih-k’ai is responsible, and one other” (the second
name is said to have been illegible). “When the time
comes I desire that Yüan be summarily beheaded.”</p>

</div>

<p>The Emperor’s consort took possession of this document,
which, however, was seen by independent witnesses. Its
wording goes to show that any conciliatory attitude on
the part of the Emperor during the last year must have
been inspired by fear and not by any revival of affection.</p>

<p>Later in the day a Decree was promulgated, announcing
to the inhabitants of Peking and the Empire that their
sovereign’s condition was desperate, and calling on the
provinces to send their most skilful physicians post-haste
to the capital so that, perchance, His Majesty’s life might
yet be saved. The Decree described in detail the symptoms,
real or alleged, of Kuang-Hsü’s malady. It was generally
regarded as a perfunctory announcement of an unimportant
event, long expected.</p>

<p>At 3 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> the Empress Dowager came to the “Ocean
Terrace” to visit the Emperor, but he was unconscious, and
did not know her. Later, when a short return of consciousness
occurred, his attendants endeavoured to persuade him
to put on the Ceremonial Robes of Longevity, in which
etiquette prescribes that sovereigns should die. It is the
universal custom that, if possible, the patient should don
these robes in his last moments, for it is considered unlucky
if they are put on after death. His Majesty, however,
obstinately declined, and at five o’clock he died, in the
presence of the Empress Dowager, his consort, the two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_461"></a>[461]</span>
secondary consorts, and a few eunuchs. The Empress
Dowager did not remain to witness the ceremony of clothing
the body in the Dragon Robes, but returned forthwith to
her own palace, where she gave orders for the issue of his
valedictory Decree and for the proclamation of the new
Emperor.</p>

<p>The most interesting passage of the Emperor’s valedictory
Decree was the following:—“Reflecting on the critical
condition of our Empire, we have been led to combine the
Chinese system with certain innovations from foreign
countries. We have endeavoured to establish harmony
between the common people and converts to Christianity.
We have reorganised the army and founded colleges. We
have fostered trade and industries and have made provision
for a new judicial system, paving also the way for a Constitutional
form of government, so that all our subjects may
enjoy the continued blessings of peace.” After referring to
the appointment of the Regent and the nomination of a
successor to the Dragon Throne, he concludes (or rather the
Empress concluded for him) with a further reference to the
Constitution, and an appeal to his Ministers to purify their
hearts and prepare themselves, so that, after nine years,
the new order may be accomplished, and the Imperial
purposes successfully achieved.</p>

<p>The Old Buddha appeared at this juncture to be in particularly
good spirits, astonishing all about her by her
vivacity and keenness. She gave orders that a further
Decree be published, in the name of the new Emperor, containing
the usual laudation of the deceased monarch and an
expression of the infant Emperor’s gratitude to the Empress
Dowager for her benevolence in placing him on the Throne.</p>

<p>It will be remembered that the Censor Wu K’o-tu committed
suicide at the beginning of Kuang-Hsü’s reign, as an
act of protest at the irregularity in the succession, which left
no heir to the Emperor T’ung-Chih, that monarch’s spirit
being left desolate and without a successor to perform on his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_462"></a>[462]</span>
behalf the ancestral sacrifices. The child, P’u Yi, having
now been made heir by adoption to T’ung-Chih, in fulfilment
of the promise made by Tzŭ Hsi at the time of this
sensational suicide, it appeared as if the irregularity were
about to be repeated, and the soul of Kuang-Hsü to be left
in a similar orbate condition in the Halls of Hades, unless
some means could be found to solve the difficulty and meet
the claims of both the deceased Emperors. In the event of
Kuang-Hsü being left without heir or descendant to perform
the all-important worship at his shrine, there could be
but little doubt that the feelings of the orthodox would again
be outraged, and the example of Wu K’o-tu might have been
followed by other Censors. The Empress Dowager, realising
the importance of the question, solved it in her own masterful
way by a stroke of policy which, although without
precisely applicable precedent in history, nevertheless
appeared to satisfy all parties, and to placate all prejudices,
if only by reason of its simplicity and originality. Her
Decree on the subject was as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The Emperor T’ung-Chih, having left no heir, was compelled
to issue a Decree to the effect that so soon as a child
should be born to His Majesty Kuang-Hsü, that child
would be adopted as Heir to the Emperor T’ung-Chih. But
now His Majesty Kuang-Hsü has ascended on high, dragon-borne,
and he also has left no heir. I am, therefore, now
obliged to decree that P’u Yi, son of Tsai Feng, the ‘Prince
co-operating in the Government,’ should become heir by
adoption to the Emperor T’ung-Chih, and that, at the same
time, he should perform joint sacrifices at the shrine of
His Majesty Kuang-Hsü.”</p>

</div>

<p>To those who are acquainted with the tangled web of
Chinese Court ceremonial and the laws of succession, it
would seem that so simple (and so new) an expedient might
suitably have been adopted on previous similar occasions,
since all that was required was to make the individual living
Emperor assume a dual personality towards the dead, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_463"></a>[463]</span>
one cannot help wondering whether the classical priestcraft
which controls these things would have accepted the
solution so readily at the hands of anyone less masterful
and determined than Tzŭ Hsi.</p>

<p>In a subsequent Decree the Empress Dowager handed
over to the Regent full control in all routine business,
reserving only to herself the last word in all important
matters of State. The effect of this arrangement was to
place Prince Ch’un in much the same position of nominal
sovereignty as that held by Kuang-Hsü himself, until such
time as the young Emperor should come of age, or until
the death of the Empress Dowager. In other words,
Tzŭ Hsi had once more put in operation the machinery by
which she had acquired and held the supreme power since
the death of her husband, the Emperor Hsien-Feng. There
is little doubt that at this moment she fully expected to live
for many years more, and that she made her plans so as to
enjoy to the end uninterrupted and undiminished authority.
In her Decree on this subject, wherein, as usual, she justifies
her proceedings by reference to the critical condition of
affairs, she states that the Regent is to carry on the Government
“subject always to the instructions of the Empress
Dowager,” and there can be no doubt that had she lived the
Emperor’s brother would no more have been permitted any
independent initiative or authority than the unfortunate
Kuang-Hsü himself.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_464"></a>[464]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXVII">XXVII<br>
<span class="smaller">TZŬ HSI’S DEATH AND BURIAL</span></h2>

</div>

<p>At the close of a long and exciting day, Her Majesty
retired to rest on the 14th of November, weary with her
labours but apparently much improved in health. Next
morning she arose at her usual hour, 6 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, gave audience
to the Grand Council and talked for some time with the
late Emperor’s widow, with the Regent and with his wife,
the daughter of Jung Lu. By a Decree issued in the name
of the infant Emperor, she assumed the title of Empress
Grand Dowager, making Kuang-Hsü’s widow Empress
Dowager. Elaborate ceremonies were planned to celebrate
the bestowal of these new titles, and to proclaim the installation
of the Regent. Suddenly, at noon, while sitting at
her meal, the Old Buddha was seized with a fainting fit, long
and severe. When at last she recovered consciousness, it
was clear to all that the stress and excitement of the past
few days had brought on a relapse, her strength having been
undermined by the long attack of dysentery. Realising
that her end was near, she hurriedly summoned the new
Empress Dowager, the Regent and the Grand Council to
the Palace, where, upon their coming together, she dictated
the following Decree, speaking in the same calm tones
which she habitually used in transacting the daily routine of
Government work:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“By command of the Empress Grand Dowager: Yesterday
I issued an Edict whereby Prince Ch’un was made<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_465"></a>[465]</span>
Regent, and I commanded that the whole business of
Government should be in his hands, subject only to my
instructions. Being seized of a mortal sickness, and
being without hope of recovery, I now order that henceforward
the government of the Empire shall be entirely in
the hands of the Regent. Nevertheless, should there arise
any question of vital importance, in regard to which an
expression of the Empress Dowager’s opinion is desirable,
the Regent shall apply in person to her for instructions, and
act accordingly.”</p>

</div>

<p>The significance of the conclusion of this Decree is
apparent to anyone familiar with Chinese Court procedure
and with the life history of the Empress herself. Its ingenious
wording was expressly intended to afford to the new Empress
Dowager and the Yehonala Clan an opportunity for intervention
at any special crisis, thus maintaining the Clan’s
final authority and safeguarding its position in the event of
any hostile move by the Regent or his adherents. And the
result of this precaution has already been shown on the occasion
of the recent dismissal of Tuan Fang<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> from the Viceroyalty
of Chihli for alleged want of respect in connection
with the funeral ceremonies of the Empress Dowager, an episode
which showed clearly that the Regent has no easy game
to play, and that the new Empress Dowager, Lung Yu, has
every intention to defend the position of the Clan and to
take advantage thereof along lines very similar to those
followed by her august predecessor.</p>

<p>After issuing the Decree above quoted, the Empress
Dowager, rapidly sinking, commanded that her valedictory
Decree be drafted and submitted to her for approval. This
was done quickly. After perusing the document, she proceeded
to correct it in several places, notably by the addition
of the sentence, “It became my inevitable and bounden
duty to assume the Regency.” Commenting on this addition,
she volunteered the explanation that she wished it inserted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_466"></a>[466]</span>
because on more than one occasion her assumption of the
supreme power had been wrongfully attributed to personal
ambition, whereas, as a matter of fact, the welfare of the State
had always weighed with her as much as her own inclinations,
and she had been forced into this position. From her
own pen also came the touching conclusion of the Decree, that
sentence which begins: “Looking back over the memories
of these fifty years,” etc. She observed, in writing this,
that she had nothing to regret in her life, and could only
wish that it might have lasted for many years more. She
then proceeded to bid an affectionate farewell to her numerous
personal attendants and the waiting maids around her, all of
whom were overcome by very real and deep grief. To the
end her mind remained quite clear, and, at the very point of
death, she continued to speak as calmly as if she were just
about to set out on one of her progresses to the Summer
Palace. Again and again, when all thought the end had
come, she recovered consciousness, and up to the end the
watchers at her bedside could not help hoping (or fearing, as
the case might be with them) that she would yet get the
better of Death. At the last, <i>in articulo mortis</i>, they asked
her, in accordance with the Chinese custom, to pronounce
her last words. Strangely significant was the answer of the
extraordinary woman who had moulded and guided the
destinies of the Chinese people for half a century: “Never
again,” she said, “allow any woman to hold the supreme
power in the State. It is against the house-law of our Dynasty
and should be strictly forbidden. Be careful not to permit
eunuchs to meddle in Government matters. The Ming
Dynasty was brought to ruin by eunuchs, and its fate should
be a warning to my people.” Tzŭ Hsi died, as she had lived,
above the law, yet jealous of its fulfilment by others. Only
a few hours before she had provided for the transmission of
authority to a woman of her own clan: now, confronting
the dark Beyond, she hesitated to perpetuate a system which,
in any but the strongest hands, could not fail to throw the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_467"></a>[467]</span>
Empire into confusion. She died, as she had lived, a
creature of impulse and swiftly changing moods, a woman of
infinite variety.</p>

<p>At 3 <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>, straightening her limbs, she expired with her
face to the south, which is the correct position, according to
Chinese ideas, for a dying sovereign. It was reported by
those who saw her die that her mouth remained fixedly
open, which the Chinese interpret as a sign that the spirit of
the deceased is unwilling to leave the body and to take its
departure for the place of the Nine Springs.</p>

<p>Thus died Tzŭ Hsi; and when her ladies and handmaidens
had dressed the body in its Robes of State, embroidered
with the Imperial Dragon, her remains and those of the
Emperor were borne from the Lake Palace to the Forbidden
City, through long lines of their kneeling subjects, and were
reverently laid in separate Halls of the Palace, with all due
state and ceremony.</p>

<p>The valedictory Decree of Tzŭ Hsi, the last words from
that pen which had indeed been mightier than many swords,
was for the most part a faithful reproduction of the classical
models, the orthodox swan song of the ruler of a people
which makes of its writings a religion. Its text is as
follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p class="hanging"><i>The Valedictory Mandate of Her Majesty Tz’ŭ-Hsi-Tuan-Yu-K’ang-I-Chao-Yü-Chuang-Cheng-Shou-Kung-Ch’in-Hsien-Ch’ung-Hsi,
the Empress Grand Dowager, declareth as
follows:—</i></p>

<p>“I, of humble virtue, did reverently receive the
appointment of the late Emperor Hsien-Feng, which
prepared for me a place amongst his Consorts. When
the late Emperor T’ung-Chih succeeded in early childhood
to the Throne, there was rebellion still raging in the land,
which was being vigorously suppressed. Not only did
the Taiping and turbaned rebels engage in successive
outbreaks, but disorder was spread by the Kuei-chou<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_468"></a>[468]</span>
aborigines and by Mahomedan bandits. The provinces of
the coast were in great distress, the people on the verge of
ruin, widespread distress confronting us on all sides.</p>

<p>“Co-operating then with the senior Consort of Hsien-Feng,
the Empress Dowager of the Eastern Palace, I
undertook the heavy duties of Government, toiling ever,
day and night. Obeying the behests of His late Majesty,
my husband, I urged on the Metropolitan and provincial
officials, as well as the military commanders, directing their
policies and striving for the restoration of peace. I employed
virtuous officials and was ever ready to listen to wise
counsel. I relieved my people’s distress in time of flood and
famine. By the goodwill and bounty of Heaven, I suppressed
the rebellions and out of dire peril restored peace.
Later, when the Emperor T’ung-Chih passed away and
the Emperor Kuang-Hsü, now just deceased, entered by
adoption upon the great heritage, the crisis was even more
dangerous and the condition of the people even more
pitiable. Within the Empire calamities were rife, while
from abroad we were confronted by repeated and increasing
acts of aggression.</p>

<p>“Once again it became my inevitable and bounden duty
to assume the Regency. Two years ago I issued a Decree
announcing the Throne’s intention to grant a Constitution,
and this present year I have promulgated the date at which
it is to come into effect. Innumerable affairs of State have
required direction at my hands and I have laboured without
ceasing and with all my might. Fortunately, my constitution
was naturally strong, and I have been able to face my
duties with undiminished vigour. During the summer and
autumn of this year, however, I have frequently been in bad
health, at a time when pressing affairs of State allowed me no
repose. I lost my sleep and appetite, and gradually my
strength failed me. Yet even then I took no rest, not for a
single day. And yesterday saw the death of His Majesty
Kuang-Hsü; whereat my grief overwhelmed me. I can
bear no more, and so am I come to the pass where no
possible hope of recovery remains.</p>

<p>“Looking back upon the memories of these last fifty
years, I perceive how calamities from within and aggression<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_469"></a>[469]</span>
from without have come upon us in relentless succession,
and that my life has never enjoyed a moment’s respite
from anxiety. But to-day definite progress has been made
towards necessary reforms. The new Emperor is but an
infant, just reaching the age when wise instruction is of
the highest importance. The Prince Regent and all our
officials must henceforth work loyally together to strengthen
the foundations of our Empire. His Majesty must devote
himself to studying the interests of the country and so
refrain from giving way to personal grief. That he may
diligently pursue his studies, and hereafter add fresh lustre
to the glorious achievements of his ancestors, is now my
most earnest prayer.</p>

<p>“Mourning to be worn for only twenty-seven days.</p>

<p>“Cause this to be everywhere known!</p>

<p class="right">“Tenth Moon, 23rd day (November the 15th).”</p>

</div>

<p>The title by which Her Majesty was canonised contains
no less than twenty-two characters, sixteen of which were
hers at the day of her death, the other six having been
added in the Imperial Decrees which recorded her decease
and praised her glorious achievements. The first character
“Dutiful”—<i>i.e.</i> to her husband—is always accorded to a
deceased Empress. It is significant of the unpractical
nature of the <i>literati</i>, or of their cynicism, that the second of
her latest titles signifies “reverend,” implying punctilious
adherence to ancestral traditions! The third and fourth
mean “Equal of Heaven,” which places her on a footing
of equality with Confucius, while the fifth and sixth raise
her even higher than the Sage in the national Pantheon,
for it means “Increase in Sanctity,” of which Confucius
was only a “Manifestor.” In the records of the Dynasty
she will henceforth be known as the Empress “Dutiful,
Reverend and Glorious,” a title, according to the laws
of Chinese honorifics, higher than any woman ruler has
hitherto received since the beginning of history.</p>

<p>Since her death the prestige of the Empress Dowager,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_470"></a>[470]</span>
and her hold on the imagination of the people, have grown
rather than decreased. Around her coffin, while it lay first
in her Palace of Peaceful Longevity and later in a hall
at the foot of the Coal Hill, north of the Forbidden City,
awaiting the appointed day propitious for burial, there
gathered something more than the conventional regrets
and honours which fall usually to the lot of China’s rulers.
Officials as well as people felt that with her they had
lost the strong hand of guidance, and a personality which
appealed to most of them as much from the human as from
the official point of view. Their affectionate recollections
of the Old Buddha were clearly shown by the elaborate
sacrifices paid to her <i>manes</i> at various periods from the day
of her death to that day, a year later, when her ancestral
tablet was brought home to the Forbidden City from the
Imperial tombs with all pomp and circumstance.</p>

<p>On the All Souls’ day of the Buddhists, celebrated in the
7th Moon, and which fell in the September following her
death, a magnificent barge made of paper and over a hundred
and fifty feet long was set up outside the Forbidden City on
a large empty space adjoining the Coal Hill. It was crowded
with figures of attendant eunuchs and handmaidens, and
contained furniture and viands for the use of the illustrious
dead in the lower regions. A throne was placed in the
bows, and around it were kneeling effigies of attendant
officials all wearing their Robes of State as if the shade of
Tzŭ Hsi were holding an audience.</p>

<p>On the morning of the All Souls’ festival the Regent, in
the name of the Emperor, performed sacrifice before the
barge, which was then set alight and burnt, in order that
the Old Buddha might enjoy the use of it at the “yellow
springs.” A day or two before her funeral, hundreds of
paper effigies of attendants, cavalry, camels and other pack
animals, were similarly burnt so that her spirit might
enjoy all the pomp to which she had been accustomed
in life.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_471"></a>[471]</span></p>

<p>The following account of her funeral is reproduced from
<i>The Times</i> of 27th November, 1909:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The 9th of November at 5 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> was the hour of good
omen originally chosen by the Astrologers for the departure
of the remains of Her late Majesty the Empress Dowager
from their temporary resting place in the Forbidden City to
the mausoleum prepared for her at the Eastern Hills. To
meet the convenience of the foreign representatives, the hour
was subsequently changed to 7 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span></p>

<p>“The arrangements for the procession and the part taken
therein by the Diplomatic Body, were generally similar to
those of the funeral of His Majesty Kuang-Hsü, but the
mounted troops were more numerous and better turned out,
the police were noticeably smarter and well-dressed, and the
pageant as a whole was in many respects more imposing.
But for those who, in May last, witnessed the late Emperor’s
funeral, the scene lacked one element of its brilliantly
picturesque effect, namely, the bright sunshine which on
that occasion threw every detail and distinctive note of the
<i>cortège</i> into clear relief against the grey background of the
Palace walls. The day was cold, with lowering clouds, and
the long delay which preceded the appearance of the
catafalque at the point where the Diplomatic Body was
stationed had an inevitably depressing effect on the
spectators.</p>

<p>“The catafalque was borne by eighty-four bearers, the
largest number which can carry this unwieldy burden through
the City gates; but beyond the walls the coffin was transferred
to a larger bier borne by one hundred and twenty men.
In front walked the Prince Regent, the bodyguard of
Manchu Princes and the members of the Grand Council,
attended by the Secretariat staff. Behind rode first a smart
body of troops, followed by a large number of camels whose
Mongol attendants carried tent-poles and other articles for
use in the erection of the ‘matshed palaces,’ wherein the
coffin rests at night at the different stages of the four days’
journey to the tombs. Behind the Mongols were borne in
procession the gaudy honorific umbrellas presented to the
Old Buddha on the occasion of her return from exile at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_472"></a>[472]</span>
Hsi-an fu in 1901: all these were burnt on the 16th instant
when the body was finally entombed. Following the waving
umbrellas came a body of Lama dignitaries, and after them
a contingent from the Imperial Equipage Department bearing
Manchu sacrificial vessels, Buddhist symbols and
embroidered banners. Conspicuous in the <i>cortège</i> were three
splendid chariots with trappings and curtains of Imperial
yellow silk, emblazoned with dragons and phœnixes, and two
palanquins similar to those used by the Empress Dowager
on her journeys in State; these also were burned at the
mausoleum. Noticeable figures in the procession were the
six chief eunuchs, including the notorious Li Lien-ying
and the short handsome attendant who usually accompanied
the Empress’s sedan chair. The spectacle, as a whole, was
most impressive; no such pomp and circumstance, say the
Chinese, has marked the obsequies of any Empress of China
since the funeral of the Empress Wu (<i>circa</i> <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 700) of
whom the annals record that hundreds of attendants were
buried alive in her mausoleum.</p>

<p>“The police arrangements attracted general attention by
their remarkable efficiency, which many Chinese attribute to
the present Empress Dowager’s constant fear of assassination.
Every closed door along the route of the procession was
closely guarded by soldiers and special precautions taken
against bomb-throwing. The street guards were numerous
and alert, and the arrangements generally were characterised
by discipline and decorum. There was little confusion in
the <i>cortège</i>, and none of the unseemly shouting usual on
such occasions.</p>

<p>“Ninety miles away, in a silent spot surrounded by virgin
pine forest and backed by protecting hills, are the Eastern
Tombs, towards which, for four days, the great catafalque
made its way along the yellow-sanded road. There stands the
mausoleum, originally built by the faithful Jung Lu for his
Imperial Mistress at a cost which stands in the government
records at eight millions of taels. It is close to the ‘Ting
Ling,’ the burial-place of her husband, the Emperor Hsien-Feng.
To the west of it stands the tomb of her colleague
and co-Regent (the Empress Tzŭ An), and on the
east that of the first Consort of Hsien-Feng, who died before<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_473"></a>[473]</span>
his accession to the Throne, and was subsequently canonised
as Empress. Throughout her lifetime, and particularly of
late years, Yehonala took great interest and pride in her last
resting-place, visiting it at intervals and exacting the most
scrupulous attention from those entrusted with its building
and adornment. On one occasion, in 1897, when practically
completed, she had it rebuilt because the teak pillars were not
sufficiently massive. After the death of Jung Lu, Prince
Ch’ing became responsible for the custody of the tomb and
its precious contents—the sacrificial vessels of carved jade,
the massive vases and incense burners of gold and silver,
which adorn the mortuary chamber; the richly-jewelled
couch to receive the coffin, and the carved figures of serving
maids and eunuchs who stand for ever in attendance. After
the last ceremony at the tomb, when the Princes, Chamberlains
and high officials had taken their final farewell of the
illustrious dead, while the present Empress Dowager, with
her attendants and the surviving consorts of the Emperors
Hsien-Feng and T’ung-Chih, offered the last rites in the
mortuary chamber, the massive stone door of the tomb was
let down and the resting-place of Tzŭ Hsi closed for ever.</p>

<p>“The cost of the late Emperor’s funeral has been officially
recorded, with the nice accuracy which characterises Chinese
finance, at 459,940 taels, 2 mace, 3 candareens and 6 li. As
the cost of a funeral in China closely reflects the dignity of
the deceased and the “face” of his or her immediate survivors,
these figures become particularly interesting when
compared with the cost of the Empress Dowager’s funeral,
which is placed at one and a-quarter to one and a-half million
taels. Rumour credited the Regent with an attempt to cut
down this expenditure, which attempt he abandoned at the
last moment in the face of the displeasure of the powerful
Yehonala Clan. That the Old Buddha’s magnificent funeral
was appreciated by the populace of Peking is certain, for to
them she was for fifty years a sympathetic personality and a
great ruler.</p>

<p>“The conveyance of Her Majesty’s ancestral tablet from the
tombs of the Eastern Hills to its resting-place in the Temple
of Ancestors in the Forbidden City was a ceremony in the
highest degree impressive and indicative of the vitality of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_474"></a>[474]</span>
those feelings which make ancestor-worship the most
important factor in the life of the Chinese. The tablet, a
simple strip of carved and lacquered wood, bearing the
name of the deceased in Manchu and Chinese characters,
had been officially present at the burial. With the closing
of the great door of the tomb the spirit of the departed ruler
is supposed to be translated to the tablet, and to the latter is
therefore given honour equal to that which was accorded to
the sovereign during her lifetime. Borne aloft in a gorgeous
chariot draped with Imperial yellow silk and attended by a
large mounted escort, Tzŭ Hsi’s tablet journeyed slowly and
solemnly, in three days’ stages, from the Eastern Hills to
Peking. At each stage it rested for the night in a specially
constructed pavilion, being ‘invited’ by the Master of the
Ceremonies, on his knees and with all solemnity, to be
pleased to leave its chariot and rest. For the passage of this
habitation of the spirit of the mighty dead the Imperial road
had been specially prepared and swept by an army of men;
it had become a <i>via sacra</i> on which no profane feet might
come or go. As the procession bearing the sacred tablet
drew near to the gates of the capital, the Prince Regent and
all the high officers of the Court knelt reverently to receive it.
All traffic was stopped; every sound stilled in the streets,
where the people knelt to do homage to the memory of the
Old Buddha. Slowly and solemnly the chariot was borne
through the main gate of the Forbidden City to the Temple
of the Dynasty’s ancestors, the most sacred spot in the
Empire, where it was ‘invited’ to take its appointed place
among the nine Ancestors and their thirty-five Imperial
Consorts. Before this could be done, however, it was
necessary that the tablets of Tzŭ Hsi’s son, T’ung-Chih,
and of her daughter-in-law, should first be removed from
that august assembly, because due ceremony required that
the arriving tablet should perform obeisance to those of its
ancestors, and it would not be fitting for the tablet of a
parent to perform this ceremony in the presence of that of a
son or daughter-in-law. The act of obeisance was performed
by deputy, in the person of the Regent acting for the child
Emperor, and consisted of nine kowtows before each tablet in
the Temple, or about 400 prostrations in all. When these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_475"></a>[475]</span>
had been completed, with due regard to the order of seniority
of the deceased, the tablets of the Emperor T’ung-Chih and
his wife were formally ‘invited’ to return to the Temple,
where obeisance was made on their behalf to the shade of
Tzŭ Hsi which had been placed in the shrine beside that of
her former colleague and co-Regent, the Empress Tzŭ An.
Thus ended the last ceremonial act of the life and death of
this remarkable woman; but her spirit still watches over the
Forbidden City and the affairs of her people, who firmly
believe that it will in due time guide the nation to a happy
issue out of all their afflictions. As time goes on, the weaknesses
of her character and the errors of her career are forgotten,
and her greatness only remembered. And no better
epitaph could be written for this great Manchu than that of
her own valedictory Decree which, rising above all the pettiness
and humiliations of her reign, looking death and change
steadfastly in the face, raises her in our eyes (to quote a
writer in the <i>Spectator</i>)<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> ‘to that vague ideal state of human
governance imagined by the Greek, when the Kings should
be philosophers and the philosophers Kings.’”</p>

</div>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus27" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus27.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Marble Bridge
  over the Lake in the Western Park which surrounds the Lake Palace.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Betines, Peking.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus28" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus28.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">“Ti Wang Miao” or
  Temple to the Memory of Virtuous Emperors of Previous Dynasties.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Betines, Peking.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_476"></a>[476]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="XXVIII">XXVIII<br>
<span class="smaller">CONCLUSION</span></h2>

</div>

<p>“All sweeping judgments,” says Coleridge, “are unjust.”
“<i>Comprendre</i>,” says the French philosopher, “<i>c’est tout
pardonner</i>.” To understand the life and personality of the
Empress Dowager, it is before everything essential to divest
our minds of racial prejudice and to endeavour to appreciate
something of the environment and traditions to which she
was born. In the words of the thoughtful article in the
<i>Spectator</i>, already quoted, “she lived and worked and
ruled in a setting which is apart from all western modes of
thought and standards of action, and the first step in the
historian’s task is to see that she is judged by her own
standards and not wholly by ours.” Judged by the rough
test of public opinion and accumulating evidence in her
own country, Tzŭ Hsi’s name will go down to history in
China as that of a genius in statecraft and a born ruler,
a woman “with all the courage of a man, and more than the
ordinary man’s intelligence.”<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p>

<p>Pending that reform and liberty of the press which is
still the distant dream of “Young China,” no useful record
of the life and times of the Empress Dowager is to be
expected from any Chinese writer. Despite the mass of
information which exists in the diaries and archives of
metropolitan officials and the personal reminiscences of those<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_477"></a>[477]</span>
who knew her well, nothing of any human interest or value
has been published on the subject in China. From the
official and orthodox point of view, a truthful biography
of the Empress would be sacrilege. It is true that in the
vernacular newspapers under European protection at the
Treaty Ports, as well as in Hongkong and Singapore,
Cantonese writers have given impressions of Her Majesty’s
personality and brief accounts of her life, but these are
so hopelessly biassed and distorted by hatred of the Manchus
as to be almost worthless for historical purposes, as worthless
as the dry chronicles of the Dynastic annals. Reference has
already been made to the best known of these publications,
a series of letters originally published in a Singapore newspaper
and republished under the title of “The Chinese
Crisis from within,”<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> by a writer who, under the <i>nom-de-plume</i>
of “Wen Ching,” concealed the identity of one of K’ang
Yu-wei’s most ardent disciples. His work is remarkable for
sustained invective and reckless inaccuracy, clearly intended
to create an atmosphere of hatred against the Manchus (for
the ultimate benefit of the Cantonese) in the minds of his
countrymen, and to dissuade the foreign Powers from
allowing the Empress to return to Peking. Drawing on
a typically Babu store of “western learning,” this writer
compares the Empress to Circe, Semiramis, Catherine de
Medici, Messalina, Fulvia, and Julia Agrippina; quoting
Dante and Rossetti to enforce his arguments, and leavening
his vituperation with a modicum of verifiable facts sufficient
to give to his narrative something of <i>vraisemblance</i>. But
his judgment is emphatically sweeping. He ignores alike
Tzŭ Hsi’s undeniable good qualities and her extenuating
circumstances, the defects of her education and the difficulties
of her position, so that his work is almost valueless.</p>

<p>Equally valueless, for purposes of historical accuracy,
are most of the accounts and impressions of the Empress
recorded by those Europeans (especially the ladies of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_478"></a>[478]</span>
Diplomatic Body and their friends) who saw her personality
and purposes reflected in the false light which beats
upon the Dragon Throne on ceremonial occasions, or who
came under the influence of the deliberate artifices and
charm of manner which she assumed so well. Had the
etiquette of her Court and people permitted intercourse
with European diplomats and distinguished visitors of the
male sex, she would certainly have acquired, and exercised
over them also, that direct personal influence which emanated
from her extraordinary vitality and will-power, influence
such as the western world has learned to associate with the
names of the Emperor William of Germany and Mr.
Roosevelt. Restricted as she was to social relations with
her own sex amongst foreigners, she exerted herself, and
never failed, to produce on them an impression of womanly
grace and gentleness of disposition, which qualities we find
accordingly praised by nearly all who came in contact with
her after the return of the Court, aye, even by those who
had undergone the horrors of the siege under the very walls
of her Palace. The glamour of her mysterious Court, the
rarity of the visions vouchsafed, the real charm of her
manner, and the apparently artless <i>bonhomie</i> of her bearing,
all combined to create in the minds of the European ladies
who saw her an impression as favourable as it was opposed
to every dictate of common sense and experience. In
certain notable instances, the effect of this impression reacted
visibly on the course of the Peace Protocol negotiations.</p>

<p>From the diary of Ching Shan we obtain an estimate of
Tzŭ Hsi’s character, formed by one who had enjoyed for
years continual opportunities of studying her at close
quarters—an estimate which was, and is, confirmed by the
popular verdict, the common report of the tea-houses and
market places of the capital. Despite her swiftly changing
and uncontrolled moods, her childish lack of moral sense, her
unscrupulous love of power, her fierce passions and revenges,
Tzŭ Hsi was no more the savage monster described by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_479"></a>[479]</span>
“Wen Ching,” than she was the benevolent, fashion-plate
Lady Bountiful of the American magazines. She was
simply a woman of unusual courage and vitality, of strong
will and unbounded ambition, a woman and an Oriental,
living out her life by such lights as she knew, and in accordance
with the traditions of her race and caste. Says Ching
Shan in the Diary: “<i>The nature of the Empress is peace-loving:
she has seen many springs and autumns. I myself
know well her refined and gentle tastes, her love of painting,
poetry and the theatre. When in a good mood she is the
most amiable and tractable of women, but at times her rage
is awful to witness.</i>” Here we have the woman drawn
from life, without <i>arrière pensée</i>, by a just but sympathetic
observer, the woman who could win, and hold, the affectionate
loyalty of the greatest men of her time, not to speak of
that of her retainers and serving maids; the woman whose
human interest and sympathy in everything around her, were
not withered by age nor staled by custom; yet who, at a
word, could send the fierce leaders of the Boxers cowering
from her presence. <i>Souvent femme varie.</i> Tzŭ Hsi, her
own mistress and virtual ruler of the Empire at the age of
twenty-four, had not had much occasion to learn to control
either her moods or her passions. Hers, from the first, was
the trick and temper of autocracy. Trained in the traditions
of a Court where human lives count for little, where power
maintains itself by pitiless and brutal methods, where treason
and foul deeds lie in waiting for the first signs of the ruler’s
weakness, how should she learn to put away from the
Forbidden City the hideous barbarities of its ways?</p>

<p>Let us remember her time and place. Consider the
woman’s environment and training, her marriage to a dissolute
puppet, her subsequent life in that gilded prison of the
Imperial City, with its endless formalities, base intrigues
and artificial sins. Prior to the establishment of China’s first
diplomatic relations with European nations, the Court of
Peking and its ways bore a strong resemblance to those of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_480"></a>[480]</span>
Medieval Europe; nor have successive routs and invasions
since that date changed any of its cherished traditions and
methods. In the words of a recent writer on medieval
history, the life of the Peking Palace, like that of our
fourteenth century, “was one of profound learning and
crass stupidity, of infantile gaiety and sudden tragedy, of
flashing fortunes and swift dooms. There is a certain
innocence about the very sinners of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. Many of their problems, indeed,
arose from the fact that this same childlike candour was
allied to the unworn forces of full manhood.” Whatever
crimes of cruelty and vengeance Tzŭ Hsi committed—and
they were many—be it said to her credit that
she had, as a rule, the courage of her convictions and
position, and sinned <i>coram publico</i>. Beneath the fierceness
without which an Oriental ruler cannot hope to remain
effective, there certainly beat a heart which could be kind,
if the conditions were propitious, and a rough sense of
humour, which is a common and pleasing trait of the
Manchus.</p>

<p>Let us also remember that in the East to-day (as it was
with us of Europe before the growth of that humanitarianism
which now shows signs of unhealthy exaggeration) pain and
death are part of the common, every-day risks of life, risks
lightly incurred by the average Oriental in the great game of
ambitions, loves and hates that is for ever played around the
Throne. Tzŭ Hsi played her royal part in the great game,
but it is not recorded of her that she ever took life from
sheer cruelty or love of killing. When she sent a man to
death, it was because he stood between her and the full and
safe gratification of her love of power. When her fierce rage
was turned against the insolence of the foreigner, she had
no scruple in consigning every European in China to the
executioner; when the Emperor’s favourite concubine
disputed her Imperial authority, she had no hesitation in
ordering her to immediate death; but in every recorded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_481"></a>[481]</span>
instance, except one, her methods were swift, clean, and,
from the Oriental point of view, not unmerciful. She had
no liking for tortures, or the lingering death. In all her
Decrees of vengeance, we find the same unhesitating firmness
in removing human obstacles from her path, combined with
a complete absence of that unnecessary cruelty which is so
frequently associated with despotism. Her methods, in fact,
were Elizabethan rather than Florentine.</p>

<p>If Tzŭ Hsi developed self-reliance early in life, the fact is
not to be wondered at, for it was little help that she had to
look for in her entourage of Court officials. Amongst the
effete classical scholars, the fat-paunched Falstaffs, the opium
sots, doddering fatalists and corrupt parasites of the Imperial
Clans, she seems, indeed, to have been an anachronism, a
“cast-back” to the virility and energy that won China for her
sturdy ancestors. She appeared to be the born and inevitable
ruler of the degenerate Dynasty, and if she became a
law unto herself, it was largely because there were few
about her fit to lead or to command.</p>

<p>Imbued with a very feminine love of luxury, addicted to
pleasure, and at one period of her life undoubtedly licentious
after the manner of her Court’s traditions, she combined
these qualities with a shrewd common sense and a marked
penchant for acquiring and amassing personal property. To
use her own phrase, she endeavoured in all things to observe
the principle of the “happy mean,” and seldom allowed her
love of pleasure to obscure her vision or to hinder her
purposes in the serious businesses of life.</p>

<p>Like many great rulers of the imperious and militant
type, she was remarkably superstitious, a punctilious observer
of the rites prescribed for averting omens and conciliating
the myriad gods and demons of the several religions of
China, a liberal supporter of priests and soothsayers.
Nevertheless, as with Elizabeth of England, her secular
instincts were <i>au fond</i> stronger than all her superstitions.
That sturdy common sense, which played so successfully<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_482"></a>[482]</span>
upon the weaknesses and the passions of her corrupt
entourage, never allowed any consideration for the powers
unseen to interfere seriously with her masterful handling of
things visible, or to curb her ruling passion for unquestioned
authority.</p>

<p>The qualities which made up the remarkable personality
of the Empress were many and complex, but of those which
chiefly contributed to her popularity and power we would
place, first, her courage, and next, a certain simplicity and
directness—both qualities that stand out in strong relief
against the timorous and tortuous tendencies of the average
Manchu. Of her courage there could be no doubt; even
amidst the chaos of the days of the Boxer terror it never
failed her, and Ching Shan is only one of many who bear
witness to her unconquerable spirit and <i>sang froid</i>. Amidst
scenes of desolation and destruction that might well shake
the courage of the bravest men, we see her calmly painting
bamboos on silk, or giving orders to stop the bombardment
of the Legations to allow of her excursion on the Lake.
How powerful is the dramatic quality of that scene where
she attacks and dominates the truculent Boxer leaders at
her very doors; or again when, on the morning of the flight,
she alone preserves presence of mind, and gives her orders
as coolly as if starting on a picnic! At such moments all
the defects of her training and temperament are forgotten in
the irresistible appeal of her nobler qualities.</p>

<p>Of those qualities, and of her divine right to rule, Tzŭ Hsi
herself was fully convinced, and no less determined than
His Majesty of Germany, to insist upon proper recognition
and respect for herself and her commanding place in the
scheme of the universe. Her belief in her own supreme
importance, and her superstitious habit of thought were
both strikingly displayed on the occasion when her portrait,
painted by Miss Carl for the St. Louis Exposition, was taken
from the Waiwupu on its departure to the United States. She
regarded this presentment of her august person as entitled, in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_483"></a>[483]</span>
all seriousness of ceremonial, to the same reverence as herself
and gave orders for the construction of a miniature railway,
to be built through the streets of the capital for its special
benefit. By this means the “sacred countenance” was
carried upright, under its canopy of yellow silk, and Her
Majesty was spared the thought of being borne in effigy on
the shoulders of coolies—a form of progress too suggestively
ill-omened to be endured. Before the portrait left the
Palace, the Emperor was summoned to prostrate himself
before it, and at its passing through the city, and along the
railway line, the people humbly knelt, as if it had been the
Old Buddha of flesh and blood. Incidents of this kind
emphasise the impossibility of fairly judging the Empress
by European standards of conduct and ideas. To get something
of the proper atmosphere and perspective, we must go
back to the early days of the Tudors.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp42" id="illus29" style="max-width: 25em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus29.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Portrait of
  the Empress Dowager.</span></p>
  <p>Painted from life by Miss Catharine A. Carl for the St. Louis
  Exposition, and now the property of the American Nation.</p>
  <p>(<i>Reproduced by permission of the Artist.</i>)</p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Blunt of speech herself, she was quick to detect and
resent flattery. Those who rose highest in her affection
and regard were essentially strong men, blunt outspoken
officials of the type of Jung Lu, Tseng Kuo-fan, and
Tso Tsung-t’ang; for those who would win her favour by
sycophancy she had a profound contempt, which she was at
no pains to conceal, though in certain instances (<i>e.g.</i>, Chang
Chih-tung) she overlooked the offence because of ripe
scholarship or courage. An amusing example of this trait
in her character occurred on one occasion when, after
perusing the examination papers for the selection of successful
candidates for the Hanlin Literary degrees, she expressed
herself in the following trenchant Decree:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“A certain candidate in the Hanlin examination, named
Yen Chen, has handed in some verses, the style of which is
excellent, but their subject matter contains a number of
allusions laudatory of the present Dynasty. This person has
evidently gone out of his way to refer to the present rulers
of the Empire, and has even seen fit to display gross flattery,
for his essay contains, amongst others, a sentence to the effect<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_484"></a>[484]</span>
that ‘we have now upon the Throne a female embodiment
of Yao and Shun.’<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> Now, the Throne defines merit in
candidates to-day on the same principles as those which were
in force under former Dynasties, its object being to form a
correct idea of the moral standards of candidates by perusal
of their essays and lyrical compositions. But this effort of
Yen Chen is nothing more than a laudatory ode, entirely
lacking in high seriousness. This is a grave matter: the
question involved is one closely affecting character and
moral training; such conduct cannot possibly be permitted
to continue. The examiners have placed Yen Chen at the
top of the list in the First Class; he is hereby relegated to
the last place in that class. Let our examiners for the
future take more care in scrutinising the papers submitted.”</p>

</div>

<p>As was only natural, Tzŭ Hsi was not above favouring her
own people, the Manchus, but one great secret of the solidity
of her rule undoubtedly lay in her broad impartiality and the
nice balance which she maintained between Chinese and
Manchus in all departments of the Government. She had
realised that the brains and energy of the country must come
from the Chinese, and that if the Manchus were to retain
their power and sinecure positions, it must be with the good
will of the Chinese and the loyalty of the Mandarin class in
the provinces. From the commencement of her rule, down
to the day when she handed over her Boxer kinsmen to the
executioner, she never hesitated to inflict impartial punishment
on Manchus, when public opinion was against them.
A case in point occurred in 1863, in connection with one of
her favourite generals, named Sheng Pao, who had gained
her sincere gratitude by his share in the war against the
British and French invaders in 1860, and who, by luck and
the ignorance of the Court, had been credited with having
stopped the advance of the Allies to Jehol. For these alleged
services she had awarded him special thanks and high honour.
In 1863, however, he was engaged in Shensi, fighting the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_485"></a>[485]</span>
Taipings, and, following a custom not unusual amongst
Chinese military commanders, had asked leave to win over
one of the rebel leaders by giving him an important official
position. Tzŭ Hsi, who had had ample opportunities to
learn something of the danger of this procedure, declined
to sanction his request, pointing out the objections thereto.
Sheng Pao ventured to suppress her Decree, and gave the
rebel the position in question. Success might have justified
him, but the ex-bandit justified Tzŭ Hsi by going back on his
word. Awaiting a good opportunity, he raised once more
the standard of revolt, massacred a number of officials, and
captured several important towns. General Sheng Pao was
arrested and brought in custody to Peking; under cross-examination
he confessed, amongst other misdemeanours,
that he had permitted women to accompany the troops
during this campaign, which, by Chinese military law, is a
capital offence. Other charges against him, however, he
denied, and, preserving an insolent attitude, demanded to be
confronted with his accusers. Tzŭ Hsi issued a characteristically
vigorous Decree in which she declared that the proper
punishment for his offence was decapitation, but inasmuch as
he had acquired merit by good work against the Taipings, as
well as against the British and French invaders, she graciously
granted him the privilege of committing suicide, of which he
promptly availed himself.</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi, as we have said, was extremely superstitious;
nor is this matter for wonder when we bear in mind the
medieval atmosphere of wizardous necromancy and familiar
spirits which she had perforce absorbed with her earliest
education. Following the precepts of Confucius, she preserved
always a broad and tolerant attitude on all questions
of religion, but, while reluctant to discuss things appertaining
to the unknown gods, she was always prepared to
conciliate them, and to allow her actions in everyday
affairs to be guided by the words of her wise men and
astrologers—“by dreams, and by Urim and by prophets.”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_486"></a>[486]</span>
Thus we find her in the first year of the Regency of her
son’s minority (1861) issuing, in his name, a Decree, which
carries back the mind irresistibly to Babylon and those days
when the magicians and soothsayers were high personages
in the State.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“During the night of the 15th of the 7th Moon,” it
begins, “there occurred a flight of shooting stars in the
southern hemisphere; ten days later, a comet appeared twice
in the sky to the north-west. Heaven sends not these warnings
in vain. For the last month Peking has been visited by
a grievous epidemic, whereof the continued severity fills us
with sore dismay. The Empresses Dowager have now
warned us that these portents of Heaven are sent because
of serious wrong in our system of government, of errors
unreformed and grievances unredressed,” and the Decree
ends by exhorting all concerned “to put away frivolous
things, so that Heaven, perceiving our reverend attitude,
may relent.”</p>

</div>

<p>In previous chapters we have shown with what punctilious
attention she consulted her astrologers in regard to the
propitious day for re-entering her capital on the Court’s
return from exile, her anxiety for scrupulous observance
of their advice being manifestly sincere. In her concern for
omens and portents she seemed, like Napoleon, to obey
instincts external and superior to another and very practical
side of her nature, which, however, asserted itself unmistakably
whenever vital issues were at stake and her supreme
authority threatened. She was at all times anxious to
secure the goodwill of the ancestral spirits, whose presence
she apprehended as a living reality, but even with these,
when it came to a direct issue between her own despotic
authority and their claims to consideration, she never
hesitated to relegate the mighty dead to the background,
content to appease them in due season by suitable expressions
of reverence and regret. The most notable instance of this
kind occurred when, disregarding the Dynastic laws of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_487"></a>[487]</span>
succession, she deprived her son, the Emperor T’ung-Chih,
of the rites of ancestral worship, committing thus a crime
which, as she well knew, was heinous in the eyes of the
Chinese people.</p>

<p>Her superstitious tendencies were most remarkably displayed
in the matter of the selection of the site of her
tomb, and its building, an occasion of which the Court
geomancers took full advantage. When T’ung-Chih reached
his majority in 1873, his first duty was to escort the Empresses
Dowager to the Eastern Mausolea, where, with much
solemnity, two auspicious sites, encircled by hills and
watered by streams, were selected and exorcised of all evil
influences. Further ceremonies and mystic calculations
were required to determine the auspicious dates for the
commencement of building operations; in these, and the
adornment of the tomb, Tzŭ Hsi continued to take the
keenest interest until the day of her death. In order to
secure scrupulous regard for its construction in accordance
with the requirements of her horoscope, and to make her
sepulchre a fitting and all-hallowed resting-place, she
entrusted its chief supervision to Jung Lu, who thus secured
a permanent post highly coveted by Manchu officials, in
which huge “squeezes” were a matter of precedent. The
geomantic conditions of these burial places gave unusual
trouble, the tomb of the Empress Tzŭ An having eventually
to be shifted fifteen feet two inches northwards, and four feet
seven and a half inches westwards, before the spirits of her
ancestors were perfectly satisfied, while that of Tzŭ Hsi was
removed seven feet four inches to the north and eight inches
to the eastward.</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi feared no man. From the first moment of her
power, secure in the sense of divine right and firmly believing
in her “star,” she savoured her authority like a rich wine.
The pleasure she derived from delivering homilies to the
highest officials in the Empire may be read between the lines
of her Decrees. Already in 1862, that is to say, before she<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_488"></a>[488]</span>
was twenty-seven years of age, we find her solemnly
admonishing the Grand Council on their duties, urging them
to adopt stricter standards of conduct, and to put a check on
their corrupt tendencies. “They are, of course, not debarred
from seeking advice from persons below them in society, but
let them be careful to avoid any attempt at forming cabals
or attracting to themselves troops of followers.” And on
another occasion, when she specially invited the Censors
to impeach Prince Kung, she observed: “In discussing the
principles of just government you should remember the
precept of the Confucian school, which is, ‘Be not weary in
well-doing: strict rectitude of conduct is the road royal
to good government. Face and overcome your difficulties,
and thus eventually earn the right to ease.’” Tzŭ Hsi could
turn out this sort of thing, which appeals to every Chinese
scholar, in good style and large quantities. She took pride
in the manufacture of maxims for the guidance of the
Mandarins, but there was always a suspicion that her tongue
was in her cheek while she carefully penned these copybook
platitudes, just as we know there was when she set herself to
display what <i>The Times</i> correspondent at Peking called
her “girlish abandon,” in order to regain the affection of
Mrs. Conger and the ladies of the Diplomatic Body.</p>

<p>Of the Empress Dowager’s popularity and prestige with
all classes of her subjects, there is no doubt. At Peking
especially, and throughout the Metropolitan Province, she
was the object of a very general and very sincere affection;
seldom is her name spoken except with expressions of
admiration and regard, very similar in effect to the feelings
of the British people for Her Majesty Queen Victoria.
Although her share of responsibility for the Boxer rising and
for the consequent sufferings inflicted on the people was
matter of common knowledge, little or no blame was ever
imputed to the Old Buddha. Her subjects loved her
for her very defects, for the foolhardy courage that had staked
the Empire on a throw. Amongst the lower classes it was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_489"></a>[489]</span>
the general opinion that she had done her best, and with the
best intentions. The scheme itself was magnificent—to
drive the foreigner into the sea—and it appealed to her
people as worthy of their ruler and of a better fate. If
it had failed for this time, it was the will of Heaven, and no
doubt at some future date success would justify her wisdom.
If they blamed her at all, it was for condescending to
intimate relations with the hated foreigner after the Court’s
return to Peking; but even in this, she had the sympathy
rather than the censure of her subjects.</p>

<p>To the great mass of her people, who had never seen her,
but knew her only by cumulative weight of common report,
the Old Buddha stood for the embodiment of courage,
liberality and kindness of heart. If, as they knew, she were
subject to fierce outbursts of sudden rage, the fact did her
no injury in the eyes of a race which believes that wrath-matter
undischarged is a virulent poison in the system.
The simple Chihli folk made allowance, not without its
sense of humour, for their august sovereign’s capacity to
generate wrath-matter, as for her feminine mutability: To
them she was a great ruler and a <i>bon enfant</i>. In a
country where merciless officials and torture are part of the
long-accepted order of things, no more stress was laid on her
numerous acts of cold blooded tyranny than, shall we say,
was laid on the beheading of Earls at the close of the
fifteenth century in England.</p>

<p>One of the writers had the good fortune once to see the
Empress when proceeding in her palanquin to the Eastern
tombs. She had breakfasted early at the Tung Yueh
temple outside the Ch’i Hua gate, and was on her way to
T’ung chou. As her chair passed along a line of kneeling
peasantry, the curtains were open and it was seen that the
Old Buddha was asleep. The good country people were
delighted. “Look,” they cried, “the Old Buddha is
sleeping. Really, she has far too much work to do! A
rare woman—what a pleasure to see her thus!”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_490"></a>[490]</span></p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi was recognised to be above criticism and above
the laws which she rigorously enforced on others. For
instance, when, a few weeks after the issue of a Decree
prohibiting corporal punishment and torture in prisons, she
caused the Reformer Shen Chin to be flogged to death (July,
1904), public opinion saw nothing extraordinary in the event.
A few days later, when preparations were being made for
the celebration of her seventieth birthday, she issued another
Decree, declining the honorific title dutifully proffered by the
Emperor, together with its emoluments, on the ground that
she had no heart for festivities, “being profoundly distressed
at the thought of the sufferings of my subjects in Manchuria,
owing to the destruction wrought there by the Russian
and Japanese armies. My one desire,” she added, “is
that my officials may co-operate to introduce more humane
methods of Government, so that my people may live to
enjoy good old age, resting on couches of comfortable
ease. This is the best way to honour the seventieth
anniversary of my birth.” No doubt the shade of Shen Chin
was duly appeased.</p>

<p>Of her vindictive ferocity on occasions there can be no
question. As Ching Shan admits, even her most faithful
admirers and servants were aware that at moments of her
wrath it was prudent to be out of her reach, or, if unavoidably
present, to abstain from thwarting her. They knew
that those who dared to question her absolute authority or
to criticise the means by which she gained and retained it,
need look for no mercy. But they knew also that for
faithful service and loyalty she had a royal memory and, like
Catherine of Russia, she never forgot her friends.</p>

<p>Her unpopularity in central and southern China, which
became marked after the war with Japan and violent at the
time of the <i>coup d’état</i>, was in its origin anti-dynastic and
political. It was particularly strong in Kuangtung, where
for years Her Majesty was denounced by agitators as
a monster of unparalleled depravity. The political opinions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_491"></a>[491]</span>
of the turbulent and quick-witted Cantonese have generally
been expressed in a lively and somewhat ribald form, and
when we bear in mind the popular tendency (not confined to
the Far East) of ascribing gross immorality to crowned
heads, we are justified in refusing to attach undue
importance to the wild accusations levelled against the
Empress Dowager in this quarter. The utterances of the
hotspurs and lampooners of southern China are chiefly
interesting in that they reveal something of the vast
possibilities of cleavage inherent in the Chinese Government
system, and prove the Manchu rule to have fallen into
something like contempt in that region where the new forces
of education and political activity are most conspicuous.</p>

<p>One of the doggerel verses current in 1898 fairly describes
the attitude of the Cantonese man in the street towards the
Dynasty. Freely translated, it runs thus:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“<i>There are three questions which men must not ask about
our Great Manchu Dynasty:</i></p>

<p>“<i>At what ancestral grave does His Majesty make filial
obeisance?</i></p>

<p>“<i>To what deity does the Empress Dowager sacrifice?</i></p>

<p>“<i>To what husbands are the Imperial Princesses married?</i>”</p>

</div>

<p>The first question is in allusion to the Emperor’s alleged
doubtful parentage, while the second refers to a mythical
New Year sacrifice, akin to those of Moloch, which the
scurrilous Cantonese attributed to Tzŭ Hsi and the ladies of
her Court. The last refers to the Manchu clan’s custom of
intermarriage which, in the eyes of the Chinese (who disapprove
even of marriage between persons of the same
surname), is illegal and immoral.</p>

<p>These, however, are but local manifestations, and they
lost much of their inspiration after the <i>coup d’état</i>. The
anti-dynastic tendencies noticeable in the vernacular press of
Shanghai, many of which assumed the form of personal
hostility to the Empress, were also little more than the local
result of Young China’s vague aspirations and desire for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_492"></a>[492]</span>
change, and reflected little weight of serious opinion. The
official class and the <i>literati</i> as a whole were loyal to Her
Majesty and regarded her with respect. They do not fail
to express admiration of her wisdom and statecraft, which
kept the Empire together under circumstances of great
difficulty. To her selection and support of Tseng Kuo-fan
they generally attribute China’s recovery from the disasters
of the Taiping rebellion, and to her sagacity in 1898 they
ascribe the country’s escape from dangers of sudden revolution.
They admit that had it not been for her masterly
handling of the Tsai Yüan conspiracy (1860-61), it is
doubtful whether the Dynasty could have held together
for a decade, and they realise, now that her strong hand no
longer grasps the helm, that the ship of State is likely to
drift into dangerous waters.</p>

<p>The everyday routine of Tzŭ Hsi’s life has been well
described in Miss Carl’s accurate and picturesque account of
the Palace ceremonial and amusements,<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> the first authoritative
picture of <i>la vie intime</i> of the Chinese Court. Apart from
a keen natural aptitude for State affairs (similar to that of
Queen Victoria, whom she greatly admired from afar),
Tzŭ Hsi maintained to the end of her days a lively interest
in literature and art, together with a healthy and catholic
appetite for amusement. She had an inveterate love for the
theatre, for masques and pageants, which she indulged at all
times and places, taking a professional interest in the players
and giving much advice about the performances, which she
selected daily from a list submitted to her. It was a matter
of comment, and some hostile criticism by Censors, that even
during the sojourn of the Court in the provincial wilderness
at Hsi-an, she summoned actors to follow the Court and
perform as usual.</p>

<p>Her private life had, no doubt, its phases. Of its details
we know but little prior to the period of the restoration of
the Summer Palace in the early nineties. In middle age,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_493"></a>[493]</span>
however, when she had assimilated the philosophy and
practice of the “happy mean,” her tastes became simple and
her habits regular. She was passionately fond of the
Summer Palace, of its gardens and the lake amongst the
hills, and towards the end of her life went as seldom as
possible into the city. She loved the freedom of the I-ho
Yüan, its absence of formal etiquette, her water-picnics and
the familiar intercourse of her favourite ladies, with whom
she would discuss the day’s news and the gossip of the
Imperial Clans. With these, especially with the wife of
Jung Lu and the Princess Imperial, she would talk endlessly
of old times and make plans for the future.</p>

<p>Her love of literature and profound knowledge of history
did much to win for her the respect of the Mandarin class,
with whom the classics are a religion. In her reading she
was, however, broad-minded, not to say omnivorous; it was
her custom to spend a certain time daily in having ancient
and modern authors read aloud by eunuchs specially trained
in elocution. She believed thoroughly in education, though
realising clearly the danger of putting new wine into old
skins; and she perceived towards the end of her life that the
rapidly changing conditions of the Empire had rendered the
wisdom of China’s Sages of little practical value as a basis of
administration. Her clearness of perception on this point,
contrasted with her action in 1898, is indeed remarkable,
but it should be remembered that much of her opposition to
the Emperor’s policy of reform was the result of personal
pique and outraged dignity, as in the case of her decision to
become a Boxer leader in 1900. As far back as 1876, at
the time of the establishment of the T’ung Wen College at
Peking for the teaching of languages and science, we find
her publicly rebuking a Censor who had declared that
mathematics was a subject suitable only for the Court of
Astronomers.</p>

<p>“The Throne has established this College,” she observed,
“because it is incumbent on our scholars to learn the rudiments<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_494"></a>[494]</span>
of mathematics and astronomy. These are not to be
regarded, as the Memorialist suggests, as cunning and
mechanical branches of knowledge. Let our officials study
them earnestly, and they will soon acquire proficiency; at
the same time let them avoid that undesirable specialisation
which comes from concentrated study of the classics. We
are now borrowing educational methods from foreign
countries with a view to broadening our own and increasing
its accuracy, but we have no intention of abandoning the
teachings of the Sages. How, then, can our action prove
detrimental to the minds of scholars?”</p>

<p>Frequent reference has been made in previous chapters
to the extravagance and licentious display of Tzŭ Hsi’s
Court during the years of the first Regency. The
remonstrances of the Censors on the subject were so
numerous and outspoken, so circumstantial in their charges,
as to leave little room for doubt that the Empress deserved
their indignant condemnation. All the records of that
period, and particularly from 1862 to 1869, point to the
evil and steadily-increasing influence of the eunuchs, whose
corruption and encouragement of lavish expenditure resulted
in continual demands on the provincial exchequers. But
even at the height of what may fairly be called her riotous
living, Tzŭ Hsi always had the good grace to concur publicly
in the virtuous suggestions of her monitors, and to conciliate
public opinion by professions of a strong desire for economy.
She would have her Imperial way, her splendid pageants
and garnered wealth of tribute, but the Censors should have
their “face.” On the occasion of the Emperor T’ung-Chih’s
wedding in 1869, when the Grand Council had solemnly
deprecated any increase in her Palace expenditure because
of the impoverished state of the people brought about by
the Taiping rebellion, she issued a Decree stating that, “so
great was her perturbation of mind at the prevalent sufferings
of her people, that she grudged even the money spent on the
inferior raiment she was wearing, and the humble fare that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_495"></a>[495]</span>
was served at her Palace table.” She was, in fact, as lavish
of good principles as of the public funds. But it is to be
remembered that a large proportion of the vast sums spent
on her Palaces, on the building of her tomb, and on her
Court festivities, represents the squeezes of officials and
eunuchs, which, however solemnly the Grand Council might
denounce extravagance, are in practice universally recognised
as inseparable from the Celestial system of government.
Tzŭ Hsi was fully aware that much of the enormous expenditure
charged to her Privy Purse went in “squeeze,”
but she good-humouredly acquiesced in a custom as deeply
ingrained in the Chinese as ancestral worship, and from which
she herself derived no small profit. At her receptions to the
ladies of the Diplomatic Body she would frequently enquire
as to the market prices of household commodities, in order,
as she cheerfully explained, to be able to show her Chief
Eunuch that she was aware of his monstrous over-charges.</p>

<p>Combined, however, with her love of sumptuous display
and occasional fits of Imperial munificence, Tzŭ Hsi possessed
a certain housewifely instinct of thrift which, with
advancing age, verged on parsimony. The Privy Purse of
China’s ruler is not dependent upon any well-defined civil
list, but rather upon the exigencies of the day, upon the
harvests and trade of the Empire, whence, through percentages
of squeezes levied by the provincial authorities,
come the funds required to defray the expenses of the
Court.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> The uncertainty of these remittances partly
explains the Empress Dowager’s hoarding tendencies, that
squirrel instinct which impelled her to bury large sums
in the vaults of the Palace, and to accumulate a vast store
of silks, medicines, clocks, and all manner of valuables in
the Forbidden City. At the time of her death her private
fortune, including a large number of gold Buddhas and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_496"></a>[496]</span>
sacrificial vessels stored in the Palace vaults, was estimated
by a high official of the Court at about sixteen millions
sterling. The estimate is necessarily a loose one, being
Chinese, but it was known with tolerable certainty that the
hoard of gold<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> buried in the Ning-Shou Palace at the time
of the Court’s flight in 1900, amounted to sixty millions of
taels (say, eight millions sterling), and the “tribute” paid by
the provinces to the Court at T’ai-yüan and Hsi-an would
amount to as much more.</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi was proud of her personal appearance, and justly
so, for she retained until advanced old age a clear complexion
and youthful features. (To an artist who painted her
portrait not long before her death she expressed a wish
that her wrinkles should be left out.) By no means free
from feminine vanity, she devoted a considerable amount of
time each day to her toilet, and was particularly careful
about the dressing of her hair. At the supreme moment of
the Court’s flight from the Palace, in 1900, she was heard to
complain bitterly at being compelled to adopt the Chinese
fashion of head-dress.</p>

<p>Her good health and vitality were always extraordinary.
She herself attributed them chiefly to early rising, regular
habits, and the frequent consumption of milk, which she
usually took curdled, in the form of a kind of rennet. She
ate frugally but well, being an epicure at heart and delighting
in dainty and <i>recherché</i> menus. Opium, like other
luxuries, she took in strict moderation, but greatly enjoyed
her pipe after the business of the day was done. It was her
practice then to rest for an hour, smoking at intervals, a
<i>siesta</i> which the Court knew better than to disturb. She
fully realised the evils wrought by abuse of the insidious
drug, and approved of the laws, introduced by the initiative
of T’ang Shao-yi and other high officials, for its abolition.
But her fellow-feeling for those who, like herself, could use<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_497"></a>[497]</span>
it in moderation, and her experience of its soothing and
stimulating effect on the mind, led her to insist that the
Abolition Decree (November 22nd, 1906) should not deprive
persons over sixty years of age of their accustomed solace.
She was, in fact, willing to decree prohibition for the masses,
but lenient to herself and to those who had sufficiently
proved their capacity to follow the path of the happy
mean.</p>

<p>Such was Tzŭ Hsi, a woman whose wonderful personality
and career cannot fail to secure for her a place amongst the
rulers who have become the standards and pivots of greatness
in the world’s history. The marvellous success of her career
and the passionate devotion of her partisans are not to be
easily explained by any ordinary process of analysis or
comparison; but there is no doubt that they were chiefly
due to that mysterious and indefinable quality which is
called charm, a quality apparently independent alike of
morals, ethics, education, and what we call civilisation;
universal in its appeal, irresistible in its effect upon the
great majority of mankind. It was this personal charm of
the woman, combined with her intense vitality and accessibility,
that won for her respect, and often affection, even
from those who had good reason to deplore her methods and
deny her principles. This personal charm, this subtle and
magnetic emanation, was undoubtedly the secret of that
stupendous power with which, for good or evil, she ruled for
half a century a third of the population of the earth; that
charm it was that won to her side the bravest and best of
China’s picked men, and it is the lingering memory and
tradition of that charm which already invest the name of
the Old Buddha with attributes of legendary virtue and
superhuman wisdom.</p>

<p>Europeans, studying the many complex and unexpected
phases of her extraordinary personality from the point of
view of western moralities, have usually emphasised and
denounced her cold-blooded ferocity and homicidal rage.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_498"></a>[498]</span>
Without denying the facts, or extenuating her guilt, it
must, nevertheless, be admitted that it would be unjust to
expect from her compliance with standards of morals and
conduct of which she was perforce ignorant, and that, judged
by the standards of her own predecessors and contemporaries,
and by the verdict of her subjects, she is not to be reckoned
a wicked woman. Let it be remembered also that within
comparatively recent periods of English history, death was
dealt out with no niggard or gentle hand to further the
alleged interests of the State; men were hanged, drawn and
quartered in the days of Elizabeth and Mary Stuart, gentle
ladies both, and averse to the spilling of blood, for the
greater glory of Thrones, and in defence of the Christian
religion.</p>

<p>Tzŭ Hsi died as she had lived, keen to the last, impatient
of the bonds of sickness that kept her from the new day’s
work, hopeful ever for the future. Unto the last her
thoughts were of the Empire, of that new plan of Constitutional
Government wherein she had come to see visions
of a new and glorious era for China and for herself. And
when the end came, she faced it, as she had faced life, with
a stout heart and brave words, going out to meet the
Unknown as if she were but starting for a summer picnic.
Reluctantly she bade farewell to the world of men, to the
life she had lived with so keen a zest; but, unlike England’s
Tudor Queen, she bowed gracefully to the inevitable, leaving
the scene with steadfast and Imperial dignity, confident in
her high destinies to come.</p>

<p class="center">FINIS.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp95" id="illus30" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus30.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">The Imperial Daïs
  in the Ch’ien Ch’ing Hall.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Ogawa, Tokio.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_499"></a>[499]</span></p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_500"></a>[500]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX<br>
<span class="smaller">BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON CHANG CHIH-TUNG, TSO
TSUNG-T’ANG, SUN CHIA-NAI, AND TUAN FANG</span></h2>

</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_501"></a>[501]</span></p>

<h3>CHANG CHIH-TUNG</h3>

<p>Her Majesty was never on terms of any great intimacy with Chang
Chih-tung, but she respected him on account of his brilliant literary
style and profound knowledge of the classics. The career of this official
strikingly illustrates the power of the pen in China. He first came to
be known by a critical Memorial in reference to the funeral ceremonies
of the Emperor T’ung-Chih, in 1879; his subsequent rapid advancement
was due to the Memorial in which he denounced the cession of Ili
to Russia by the Manchu Ambassador, Ch’ung Hou, in 1880. At this
time Chang was still a poor scholar, earning a precarious livelihood by
composing Memorials for certain wealthy Censors. He spoke the
Mandarin dialect badly, having been brought up by his father (a Taotai)
in the province of Kueichou. By patient study, a splendid memory and
a natural talent for historical research and criticism, he became at an
early age a recognised authority on all questions of State precedents and
historical records, so that his pen found no lack of work in the drafting
of official patents of rank, Imperial inscriptions and similar documents.
Nevertheless, Tzŭ Hsi never cared for the man, realising that this
brilliant scholar was by nature an opportunist, and that his opinion was
rarely based on sincere conviction. Her estimate of him was amply
justified on more than one occasion, for he frequently changed his views
to meet the exigencies of party politics at the capital; it is indeed
somewhat remarkable, since this estimate of his character was shared by
most of his colleagues, that he should have retained her good will and
risen to the highest position in the Government. His successful career<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>
is explained by the fact that even men like Jung Lu and Li Hung-chang,
who disliked him thoroughly, were unable to deny his claims as
an unrivalled scholar.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_502"></a>[502]</span></p>

<p>As an illustration of his historical knowledge and methods, it is
interesting to recall the main features of his Memorial against the Treaty
of Livadia with Russia. By this Treaty, negotiated by Ch’ung Hou
under the direct instructions of the Empress Dowager, Ili was to
be retroceded to China upon payment of five million roubles, Russia
securing Kuldja in exchange, with the right to open Consulates at
certain places in the New Territory and on the Kansu frontier. Russian
goods were also to be free of duty in Chinese Turkestan, and a new trade
route was to be opened up through Central China, viâ Hsi-an in Shensi.
When the terms of the Treaty became known, a storm of angry criticism
was directed against the Manchu Ambassador: Tzŭ Hsi promptly
ordered him to be cashiered and arrested for disregard of her instructions.
The whole matter was referred to the Grand Council, who were
directed to consult with Prince Ch’un and the various Government
Boards. Chang Chih-tung, who was at this time a junior official in the
Department of Public Instruction, drew attention to himself and
practically decided the course of events by the advice given in his
lengthy Memorial on the subject. The result of the advice therein
submitted was, that a son of Tseng Kuo-fan was sent to Russia to
negotiate a new Treaty, in which the objectionable clauses were eventually
abandoned. Ch’ung Hou considered himself lucky that, as the result of
Russia’s diplomatic intervention on his behalf, he escaped with his life.</p>

<p>Chang’s famous Memorial is typical of the mental processes and puerile
naïveté of the <i>literati</i>. It began by showing that if the Treaty of
Livadia were ratified, the whole of China would be open to Russian
troops, who would enter the country as merchants accompanying
caravans (since the Treaty expressly provided for merchants carrying
fire-arms), and that the retrocession of Ili would prove valueless to
China in course of time, inasmuch as Russia would remain in command
of all strategic points. Chang urged that China could repudiate the
Treaty without danger to herself, for several good reasons; the first
being the Imperial prerogative and the unpopularity of the Treaty,
whereby the martial spirit of the Chinese people would be aroused, and
the second, that the future security of the Empire justified the adoption
of right and reasonable precautions. He recommended that, in order to
show that the displeasure of the Sovereign was sincere, Ch’ung Hou
should be decapitated forthwith; this would be a clear intimation that
his negotiations were disavowed; an excellent precedent existed in the
case of Ch’i Ying,<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> who had been permitted to commit suicide under
similar circumstances by the Emperor Hsien Feng.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_503"></a>[503]</span></p>

<p>As regards Russia’s position in the matter, he was of opinion that
China had earned the contempt of the whole world by allowing herself
to be so easily intimidated. The Russian Minister at Peking might talk
as loudly as he liked about hauling down his flag, but this was only
bluff, and if he really desired to take his departure he should be allowed
to do so. China should then address an identical Note to all the Powers
protesting against Russia’s action, which Note would be published
throughout the civilised world. Russia had been weakened by her
war with Turkey, and the life of her Sovereign was daily threatened by
Nihilists. He was therefore of opinion that she could by no means fight
a successful war against China.</p>

<p>Russia’s position in the neighbourhood of Ili by this Treaty would
eventually involve China in the loss of the New Territory. Now China
had not yet taken over Ili, and the Treaty had not been ratified by the
Sovereign, so that Russia could have no good ground for insisting upon
its terms; if, however, Russia were intent on compelling China to
yield or fight, it would be necessary to look to the defences of the
Empire in three directions, namely Turkestan, Kirin and Tientsin.
As regards Turkestan, Tso Tsung-t’ang’s victorious armies, which had
just succeeded in suppressing the Mahomedan rebellion after a
campaign of several years, would be quite capable of dealing with
Russia’s forces were she to attempt an invasion. As for Manchuria,
it was too far from Russia’s base of operations to render success even
possible, while the stalwart natives of the Eastern Provinces might
be relied upon to dislodge her should she eventually succeed in establishing
a foothold. A few months would certainly witness her irrevocable
defeat. As to invading China by sea, Russia’s Navy was not to be
compared to that of other Powers, and if the huge amount which
had been spent by Li Hung-chang on armaments for the Army and
Navy were ever to be turned to any good account, now was the time to
do it. If at this juncture Li Hung-chang proved incapable of dealing
with the situation, he was for ever useless. The Throne should direct
him to prepare for war, and he should equip his troops with the
latest pattern of French artillery. If victorious, a Dukedom should be
his reward, and if defeated, his head should pay the penalty. The
money which would be saved by not carrying out the Treaty, might very
well be devoted to the equipment of the military forces.</p>

<p>Russia’s designs in Turkestan, he continued, threatened England no
less than China. If Li Hung-chang could persuade the British
Minister that England’s interests were identical with those of China,
surely the British Government’s assistance might be forthcoming?<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_504"></a>[504]</span>
China possessed, moreover, several distinguished generals, who should
forthwith be summoned to the capital, and given command of troops at
different points between Peking and Manchuria. It was high time that
China’s prestige should be made manifest and re-established. And
in his peroration he says:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I am not indulging in empty resounding phrases, or asking Your
Majesties to risk the Empire upon a single throw of the dice, but
the crisis daily increases in seriousness: Europe is interfering in our
sovereign rights, while even Japan threatens to take territory from us.
If now we submit to the arbitrary proceedings of Russia, all the
other Powers will imitate her action, and we shall be compelled sooner or
later to take up arms in self-defence. The present, therefore, is
the moment for a decisive campaign; we have good chances of victory,
and even should we meet with defeat in the New Territory it would not
serve Russia greatly, for she could scarcely hope to penetrate beyond the
Great Wall, or to cross the border into Kansu, so that, even if
victorious, she would be severely embarrassed. If we postpone action for
a few years Tso Tsung-t’ang will be too old to conduct military operations,
and Li Hung-chang will be also advancing in years. Russia will
hem us in on all sides, and our courage will suffer from our very
inaction. It is better to fight Russia to-day on our furthermost
frontier, than to wait until we have to give battle at the gates of
Peking: it will then be too late for repentance. We must fight sooner
or later, and in any case, we cannot consent to the retrocession of
Ili. Come what may, Ch’ung Hou must be beheaded. This is not
merely my private opinion, but the unanimous decision of all your
leading Statesmen. The provinces may work together to prepare
for war, all your servants may set an example of courage. Our Foreign
Office may clearly express and insist upon our rights, but in the last
instance the decision of affairs rests with Your Majesty the Empress
Dowager, to whom we must needs look for a firm and consistent
policy.”</p>

</div>

<p>In spite of its childish arguments and colossal ignorance of foreign
affairs, and in spite of the absurdity of allowing the nation’s military
operations to be criticised and dictated by a theoretical scholar, this
Memorial had a most remarkable effect on the opinion of the Court,
and Tzŭ Hsi commanded that its author should be consulted by the
Foreign Office on all important questions of State—a striking case of
<i>parmi les aveugles</i>. Chang was promoted to be Vice-President of a
Board, and within a year was made Governor of Shansi, where he
further increased his reputation by his entirely sincere attack upon
opium smoking and poppy cultivation. Throughout his career, safe in
the comfortable seclusion of his Yamên, and judging every question of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_505"></a>[505]</span>
foreign policy by the light of the history of previous Dynasties, Chang
Chih-tung was always of a bellicose disposition on paper. He displayed
it again in 1884, when he advocated the war with France, and became
acting Viceroy at Canton. (He was a firm believer in the military
genius of the swash-buckling Li Ping-heng, even to the day when this
notorious reactionary met his death with the forlorn hope of the
Boxers.) When the French troops were defeated by the Chinese forces
at Langshan, Chang claimed and received no small credit for an event so
unusual in Chinese modern history, and became so elated thereby that
he sent in a Memorial strongly recommending that the victory should
be followed up by an invasion of all French territory between the
Chinese frontier and Hanoi. When this advice was rejected, he put in
another bitter Memorial of remonstrance which created an immense
impression on public opinion. He denounced the peace which was
subsequently signed and by which China lost Annam, and he never
forgave his rival and opponent, Li Hung-chang, for his share in this
result.</p>

<p>Chang’s share in the <i>coup d’état</i> of 1898 aptly illustrates his
opportunism. It was he who from Wuch’ang originally recommended
some thirty “progressives” to the notice of the Emperor at the
beginning of that fateful year, and amongst these was Liang Ch’i-ch’ao,
the chief colleague and henchman of K’ang Yu-wei. Rejoiced at the
great Viceroy’s support, the Emperor summoned him to Peking to
assume direction of the new movement, hoping the more from his
assistance as Chang’s views always carried weight with the Empress
Dowager. It is impossible to say what course Chang would have
followed had he come to Peking, or what effect his presence might have
had in preventing the collapse of the Emperor’s plans, but as luck
would have it, he had only proceeded as far as Shanghai, when he was
ordered back to his post in Hupei by an Imperial Decree, which
directed him first to settle a troublesome missionary case that had just
arisen. Immediately after this, the dismissal of Weng T’ung-ho, and
the appointment of Jung Lu to Tientsin, showed him that a crisis was
impending and that the reactionary party held the better cards; he
played therefore for his own hand, anticipating that the Empress
Dowager would speedily come to the front as leader of the Manchu
Conservatives. It was at this particular juncture that he wrote and
published his famous treatise on education, intended to refute the
arguments of a revolutionary pamphlet that was then being widely
circulated in the provinces of his jurisdiction. His treatise, by its
brilliant style rather than by its arguments, created a great impression;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_506"></a>[506]</span>
its effect on the Chinese reader’s mind was to emphasise the wisdom of
learning everything possible of the material arts and forces of Europe,
while keeping the foreigner himself at arm’s length.</p>

<p>In 1900, at the urgent request of the Viceroy of Nanking (Lui K’un-yi)
and of Li Hung-chang, he agreed to join in a Memorial impeaching
Prince Tuan, and telegrams were exchanged between these high officials
to discuss the form which this document should take. In the first
instance, Chang had declined to protest against the Emperor’s deposition
for the reason, which he justified by historical precedent, that the suicide
of the Censor Wu K’o-tu, twelve years before, had justified Her Majesty
in placing a new Emperor on the Throne. He concurred in the decision
of the Nanking Viceroy to head off any Boxer rising in the Yangtsze
Provinces, but he was obviously uneasy at his own position in having to
disobey the Empress Dowager’s anti-foreign Decrees, and he hedged to
the best of his ability by beheading two prominent reformers at
Wuch’ang. No sooner had the form of the document impeaching Prince
Tuan been practically decided, than he took fright at the thought that
the Prince might eventually triumph and, as father of the Emperor-elect,
wreak vengeance on his enemies; he therefore telegraphed to
Li Hung-chang at Shanghai, begging that his signature be withheld
from the Memorial. Li Hung-chang, who dearly loved his joke,
promptly sent off the Memorial with Chang Chih-tung’s signature
attached thereto, and then telegraphed informing him that he had done
so, and asking whether he desired that a second telegram be sent to Her
Majesty cancelling his signature? Chang was for several days in a state
of the greatest distress (which was only relieved when the Boxers were
finally routed), and his mood was not improved when a pair of scrolls
were sent to him anonymously, with inscriptions which may be roughly
translated as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“Full of patriotism, but quite devoid of any real ability or intelligence.”</p>

<p>“As an administrator a bungler, but remarkable for originating
magnificent schemes.”</p>

</div>

<p>Before his death, Chang had achieved a curiously mixed reputation,
revered as he was by all scholars throughout the Empire, yet denounced
on all sides for administrative incapacity. As an instance of the childish
self-sufficiency which characterised him to the end, nothing is more
remarkable than the suggestion which he solemnly submitted to the
Throne, during the course of the peace negotiations for the Portsmouth
Treaty after the conclusion of the war between Russia and Japan. At<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_507"></a>[507]</span>
this juncture, the Empress Dowager had telegraphed inviting suggestions
for China’s future policy from all the high provincial authorities. Chang
telegraphed five suggestions in reply, one of which was that China
should come to an agreement with Japan to send two hundred thousand
Japanese troops to Manchuria, and in the event of Russia proceeding to
attack Chinese territory, that Japan should be requested to garrison Urga.
This was the idea of China’s foremost literary statesman in July, 1905,
but there were not lacking enemies of his who avowed that his political
views were considerably affected by the fact that he had contracted loans
from Japanese financiers. Whatever the cause of his views, he had
reason to change them completely before he died.</p>

<h3>TSO TSUNG-T’ANG</h3>

<p>The Chinese look upon Tseng Kuo-fan, the conqueror of the Taiping
rebels, as the greatest military commander in modern history; but they
regard Tso Tsung-t’ang, the hero of the long Mahomedan campaign,
as very near to him in glory. Both Generals were natives of Hunan (a
fact which seems to entitle the people of that province to assume something
of a truculent attitude to the rest of the Empire), and both
were possessed of indisputable qualities of leadership and organisation,
remarkable enough in men trained to literary pursuits. Both were
beloved of the people for their personal integrity, courage and justice.</p>

<p>Tso was born, one of nine sons in a poor family, in 1812. He took
his provincial graduate degree at the age of twenty; thereafter, he
seems to have abandoned literary work, for he never passed the Metropolitan
examination. This did not prevent the Empress Dowager from
appointing him, after his victorious campaign, to the Grand Secretariat,
the only instance of a provincial graduate attaining to that high
honour. For three years he was Tseng Kuo-fan’s ablest lieutenant
against the Taipings, and became Governor of Fukhien in 1863. In
1868 he was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial forces
against the Mahomedan rebels, and began a campaign which lasted,
with breathing spaces, until the beginning of 1878. His victorious
progress through the western and north-western provinces began at
Hsiang-Yang, on the Han river, in Hupei. Thence, after driving the
rebels from Hsi-an, through Shansi and Kansu, he came to a halt
before the strong city of Su-chou fu, on the north-west frontier of Kansu.
The siege of this place lasted nearly three years, for his force was badly
off for ordnance, and he was compelled to wait until his deputies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_508"></a>[508]</span>
purchased artillery for him from a German firm at Shanghai. The
guns were sent up in the leisurely manner affected by the Mandarins,
and Tso was obliged to put his troops to agricultural work in order to
provide himself with commissariat.</p>

<p>Su-chou had been for ten years in the hands of the rebels. It fell to
the Imperialists in October, 1873, some say by treachery, according to
others by assault. Be this as it may, Tso, whose method of dealing
with rebels was absolutely pitiless, reduced the place to a heap of
ruins, killing men, women and children indiscriminately, throughout
large tracts of country. So fearful were the wholesale massacres and
treacherous atrocities committed by his Hunanese troops, that General
Kauffmann, commanding the Russian forces on the frontier, considered
it his duty to address him on the subject, and to protest indignantly
at the indiscriminate killing of non-combatants. General Kauffmann
alluded chiefly to the massacre which had followed the taking of the
town of Manas (November, 1876), but similar atrocities had been
perpetrated at Su-chou, Hami, and many other important places.
At Hami the entire population was put to the sword. Eye-witnesses of
the scene of desolation, which stretched from Hsi-an in Shensi to
Kashgar, have recorded that scarcely a woman was left alive in all those
ruined cities—one might ride for days and not see one—a fact which
accounts for the failure of the country unto this day to recover from the
passing of that scourge. In more than one instance, Tso said with
pride that he had left no living thing to sow new seeds of rebellion.<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a></p>

<p>Nor do the Chinese find anything reprehensible in his action. Instinctively
a peace-loving people, they have learned through centuries
of dreadful experience that there can be no humanitarianism in these
ever-recurring rebellions, which are but one phase of the deadly struggle
for life in China, and that the survival of the fittest implies the
extermination of the unfit. Tso had first learned this lesson in the
fierce warfare of the Taiping rebellion, where there was no question of
quarter, asked or given, on either side. “If I destroy them not,” he
would say with simple grimness, “if I leave root or branch, they may
destroy me.”</p>

<p>In private life the man was genial and kindly, of a rugged simplicity;
short of stature, and in later years stout, with a twinkling eye
and hearty laugh; sober and frugal in his habits, practising the classical
virtues of the ancients in all sincerity: a strict disciplinarian, and much<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_509"></a>[509]</span>
beloved of his soldiers. He delighted in gardening and the planting of
trees. Along the entire length of the Imperial highway that runs from
Hsi-an to Chia-Yü Kuan beyond the Great Wall, thirty-six days’ journey,
he planted an avenue of trees, a stately monument of green to mark
the red route of his devastating armies. One of the few Europeans who
saw him at Hami records that it was his habit to walk in the Viceregal
gardens every afternoon, accompanied by a large suite of officials and
Generals, when he would count his melons and expatiate on the beauty
of his favourite flowers. With him, ready for duty at a word, walked
his Chief Executioner.</p>

<p>He was as careful for the welfare of his people as for the extermination
of rebels, and erected a large woollen factory at Lan-chou fu, whereby he
hoped to establish a flourishing industry throughout the north-western
provinces. He was fiercely opposed to opium cultivation, and completely
suppressed it along the valley of the Yellow River for several
years. The penalty for opium-smoking in his army was the loss of one
ear for a first offence, and death for the second.</p>

<p>Yakoub Beg, the last leader and forlorn hope of the rebellion, died in
May, 1877. Tso, following up his successes, captured in turn Yarkand,
Kashgar and Khotan (January, 1878), and thus ended the insurrection.
At the conclusion of the campaign he had some forty thousand Hunanese
troops at Hami, and twenty thousand more under General Liu<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> at
Kashgar. One of his Generals was that Tung Fu-hsiang who subsequently
became known to the world as the leader of the bloodthirsty
Kansuh soldiery at Peking in 1900; at the taking of Khotan he laid
the foundations of his reputation for truculent ferocity. Tso firmly
believed that his Hunanese were the finest fighting men in the world,
and was most anxious to use them, in 1879, in trying conclusions with
the Russians, boasting that with two hundred thousand of them he
would easily march to St. Petersburg and there dictate a peace which
should wipe out the humiliating concessions negotiated by Ch’ung Hou
in the Treaty of Livadia. Fortunately for him, his patriotic ambitions
came to the ears of the Empress Dowager, who, desiring no more
complications, recalled him in hot haste to Peking, where she loaded
him with honours and rewards.</p>

<p>His was the simple nature of the elementary fighter, inured to the
hard life of camps. He knew little of other lands, but professed the
greatest admiration for Bismarck, chiefly because of the enormous
indemnity which the German conqueror had exacted as the price of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_510"></a>[510]</span>
victory, Tso’s own troops being accustomed to live almost exclusively on
the spoils of war. He despised wealth for himself, but loved plunder for
his men.</p>

<p>Upon his triumphant return to Peking he was informed that the
Palace authorities expected him to pay forty thousand taels as “gate-money”
before entering the capital. Tso flatly refused. “The
Emperor has sent for me,” he said, “and I have come, but I will not
pay a cash. If he wishes to see me, he must either obtain for me free
entry or pay the gate-money himself.” He waited stolidly five days
and then had his way, entering scot-free. Later, when the Empress
Dowager made him a present of ten thousand taels, he divided the
money between his soldiers and the poor.</p>

<h3>SUN CHIA-NAI</h3>

<p>This official, chiefly known to fame among his countrymen as one of
the tutors of His Majesty Kuang-Hsü, was a sturdy Conservative of the
orthodox type, but an honest and kindly man. His character and
opinions may be gauged from a well-known saying of his: “One Chinese
character is better than ten thousand words of the barbarians. By
knowing Chinese a man may rise to become a Grand Secretary; by
knowing the tongues of the barbarians, he can at best aspire to become
the mouth-piece of other men.”</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp58" id="illus31" style="max-width: 34.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/illus31.jpg" alt=" ">
  <figcaption class="caption"><p><span class="smcap">Ceiling and
  Pillars of the Tai Ho Tien.</span></p>
  <p><i>Photo, Ogawa, Tokio.</i></p></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>In his later years he felt and expressed great grief at the condition of
his country, and particularly in regard to the strained relations between
the Empress Dowager and the Emperor. He traced the first causes of
these misfortunes to the war with Japan, and never ceased to blame his
colleague, the Imperial Tutor Weng T’ung-ho, for persuading the
Emperor to sign the Decree whereby that war was declared, which he
described as the act of a madman. Weng, however, was by no means
alone in holding the opinion that China could easily dispose of the
Japanese forces by land and by sea. It was well-known at Court, and
the Emperor must have learned it from more than one quarter, that
several foreigners holding high positions under the Chinese Government,
including the Inspector-General of Customs (Sir Robert Hart), concurred
in the view that China had practically no alternative but to declare war
in view of Japan’s high-handed proceedings and insulting attitude.
Prestige apart, it was probable that the Emperor was by no means
averse to taking this step on his own authority, even though he knew
that the Empress Dowager was opposed to the idea of war, because of its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_511"></a>[511]</span>
inevitable interference with the preparations for her sixtieth birthday;
at that moment, Tzŭ Hsi was living in quasi-retirement at the Summer
Palace. After war had been declared and China’s reverses began, she
complained to the Emperor and to others, that the fatal step had been
taken without her knowledge and consent, but this was only “making
face,” for it is certain that she had been kept fully informed of all that
was done and that, had she so desired, she could easily have prevented
the issue of the Decree, and the despatch of the Chinese troops to Asan.
Sun Chia-nai’s reputation for sagacity was increased after the event, and
upon the subsequent disgrace and dismissal of Weng T’ung-ho he stood
high in Her Majesty’s favour. Nevertheless his loyalty to the unfortunate
Emperor remained unshaken.</p>

<p>In 1898, his tendencies were theoretically on the side of reform, but
he thoroughly disapproved of the methods and self-seeking personality
of K’ang Yu-wei, advising the Emperor that, while possibly fit for an
Under-Secretaryship, he was quite unfitted for any high post of responsibility.
When matters first approached a crisis, it was by his advice
that the Emperor directed K’ang to proceed to Shanghai for the organisation
of the Press Bureau scheme. Sun, peace-loving and prudent,
hoped thereby to find an outlet for K’ang Yu-wei’s patriotic activities
while leaving the Manchu dovecots unfluttered. Later, after the <i>coup
d’état</i>, being above all things orthodox and a stickler for harmonious
observance of precedents, he deplored the harsh treatment and humiliation
inflicted upon the Emperor. It is reported of him that on one
occasion at audience he broke down completely, and with tears implored
the Empress Dowager not to allow her mind to be poisoned against His
Majesty, but without effect.</p>

<p>Upon the nomination of the Heir Apparent, in 1900, which he, like
many others, regarded as the Emperor’s death sentence, he sent in a
strongly worded Memorial against this step, and subsequently denounced
it at a meeting of the Grand Council. Thereafter, his protests proving
ineffective, he resigned all his offices, but remained at the capital in
retirement, watching events. At the commencement of the Boxer
crisis, unable to contain his feelings, he sent in a Memorial through the
Censorate denouncing the rabid reactionary Hsü T’ung, whom he
described as “the friend of traitors, who would bring the State to ruin
if further confidence were placed in him.” Throughout his career
he displayed the courage of his convictions, which, judged by the
common standard of Chinese officialdom, were conspicuously honest.
He was a man of that Spartan type of private life which one finds not
infrequently associated with the higher branches of Chinese scholarship<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_512"></a>[512]</span>
and Confucian philosophy; it was his boast that he never employed a
secretary, but wrote out all his correspondence and Memorials with
his own hand.</p>

<p>A pleasing illustration of his character is the following: He was
seated one day in his shabby old cart, and driving down the main street
to his home, when his driver collided with the vehicle of a well-known
Censor, named Chao. The police came up to make enquiries and
administer street-justice, but learning that one cart belonged to the
Grand Secretary Sun, they told his driver to proceed. The Censor, justly
indignant at such servility, wrote a note to Sun in which he said: “The
Grand Secretary enjoys, no doubt, great prestige, but even he cannot
lightly disregard the power of the Censorate.” Sun, on receiving
this note, proceeded at once on foot in full official dress to the
Censor’s house, and upon being informed that he was not at home,
prostrated himself before the servant, saying: “The nation is indeed to
be congratulated upon possessing a virtuous Censor.” Chao, not to be
outdone in generosity, proceeded in his turn to the residence of the
Grand Secretary, intending to return the compliment, but Sun declined
to allow him to apologise in any way.</p>

<h3>TUAN FANG</h3>

<p>In 1898, Tuan Fang was a Secretary of the Board of Works; his
rapid promotion after that date was chiefly due to the patronage of his
friend Jung Lu. For a Manchu, he is remarkably progressive and
liberal in his views.</p>

<p>In 1900, he was Acting-Governor of Shensi. As the Boxer movement
spread and increased in violence, and as the fears of Jung Lu led
him to take an increasingly decided line of action against them, Tuan
Fang, acting upon his advice, followed suit. In spite of the fact that at
the time of the <i>coup d’état</i> he had adroitly saved himself from clear
identification with the reformers and had penned a classical composition
in praise of filial piety, which was commonly regarded as a veiled reproof
to the Emperor for not yielding implicit obedience to the Old Buddha,
he had never enjoyed any special marks of favour at the latter’s hands,
nor been received into that confidential friendliness with which she
frequently honoured her favourites.</p>

<p>In his private life, as in his administration, Tuan Fang has always
recognised the changing conditions of his country and endeavoured
to adapt himself to the needs of the time; he was one of the first among<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_513"></a>[513]</span>
the Manchus to send his sons abroad for their education. His
sympathies were at first unmistakably with K’ang Yu-wei and his fellow
reformers, but he withdrew from them because of the anti-dynastic
nature of their movement, of which he naturally disapproved.</p>

<p>As Acting-Governor of Shensi, in July, 1900, he clearly realised the
serious nature of the situation and the dangers that must arise from the
success of the Boxer movement, and he therefore issued two Proclamations
to the province, in which he earnestly warned the people to abstain from
acts of violence. These documents were undoubtedly the means of
saving the lives of many missionaries and other foreigners isolated in the
interior. In the first a curious passage occurs, wherein, after denouncing
the Boxers, he said:</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“The creed of the Boxers is no new thing: in the reign of Chia-Ch’ing,
followers of the same cult were beheaded in droves. But the present-day
Boxer has taken the field ostensibly for the defence of his country
against the foreigner, so that we need not refer to the past. While
accepting their good intentions, I would merely ask, is it reasonable for
us to credit these men with supernatural powers or invulnerability?
Are we to believe that all the corpses which now strew the country
between Peking and the sea are those of spurious Boxers and that
the survivors alone represent the true faith?”</p>

</div>

<p>After prophesying for them the same fate which overtook the
Mahomedan rebels and those of the Taiping insurrection, he delivered
himself of advice to the people which, while calculated to prevent the
slaughter of foreigners, would preserve his reputation for patriotism.
It is well, now that Tuan Fang has fallen upon evil days, to remember
the good work he did in a very difficult position. His Proclamation
ran as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“I have never for a moment doubted that you men of Shensi are
brave and patriotic and that, should occasion offer, you would fight
nobly for your country. I know that if you joined these Boxers,
it would be from patriotic motives. I would have you observe, however,
that our enemies are the foreign troops who have invaded the
Metropolitan province and not the foreign missionaries who reside in
the interior. If the Throne orders you to take up arms in the defence
of your country, then I, as Governor of this province, will surely share
in that glory. But if, on your own account, you set forth to slay
a handful of harmless and defenceless missionaries, you will undoubtedly
be actuated by a desire for plunder, there will be nothing noble in your
deed, and your neighbours will despise you as surely as the law will
punish you.</p>

<p>“At this very moment our troops are pouring in upon the capital<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_514"></a>[514]</span>
from every province in the Empire. Heaven’s avenging sword is
pointed against the invader. This being so, it is absurd to suppose that
there can be any need for such services as you people could render
at such a time. Your obvious and simple duty is to remain quietly in
your homes, pursuing your usual avocations. It is the business of the
official to protect the people, and you may rely upon me to do so. As
to that Edict of Their Majesties which, last year, ordered the organisation
of trained bands, the idea was merely to encourage self-defence for local
purposes, on the principle laid down by Mencius of watch and ward
being kept by each district.”</p>

</div>

<p>A little later the Governor referred to that Decree of the Empress
Dowager (her first attempt at hedging) which began by quoting the
“Spring and Autumn Classic” in reference to the sacred nature of
foreign Envoys, and used it as a text for emphasising the fact that the
members of the several missionary societies in Shensi had always been on
the best of terms with the people. He referred to the further fact that
many refugees from the famine-stricken districts of Shansi, and numbers
of disbanded soldiers, had crossed the borders of the province, and
fearing lest these lawless folk should organise an attack upon the
foreigners, he once more urged his people to permit no violation of the
sacred laws of hospitality. The province had already commenced to feel
the effects of the long drought which had caused such suffering in
Shansi, and the superstitious lower classes were disposed to attribute
this calamity to the wrath of Heaven, brought upon them by reason of
their failure to join the Boxers. Tuan Fang proceeded to disabuse
their minds of this idea.</p>

<div class="blockquote">

<p>“If the rain has not fallen upon your barren fields,” he said, “if the
demon of drought threatens to harass you, be sure that it is because you
have gone astray, led by false rumours, and have committed deeds of
violence. Repent now and return to your peaceful ways, and the rains
will assuredly fall. Behold the ruin which has come upon the provinces
of Chihli and Shantung; it is to save you from their fate that I now
warn you. Are we not all alike subjects of the great Manchu
Dynasty, and shall we not acquit ourselves like men in the service of
the State? If there were any chance of this province being invaded by
the enemy, you would naturally sacrifice your lives and property to
repel him, as a matter of simple patriotism. But if, in a sudden access
of madness, you set forth to butcher a few helpless foreigners, you will
in no wise benefit the Empire, but will merely be raising fresh
difficulties for the Throne. For the time being, your own consciences
will accuse you of ignoble deeds, and later you will surely pay the
penalty with your lives and the ruin of your families. Surely, you men
of Shensi, enlightened and high-principled, will not fall so low as this?<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_515"></a>[515]</span>
There are, I know, among you some evil men who, professing patriotic
enmity to foreigners and Christians, wax fat on foreign plunder. But
the few missionary Chapels in this province offer but meagre booty, and
it is safe to predict that those who begin by sacking them will
certainly proceed next to loot the houses of your wealthier citizens.
From the burning of foreigners’ homes, the conflagration will spread to
your own, and many innocent persons will share the fate of the
slaughtered Christians. The plunderers will escape with their booty,
and the foolish onlookers will pay the penalty of these crimes. Is it not
a well-known fact that every anti-Christian outbreak invariably brings
misery to the stupid innocent people of the district concerned? Is not
this a lamentable thing? As for me, I care neither for praise nor
blame; my only object in preaching peace in Shensi is to save you, my
people, from dire ruin and destruction.”</p>

</div>

<p>Tuan Fang was a member of the Mission to foreign countries in
1905 and has received decorations and honours at the hands of several
European sovereigns. In private life he is distinguished by his complete
absence of formality; a genial, hospitable man, given to good living,
delighting in new mechanical inventions and fond of his joke. It is he
who, as Viceroy of Nanking, organised the International Exhibition now
being held in that city. As Viceroy of Chihli, he was in charge of the
arrangements for the funeral of the Empress Dowager in November of
last year, and a week after that impressive ceremony was denounced for
alleged want of respect and decorum. It was charged against him that
he had permitted subordinate officials to take photographs of the <i>cortège</i>
and that he had even dared to use certain trees in the sacred enclosure
of the Mausolea as telegraph poles, for which offences he was summarily
cashiered; since then he has lived in retirement. The charges were
possibly true, but it is matter of common knowledge that the real
reason for his disgrace was a matter of Palace politics rather than
funereal etiquette, for he was a <i>protégé</i> of the Regent and his removal
was a triumph for the Yehonala clan, at a time when its prestige called
for a demonstration of some sort against the growing power and
influence of the Emperor Kuang-Hsü’s brothers.</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="footnotes">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_516"></a>[516]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> As an example of unbalanced vituperation, uttered in good faith and
with the best intentions, <i>vide</i> <i>The Chinese Crisis from Within</i> by “Wen Ching,”
republished from the <i>Singapore Free Press</i> in 1901 (Grant Richards).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> About £120.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> The same euphemism was employed to describe the Court’s flight in
August 1900.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Grandfather of Na T’ung, the present head of the Waiwupu.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> “Yi” and “Cheng” are honorific names, meaning respectively “harmonious”
and “sedate.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> The expression has reference to the fact that the Empresses Regent are
supposed to be concealed from the sight of Ministers at audience by a
curtain suspended in front of the Throne.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> The age of the Emperor was less than six, but the solemn farce of his
alleged acts and opinions is solemnly accepted by the Chinese as part of the
eternal order of things.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> To allow women privily to accompany the Imperial cortège is a crime
punishable by law with the penalty of the lingering death.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> The Prison of the Imperial Clan Court.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Poetical term for Purgatory.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Hereditary titles in China usually descend in a diminishing scale.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> He was the father of that Marquis Tseng who, as Minister to England
(1878), lived to be credited by the British press with literary abilities which
he did not possess and liberal opinions which he did not share. His grandsons,
educated partly in England, have lately been distinguished for that
quality of patriotic Conservatism which prides itself on having no intercourse
with foreigners.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> A short biographical note on Tso Tsung-t’ang, the hero of the Mahomedan
rebellion who gained distinction under Tseng against the Taipings, is
given in the <a href="#APPENDIX">appendix</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> So called because they declined to plait the queue, as a sign that they
rejected Manchu rule.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> His younger brother, subsequently made an earl and Viceroy of Nanking
for many years.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> This is merely figurative, referring to an ancient and obsolete custom.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> So named because, before becoming a eunuch at the age of sixteen, he
was apprenticed to a cobbler at his native place, Ho-Chien fu, in Chihli,
from which district most of the eunuchs come.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> This form of argument, under similar conditions, obtains all over the
Empire. “How could I possibly squeeze my master?” says the servant.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Quotation from the Book of Changes, implying a sense of impending
danger.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Chinese pamphleteers in Canton record the event with much detail, and
state that this son is alive to-day under the name of Chiu Min.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> A fantastic account of this mission is contained in an imaginative work
recently published (<i>La Vie Secrète de la Cour de Chine</i>, Paris, 1910), where
the Chief Eunuch’s name is given as “Siao.” This curious blunder is due
to the fact that the Eunuch’s nickname, on account of his stature, was
“Hsiao An’rh” (little An), just as Li hien-Ying’s is “P’i Hsiao” Li all over
China.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> The Phœnix flag signified that he was sent by the Empresses Regent.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> The same expression is used of a novice taking the vows of Buddhist
priesthood.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Tzŭ Hsi was fond of masquerading with her favourite, till well advanced
in years. One photograph of her is on sale in Peking, wherein she is posing
as the Goddess of Mercy (Kuanyin) with Li in attendance as one of the
Boddhisatvas.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> A term of humility.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> This Kuei Ching was an uncle of Tuan Fang, recently Viceroy of Chihli,
and a man generally respected.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> This disease is regarded amongst the Chinese as one of good omen,
especially if the symptoms develop satisfactorily.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> The annual and seasonal sacrifices at the ancestral Temple and at the
Imperial tombs involve “kowtowing” before each tablet of the sacred
ancestors, and this cannot be done in the presence of one of the same
generation as the last deceased, much less by him.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Prince Kung was the sixth, Prince Ch’un the seventh, in order of
seniority.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> On the occasion to which the Memorialist refers, the lawful heir to the
Throne committed suicide. The allusion would be readily understood (if
not appreciated) by the Empress Dowager, whose irregular choice of Kuang-Hsü
and violation of the dynastic laws had certainly led to the death of
A-lu-te. Looked at from the Chinese scholar’s point of view, the innuendo
was in the nature of a direct accusation.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> The writer refers to the united action of the Manchu Princes and
nobles who assisted in the establishment of law and order, and the expulsion
of the Chinese rebels and Pretenders, during the troublous time of the first
Regency (1644) and the minority of the infant Emperor, Shun-Chih.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> The burial place was close to, but necessarily outside, the large enclosed
park which contains the Imperial mausolea.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Burial clothes should all be new and clean—by cutting away the soles,
his boots would look less shabby.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> I.e. by causing the Empresses to have his corpse mutilated.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> About £10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> The point whence, according to legend, the Yellow Emperor ascended
to heaven and where his clothes were buried.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> A quotation from Tseng Tzu, one of the most noted disciples of
Confucius.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> A sort of Chinese Mr. Malaprop, known to history as one who invariably
spoke at the wrong time.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> It is curious to note how frequently the Imperial tombs have been the
scene of such unseemly wrangles, wherein grievances and passions, long
pent up within the Palace precincts, find utterance. A case of this kind
occurred in 1909, on the occasion of the burial of Tzŭ Hsi, when the
surviving consorts of T’ung-Chih and Kuang-Hsü, having quarrelled with
the new Empress Dowager (Lung Yü) on a similar question of precedence,
refused to return to the City and remained in dudgeon at the tombs until
a special mission, under an Imperial Duke, was sent humbly to beg them to
come back, to the no small scandal of the orthodox.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> This title was originally given to an infamous eunuch of the Court of
the Ming Emperor Chu Yü-hsiao, who, because of his influence over his
dissolute master, was canonised by the latter after his death. The same title
was claimed and used by the Eunuch An Te-hai, <i>vide supra</i>, <a href="#Page_90">page 90</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_93">page 93</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Tzŭ Hsi had no love for this official, for it was he who drafted Hsien-Feng’s
valedictory Decree, at the dictation of Su Shun, in 1861. <i>Vide</i>
<a href="#Page_33">page 33</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Sun remained in high favour until December 1894, when the Emperor
was induced by Weng T’ung-ho to dismiss him. At that time the Empress
was taking little active part in the direction of affairs, occupying her time
with theatricals and other diversions at the Summer Palace, and playing a
watching game in politics, so that for a while Sun’s life was in real danger.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Apricot yellow is a colour reserved, strictly speaking, for the use of the
Throne.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> In that event it would not be the Yehonala clan alone which would
benefit, as the present Emperor’s grandmother (who was one of Prince Ch’un’s
concubines) is still alive and would necessarily share in any honours posthumously
conferred on her husband, whilst Kuang-Hsü’s mother would be
excluded.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> The results of the Prince’s eminent services in naval and military reorganisation
were demonstrated three years later, not entirely to the nation’s
satisfaction, in the war with Japan.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> From a sentence in the Book of Rites, which means “to give rest and
peace to Heaven-sent old age.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Sir Walter Hillier, appointed by Yüan Shih-k’ai to be foreign adviser to
the Grand Council in 1908. When Yuan was compelled to flee from Seoul
before the advance of the Japanese, he was escorted to Chemulpo by a
guard of blue-jackets.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> <i>i.e.</i> the Japanese (literal translation).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> At present Chinese Minister in London.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Now known as the Empress Dowager Lung Yü.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Kang Yi was a bigoted reactionary and the arch instigator of the Boxer
movement at the capital. Young China has carefully preserved one of his
sayings of that time: “The establishment of schools and colleges has only
encouraged Chinese ambitions and developed Chinese talent to the danger
of the Manchu Dynasty: these students should therefore be exterminated
without delay.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> In 1901, this official begged Tzŭ Hsi, just before her departure from
K’ai-Feng fu for Peking, not to return thither, on the ground that her Palace
had been polluted by the presence of the foreign barbarians.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> The Emperor prided himself on being a great stickler in such matters,
and many of the younger officials feared him on account of his quick temper
and martinet manner in dealing with them.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> K’ang’s subsequent escape under British protection, in which one of the
writers was instrumental, is graphically described in despatch No. 401 of
Blue Book No. 1 of 1899.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> She was thrown down a well, by Tzŭ Hsi’s orders, as the Court prepared
for flight after the entrance of the allied forces into Peking. (<i>Vide infra.</i>)</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> It is interesting to note that this Manchu Prince (Tsai Ch’u) was released
from prison by the present Regent, the Emperor’s brother, and was
appointed to the command of one of the Manchu Banner Corps on the
same day, in January 1909, that Yüan Shih-k’ai was dismissed from the
viceroyalty of Chihli. The Emperor’s party, as opposed to the Yehonala
Clan, heartily approved of his reinstatement.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58a" class="label">[58]</a> <i>Vide</i> Blue Book China No. I. of 1899, letters Nos. 266, 401, and 426.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> As an example of Chinese official methods: the Shanghai Taotai when
requesting the British Consul-General’s assistance to arrest K’ang Yu-wei,
did not hesitate to say that the Emperor was dead, murdered by the Chief
Reformer. <i>Vide</i> Blue Book No. I of 1899; letter No. 401.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> From <i>The Times</i> of 31st March, 1899.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Chang Yin-huan, who had been created a Knight Commander of
St. Michael and St. George in connection with Queen Victoria’s Jubilee
celebration, was subsequently put to death, after banishment to Turkestan.
An order given by Prince Tuan at the commencement of the Boxer crisis
was the immediate cause of his execution.</p>

<p>Another reformer named Hsü Chih-ching was condemned to imprisonment
for life in the Board of Punishments under this same Decree; he was
released by the Allies in August 1900, when he proceeded at once to T’ai-Yüan
fu, and handed himself over to justice, disdaining to accept his release
at the hands of foreigners. This incident is typical of the Chinese officials’
attitude of mind and of their reverence for the Decrees of the head of the
State.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> On the occasion of her seventieth birthday (1904), the Empress Dowager
promulgated a general amnesty for all those who had taken part in the
Reform Movement of 1898, excepting only the leaders K’ang Yu-wei and
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, who were expressly excluded from grace, and Dr. Sun
Yat-sen, who was a fugitive from justice on other counts.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Li Tuan-fen returned from exile in Turkestan under the amnesty
of 1904.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> Weng T’ung-ho has been posthumously restored to his full rank and
titles by a Decree of the present Regent. Thus is the Emperor tardily
justified and the pale ghosts of his followers continue to suffer, even in
Hades, the chances and changes of Chinese official life!</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> This official was eventually decapitated by the allies, as one of the
originators of the Boxer rising.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> This Prefect of Hsüanhua was subsequently promoted by the Empress
Dowager, when passing through that city, at the beginning of the flight
from Peking.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> Hsü, to whom Jung Lu was writing, was a Cantonese by birth, and was
at this time Viceroy of Foochow.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> A note on the career and character of this courageous official is given
in the <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> The Decree is given at the end of this chapter.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> The victim was British, not French—viz., the Rev. Mr. Brooks, killed on
31st December, 1899, just after Yu Hsien’s removal had been arranged.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Between January and June the entries are of no particular interest.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> The Supreme Deity of the Taoists and tutelary spirit of the Boxers.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> A nickname of An Te-hai, <i>vide supra</i>, <a href="#Page_90">p. 90 <i>et seq.</i></a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> The Chancellor of the Japanese Legation, Mr. Sugiyama.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> This was a forgery.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> A quotation from the “Book of Odes.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> This man’s subsequent arrest and execution are described in a Censorate
memorial at the end of this chapter.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Mr. (later Sir Harry) Parkes.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Professor James.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Mentioned above under full name of Chi Shou-ch’eng. Chi Pin was his
“hao” or intimate personal name.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Ching Shan’s house was just inside the Tung An Gate of the
Imperial City, about a quarter of a mile to the north of the present
Legation area boundary.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> This favourite companion of Tzŭ Hsi was really Jung Lu’s secondary
consort, who was only raised to the rank of <i>la première légitime</i> after his first
wife’s death in September, 1900. She survived him and continued to
exercise great influence with the Old Buddha.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> A short biographical note on Chang Chih-tung will be found in the
<a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> <i>Vide</i> under June 20th.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> A quotation from Mencius.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Quotation from Mencius.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> History of events under the Chou dynasty, by Confucius; one of the
Five Classics.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> How well and successfully she did it, has been told in Miss Catherine
A. Carl’s book, <i>With the Empress Dowager of China</i>. The painting of her
portrait for the St. Louis exhibition was in itself an example of Tzŭ Hsi’s
“cardinal virtues of government,” which she practised with conspicuous
success on the simple-minded wife of the American Minister, Mrs. Conger.
(<i>Vide</i> Cordier, <i>Relations de la Chine</i>, Vol. III., p. 423.)</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> The second character of Prince Tuan’s name contained the radical sign
for <i>dog</i>, and was given him by the Emperor Hsien-Feng, because he had
been begotten during the period of mourning for his parent Tao-Kuang; it
being an offence, under Chinese law, for a son to be begotten during the
twenty-seventh months of mourning for father or mother.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> A classical allusion, in common use, equivalent to “Ne sutor ultra
crepidam.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> A traitor whose crime and punishment are recorded in the Spring and
Autumn Annals.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> A classical expression, meaning the Spirit-world.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Referring to his part in the <i>coup d’état</i> of 1898.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> The expression is figurative.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> A species of owl—classical reference.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> Consort of Kuang-Hsü, now Empress Dowager, known by the honorific
title of Lung-yü.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Prince Ch’un subsequently married Jung Lu’s daughter, by special
command of the Empress Dowager.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> This Memorial was never published officially, and Tzŭ Hsi refrained from
issuing a Rescript thereto; it was forwarded by an official with the Court
at Hsi-an to one of the vernacular papers at Shanghai, which published it.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> A lane four hundred yards north of the glacis which now surrounds the
Legation quarter.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Quotation from Confucius.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Tzŭ Hsi was addicted to gentle sarcasm of this kind in Decrees.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Admiral Seymour’s expedition.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> See Dr. Smith’s “China in Convulsion,” page 361.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> The North Gate of the Imperial City.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> At that time Governor-designate of Shensi. He had come north with
troops to defend the capital.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Tutor of the Heir Apparent, father-in-law of the Emperor T’ung-Chih,
his daughter, the Empress Chia-Shun (A-lu-te), had committed suicide in
1875 (<i>vide supra</i>).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> An allusion to Kuang-Hsü’s order for Jung Lu’s summary execution in
September 1898.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> See biographical note, <i>infra</i> (<a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Deceased, 26th August 1910.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> As he had done for Tzŭ Hsi’s son, the Emperor T’ung-Chih.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Amongst Chinese officials no characteristic is more common than their
jealousy of each other and their promiscuous habit of backbiting and
slandering.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> It was because of Tung Fu-hsiang’s great popularity in Kansu that Her
Majesty, fearing another rebellion, hesitated to order his execution.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> This sentence is equivalent to imprisonment for life.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> See Ching Shan’s Diary, <a href="#Page_258">page 258</a>; also cf. <a href="#Page_324">page 324</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> The Empress Dowager was from the outset most anxious to screen and
protect this official, for whom she had a great personal regard. On reviewing
his case in the light of later information and current public opinion, it would
appear that most of his actions were instigated, if not ordered, by Kang Yi,
and that the decision of the foreign Ministers to insist upon his death was
taken without any very definite information as to his share of guilt.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> In accordance with prescribed custom.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> He was directly descended from Nurhachu, the conqueror of the Mings.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> This was no empty boast. Yü Hsien, cold-blooded fanatic that he was,
bore a most honourable name for absolute integrity and contempt for wealth.
He died in poverty, so miserable, that amongst all his clothes there was not
one suit new enough to be fittingly used for his burial robes. His name is
still held in high honour by the people of Shansi, who sing the praises of
his Governorship, and who claim that his proud spirit it was which protected
their Province from being invaded by the foreigners. They erected a shrine
to his memory, but it was demolished to appease the foreign Powers.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> The Chinese rendering of a German name.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> This is the Chinese date; the day of the audience was the 4th September.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Wen T’i had been a censor in 1898, but was cashiered by the Emperor for
being reactionary. Tzŭ Hsi restored him to favour after the <i>coup d’état</i>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Precisely the same quotation was used by Ch’ung Hou in a despatch to
the British Minister (Mr. Wade) in 1861, under somewhat similar circumstances.
Since that date the most frequent criticism of foreign observers on
the subject has been “<i>plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose</i>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> The literal translation of the Chinese is, “She has eaten her meal at
sunset, and worn her clothes throughout the night.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> Ginseng, the specific remedy of the Chinese pharmacopœia for debility,
supposed to possess certain magical qualities when grown in shapes resembling
the human form or parts thereof. The best kind, supplied as tribute
to the Throne, grows wild in Manchuria and Corea.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> This house-law was made by the Emperor Ch’ien Lung to prevent his
Court officials from intriguing for the favour of the Heir Apparent.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> The chief eunuch in reality objected to the Buddhist pontiff on his own
account, for the Lama’s exactions from the superstitious would naturally
diminish his own opportunities.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> He had succeeded Jung Lu as custodian of the mausolea.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> The Imperial Mausoleum lies about ninety miles to the east of Peking,
covering a vast enclosure of magnificent approach and decorated with
splendid specimens of the best style of Chinese architecture. It consists of
four palaces, rising one behind the other, and at the back of the fourth and
highest stands the huge mound classically termed the “Jewelled Citadel,”
under which lies the spacious grave chamber.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> <i>Vide</i> Biographical Note in the <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> 2nd January, 1909.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> <i>Vide</i> the Diary of Ching Shan, <a href="#Page_259">page 259</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Grant Richards, 1901.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Two patriarchial rulers of China (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> <i>circa</i> 2300) whose wise principles
of government were immortalised by Confucius.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> <i>With the Empress Dowager of China</i> (Eveleigh Nash, 1906).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Since the days of the Emperor Ch’ien-Lung, these expenses have
averaged some forty millions of taels per annum. <i>Vide</i> “<i>The Times</i>,” special
article, 7th Dec., 1909.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> The nucleus of this hoard was the money confiscated from the usurping
Regent Su Shun in 1861.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> An account of his life was given in a memoir published by <i>The Times</i> on the 6th
October, 1909.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> <i>Vide supra</i>, Chapter I., <a href="#Page_12">page 12</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> It has remained thus in many districts until now, vast solitudes of ruins being the
chief characteristic of a region that, before the rebellion, supported some thirty million
inhabitants.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Subsequently Governor of Formosa.</p>

</div>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_517"></a>[517]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2>

</div>

<ul>

<li class="ifrst">Actors, Palace, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>

<li class="indx">Admiralty, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Navy">Navy</a></li>

<li class="indx">Adviser to the Government, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Prince_Kung">Prince Kung</a>; also <a href="#Prince_Chun">Prince Ch’un</a></li>

<li class="indx">Adviser to the Regency, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Prince_Chun">Prince Ch’un</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Aisin_Gioros">Aisin Gioros, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="A-Lu-Te">A-Lu-Te, Empress, <a href="#Page_118">118-132-162</a></li>
<li class="isub1">suicide of, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ancestor worship, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473-4</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ancestral shrines, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ancestral tablet, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473-4</a></li>

<li class="indx">Annals of dynasty, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Dynastic">Dynastic</a></li>

<li class="indx">Annam, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>

<li class="indx">Anti-foreign movement, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">also <i>vide</i> <a href="#Boxer_movement">Boxer movement</a></li>

<li class="indx">An Wei-chun, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>

<li class="indx">Astrologers, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485-6</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Audiences">Audiences, procedure at, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>,
    <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Banishment, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Post-roads">Post-roads</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Baron_von_Ketteler">Baron von Ketteler, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>,
    <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Benign Countenance,” <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>

<li class="indx">Berlin, mission to, <a href="#Page_383">383-386</a></li>

<li class="indx">Big Sword Society, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>

<li class="indx">Birthday celebrations, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450-1</a></li>

<li class="indx">Black List, 1900, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>

<li class="indx">Blood brotherhood, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li>

<li class="indx">Board of Punishments, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li>

<li class="indx">Board of Rites, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bombardment of Peking, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li>

<li class="indx">Book of Odes, quoted, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>

<li class="indx">Boxer chiefs, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369-374</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Boxer_movement">Boxer movement, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>,
    <a href="#Page_246">246-250</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260 to 303</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311-12</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>

<li class="indx">British Minister, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>

<li class="indx">British Policy, <a href="#Page_214">214-5</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>

<li class="indx">Brooks, Revd., <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bruce, Sir F., <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>

<li class="indx">Burial Ceremonies, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61-2</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>,
    <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a></li>

<li class="indx">Burning of Legations, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li>

<li class="indx">Burying Alive, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Caligraphy, Edict <i>re</i>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>

<li class="indx">Cantonese, lampooners, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>
<li class="isub1">reformers, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
    <a href="#Page_418">418</a></li>

<li class="indx">Capture of Peking, 1860, <a href="#Page_17">17 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>

<li class="indx">Carl, Miss, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>

<li class="indx">Censorate, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
    <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>,
    <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and eunuchs, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chang Chih-tung, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>,
    <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501-6</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chang Yin-huan, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220-1</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chao, Duke, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chao Erh-hsün, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chao Kuang-yin, Emperor, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chao Shu-ch’iao, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>,
    <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366-9</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li>

<li class="indx">Cheng, Prince, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tuan_Hua">Tuan Hua</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’en Lien-fang, Dr., <a href="#Page_216">216-19</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’en Pao-chen, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’en Tu-en, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chia Ch’ing, Emperor, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chia Hsun, Empress, <i>vide</i> <a href="#A-Lu-Te">A-Lu-Te</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chief Eunuch, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Eunuchs">Eunuchs</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’ien Lung, Emperor, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>,
    <a href="#Page_442">442</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’i Hsiu, <a href="#Page_260">260-1</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264-5</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>,
    <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chi Lu, Chamberlain, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>

<li class="indx">China’s Foreign Policy, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chinese Resident in Corea, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ching Hsin, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>

<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_518"></a>[518]</span>Ch’ing, Prince, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
    <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_374">374</a>,
    <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ching Shan, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251-303</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ching Yüan-shan, <a href="#Page_219">219</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chi Shou-ch’eng, <a href="#Page_255">255-6</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’i Ying, Envoy, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chou Dynasty, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chou Tsu-p’ei, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>

<li class="indx">Christianity, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>,
    <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>

<li class="indx">Christians massacred, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chuang, Prince, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>,
    <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chu Hung-teng, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’ung Ch’i, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’ung Hou, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501-2</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chung Li, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’un, House of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Prince_Chun">Ch’un, Prince (brother of Kuang Hsü), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>,
    <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ch’un, Prince (the first), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121-2</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
    <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158-65</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a></li>
<li class="isub1">adviser to Grand Council, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>

<li class="indx">Clan Imperial, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Imperial_Clan">Imperial</a></li>

<li class="indx">Classical essays, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Examinations">Examinations</a></li>

<li class="indx">Coast Defences, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Cobbler’s Wax” Li, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Li_Lien-ying">Li Lien-ying</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Cold Palace,” <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Colleges">Colleges, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>,
    <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>

<li class="indx">Concubines, Palace, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>,
    <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a> (also <i>vide</i> under “<a href="#Pearl">Pearl</a>” and “<a href="#Lustrous">Lustrous</a>”)</li>

<li class="indx">Conferences, Palace, <a href="#Page_125">125-6</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>

<li class="indx">Confucian system, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226-7</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>,
    <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>

<li class="indx">Confucius, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484-5</a></li>
<li class="isub1">quoted, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>,
    <a href="#Page_420">420</a></li>

<li class="indx">Conger, Mrs., <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Conservatives">Conservative Party, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201-10</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>,
    <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>

<li class="indx">Conspiracy of Regents, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tsai_Yuan">Tsai Yuan</a></li>

<li class="indx">Constitutional Government, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>,
    <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>

<li class="indx">Consular Service, British, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></li>

<li class="indx">Corea, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li>

<li class="indx">Council, Grand, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Grand">Grand</a></li>

<li class="indx"><i>Coup d’état</i>, <a href="#Page_169">169 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_201">201-210</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>,
    <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Court_Ceremonies">Court Ceremonies, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>,
    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>,
    <a href="#Page_450">450</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>

<li class="indx">Court in exile, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></li>

<li class="indx">Court of Astronomers, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>

<li class="indx">Court physicians, <a href="#Page_217">217-8</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>

<li class="indx">Court’s return to Peking, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404-11</a>,
    <a href="#Page_486">486</a></li>

<li class="indx">Criminal Code, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>

<li class="indx">Czar’s Coronation, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Dalai Lama, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454-5</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Decrees">Decrees:—</li>
<li class="isub1">1860: <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1861: <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1864: <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1865: <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1866: <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1869: <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1872: (T’ung Chih’s majority), <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1873: (Foreign Ministers’ audiences), <a href="#Page_115">115</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1874: (T’ung Chih’s illness), <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1884: (Dismissal of Prince Kung), <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1889: (Position of Emperor’s father), <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1894: (Tzŭ Hsi’s 60th birthday), <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(<i>Re</i> Censor An Wei-chun), <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1898: (Death of Prince Kung), <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Chinese <i>versus</i> Manchus), <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Coup d’état), <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(K’ang Yu-wei), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Reform Edicts), <a href="#Page_186">186-7</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196-7</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(<i>Re</i> lawsuits), <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(The Boxers charter), <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Tzŭ Hsi’s policy), <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Weng T’ung-ho), <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Yüan Shih-k’ai), <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1900: (Heir Apparent), <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Boxers Punished), <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Disowning Boxers), <a href="#Page_331">331</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Expiatory), <a href="#Page_349">349</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Flight to Hsi-an), <a href="#Page_354">354</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Return to Peking), <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Yangtsze Viceroys), <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1901: (Conversion to Reform), <a href="#Page_419">419-424</a>, <a href="#Page_426">426</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Cancels Boxer Edicts), <a href="#Page_375">375</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Penitential), <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1902: (<i>Re</i> Jung Lu), <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Reforms), <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1903: (Death of Jung Lu), <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1905: (Constitutional Government), <a href="#Page_431">431-2</a></li>
<li class="isub1">1908: (Death of Kuang Hsü), <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Imperial Succession), <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Regency), <a href="#Page_465">465</a></li>
<li class="isub2">(Tzŭ Hsi’s Valedictory), <a href="#Page_467">467-9</a></li>
<li class="isub2"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_519"></a>[519]</span>(Valedictory), <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>

<li class="indx">Déthève, Dr., <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Diplomatic_Body">Diplomatic Body, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412-3</a>,
    <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
<li class="isub1">ladies of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>,
    <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>

<li class="indx">District magistrates, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>,
    <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Divine Mother,” <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>

<li class="indx">Du Chaylard, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Dynastic">Dynastic annals, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Edicts, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Decrees">Decrees</a></li>

<li class="indx">Educational Reform, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>

<li class="indx">Elephant, Tzŭ Hsi’s, <a href="#Page_454">454</a></li>

<li class="indx">Elgin, Lord, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24-5</a></li>

<li class="indx">Emperor of Japan, telegram to, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></li>

<li class="indx">Emperor of Russia, telegram to, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a></li>

<li class="indx">Emperor’s education, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress Consort (Tzŭ An), <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tzu_An">Tzŭ An</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress Dowager, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tzu_Hsi">Tzŭ Hsi</a>, and <a href="#Yehonala">Yehonala</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress Dowager, widow of Kuang Hsü (Lung Yü), <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464-5</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress Grand Dowager (Tzŭ Hsi), <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress Mother, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress of Kuang Hsü, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>,
    <a href="#Page_447">447</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress of the East, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tzu_An">Tzŭ An</a></li>

<li class="indx">Empress of the West, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tzu_Hsi">Tzŭ Hsi</a></li>

<li class="indx">En Hai, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></li>

<li class="indx">En Ming, En Ch’u, En Ch’un, En Lin, sons of Ching Shan, <a href="#Page_251">251-303</a></li>

<li class="indx">Etiquette, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Audiences">Audiences</a>, <a href="#Court_Ceremonies">Ceremonies, Court</a>, &amp;c.</li>

<li class="indx" id="Eunuchs">Eunuchs, place of origin, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>
<li class="isub1">all Manchus, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Chief Eunuch An Te-hai, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90 <i>et seq.</i></a>,
    <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li>
<li class="isub2">Li Lien-ying, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84-5</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94-5</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97-8</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
    <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>
<li class="isub3">and Dalai Lama, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>
<li class="isub3">and Pearl Concubine, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li>
<li class="isub3">and the Navy funds, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>
<li class="isub3">at Hsi-an, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></li>
<li class="isub3">collecting tribute, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li>
<li class="isub3">corrupt practices of, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
<li class="isub3">denounced by Censor, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li>
<li class="isub3">during flight of Court, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
<li class="isub3">hostility to Emperor of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
<li class="isub3">in disgrace, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li>
<li class="isub3">power of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a></li>
<li class="isub3">supports Boxers, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>
<li class="isub2">Wei Chung, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Decree against, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
<li class="isub1">duties at audiences, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Eunuch Sun, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></li>
<li class="isub1">evil influences of, <a href="#Page_81">81 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Memorial denouncing, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>
<li class="isub1">under K’ang Hsi, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>
<li class="isub1">under Ming dynasty, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li>

<li class="indx">European morals, &amp;c., <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ever-victorious army, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Examinations">Examinations, system of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235-6</a>,
    <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>

<li class="indx">Extra-territoriality, <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Flight of Court (1860), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li>
<li class="isub1">(1900), <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340-62</a></li>

<li class="indx">Foot-binding, Edict <i>re</i>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a></li>

<li class="indx">Foreign Office, <i>vide</i> <a href="#transnote">Waiwupu</a> and <a href="#Tsungli_Yamen">Tsungli Yamên</a></li>

<li class="indx">French Cathedral, Peking, destroyed, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li>

<li class="indx">Funeral of Hsien-Feng, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Jung Lu, <a href="#Page_437">437</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470-5</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
<li class="isub1">T’ung Chih, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Gendarmerie, Peking, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>

<li class="indx">German Emperor, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>

<li class="indx">German Minister, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Baron_von_Ketteler">Baron von Ketteler</a></li>

<li class="indx">Giers, de, Mr., <a href="#Page_336">336</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ginseng, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>

<li class="indx">Goddess of Mercy, Tzŭ Hsi as, <a href="#Page_455">455</a></li>

<li class="indx">Gordon, General, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>

<li class="indx">Government Gazette, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Official">Official</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Grand">Grand Council, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>,
    <a href="#Page_464">464</a></li>

<li class="indx">Gros, Baron, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Han dynasty, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hanlin academy, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hanlin diarist (1860), <a href="#Page_14">14 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>

<li class="indx">Hart, Sir R., <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Heavenly King,” <i>vide</i> <a href="#Hung_Hsiu-chuan">Hung Hsiu-ch’uan</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Heir_Apparent">Heir Apparent, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274-8</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>,
    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303-4</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358-9</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>,
    <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>
<li class="isub1">deposed, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hereditary rank, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hillier, Sir W., <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hills, Eastern, <a href="#Page_471">471</a></li>

<li class="indx">Honan fu, Court at, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>

<li class="indx">Honorific titles, Tzŭ Hsi’s, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>

<li class="indx">Household, Imperial, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Imperial_Household">Imperial</a></li>

<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_520"></a>[520]</span>House laws, dynastic, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>,
    <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>,
    <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsi-an, Court at, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354-5</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>,
    <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsien-Feng, Emperor, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a></li>
<li class="isub1">at Jehol, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
<li class="isub1">burial, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>
<li class="isub1">eunuchs under, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>
<li class="isub1">heir born to, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
<li class="isub1">tomb of, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsüan-hua fu, Court at, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Prefect of, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsüan-T’ung, Emperor, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsü Ching-ch’eng, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291-2</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307-26</a>,
    <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsü Shih-ch’ang, <a href="#Page_6">6-7</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsü Shih-ch’ing, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsü T’ung, <a href="#Page_180">180-1</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>,
    <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsü Ying-ku’ei, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>,
    <a href="#Page_246">246</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hsü Yung-yi, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>

<li class="indx">Huai-lai, Court at, <a href="#Page_340">340-3</a></li>

<li class="indx">Huai Ta Pu, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hui Chang, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hui Cheng (Tzŭ Hsi’s father), <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hundred Days, the, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Hung_Hsiu-chuan">Hung Hsiu-ch’uan, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71-3</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">“I-cheng-wang,” <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>

<li class="indx">I-Ho Yüan, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Summer_Palace">Summer Palace</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ili, Russians at, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501-3</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Imperial_Clan">Imperial Clan Court, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>

<li class="indx">Imperial Clans, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>,
    <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>

<li class="indx">Imperial Clansmen, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>,
    <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>

<li class="indx">Imperial Commissioner, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li>

<li class="indx">Imperial Decrees, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Decrees">Decrees</a></li>

<li class="indx">Imperial Guards, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Imperial_Household">Imperial Household, tribute to, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>,
    <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li>
<li class="isub1">accounts of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Comptrollers of, <a href="#Page_87">87-8</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>,
    <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>
<li class="isub1">eunuchs in, <a href="#Page_81">81 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>

<li class="indx">Imperial Succession, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Succession">Succession</a></li>

<li class="indx">Imperial Tombs, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tombs">Tombs</a></li>

<li class="indx">Incantations of Boxers, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li class="indx">Inspector General of Customs, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>

<li class="indx">Intermarriage, Chinese and Manchus, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>

<li class="indx">International jealousies, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a></li>

<li class="indx">Iron-capped princes, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ito, Prince, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Jade, Emperor, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>

<li class="indx">Jadot, Monsieur, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410-11</a></li>

<li class="indx">James, Professor, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>

<li class="indx">Japan, war with, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Wars">Wars</a></li>

<li class="indx">Jehol, Court at, <a href="#Page_14">14 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Imperial Treasures at, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Su Shun’s Palace at, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tsai Yüan conspiracy at, <a href="#Page_30">30-40</a></li>

<li class="indx">Judicial reform, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Jung_Lu">Jung Lu, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and Eunuch An Te-hai, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and Legations, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and Reformers, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and Tsai Yüan Conspiracy, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and Weng T’ung-ho, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>
<li class="isub1">at T’ai-Yüan fu, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
<li class="isub1">audience with Kuang Hsü, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
<li class="isub1">commander-in-chief, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his corrupt practices, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his daughter, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his wives, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
<li class="isub1">illness of, <a href="#Page_404">404</a></li>
<li class="isub1">in disgrace, <a href="#Page_150">150-1</a></li>
<li class="isub1">intimacy with Yehonala, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>
<li class="isub1">opposes Boxers, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>,
    <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Emperor, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
<li class="isub2">with foreigners, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
<li class="isub1">restored, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tartar General, Hsi-an, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
<li class="isub1">telegram to Yangtsze Viceroys, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tzŭ Hsi’s adviser, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>,
    <a href="#Page_413">413</a></li>
<li class="isub1">valedictory memorial, <a href="#Page_438">438-442</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Viceroy of Chihli, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a></li>
<li class="isub1">withholds artillery from Boxers, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Kai-Feng, Court at, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>

<li class="indx">K’ang-Hsi, Emperor, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>,
    <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kang Yi, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256-300</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>,
    <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>

<li class="indx">K’ang Yu-wei, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
<li class="isub1">character of, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
<li class="isub1">flight from Peking, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>
<li class="isub1">plot against Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>,
    <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kansuh soldiery, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>,
    <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kashgar, fall of, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kauffmann, General, <a href="#Page_508">508</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ketteler, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Baron_von_Ketteler">Baron von</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kiaochao Bay, seizure of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ko Pao-hua, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kotow, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>

<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_521"></a>[521]</span>“Kow-hsing,” s.s., <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuang Hsü, Emperor, minority of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and eunuchs, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></li>
<li class="isub1">a prisoner, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li>
<li class="isub1">assumes government, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
<li class="isub1">at Hsi-an fu, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></li>
<li class="isub1">character of, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>
<li class="isub1">education of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
<li class="isub1">elected by Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
<li class="isub1">foreign sympathy for, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li>
<li class="isub1">funeral of, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his brothers, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his concubines, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his consort, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his disposition, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his mother, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>
<li class="isub1">majority of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
<li class="isub1">marriage of, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
<li class="isub1">opposed to Boxers, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li>
<li class="isub1">personal appearance of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li>
<li class="isub1">physical defects, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
<li class="isub1">plots against Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
<li class="isub2">relations with Chang Chih-tung, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
<li class="isub3">Heir Apparent, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li>
<li class="isub3">Jung Lu, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
<li class="isub3">Pearl Concubine, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li>
<li class="isub3">Reformers, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a></li>
<li class="isub1">proposed deposition of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
<li class="isub1">sickness of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443-4</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a></li>
<li class="isub1">succession to, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuanshih, Court at, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuan Wen, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuei Ching, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuei Hsiang, Duke, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuei Liang, <a href="#Page_24">24-5</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuei Pao, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kung, Duke, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kung, Prince (candidate for Throne, 1908), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Prince_Kung">Kung, Prince (son of Tao-Kuang), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Adviser to the Government, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li>
<li class="isub1">assists Yehonala against Tsai Yuan, <a href="#Page_33">33 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>
<li class="isub1">at Jehol, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
<li class="isub1">degraded, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his daughter, Princess Imperial, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
<li class="isub1">in retirement, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
<li class="isub1">plenipotentiary, <a href="#Page_27">27-29</a></li>
<li class="isub1">quarrels with Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>
<li class="isub1">re-instated, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>

<li class="indx">K’un Ming Lake, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Lake Palace, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lan-chou fu, <a href="#Page_372">372</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lan, Duke, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tsai_Lan">Tsai Lan</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lawsuits, edict <i>re</i>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>

<li class="indx">Legation Guards, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>

<li class="indx">Legations at Peking, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>,
    <a href="#Page_433">433</a></li>

<li class="indx">Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>

<li class="indx">Liao Shou-heng, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Ching-fang, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lien Yuan, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Hsiu-ch’eng, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71-73</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Hung-chang, <a href="#Page_76">76-7</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>,
    <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>,
    <a href="#Page_387">387-9</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_399">399</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Hung-tsao, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Li_Lien-ying">Li Lien-ying, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Eunuchs">Eunuchs</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lin Hsü, Reformer, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Ping-heng, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293-4</a>,
    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li, Prince, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>,
    <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Shan, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>

<li class="indx">Literati, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>,
    <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Tuan-fen, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228-9</a></li>

<li class="indx">Liu Kuang-ti, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>

<li class="indx">Liu K’un-yi, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274-5</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>,
    <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a></li>

<li class="indx">Li Wan-ts’ai, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lu Ch’uan-lin, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358-9</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lü, Empress, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lü Hai-huan, <a href="#Page_385">385</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lung Yü, Empress, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464-5</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Lustrous">“Lustrous” Concubine, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Magic arts of Boxers, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Mahomedan">Mahomedan rebellion, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507-509</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ma Hsin-yi, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>

<li class="indx">Manchu Field Force, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Clansmen, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li>
<li class="isub1">soldiery, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>

<li class="indx">Manchurian provinces, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>,
    <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>

<li class="indx">Manchus <i>versus</i> Chinese, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>,
    <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>

<li class="indx">Masquerades, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Palace_Theatricals">Palace Theatricals</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mausolea, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tombs">Tombs</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ma Yu-k’un, General, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>

<li class="indx">Memorials:—</li>
<li class="isub1">An Wei-chun, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Censorate, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Hsü Ying-ku’ei, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Hui Chang, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Jung Lu, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438-42</a></li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_522"></a>[522]</span>Li Hung-chang, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Li Tuan-fen, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Prince Ch’un, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a></li>
<li class="isub1"><i>Re</i> Eunuchs, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Southern Viceroys, <a href="#Page_394">394-5</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tseng Quo-fan, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Wu K’o-tu, <a href="#Page_110">110 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_142">142-7</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Yüan Ch’ang and Hsü Ching-ch’eng, <a href="#Page_292">292-3</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307-26</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Yü Lu, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mencius, quoted, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>,
    <a href="#Page_287">287-8</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>

<li class="indx">Military reorganisation, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ming dynasty, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>,
    <a href="#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mining Bureau, Peking, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ministers, foreign, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Diplomatic_Body">Diplomatic Body</a></li>

<li class="indx">Missionaries, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>,
    <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mission to Berlin, <a href="#Page_383">383-386</a></li>
<li class="isub1">abroad (1905), <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>

<li class="indx">Morrison, Dr., <i>vide</i> “<a href="#Times">Times</a>”</li>

<li class="indx">Muyanga, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Nanking re-captured, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>

<li class="indx">Na T’ung, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264-5</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Navy">Navy funds, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li>
<li class="isub1">naval reorganisation, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ning Shou Palace, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>

<li class="indx">Niuhulu, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>

<li class="indx">North and South factions, <a href="#Page_180">180 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>

<li class="indx">Nurhachu, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">“Ocean Terrace,” <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Official">Official Gazettes, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li>

<li class="indx">Old Buddha, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tzu_Hsi">Tzŭ Hsi</a>, also <a href="#Yehonala">Yehonala</a></li>

<li class="indx">Opium smoking (Tzŭ Hsi), <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a></li>
<li class="isub1">abolition of, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Palace eunuchs, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Eunuchs">Eunuchs</a></li>
<li class="isub1">orgies, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>
<li class="isub1">politics, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></li>
<li class="isub1" id="Palace_Theatricals">Theatricals, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>,
    <a href="#Page_454">454-5</a></li>

<li class="indx">Palace harem, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a></li>

<li class="indx">P’an Tsu-yin, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>

<li class="indx">Pao-Ting Fu, Court at, <a href="#Page_405">405</a></li>

<li class="indx">Pao Yun, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>

<li class="indx">Parkes (Sir), Harry, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>

<li class="indx">Peace negotiations, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>

<li class="indx">Peace protocol, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>,
    <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Pearl">Pearl Concubine, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>

<li class="indx">Peking, capture of (1860), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>
<li class="isub1">bombardment (1900), <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>

<li class="indx">Peking University, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>

<li class="indx">P’eng Yu-lin, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>

<li class="indx">Penitential Decree, <a href="#Page_376">376</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Mission, <a href="#Page_384">384-6</a></li>

<li class="indx">Phœnix flag, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li>

<li class="indx">“P’i Hsiao,” Li, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Eunuchs">Li Lien-ying (under eunuchs)</a></li>

<li class="indx">Plot against Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>

<li class="indx">Po Ch’un, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>

<li class="indx">Police, Peking, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a></li>

<li class="indx">Port Arthur, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>

<li class="indx">Portrait of Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>

<li class="indx">Portsmouth Treaty, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Post-roads">Post-roads, banishment to, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>

<li class="indx">Press Bureau, Shanghai, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Press">Press, native, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>,
    <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>
<li class="isub1">foreign, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a></li>

<li class="indx">Princess Imperial, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>

<li class="indx">Privy Purse, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>,
    <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>

<li class="indx">P’u Chün, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Heir_Apparent">Heir Apparent</a></li>

<li class="indx">P’u Lun, Prince, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122-3</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>,
    <a href="#Page_446">446-7</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458-9</a></li>

<li class="indx">P’u T’ung, Prince, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></li>

<li class="indx">P’u Yi (Emperor Hsuan T’ung), <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Railway journey, Court’s, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404-11</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a></li>

<li class="indx">Reactionaries, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Conservatives">Conservatives</a></li>

<li class="indx">Rebellion, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Taiping">Taiping</a>, <a href="#Mahomedan">Mahomedan</a>, &amp;c.</li>

<li class="indx">Red Girdles, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Aisin_Gioros">Aisin Gioros</a></li>

<li class="indx">Reform Decrees, <a href="#Page_185">185-200</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Repeal of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a></li>

<li class="indx">Reform Movement, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190-215</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>,
    <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a></li>

<li class="indx">Regency, Joint of Empresses Dowager, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
    <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_468">468</a></li>

<li class="indx">Regency of Tsai Yuan, <a href="#Page_30">30 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>

<li class="indx">Regency of Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_148">148 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li>

<li class="indx">Regent, Prince Ch’un (1908), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458-9</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a></li>

<li class="indx">Relief of Legations, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></li>

<li class="indx">Republic, Chinese, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>

<li class="indx">Revolutionary Movement, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>,
    <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>

<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_523"></a>[523]</span>Rewards for killing Europeans, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>,
    <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>

<li class="indx">Russian Policy, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>,
    <a href="#Page_396">396</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502-3</a></li>

<li class="indx">Russians at Ili, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501-3</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Sakota, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li>

<li class="indx">Schools, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Colleges">Colleges</a></li>

<li class="indx">Scrolls, honorific, &amp;c., <a href="#Page_372">372-3</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>

<li class="indx">Seal, Imperial, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>

<li class="indx">Seng-Ko-Lin Ch’in, Prince, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li>

<li class="indx">Seymour, Admiral, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></li>

<li class="indx">Shansi, Court in, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Yu Hsien, Governor of, <a href="#Page_373">373</a></li>

<li class="indx">Shao Yu-lien, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li>

<li class="indx">Shen Chin, Reformer, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sheng Hsüan-huai, <a href="#Page_407">407</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sheng Pao, General, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>

<li class="indx">Shensi, famine in, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Rebellion in, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>

<li class="indx">Shih Hsü, <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>

<li class="indx">Shimonoseki Treaty, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li>

<li class="indx">Shun-Chih, Emperor, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>

<li class="indx">Siege of Nanking, <a href="#Page_68">68-9</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Su-Chou fu, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>

<li class="indx">Silkworms, God of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li>

<li class="indx">Small-pox, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Southern">Southern provinces and Reform, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>,
    <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>

<li class="indx">Southern Viceroys, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394-5</a>, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Spring and Autumn” Classic, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a></li>

<li class="indx">Squeezing by officials, <a href="#Page_495">495</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>

<li class="indx">Students, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Succession">Succession, Imperial, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>,
    <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>,
    <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sugiyama, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li>

<li class="indx">Suicide, patriotic, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Summer_Palace">Summer Palace, burnt by Allies, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a></li>
<li class="isub1">rebuilding of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tzŭ Hsi’s life at, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sun Chia-nai, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510-12</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sung Ch’ing, General, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sung dynasty, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sung, Eunuch, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sung Po-lu, Censor, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sung Yu-lien, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sun Yat-sen, Dr., <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sun Yu-wen, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>

<li class="indx">Su Shun, usurping Regent, <a href="#Page_30">30 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Ta-A-Ko, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Heir_Apparent">Heir Apparent</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ta Chi, Concubine, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Taiping">Taiping rebellion, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64-80</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>,
    <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tai-Tsung, Empress, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’ai-Yüan fu, Court at, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>

<li class="indx">Taku Forts, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’an Chung-lin, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’ang dynasty, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tang Shao-yi, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’an Su-t’ung, Reformer, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’an Ting-hsiang, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tao-Kuang, Emperor, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
    <a href="#Page_458">458</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his widow, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’ao Mo, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_107">107-8</a></li>

<li class="indx">Taxation, system of, <a href="#Page_441">441</a></li>

<li class="indx">Temple of Heaven, <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>

<li class="indx">“The Chinese Crisis from Within,” <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tientsin, fighting at, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tientsin massacre, <a href="#Page_76">76-7</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tien Ts’ung, Emperor, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>

<li class="indx"><i>Times</i> correspondent, Peking, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Times"><i>Times</i>, The, quoted, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_404">404-11</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471-75</a>,
    <a href="#Page_495">495</a>, <a href="#Page_501">501</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ting, Admiral, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ting Pao-chen, <a href="#Page_91">91-3</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’ing Yung, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Tombs">Tombs, Imperial, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Hsien-Feng’s, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
<li class="isub1">T’ung-Chih’s, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tzŭ Hsi’s, <a href="#Page_456">456</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tongking, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>

<li class="indx">Train-bands, <a href="#Page_242">242-3</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a></li>

<li class="indx">Transvaal war, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li>

<li class="indx">Treasure in Palace, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a></li>

<li class="indx">Treaties, Commercial, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a></li>

<li class="indx">Treaty of Livadia, <a href="#Page_502">502-3</a></li>
<li class="isub1">of Portsmouth, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
<li class="isub1">of Shimonoseki, <a href="#Page_391">391</a></li>
<li class="isub1">of Tientsin, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>

<li class="indx">Trial of Reformers, <a href="#Page_220">220</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tribute, provincial, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>,
    <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>

<li class="indx">Troops, Chihli, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tsai Ch’u, Prince, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tsai Feng, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Prince_Chun">Prince Ch’un</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Tsai_Lan">Tsai Lan, Duke, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251-2</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261-3</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>,
    <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tsai Lien, “Beileh,” <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tsai Tsê, Duke, <a href="#Page_431">431</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tsai Tun, Duke, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tsai Ying, “Beileh,” <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Tsai_Yuan">Tsai Yüan, Prince, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Chief Regent, <a href="#Page_36">36</a></li>
<li class="isub1">conspiracy of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>

<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_524"></a>[524]</span>Ts’en Ch’un-hsüan, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347-8</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>,
    <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tseng Kuo-ch’uan, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tseng Kuo-fan, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>,
    <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_507">507</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tseng, Marquis, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tseng Tzu, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tso Tsung-t’ang, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>,
    <a href="#Page_507">507-510</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Tsungli_Yamen">Tsungli Yamên, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tuan Fang, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>,
    <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Tuan_Hua">Tuan Hua, Prince, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tuan, Prince (Boxer), <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251-303</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a></li>
<li class="isub1">his wife, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
<li class="isub1">in banishment, <a href="#Page_365">365</a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
<li class="isub1">son of, Heir Apparent, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303-4</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tu Mu, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’ung-Chih, Emperor, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>,
    <a href="#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a></li>
<li class="isub1">funeral and burial of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>
<li class="isub1">marries A-Lu-Te, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a></li>
<li class="isub1">succession to, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a>, <a href="#Page_458">458</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461-2</a>,
    <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
<li class="isub1">unborn heir of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tung Fu-hsiang, General, <a href="#Page_261">261-2</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284-5</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>,
    <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’ung Wen College, <a href="#Page_493">493</a></li>

<li class="indx">T’ung Yŭan-ch’un, Censor, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tun, Prince, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>

<li class="indx">Turkestan, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_502">502</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Tzu_An">Tzŭ An (Empress Dowager, of the East), <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
    <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148-9</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and A-Lu-Te, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li>
<li class="isub1">and Prince Kung, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Co-Regent with Tzŭ Hsi, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
<li class="isub1">tomb of, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
<li class="isub1">valedictory decree, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Tzu_Hsi">Tzŭ Hsi, Empress Dowager, (<i>see also</i> <a href="#Yehonala">Yehonala</a>)</li>
<li class="isub1">appoints Kuang Hsü’s successor, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_382">382</a></li>
<li class="isub1">burial and tomb of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470-5</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>
<li class="isub1">charm of manner, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
<li class="isub1">compared with Napoleon, <a href="#Page_486">486</a></li>
<li class="isub1">compared with Queen Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
<li class="isub1">contemplates suicide, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>
<li class="isub1">courage, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>
<li class="isub1">death of, <a href="#Page_464">464-7</a>, <a href="#Page_498">498</a></li>
<li class="isub1">despotic nature, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
<li class="isub1">diet and habits, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Empress Dowager and Co-Regent, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>
<li class="isub1">extravagance, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_494">494</a></li>
<li class="isub1">feminine vanity, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
<li class="isub1">fits of rage, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>,
    <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_489">489</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a></li>
<li class="isub1">flies from Peking, <a href="#Page_296">296-7</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>
<li class="isub1">fond of painting, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li>
<li class="isub1">gentleness, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_480">480</a></li>
<li class="isub1">her eunuchs, <a href="#Page_81">81 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95-6</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>,
    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li>
<li class="isub1">her favourites, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>,
    <a href="#Page_483">483</a></li>
<li class="isub1">her private fortune, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
<li class="isub1">her Privy Purse, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>,
    <a href="#Page_434">434</a></li>
<li class="isub1">her sisters, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>
<li class="isub1">impartiality, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_484">484</a></li>
<li class="isub1">inconsistency, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>
<li class="isub1">indecision, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a></li>
<li class="isub1">in retirement, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li>
<li class="isub1">kindness of heart, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>,
    <a href="#Page_489">489</a></li>
<li class="isub1">last words, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li>
<li class="isub1">life at summer palace, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161-2</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li>
<li class="isub1">love of literature, <a href="#Page_492">492-3</a></li>
<li class="isub1">love of theatre, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>,
    <a href="#Page_454">454-5</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>
<li class="isub1">names and titles of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
<li class="isub1">opium smoking, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_496">496</a></li>
<li class="isub1">parentage, childhood and education, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8-9</a></li>
<li class="isub1">penitent, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416-7</a>,
    <a href="#Page_445">445</a></li>
<li class="isub1">personal appearance, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></li>
<li class="isub1">policy towards Manchus, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>
<li class="isub1">political activity, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li>
<li class="isub1">prestige of 469, <a href="#Page_488">488</a></li>
<li class="isub1">profligacy of Court, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>,
    <a href="#Page_481">481</a></li>
<li class="isub1">quarrels with Co-Regent, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148-9</a></li>
<li class="isub1">rebukes the Censors, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>
<li class="isub1">receives wives of foreign Ministers, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>,
    <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
<li class="isub1">reform policy, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>,
    <a href="#Page_425">425</a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Boxers, <a href="#Page_250">250-300</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Jung Lu, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Jung_Lu">Jung Lu</a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Kuang Hsü, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Legations, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_401">401</a></li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_525"></a>[525]</span>relations with Prince Kung, <a href="#Page_57">57 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_91">91 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Prince Tuan, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>
<li class="isub1">seventieth birthday, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li>
<li class="isub1">sickness of, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455-6</a></li>
<li class="isub1">sixtieth birthday, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>
<li class="isub1">statecraft, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>
<li class="isub1">superstitious nature, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_456">456</a>,
    <a href="#Page_481">481</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
<li class="isub1">thrifty instincts, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>,
    <a href="#Page_495">495</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Tsai Yuan conspiracy, <a href="#Page_30">30 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>
<li class="isub1">vindictiveness, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_490">490</a></li>
<li class="isub1">violates succession laws, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a></li>
<li class="isub1">woman of moods, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Vernacular Press, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Press">Press</a></li>

<li class="indx">Victoria, Queen, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_492">492</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Wang Chao, Reformer, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wang Wen-shao, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>,
    <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wan Li, Emperor, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Wars">War, with England and France (1860), <a href="#Page_14">14 <i>et seq.</i></a></li>
<li class="isub1">of Boxers, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Russo-Japanese, <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
<li class="isub1">with France, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a></li>
<li class="isub1">with Japan, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167-8</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>,
    <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wei Chung, Eunuch, <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li>

<li class="indx">Weihaiwei, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_390">390</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Wen Ching,” <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a></li>

<li class="indx">Weng T’ung-ho, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156-7</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_233">233-5</a>, <a href="#Page_505">505</a>,
    <a href="#Page_510">510</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wen Hsi, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wen Lien, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wen T’i, Censor, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a></li>

<li class="indx">Western learning, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>

<li class="indx">White Lily sect, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>

<li class="indx">Winter Palace, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li>

<li class="indx">Women, in the Palace, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>
<li class="isub1">not allowed with army, <a href="#Page_485">485</a></li>
<li class="isub1">not allowed with Imperial cortège, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
<li class="isub1">rulers, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_466">466</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wu, Empress, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wu K’o-tu, <a href="#Page_110">110 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_132">132 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>,
    <a href="#Page_506">506</a></li>
<li class="isub1">suicide of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wu San-kuei, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wu Ta-ch’eng, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wu-T’ai shan, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>

<li class="ifrst">Yakoub Beg, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yang Ju, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yang Jui, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yangkunu, Prince, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yang Shen-hsiu, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yangtsze provinces, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>
<li class="isub1">under Taipings, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Viceroys, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Southern">Southern</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yehonala Clan, <a href="#Page_2">2-4</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>,
    <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, <a href="#Page_515">515</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="Yehonala">Yehonala, Concubine Imperial, <a href="#Page_1">1 to 13 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_26">26-7</a> (<i>vide</i> <a href="#Tzu_Hsi">Tzŭ Hsi</a>)</li>
<li class="isub1">her sisters, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yeh, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yellow Emperor, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yellow Girdles, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Aisin_Gioros">Aisin Gioros</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yellow River, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_509">509</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yellow Sedan-chair, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
<li class="isub1">paper decrees, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>
<li class="isub1">Turban sect, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Yi” Concubine, (<i>vide</i> <a href="#Yehonala">Yehonala</a>), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yin Chang, <a href="#Page_384">384-5</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ying Nien, <a href="#Page_366">366-7</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ying Tsung, Emperor, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yi, Prince, <i>vide</i> <a href="#Tsai_Yuan">Tsai Yuan</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Young China,” <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yüan Ch’ang, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>,
    <a href="#Page_307">307-26</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yüan Dynasty, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yüan Shih-k’ai, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203 <i>et seq.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>,
    <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>,
    <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yu-Ch’uan pu (Ministry of Communications), <a href="#Page_430">430</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yü Hsien, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>,
    <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348-9</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yü Lu, Viceroy, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>,
    <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a></li>

<li class="indx">Yünnan, Rebellion in, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>

</ul>

<div class="transnote" id="transnote">
<p><b>Transcriber’s Note:</b> An entry for “Waiwupu” was omitted from the Index,
but if it had been included, it might have referred you to pages
<a href="#Page_339">339</a> and <a href="#Page_482">482</a>.</p>
</div>

<p class="titlepage"><span class="smcap">Richard Clay and Sons, Limited,</span><br>
BREAD STREET HILL, E.C., AND<br>
BUNGAY, SUFFOLK.</p>

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