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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/75425-0.txt b/75425-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3668a73 --- /dev/null +++ b/75425-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,17658 @@ + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75425 *** + + + + + + PORTUGUESE + LITERATURE + + + + + Oxford University Press + +_London_ _Edinburgh_ _Glasgow_ _Copenhagen_ +_New York_ _Toronto_ _Melbourne_ _Cape Town_ +_Bombay_ _Calcutta_ _Madras_ _Shanghai_ + + Humphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY + + + + + PORTUGUESE + LITERATURE + + BY + AUBREY F. G. BELL + + [Illustration] + + OXFORD + AT THE CLARENDON PRESS + 1922 + + + + + [Illustration] + + TO THE TRUE PORTUGAL OF THE FUTURE + + _La letteratura, dalla quale sola potrebbe aver sodo principio + la rigenerazione della nostra patria._ + + GIACOMO LEOPARDI. + + [Illustration] + + + + +_This book was ready in October 1916, but the war delayed its +publication. A few alterations have now been made in order to bring +it up to date. It is needless to say how welcome will be further +suggestions, especially for the bibliography. Only by such help can a +book of this kind become useful, since its object is not to expatiate +upon schools and theories but to give with as much accuracy as possible +the main facts concerning the work and life of each individual author._ + + AUBREY F. G. BELL. + + S. JOÃO DO ESTORIL, + PORTUGAL. + _July 1921_ + + + + + CONTENTS + + +_Introduction_ + + PAGE + +Portuguese literature in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries--D. +Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos--Dr. Theophilo Braga--Portuguese +prose--Portuguese writers in Spanish and Latin--Character of the +Portuguese--Special qualities of their literature--Splendid +achievement--Lack of criticism and proportion but not of talent 13 + + +I. 1185-1325. + +[i. e. from the accession of Sancho I to the death of Dinis.] + +§ 1. _The Cossantes_ 22 + +Earliest poems--Their indigenous character and peculiar form--Their +origin--Galicia in the Middle Ages--The pilgrimages--Dance-poems--Themes +of the _cossantes_--Their relation to the poetry imported from +Provence--Writers of _cossantes_: Nuno Fernandez Torneol--Joan +Zorro--Pero Meogo--Pay Gomez Chariño--Airas Nunez’ _pastorela_--The +_cantigas de vilãos_--Songs of women--Persistence of the _cossante_ to +modern times--_Cossantes_ and _cantigas de amor_. + +§ 2. _The Cancioneiros_ 37 + +_Cancioneiro da Ajuda_--_Cancioneiro da Vaticana_--_Cancioneiro +Colocci-Brancuti_--Relations of Portugal with Spain, with France, +with other countries--The Galician language--Its extension--Alfonso +X--The _Cantigas de Santa Maria_--Poetry at the Court of Afonso +III--Provençal poetry in Portugal--Monotony and technical +skill of the Portuguese poets--_Cantigas de amigo_--Satiric poems--Joan +de Guilhade--Pero Garcia de Burgos--Pero da Ponte--Joan Airas--Fernan +Garcia Esgaravunha--Airas Nunez--King Dinis. + + +II. 1325-1521. + +[i. e. from the accession of Sancho IV to the death of Manuel I.] + +§ 1. _Early Prose_ 58 + +Comparatively late development of prose--Spanish influence in the +second period of Portuguese literature--King Dinis’ translation +of the _Cronica Geral_--_Regra de S. Bento_--Translations from the +Bible--Sacred legends--Aesop’s Fables--Chronicles--_Livros de +Linhagens_--The Breton cycle--The Quest of the Holy Grail--_Livro de +Josep ab Arimatia_--_Estorea de Vespeseano_--_Amadis de Gaula_--Problem +of its origin--Early allusions--Vasco de Lobeira--Probable +introduction of _Amadis_ into the Peninsula through Portugal. + +§ 2. _Epic and Later Galician Poets_ 72 + +Dearth of epics--Apocryphal poems--Afonso Giraldez--_Romances_--Their +connexion with Spain--Survival of Galician lyrics--Macias--Juan +Rodriguez de la Cámara--Fernam Casquicio--Vasco Perez de Camões--Gonçalo +Rodriguez, Archdeacon of Toro--Garci Ferrandez de Gerena--Alfonso +Alvarez de Villasandino--_Cantigas de escarnho_--The Constable D. Pedro. + +§ 3. _The Chroniclers_ 81 + +Fernam Lopez--_Cronica do Condestabre_--Zurara--Ruy de Pina--_Cronica do +Infante Santo._ Other prose: King João I--King Duarte--Pedro, Duke of +Coimbra--Letters of Lopo de Almeida--_Boosco Delleytoso_--_Corte +Imperial_--_Flos Sanctorum_--_Vita Christi_--_Espelho de +Christina_--_Espelho de Prefeyçam_. + +§ 4. _The Cancioneiro Geral_ 96 + +The break in Portuguese poetry--Its revival--Garcia de +Resende--_Cancioneiro Geral_--Its shallow themes--More serious +poems--Alvaro de Brito--The _Coudel Môr_--D. João de Meneses--D. +João Manuel--Fernam da Silveira--Nuno Pereira--Diogo Brandam--Luis +Anriquez--Rodriguez de Sá--The Conde de Vimioso--Duarte de +Brito--Spanish influence. + + +III. The Sixteenth Century [1502-80]. + +§ 1. _Gil Vicente_ 106 + +The sixteenth century--Gil Vicente’s first play (1502)--The year +and place of his birth--His life--Poet and goldsmith--His +_autos_--Types sketched in his _farsas_--Devotional plays, comedies +and tragicomedies--Origin of the drama in Portugal--Enzina’s influence +on Vicente--French influence--Other Spanish writers--Traditional +satire--Number of Vicente’s plays--Their character and that of their +author--His patriotism and serious purpose--His achievement and +influence in Spain and Portugal. + +§ 2. _Lyric and Bucolic Poets_ 132 + +Bernardim Ribeiro--Cristovam Falcão--Sá de Miranda--D. Manuel de +Portugal--Diogo Bernardez--Frei Agostinho da Cruz--Antonio +Ferreira--Andrade Caminha--Sá de Meneses--Falcão de Resende--Jorge de +Montemôr--Fernam Alvarez do Oriente--Faria e Sousa--Francisco Rodriguez +Lobo. + +§ 3. _The Drama_ 156 + +Gil Vicente’s successors--Anonymous plays--Afonso Alvarez--Antonio +Ribeiro Chiado--Balthasar Diaz--Anrique Lopez--Jorge Pinto--Antonio +Prestes--Jeronimo Ribeiro Soarez--Simão Machado--Francisco Vaz--Gil +Vicente de Almeida--Frei Antonio da Estrella--Classical drama: Sá de +Miranda--Antonio Ferreira--Camões--Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos. + +§ 4. _Luis de Camões_ 174 + +Family of Camões--His birth and education--In North Africa--In +India--Return to Portugal--Last years and death--Camões as epic and +lyric poet--The _Lusiads_--Its critics--His greatness--Influence on +the language--His _Parnasso_--Camões and Petrarca--Later epic +poets--Corte Real--Pereira Brandão--Francisco de Andrade. + +§ 5. _The Historians_ 190 + +Historians of India--Alvaro Velho --Lopez de +Castanheda--Barros--Couto--Corrêa--Bras de Albuquerque--Antonio +Galvam--Special narratives--Gaspar Fructuoso--Frei Bernardo de +Brito--Francisco de Andrade--Osorio--Bernardo da Cruz--Jeronimo +de Mendoça--Miguel de Moura--Duarte Nunez de Leam--Damião +de Goes--André de Resende--Manuel Severim de Faria--Faria e Sousa. + +§ 6. _Quinhentista Prose_ 217 + +Vivid prose--_Historia Tragico-Maritima_. Travels: Duarte +Barbosa--Francisco Alvarez--Gaspar da Cruz--Frei João dos +Santos--Tenreiro--Mestre Afonso--Frei Gaspar de S. Bernardino--Manuel +Godinho--Fernam Mendez Pinto--Garcia da Orta--Pedro Nunez--Duarte +Pacheco--D. João de Castro--Afonso de Albuquerque--Soropita--Rodriguez +Silveira--Fernandez Ferreira--Francisco de Hollanda--Gonçalo Fernandez +Trancoso--Francisco de Moraes. + +§ 7. _Religious and Mystic Writers_ 235 + +Mysticism--Frei Heitor Pinto--Arraez--Frei Thomé de Jesus--Frei +Luis de Sousa--Lucena--Preachers: Paiva de Andrade--Fernandez +Galvão--Feo--Luz--Calvo--Veiga--Ceita--Lisboa--Almeida--Alvarez--Samuel +Usque--Frei Antonio das Chagas--Manuel Bernardes. + + +IV. 1580-1706. + +[i. e. from the accession of Philip II of Spain to the death of +Pedro II.] + +_The Seiscentistas_ 251 + +_Culteranismo_--D. Francisco Manuel de Mello--_Fenix Renascida_--Soror +Violante do Ceo--Child Rolim de Moura--Veiga Tagarro--Galhegos--The +epic: Pereira de Castro--Bras Garcia de Mascarenhas--Sá de +Meneses--Sousa de Macedo--Mousinho de Quevedo--The Academies--Martim +Afonso de Miranda--Leitão de Andrade--The Love Letters--_Arte de +Furtar_--Ribeiro de Macedo--Freire de Andrade--Antonio Vieira. + + +V. 1706-1816. + +[i. e. from the accession of João V to the death of Maria I.] + +_The Eighteenth Century_ 270 + +The Arcadias--Corrêa Garção--Quita--Diniz da Cruz e Silva--Filinto +Elysio--Tolentino--The Marquesa de Alorna--Bocage--Xavier de +Mattos--Gonzaga--Costa--Brazilian epics--Macedo--The Drama: +Figueiredo--Antonio José da Silva--Nicolau Dias--The Academy of +Sciences--Scholars and critics--Theodoro de Almeida--Letters. + + +VI. 1816-1910. + +[i. e. from the accession of João VI to the fall of the Monarchy.] + +§ 1. _The Romantic School_ 287 + +Portugal at the opening of the century--Almeida +Garrett--Herculano--Historical novelists--Rebello da Silva--Camillo +Castello Branco--Poetry: Castilho--Mendes Leal--Soares de Passos--Gomes +de Amorim--Xavier de Novaes--Thomaz Ribeiro--Bulhão Pato. + +§ 2. _The Reaction and After_ 304 + +The Coimbra School--History: Oliveira Martins--Pinheiro Chagas--Research +and criticism--The Drama: Ennes--Azevedo--D. João da Camara--Marcellino +Mesquita--Snr. Lopes de Mendonça--Snr. Julio Dantas--The Novel: Julio +Diniz--Eça de Queiroz--J. L. Pinto--Snr. Luiz de Magalhães--Snr. +Magalhães Lima--Bento Moreno--Snr. Silva Gayo--Snr. Malheiro Dias--Abel +Botelho--Ramalho Ortigão--Snr. Teixeira Gomes--Snr. Antero de +Figueiredo--D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho--The Conde de Sabugosa--The +_Conto_: Machado--The Conde de Ficalho--Fialho de Almeida--D. João da +Camara--Trindade Coelho--Snr. Julio Brandão--Poetry: Quental--João de +Deus--Guilherme Braga--A. da Conceição--G. de Azevedo--João +Penha--Cesario Verde--Gonçalves Crespo--Snr. Guerra Junqueiro--Gomes +Leal--Snr. Teixeira de Pascoaes--Antonio Nobre--Colonel Christovam +Ayres--Joaquim de Araujo--Antonio Feijó--Snr. Eugenio de Castro--Snr. +Corrêa de Oliveira--Snr. Afonso Lopes Vieira. + + +APPENDIX + +§ 1. _Literature of the People_ 338 + +Unwritten literature--Traditional themes--_Floras e Branca +Flor_--Bandarra--The Holy Cobbler--Primaeval elements--Connexion of song +and dance--Modern _cantigas_--Links with ancient +poetry--Cradle-songs--_Alvoradas_--_Fados_--Proverbs--Folk-tales. + +§ 2. _The Galician Revival_ 347 + +_Xogos Froraes_ of 1861--Añon--Posada--Camino--Rosalía de Castro--Lamas +Carvajal--Sr. Bárcia Caballero--Losada--Eduardo Pondal--Curros +Enriquez--Martelo Pauman--Pereira--Garcia Ferreiro--Núñez +González--Nun de Allariz--Sr. Rodríguez González--Sr. López Abente--Sr. +Noriega Varela--Sr. Cabanillas--Sr. Rey Soto--_Cancionero Popular +Gallego_--Prose--Pérez Placer--Dª. Francisca Herrera. + + + + + INTRODUCTION + + +Portuguese literature may be said to belong largely to the nineteenth +and twentieth centuries. Europe can boast of no fresher and more +charming early lyrics than those which slept forgotten[1] in the +Vatican Library until the late Professor Ernesto Monaci published _Il +Canzoniere Portoghese_ in 1875. And, to take a few more instances +out of many, the poems of King Alfonso X, of extraordinary interest +alike to historian and literary critic, first appeared in 1889; the +plays of Gil Vicente were almost unknown before the Hamburg (1834) +edition, based on the Göttingen copy of that of 1562; Sá de Miranda +only received a definitive edition in 1885; the _Cancioneiro Geral_ +became accessible in the middle of the nineteenth century, when the +three volumes of the Stuttgart edition were published; the exquisite +verses[1] of Sá de Meneses, which haunted Portuguese poetry for a +century,[2] then sank into oblivion till they were discovered by Dr. +Sousa Viterbo in the Torre do Tombo.[3] The abundant literature of +popular _quadras_, _fados_, _romances_, _contos_ has only begun to be +collected in the last fifty years. + +In prose, the most important _Leal Conselheiro_[4] of King Duarte was +rediscovered in the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale and first printed in +1842, and Zurara’s _Cronica da Guiné_, lost even in the days of Damião +de Goes,[5] similarly in 1841; Corrêa’s _Lendas da India_ remained in +manuscript till 1858; so notable a book as King João I’s _Livro da +Montaria_ appears only in the twentieth century, in an edition by Dr. +Esteves Pereira, and the first trustworthy text of a part of Fernam +Lopez was published by Snr. Braamcamp Freire in 1915; D. Francisco +Manuel de Mello, who at the end of his second _Epanaphora_ wrote ‘Se +por ventura tambem despois de meus dias acontece que algum vindouro +honre ao meu nome quanto eu procuro eternizar e engrandecer o dos +passados’, had to wait two and a half centuries before this debt was +paid by Mr. Edgar Prestage.[6] Even now no really complete history of +Portuguese literature exists, but the first systematic work on the +subject was written by Friedrich Bouterwek in 1804. Other histories +have since appeared, and during the last half-century the ceaseless, +ingenious, and enthusiastic studies of Dr. Theophilo Braga have sifted +Portuguese literature, chiefly the poetry, in all directions, and +a flood of light has been thrown on it by the works of D. Carolina +Michaëlis de Vasconcellos. Perhaps, therefore, one may be forgiven for +having been tempted to render some account of this ‘new’ literature +which continues to be so strangely neglected in England and other +countries.[7] Yet a quarter of a century hence would perhaps offer +better conditions, and a summary written at the present time cannot +hope to be complete or definitive. Every year new studies and editions +appear, new researches and alluring theories and discoveries are +made. The Lisbon Academy of Sciences during its long and honourable +history[8] has rarely if ever rendered greater services--‘essential +services’ as Southey called them in 1803--to Portuguese literature. A +short history of that literature must, apart from unavoidable errors +and omissions, do less than justice to many writers. In appropriating +the words of Damião de Goes, ‘Haud ignari plurima esse a nobis omissa +quibus Hispania ornatur et celebrari possit,’ one may hope that MR. +EDGAR PRESTAGE, who has studied Portuguese literature for a quarter +of a century,[9] and whose ever-ready help and advice are here +gratefully acknowledged, will eventually write a mellower history in +several volumes and give their full due both to the classics and to +contemporary authors and critics. + +No one can study Portuguese literature without becoming deeply indebted +to D. CAROLINA WILHELMA MICHAËLIS DE VASCONCELLOS. Her concise history, +contributed to Groeber’s _Grundriss_ (1894), necessarily forms the +basis of subsequent studies, but indeed her work is as vast as it +is scholarly and accurate, and the student finds himself constantly +relying on her guidance. Even if he occasionally disagrees, he cannot +fail to give her point of view the deepest attention and respect. Born +in 1851, the daughter of Professor Gustav Michaëlis, she has lived in +Portugal during the last forty years and is the wife of the celebrated +art critic, Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos (born in 1849). Her edition +of the _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_ (1904) is a masterpiece of historical +reconstruction and literary criticism, and her influence on Portuguese +literature generally is as wide as her encouragement and assistance +of younger scholars are generous.[10] _Femina_, as was said of the +Princess Maria, _undequaque spectatissima et doctissima_. + +Most of the works of DR. THEOPHILO BRAGA are of too provisional a +nature to be of permanent value, but a summary, _Edade Medieval_ +(1909), _Renascença_ (1914), _Os Seiscentistas_ (1916), _Os_ +_Arcades_ (1918), gives his latest views. The best detailed criticism +of the literature of the nineteenth century is that of DR. FIDELINO +DE FIGUEIREDO, Member of the Academy of Sciences and Editor of the +_Revista de Historia: Historia da Litteratura Romantica Portuguesa_ +(1913) and _Historia da Litteratura Realista_ (1914). + +The only completely methodical history of Portuguese literature in +existence is the brief manual by the learned ex-Rector of Coimbra +University, DR. JOAQUIM MENDES DOS REMEDIOS: _História da Literatura +Portuguêsa_ (5th ed., Coimbra, 1921), since it contains that rarity +in Portuguese literature: an index.[11] Dr. Figueiredo published +a short essay in its general bibliography in 1914 (_Bibliographia +portuguesa de critica litteraria_), largely increased in a new (1920) +edition, but otherwise little has been done in this respect (apart +from a few special authors). The bibliography attached to the present +book[12] follows--_longo intervallo_--the lines of PROFESSOR JAMES +FITZMAURICE-KELLY’S _Bibliographie de l’Histoire de la Littérature +Espagnole_ (Paris, 1913). After its proved excellence it would, indeed, +have been folly to adopt any other method. + +It has been thought advisable to add a list of works on popular poetry, +folk-lore, &c. (since in no country are the popular and the written +literatures more intimately connected), and of those concerning the +Portuguese language. Unless energetic and persistent measures are +taken to protect this language it will be hopeless to look for a +great Portuguese literature in the future. Yet with the gradually +developing prosperity of Portugal and her colonies such expectations +are not unfounded. A new poet may arise indigenous as Gil Vicente +and technically proficient as Camões. And in prose, if it is not +allowed to sink into a mere verbiage of gallicisms, great writers may +place Portuguese on a level with and indeed above the other Romance +languages. The possibilities are so vast, the quarry ready to their +hand so rich--the works of Manuel Bernardes, Antonio Vieira, Jorge +Ferreira de Vasconcellos, Luis de Sousa, João de Lucena, Heitor Pinto, +Arraez; an immense mass of sermons (_milhões de sermonarios_), most +of them in excellent Portuguese, as those of Ceita, Veiga, Feo, Luz, +in which, as in a large number of political tracts, notably those +of Macedo, intense conviction has given a glow and concision to the +language; old _constituições_, _ordenações_, and _foros_[13]; technical +treatises,[14] folk-lore, popular phrases,[15] proverbs. But unless a +scholarly use of Portuguese be more generally imposed no masterpieces +will be produced. The same holds good of Brazilian literature, which, +although, or perhaps because, it has provided material for a history +in two portly volumes (Sylvio Romero, _Historia da Litteratura +Brazileira_, 2nd ed., 1902-3), is here, with few exceptions, omitted. + +A supplementary chapter on modern Galician literature has been added, +for although the language from which Portuguese parted only after the +fourteenth century is now quite independent,[16] modern Galician is +not more different from modern Portuguese than is the language of the +_Cancioneiros_ with which Portuguese literature opens. The Portuguese +have always shown a strong aptitude for acquiring foreign languages, +and the individual’s gain has been the literature’s loss. Jorge de +Montemôr, who + + con su Diana + Enriqueció la lengua castellana, + +was not by any means the only Portuguese who wrote exclusively +in Spanish, and others chose Latin. The reason usually given in +either case was that Portuguese was less widely read.[17] It was +a short-sighted view, for the more works of importance that were +written in Portuguese the larger would naturally become the number +of those who read them. While Portuguese literature may be taken to +be the literature written in the Portuguese language, in a sense it +must also include the Latin and Spanish works of Portuguese authors. +Of the former, one collection alone, the _Corpus Illustrium Poetarum +Lusitanorum qui latine scripserunt_ (Lisbonae, 1745), consists of eight +volumes, and Domingo Garcia Peres’ _Catálogo Razonado_ (Madrid, 1890) +contains over 600 names of Portuguese authors who wrote in Spanish. + +Portuguese names present a difficulty, for often they are as lengthy +as that which was the pride of Dona Iria in Ennes’ _O Saltimbanco_. +The course here adopted is to relegate the full name to the index and +to print in the text only the form by which the writer is generally +known.[18] + +The Portuguese, a proud and passionate people with a certain love of +magnificence and adventure, an Athenian receptivity,[19] an extensive +sea-board and vague land-frontiers, naturally came under foreign +influences. Many and various causes made their country cosmopolitan +from the beginning. It is customary to divide Portuguese literature +into the Provençal (13th c.), Spanish (14th and 15th c.), Italian +(16th c.), Spanish and Italian (17th c.), French and English (18th +c.), French and German (19th c.) Schools. The question may therefore +be asked, especially by those who confuse influence with imitation, as +though it precluded originality: What has Portuguese literature of its +own? In the first place, the Celtic satire and mystic lyrism of the +Galicians is developed and always present in Portuguese literature. +Secondly, the genius for story-telling, displayed by Fernam Lopez, +grew by reason of the great Portuguese discoveries in Africa and Asia +to an epic grandeur both in verse and prose. Thirdly, the absence +of great cities, the pleasant climate, and fertile soil produced +a peculiarly realistic and natural bucolic poetry. And in prose, +besides masterpieces of history and travel--a rich and fascinating +literature of the East and of the sea--a fervent religious faith, as +in Spain, with a more constant mysticism than in Spain, led to very +high achievement. Had one to choose between the loss of the works of +Homer, or Dante, or Shakespeare, and that of the whole of Portuguese +literature, the whole of Portuguese literature must go, but that is +not to say that the loss would not be very grievous. Indeed, those who +despise Portuguese literature despise it in ignorance,[20] affecting +to believe, with Edgar Quinet, that it has but one poet and a single +book; those who are acquainted with it--with the early lyrics, with the +quaintly alluring eclogues of Ribeiro and Sá de Miranda, with the works +of Fernam Lopez, described by Robert Southey as ‘the best chronicler +of any age or nation’, _naïf, exact, touchant et philosophe_[21]; of +Gil Vicente, almost as far above his contemporary Juan del Enzina as +Shakespeare is above Vicente; of Bernardim Ribeiro, whose _Menina e +moça_ is the earliest and best of those pastoral romances which led +Don Quixote to contemplate a quieter sequel to his first adventures; +of Camões, ‘not only the greatest lyric poet of his country, but one +of the greatest lyric poets of all time’[22]; with Fernam Mendez +Pinto’s travels, ‘as diverting a book of the kind as ever I read’[23]; +or Corrêa’s _Lendas_, Frei Thomé de Jesus’ _Trabalhos_, or the +incomparable prose of Manuel Bernardes--know that, extraordinary as +were Portugal’s achievements in discovery and conquest, her literature +is not unworthy of those achievements. Unhappily the Portuguese, with +a notorious carelessness,[24] have in the past set the example of +neglecting their literature, and even to-day scarcely seem to realize +their great possessions and still greater possibilities in the realm of +prose.[25] The excessive number of writers, the excessive production +of each individual writer, and the _desleixo_ by which innumerable +books and manuscripts of exceptional interest have perished, are all +traceable to the same source: the lack of criticism. A nation of +poets, essentially lyrical,[26] with no dramatic genius but capable +of writing charmingly and naturally without apparent effort, needed +and needs a severely classical education and stern critics, to remind +them that an epic is not rhymed history nor blank verse mangled prose, +that in bucolic poetry the half is greater than the whole, and to +bid them abandon abstractions for the concrete and particular and +crystallize the vague flow of their talent. But in Portugal, outside +the circle of writers themselves, a reading public has hitherto +hardly existed, and in the close atmosphere resulting the sense of +proportion was inevitably lost, even as a stone and a feather will +fall with equal speed in a vacuum. The criticism has been mainly +personal,[27] contesting the originality or truthfulness of a writer, +without considering the literary merits of his work. To deprecate such +criticism became a commonplace of the preface, while numerous passages +in writers of the sixteenth century show that they feared their +countrymen’s scepticism, expressed in the proverb _De longas vias mui +longas mentiras_, which occurs as early as the thirteenth century.[28] +The fear of slovenly or prolix composition was not present in the same +degree. But these are defects that may be remedied partly by individual +critics, partly by the increasing number of readers. Meanwhile this +little book may perhaps serve to corroborate the poet Falcão de +Resende’s words: + + Engenhos nascem bons na Lusitania + E ha copia delles.[29] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[1] A few Portuguese sixteenth-century writers in touch with Italy may +have known of their existence. But they were neglected as _rusticas +musas_. The references to King Dinis as a poet by Antonio Ferreira +and once in the _Cancioneiro Geral_ do not of course imply that his +poems were known and read. André de Resende seems to have been more +interested in tracing an ancestor, Vasco Martinez de Resende, than +in the poets among whom this ancestor figured (see C. Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos, _Randglosse_ XV in _Ztft. für rom. Phil._, xxv. 683). + +[2] _Illud vero poemation quod vulgo circumfertur de Lessa ... nunc +vera cum plurimum illud appetant_ ... (Soares, _Theatrum_). Cf. F. +Rodriguez Lobo, _Primavera_, ed. 1722, pp. 240, 356, 469; Eloy de Sá +de Sottomayor, _Ribeiras do Mondego_, f. 27 v., 28 v., 120-1, 186; +_Canc. Geral_ of A. F. Barata (1836-1910), p. 235; Jeronimo Bahia, _Ao +Mondego_ (_Fenix Ren._, ii. 377-9). Cf. Brito, _Mon. Lus._ 1. ii. 2: _O +rio Leça celebre pelas rimas de nosso famoso poeta_. + +[3] The documents of the Torre do Tombo are now in the able keeping of +Dr. Pedro de Azevedo and Snr. Antonio Baião. + +[4] Even its title was inaccurately given, as _O Fiel Conselheiro_ +(Bernardo de Brito), _De Fideli Consiliario_ (N. Antonio, _Bib. +Vetus_, ii. 241), _Del Buen Consejero_ (Faria e Sousa); correctly by +Duarte Nunez de Leam. A _Conselheiro Fiel_ by Frei Manuel Guilherme +(1658-1734) appeared in 1727. + +[5] _De que não ha noticia_ (Goes, _Cronica de D. João_, cap. 6). + +[6] _D. Francisco Manuel de Mello. Esboço biographico._ Coimbra, 1914, +an admirably clear and very important work, in which much light from +new documents is thrown on Mello’s life. + +[7] It would be interesting to know how many English-speaking persons +have ever heard of the great men and writers that were King Dinis, +Fernam Lopez, Bernardim Ribeiro, Diogo Bernardez, Heitor Pinto, Frei +Thomé de Jesus, Ferreira de Vasconcellos, Frei Luis de Sousa, Antonio +Vieira, Manuel Bernardes. Their neglect has been largely due to the +absence of good or easily available texts; there is still nothing to +correspond to the Spanish _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_ or the +many more modern Spanish collections. But is not even Camões still ‘an +abused stranger’, as Mickle called him in 1776? + +[8] See F. de Figueiredo, _O que é a Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa_ +(1779-1915) in _Revista da Historia_, vol. iv, 1915. + +[9] His valuable study on Zurara, which has not been superseded by any +later work on the subject, is dated 1896. + +[10] She has, indeed, laid the Portuguese people under an obligation +which it will not easily redeem. That no formal recognition has been +bestowed in England on her work (as in another field on that of Dr. +José Leite de Vasconcellos, of Snr. Braamcamp Freire, and of the late +Dr. Francisco Adolpho Coelho) is a striking example of our insularity. + +[11] It does not include living writers. Its dates must be received +with caution. + +[12] It has been found necessary to publish the bibliography separately. + +[13] e. g. King Sancho II’s _Foros da Guarda_, printed, from a 1305 +manuscript, in vol. v (1824) of the _Collecção de Ineditos_, or the +_Foros de Santarem_ (1385). The _Livro Vermelho do Senhor D. Affonso +V_, printed in the _Collecção de Livros Ineditos_, vol. iii (1793), is +also full of interest. + +[14] e.g. the fourteenth-century _Livro de Cetreria_ of PERO MENINO; +MESTRE GIRALDO’S _Tratado das Enfermidades das Aves de Caça_ and +_Livro d’Alveitaria_; the _Arte da Cavallaria de gineta e estardiota_ +(1678) by ANTONIO GALVAM DE ANDRADE (1613?-89); _Correcçam de abusos +introduzidos contra o verdadeiro methodo da medicina_ (2 pts., 1668-80) +by the Carmelite FREI MANUEL DE AZEVEDO (†1672); _Agricultura das +Vinhas_ (1711) by Vicente Alarte (i.e. SILVESTRE GOMEZ DE MORAES +(1643-1723)); _Compendia de Botanica_ (2 vols., 1788) by FELIX DE +AVELLAR BROTERO (1744-1828). + +[15] Many will be found in _Portugalia_ and the _Revista Lusitana_. + +[16] In the beginning of the sixteenth century Galician is already +despised in Portugal, and became more so as Portuguese grew more +latinized. Cf. Gil Vicente, ii. 509: _Pera que he falar galego Senão +craro e despachado?_; Chiado, _Auto das Regateiras: Eu não te falo +galego_. + +[17] _Por ser lingua mais jêral_ (Vera, _Lovvores_), _mais universal_ +(Sousa de Macedo). _Os grandes ingenios não se contentão de ter por +espera de seu applauso a hũa só parte do mundo_ (D. Francisco de +Portugal). Cf. Osorio, writing in Latin, _De Rebus_, p. 4, and Pedro +Nunez’ reason for translating his _Libro de Algebra_ into Spanish: _he +mais comum_, and the advice given to Luis Marinho de Azevedo to write +in Spanish or Latin as _mais geral_ (_Primeira Parte da Fundação, +Antiguidades e Grandezas da mvi insigne cidade de Lisboa. Prologo_). +Faria e Sousa condemns the practice of writing Spanish _glosas_ to a +Portuguese _mote_, and declares that he himself wrote in Spanish _con +gran pesar mío_. Frei Antonio da Purificaçam considered that had he +written his _Cronica_ in Latin or Spanish _fora digno de grande nota_, +in this following Frei Bernardo de Brito, who indignantly rejected +the exhortation to use Latin or Spanish (_Mon. Lus._ i, _Prologo_), +although he wrote under Spanish rule. Bernarda Ferreira de Lacerda +wrote in Spanish _por ser idioma claro y casi comun_. Simão Machado +explains why he wrote _Alfea_ in Spanish as follows (f. 72 v.): _Vendo +quam mal aceitais As obras dos naturais Fiz esta em lingoa estrangeira +Por ver se desta maneira Como a eles nos tratais._ + +[18] Portuguese spelling is a vexed and vexing question, complicated by +the positive dislike of the Portuguese for uniformity (the same word +may be found spelt in two ways on the same page both in modern and +ancient books; the same person will spell his name Manoel and Manuel). +In proper names their owners’ spelling has been retained, although +no one now writes Prince Henry the Navigator’s name as he wrote it: +Anrique. Thus Mello (modern Melo); Nunez (13th c.), Nunes (19th c.); +Bernardez (16th c.), Bernardes (17th-18th c.). The late Dr. Gonçalves +Vianna himself adopted the form Gonçalvez Viana. In quoting ancient +Portuguese texts the only alteration made has been occasionally to +replace _y_ and _u_ by _i_ and _v_. + +[19] _Este desejo (de sempre ver e ouvir cousas nouas) he moor que +nas outras nações na gente Lusitana._ André de Burgos, _Ao prudente +leitor_ (_Relaçam_, Evora, 1557). It is displayed in their fondness for +foreign customs, for the Spanish language, for India to the neglect of +Portugal, the description of epic deeds rather than of ordinary life, +high-flown language as opposed to the common speech (_da praça_), &c. +Antonio Prestes calls the Portuguese _estranho no natural, natural no +estranjeiro_. + +[20] In Spain it has had fervent admirers, notably Gracián. More +recently Juan Valera spoke of it as _riquísima_, and Menéndez y Pelayo +explored this wealth. + +[21] F. Denis, _Résumé_ (1826), p. xx. + +[22] Wilhelm Storck, _Luis de Camoens’ Sämmtliche Werke_, Bd. I (1880). + +[23] Dorothy Osborne to Sir William Temple. + +[24] For a good instance of this _descuido portugues_ see Manuel +Pereira de Novaes, _Anacrisis Historial_ (a history of the city of +Oporto in Spanish), vol. i (1912), _Preámbulo_, p. xvii. It is lamented +by the editors of the _Cancioneiro Geral_ (1516) and _Fenix Renascida_ +(1716). + +[25] Portuguese literature begins for most Portuguese with Camões and +Barros, and its most charming and original part thus escapes them. Cf. +F. Dias Gomes, _Obras Poeticas_ (1799), p. 143: Camões ‘without whom +there would have been no Portuguese poetry’; and ibid., p. 310: Barros +‘prepared the beautiful style for our epic writers’. Faria e Sousa’s +homely phrase as to the effect of Camões on preceding poets (_echólos +todos a rodar_) was unfortunately true. + +[26] Much of their finest prose is of lyrical character, personal, +fervent, mystic. As to philosophy proper the greatest if not the only +Portuguese philosopher, Spinoza, a Portuguese Jew, left Portugal as a +child, and Francisco Sanchez (_c._ 1550-_c._ 1620), although probably +born at Braga, not at _a soberba_ Tuy, lived in France and wrote in +Latin. He tells us that he in 1574 finished his celebrated treatise +_Quod nihil scitur_, published at Lyon in 1581, in which, at a time of +great intolerance, he revived and gave acute and curious expression +to the old theory that nothing can be known. To modern philosophy Dr. +Leonardo Coimbra (born in 1883) has contributed a notable but somewhat +abstruse work entitled _O Criacionismo_ (Porto, 1912). + +[27] Or political, or anticlerical, or anything except literary. +The critics seem to have forgotten that an _auto-da-fé_ does not +necessarily make its victim a good poet, and that even a priest +may have literary talent. A few literary critics, as Dias in the +eighteenth, Guilherme Moniz Barreto in the nineteenth century, are +only exceptions to the rule. It has been the weakness of Portuguese +criticism, more lenient than the gods and booksellers of ancient Rome, +to suffer _mediocres_ gladly. + +[28] _C. da Vat._ 979 (cf. Jorge Ferreira, _Eufrosina_, v. 5: _como +dizia o Galego: de longas vias longas mentiras_). + +[29] _Poesias, Sat._ 2. The remark of Garrett still holds good: _Em +Portugal ha mais talento e menos cultivação que em paiz nenhum da +Europa_. + + + + + I + + 1185-1325 + + + + + § 1 + + _The Cossantes_ + + +Under the Moorish dominion we know that poetry was widely cultivated in +the Iberian Peninsula, by high and low. At Silves in Algarve ‘almost +every peasant could improvise’.[30] But the early Galician-Portuguese +poetry has no relation with that of the Moors, despite certain +characteristics which may seem to point to an Oriental origin. The +indigenous poems of Galicia and Portugal, of which thirteenth-century +examples have survived, are so remarkable, so unlike those of any other +country, that they deserve to be studied apart from the Provençal +imitations by the side of which they developed. Half buried in the +_Cancioneiros_, themselves only recently discovered, these exquisite +and in some ways astonishingly modern lyrics are even now not very +widely known and escape the attention of many who go far afield in +search of true poetry. The earliest poem dated (1189) by D. Carolina +Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, in which Pay Soarez de Taveiroos, a nobleman +of Galicia or North Portugal, addresses Maria Paez Ribeira, the lovely +mistress of King Sancho I, _mia sennor branca e vermelha_, does not +belong to these lyrics[31]; but the second earliest (1199), attributed +to King SANCHO I (1185-1211) himself, is one of them (C.C.B.348). This +unique form of lyric requires a distinctive name, and if we adopt that +used by the Marqués de Santillana’s father, Diego Furtado de Mendoza +(†1404), we shall have a word well suited to convey an idea of their +striking character.[32] His Spanish poem written in parallel distichs, +_A aquel arbol_, is called a _cossante_.[33] In an age when all that +seemed most Spanish, the _Poema del Cid_, for instance, or the _Libro +de Buen Amor_, has been proved to derive in part from French sources, +it is peculiarly pleasant to find a whole series of early poems which +have their roots firmly planted in the soil of the Peninsula. The +indigenous character of the _cossantes_ is now well established, thanks +chiefly to the skilful and untiring researches of D. Carolina Michaëlis +de Vasconcellos.[34] They are wild but deliciously scented single +flowers which now reappear in all their freshness as though they had +not lain pressed and dead for centuries in the library of the Vatican. +One of the earliest is quoted by Airas Nunez (C. V. 454) and completed +in _Grundriss_, p. 150: + + 1. Solo ramo verde frolido + Vodas fazen a meu amigo, + E choran olhos d’amor. + + 2. Solo verde frolido ramo[35] + Vodas fazen a meu amado, + E choran olhos d’amor. + +What first strikes one in this is its Oriental immobility. The second +distich adds nothing to the sense of the first, merely intensifying it +by repetition. Neither the poetry of the _trouvères_ of the North of +France nor that of the Provençal _troubadours_ presents any parallel. +The scanty Basque literature contains nothing in this kind. But it is +unnecessary to go for a parallel to China.[36] None more remarkable +will be found than those contained in the books of that religion which +came from the East and imposed its forms if not its spirit on the +pagans of the Peninsula. Verses 8, 9 of Psalm 118 are very nearly a +_cossante_ but have no refrain. The resemblance in Psalm 136, verses +17, 18, is still more marked: + + To him which smote great kings, + For his mercy endureth for ever, + + And slew famous kings, + For his mercy endureth for ever. + +The relations between Church and people were very close if not always +very friendly. The peasants maintained their ancient customs, and their +pagan jollity kept overflowing into the churches to the scandal of +the authorities. Innumerable ordinances later sought to check their +delight in witchcraft and mummeries, feasts and funerals (the delight +in the latter is still evident in Galicia as in Ireland and Wales). +Men slept, ate, drank, danced, sang profane songs, and acted plays and +parodies in the churches and pilgrimage shrines. The Church strove to +turn their midsummer and May-day celebrations into Christian festivals, +but the change was rather nominal than real. But if the priests and +bishops remained spiritually, like modern politicians, shepherds +without sheep, the religious services, the hymns,[37] the processions +evidently affected the people. Especially was this the case in Galicia, +since the great saint Santiago, who farther south (as later in India) +rode into battle on a snow-white steed before the Christians, gave +a more peaceful prosperity to the North-west. Pilgrims from all +countries in the Middle Ages came to worship at his shrine at Santiago +de Compostela. They came a motley company singing on the road,[38] +criminals taking this opportunity to escape from justice, tradesmen and +players, jugglers and poets making a livelihood out of the gathering +throngs, as well as devout pilgrims who had ‘left alle gamys’ for their +soul’s good, _des pélerins qui vont chantant et des jongleurs_. Thus +the eyes of the whole province of Galicia as the eyes of Europe were +directed towards the Church of Santiago in Jakobsland. The inhabitants +of Galicia would naturally view their heaven-sent celebrity with pride +and rejoice in the material gain. They would watch with eager interest +the pilgrims passing along the _camino francés_ or from the coast +to Santiago, and would themselves flock to see and swell the crowds +at the religious services. When we remember the frequent parodies +of religious services in the Middle Ages and that the Galicians did +not lag behind others in the art of mimicry,[39] we can well imagine +that the Latin hymns sung in church or procession might easily form +the germ of the profane _cossante_. A further characteristic of the +_cossante_ is that the _i_-sound of the first distich is followed by +an _a_-sound in the second (_ricercando ora il grave, ora l’acuto_) +and this too maybe traced to a religious source, two answering choirs +of singers, treble and bass.[40] It is clear at least that these +alternating sounds are echoes of music: one almost hears the clash +of the _adufe_ in the _louçana_ (answering to _garrida_) or _ramo_ +(_pinho_). The words of these poems were, indeed, always accompanied by +the _son_ (= music). But if born in the Church, the _cossante_ suffered +a transformation when it went out into the world. The rhythm of many +of the songs in the _Cancioneiros_ is so obtrusive that they seem to +dance out of the printed page. One would like to think that in the +ears of the peasants the sound of the wheel mingled with the echo of a +hymn and its refrain as they met at what was, even then, no doubt, a +favourite gathering-place--the mill[41]--and thus a lyric poem became a +dance-song. The _cossante Solo ramo_ would thus proceed, sung by ‘the +dancers dancing in tune’: + + (Verses 3 and 4) Vodas fazen a meu amigo (amado) + Porque mentiu o desmentido (perjurado) + E choran olhos d’amor, + +the first line of the third distich repeating the second line of the +first (and in the same way the first line of the fifth the second +line of the third), in _leixa-pren_ (_laisser prendre_) corresponding +evidently to the movements of the dance.[42] The love-lorn maidens +danced together, the men forming a circle to look on. St. Augustine +considered the dance to be a circle of which the Devil was the centre; +in real life the Devil was often replaced by a tree (or by a _mayo_). +The refrain was a notable feature of the _cossante_ in all its phases +as it went, a _bailada_ (dance-song) from the _terreiro_, to become +a _serranilha_ on the hills, or at pilgrimage shrines a _cantiga de +romaria_,[43] or a _barcarola_ (boat-song) or _alvorada_ (dawn-song). +A marked and thoroughly popular characteristic of the _cossante_ is +its wistful sadness,[44] the _soidade_ which is already mentioned more +than once in the _Cancioneiros_,[45] and, born in Galicia, continued +in Portugal, combined with a more garish tone under the hotter sun of +the South. Thus we have the melancholy Celtic temperament, absorbed in +Nature, acting on the forms suggested by an alien religion till they +become vague cries to the sea, to the deer of the hills, the flower +of the pine. The themes are as simple and monotonous--the monotony of +snowdrops or daffodils--as the form in which they are sung. A girl in +the gloom of the pine-trees mourning for her lover, the birds in the +cool of the morning singing of love, the deer troubling the water of a +mountain-stream, the boats at anchor, or bearing away _meus amores_, or +gliding up the river _a sabor_. The _amiga_ lingers at the fountain, +she goes to wash clothes or to bathe her hair in the stream, she meets +her lover and dances at the pilgrim shrine, she waits for him under +the hazel-trees, she implores the waves for news of him, she watches +for the boats _pelo mar viir_. The language is native to the soil, +far more so, at least, than in the _cantigas de amor_ and _cantigas +de amigo_ written under foreign influence. Their French or Provençal +words and learned forms[46] are replaced in the _cossante_ by forms +Galician or Spanish. Despite its striking appearance to us now among +_sirventes senes sal_ in the _Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti_, it must +be confessed that the early _cossante_ of King Sancho has a somewhat +meagre, vinegar aspect, and the _genre_ could hardly have developed +so successfully in the next half-century had it not been fixed in the +country-side, ever ready to the hand of the poet in search of fresh +inspiration. It is possible to exaggerate the effect of war on the life +of the peasant. Portugal in the twelfth century was only gradually +and by constant conflict winning its territory and independence. It +had no fixed capital and Court at which the Provençal poets might +gather. But while king and nobles and the members of the religious and +military orders were engaged with the Moors to the exclusion of the +Muses, so that they had no opportunity to introduce the new measures, +the peasants in Galicia and Minho no doubt went on tilling the soil +and singing their primitive songs. In the thirteenth century Provençal +poetry flourished in Portugal, but so monotonously that it failed to +kill the older lyrics, and they reacted on the imported poetry. In the +trite conventions with which the latter became clothed the _cossante_ +had a new opportunity of life. _Trobadores_ wearied by their own +monotony, _jograes_ wishing to please a patron with a _novidade_, had +recourse to the _cossante_. The _jogral_ wandering from house to house +and town to town necessarily came into close touch with the peasants. +Talented men among them, prompted by patrons of good taste, no doubt +exercised the third requisite of a good _jogral_ (_doair’ e uoz e +aprenderdes ben_, C. C. B. 388)--a good memory--not only in learning +his patron’s verses to recite at other houses but in remembering the +songs that he caught in passing from the lips of the peasants, songs of +village mirth and dance, of workers in the fields and shepherds on the +hills. These, developed and adorned according to his talent, he would +introduce to the Court among his _motz recreamens e prazers_. When +Joan de Guilhade in the middle of the thirteenth century complained +that _os trobadores ja van para mal_ (C. V. 370), he might almost be +referring to the fact that the stereotyped poems of the Portuguese +_trobadores_ could no longer compete with the fresh charm of the +_cossante_. Alfonso X reproached Pero da Ponte for not singing like a +Provençal but, rather, like Bernaldo de Bonaval (first half 13th c.). +King Dinis in the second half of the century viewed the _cossante_ +with such favour that he wrote or collected some of the most curious +and delightful that we possess. But although King Dinis set his name +to a handful of the finest _cossantes_, most of the _cossante_-writers +belonged to an earlier period and were men of humble birth. Of NUNO +FERNANDEZ TORNEOL[47] (first half 13th c.), poet and soldier, besides +conventional _cantigas de amor_ we have eight simple _cossantes_ of +which the _alvorada_ (C. V. 242), the _barcarola_ (C. V. 246), and C. +V. 245 with its dance rhythm are especially beautiful. PEDR’ ANEZ +SOLAZ[48] (early 13th c.) wrote a _cossante_ (C. V. 415) celebrated +for its refrain, _lelia doura, leli leli par deus leli_, in which some +have seen a vestige of Basque (_il_ = dead). Of MEENDINHO (first half +13th c.) we have only one poem, a _cantiga de romaria_ (C. V. 438), but +its beauty has brought him fame;[49] and another _jogral_, FERNAND’ +ESGUIO[50] (second half 13th c.), is remembered in the same way chiefly +for C. V. 902: _Vayamos, irmana_. Bernaldo de Bonaval, one of the +earliest Galician poets, and the _jograes_ Pero de Veer, Joan Servando, +Airas Carpancho,[51] Martin de Ginzo,[52] Lopo and Lourenço, composed +some charming pilgrimage songs in the second third of the thirteenth +century. This was a popular theme, but the two poets who seem to have +felt most keenly the attraction of the popular poetry and to have +cultivated it most successfully are JOAN ZORRO (fl. 1250) and PERO +MEOGO (fl. 1250). The _cossantes_ of Zorro, one of the most talented +of all these singers, tell of Lisbon and the king’s ships and the sea. +In this series of _barcarolas_ (C. V. 751-60) and in his delightful +_bailada_ (C. V. 761)[53] he evidently sought his inspiration in +popular sources, as with equal felicity a little later did Pero +Meogo,[54] whose _cossantes_ (C. V. 789-97), each with its biblical +reference to the deer of the hills (_cervos do monte_), are as singular +as they are beautiful. MARTIN CODAX at about the same time was singing +graceful songs of the _ondas do mar_ of Vigo (C. V. 884-90). But the +real poet of the sea was the Admiral of Castille, PAY GOMEZ CHARIÑO[55] +(†1295). He belonged to an ancient family of Galicia, was prominent at +the Courts of Alfonso X (between whose character and the sea he draws +an elaborate parallel in C. A. 256) and of his son Sancho IV, played an +important part in the troubled history of the time, and fought by land +and sea in Andalucía, at Jaen in 1246 and Seville in 1247. On the lips +of his _amiga_ he places a touching _cantiga de amigo_ (C. V. 424: she +expresses her relief that her _amigo_ has ceased to be _almirante do +mar_; no longer will she listen in sadness to the wind, now her heart +may sleep and not tremble at the coming of a messenger) and the two sea +_cossantes_ C. V. 401, with its plaining refrain: + + E van-se as frores d’aqui ben con meus amores, + idas son as frores d’aqui ben con meus amores, + +--one can imagine it sung as a chanty[56]--and C. V. 429, in which she +prays Santiago to bring him safely home: ‘Now in this hour Over the +sea He is coming to me, Love is in flower.’ Beauty of expression and +a loyal sincerity are conspicuous in his poems, as well as a certain +individuality and vigour. He escaped the perils of the sea, the _mui +gran coita do mar_ (C. A. 251), but to fall by the hand of an assassin +on shore. His sea lyrics are only excelled by the enchanting melody +of the poem (C. V. 488) of his contemporary and fellow-countryman ROY +FERNANDEZ (second half 13th c.), who was apparently a professor at +Salamanca University, Canon of Santiago, and Chaplain to Alfonso the +Learned. Of the later poets ESTEVAM COELHO, perhaps father of one of +the assassins of Inés (†1355), wrote a _cossante_ of haunting beauty +(C. V. 321): + + Sedia la fremosa, seu sirgo torcendo, + Sa voz manselinha fremoso dizendo + Cantigas d’amigo, + +and D. AFONSO SANCHEZ (_c._ 1285-1329) in C. V. 368 (_Dizia la +fremosinha--Ay Deus val_) proved that he had inherited part of his +father King Dinis’ genius and instinct for popular poetry. King Dinis, +having thrown wide his palace doors to these thyme-scented lyrics, +would turn again to the now musty chamber of Provençal song (C. V. 123): + + Quer’eu en maneira de provençal + Fazer agora un cantar d’amor. + +The _cossantes_ had become so familiar that Airas Nunez, of Santiago, +could string them together, as it were, by the head, without troubling +himself to give more than the first lines, precisely as Gil Vicente +treated _romances_ three centuries later. The reader or listener would +easily complete them. His _pastorela_ (C. V. 454) would be an ordinary +imitation of a _pastourelle_ of the _trouvères_[57] were it not for the +five _cossante_ fragments inserted. Riding along a stream he hears a +solitary shepherdess singing and stays to listen. First she sang _Solo +ramo verde frolido_,[58] then--as if to prove that she is a shepherdess +of Arcady, not of real life-- + + Ay, estorniño do avelanedo, + Cantades vos e moir’eu e peno, + D’amores ei mal, + +an impassioned cry of the heart only comparable with + + Thine earth now springs, mine fadeth: + Thy thorn without, my thorn my heart invadeth; + +or that wonderful line of a wonderful poem: + + Illa cantat, nos tacemus: quando ver venit meum?[59] + +Next she sang the first lines of a _cossante_ by Nuno Fernandez Torneol +(C. V. 245) with its dance refrain _E pousarei solo avelanal_. The +refrain is identical in C. V. 245 and C. V. 454, but the distich +has variations which seem to imply that Airas Nunez was not quoting +Fernandez, rather that both drew from a popular source. The fourth +_cossante_ we also have complete, a lovely _barcarola_ by Joan Zorro +(C. V. 757): + + Pela ribeira do rio (alto) + Cantando ia la dona virgo (d’algo) + D’amor: + Venhan as barcas pelo rio + A sabor.[60] + +Lastly she (or he), as he rides on his way, sings: + + Quen amores ha + Como dormira, + Ai bela fror! + +i.e. _este cantar_ which is familiar in the _villancico_ (_Por una +gentil floresta_) by the Marqués de Santillana (1398-1458): + + La niña que amores ha + ¿Sola cómo dormirá? + +Very few, if any, of the _cossantes_ were anonymous, which only means +that modern folk-lore was unknown; it was not the fashion to collect +songs from the lips of the people without ulterior purpose. A variety +known as _cantiga de vilãos_ existed, but it was deliberately composed +by the _trobadores_ and _jograes_.[61] A specimen is given in C. V. +1043: + + Ó pee d’hũa torre + Baila corpo piolo,[62] + Vedes o cós, ay cavaleiro. + +No drawing-room lyric, evidently: more likely to be sung in taverns; +composed perhaps by a knight like him of C. V. 965, whose songs were +not _fremosos e rimados_. Like the Provençal poet Guilherme Figueira +who _mout se fetz grazir ... als ostes et als taverniers_, this +knight’s songs pleased ‘tailors, furriers and millers’; they had not +the good taste of the tailor’s wife in Gil Vicente who sings the +beautiful _cantiga_ + + Donde vindes filha + Branca e colorida? + +The _cantiga de vilãos_ was no such simple popular lyric, but rather +a drinkers’ song, picaresquely allusive, sung by a _jogral_ who _non +fo hom que saubes caber entre ‘ls baros ni entre la bona gen_ but +sang _vilmen et en gens bassas, entre gens bassas per pauc d’aver_ +(Riquier), _cantares de que la gente baja e de servil condicion se +alegra_ (Santillana). The _cossante_, on the contrary, came straight +from field and hill into palace and song-book. Probably many of them +were composed, as they were sung, and sung dancing, by the women. +The women of Galicia have always been noted for their poetical and +musical talent. We read of the _choreas psallentium mulierum_, like +Miriam, the sister of Moses, at Santiago in 1116,[63] and there is a +cloud of similar witnesses. But whether any of the _cossantes_ that +we have in the _Cancioneiros_ is strictly of the people or not, their +traditional indigenous character is no longer doubtful. It would +surely be a most astounding fact had the Galician-Portuguese Court +poets, who in their _cantigas de amor_ reduced Provençal poetry to a +colourless insipidity, succeeded so much better with the _cossantes_ +that, while the originals from which they copied have vanished, the +imitations stand out in the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_ like crimson +poppies among corn. It is remarkable, too, that of the three kinds of +poem in the old _Cancioneiros_, satire, love song, and _cossante_, +the first two remain in the _Cancioneiro de Resende_ (1516), but the +third has totally disappeared. The explanation is that as Court and +people drew apart and the literary influence of Castille grew, the +poems based on songs of the people were no longer in favour. But they +continued, like the Guadiana, underground, and D. Carolina Michaëlis +de Vasconcellos has traced their occasional reappearances in poets +of popular leanings, like Gil Vicente and Cristobal de Castillejo, +from the thirteenth century to the present day,[64] while Dr. Leite +de Vasconcellos has discovered whole _cossantes_ sung by peasants at +their work in the fields in the nineteenth century.[65] Dance or action +always accompanies the _cossante_ as it does in the _danza prima_ of +Asturias (to the words _Ay un galan d’esta villa, ay un galan d’esta +casa_).[66] If it be objected that the songs printed by Dr. Leite +de Vasconcellos are rude specimens by the side of a poem like _Ay +flores, ay flores do verde pinho_, it should be remembered that the +_quadra_ (or perhaps one should say distich without refrain) has now +replaced the _cossante_ on the lips of the people, and that among +these quatrains something of the old _cossante’s_ charm and melancholy +is still found. D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos and others +have remarked that these _quadras_ pass from mouth to mouth and are +perfected in the process, smoothed and polished like a stone by the +sea, and this may well have been true of the earlier _cossantes_.[67] +The _jogral_ who hastened to his patron with a lovely new poem was +but reaping the inspiration of a succession of anonymous singers, an +inspiration quickened by competition in antiphonies of song at many a +pilgrimage. One singer would give a distich of a _cossante_, as to-day +a _quadra_, another would take it up and return it with variations. The +_cossante_ did not always preserve its simple form, or, rather, the +more complicated poems renewed themselves in its popularity. We find +it as a _bailada_ (C. V. 761), _balleta_ (cf. C. A. 123: _Se vos eu +amo mais que outra ren_), as _cantiga de amor_ (C. A. 360 or 361, C. +V. 657-60), _cantiga de maldizer_ (C. V. 1026-7), or satirical _alba_ +(C. V. 1049). But these hybrid forms are not the true _cossante_, +which is always marked by dignity, restraint, simple grace, close +communion with Nature, delicacy of thought, and a haunting felicity of +expression. The _cossante_ written by King Sancho seems to indicate +a natural development of the indigenous poetry. In its form it owed +nothing to the poetry of Provence or North France, but its progress +was perhaps quickened, and at least its perfection preserved, by the +systematic cultivation of poetry introduced from abroad at a time when +no middle class separated Court and peasant. The tantalizing fragments +that survive in Gil Vicente’s plays show all too plainly what marvels +of popular song might flower and die unknown. In spirit the original +grave religious character of the _cossante_ may in some measure have +affected the new poetry. To this in part may be ascribed the monotony, +the absence of particular descriptions in the _cantigas de amor_. +In religious hymns obviously reverence would not permit the Virgin +to be described in greater detail than, for example, Gil Vicente’s +vague _branca e colorada_, and the reverence might be transferred +unconsciously to poems addressed to an earthly _dona_. (Only in the +extravagant devotional mannerisms (_gongorismo ao divino_) of the +seventeenth century could Soror Violante do Ceo describe Christ as a +_galan de ojos verdes_.) _Dona genser qu’ieu no sai dir_ or _la genser +que sia_ says Arnaut de Marueil at the end of the thirteenth century. +The Portuguese poet would make an end there: his lady is fairest among +women, fairer than he can say. He would never go on to describe her +grey eyes and snowy brow: _huelhs vairs_ and _fron pus blanc que lis_. +But introduced into alien and artificial forms, like mountain gentians +in a garden, the monotony can no longer please. In the _cantigas de +amor_ the iteration becomes a tedious sluggishness of thought, whereas +in the _cossantes_ it is part of the music of the poem. + + C. A. = Cancioneiro da Ajuda. + + C. A. M. V. = Cancioneiro da Ajuda. Ed. Carolina Michaëlis de + Vasconcellos. 2 vols. Halle, 1904. + + C. A. S.= Fragmentos de hum Cancioneiro Inedito que se acha na + Livraria do Real Collegio dos Nobres de Lisboa. Impresso á custa de + Carlos Stuart, Socio da Academia Real de Lisboa. Paris, 1823. + + C. A. V. = Trovas e Cantares de um Codice do XIV Seculo. Ed. Francisco + Adolpho de Varnhagen. Madrid, 1849. + + C. V. = Cancioneiro da Vaticana. + + C. V. M. = Il Canzoniere Portoghese della Biblioteca Vaticana. Ed. + Ernesto Monaci. Halle, 1875. + + C. V. B. = Cancioneiro Portuguez da Vaticana. Ed. Theophilo Braga. + Lisboa, 1878. + + C. T. A. = Cancioneirinho das Trovas Antigas colligidas de um grande + Cancioneiro da Bibliotheca do Vaticano. Ed. F. A. de Varnhagen. Vienna + (1870), 2nd ed. 1872. + + C. A. P. = Cantichi Antichi Portoghesi tratti dal Codice Vaticano 4803 + con traduzione e note, a cura di Ernesto Monaci. Imola, 1873. + + C. L. = Cantos de Ledino tratti dal grande Canzoniere portoghese della + Biblioteca Vaticana. Ed. E. Monaci. Halle, 1875. + + C. D. M. = Cancioneiro d’ El Rei D. Diniz, pela primeira vez impresso + sobre o manuscripto da Vaticana. Ed. Caetano Lopes de Moura. Paris, + 1847. + + C. D. L. = Das Liederbuch des Königs Denis von Portugal. Ed. Henry R. + Lang. Halle, 1894. + + C. C. B. = Il Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Brancuti. Ed. Enrico + Molteni. Halle, 1880. + + C. M. = Cantigas de Santa Maria de Don Alfonso el Sabio. 2 vols. + Madrid, 1889. + + C. G. C. = Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano. Ed. H. R. Lang. Vol. i. New + York, London, 1902. + + C. M. B. = Cancionero Musical de los Siglos XV y XVI. Transcrito y + comentado por Francisco Asenjo Barbieri. Madrid (1890). + + C. B. = Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena. Madrid, 1851. + + C. G. = Cancionero General (1511). + + C. R. = Cancioneiro de Resende. Lisboa, 1516 (= Cancioneiro Geral). + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[30] Kazwînî ap. Reinhart Dozy, _Spanish Islam_, trans. F. G. Stokes, +London, 1913, p. 663. + +[31] C. A. 38. It is a _cantiga de meestria_, of two verses, each of +eight octosyllabic lines (_abbaccde bfbaccde_). + +[32] Although neither English nor Portuguese, it is a name for these +poems, of lines _pariter plangentes_, less clumsy than _parallelistic +songs_ adopted by Professor Henry R. Lang (who also uses the words +_serranas_--but see C. D. L., p. cxxxviii, note 2; Dr. Theophilo +Braga had called them _serranilhas_--and _Verkettungslieder_), +_Parallelstrophenlieder_ (D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos), +_cantigas parallelisticas_ (D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos +and Snr. J. J. Nunes), _chansons à répétitions_ (M. Alfred Jeanroy). +_Cantos dualisticos_, _cantos de danza prima_, and _bailadas +encadeadas_ have also been proposed. + +[33] Perhaps = rhyme (_consoante_), but more probably it is derived +from _cosso_, an enclosed place, which would be used for dancing: +cf. Cristobal de Castillejo, _Madre, un caballero Que estaba en este +cosso (bailia)_. In the _Relacion de los fechos del mui magnifico é +mas virtuoso señor el señor Don Miguel Lucas_ [_de Iranzo_] _mui digno +Condestable de Castilla_, p. 446 (A.D. 1470), occurs the following +passage: _Y despues de danzar cantaron un gran rato de cosante_ +(_Memorial Histórico Español_, tom. viii, Madrid, 1855). Rodrigo Cota, +in the _Diálogo entre el Amor y un Viejo_, has _danças y corsantes_, +and Antón de Montoro (el Ropero) asks _un portugues que vido vestido +de muchos colores_ if he is a _cantador de corsante_ (v. l. _cosante_) +(_Canc. General_, ed. Biblióf. Esp., ii. 270, no. 1018). + +[34] In the _Grundriss_ (1894), _Randglossen_ (1896-1905), and +especially vol. ii of the _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_ (1904). + +[35] Or _Solo ramo verde granado_: the green branch in (red) flower. + +[36] Translations of Chinese poems resembling the _cossantes_ are given +by Dr. Theophilo Braga, C. V. B., _Introd._, p. ci, and Professor H. R. +Lang, C. D. L., _Introd._, p. cxlii. A Provençal poem with resemblance +to a _cossante_ is printed in Bartsch, p. 62: _Li tensz est bels, les +vinnesz sont flories_. + +[37] Any one who has heard peasants at a _Stabat_ singing the hymn + + Stabat Mater dolorosa + _Jussa crussa larimosa + Du penebat_ Filius + +realizes that the words for them have no meaning, but that they will +long remember tune and rhythm. Compare, for the form, the Latin hymn to +the Virgin by the Breton poet Adam de Saint Victor (†1177): + + Salve Verbi sacra parens, + Flos de spinis spinis carens, + Flos spineti gloria. + + +[38] Cf. Luis José Velázquez, _Orígenes de la Poesía Castellana_ +(Málaga, 1754) ap. C. M. (1889), i. 168: _las cantares y canciones +devotas de los peregrinos que iban en romería a visitar la iglesia de +Compostela mantuvieron en Galicia el gusto de la poesía en tiempos +bárbaros_. A Latin hymn composed in the twelfth century by Aimeric +Picaud is printed in _Recuerdos de un Viaje á Santiago de Galicia_ por +el P. Fidel Fita y D. Aureliano Fernández-Guerra (Madrid, 1880), p. 45: +_Jacobi Gallecia Opem rogat piam Glebe cujus gloria Dat insignem viam +Ut precum frequentia Cantet melodiam. Herru Sanctiagu! Grot Sanctiagu! +Eultreja esuseja! Deus, adjuva nos!_ + +[39] Cf. Simão de Vasconcellos, _Cronica da Companhia de Jesu do Estado +do Brazil_ (1549-62), 2nd ed. (1865), Bk. I, § 22: _chegamos a huma +praça_ [in Santiago de Compostela] _onde vimos hum ajuntamento de +mulheres Gallegas com grande risada e galhofa; e querendo o irmão meu +companheiro pedir-lhe esmola vio que estavão todas ouvindo a huma que +feita pregadora arremedava, como por zombaria, o sermão que eu tinha +pregado_. + +[40] One has but to watch a Rogation procession passing through the +fields in the Basque country (which until recently preserved customs of +immemorial eld and still calls the Feast of Corpus Christi, introduced +by Pope Urban IV in 1262, ‘the New Feast--_Festa Berria_’) to realize +the singularly impressive effect of the singing, first the girls’ +treble _Ave Ave Ave Maria, Ave Ave Ave Maria_, then the answering bass +of the men far behind, _Ave Ave Ave Maria, Ave Ave Ave Maria_ (with the +slow ringing of the church bell for a refrain like the _contemplando_ +and _tan callando_ in the _Coplas de Manrique_). + +[41] Cf. Gil Vicente, _Tambor em cada moinho_. It is a curious +coincidence that the word _citola_ (the _jogral’s_ fiddle) = +mill-clapper. Cf. also _moinante_ in Galicia = _pícaro_. + +[42] Cf. the _leixapren_ and refrain of the _cantiga_ danced and sung +at the end of Gil Vicente’s _Romagem de Aggravados_ (_Por Maio era, por +Maio_). The parallelism and _leixapren_ are present also in religious +poems by Alfonso X: C. M. 160, 250, 260. Snr. J. J. Nunes has noted +that in modern peasant dances, accompanied with song, the dancers +sometimes pause while the refrain is sung. + +[43] C. V. contains many striking pilgrimage songs, sometimes wrongly +called _cantigas de ledino_. The word probably originated in a +printer’s error (_de ledino for dele dino_) in a line of _Chrisfal: +cantou canto de ledino_. + +[44] Cf. the wailing refrains of C. V. 415, 417; and, for the _form_, +compare _e de mi, louçana!_ with _¡ay de mi, Alfama!_ In the _sense_ of +the two refrains lies all the difference between the poetry of Portugal +and Spain. + +[45] C. C. B. 135 (= C. A. 389); C. V. 119, 181, 220, 527, 758, 964. + +[46] _Endurar_, _besonha_, _greu_, _gracir_, _cousir_, _escarnir_, +_toste_, _entendedor_, _veiro_ (_varius_, Fr. _vair_, C. M. 213 has +_egua veira_), _genta_ (_genser_, _gensor_). + +[47] C. V. 242-51, 979; C. C. B. 159-71 (= C. A. 70-81, 402). + +[48] C. V. 414-16, 824-5; C. A. 281. + +[49] Meen di nho in the C. V. M. index. Thus he is scarcely even a name. + +[50] Or Esquio (? = _esquilo_, ‘squirrel’). + +[51] Or Corpancho (Broade) or Campancho (Broadacre); but the word +_carpancho_ (= basket) exists in the region of Santander (_La +Montaña_). There is a modern Peruvian poet Manuel Nicolás Corpancho +(1830-63). + +[52] This is the most probable form of his name, although modern +critics have presented him with various others. + +[53] M. Alfred Jeanroy (_Les Origines_, 2ᵉ ed., 1904, p. 320) compares +with this _bailada_ the fragments _Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat Vignent +dançar, li autre non_ and _N’en nostre compaignie ne soit nus S’il +n’est amans_, but even if there was direct imitation here, which +is doubtful, that would not affect the indigenous character of the +_cossantes_. + +[54] Or, according to D. C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, Moogo (from +_monachus_). _Meogo_ (= _meio_) occurs in C. M. 65 and 161, _moogo_ (= +monk) in C. M. 75 and 149. + +[55] C. V. 392-402, 424-30, 1158-9; C. A. 246-56. Chariño is buried at +Pontevedra, in the Franciscan convent which he founded. + +[56] Cf. the modern _Ai lé lé lé, marinheiro vira á ré_ or _Ai lé lé lé +Ribamar e S. José_. + +[57] For later reminiscences of the _pastorela_ see C. Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos, _João Lourenço da Cunha, a ‘Flor de Altura’ e a cantiga +Ay Donas por qué em tristura?_ (_Separata da Revista Lusitana_, vol. +xix) Porto (1916), pp. 14-15. + +[58] See _supra_, p. 23. + +[59] A modern Portuguese quatrain runs + + Passarinho que cantaes + Nesse raminho de flores, + Cantae vos, chorarei eu: + Assim faz quem tem amores. + + +[60] By the margin of a river Went a maiden singing, ever Of love sang +she: + +Up the stream the boats came gliding Gracefully. All along the +river-bent The fair maiden singing went Of love’s dream: Fair to see +the boats came gliding Up the stream. + +[61] _Poetica_ (C. C. B., p. 3, ll. 50-1). + +[62] It probably does not rhyme (_e morre_ or _corre_) purposely. D. +Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos proposes _gracioso_ or _friolo_ (_A +Saudade Portuguesa_, Porto, 1914, pp. 84, 140). + +[63] _España Sagrada_, xx. 211. + +[64] C. A. M. V. ii. 928-36. Almeida Garrett had written in a general +sense: _os vestigios d’essa poesia indigena ainda duram_ (_Revista +Univ. Lisbonense_, vol. v (1846), p. 843). + +[65] At Rebordainhos, in Tras-os-Montes, e.g. _Na ribeirinha ribeira +Naquella ribeira Anda lá um peixinho vivo (bravo) Naquella ribeira_. +Other examples of the _i-a_ sequence are _amigo_ (_amado_), _cosido_ +(_assado_), _villa_ (_praça_), _ermida_ (_oraga_), _linda_ (_clara_), +_Abril_ (_Natal_), _ceitil_ (_real_). See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, +_Annuario para o estudo das tradições populares portuguezas_ (Porto, +1882), pp. 19-24. Cf. the modern Asturian song with its refrain _¡Ay +Juana cuerpo garrido, ay Juana cuerpo galano!_ + +[66] Francisco Alvarez, _Verd. Inf._, p. 125, speaks of _cantigas de +bailhos e de terreiro_ (dance-songs). + +[67] Cf. Barros, _Dial. em lovvor da nossa ling._, 1785 ed., p. 226: +_Pois as cantigas compostas do povo, sem cabeça, sem pees, sem nome ou +verbo que se entenda, quem cuidas que as traz e leva da terra? Quem as +faz serem tratadas e recebidas do comum consintimento? O tempo._ + + + + + § 2. + + _The Cancioneiros_ + + +If, besides the _Cancioneiros da Vaticana_, _Colocci-Brancuti_, and _da +Ajuda_, we include King Alfonso X’s _Cantigas de Santa Maria_ (C. M.) +we have over 2,000 poems, by some 200 poets. Of these the _Cancioneiro +da Ajuda_ (C. A.) contains 310. Preserved in the Lisbon _Collegio dos +Nobres_ and later in the Royal Library of Ajuda at Lisbon, it was +first published in an edition of twenty-five copies by Charles Stuart +(afterwards Lord Stuart of Rothesay), British Minister at Lisbon +(C. A. S.). Another edition, by Varnhagen, appeared in 1849 (C. A. +V.), and the splendid definitive edition by D. Carolina Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos in 1904 (C. A. M. V.). C. A. M. V. contains 467 poems, in +part reproduced from C. V. M. and C. C. B. The third volume, of notes, +is still unpublished. + +Of the _Cancioneiro_ preserved as Codex Vaticanus 4803, and now +commonly known as _Cancioneiro da Vaticana_ (C. V.), fragments were +published soon after its rediscovery: viz. that portion attributed to +King Dinis, edited by Moura in 1847 (C. D. M.). This part received a +critical edition at the hands of Professor H. R. Lang in 1892; 2nd +ed., with introduction, Halle, 1894 (C. D. L.). A few more crumbs were +given to the world by Varnhagen in 1870, 2nd ed. 1872 (C. T. A.), and +in 1873 (C. A. P.) and 1875 (C. L.) by Ernesto Monaci, who printed his +diplomatic edition of the complete text (1,205 poems) in the latter +year (C. V. M.), and with it an index of a still larger _Cancioneiro_ +(it has 1,675 entries) compiled by Angelo Colocci in the sixteenth +century and discovered by Monaci in the Vatican Library (codex 3217). +Dr. Theophilo Braga’s critical edition appeared in 1878 (C. V. B.). + +In this very year a large _Cancioneiro_ (355 ff.), corresponding nearly +but not precisely to the Colocci index, was discovered in the library +of the Conte Paolo Antonio Brancuti (C. C. B. For convenience’ sake +C. C. B. also = the fragment published by Enrico Gasi Molteni), and +the 442 of its poems, lacking in C. V. (but nearly half of which are +in C. A.), were published in diplomatic edition by Enrico Molteni +in 1880 (C. C. B.). All these (C. A., C. V., and C. C. B.) were in +all probability derived from the _Cancioneiro_ compiled by the Conde +de Barcellos. When his father, King Dinis, died, silence fell upon +the poets. The new king, Afonso IV, showed no sign of continuing to +collect the smaller _Cancioneiros_ kept by nobles and men of humbler +position, a custom inaugurated by his grandfather, Afonso III (if +the _Livro de Trovas del Rei D. Afonso_ in King Duarte’s library was +his), continued by King Dinis (_Livro de Trovas del Rei D. Dinis_), +and perhaps revived by King Duarte a century later (_Livro de Trovas +del Rei_). It was thus a time suitable for a ‘definitive edition’, and +Count Pedro, who was the last of the _Cancioneiro_ poets and who was +more collector than poet, probably took the existing _Cancioneiros_ +(of Afonso III and Dinis) and added a third part consisting of later +poems. Besides the chronological order there was a division by subject +into _cantigas de amor_, _cantigas de amigo_, and _cantigas d’escarnho +e de maldizer_ (Santillana’s _cantigas_, _serranas e dezires_, or +_cantigas serranas_, the Archpriest of Hita’s _cantares serranos e +dezires_). C. V. is divided into these three kinds; in the older +and incomplete C. A. 304 of the 310 poems are _cantigas de amor_. +Eleven years after the death of King Duarte the Marqués de Santillana +wrote (1449) to the Constable of Portugal, D. Pedro, describing the +Galician-Portuguese _Cancioneiro_--_un grant volume_--which he had +seen in his boyhood in the possession of D. Mencia de Cisneros. (This +may have been the actual manuscript compiled by D. Pedro, Conde de +Barcellos and bequeathed by him in 1350 to Alfonso XI of Castille and +Leon--a few days _after_ Alfonso XI’s death. Or it may have been a copy +of the _Cancioneiro_ of D. Pedro or the _Cancioneiro_ of Afonso III or +of Dinis.) It is significant that in this very important letter it is +a foreigner informing a Portuguese. Under the predominating influence +first of Spain then of the Renaissance, the old Portuguese poems, even +if they were known to exist, excited no interest in Portugal. They +were _musas rusticas, musas in illo tempore rudes et incultas_.[68] +With this disdain the _Cancioneiro_ became a real will-o’-the-wisp. +Even as late as the nineteenth century one disappeared mysteriously +from a sale, another emerged momentarily (see C. T. A.) from the +shelves of a Spanish grandee only to fall back into the unknown. In the +sixteenth century the evidence as to its being known is contradictory. +Duarte Nunez de Leam in 1585 says of King Dinis that _extant hodie +eius carmina_. Antonio de Vasconcellos in 1621 declares that time has +carried them away: _obliviosa praeripuit vetustas_. + +A few vague allusions (as that of Sá de Miranda concerning the echoes +of Provençal song) were all that was vouchsafed in Portugal to the +_Cancioneiro_, although prominent Portuguese men of letters--as Sá de +Miranda, André de Resende, Damião de Goes--travelled in Italy and met +there Cardinal Pietro Bembo (1470-1547), who had probably owned the +_Cancioneiros_ (copies by an Italian hand of a Portuguese original) +acquired by Angelo Colocci; yet at this very time Colocci (†1549) was +eagerly indexing and annotating the _Cancioneiros_ in Rome. It is +this Portuguese neglect and indifference to the things of Portugal +which explains the survival of the _cossantes_ only in Rome while the +more solemn and less indigenous poems of the _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_ +remained in the land of their birth. A fuller account of the Portuguese +_Cancioneiros_, with the fascinating and complicated question of their +descent and interrelations, will be found in the _Grundriss_ (pp. +199-202) and D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos’ edition of the +_Cancioneiro da Ajuda_ (vol. ii, pp. 180-288).[69] + +When the poetry of the troubadours flourished in Provence Portugal +was scarcely a nation. The first Provençal poet, Guilhaume, Comte de +Poitou (1087-1127), precedes by nearly a century Sancho I (1154-1211), +second King of Portugal, who wrote poems and married the Princess +Dulce of Aragon; and the Gascon Marcabrun, the first foreign poet to +refer to Portugal, in his poems _Al prim comens del ivernaill_ and +_Emperaire per mi mezeis_, in the middle of the twelfth century, spoke +not of her poetry but of her warrior deeds: _la valor de Portegal_. +Gavaudan similarly refers at the end of the twelfth century to the +Galicians and Portuguese among other (Castille, &c.) barriers against +the ‘black dogs’ (the Moors). It was in Spain that the Portuguese had +opportunity of meeting Provençal poets. The Peninsula in the thirteenth +century was, like Greece of old, divided into little States and +Courts, each harbouring exiles and refugees from neighbouring States. +Civil strife or the death of a king in Portugal would scatter abroad +a certain number of noblemen on the losing side, who would thus come +into contact with the troubadours as Provençal poetry spread to the +Courts of Catalonia and Aragon, Navarre, Castille and Leon. The first +King of Portugal, although a prince of the House of Burgundy, held +his kingdom in fief to Leon, and all the early kings were in close +touch with Leon and Castille. Fernando III, King of Castille and Leon +(St. Ferdinand), was a devoted lover of poetry, and his son Alfonso X +gathered at his _cort sen erguelh e sen vilania_ a galaxy of talented +troubadours, Provençal and Galician. Portugal came into more direct +touch with France in other ways, but the influence might have been +almost exclusively that of the _trouvères_ of the North had not the +more generous enthusiasm of Provence penetrated across the frontier +into Spain. Trade was fairly active in the thirteenth century between +Portugal and England, North France and Flanders. Many of the members +of the religious orders--as the Cluny Benedictines--who occupied +the territory of the Moors in Portugal were Frenchmen. With foreign +colonists the new towns were systematically peopled. The number of +French pilgrims was such that the road to Santiago became known as +the ‘French Road’. The Crusades also brought men of many languages +to Portugal.[70] The Court by descent and dynastic intermarriage +was cosmopolitan; but indeed the life of the whole Peninsula was +cosmopolitan to an extent which tallies ill with the idea of the Middle +Ages as a period of isolation and darkness. The Portuguese had already +begun to show their fondness for _novedades_. Yet it was they who +imposed their, the Galician, language. As the Marqués de Santillana +observed and the _Cancioneiros_ prove, lyric poets throughout the +Peninsula used Galician.[71] Probably the oldest surviving instance of +this language in verse by a foreigner is to be found (ten lines) in a +_descort_ (_descordo_) written by Raimbaud de Vaqueiras (1158-1217) +at the Court of Bonifazio II of Montferrat towards the end of the +twelfth century. We cannot doubt that the character and conditions +of the north-west of the Peninsula had permitted a thread of lyric +poetry to continue there ever since Silius Italicus had heard the youth +of Galicia wailing (_ululantem_) their native songs, and that both +language and literature had the opportunity to develop earlier there +than in the rest of Spain. The tide of Moorish victory only gradually +ebbed southward, and the warriors in the sterner country of Castille, +with its fiery sun and battles and epics, would look back to the green +country of Galicia as the idyllic land of song, a refuge where sons +of kings and nobles could spend their minority in comparative peace. +When from the ninth century Galicia became a second Holy Land its +attractions and central character were immeasurably increased. Pilgrims +thither from every country would return to their native land with some +words of the language, and those acquainted with Provençal might note +the similarity and the musical softness of Galician.[72] It is not +certain that the eldest of the ten children of San Fernando, ALFONSO +X (1221?-84), _el Sabio_, King of Castille and Leon, Lord of Galicia, +and brother-in-law of our Edward I, passed his boyhood in Galicia. But +when he was compiling a volume of poems referring to many parts of the +world besides Spain, to Canterbury and Rome, Paris and Alexandria, +Lisbon, Cologne, Cesarea, Constantinople, he would naturally choose +Galician not only, or indeed chiefly, because it was the more graceful +and pliant medium for lyric verse but because it was the most widely +known, and, like French, _plus commune à toutes_ _gens_.[73] He had +no delicate ear for its music and made such poor use of its pliancy +that it often becomes as hard as the hardest Castilian in his hands. +His songs of miracles offer a striking contrast to contemporary +Portuguese lyrics in the same language. Their jingles are only possible +as a _descort_ in the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_. At the same time +he would be influenced in his choice of language by his knowledge +of Galicia as the traditional home of the lyric, of the encouraging +patronage extended to Galician poets by his son-in-law Afonso III, of +the Santiago school of poets, and of the promising future before the +Galician language in the hands of the conquering Portuguese. _Multas +et perpulchras composuit cantilenas_, says Gil de Zamora, and likens +him to David. But when we remember the prodigious services rendered by +Alfonso X to Castilian prose, the first question that arises is whether +he was indeed the author of the 450 poems in Galician[74] that we +possess under his name. Of these poems 426, or, cancelling repetitions, +420, are of a religious character, written, with one or two exceptions, +in honour of the Virgin: _Cantigas de Santa Maria_. Many of these poems +themselves provide an answer to the question: they record his illnesses +and enterprises and his _trobar_ in such a way that they could only +have been written by himself: he is the _entendedor_ of Santa Maria +(C. M. 130), he exhorts other _trobadores_ to sing her praises (C. M. +260), he himself is resolved to sing of no other _dona_ (C. M. 10: _dou +ao demo os otros amores_); and his attractive and ingenuous pride in +these poems accords ill with an alien authorship. When he lay sick at +Vitoria and was like to die it was only when the _Livro das Cantigas_ +was placed on his body that he recovered (C. M. 209), and he directed +that they should be preserved in the church in which he was buried. +There is little reason to doubt that he was the author, in a strictly +limited sense, of the majority of the poems, although not of all. +Various phrases seem to imply a double method. C. M. 219 says: ‘I will +have that miracle placed among the others’; C. M. 295: ‘I ordered it to +be written.’ On the other hand, C. M. 47 is ‘a fair miracle of which I +made my song’; C. M. 84 ‘a great miracle of which I made a song’; of +106 ‘I know well that I will make a goodly song’; of 64 ‘I made verses +and tune’; for 188 ‘I made a good tune and verses because it caught my +fancy’; for 307 ‘according to the words I made the tune’; of 347 ‘I +made a new song with a tune that was my own and not another’s’. The +inference seems to be that, the personal poems and the _loas_ apart, if +a miracle especially attracted the king he took it in hand; otherwise +he might leave it to one of the _joglares_, and he would perhaps revise +it and be its author to the extent that the Portuguese _jograes_ were +authors of the early _cossantes_. We know that he had at his Court a +veritable factory of verse. The vignettes[75] to these _Cantigas_ show +him surrounded by scribes, pen and parchment in hand, by _joglares_ and +_joglaresas_. Poets thronged to his Court and he was in communication +with others in foreign lands. Some of the miracles might come to him +in verse, the work of a friendly poet or of a sacred _jogral_ such as +Pierres de Siglar, whom C. M. 8 shows reciting his poems from church +to church: _en todalas eigreias da Uirgen que non a par un seu lais +senpre dizia_,[76] and this would account for the variety of metre and +treatment. Of raw material for his art there was never a scarcity, +nor was the idea of turning it into verse original. In France Gautier +de Coincy (1177-1236) had already written his _Miracles de la Sainte +Vierge_ in verse, and the Spanish poet Gonzalo de Berceo (1180-1247) +had composed the _Milagros de Nuestra Sennora_. But there was no need +for direct imitation. If the starry sky were parchment and the ocean +ink, the miracles could not all be written down, says King Alfonso +(C. M. 110). Churches and rival shrines preserved an unfailing store +for collectors. Gautier de Coincy spoke of _tant miracles_, a _grant +livre_ of them, and King Alfonso chooses one from among 300 in a book +(C. M. 33), finds one written in an ancient book (265) written among +many others (258), in a book among many others (284), and refers to +a book full of them at Soissons. The miracles were recorded more +systematically in France, and the books of Soissons and Rocamadour +(_Liber Miraculorum S. Mariae de Rupe Amatoris_) provided the king with +many subjects, as did also Vincent de Beauvais’ _Speculum Historiale_, +of which he possessed a copy. But the sources in the Peninsula were +very copious, as, for instance, the Book of the Miracles of Santiago, +of which a copy, in Latin, exists in the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale. +Of other miracles the king had had personal experience, or they were +recent and came to him by word of mouth. Thus he often does not profess +to invent his subject: he merely translates it into verse and sometimes +appraises it as he does so. It is ‘a marvellous great miracle’ (C. +M. 257), ‘very beautiful’ (82), ‘one in which I have great belief’ +(241), ‘one almost incredible’, _mui cruu de creer_ (242), or ‘famous’ +(195), ‘known throughout Spain’ (191). Many of these miracles occurred +to the peasants and unlettered: then as now the humbler the subject +the greater the miracle. Accordingly we find the king in his poems +dealing not with the conventional shepherdesses of the _pastorelas_ but +with lowly folk of real life, peasants, gleaners, sailors, fishermen, +beggars, pilgrims, nuns; and it is one of the king’s titles to be +considered a true poet that he takes an evident pleasure in these +themes and retains their graphic, artless presentment. The collection +abounds in charming glimpses of the life of the people. Indeed, in many +of the poems there is more of the people than of King Alfonso,[77] +and he sings diligently of the misdeeds of clerics and usurers, of +the incompetence of doctors, and of massacres of Jews. He seems to +have followed the originals very closely, and evident traces of their +language remain, French, English, and perhaps Provençal. The poems are +often of considerable length, sometimes twenty or thirty verses, and +as a rule the last line of each verse must rhyme with the refrain. The +attention thus necessarily bestowed upon the rhymes sometimes mars the +pathos of the subject, and the reader is reminded that he has to do +with a skilful, eager, and industrious craftsman but not with a great +original poet. In the remarkable _Ben vennas Mayo_ and in many of his +other poems materialism and poetical ecstasy go hand in hand. Yet in +several of the more beautiful legends the poet proves himself equal to +his theme. Some of these legends are still famous, that of the Virgin +taking the place of the nun (C. M. 55 and 94), of the knight and the +pitcher (155), of the stone miraculously warded from the statue of the +Virgin and Child (136 and 294), of the monk’s mystic ecstasy at the +_lais_ of the bird in the convent garden (103). Others had probably an +equal celebrity in the Middle Ages, as that of the captive miraculously +brought from Africa and awaking free in Spain at dawn (325),[78] of +the painter with whom the Devil was wroth for always painting him so +ugly (74), or of the peasant whose vineyard alone was saved from the +hail (161). Every tenth poem (the collection was intended originally +to consist of one hundred) interrupts the narratives of miracles by a +purely lyrical _cantiga de loor_, and some of these, written with the +fervour with which the king always sang _as graças muy granadas_ of +the _Madre de Deus Manuel_, are of great simplicity and beauty. The +king had not always written thus, and of his profane poems we possess +thirty[79] (since no one who has read the lively essay by Cesare de +Lollis will doubt that C. V. 61-79 and C. C. B. 359-72 (= 467-78) were +written by Alfonso X). The most important of these are historical, and +invoke curses on false or recalcitrant knights, _non ven al mayo!_ C. +V. 74 is a battle-scene description so swift and impetuous that we must +go to the _Poema del Cid_ for a parallel. And indeed some of the old +spirit peeps out from the _Cantigas de Santa Maria_, as when he prays +to be delivered from false friends or praises the Virgin for giving his +enemies ‘what they deserved’. + +From the return and enthronement of Afonso III imitation of French and +Provençal poetry was in full swing in Portugal. The long sojourn of +the prince in France, accompanied by several noblemen who figure in +the _Cancioneiros_ (as Rui Gomez de Briteiros and D. Joan de Aboim), +had an important bearing on the development of Portuguese poetry. +He came back determined to act the part of an enlightened patron of +letters; he encouraged the immigration of men of learning from France +and maintained three _jograes_ permanently in his palace.[80] Princes +and nobles as _trobadores_ for their own pastime, the _segreis_,[81] +knights who went from Court to Court and received payment for the +recital of their own verses, the _jograes_, belonging to a lower +station, who recited the poems of their patrons the _trobadores_, all +vied in imitation of the love songs of Provence. In general, i. e. +in the structure of their poems, the resemblance is close and clear +enough. The decasyllabic love song in three or four stanzas with an +_envoi_, the satirical _sirventes_, the _tenson_ (_jocs-partits_) in +which two poets contended in dialogue, the _descort_ in which the +discordant sounds expressed the poet’s distress and grief, the _balada_ +of Provence, the _ballette_ and _pastourelle_ of North France, were all +faithfully reproduced. + +If, on the other hand, we look for imitations in detail it is perhaps +natural that we should find them less frequently.[82] The conventional +character of the Portuguese poems would sufficiently account for this, +and moreover their models were probably more often heard than read, so +that reproduction of the actual thought or words would be difficult. +When Airas Nunez in a poem of striking beauty, which is almost a sonnet +(C. V. 456), wrote the lines: + + Que muito m’eu pago d’este verão + Por estes ramos et por estas flores + Et polas aves que cantan d’amores, + +he need not have read Peire de Bussinac’s lines: + + Quan lo dous temps d’Abril + Fa ’ls arbres secs fulhar + E ’ls auzels mutz cantar + Quascun en son lati, + +in order to know that birds sing and trees grow green in spring. +And generally it is not easy to say whether an apparent echo is a +direct imitation or merely a stereotyped phrase. The Portuguese +_trobadores_ introduced little of the true spirit of the Provençal +_troubadours_--that had passed to Palestine and to the Lady of Tripoli. +In their _cantigas de amor_ is no sign of action--unless it be to die +of love; no thought of Nature. Jaufre Rudel (1140-70), that prince +of lovers, had ‘gone to school to the meadows’ and might sing in his +_maint bons vers_ of _la flor aiglentina_ or of _flors d’albespis_, but +in the Portuguese _cantigas_ nothing relieves the conventional dullness +and excessive monotony (which likewise marked the Provençal school of +poets in Sicily). Composed for the most part in iambic decasyllables +they describe continually the poet’s _coita d’amor, grave d’endurar_, +his grief at parting, his loss of sleep, his pleasure in dying for his +_fremosa sennor_. She is described merely as beautiful, or, at most, as + + Tan mansa e tan fremosa e de bon sen (C. C. B. 206). + Fremosa e mansa e d’outro ben comprida (C. C. B. 278). + +Vocabulary and thought are spectre-thin. Indeed, it was part of the +convention to sing vaguely. _Eu ben falarei de sa fremosura_, says +one poet[83] (C. C. B. 337)--he will sing of her beauty, but not in +such a way that the curious who _non o poden adevinhar_ should guess +his secret. As to allusions to Nature, perhaps the climate, with less +marked divisions than in Provence, furnished less incentive to sing +of spring and the earth’s renewal or to imitate Guiraut de Bornelh in +going to school all the winter (_l’ivern estava a escola a aprender_) +and singing only with the return of spring. King Dinis, perhaps in +reference to that troubadour, declares that his love is independent of +the seasons and more sincere than that of the singers of Provence: + + Proençaes soen mui ben trobar + E dizen eles que é con amor, + Mais os que troban no tempo da frol + E non en outro sei eu ben que non + An tan gran coita ... (C. V. 127) + +and even as he wrote the words he was unconsciously imitating the +thought of the Provençal poet Gace Brulé, who had spoken of _les +faus amoureus d’esté_. The exceeding similarity of the _cantigas +de amor_ did raise doubts as to the sincerity of all this dying of +love (cf. C. V. 353 and C. V. 988) and as to whether a poem was a +_cantar novo_ or an article at second hand (C. V. 819). Yet the +poets evidently had talent and poetic feeling; indeed, their skill +in versification contrasts remarkably with their entire absence of +thought or individuality. They appear to revel in monotony of ideas +and pride themselves on the icy smoothness of their verse. All their +originality consisted in the introduction of technical devices, such as +the repetition at intervals of certain words (_dobre_), or of different +tenses of the same verb (_mordobre_, as C. V. 681), to carry on the +poem without stop from beginning to end by means of ‘for’, ‘but’, &c., +at the beginning of each verse (_cantigas de atafiinda_,[84] as C. +V. 130, C. A. 205), to begin and end each verse with the same line +(_canção redonda_, as C. V. 685), to repeat the last line of one verse +as the first line of the next (_leixapren_), to use the same word at +the end of each line (as _vi_ in C. A. 7). The poet who addressed +_cantigas de amor_ to his lady also provided her with poems for her +to sing, _cantigas de amigo_ in complicated form, or as the simpler +_cossante_, which the _cantigas de amigo_ include. These are poems with +more life and action, often in dialogue. Perhaps the _dona_ herself, +wearied by the monotonous _cantigas de amor_, had pointed to the songs +of the peasant women, and the form of these _cantigas de amigo_ was a +compromise between the Provençal _cantiga de meestria_ and the popular +_cantiga de refran_. The peasant woman composed her own songs, and +the poet places his song on the lips of his love: thus we find her +describing herself as beautiful, _eu velida_; _eu fremosa_; _trist’ e +fremosa_; _fremosa e de mui bon prez_; _o meu bon semelhar_. Poetical +shepherdesses sing these _cantigas de amigo_; the fair _dona_ sings +them as she sits spinning (C. V. 321). The old _Poetica_ (II. 2-12) +distinguishes between the _cantigas de amor_, in which the _amigo_ +speaks first, and the _cantigas de amigo_, in which the first to speak +is the _amiga_. Both were artificial forms, but the latter are clearly +more popular in theme (the _amiga_ waiting and wailing for her lover), +and in treatment sometimes convey a real intensity of feeling.[85] The +favourite subject of the _cantiga de amigo_ is that the cruel mother +prevents the lovers from meeting. The daughter is kept in the house: +_a manda muito guardar_ (C. V. 535). She reproaches and entreats her +mother, who answers her as choir to choir; she bewails her lot to her +friends, or to her sister. She is dying of love and begs her mother to +tell her lover. Her mother and lover are reconciled. Her lover is false +and fails to meet her at the trysted hour. She waits for him in vain, +and her mother comforts her in her distress. She pines and dies of +love while her _amigo_ is away serving the king in battle or _en cas’ +del rei_. + +The third section of the _Cancioneiro da Vaticana_ does not sin by +monotony. We may divide Pope’s line, since if the _cantigas de amor_ +are ‘correctly cold’ many of the satiric poems are ‘regularly low’. +In these verses, containing violent invective and abuse (_cantigas de +maldizer_) or more covert sarcasm and ridicule (_cantigas d’escarnho_), +the themes are often scandalous, the language ribald and unseemly. They +were written with great zest, although without the fiery indignation +of the Provençal and Catalan _sirventeses_. They are concerned with +persons: the haughty _trobador_ may take a _jogral_ to task for writing +verses that do not rhyme or scan, but even then it is a personal matter +and he rebukes his insolence for daring to raise his thoughts to _altas +donas_ in song. Some of these poems should never have been written or +printed, but many of them give a lively idea of the society of that +time. They laugh merrily or venomously at the poverty-stricken knight +with nothing to eat; at the knight who set his dogs on those who called +near dinner-time; the _jogral_ who knows as much of poetry as an ass of +reading; the poet who pretended to have gone as a pilgrim to the Holy +Land but never went beyond Montpellier; the physician (Mestre Nicolas) +whose books were more for show than for use (_E sab’ os cadernos ben +cantar quen[86] non sabe por elles leer_, C. V. 1116); the Galician +unjustifiably proud of his poetical talent (_non o sabia ben_, C. V. +914); the _jogral_ who gave up poetry--shaved off his beard and cut +his hair short about his ears--in order to take holy orders, in hope +of a fat living, but was disappointed; the _jogral_ who played badly +and sang worse; the poet who was the cause of good poetry in others; +the gentleman who spent most of his income on clothes and wore gilt +shoes winter and summer. We read of the excellent capon, kid, and pork +provided by the king for dinner; of the fair _malmaridada_, married or +rather sold by her parents; of the impoverished lady, one of those for +whom later Nun’ Alvarez provided; of the poet pining in exile not of +love but hunger; of the lame lawyer, the unjust judge; the _parvenu +villão_, the knighted tailor, the seers and diviners (_veedeiros_, +_agoreiros_, _divinhos_). These _cantigas d’escarnho e de maldizer_ +were a powerful instrument of satire from which there was no escape. A +hapless _infançon_, slovenly in his ways, drew down upon himself the +wit of D. Lopo Diaz, who in a series of eleven songs (C. V. 945-55) +ridiculed him and his creaking saddle till at Christmas he was fain to +call a truce. But the implacable D. Lopo forthwith indited a new song: +‘I won’t deny that I agreed to a truce about the saddle, but--it didn’t +include the mare’,[87] and so no doubt continued till _pascoa florida_ +or _la trinité_. But the majority of these verses are not so innocently +merry. Many of the poets of the _Cancioneiros_ wrote in all three +kinds: _cantigas de amor_, _de amigo_, and _de maldizer_. Of JOAN DE +GUILHADE[88] (fl. 1250) we have over fifty poems.[89] He imitated both +French and Provençal models, and, having learnt lightness of touch from +them, would appear to have contented himself with writing _cantigas +de amigo_ (besides _cantigas de amor_ and _escarnho_) without having +recourse to the _cossante_. There is life and poetical feeling as well +as facility of technique in his poems. + +PERO GARCIA DE BURGOS (fl. 1250) is, with Joan de Guilhade, one of +the more voluminous writers of the _Cancioneiros_. He shows himself +capable of deep feeling in his love songs, but speaks with two voices, +descending to sad depths in his poems of invective. His contemporary, +the _segrel_ PERO DA PONTE, is also an accomplished poet of love, in +the even flow of his verse far more accomplished than Pero Garcia, +and in his satirical poems wittier and, as a rule, more moderate. +He placed his poetical gift at the service of kings to sing their +praises for hire, and celebrated San Fernando’s conquest of Seville +in 1248; Seville, of which, he says, ‘none can adequately tell the +praises’. To satire almost exclusively the powerful courtier of King +Dinis’ reign, STEVAM GUARDA, devoted his not inconsiderable talent, +and the _segrel_ PEDR’ AMIGO DE SEVILHA (fl. 1250) shone in the same +kind with a great variety of metre as well as in numerous _cantigas +de amigo_. MARTIN SOAREZ (first half 13th c.), born at Riba de Lima, +and considered the best _trobador_ of his time (by those who could not +appreciate the charm of the indigenous poetry), wrote no _cossante_ nor +_cantiga de amigo_, and in his satirical poems displayed a contemptuous +insolence--towards those whom he regarded as his inferiors in lineage +or talent--which places him in no attractive light. A notable poet +at the Courts of Spain and Portugal was JOAN AIRAS of Santiago de +Compostela (fl. 1250), of whom we have over twenty _cantigas de amor_ +and fifty _cantigas de amigo_. Contemporary criticism apparently viewed +their quantity with disfavour,[90] for he complains that _Dizen que +meus cantares non valen ren porque tan muitos son_ (C. V. 533). But if +his poems lack the variety of those of King Dinis, which they almost +rival in number, they are nevertheless marked not only by harmony but +by many a touch of real life. Of most of the other singers we have far +fewer poems. Like Meendinho and Estevam Coelho, PERO VYVYÃES (first +half 13th c.) is known chiefly for a single song: his _bailada_ (C. V. +336). By D. JOAN SOAREZ COELHO (_c._ 1210-80) there are two _cossantes_ +(C. V. 291, 292) and numerous other poems. He was prominent at the +Court of Afonso III (1248-79) and in the conquest of Algarve, as was +also D. JOAN DE ABOIM (_c._ 1215-87), whose poems are less numerous +but include a dozen _cantigas de amigo_ and a _pastorela_ (C. V. 278: +_Cavalgava noutro dia per hun caminho frances_), and FERNAN GARCIA +ESGARAVUNHA,[91] whose _cantigas de amor_ show characteristic life +and vigour, and a good command of metre. There is an engaging grace +and spirit in the _cantigas de amigo_ written in dancing rhythm by +FERNAN RODRIGUEZ DE CALHEIROS (fl. in or before 1250), who preceded +those soldier poets; deep feeling and melancholy in the _cantigas de +amor_ of D. JOAN LOPEZ DE ULHOA, their contemporary. Neither of these, +however, possessed the poetical genius and versatility of the priest +of Santiago, AIRAS NUNEZ (second half 13th c.)--the name appears in a +marginal note to one of King Alfonso’s _Cantigas de Santa Maria_ (C. +M. 223 in the manuscript j. b. 2)--whose poems show a perfect mastery +of rhythm and a true instinct for beauty. He wrote a _pastorela_ in +the manner of the _trouvères_, and combined it with some of the most +exquisite specimens of the indigenous poetry.[92] The fact that one +of these was by Joan Zorro makes it probable that Nunez’ celebrated +_bailada_ (C. V. 462) is but a development of Zorro’s (C. V. 761), +unless both drew from a common popular source. Another of his poems +(C. V. 468) reads like an anticipatory slice out of Juan Ruiz’ _Libro +de Buen Amor_. Great importance has been attached to another (C. V. +466) as a remnant of a _cantar de gesta_, but D. Carolina Michaëlis +de Vasconcellos has shown that it was written to commemorate a +contemporary event, probably in 1289.[93] More than any other poet of +the _Cancioneiros_, with the exception, perhaps, of King Dinis, Nunez +anticipated that _doce estylo_, the introduction of which cost Sá de +Miranda so many perplexities. + +The _Cancioneiros_ contain poems by high and low, prince and, one would +fain say, peasant, noble _trobador_ and humble _jogral_, soldiers +and civilians, priests and laymen, singers of Galicia, Portugal, and +Spain, but more especially of Galicia and North Portugal. As in the +case of C. V. 466, the interest of many of the poems is historical: +C. V. 1088, for instance, written by a partisan of the dethroned King +Sancho II; or C. V. 1080, a _gesta de maldizer_ of fifty-six lines in +three rhymes, with the exclamation _Eoy!_ at the change of the rhyme, +which was written by D. AFONSO LOPEZ DE BAYAN (_c._ 1220-80), clearly +in imitation of the _Chanson de Roland_.[94] Almost equally prominent, +though not from any historical associations, is the curiously modern +C. A. 429 (= C. C. B. 314) among the _cantigas de amor_. It tells +of a girl forced against her will to enter a convent, and who says +to her lover: ‘My dress may be religious, but God shall not have my +heart.’ (For the metre, cf. C. V. 342.) Its author was the _fidalgo_ +D. RODRIG’ EANEZ DE VASCONCELLOS, one of the pre-Dionysian poets. But +indeed no further proofs are needed to show that, even had King Dinis +never existed, the contents of the early Portuguese _Cancioneiros_ +would have been remarkable for their variety and beauty. When Alfonso +X died his grandson DINIS (1261-1325)[95] had sat for five years on +the throne of Portugal. Plentifully educated by a Frenchman, Ayméric +d’Ébrard, afterwards Bishop of Coimbra, married to a foreign princess, +Isabel of Aragon (the Queen-Saint of Portugal), profoundly impressed, +no doubt, by the world-fame of Alfonso X, to whom he was sent on a +diplomatic mission when not yet in his teens, he became nevertheless +one of the most national of kings. If he imitated Alfonso X in his love +of literature, he showed himself a far abler and firmer sovereign, +being more like a rock than like the sea, to which the poet compared +Alfonso. Far-sighted in the conception of his plans and vigorous in +their execution, the _Rei Lavrador_, whom Dante mentions, though not +by name: _quel di Portogallo_ (_Paradiso_ xix), fostered agriculture, +increased his navy, planted pine-forests, fortified his towns, built +castles and convents and churches, and legislated for the safety of the +roads and for the general welfare and security of his people. Among his +great and abiding services to his country was the foundation of the +first Portuguese University in the year 1290, and in the same spirit +he ordered the translation of many notable books from the Spanish, +Latin, and Arabic into Portuguese prose, including the celebrated +works of the Learned King, so that it is truer of prose than of poetry +to say that he inaugurated a golden age.[96] Had he written no line +of verse his name must have been for ever honoured in Portugal as +the real founder of that imperishable glory which was fulfilled two +centuries later. But he also excelled as a poet, _d’amor trobador_. It +had no doubt been part of his education to write conventionally in the +Provençal manner, but his skill in versification, remarkable even in +an age in which Portuguese poetry had attained exceptional proficiency +in technique, would have availed him, or at least us, little had he +not also possessed an instinct for popular themes, perhaps directly +encouraged by Alfonso X. The _Declaratio_ placed by Guiraut Riquier of +Narbonne on the lips of that king in 1275 marked the coming asphyxia of +Provençal poetry, for it showed the tendency to take the _jogral_[97] +away from tavern and open air and to cut off his poetry from the life +of the people. It was owing to the personal encouragement of Dinis that +the waning star of both Provençal and indigenous poetry continued to +shine in Portugal for another half-century. The grandson of Alfonso X +was the last hope of the _trobadores_ and _jograes_ of the Peninsula. +From Leon and Castille and Aragon they came to reap an aftermath of +song and _panos_ at his Court, and after his death remained silent or +unpaid (C. V. 708). The poems of King Dinis are not only more numerous +but far more various than those of any other _trobador_, with the +exception of Alfonso X, and it may perhaps be doubted whether they are +all the work of his own hand. In poetry’s old age he might well wish to +collect specimens of various kinds for his _Livro de Trovas_. But many +of the 138 poems[98] that we possess under his name are undoubtedly +his, and display a characteristic force and sincerity as well as true +poetic delicacy and power. Among them are some colourless _cantigas +de amor_ and others more individual in tone, _pastorelas_ (C. V. 102, +137, 150), _cantigas de amigo_ (more Provençal than Portuguese in their +spirit of vigorous reproach are C. V. 186: _Amigo fals’ e desleal_, +and C. V, 198: _Ai fals’ amigo e sen lealdade_), a jingle worthy of +the _Cantigas de Santa Maria_ (C. V. 136), a poem in 8.8.4.8 metre +(C. V. 131), _atafiindas_ (e. g. C. V. 130), a _mordobre_ in _querer_ +(C. V. 113, _Quix ben, amigos, e quer’ e querrei Ũa molher que me +quis e quer mal E querrá_), and _cossantes_ of an unmistakably popular +flavour: _Ay flores, ay flores do verde pino_ (C. V. 171), two _albas_ +(C. V. 170, 172), C. V. 168, 169, with their refrains _louçana_ and +_ai madre, moiro d’amor_, C. V. 173 with its quaint charm: _Vede-la +frol do pinho--Valha Deus_, and the _bailada-cossante_ (C. V. 195: _Mia +madre velida, Voum’ a la bailia Do amor_). If the king wrote these +_cossantes_ he must be reckoned not only as a musical and skilful +versifier but as a great poet. And certainly, at least, his _graciosas +e dulces palavras_ well earned him the reputation of being not only the +best king but the best poet of his time in the Peninsula. + +It would seem that, unlike his grandfather, who had begun with +profane and ended with religious verse, King Dinis, no doubt at his +grandfather’s bidding, who would be delighted to find a disciple +(_Dized’, ai trobadores, A Sennor das Sennores Por que a non loades?_), +began writing songs in honour of the Virgin and sent them to the +Castilian king. His book of _Louvores da Virgem Nossa Senhora_ is said +to have been seen in the Escorial Library and in the Lisbon Torre do +Tombo, and it is impossible altogether to set aside the statements +of Duarte Nunez de Leam[99] and Antonio de Sousa de Macedo, who says +that he read religious poems by King Dinis at the Escorial.[100] On +the other hand, it must be remembered that it was the common opinion +that King Dinis had been the first to write Portuguese poetry, and +the temptation to attribute ancient poems to him would be strong. The +possibility of confusion with the _Livro de Cantigas_ of Alfonso X +(to which his grandson may well have contributed poems)[101] is also +obvious. But the statement of Sousa de Macedo, who was no passing +traveller in a hurry, and who had wide experience of books and +libraries,[102] is very precise. No trace or + +memory of the existence of this manuscript exists, however, at +the Escorial Library, nor is to be found in the _Catálogo de los +Manuscritos existentes antes del incendio de 1671_. The subjects of +King Dinis’ ten[103] satirical poems are trivial, but he had too much +force of character to descend to such vilenesses as were common among +_profaçadores_. (His concise definition of a bore: _falou muit’ e mal_ +(C. C. B. 411) is worthy of Afonso de Albuquerque.) Of his illegitimate +sons, besides D. Afonso Sanchez, D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos, long had +a reputation as a poet almost equal to that of his father, owing to the +association of his name with the _Cancioneiro_; but of his ten poems +six (C. V. 1037-42) are satirical, and the four _cantigas de amor_ (C. +V. 210-13) are perhaps the heaviest and most prosaic in the collection. +It was as a prose-writer and editor of the _Livro de Linhagens_ that he +worthily carried on the literary tradition of King Dinis. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[68] Antonio de Vasconcellos, _Anacephalaeoses, id est Svmma Capita +Actorum Regum Lusitaniae_ (Antverpiae, 1621), p. 79. + +[69] See also C. V. B., pp. xcv-vi. + +[70] An English Crusader writing from Lisbon speaks of _inter hos tot +linguarum populos_ (_Crucesignati Anglici Epistola de Expugnatione +Olisiponis_, A.D. 1147). + +[71] _Colección de Poesías Castellanas_ (1779), vol. i, p. lvii. The +important passages of Santillana’s letter have been so often quoted +that the reader may be referred to them, e.g. in the _Grundriss_, p. +168. + +[72] Milá y Fontanals (_De los Trobadores_, p. 522) lays much stress on +the resemblance between Galician and Provençal. + +[73] It must be remembered that in the early thirteenth century (1213) +the range of the Galician-Portuguese lyric already extended to Navarre +(C. V. 937). + +[74] Guiraut Riquier and Nat de Mons placed Provençal poems on his +lips, which may be taken as an indication that he also wrote in +Provençal. As proof that he wrote poems in Castilian we have a single +_cantiga_ of eight lines (C. C. B. 363: _Señora por amor dios_). The +other poem of the _Cancioneiros_ in Castilian (with traces of Galician) +is by the victor of Salado, Alfonso XI (1312-50), King of Castille and +Leon: _En un tiempo cogi flores_ (C. V. 209). + +[75] Their antiquarian interest was recognized over three centuries +ago. Cf. Argote de Molina, _Nobleza de Andalvzia_ (Seuilla, 1588), f. +151 v.: _es un libro de mucha curiosidad assi por la poesia como por +los trages de aquella edad ̃q se veen en sus pinturas_. + +[76] Some of King Alfonso’s _Cantigas_ were recited in the same way. C. +M. 172 implies this in the lines: + + Et d’esto cantar fezemos + Que cantassen os iograres + +And of this we made a song for the _joglares_ to sing. + +[77] Their popular origin is borne out by the music. See H. Collet et +L. Villalba, _Contribution à l’étude des Cantigas_ (1911). Cf. also P. +Meyer, _Types de quelques chansons de Gautier de Coinci_ (_Romania_, +vol. xvii (1888), pp. 429-37): _paroles pieuses à des mélodies +profanes_. + +[78] Padre Nobrega came upon a crowd of _pobres pedintes peregrinos_ at +Santiago feasting merrily and having _grandes contendas entre si_ as to +which of them was cleverest at taking people in. The trick of one of +them was to declare that, being captive in Turkey, _encommendando-me +muito á Senhora ... achei-me ao outro dia ao romper da alva em terra +de Christãos_ (Simão de Vasconcellos, _Cronica_, Lib. I, § 22). Cf. +Jeronymo de Mendoça, _Jornada de Africa_, 1904 ed., ii. 34, and Frei +Luis de Sousa, _Hist. de S. Domingos_, I. i. 5. + +[79] i. e. besides the Spanish _cantiga_ (C. C. B. 363), C. C. B. 359, +which belongs to the _Cantigas de Santa Maria_, and C. C. B. 372, which +consists of a single line. + +[80] _El Rei aia tres jograes en sa casa e non mais._ + +[81] Riquier’s _segriers per totas cortz_ (King Alfonso X (C. M. 194) +speaks of a _jograr andando pelas cortes_). See also C. V. 556. The +word probably has no connexion with _seguir_ (to follow). Possibly +it was used originally to differentiate singers of profane songs, +_cantigas profanas e seculares_. Frei João Alvarez in his _Cronica do +Infante Santo_ has ‘obras ecclesiasticas e _segrãaes_’; King Duarte +counted among _os pecados da boca_ ‘cantar cantigas _sagraaes_’, The +_Cancioneiros_ show that the _segrel_ was far less common than the +_jogral_ in the thirteenth century. For _segre_ (= _saeculum_) see +_infra_, p. 93, n. 2. + +[82] For instances see H. R. Lang, _The Relations of the Earliest +Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères_ (_Modern +Language Notes_ (April, 1895), pp. 207-31), and C. D. L., pp. xlviii et +seq. + +[83] This poet, Fernam Gonçalvez de Seabra or Fernant Gonzalez de +Sanabria (C. V. 338; C. C. B. 330-7; C. A. 210-21, 445-7), apparently +obtained some fame by his mystification, unless the object of his +devotion was as high-placed as the Portuguese princess for love of +whom, according to legend, D. Joan Soarez de Paiva died in Galicia. +The latter wrote in the first years of the thirteenth century (C. +V. 937, _Randglosse_ xi). They are the only two Galician-Portuguese +poets--besides King Dinis--mentioned in Santillana’s letter. + +[84] _Poetica_, ll. 126, 130. Much of the information of this _Poetica_ +(printed in C. C. B.) may be gleaned from the _Cancioneiros_, but it +shows how carefully the different kinds of poem were distinguished. +There were apparently special names for poems to trick and deceive: _de +logr’ e d’arteiro_, and for festive laughter poems: _de risadelha_ (or +_refestela_?) = _de riso e mote_. Santillana’s _mansobre_ is, it seems, +a misprint for _mordobre_. It occurs again in the _Requesta de Ferrant +Manuel contra Alfonso Alvarez_ (_Canc. de Baena_, 1860 ed., i. 253): + + Sin lai, sin deslai, sin cor, sin descor. + Sin dobre, mansobre, sensilla o menor. + Sin encadenado, dexar o prender. + + +[85] e. g. C. V. 300: _Por Deus, se ora, se ora chegasse Con el mui +leda seria._ + +[86] _q’coi_ (C. V. M.), _qual cór_ (C. V. B.). D. Carolina Michaëlis +de Vasconcellos proposes _quiça_ (cf. C. V. 1006, I. 8). + +[87] _Aqueste cantar da egoa que non andou na tregoa_ (C. V. 956). + +[88] Or D. Joan Garcia de Guilhade. See C. A. M. V. ii. 407-15. + +[89] C. V. 28-38, 343-61, 1097-1110; C. A. 235-9; C. C. B. 373-6. + +[90] A large number of _cantigas_ by the same hand would emphasize the +monotony of the kind and provide an unwelcome mirror for contemporary +bards. Of Roy Queimado (fl. 1250) other love-lorn poets said that he +was always dying of love--in verse. + +[91] Soares de Brito in his _Theatrum_ mentions ‘Ferdinandus Garcia +_Esparavanha_, optimus poeta’ (= _bom trovador_). + +[92] See p. 31. + +[93] See _Randglosse_ xii. An incidental interest belongs to this poem +of eighteen dodecasyllabic lines from the fact that in C. V. B. it is +printed in thirty-six lines, as a proof of the early predominance of +the _redondilha_. + +[94] Cf. the Provençal passage in Milá y Fontanals, _De los +Trobadores_, p. 62. + +[95] He thus overlapped Dante’s life by four years at either end. + +[96] T. A. Craveiro, _Compendio_ (1833), cap. 5: _D. Diniz trouxe a +idade de ouro a Portugal_. + +[97] A late echo of the early (Alfonso X) legislation against the +_jogral_ is to be found in King Duarte’s _Leal Conselheiro_, cap. 70: +_Dos Pecados da Obra_. These include _dar aos jograaees_. Nunez de Leam +translates _joglar_ as _truão_ (1606). + +[98] C. V. 80-208 (= C. D. L. 1-75, 77-128, 76) and C. C. B. 406-15 (= +C. D. L. 129-38). C. V. 116 = C. V. 174. + +[99] _Cronica del Rei D. Diniz_, 1677 ed., f. 113 v. + +[100] _Mandou hum livro delles escrito por sua mão a seu avò ... o +qual eu vi na livraria do Real Convento do Escurial, em folha de papel +grosso, de marca pequena, volume de tres ou quatro dedos de alto, de +letra grande, latina, bem legivel, e o que ly era de Louvores a Nossa +Senhora, e outras cousas ao divino_ (_Eva e Ave_, 1676 ed., pp. 128-9). +This interesting passage is not included in those quoted in C. A. M. +V. ii. 112-17; it is obviously the source of no. 17. It does not imply +that the poems were exclusively religious. Can the book three or four +fingers in height have been the _Canc. da Ajuda_ (460 millimètres) from +which a section of sacred poems may have been torn? If so the letters +_Rey Dõ Denis_ (C. A. M. V. i. 141) would explain the attribution to +King Dinis. + +[101] The language of C. M. and the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_ was of +course the same. Identical phrases occur. + +[102] He twice visited Oxford, he says, in order to see the library, +which he describes--_hũa das grandes cousas do mundo_ (_Eva e Ave_, +1676 ed., p. 156). At the Escorial he also examined an original +manuscript of St. Augustine (ibid., p. 150). + +[103] C. C. B. 406-15. + + + + + II + + 1325-1521 + + + + + § 1 + + _Early Prose_ + + +With prose a new period opens, since, although there are Portuguese +documents of the late twelfth century[104] and the Latin chrysalis +was in an advanced stage of development even earlier, prose as a +literary instrument does not begin before the fourteenth century or +the end of the thirteenth at the earliest. The fragments of an early +_Poetica_[105] clearly show how slow and awkward were still the +movements of prose at a time when poetry had attained an exceedingly +graceful expression. The next two centuries redressed the balance in +the favour of prose. The victory of Aljubarrota (1385) made it possible +to carry on the national work begun by King Dinis--the preparation +of Portugal’s resources for a high destiny. In this constructive +process literature was not forgotten, and indeed its deliberate +encouragement, as though it were an industry or a pine-forest, may +account for the fact that it consisted mainly of prose--chronicles, +numerous translations from Latin, Spanish, and other languages, works +of religious or practical import. The first kings of the dynasty +of Avis, who rendered noble service to Portuguese literature, were +not poets, and in the second half of the fifteenth century Spanish +influence, checked at Aljubarrota, succeeded by peaceful penetration +in recovering all and more than all that it had lost, till it became +common to hear lyrics of Boscan sung in the streets of Lisbon,[106] and +uncommon for a Portuguese poet to versify in his mother tongue.[107] +Prose was more national. King Dinis had encouraged translation into +Portuguese, and among other works his grandfather King Alfonso the +Learned’s _Cronica General_ was translated by his order. The only +edition that we have, _Historia Geral de Hespanha_ (1863), is cut short +in the reign of King Ramiro (cap. ccii, p. 192). The first ‘O’ of the +preface in the manuscript contains the king in purple robe and crown +of gold, pen in hand, with a book before him. The style is primitive, +often a succession of short sentences beginning with ‘And’.[108] In +the convents brief lives of saints, portions of the Bible, prayers and +regulations were written in Portuguese. Thus we have thirteenth-or +fourteenth-century fragments of the rules of S. Bento, _Fragmentos de +uma versão antiga da regra de S. Bento_, with its traces of a Latin +original (e. g. _os desprezintes Deos_ = _contemnentes Deum_); the +_Actos dos Apostolos_, written in the middle of the fifteenth century +by Frei Bernardo de Alcobaça and Frei Nicolao Vieira, that is, copied +by them from an older manuscript; the eloquent prayers (_Libro de +Horas_) translated by another Alcobaça monk, Frei João Claro (†1520?); +the _Historias abreviadas do Testamento Velho_, printed from a +manuscript of the fourteenth century, or of the thirteenth retouched in +the fourteenth. The translation is close; the style foreshadows that of +the _Leal Conselheiro_. The importance of these and other fragmentary +versions of the Bible, in which there can rarely be a doubt as to the +meaning of the words, is obvious. Extracts from the _Vida de Eufrosina_ +and the _Vida de Maria Egipcia_, published in 1882 by Jules Cornu from +the manuscripts formerly in the Monastery of Alcobaça, now in the +Torre do Tombo, show that they were written in vigorous if primitive +prose (14th c.). _A Lenda dos Santos Barlaam e Josaphat_ is perhaps +a little later (end of the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth +century). The _Visão de Tundalo_, of which the Latin original, _Visio +Tundali_, was written by Frei Marcos not long after the date of the +vision (1140), exists in two Portuguese versions, probably both of the +fifteenth century (Monastery of Alcobaça). The _Vida de Santo Aleixo_ +also exists in two codices belonging to the middle and beginning of +the fifteenth century, and Dr. Esteves Pereira, who published the +latter, considers that the variants point to an earlier manuscript +of the beginning of the fourteenth or end of the thirteenth century. +To about the same period (14th-15th c.) belong the _Lenda de Santo +Eloy_, the _Vida de Santo Amaro_, the _Vida de Santa Pelagia_, and many +similar short devout treatises and legends which concern literature +less than the development of the Portuguese language. Both literature +and philology are interested in the early fifteenth-century work +printed by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos from the manuscript in the Vienna +_Hofbibliothek_: _O Livro de Esopo_, which consists not of direct +translations[109] from _Exopo greguo_ of Antioch but of _estorias +ffremosas de animalias_, told in the manner of Aesop, half a century +before William Caxton and Robert Henryson, with great naturalness, +vigour, and brevity. + +The earliest entry of the _Cronica Breve do Archivo Nacional_ is +dated 1391, and both it and the _Cronicas Breves e memorias avulsas +de Santa Cruz de Coimbra_ are laconic annals of the first kings of +Portugal, a few lines covering a whole reign. The _Livro da Noa de +Santa Cruz de Coimbra_ is an extract from the _Livro das Heras_ of +the same convent, and is, as the latter title indicates, a similar +simple chronicle of events by years.[110] It begins in Latin, then +Latin and Portuguese entries alternate till 1405. From 1406 to the +end (1444) they are exclusively Portuguese. The _Cronica da Ordem +dos Frades Menores_ (1209-85) is a fifteenth-century Portuguese +translation of a fourteenth-century Latin chronicle, and has been +carefully edited by Dr. J. J. Nunes from the manuscript in the Lisbon +Biblioteca Nacional; the _Vida de D. Tello_ (15th c.), and the _Vida +de S. Isabel_, the Queen-consort of King Dinis (earlier 15th c.), are +‘historical’ biographies which contain more legend and less history +than the _Cronica da Fundaçam do Moesteiro de S. Vicente de Lixboa_ +(_Cronica dos Vicentes_), a fifteenth-century version from a Latin +original, _Indiculum_, of the eleventh century. There is far more life +if equal brevity in the _Cronica da Conquista do Algarve_ (_Cronica de +como Dom Payo Correa. .. tomou este reino de Algarve aos Moros_)--a +rapid, vivid sketch which reads almost like a chapter out of Fernam +Lopez. Here at last was some one with will and power to make the +dry bones live.[111] But meanwhile history of another kind had been +written from a very early date. As a first rough catalogue of names +the _livros de linhagens_, books of descent, as they were called by +their compilers,[112] go back farther than the chronicles or religious +prose, but so far as concerns their claim to literary form they belong +like those to the fourteenth century. Of the four that have come down +to us the _Livro Velho_ is a jejune family register (11th-14th c.); +the second is a mere fragment of the same kind. The manuscript of the +third (_O Nobiliario do Collegio dos Nobres_) was bound up with the +_Cancioneiro da Ajuda_, and together with the fourth, _O Nobiliario +do Conde D. Pedro_, represents the lost original of the _Livro de +Linhagens_ of D. PEDRO, CONDE DE BARCELLOS (1289-1354). The _Nobiliario +do Conde_ has been shown by Alexandre Herculano, who printed it from +the manuscript in the Torre do Tombo, to be the work of various +authors extending over more than a century (13th-14th), the Conde de +Barcellos being but one of them. It was in fact compiled like a modern +peerage,[113] and was not intended to be final, new entries being added +as time made them necessary, so that the passage _diz O Conde D. Pedro +em seu livro_ is as natural as the mention of Innocencio da Silva in +a later volume of his great dictionary. But it was this son of King +Dinis who with infinite diligence searched for documents far and wide, +had recourse to the writings of King Alfonso X and others, and spared +no pains to give the work an historical as well as a genealogical +character. His researches (_Ouue de catar, he says, por gram trabalho +por muitas terras escripturas que fallauam das linhagens_) set an +excellent example to Fernam Lopez. Certainly the _Livro de Linhagens_ +is a vast catalogue of names, with at most a brief note after the +name, as ‘he was a good priest’ or ‘a very good poet’; but it also +gives succinct stories of the Kings of the Earth from Adam, including +Priam, Alexander, Julius Caesar, and the early kings of Portugal, and +it contains rare but charming intervals, green oases of legend and +anecdote, such as the tale of King Lear with its happy ending, or the +account of King Ramiro going to see his wife, who was a captive of the +Moors.[114] Count Pedro, by his humanity and his generous conception +of what a genealogy should be, really made the book his own. It was +naturally consulted by the early chroniclers, its worth was recognized +by the ablest author of the _Monarchia Lusitana_,[115] and recently, +in the skilful hands of D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, it +has rendered invaluable service in reconstructing the lives of the +thirteenth-century poets.[116] + +The _Livro de Linhagens_ refers not only to King Lear but to Merlin, +King Arthur, Lancelot, and the Isle of Avalon. Many other allusions, +both earlier and later, to the Breton cycle, the _matière de Bretagne_, +are to be found in early Portuguese literature: to the lovers Tristan +and Iseult, to the _cantares de Cornoalha_,[117] to the chivalry of the +Knights of the Round Table. In the fourteenth century many in Portugal +were baptized with the name of Lancelot, Tristan, and Percival; and +Nun’ Alvarez (1360-1431) chose Galahad for his model, and came as near +realizing his ideal as may be given to mortal man. In Gil Vicente’s +time the name Percival had already descended to the sphere of the +peasants: as Passival (i. II) in 1502 (_Auto Pastoril Castelhano_) and +Pessival (i. 117) in 1534 (_Auto de Mofina Mendes_). + +The early Portuguese _Cancioneiros_ contain many references to +this cycle, and the _Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti_ opens with five +celebrated songs,[118] imitations of Breton _lais_, with rubrics +explaining their subjects, and mentioning King Arthur and Tristan, +Iseult, Cornwall, Maraot of Ireland, and Lancelot. Whether they were +incorporated in the _Cancioneiro_ from a Portuguese _Tristam_ earlier +than the Spanish version (1343?), or, as is more probable, directly +from the Old-French _Historia Tristani_, their presence here is a +sufficient witness to the Portuguese fondness for such themes. It was +but natural that a Celtic people living by the sea, delighting in +vague legends and in foreign novelties, should have felt drawn towards +these misty tales of love and wandering adventure, which carried +them west as far as Cornwall and Ireland, and also East, through the +search for the Holy Grail. It was natural that they should undergo +their influence earlier and more strongly than their more direct +and more national neighbours the Castilians, whose clear, definite +descriptions in the twelfth-century _Poema del Cid_ would send those +legends drifting back to the dim regions of their birth. (Even to-day +connexion with and sympathy for Ireland is far commoner in Galicia than +in any other part of Spain.) Unhappily, most of the early Portuguese +versions of the Breton legends have been lost. King Duarte in his +library possessed _Merlim_, _O Livro de Tristam_, and _O Livro de +Galaaz_. The probability that these were written in Portuguese, not in +Spanish, is increased by the survival of _A Historia dos Cavalleiros +da Mesa Redonda e da Demanda do Santo Graall_, as yet only partially +published from the manuscript (2594) in the Vienna _Hofbibliothek_. +It was written probably in the fourteenth century, perhaps at the end +of the thirteenth, although the Vienna manuscript is more recent and +belongs to the fifteenth century, in which the work was referred to +by the poet Rodriguez de la Cámara.[119] It is a Portuguese version +of the story of the Holy Grail, and, although not a continuous +translation, was evidently written with the French original (doubtfully +ascribed to Robert de Boron,[120] author of a different work on the +same subject) constantly in view. Traces of French remain in its +prose.[121] This was clearly part of a larger work,[122] perhaps of +a whole cycle of works dealing with the search for the Holy Grail. +The only others that we have in print are the _Estorea de Vespeseano_ +and the _Livro de Josep ab Arimatia_, the manuscript of which was +discovered in the nineteenth century in the Torre do Tombo. This, in +the same way as the _Demanda do Santo Graall_, is a later (16th c.) +copy of a thirteenth-fourteenth-century Portuguese translation or +adaptation from the French, and retains in its language signs of French +origin. The incunable _Estorea de Vespeseano_ (Lixboa, 1496) is a work +in twenty-nine short chapters, which only incidentally[123] refers +to the Holy Grail, but recounts vividly the event mentioned in the +_Demanda_[124]: the destruction of Jerusalem by Vespasian and Titus. +It was also known formerly as _Destroyçam de Jerusalem_.[125] It is an +anonymous translation, made in the middle of the fifteenth century, +not from the French _Destruction de Jérusalem_, but from the Spanish +_Estoria del noble Vespesiano_ (_c._ 1485 and 1499). Dr. Esteves +Pereira believes that the 1499 Spanish edition is a retranslation from +the Portuguese text originally translated from the Spanish. + +Tennyson’s revival of the Arthurian legend in England evoked no +corresponding interest in Portugal in the nineteenth century, and +the primitive and touching story as published in 1887 has left Sir +Percival in the very middle of an adventure for over a generation. The +descent of the Amadis romances from the noble ideal of chivalry of +King Arthur’s Court is obvious, but their exact pedigree, the date and +nationality of the first ancestor of the Amadis who is still with us, +has been the subject of some little contention. + +_Amadis de Gaula_ has indeed been doubly fortunate. The successor +of Lancelot, Galahad, and Tristan as a fearless and loyal knight, he +early won his way in the Peninsula; he was spared by the priest and +barber in the _Don Quixote_ scrutiny, and now when Vives’ ‘pestiferous +books’,[126] those ‘serious follies’, are no longer read widely, he has +received a new span of immortality as a corpse of Patroclus between the +contending critics. The problem of the date and authorship has become +more fascinating than the book. Champions for Spain and Portugal come +forward armed for the fight: Braunfels, Gayangos, Baist are met by +Theophilo Braga, Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, Marcelino Menéndez +y Pelayo, while Dr. Henry Thomas holds the scales. The ground is thick +with their arrows. And beneath them all lies the simple ingenuous +story as retold by Garci Rodriguez de Montalvo in or immediately after +1492 and published in 1508, still worth reading for its freshness and +for its clear good style, which Braunfels, following up the praise in +Juan de Valdés’ _Diálogo de la Lengua_ (_c._ 1535), declared could +not be a translation.[127] The argument, conclusive in the case of +the masterpiece of prose that is _Palmeirim_ _de Inglaterra_, loses +its force here, since Montalvo himself tells us that he corrected +the work from old originals. Naturally we are curious to know what +these _antiguos originales_ were, but the question did not arise in +the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: readers did not then concern +themselves greatly with the origin and authorship of a book; they were +content to enjoy it. Evidently _Amadis_ was enjoyed both in Spain and +Portugal. It is mentioned in the middle of the fourteenth century in +the Spanish translation, by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz, of Egidio +Colonna’s _De regimine principum_, at the very time, that is, when +the Spanish poet and chronicler, Pero López de Ayala (1332-1407), +was reading _Amadis_ in his youth.[128] Half a century later, in the +last quarter of the fourteenth century, a poem by Pero Ferrus in the +_Cancionero de Baena_ refers to _Amadis_ as written in three books. +This is one of the most definite early references to _Amadis_, but of +course reference to the book by a Spaniard does not necessarily imply +that it was written in Spanish, and indeed some of the vaguer allusions +may refer to a French or Anglo-French original. The most frequent +Spanish references occur in the _Cancionero de Baena_, which was +compiled in the middle of the fifteenth century, at a period, that is, +which the last Galician lyrics written in Spain connected with the time +when all eyes were turned to Portuguese as the universal language of +Peninsular lyrics. Because the Portuguese language was used throughout +Spain in lyric poetry, it is sometimes argued as if the Portuguese had +no prose, could only sing. (The more real division was not between +verse and prose but between the Portuguese lyrical love literature and +the Spanish epic battle literature, and the early romances of chivalry, +although written in prose, belong essentially to the former.) The prose +rubrics of the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_ and the _Poetica_ of the +_Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti_ are sufficient to dispel this delusion. +Whether this _Poetica_ be contemporary (13th c.) of the lyrics or +later (14th c.), it offers a striking contrast between the clumsiness +of its prose and the smooth perfection of the poetry for which it +theorizes. Miguel Leite Ferreira’s statement (1598) that _Amadis_ is +contemporary with the lyrics is therefore remarkable. He says that the +archaic (time of King Dinis) language of the two sonnets--_Bom Vasco +de Lobeira_ and _Vinha Amor pelo campo trebelhando_--written by his +father, Antonio Ferreira (1528-69), is the same as that in which Vasco +de Lobeira wrote _Amadis of Gaul_. We know that King Dinis encouraged +not only lyric poetry but also translations into Portuguese prose, but +all the early Portuguese prose works are assigned to the fourteenth, +not the thirteenth century. One of the earliest, the _Demanda do Santo +Graall_, the language of which bears a close relation to that of the +_Cancioneiros_, still belongs to the fourteenth century. Probably +the later development of prose misled Leite Ferreira into making +fourteenth-century prose contemporary with thirteenth-century verse. +The Infante whom he here on the strength of the passage in Montalvo’s +_Amadis_ identifies with the son of King Dinis, not with the earlier +Prince Afonso (_c._ 1265-1312), may as Infante have expressed dislike +of a certain incident (the treatment of Briolanja) in the already +well-known story, and his preference would be borne in mind when the +Portuguese version was written in his reign (1325-57). If the first +Peninsular version of _Amadis_ was composed in Portuguese in the +middle of the fourteenth century, it may have been eagerly read as a +novelty by López de Ayala. In the fourteenth century most Spaniards +read, a few wrote[129] Portuguese lyrics; and there seems to be no +reason why we should rigorously confine them to the reading of verse, +to the exclusion of Portuguese prose. There is no means of deciding +with certainty whether López de Ayala and Ferrus read _Amadis_ in +Spanish or in Portuguese, but there are inherent probabilities in +favour of Portuguese. No one without a thesis to support would deny +that, generally, the cycle of the Round Table, to which _Amadis_ is +so closely related, was more congenial to the Portuguese than to +the Spanish temperament, that the geographical position of Portugal +facilitated its introduction, and that, in the particular case of +_Amadis_, the style and subject of the work, certainly of the first +three books, are Portuguese rather than Spanish. Melancholy incidents, +sentimental phrases and tears occur on nearly every page. Some critics +even discern traces of Portuguese in the language.[130] + +But if we admit that _Amadis_ was written _c._ 1350, who was its +author? It is noteworthy that while in Spanish it had been attributed +to many persons, in Portugal tradition has persistently hovered round +the name of Lobeira. Unfortunately the Lobeira authorship has given +far more trouble than that of prince, Jew, or saint in Spain. Zurara, +basing his statement on an earlier fifteenth-century authority, +in a perfectly genuine passage of his _Cronica do Conde D. Pedro +de Meneses_,[131] written in the middle of the fifteenth century, +ascribes _Amadis_ to Vasco de Lobeira. In the next century Dr. João +de Barros[132] (not the historian) and Leite Ferreira agree with +Zurara.[133] There was no reason why they should say Vasco rather +than Pedro or João. According to Nunez de Leam, Vasco de Lobeira was +knighted on the field of Aljubarrota (1385), according to Fernam Lopez +he was already a knight in 1383.[134] If he was not a young but an old +knight at Aljubarrota, it is just possible that he wrote the book +thirty-five years earlier, in the same way that the historian Barros +wrote _Clarimundo_ in his youth. + +If he lived on through the reigns of Pedro I (1357-67) and Fernando +(1376-83), and acquired new distinction in battle in the reign +of the latter, this might account for Zurara’s assertion that he +wrote _Amadis_ in the reign of Fernando. But the chief obstacle +to the authorship of Vasco is the existence in the _Cancioneiro +Colocci-Brancuti_ (Nos. 230 and 232 A) of a song by Joan de Lobeira, +_Leonoreta, fin roseta_, which reappears with slight variations in +Montalvo’s _Amadis_ (Lib. II, cap. xi: _este villancico_). It would +seem then that Joan, not Vasco, wrote _Amadis_. Joan de Lobeira,[135] +or Joan Pirez Lobeira, flourished in the second half of the thirteenth +century, and so we have _Amadis_ dating not only from the reign of King +Dinis but from the first half of his reign. But does the existence of +the poem entail that of a prose romance? The early mention of Tristan, +e.g. by Alfonso X, does not necessarily imply the existence of a +thirteenth-century Peninsular _Tristan_ in prose. May we not accept +the poem, written in the stirring metre, dear to men of action, used +by Alfonso X (C. M. 300), as merely a proof of the popularity of the +story, fondness for an episode perhaps treated in greater detail in +the Anglo-French original than in Montalvo’s version? Certainly it is +in the highest degree improbable that a Spaniard, writing at the end +of the fifteenth century, should extract a poem from the Portuguese +_Cancioneiros_ and insert it in his prose; but the improbability +disappears if in the middle of the fourteenth century a Portuguese +(Vasco de Lobeira), perhaps drawn to the story by the poem of his +ancestor, incorporated it in his romance. The late Antonio Thomaz +Pires in 1904 discovered at Elvas the will of a João de Lobeira, +_mercador_, who died there in 1386, and in Dr. Theophilo Braga’s +latest opinion[136] there were three Portuguese versions of _Amadis_: +that of the father, this João de Lobeira, written in the time of King +Dinis (a long-lived race these Lobeiras!), that of the son,[137] Vasco, +and a third by Pedro de Lobeira in the first half of the fifteenth +century. The threefold authorship of this family heirloom is even more +_cruu de creer_ than the theory that a single Lobeira--Vasco--wrote it +in the middle of the fourteenth century. A certain note of disapproval +of _Amadis_ as fabulous, shared by Portuguese and Spanish writers,[138] +perhaps indicates a fairly late date: its irresponsible fiction would +be less excusable if it was written in an age which was beginning to +attach serious importance to _nobiliarios_ and ‘true’ chronicles. +Moreover, if the Portuguese adaptation of an Anglo-French legend had +been even remotely as developed as the form in which we now have +it, the Infante Afonso must have seen at once that the faithfulness +of Amadis was absolutely essential to the story. But especially the +fact that the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_, familiar with Tristan and +the _matière de Bretagne_, are silent on the subject of _Amadis_ is +significant. + +In Gottfried Baist’s argument, based on a rigid division between +early lyric poetry (as Portuguese) and early prose (as Spanish), the +Leonoreta lyric, far from being a stumbling-block, is actually a +sign of the Spanish origin of _Amadis_: as a fragment (14th c.) of a +prose _Tristan_ exists in Spanish, and five Portuguese Tristan _lais_ +figure in the _Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti_, so the Leonoreta poem +belongs to a Spanish _Amadis_ in prose. But although the priority and +relations of early Portuguese and Spanish prose works are intricate +and have not yet been thoroughly studied, it is clear that in many +cases versions have been more carefully preserved in conservative +Spain, while the Portuguese through neglect, fire, and earthquake have +perished, and also that the natural tendency and development of prose, +in view of the growing power of Castille and the greater pliancy of +the Portuguese, was from Portuguese to Spanish, not from Spanish to +Portuguese. And in one instance at least we have an early Portuguese +prose work of the first importance, the _Demanda do Santo Graall_, +which with its gallicisms can by no stretch of imagination be accounted +a version from the Spanish. It is plainly legitimate to hold that +the story of Amadis was first reduced to book form in the Peninsula +in precisely the same way as was the story of Galahad, i.e. as a +fourteenth-century Portuguese adaptation with the French text in view. +Nicholas d’Herberay des Essarts, we know, claimed to have discovered +fragments of _Amadis en langage picard_, Jorge Cardoso (1606-69) +declared that Pero Lobeira translated _Amadis_ from the French,[139] +and Bernardo Tasso, whose _Amadigi_ appeared in 1560, believed (_non +è dubbio_) _Amadis_ to be derived _da qualche istoria di Bretagna_. +Nor would the Portuguese, for all their familiarity with the story and +topography of the Breton cycle, be likely to compose original works +dealing with Vindilisora (Windsor) or Bristoya (Bristol). Unhappily, +however deep may be our conviction (a conviction which stands in no +need of antedating Hebrew versions of the 1508 _Amadis_) that the +Peninsular _Amadis_ was originally Portuguese, it has now ceased to +belong to Portuguese literature; another instance, if we may beg the +question, of the gravitation to Spain. The Portuguese text, of which +a copy, according to Leite Ferreira, existed in the library of the +Duques de Aveiro in the sixteenth century (1598), and, according to +the Conde da Ericeira, in the library of the Condes de Vimieiro in the +seventeenth (1686), is still missing, as it was in 1726. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[104] Portuguese is then _uma lingua coherente, clara, um instrumento +perfeito para a expressão do pensamento, cuja maior plasticidade +dependerá apenas da cultura litteraria_, F. Adolpho Coelho, _A Lingua +Portugueza_ (1881), p. 87. + +[105] See _supra_, p. 48. + +[106] See p. 160. + +[107] Cf. for the seventeenth century Galhegos’ preface and _Mon. +Lusit._ V. xvi. 3: _achandose neste reino poucos que escrevão versos e +não seja na lingua estranjeira de Castilla_. + +[108] e. g. _E matou a grande serpente dallagoa de lerne que auja sete +cabeças. E persegujo as pias filhas de finees que lhe aujã odio e o +queriã desherdar. E foy cõ jaasson o que adusse o velloso dourado da +ylha de colcos. E destroyu troya_, &c. + +[109] Cf. _Por este exemplo este doutor nos mostra_, or _este poeta +nos dá ensinamento_, &c. The Fables of Aesop were translated into +Portuguese prose by Manuel Mendez, a schoolmaster at Lagos (Algarve): +_Vida e Fabulas do Insigne Fabulador Grego Esopo_. Evora, 1603. + +[110] e. g. of an earthquake: _Era de mil e quatrocentos e quatro +desoito dias do mez de Junho tremeo a terra ao serão muy rijamente e +foi por espaço que disserom o Pater tres vezes._ + +[111] The _Cronica Troyana_, edited in 1900 by the Spanish +scholar and patient investigator D. Andrés Martínez Salazar, is a +fourteenth-century Galician version of Benoît de Saint-More’s _Roman de +Troie_. + +[112] The name _Nobiliario_ is one of the erudite words which in +the sixteenth century, here as in so many other cases, ousted the +indigenous. + +[113] Its object was _por saberem os homens fidalgos de Portugal de +qual linhagem vem e de quaes coutos, honras, mosteiros e igreias som +naturaes_. + +[114] His successful wile is similar to the stratagem in _Macbeth_: _e +pois que a nave entrou pela foz cobrío-a de panos verdes em tal guisa +que cuidassem que eram ramos, ca entonce o Douro era cuberto de hũa +parte e da outra darvores_. + +[115] _A escritura de maior utilidade que temos em Espanha_ (Frei +Francisco Brandão, _Mon. Lus._ V. xvii. 5). + +[116] i. e. the copy printed in _Portug. Mon. Hist._ from the only +existing manuscript (= the copy by Gaspar Alvarez de Lousada Machado +(1554-1634) in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo). + +[117] The ‘songs of Cornwall’ are mentioned in C. V. 1007. Cf. 1140. + +[118] See C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_, ii. +479-525. They are called _lais_, _layx_ (C. C. B. 7, 8). + +[119] _En la grand demanda de Santo Greal Se lee._ _Gral_ is still a +common Portuguese word (= _almofariz_, a mortar). + +[120] ruberte de borem is mentioned, 1887 ed., p. 44. + +[121] Not to speak of _certas_, _onta_, _febre_ (= _faible_), _a voso +sciente_, which may be found in other Portuguese works of the fifteenth +century, _san_ (p. 136 _ad fin._) apparently = Fr. _s’en_. + +[122] Cf. _asi como o conto a ja deuisado_ (1887 ed., p. 7). + +[123] 1905 ed., p. 95. + +[124] 1887 ed., p. 43: _despois uespesiom os eyxerdou e os destruio_. + +[125] 1905 ed., pp. 17, 23, 106. + +[126] _De Institutione Christianae Feminae_, Bk. I, cap. 5: ‘Tum et de +pestiferis libris cuiusmodi sunt in Hispania [= the whole Peninsula], +Amadisius, Splandianus, Florisandus, Tirantus, Tristanus, quarum +ineptiarum nullus est finis; quotidie prodeunt novae: Caelistina +laena, nequitiarum parens, carcer amorum: in Gallia Lancilotus a Lacu, +Paris et Vienna, Ponthus et Sydonia, Petrus Provincialis et Magelona, +Melusina, domina inexorabilis: in hac Belgica Florius et Albus Flos, +Leonella et Cana morus, Curias et Floreta, Pyramus et Thisbe’ (_Ioannis +Ludovici Vivis Valentini Opera Omnia_, 7 vols., Valentiae Edetanorum, +1782-8, iv. 87). A Portuguese _Tristan_ may have existed, a Portuguese +original of _Tirant lo Blanch_ less probably, although Pedro Juan +Martorell, who began it in the Valencian or Lemosin _a ii de Giner de +lany 1460_, declares that he had not only translated it from English +into Portuguese but (_mas encara_) from Portuguese into Valencian. He +dedicated it to the _molt illustre Princep_ Ferdinand of Portugal. Very +probably the fame and origin of _Amadis_ accounted for this ‘English’ +original, as mythical as the Hungarian origin of _Las Sergas de +Esplandian_, and for its alleged translation into Portuguese. + +[127] Braunfels, _Versuch_: ‘Montalvo hatte, um einer Uebersetzung +den Ruhm des mustergiltigen Styls und des reinsten Kastilianisch zu +verschaffen, ein Geist ersten Rangs sein müssen, was er nicht war.’ +Montalvo was probably not the real author even of the fourth book. +The words (in this _Prólogo_ of his _Amadis_), _que hasta aquí no es +memoria de ninguno ser visto_, refer not to the fourth book but to +Montalvo’s _Sergas de Esplandian_, which is conveniently replaced by +dots in T. Braga, _Questões_ (1881), p. 99, and _Hist. da Litt. Port._, +i (1909), p. 313, and which the priest in _Don Quixote_ properly +consigned to the flames. + +[128] His connexion with Portugal was not voluntary. It was probably +when he was a prisoner after the battle of Aljubarrota (1385) that he +wrote the _Rimado de Palacio_, in which (st. 162) _Amadis_ is mentioned. + +[129] For the later writers of Galician (second half 14th c.) see +Professor Lang’s _Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano_ (1902). + +[130] _Lua_ (glove), _cedo_, &c., of course occur in early Spanish +prose. _Soledad_ certainly occurs in the first three books more +frequently than in other Spanish prose. The Portuguese atmosphere is +altogether absent in _Las Sergas_. + +[131] Cap. 63: _o Livro d’Amadis, como quer que soomente este fosse +feito a prazer de hum homem que se chamava Vasco Lobeira em tempo d’El +Rey Dom Fernando, sendo todalas cousas do dito Liuro fingidas do Autor._ + +[132] _Libro das Antiguidades_ (1549), f. 32 v.: _E daqui_ [_do Porto_] +_foi natural uasco lobeira ̃q fez os primʳᵒˢ 4 libros de amadis, obra +certo muj subtil e graciosa e aprouada de todos os gallantes, mas +comos_ [so] _estas couzas se secão em nossas mãos os Castelhanos lhe +mudarão a linguoagem e atribuirão a obra assi_ [so]. This passage is, +however, absent in the earliest manuscript. The spelling _couzas_ +implies a late date for its introduction. + +[133] So did Faria e Sousa, but he, too, had his Lobeira doubts, and +after noting that Vasco de Lobeira was knighted by King João I says: +‘si ya no es que era otro del mismo nombre. Pero la Escritura de Amadis +se tiene por del tiempo deste Rey don Iuan’ (_Fvente de Aganipe_ +(Madrid, 1646), § 10). The obvious sympathy of the author for the +_escudero viejo_ who is knighted in _Amadis_ (ii. 13, 14) amidst the +laughter of the Court ladies is perhaps significant. + +[134] _Cronica de D. Fernando_, cap. 177. The year of his death, given +as 1403, is quite uncertain. Soares de Brito in the _Theatrum_ forms +no independent opinion: ‘Vascus de Lobeyra inter Lusitanos Scriptores +enumeratur a Faria.... Floruit tempore Fernandi Regis.’ Antonio +Sousa de Macedo, in _Flores de España_, also follows Faria: Vasco de +Lobeira _fué el primero que con gentil habilidad escribió libros de +caballerías_. Nicolás Antonio (1617-84), _Bib. Nov._, 1688 ed., ii. +322, says that Vasco de Lobeira _vulgo inter cives suos existimari +solet auctor celeberrimi inter famosa scripti_ Historia de Amadis +de Gaula ... _cuius laudes nos inter Anonymos curiose collegimus. +Ostendere autem Lusitanos Amadisium hunc Lusitane loquentem, uti +Castellani Castellanum ostendunt, ius et aequum esset in dubia re +ne verbis tantum agerent._ The challenge in the last sentence is of +interest, as coming in date between the two statements (by Leite +Ferreira and the Conde da Ericeira) asserting the existence of the +Portuguese text. + +[135] There was a Canon of Santiago of this name in 1295, and he may +have come to the Portuguese Court on business concerning certain +privileges of the Chapter which King Dinis confirmed in 1324. + +[136] _Hist. da Litt. Port._ i (1909). + +[137] In the document the only son mentioned is named Gonçalo. + +[138] Zurara, loc. cit., _cousas fingidas_; López de Ayala, _mentiras +probadas_. According to D. Francisco de Portugal (_Arte de Galantería_, +p. 146) such lies could only be written in Spanish (_en la Portuguesa +no se podía mentir tanto_). Portugal was writing in Spanish. + +[139] _Agiologio Lusitano_, i (1652), p. 410: _E por seu mandado_ [of +the Infante Pedro, son of João I] _trasladou de Frances em a nossa +lingua Pero Lobeiro_ [so], _Tabalião d’Eluas, o liuro de Amadis._ + + + + + § 2 + + _Epic and Later Galician Poetry_ + + +Some of the poems of the early _Cancioneiros_, as we have seen, have +an historical character, but they are all written from a personal +point of view. Portuguese history, with its heroic achievements such +as the conquest of Algarve, seems to have begun just too late to be +the subject of great anonymous epics, or rather the temperament of the +Portuguese people eschewed them. Of five poems, long believed to be the +earliest examples of Portuguese verse but no longer accepted by any +sane critic as genuine, only one belongs to epic poetry. This _Poema da +Cava_ or _da Perda de Espanha_ was an infant prodigy indeed, since it +was supposed to have been written (in _oitavas_) in the eighth century. +With a discretion passing that of Horace it kept itself from the world +not for nine but nine hundred years, and was first published in Leitão +de Andrada’s _Miscellanea_ (1629)[140]: _O rouço da Cava imprio de tal +sanha_, &c. + +Of the four other spurious poems, two[141] were alleged to be love +letters of Egas Moniz Coelho, a cousin of the celebrated Egas Moniz +Coelho of the twelfth century; another, published by Bernardo de +Brito,[142] _Tinherabos nam tinherabos_, has a real charm as gibberish. +Fascination, of a different kind, attaches also to the fifth: + + No figueiral figueiredo, no figueiral entrei: + Tres niñas encontrara, tres niñas encontrei, + +for if this poem is not genuine, and the fact that it was first +published by Brito[143] at once lays it open to grave suspicion, it +is nevertheless undoubtedly based on popular tradition of a yearly +tribute of maidens to the Moors such as the Greeks paid to the +Minotaur, and must be the echo of some Algarvian song. Its simple +repetitions have a haunting rhythm, but they are perhaps a little +too emphatic. The impression is that its author had been struck by +the repetitions in songs heard on the lips of the people, perhaps +crooned to him in his infancy (cf. _Miscellanea_, p. 25: _sendo eu +muito menino_), and worked them up in this poem. One early epic poem +Portugal undoubtedly possessed, the _Poema da Batalha do Salado_, by +AFONSO GIRALDEZ, who himself probably took part in the battle (1340). +The subject of the poem is the same as that of the Spanish _Poema de +Alfonso Onceno_, but whether its treatment was similar we cannot say, +as only forty lines of the Galician-Portuguese poem survive. Since +the authorship of the Spanish poem is doubtful and its rhymes run +more naturally in Galician than in Spanish, the theory has arisen, +among others, that Rodrigo Yannez, whose name perhaps denotes a +connexion with Galicia, merely translated the poem of Afonso Giraldez. +But against this it is argued that Yannez or Eanez was a Galician +or wrote Galician lyrics (there are several poets of that name in +the _Cancioneiro da Vaticana_), and when called upon to compose an +epic--for Spain a late epic--chose Castilian, the traditional language +of such poetry, and in executing his design found that his enthusiasm +had outrun his knowledge of Castilian.[144] It is not strange if so +brilliant a victory inspired two poets independently with its theme. +It is perhaps more extraordinary that both should have chosen a metre +(8 + 8) which has called for remark as showing the _romance_ through +the _cantar de gesta_.[145] Frei Antonio Brandão, indeed, called the +Portuguese poem a _romance_, a type of poem which did not exist in the +fourteenth century. Since the battle was fought in Spain it would be +considered in Brandão’s day a proper subject for a _romance_, but would +be noticeable as being written in Galician. Castilian was throughout +the Peninsula regarded as the fitting medium for the _romance_, as +for its father the epic, just as, a century earlier, Galician was the +universal language of the lyric.[146] Portuguese poets, if they wrote +a _romance_, would usually do so in Spanish. The best-known instance +is Gil Vicente’s fine poem (_muy sentido y galan_ as the 1720 editor +says) of _D. Duardos e Flerida_, which only belongs to Portuguese +literature through the excellent ‘translation of the Cavalheiro de +Oliveira’, among whose papers Garrett professed to have found it. +Portugal possessed no epic _cantares de gesta_ of her own, had not +therefore the stuff out of which the _romances_ were formed, and the +birth of the _romance_ coincided with the predominance of Spanish +influence in Spain. It is therefore surprising to find in Portugal a +large number of _romances_ unconnected with Spain, the explanation +being that, having accepted with characteristic enthusiasm the new +thing imported from abroad, the Portuguese turned to congenial themes, +of love, religion, and adventure. Had the _romances_ been elaborated +in the same way as in Spain, we might have expected a large number of +anonymous Portuguese _romances_ dealing with the Breton cycle, and +indeed with early Portuguese history, so rich in heroic incidents. +The fact that this is not the case and the number of _romances_ +collected in Tras-os-Montes alike point to their Spanish origin, while +their frequency in the Azores denotes how popular they became later +in Portugal. In the sixteenth century their Spanish character was +recognized. The poor _escudeiro_ in _Eufrosina_ is bidden go to Spain +to gloss _romances_, and in the seventeenth century, as a passage +in Mello’s _Fidalgo Aprendiz_ well shows, they were better liked if +written in Spanish. The partiality for Spanish applied to poetry of +other kinds, and Manuel de Galhegos says (1635) that it is a bold +venture to publish poetry in Portuguese.[147] But it did not as a rule +extend to popular poetry. It is therefore noteworthy that the nurse +in Gil Vicente sings _romances_ in Spanish.[148] Dr. Theophilo Braga, +who considers Spanish influence on the _romances_ in Portugal to have +been ‘late and insignificant’,[149] is obliged, in order to support +his argument, to quote not Portuguese but Spanish _romances_.[150] Nor +is it a happy contention that Portuguese _romances_ were not printed +owing to _desleixo_, since the publication of Spanish _romances_ at +Lisbon cannot be attributed merely to a craze for things foreign. +More persuasive is the theory, developed by D. Carolina Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos,[151] that many _romances_ in Spanish were the work of +Portuguese poets, especially those related to the Breton cycle, such as +_Ferido está Don Tristan_, those concerned with the sea, and those of +a soft lyrical character, as _Fonte Frida_ and _La Bella Malmaridada_. +However that may be, the fact that _romances_ appear on the lips of +the people in Gil Vicente, that is, before the publication of the +_romanceros_, indicates how rapidly their popularity spread,[152] +and accounts for their numerous progeny in Portugal, collected in +the nineteenth century. True historical _romances_ the Portuguese +did not possess, unless we are to consider that certain lines which +occur in Vicente’s parody of _Yo me estaba allá en Coimbra_, in Garcia +de Resende’s _Trovas_, and elsewhere, are echoes of a Portuguese +_romance_ on the death of Inés de Castro.[153] But that is not to +say that they did not possess _romances_, and many of these might be +almost as old as their Spanish models, although not derived directly +from _cantares de gesta_. These Portuguese _romances_ or _xacaras_ (in +the Azores _estorias_ and _aravias_) often differ from the Spanish +in a certain vagueness of outline and sentimental tone. They are +frequently of considerable length. Many of them are undoubtedly of +popular origin and have a large number of variants in different parts +of the country. If there are none to compare with _Fonte Frida_ or +_Conde Arnaldos_ (which belong to Castilian literature, whatever +the nationality of their authors), they nevertheless, with a total +lack of concentration, present many natural scenes and incidents of +affecting pathos and an attractive simplicity. One of the best and +most characteristically Portuguese is _A Nau Catharineta_, and others +almost equally famous are _Santa Iria_, _Conde Nillo_, and _Brancaflor +e Flores_. The second edition of Dr. Theophilo Braga’s _Romanceiro_ +runs to nearly two thousand pages. The first two volumes contain over +150 _romances_ (together with numerous variants). Of these 5 belong to +the Carolingian, 8 to the Arthurian cycle, 63 are _romances sacros_ +or _ao divino_, 11 treat of the cruel husband or unfaithful wife. +In the third volume are reprinted _romances_ composed by well-known +Portuguese authors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It must +be admitted that Spain generously repaid to Portugal the loan of the +Galician language for lyrical composition--although in each case it was +the lender’s literature that profited (especially if some of the most +beautiful Spanish _romances_ were the work of Galician or Portuguese +poets). But even after the birth of the _romance_ Spain continued to +cultivate the Galician lyric, until the second half of the fifteenth +century. The last instance is supposed to be a Galician poem by Gomez +Manrique (1412-91), uncle of the author of _Recuerde el alma dormida_, +No. 65 in the _Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano_. This collection, +published by Professor Lang at the suggestion of D. Carolina Michaëlis +de Vasconcellos, contains the meagre crop of Portuguese verse of the +transition period from 1350 to 1450, meagre in quality and quantity. +One name dominates the period. The love and tragic fate of MACIAS +(second half 14th c.), _o Namorado, idolo de los amantes_, gave him a +renown similar to but far exceeding that of D. Joan Soarez de Paiva +in the preceding century. As the ideal lover he is met with at every +turn in the Portuguese poetry of the fifteenth century,[154] and later +became the subject of Lope de Vega’s _Porfiar hasta morir_ (1638). Of +his story we know definitely nothing, but some lines in one of his +poems, _En meu_ _cor tenno ta lança_ and _Aquesta lança. .. me ferio_, +would appear to have inspired the famous legend which dates from the +end of the fifteenth century. Imprisoned at Arjonilla in Andalucía +for paying court to his _sennora_, he continued to address her in +song and was killed by the lance that her infuriated husband hurled +through the prison window. In an older version, that of the Constable +D. Pedro in his _Satira de felice e infelice vida_, he saved the lady +of his heart from drowning, and afterwards, as he lingered where she +had stood, was struck down by the jealous husband. According to Argote +de Molina,[155] both he and the husband served in the household of D. +Enrique de Villena (1385-1434), who was perhaps only six when Macias +died. Most of the twenty poems ascribed to Macias that survive are +written in Galician, and of many, as _Loado sejas amor_,[156] the +authorship is doubtful. Clearly his fame would act as a strong magnet +to poems of uncertain origin. The matter is of the less importance in +that these poems, however love-sick, have but little literary merit. +If the Galician JUAN RODRIGUEZ DE LA CÁMARA, a native, like Macias, of +Padron, was the real author of the _romance_ of _Conde Arnaldos_ (which +is improbable), he was a far greater poet than his friend. Both the +lyrics and the prose of his _El Sieruo libre de Amor_ are in Castilian. +Of the other two fourteenth-century Galician poets mentioned by +Santillana, FERNAM CASQUICIO and VASCO PEREZ DE CAMÕES (†1386?),[157] +no poems have survived. The latter, a knight well known at the Court +of King Ferdinand and an ancestor of Luis de Camões, played a leading +part in the troubles preceding the battle of Aljubarrota, He had come +to Portugal from Galicia, and his name appears frequently in the pages +of Fernam Lopez (where it is written Caamoões) till the year 1386. In +the middle of the sixteenth century he is mentioned by Sá de Miranda’s +brother-in-law as a Court poet corresponding to Juan de Mena in Spain. +But there were other poets whose verse was probably not inferior to +that of Perez de Camões and Casquicio. Besides Macias the _Cancioneiro +Gallego-Castelhano_ contains the names of sixteen writers whose poems +may not attain high distinction but prove that the Galician lyric +continued to be cultivated by poets in the fourteenth and first half +of the fifteenth century in Castille and Leon, Aragon and Catalonia. +The Archdeacon of Toro, GONÇALO RODRIGUEZ (fl. 1385),[158] was one of +a group of such poets; a man with a keen zest of living and capable of +vigorous verse, in which he took a characteristic delight (_a minna +boa arte de lindo cantar_). In his farewell poem _A Deus Amor, a Deus +el Rei_, which Cervantes perhaps remembered, he bids good bye to the +_trobadores con quen trobei_, and in a quaint humorous testament he +mentions a number of friends and relatives, two of whom, at least, his +cousin Pedro de Valcacer or Valcarcel and Lope de Porto Carreiro, also +wrote verse. In the last of the sixteen stanzas (_abbacca_) of this +_testamento_ the Archdeacon appoints his namesake Gonçalo Rodriguez +de Sousa and Fernan Rodriguez to be his executors. He may have been +alive in 1402, for a Doctor Gonçalo Rodriguez, Archdeacon of Almazan, +is mentioned as one of the witnesses to the oath taken by the city of +Burgos to the Infante María in that year.[159] In that case he must +have been transferred to Almazan, some 150 miles farther up the Duero. +More chequered was the career of GARCI FERRANDEZ DE GERENA (_c._ +1340-_c._ 1400). Having married one of King Juan I’s dancing girls +(_una juglara_) in the belief that she was rich, he repented when he +found _que non tenia nada_. He next became a hermit near Gerena, and, +this not proving more congenial than married poverty, he embarked +ostensibly for the Holy Land, but in fact landed at Malaga with his +wife and children. At Granada he turned Moor, satirized the Christian +faith, and deserted his wife for her sister. After such proven +inconstancy we may perhaps doubt the sincerity of his repentance when +he returned to Christianity and Castille at the end of the fourteenth +century. But for all his weakness and folly he seems not to have sunk +utterly out of the reach of finer feelings; he sang various episodes +of his life, e.g. when he went to his hermitage (_puso se beato_), in +lyrics of some charm, and addressed the nightingale in a dialogue, as +did his contemporary, ALFONSO ALVAREZ DE VILLASANDINO (_c._ 1345-_c._ +1428). This Castilian Court poet, born at Villasandino near Burgos +and possessed of property at Illescas, was of a sleeker and more +subservient mind than Garci Ferrandez and prospered accordingly, _en +onra e en ben e en alto estado_. He wrote to order and was considered +the ‘crown and king of all the _poetas e trovadores_ who had ever +existed in the whole of Spain’. This extravagant claim of his admirers +need not prevent us from recognizing that there is often real feeling +and music in his poems, of which the _Cancionero de Baena_ has +preserved over twenty. He writes in varying metres with unfailing ease +and harmony, rarely sinks into mere verbal dexterity, and well deserves +to be considered the best of these later Galician poets. Side by side +with the lyric the _cantiga d’escarnho_ continued to flourish. Alfonso +Alvarez (C. G. C. 48) upbraids Garci Ferrandez for renouncing the +Christian faith and leaguing himself with the Devil (_gannaste privança +do demo mayor_); Pero Velez de Guevara (†1420), uncle of the Marqués de +Santillana, addresses a satiric poem to an old maid, and an anonymous +poet in a vigorous _sirventes_ attacks degenerate Castille, _cativa, +mezela Castela_, perhaps, as Professor Lang thinks, immediately after +the Portuguese victories of Trancoso, Aljubarrota, and Valverde in +1385. Five fragmentary poems belong to the Infante D. PEDRO (1429-66), +Constable of Portugal. There are, besides his three short Portuguese +poems in the _Cancioneiro de Resende_, only forty-one lines in all, for +while Galician, already separated from her twin sister of Portugal, +went to sleep--a sleep of nearly four centuries--in these last accents +of her muse preserved in the _Cancionero de Baena_, the Infante Pedro +turned definitely to the new forms of lyric appearing in Castille. As +a transition poet he may be mentioned here before his father D. Pedro, +Duke of Coimbra, since his prose works, which would naturally place +him with his father and with D. Duarte, his uncle, belong, together +with most of his poetry (_prosas_ and _metros_) to Spanish literature. +By stress of circumstance rather than any set purpose he inaugurated +the fashion of writing in Castilian, a fashion so eagerly taken up by +his fellow-countrymen during the next two centuries. After the tragic +death of his father at Alfarrobeira (1449) he escaped from Portugal, +of which his sister Isabel was queen,[160] spent the next seven years +as an exile in Castille, and after returning to his native land died +an exile, but now as King of Aragon (1464-6). His life of thirty-seven +years was thus as full of wandering adventure as that of any troubadour +of old. To him Santillana addressed his celebrated letter on the +development of poetry, and his own influence on Portuguese literature +was important, for he introduced not only a new style of poetry, +including _oitavas de arte maior_, but the habit of classical allusion +and allegory. His first work, _Satira de felice e infelice vida_, was +written in Portuguese before he was twenty, but re-written by himself +in Castilian, the only form in which it has survived. This firstfruit +of his studies was dedicated to his sister, Queen Isabel, whose death +(1455) he mourned in his _Tragedia de la Insigne Reyna Doña Isabel_ +(1457), a work of deep feeling and some literary merit, first published +by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos 444 years after Queen Isabel’s +death. His longest and most important poem, in 125 octaves, _Coplas +del menosprecio e contempto de las cosas fermosas del mundo_ (1455), +reflects the misfortunes of his life and the high philosophy they had +brought him. Under a false attribution to his father, the Duke of +Coimbra[161] (his Portuguese poems were also wrongly ascribed to King +Peter I of Portugal, through confusion with the later King Peter, of +Aragon), it was incorporated in the _Cancioneiro de Resende_, which +appeared half a century after the Constable’s death. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[140] 1867 ed., p. 333. + +[141] Ibid., pp. 304-7. + +[142] _Cronica de Cister_, Bk. VI, cap. 1, 1602 ed., f. 372. It has +been several times reprinted: cf. J. F. Barreto, _Ortografia_ (1671), +p. 23; Bellermann, _Die alten Liederbücher_, p. 5; _Grundriss_, p. 163. + +[143] _Monarchia Lusitana_, 1609 ed., ii. 296 (also in _Miscellanea_, +1867 ed., pp. 25-6; Bellermann, pp. 3-4). + +[144] See _Grundriss_, p. 205. D. Ramón Menéndez Pidal supports the +suggestion of Leonese authorship (_Revista de Filología Española_, I. i +(1914), pp. 90-2). + +[145] See J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, _Littérature Espagnole_, 1913 ed., p. +64. + +[146] Cf. Rodriguez Lobo, _Primavera_ (1722 ed.), p. 369: _tinhão +os nossos guardadores por muyto difficultoso fazeremse em a lingoa +Portugueza, porque a tem por menos engraçada para os romances_. Sousa +de Macedo says that _Romance he poesia propria de Hespanha_, but +Hespanha here means Spain and Portugal and he instances Góngora and +Rodriguez Lobo (_Eva e Ave_, 1676 ed., p. 130). + +[147] See _infra_, p. 258. + +[148] _Obras_, 1834 ed., ii. 27. + +[149] _Hist. da Litt. Port._, ii (1914), pp. 267-87. + +[150] Ibid., pp. 280-5. + +[151] _Estudos sobre o Romanceiro Peninsular. Romances velhos de +Portugal_, Madrid, 1907-9. + +[152] Lucena (_Vida_, Bk. III, cap. 3) speaks of _romances velhos +em que elles_ [the natives of India] _como nos, por ser o ordinario +cantar da gente, guardam o successo das memorias e cousas antigas_. +The expression _romance velho_ in the sixteenth century may mean a +_romance_ that has gone out of fashion. Cf. Vicente, _Os Almocreves_: +_Hei os de todos grosar Ainda que sejam velhos._ _Antigo_ may similarly +mean ‘antiquated’ rather than ancient. Barros, _Grammatica_, 1785 +ed., p. 163, mentions _rimances antigas_. D. Carolina Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos considers that the _romances_ came from Spain to Portugal +at the latest in the third quarter and perhaps in the first half of the +fifteenth century. + +[153] See _Estudos sobre o Rom. Penins._ (the lines are _Polos campos +do Mondego Cavaleiros vi somar_). + +[154] In later Portuguese his name was often written Mansias. So Moraes +transforms Mlle de Macy’s name into Mansi. + +[155] _Nobleza de Andalvzia_ (1588), ii, f. 272 v. + +[156] This and two other Macias poems (_Ai que mal aconsellado_ and +_Crueldad e trocamento_) are in C. G. C. (Nos. 33, 38, 41) ascribed to +Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino. + +[157] The _Cancionero de Baena_ contains poems addressed to Vasco +_Lopez_ de Camões, _un cavallero de Galizia_, and an answering poem by +him. + +[158] For the name of this hitherto anonymous poet see _The Modern +Language Review_ (July 1917), pp. 357-8. + +[159] Gil Gonzalez Davila, _Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Rey Don +Henrique Tercero_, &c. (Madrid, 1638), p. 173. The name was a common +one. The Spanish translator of Pero Menino’s _Livro de Cetreria_, +Gonçalo Rodriguez de Escobar, may have been a relation. There was also +a fourteenth-century poet called Ruiz de Toro. + +[160] Another sister, D. PHILIPPA DE LENCASTRE (1437-97), lived in +retirement in the convent of Odivellas near Lisbon, and as a dedicatory +poem to her translation of the Gospels wrote the simple, impressive +lines beginning + + _Non vos sirvo, non vos amo, + Mas desejo vos amar._ + + +[161] Cf. Ribeiro dos Santos, _Obras_ (MS.), vol. xix, f. 205: _A +frente de todos os Poetas deste Seculo apparece como hum Ds_ [_Deus_] +_da Poezia o Infante D. Pedro, filho do Snr. Rey D. João I._ In reality +he was not gifted with greater poetical talent than his brothers. + + + + + § 3 + + _The Chroniclers_ + + +The father of Portuguese history, FERNAM LOPEZ (_c._ 1380-_c._ 1460), +had grown up with the generation that succeeded Aljubarrota, and from +his earliest years imbibed the national enthusiasm of the time. He +had himself seen Nun’ Alvarez as a young man and the heroes who had +fought in a hundred fights to free their country from a foreign yoke, +and he had listened to many a tale of Lisbon’s sufferings during the +great siege.[162] Since 1418, at latest, he was employed in the Lisbon +Torre do Tombo (the State Archives), for in that year he was appointed +keeper of the documents (_escrituras_) there. Sixteen years later, +King Duarte, who as prince encouraged him to collect materials for the +work,[163] entrusted him with the task of writing the chronicles of +the Kings of Portugal (_poer em caronycas as estorias dos reys_), and +at the same time (March 19, 1434[164]) assigned him a salary of 14,000 +_réis_. His work at the Torre do Tombo covered a period of over thirty +years. He won and kept the confidence of three kings, was secretary to +João I (_escrivam dos livros_) and to the Infante Fernando (_escrivam +da puridade_), whose will exists in Lopez’ handwriting.[165] His son +Martinho accompanied the Infante to Africa as doctor, and died (1443) +in prison soon after the prince. The last document signed by Lopez as +official is dated 1451; in July 1452 he seems to have resigned his +position at least temporarily, and on June 6, 1454, he was definitely +superseded by Zurara as being ‘so old and weak that he cannot well +fulfil the duties of his post’. That he lived for at least five +years more we know from the existence of a document (July 3, 1459) +referring to the pretensions of an illegitimate son of Martinho which +Fernam Lopez rejected.[166] Of the chronicles of the first ten Kings +of Portugal written by Lopez[167] only three survive: the _Cronica +del Rei Dom Joam de boa memoria_, _Cronica del Rei Dom Fernando_, +and _Cronica del Rei Dom Pedro_. The latter is but a brief sketch, +and lacks the unity which the subject-matter gives to the other two. +His chronicles of the seven earlier kings disappeared in the revised +versions of subsequent historians. Although they no doubt incorporated +large slices of his work with little alteration, the freshness and the +style are gone, the good oak hidden beneath coats of paint. It was a +proceeding the more deplorable in that Lopez had been at great pains to +discover and record the truth, ‘the naked truth’.[168] His successor, +Zurara, represents him as ‘a notable person’, ‘a man of some learning +and great authority’;[169] he travelled through the whole of Portugal +to collect information and spent much time in visiting churches and +convents in search of papers and inscriptions, while King Duarte had +documents brought from Spain for his use. Whatever sources he utilized, +Latin, Spanish, or Portuguese, he stamped his work with his own +individuality. He himself frequently refers to previous historians, and +often expresses his disapproval of their methods.[170] He seems to have +drawn largely from a Latin work of a certain Dr. Cristoforus. Keenly +alive to the dignity and responsibilities of history, he was anxious +that his work should be well ordered and philosophical.[171] He has +been called the Portuguese Froissart, but he combines with Froissart’s +picturesqueness moral philosophy, enthusiasm, and high principles, +is in fact a Froissart with something of Montaigne added, and easily +excels Giovanni Villani or Pero López de Ayala. The latter must descend +from the pedestal given him by Menéndez y Pelayo,[172] since he only +occasionally rises to the height of Fernam Lopez, as in the account of +the murder of the Infante Fradique, which Lopez copies very closely +(although abbreviating it as really foreign to his history), evidently +appreciating such dramatic touches as the sentence which describes how, +as the murdered man advanced through the palace, ever fewer went in his +company. By the side of the laborious prose and precocious wisdom of +King Duarte this child of genius seems to give free rein to his pen, +but it is his greatness and his title to rank above all contemporary +chroniclers, not only of Portugal but of Europe, that he could combine +this spontaneity with the scruples of an accurate historian, and be +at once careful and impetuous, or, as Goes calls him, copious and +discreet. He assigns speeches of considerable length to the principal +actors, but they contain not mere rhetoric[173] but arguments such +as might well have been used; and the frequent shorter sayings of +humbler persons, often anonymous and as illuminating as _graffiti_, +have the stamp of truth and bring the scenes most clearly before us. +Indeed, every sentence is living; his unfailing qualities are rapidity +and directness. Sometimes the sound of galloping horses or the loud +murmur of a throng of men is in his pages. He ever and anon rivets the +reader’s--the listener’s--attention by some captivating phrase, by his +quaintly expressed wisdom, by his personal keenness and delight in the +‘marvellous deeds of God’ (_maravilhas que Deos faz_) or in the actions +of his heroes (_Oo que fremosa cousa era de veer!_). His chronicles +are not only a succession of imperishably vivid scenes--King Pedro +dancing through his capital by night, the escape of Diogo Lopez, the +punishment of D. Inés’ murderers, the siege of Lisbon, the murder of D. +Maria Tellez--but describe fully and with skilful care the character +of the actors, pleasure-loving King Ferdinand, cunning, audacious, +and accomplished Queen Lianor Tellez, wise and noble Queen Philippa, +even morose Juan I, and principally the popular Mestre d’Avis and +his great Constable, Nun’ Alvarez Pereira. And the Portuguese people +is delineated both collectively and as individuals, in its generous +enthusiasm, unreasoning impetuosity, and atrocious anger. That Lopez +paid attention to his style is proved by his modest disclaimer bidding +the reader expect no _fremosura e afeitamento das pallavras_, but +merely the facts _breve e sãamente contados, em bom e claro estilo_. +His style is always clear and natural, the serviceable handmaid of +his subject, admirably assuming the colour and sound of the events +described, and his longest sentences are never obscure. He wrote his +history on a generous scale, for in the rapidity of his descriptions +this inimitable story-teller preserved his leisure. His last chronicle +ended with the expedition to Ceuta (1415). The kernel of that chronicle +had been the illustrious deeds and character of Nun’ Alvarez, also +described in the hitherto anonymous _Coronica do condestabre de +purtugal_, of which the earliest edition is dated 1526. Large tracts of +this chronicle are included, with alterations, in Lopez’ Chronicles of +King Fernando and King João I. Dr. Esteves Pereira and Snr. Braamcamp +Freire have now independently come to the conclusion that it is the +work of Lopez, clearly an earlier work[174] written shortly after the +death of Nun’ Alvarez (1431), i. e. before he concluded the _Cronica de +D. Fernando_[175] and wrote the _Cronica de D. Joam_, at which he was +working in 1443.[176] We are forced to accept this view, although of +course it is no argument to say that the conscientious and scrupulous +Fernam Lopez could not be a plagiarist since it was the duty of the +official chronicler of the day to incorporate the best work of other +historians. Lopez’ authorship is borne out by two passages which +at a first glance seem to refute it. In chapter 55 of the _Cronica +de D. Joam_ (1915 ed., p. 120) he introduces the version given in +the _Cronica do Condestabre_ (cap. 22) with the words ‘now here some +say’ (_ora aqui dizem algũs_), and then cites _huũ outro estoriador, +cujo fallamento nos pareçe mais rrazoado_, i. e. he now rejects the +version (of _algũs_) which he had adopted in his earlier work. In +chapter 152 (1915 ed., p. 281) he similarly quotes what _dizem aqui +algũs_ and then the version of _huũ outro compillador destes feitos, +de cujos garfos per mais largo estillo exertamos nesta obra segundo +que compre, rrecomta isto per esta maneira_, a manner which is not +that of the _Cronica do Condestabre_. But indeed the style of the two +works is conclusive. A single age does not produce two Fernam Lopez +any more than it produces two Montaignes or two Malorys. Those who +read the continuation of the _Cronica de D. Joam_ (i. e. the _Cronica +da Tomada de Ceuta_, completed in 1450) by GOMEZ EANEZ DE ZURARA +(_c._ 1410-74) find themselves in a very different atmosphere. We are +told[177] that this soldier, turned historian, acquired his learning +late in life, and he parades it like a new toy. Aristotle, Avicenna, +and all the Scriptures are in his preface; Job, Ovid, Hercules, and +Xenophon, a motley company, mourn the death of Queen Philippa (cap. +44). Sermons extend over whole chapters, although, as he is careful +to state, the exact words of the preachers could not be given.[178] +Philosophy had been graciously woven into Lopez’ narrative, but here +it stands in solid icebergs interrupting the story. And if he wishes +to say that memory often fails in old age he must quote St. Jerome; a +date occupies half a page, being calculated in nine or ten eras;[179] +and the style is sometimes similarly inflated, so that ‘next morning’ +becomes ‘When Night was bringing the end of its obscurity and the Sun +began to strike the Oriental horizon’ (cap. 92). He also delights in +elaborate metaphors.[180] But it must not be thought that Zurara is all +froth and morals: in between his purple patches and erudite allusions +he tells his story directly and vividly, and, what is more, he has his +enthusiasm and his hero. Nun’ Alvarez has faded into the background, +but in his place appears the intense and fervent spirit of Prince +Henry the Navigator. His partiality for Prince Henry appears in the +_Cronica de D. Joam_, and in his _Cronica do Descobrimento e Conquista +da Guiné_ it is still more evident.[181] In this chronicle, written +at the request of King Afonso V and finished in the king’s library +in February 1453, he made use of a lost _Historia das Conquistas dos +Portugueses_ by Afonso Cerveira, and profited by much that he had heard +from the Infantes Pedro and Henrique and other makers of history. For +Zurara was a sincere and painstaking historian,[182] and when the king +bade him record the deeds of the Meneses in Africa (the _Cronica do +Conde D. Pedro de Meneses_ was completed in 1463, and the _Cronica dos +Feitos de D. Duarte de Meneses_ about five years later) he was not +content with the ‘recollections of courtiers’, but set out for Africa +(August 1467) and spent a whole year there gathering material at first +hand. An affectionate letter[183] from King Afonso to the historian in +his voluntary exile shows the pleasant relations existing between the +liberal king and his grateful librarian. He praises him as well learned +in the _arte oratoria_,[184] and for undertaking of his own free will +a journey which was imposed on others as a punishment, and promises +to look after the interests of his sister while he is away. Zurara +was a Knight of the Order of Christ, with a _comenda_ near Santarem, +owned other property, and suffered himself to be adopted by a wealthy +furrier’s widow, an unusual proceeding for a person in his station. But +if, as this indicates, he had a love of riches (satisfied by the king’s +generosity and this fortunate adoption), this in no way interfered with +his work of collecting and verifying evidence nor affects the truth +of his chronicles. He had proposed to write that of Afonso V, but the +king, wisely considering that his reign was not yet over, refused his +consent,[185] and this chronicle was reserved for the pen of RUY DE +PINA (_c._ 1440-1523?).[186] Herculano’s ‘crow in peacock’s feathers’ +has been somewhat harshly treated by modern critics. Not he but the +taste and fashion of his time was to blame if he laid desecrating hands +on the invaluable chronicles of Fernam Lopez, and thus became the +‘author’ of the chronicles of the six kings, Sancho I to Afonso IV. The +mischief is irreparable, but it is well at least that these chronicles +should have been dealt with by Ruy de Pina, and not, for instance, by +the uncritical DUARTE GALVÃO (_c._ 1445-1517); the friend of Afonso de +Albuquerque, who died in the Arabian Sea when on his way as Ambassador +to Ethiopia, and who as _Cronista Môr_ revised the _Cronica de D. +Afonso Henriquez_ (1727). Ruy de Pina has further been attacked because +the people no longer figures, and the king figures too prominently, in +the chronicles for which he was more directly responsible: _Cronica +de D. Duarte_, _Cronica de D. Afonso V_, and _Cronica de D. João II_. +That is to censure him for faithfully recording the changed times and +not writing as if he were his own grandfather. Pina was no flatterer, +but the chronicle of João II inevitably centred round the king, and, in +spite of its excellence and of the moving incident of Prince Afonso’s +death, is less attractive than those which are a record of freer, +jollier times. Born at Guarda, of a family originally Aragonese, Pina +served as secretary on an embassy to Castille in 1482 and on two +subsequent occasions, and in the same capacity in a special mission to +the Vatican in 1484. He became secretary (_escrivão da nossa camara_) +to King João II, and succeeded Lucena as _Cronista Môr_ in 1497. +Both King João II and King Manuel showed their appreciation of his +services, and Barros lent authority to a foolish story that Afonso de +Albuquerque sent him rubies and diamonds from India as a reminder, in +Corrêa’s phrase, to _glorificar as cousas de Afonso de Albuquerque_. +Ruy de Pina in his chronicles of King Duarte and Afonso V used material +collected by Fernam Lopez and Zurara, and he in turn left material +for the reign of King Manuel of which Damião de Goes availed himself, +while his _Cronica de D. João II_ was laid under contribution by Garcia +de Resende. It may be doubted whether the _Cronica de D. Afonso V_ +contains much that is not Ruy de Pina’s own. It was poetical justice +that the interest of the story should be transferred from the Infante +Henrique to the Infante Pedro.[187] His death and that of the Conde de +Abranches at Alfarrobeira are told with the most impressive simplicity, +which produces a far greater effect than the long _exclamação_ that +follows. Lacking Lopez’ genius, but possessed of an excellent plain +style, which only becomes flowery on occasion, and on his guard against +what he calls the _vicio e avorrecimento da proluxidade_, Pina relates +his story straightforwardly, almost in the form of annals. He does not +attempt to eke out his matter with rhetoric and has chapters of under +fifty words. The _Cronica de D. Afonso V_ effectively contrasts the +characters of the weak and chivalrous Afonso, who is praised as man but +not as king, and the vigorous practical João II, and has an inimitable +scene of the meeting of the former and Louis XI at Tours in 1476. The +glow of Fernam Lopez is absent, but Pina none the less deserves to be +accounted an able and impartial historian. + +To the fifteenth century belongs the _Cronica do Infante Santo_. It +is impossible to read unmoved the clear and unaffected story of the +sufferings and death (1437-43), as a captive of Fez, of this the +most saintly of the sons of King João I and Queen Philippa. It was +written at the bidding of his brother, Prince Henry the Navigator, +with the skill born of a fervent devotion, by FREI JOÃO ALVAREZ, an +eyewitness[188] of D. Fernando’s misfortunes and one of the few of his +companions to survive (till 1470 or later). A curious indication of +the writer’s accuracy in detail is the correct spelling of a Basque +name,[189] of the meaning of which he was probably ignorant. + +The founder of the dynasty of Avis, KING JOÃO I (1365-1433), found +time in his busy reign of forty-eight years to encourage literature, +ardently assisted no doubt by English Queen Philippa, and was himself +an author. His keen practical spirit turned to Portuguese prose, and +while as a poet he confined himself to a few prayers and psalms, in +prose he caused to be translated the Hours of the Virgin and the +greater part of the New Testament, as well as foreign works such as +John Gower’s _Confessio Amantis_ (_c._ 1383), and himself wrote a +long treatise on the chase. This _Livro da Montaria_, which has little +but the title in common with Alfonso XI’s _Libro de Montería_, lay +unpublished for four centuries, but is now available in a scholarly +edition by Dr. Esteves Pereira from the manuscript in the Lisbon +Biblioteca Nacional. Valuable and interesting in itself, this book is +of great significance in Portuguese literature by reason of the impulse +thus given to Portuguese prose. It is impossible as yet to estimate +the full value of the prose works that followed: many are lost, others +remain in manuscript, as the _Orto do Sposo_ by Frei Hermenegildo de +Tancos, or the _Livro das Aves_. But with King João’s son and successor +Portuguese prose came into its kingdom. + +Punctilious and affectionate, gifted with many virtues and graces, the +half-English KING DUARTE (1391-1438), _o Eloquente_, shared the high +ideals of all the sons of João I. Liable to fits of melancholy, and +of less active disposition than his brothers Henrique and Pedro, he +proved himself not less gallant in action than they at the taking of +Ceuta in 1415, and had even earlier been entrusted by his father with +affairs of State. His scruples as philosopher-or rather student-king +during his unhappy reign of five years may have hampered his decisions, +but his love of truth made the saying _palavra de rei_ proverbial. +The corroding cares of State prevented him from giving all the time +he would have wished to literary studies, but he was a methodical +collector of books[190] and papers written by himself and others, and +his great work, _Leal Conselheiro_ (_c._ 1430), consisted of such +a collection on moral philosophy and practical conduct, addressed +to his wife, Queen Lianor. It contains 102 chapters, often stray +papers, sometimes translated from other authors.[191] Besides a +detailed consideration of virtues and vices which are treated with an +Aristotelian precision, and always with preference for the Portuguese +as opposed to the latinized word, it has chapters on the art of +translation, food, chapel services, and other subjects.[192] The book +reveals a character of rare charm, combining humility with a clear +instinct for what was right, humanity with common sense. His literary +genius was akin to that of his father; he scarcely possessed poetical +talent, although he translated in verse the Latin hymn _Juste Judex_, +and possessed in his library a _Livro das Trovas del Rei_, in all +probability a collection of the poems of others. Wit and originality +he also lacked. But as a prose-writer he ranks among the greatest +Portuguese authors, and in style was indeed something of an innovator, +using words with an exactness and scrupulous nicety hitherto unknown +in Portugal. He gave the matter long and serious consideration, and +the directness of his style corresponds to his sincerity of thought. +His clear, concise sentences and careful choice of words show a true +artist of unerring instinct in prose.[193] King Duarte wished to be +read as Sainte-Beuve recommended that one should read the _Caractères_ +of La Bruyère: _peu et souvent_ (_pouco ... tornando algũas vezes_). +The first part of the precept has been followed, but unhappily for +Portuguese prose the second has been neglected. In his youth the king +was noted for his horsemanship, and his _Livro da Ensinança de bem +cavalgar toda sella_ is a practical treatise based on his personal +experience (_nom screvo do que ouvi_, as he says) begun when he +was prince, laid aside after his accession, and left unfinished at +his death. It is remarkable, like the _Leal Conselheiro_, for the +excellence of its style and the manly, thoughtful character of its +author. But for his premature death, King Duarte might have done for +Portuguese prose what Alfonso X and Don Juan Manuel had done for +Castilian. An excellent translator himself, he encouraged translations +into Portuguese, in Portugal and Spain; the Bishop of Burgos, Don +Alonso de Cartagena, translated Cicero for him, and the Dean of +Santiago Aristotle. More active than King Duarte, more literary than +his younger brother Prince Henry the Navigator (1394-1460), D. PEDRO +(1392-1449), created Duke of Coimbra after the capture of Ceuta in +1415, became almost a legendary figure owing to his extensive travels +(1424-8)--_andou as sete partes do mundo_--and his equally exaggerated +reputation as a poet, through confusion with his son the Constable. +Regent from 1438 to 1448, he resigned when the young king, his nephew +and son-in-law, Afonso V, came of age. His enemies succeeded in +effecting his banishment from Court. Civil strife followed, and D. +Pedro fell in a preliminary skirmish at Alfarrobeira in May 1449. Had +he been granted a peaceful old age he would probably occupy a more +important place in Portuguese literature. Apart from the historical +value of his letters, his chief claim to be remembered literarily +consists in the translations from the Latin, principally from Cicero, +undertaken under his supervision or by himself personally, as the _De +Officiis_, which was dedicated to King Duarte and is still unpublished. +The _Trauctado da Uirtuosa Benfeyturia_ was originally a translation by +the prince of Seneca’s _De Beneficiis_. Except the dedication to King +Duarte (between 1430 and 1433), the work as it stands in six books is +properly not D. Pedro’s, since he had not leisure for the corrections +and additions which he wished to make, and accordingly handed over +his translation and the original to his confessor, Frei João Verba, +who made the necessary alterations,[194] and expanded the book from a +literal translation to a paraphrase of the _De Beneficiis_. The reader +who does not bear this in mind might be startled to find references +in a work of Seneca’s to St. Thomas, Nun’ Alvarez, the noble knight +Abraham, or the virtuous knight Cid Ruy Diaz. The work lacks King +Duarte’s gift of style which set the _Leal Conselheiro_ high above +contemporary prose. + +LOPO DE ALMEIDA, created first Count of Abrantes in 1472,[195] +accompanied D. Lianor, daughter of King Duarte, on her marriage to the +Emperor Frederick III in 1451. In four letters written to King Afonso V +from Italy (February to May 1452) he displays a keen eye for colour and +much directness in description, so that the Emperor bargaining miserly +over the price of damask or the two wealthy Italian dukes so sorrily +horsed (_em sima de senhos rocins magros_) remain in the memory, and +the letters are more original than most of the Portuguese prose of the +century. + +One of the most important early prose works is the _Boosco Delleytoso_ +(1515). It consists of 153 short chapters,[196] and is dedicated (on +the verso of the frontispiece portraying the ‘delightful wood’) to +Queen Lianor, widow of King João II. It is a homily in praise of the +hermit’s life of solitude and against worldly joys and traffics, and +is marked by a pleasant quaintness, an intense and excellent style, +a fervent humanity and love of Nature. The hermit’s independent +and healthy life[197] is contrasted with that of the merchant in +cities.[198] In chapter I the repentant sinner is introduced in ‘a +very thick wood of very fair trees in which many birds sang very +sweetly’ near ‘a very fair field full of many herbs and scented +flowers’--_frolles de boo odor_. He prays to be delivered from this +darkness of death, and a very fair youth appears ‘clothed in clothes of +gleaming fire and his face shone as the sun when it rises in the season +of great heat’. His ‘glorious guide’, _grorioso guyador_, leads him to +a _dona sabedor_ and to _dom francisco solitario_, who in a _fremoso +fallamento_ praises the solitary life and condemns those who are puffed +up with the conceit of learning, in itself ‘a very fair thing’. He +tells of the lives of saintly hermits; St. Bernard, St. Thomas Aquinas, +Dom Seneca, Dom Cicero, _a mui comfortosa donzella_, and others exhort +the sinner to leave the world, and he ends by relating his frequent +raptures until his soul is carried to the _terra perduravil_. In its +main subject, praise of the solitary life, the book recalls the title +of the treatise ascribed to D. Philippa de Lencastre: _Tratado da Vida +Solitaria_, a translation or adaptation from the Latin of Laurentius +Justinianus.[199] The latter’s _De Vita Solitaria_ is, however, quite +different from the _Boosco deleytoso_, which was probably composed +before the birth of D. Philippa (1437). + +Another remarkable early work is the anonymous _Corte Imperial_ (14th +or early 15th c.), the language of which often bears traces of a +Latin original.[200] Many of its sentences are veritable _dobres_ and +_mordobres_ in prose,[201] and to a superficial reader will have little +meaning; but in fact this mystic treatise is closely reasoned. It +may have some connexion with similar works by Juda Levi, Ramon Lull, +and Don Juan Manuel. In a _corte_ or parliament the Church Militant, +in the person of a ‘glorious Catholic Queen’ argues with Gentile, +Moor, and Jew on the nature of God and the Trinity. The Gentiles and +Moors gradually accept her doctrines, but the Jewish rabbis prove +more contumacious. Saints and angels and all the company of heaven +discourse sweet music in the intervals of the discussion. One of the +best known of the many other important translations of this time was +the _Flos Sanctorum_ (1513),[202] which begins[203] with extracts from +the Gospels and has a savour of the Bible about its prose. There were +many later versions of the Gospel story, as _A Paxã de Jesu Christo +Nosso Deos e Senhor_, &c. (1551); _Tratado en que se comprende breue +e deuotamente a Vida, Paixão e Resurreição_, &c. (1553); _Traatado em +q̃ se contẽ a paixam de x̃po_, &c. (1589?). But the earliest and most +splendid, an incunable of which Portugal has reason to be proud on +account of its beautiful print, is the _Vita Christi_ (Lixboa, 1495), +translated _em lingoa materna e portugues linguagem_ from the original +of Ludolph von Sachsen by the Cistercian monk Frei Bernardo de Alcobaça +(†1478?), at the bidding of Queen Isabel, sister of the Constable D. +Pedro, in the middle of the fifteenth century (1445). + +Another notable translation for the same queen is the _Espelho de +Christina_ (1518),[204] from the French of Christine de Pisan: +_Livre des trois vertus pour l’enseignement des princesses_ (1497). +The Portuguese manuscript, translated from the French manuscript +nearly half a century before the latter appeared in print,[205] was +published at the bidding of Queen Lianor (wife of João II), who so +keenly encouraged Portuguese art, language, and literature. Her squire +Valentim Fernandez’ version of Marco Polo, _Marco Paulo_, was published +at Lisbon in 1502. The _Espelho de Prefeyçam_ (1533) was translated +from the Latin by the Canons of Santa Cruz, Coimbra, and edited by Bras +de Barros (_c._ 1500-59), Bishop of Leiria and cousin of the historian +João de Barros. A Portuguese version of a scriptural work entitled +_Sacramental_, originally written in Spanish by Clemente Sanchez de +Vercial, was published apparently in 1488 (it would thus be one of the +earliest books printed in Portugal), and was reprinted at Lisbon in +1502. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[162] Lopez himself was probably of humble birth. It appears from +a document presented by Dr. Pedro de Azevedo at a meeting of the +_Sociedade Portuguesa de Estudos Historicos_ in July 1916 that his +wife’s niece was married to a shoe-maker. + +[163] Zurara, _Cron. D. Joam_, cap. 2. + +[164] i.e. eighty-nine years before the first English translation of +Froissart was published. Needless to say, no English translation of +Lopez exists. + +[165] A facsimile of a page of this lengthy document is given in Snr. +Braamcamp Freire’s excellent edition of the _Primeira Parte da Crónica +de D. Joam I_ (1915). + +[166] See A. Braamcamp Freire, ibid., pp. xl-xlii. + +[167] _Fez todas as chronicas dos Reis té seu tempo, começando do +Conde dom Henrique, como prova Damião de Goes_ (Gaspar Estaço, _Varias +Antigvidades de Portugal_ (1625), cap. 21, § 1); cf. Goes, _Cron. de D. +Manuel_, iv. 38. + +[168] _Nosso desejo foi em esta obra escrever verdade--nuamente--a nua +verdade_ (_Cr. D. Joam_, _Prologo_). + +[169] Zurara, _Cr. D. Joam_, cap. 2. Cf. Lopez’ preface to his _Cr. +D. Joam_: _Oo com quamto cuidado e diligemçia vimos gramdes vollumes +de livros, de desvairadas linguageẽs e terras; e isso meesmo pubricas +escprituras de muitos cartarios e outros logares nas quaaes depois de +longas vegilias e gramdes trabalhos mais çertidom aver nom podemos da +contheuda em esta obra_ (1915 ed., p. 2). + +[170] Usually he does this without naming the offender, but he refutes +the _razões_ of Martim Afonso de Mello, a person well known at the +Court of King João I and author of a technical book on the art of war, +_Da Guerra_ (see Zurara, _Cr. D. Joam_, cap. 99). Mello refused the +governorship of captured Ceuta in 1415. A work on a similar subject, +_Tratado da Milicia_, is ascribed to Zurara’s friend and patron. King +Afonso V (Barbosa Machado, i. 19). + +[171] _Cr. del Rei D. Fern._, cap. 2: _a ordenança de nossa obra_; _Cr. +D. Joam_, 1915 ed., p. 51: _Certo he que quaaesquer estorias muito +melhor se entemdem e nembram se som perfeitamente e hem hordenadas_; +_Cr. del Rei D. Fern._, cap. 139: _guardando a regra do philosopho_ [of +cause and effect]. + +[172] _Antología_, iv, p. xx: _Nada hay semejante en las literaturas +extranjeras antes de fin del siglo xv._ The words apply more accurately +to Fernam Lopez. + +[173] _Leixados os compostos e afeitados razoamentos_ (_Cr. D. Joam_, +_Prologo_). + +[174] The references in cap. 76 and 80 to events of 1451 and 1461 are +evidently later additions. + +[175] Cf. _Cr. do Cond._, cap. 14 and 15, with _Cr. del Rei Fern._, +cap. 166. + +[176] A. Braamcamp Freire, _Cr. de D. Joam_ (1915), _Introdução_, p. +xxi. + +[177] By Matheus de Pisano (whom some have considered the son of +Christine de Pisan). He wrote in Latin: _De Bello Septensi_ (_Ined. +de Hist. Port._, vol. i, 1790), Portuguese tr. Roberto Correia Pinto: +_Livro da Guerra de Ceuta_ (1916). + +[178] _Não seja porem algum de tam simples conhecimento que presuma que +este é o teor propria_, &c. (cap. 95). + +[179] But he can also be picturesque in expressing time (like Lopez, +who for ‘early morning’ says, ‘at the time when people were coming from +Mass’), e.g. _Cr. D. Joam_, cap. 102 _ad fin._: Ceuta had been captured +so swiftly that ‘many had left the corn of their fields stored in their +granaries and returned in time for the vintage’. The whole description +of the expedition against Ceuta and the attack and sack of the city are +extremely clear. + +[180] Cf. Goes, _Cr. D. Manuel_: _escrevia com razoamentos prolixos e +cheos de metaforicas figuras que no estilo historico não tem lugar_; +_Cr. do Princ. D. Joam_, cap. 17: _com a superflua abundancia e copia +de palavras poeticas e metaforicas que usou em todalas cousas que +screveo_. His style is less involved than is often said. Some of his +sentences may contain as many as 500 words and yet be perfectly plain +and straightforward, whereas Mallarmé could be obscure in five words. + +[181] Cf. cap. 2: _Oo tu principe pouco menos que devinal!_ and _Tua +gloria, teus louvores, tua fama enchem assi as minhas orelhas e ocupam +a minha vista que nom sei a qual parte acuda primeiro._ This chronicle +has the same plethora of learned quotations. Chapter 1 quotes St. +Thomas, Solomon, Tully, the Book of Esther, and introduces Afonso V, +King Duarte, the French duke Jean de Lançon, the Cid, Nun’ Alvarez, +Moses, Fabricius, Joshua, and King Ramiro. + +[182] He re-wrote the _Cronica do Conde D. Pedro de Meneses_ twice. +João de Barros, who was inclined to slight earlier and contemporary +historians, acknowledges his great debt to Zurara. Damião de Goes +regards him less favourably. + +[183] November 22, 1467 (_Coll. Liv. Ined._ iii. 3-5). There is also an +affectionate letter from King Pedro of Aragon to Zurara, dated June 11, +1466, or 1460. + +[184] Zurara, on the other hand, with feigned diffidence represents +himself as ‘a poor scholar’, ‘a man almost entirely ignorant and +without any knowledge’, and if he has any learning it is but the crumbs +from King Afonso’s table (_Cr. D. Pedro_, cap. 2). He can rise to +real eloquence, as in the beginning of cap. 25 of the _Cr. da Guiné_: +_Oo tu cellestrial padre, que com tua poderosa maão, sem movimento +de tu devynal essencia, governas toda a infiinda companhya da tua +sancta cidade_, &c., or sober down into a Tacitean phrase such as +that of cap. 26, describing the fate of natives of Africa brought to +Portugal: _morriam, empero xraãos_ (they died, but Christians). He has +a misleading trick of saying ‘The author says--_diz o autor_’, meaning +himself. + +[185] _Nunca me em ello quis leixar obrar segundo meu desejo_ (_Cr. D. +Pedro_, cap. 1). + +[186] His son Fernam de Pina became _Cronista Môr_ in 1523. The +immediate successor of Zurara as _Cronista Môr_ was VASCO FERNANDEZ +DE LUCENA, whose life must have coincided almost exactly with the +sixteenth century. He represented King Duarte at the Council of Basel +in 1435, and according to Barbosa Machado, who calls him _um dos varões +mais famosos da sua idade assim na profundidade da litteratura como na +eloquencia da frase_, he was still living in 1499. Unfortunately none +of his works have survived. His manuscript translation of Cicero’s _De +Senectute_ and other works were destroyed in the Lisbon earthquake +(1755). + +[187] Much later, in the first third of the seventeenth century, +CASPAR DIAZ DE LANDIM wrote a _copiosa relação_ from a point of view +unfavourable to D. Pedro and dedicated it to the Duke of Braganza: _O +Infante D. Pedro, Chronica Inedita_, 3 vols. (1893-4). + +[188] _Tudo o contheudo no siguiente trautado eu o uy e ouuy_ (1911 +ed., p. 2). + +[189] 1911 ed., p. 117: Ichoa (= Blind). The fact that no other name is +given shows that then as now Basques were known by their nicknames. The +same name figures in ‘Pierre Loti’s’ _Ramuntcho_ (1897): Itchoua. In +the sixteenth century Martim Ichoa and João de Ychoa appear among the +_moradores_ of King Manuel’s household (1518). The substantive _ichó_ +(= _armadilha_), derived from _ostiolum_, is used by Diogo Fernandez +Ferreira (_Arte da Caça_) and Garcia de Resende (_Cron. João II_). + +[190] The extremely interesting list of his important library has been +published in _Provas Genealogicas_, i. 544, in the 1842 ed. of _Leal +Conselheiro_, and edited by Dr. T. Braga in _Historia da Univ. de +Coimbra_, i. 209. It contained _O Acypreste de Fysa_ (= the Archpriest +of Hita) and _O Amante_, i. e. the translation by Robert Payne, Canon +of Lisbon, of Gower’s _Confessio Amantis_. + +[191] p. 9, _Fiz tralladar em el alguus capitullos doutros livros_: the +_Vita Christi_, St. Thomas Aquinas, Diogo Afonso Mangancha on Prudence, +Cicero, _De Officiis_, St. Gregory. + +[192] It contains papers written at various times (between 1428 and +1438). The date 1435 occurs p. 474. Cf. p. 169, King João I (†1433), +_cuja alma Deos aja_. + +[193] His modern editor, José Ignacio Roquette (1801-70), comments (p. +37) on the passage _he bem de lavrar e criarem_ as a great grammatical +_discordancia_ and _erro_, but it is by no means certain that King +Duarte did not omit one of the personal infinitives deliberately, for +the sake of euphony, as the _-mente_ is omitted in the case of two or +more adverbs. + +[194] _Corregendo e acrecentando o que entendeo ser compridoiro acabou +o liuro adeante scripto._ + +[195] Damião de Goes (_Cr. do Pr. D. Joam_, cap. 88) says 1476. His +father Diogo Fernandez was _Reposteiro Môr_ at the Court of King +Duarte, and his mother a half-sister of the Archbishop of Braga. One of +his sons was the famous and unfortunate Viceroy of India (1505-9), D. +Francisco de Almeida. + +[196] Seventy-four black-letter double column folios, unnumbered, of +fifty lines each. The colophon runs: _Acabouse do_ [so] _emprimir este +lyuro chamado boosco delleytoso solitario p. Hermã de cãpos bombardeiro +del Rey nosso Sẽhor cõ graça & preuilegio de sua alteza em ha muy +nobrem_ [so] _& sempre leal çidad_ [so] _de lixboa cõ muy grande +dilligencia. Ano da encarnaçã de nosso Saluador & Redentor jhesu x̃po. +De mil & quinientos & quinze a vinte quatro de Mayo_ (_Bib. Nacional +de Lisboa_, Res. 176 A [lacking f. 1]). Nicolás Antonio thus refers +to the work (_Bib. Nova_, ii. 402): _Anonymus, Lusitanus, scripsit & +nuncupavit Serenissimae Eleonorae Reginae Ioanis II Portugalliae Regis +Coniugi librum ita inscriptum. Bosco deleitoso. Olisipone 1515._ + +[197] He can do _ho que lhe praz_; at sunrise he goes up _alguũ outeiro +de boo & saaom aar_ far from the _delleytaçoões do mundo_, _arroydo do +segre_ and _os auollimentos & trasfegos das çidades_. + +[198] The _malauẽturado negociador que ̃qr seer rico tostemẽte_. + +[199] See _Grundriss_, p. 249, and _Divi Lavrentii Ivstiniani +Protopatriarchae Veneti opera Omnia_ (Coloniae, 1616), pp. 728-70: _De +Vita Solitaria_. + +[200] Cf. 1910 ed., pp. 1, 4. The writer claims to be only a compiler: +_começo este livro nom como autor e achador das cousas em elle +contheudas mas como simprez aiuntador dellas em huũ vellume_. It has +been attributed to the Infante D. Pedro and to João I. + +[201] e.g. p. 85: _Ca per entender entende o entendedor e per entender +é entendido o entendido e o entendedor entende que elle mesmo é Deos._ + +[202] The title is simply _Ho Flos Sctõrȝ em lingoajẽ ̃porgueˢ_. The +colophon says that it _se chama ystorea lombarda pero comuũmente se +chama flos sanctorum_. + +[203] _Aqui se começa ha payxam do eterno Principe christo Jhesu nosso +Senhor & saluador segundo os sanctos quatro euangelistas._ + +[204] The only known copy exists in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. +The colophon (in Spanish) gives the alternative title (_das tres +virtudes_). The French original was also called _Trésor de la Cité des +Dames_. + +[205] See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, _Lições de Philologia Portuguesa_, +p. 137. + + + + + § 4 + + _The Cancioneiro Geral_ + + +The silence that falls on Portuguese poetry after the early +_Cancioneiros_ lasts for over a century, scarcely interrupted by the +twilight murmurings of the later Galician poets, and is only broken +for us by the publication of the _Cancioneiro Geral_ five years before +the death of King Manuel. The native _trovas_ had no doubt continued +to be written by many poets in a country where poetry is scarcely +rarer than prose, far commoner than good prose. But no one had cared +to preserve them in a collection corresponding to the _Cancionero de +Baena_ in Spain. When Portuguese poetry again emerges into the clear +light of day Spanish influence is in full swing and behind it looms +that of Italian poetry, the natural continuation of one side of the +_Cancioneiro da Vaticana_. No Spanish poet now writes in Portuguese, +many Portuguese in Spanish. Popular poetry and royal troubadours have +alike disappeared, leaving a narrow circle of Court rhymesters. It is +to one of these that we owe the collection which embraces the poetry +of the day, from the middle of the fifteenth century to the actual +year of publication, 1516. Stout, good-natured GARCIA DE RESENDE (_c._ +1470-1536), a favourite alike with king and courtiers, often the butt +of the Court poets’ wit--he is a tunny, a barrel, a wineskin, a melon +in August--belonged to an old family which in the sixteenth century +distinguished itself in literature. Born at Evora and brought up in +the palace as page and then as secretary of King João II, he had every +opportunity of observing the events which he so graphically describes +in his _Vida de Dom João II_ (1545).[206] Talented and many-sided, +Resende continued in high favour during the succeeding reigns: in +1498 as secretary he accompanied King Manuel to Castille and Aragon, +and in 1514 was chosen for the much coveted post of secretary to +Tristão da Cunha’s mission to Rome with wonderful presents for Pope +Leo X. Resende not only drew and wrote verses but was a musician and +an accomplished singer: _de tudo intende_ laughed his friend Gil +Vicente. Perhaps it only required the stress of adversity to inspire +to greatness this blunted, prosperous courtier--_fidalgo da casa del +Rei_. He was not a great poet, although he excelled the Court poets of +the fifteenth century. As historian he has been unjustly condemned. If +in his Chronicle of João II he made use of Ruy de Pina’s manuscript +chronicle, first published in 1792, it must be remembered that it was +customary for the official historians to regard their predecessors as +existing mainly for purposes of plagiarism. Herculano called Resende’s +chronicle a poor bundle of anecdotes,[207] and no doubt Resende was not +a Herculano nor a Fernam Lopez but a more limited Court chronicler. +He is none the less delightful because he deals not in tendencies +and abstractions but in concrete details and persons, Court persons. +With an artist’s eye for the picturesque he makes his readers see the +event described, and his chronicle is throughout singularly vivid and +dramatic. He is certainly an attractive writer, and perhaps he is +also instructive. The incident, for instance, of the Duke of Braganza +being kept waiting while a scaffold of the latest Paris pattern is +being erected for his execution (1483), which a grander historian +might have omitted, is possibly not without its significance and +shows _francesismo_ in action four centuries before Eça de Queiroz. +Besides various minor works in prose Resende composed, not without +misgiving,[208] a long survey of the events of his day in some 300 +_decimas_: _Miscellania e Variedade de Historias_, which throws curious +and valuable light on the times. His literary work was prompted by a +real desire to serve his country. His delicate appreciation of the +past appears in his remarkable and charming verses on the death of +Inés de Castro; and wishing in so far as lay in his power to remedy +the Portuguese neglect which had allowed so many poems and records and +_gentilezas_ to perish, he collected what he could of past and present +poets and published them in one great volume which he dedicated to +the Infante João: _Cancioneiro Geral_ (1516), often known as the +_Cancioneiro de Resende_ to distinguish it from the Spanish _Cancionero +General_ (1511). Resende wrote to the poets of his acquaintance +requesting them in verse to send him their poems, and they sent him +answers, also in verse, accompanying their poems.[209] The receipt of +these he would acknowledge as editor, promising, still in verse, to +have them printed. Politeness no doubt induced him to include more +than his judgement warranted, for his own poems are superior to those +of most of his contemporaries. A large number of the _Cancioneiro’s_ +poems--some 1,000 poems by between 100 and 200 poets--should scarcely +have been included, for, however well they might answer their purpose +as occasional verse, they were not intended as a possession for ever, +and massed together produce an effect of dull and endless triviality. +These love poems can indeed be as monotonous, the satiric poems as +coarse, licentious, and irreverent, as those of the _Cancioneiro da +Vaticana_. One of the poets, D. João Manuel, like King Alfonso X of +old, does beseech his colleagues to cease singing of Cupid and Macias +and turn to religious subjects. But it was not Garcia de Resende’s +purpose to include religious verse. Poems recording great deeds and +occasions he would gladly have printed in larger number, but, as he +(among others) complained in his preface, it was characteristic of the +Portuguese not to record their deeds in literary form. Satiric verses +he included in plenty, satire being one of the recognized functions +of the poet’s art: _per trouas sam castigados_.[210] But if we turn +to the poems of his collection we are amazed by the pettiness of the +subjects, and our amazement grows when we remember that this was the +period in the world’s whole history most calculated to awe and inspire +men’s minds with the thought of vast new horizons. While Columbus +was discovering America, Bartholomeu Diaz rounding the Cape of Good +Hope, Vasco da Gama sailing to India, or Afonso de Albuquerque making +desperate appeals for men and money to enable him to maintain his +brilliant conquests, the Court poets were versifying on an incorrectly +addressed letter, a lock of hair, a dingy head-dress, a very lean +and aged mule, the sad fate of a lady marrying away from the Court +in Beira, a quarrel between a tenor and soprano, a courtier’s velvet +cap or hat of blue silk, a button more or less on a coat, the length +of spurs, fashions in sleeves: themes, as José Agostinho de Macedo +might say, ‘prodigiously frivolous’. When news reached Lisbon of the +tragic death of D. Francisco de Almeida and of the defeat of Afonso +de Albuquerque[211] and the Marshal D. Fernando de Coutinho before +Calicut, with the death of the latter, Bras da Costa wrote to Garcia +de Resende that at this rate he would prefer to have no pepper, and +Resende answered that for his part he certainly had no intention of +embarking. But, as a rule, such events received not even so trivial a +comment, and no doubt the poets felt that the verse which served to +pass the time at the _serões_ was inadequate to any great occasion. +But the _trovador segundo as trovas de aquelle tempo_[212] had little +idea of what subjects were suitable or unsuitable to poetry. A typical +instance of the themes in which they delighted is an event which seems +to have produced a greater impression than the discovery of new worlds: +the return from Castille of a gentleman of the Portuguese Court wearing +a large velvet cap. For over 300 lines of verse this cap is bandied +to and fro by the witty poets. It must weigh four hundredweight, says +one. Another advises him to lock it up _em arcaaz_ until he can turn it +into a doublet; another bids him sell it in the Jews’ quarter. Small +wonder, chimes in a fourth, that no galleys come now with velvet from +Venice.[213] ‘I would not wear it at a _serão_, not for a million,’ +says another. ‘A Samson could not wear it all one summer,’ is the +comment of a sixth. Another remarks that he would rather read Lucan +(or Lucian) (_antes leria por luçam_) in the heat of the day than +wear it. ‘He will need a cart to bring it to the _serão_,’ says yet +another. The wit, it will be seen, is not brilliant, although it may +have effectively nipped this budding Castilian fashion and enlivened an +evening. But there were duller contests. For score on score of pages +the rival merits of sighing and of loving in silence are discussed by +poet after poet (_O Cuidar e Sospirar_). Such a subject once started +tended to accumulate verses like a snowball. But the _Cancioneiro_ +also contains poems on serious topics, although they are rarer, as +well as delicate, airy nothings (_sutiles nadas_) like Vimioso’s +_vilancetes_.[214] There are two poems on the death of King João II, +there is Luis Anriquez’ lamentation on the death of the Infante Afonso +(1491), that of Luis de Azevedo on the death of the Infante Pedro, Duke +of Coimbra, at Alfarrobeira, and a few poets, like Resende himself, +stand out from the rest. Besides the elaborate Spanish poem by that +noble prince the Constable D. Pedro we have several long poems dealing +with high matters of the soul or the State. The sixty-one interesting +stanzas by the querulous, satirical, intolerant ALVARO DE BRITO +PESTANA treat of the condition of the city of Lisbon and the decay of +morals. The correspondent of Gomez Manrique and contemporary of his +nephew Jorge, in the metre of whose famous _Coplas_ he wrote, he was +present at the battle of Alfarrobeira. His _trovas_ on the death of +Prince Afonso, with the recurrent _choremos perda tamanha_, are wooden +and artificial and his sixteen alliterative verses scarcely belong +to literature, but at least he chose themes which were not concerned +with passing Court fashions. The few simple lines written as he lay +dying show him at his best.[215] His friend and distant relative +FERNAM DA SILVEIRA, _o Coudel Môr_, is concerned with more mundane +matters. A man of noble birth and high character, he was held in great +honour by Afonso V and João II. The latter, a keen judge of men, had +implicit confidence in the justice of this upright magistrate, who +was also a soldier, a poet, and a finished courtier. He deals with +affairs of State, writes an account in _trovas_ of six syllables of +the _Cortes_ held by the king at Montemôr in 1477 and a short poem, on +the appointment of various bishops in 1485. Or he sends a poem to his +nephew Garcia de Mello with detailed instructions as to how he should +dress and behave at Court. His _trovas_ are thoroughly Portuguese, +vigorous, concise, and picturesque. He is less at home in the _trovas +de poesia_ (i. e. _de arte mayor_) written on a journey from Évora to +Thomar, but he could skilfully turn a short love poem, and for a wager +of capons for Easter (with Álvaro de Brito) wrote a stanza containing +as many rhymes as it has words. In fine he belonged to his age, but +his poetry bears the impress of his strong character and his love of +Portuguese ways. On the other hand, the younger brother of the Conde +de Cantanhede, D. JOÃO DE MENESES (†1514), wrote indifferently in +Portuguese or Spanish. He fought for many years in Africa, although +his slight love poems, fluent and harmonious, give no sign of a life +of action, and died in the expedition against Azamor.[216] Another +soldier, courtier, and poet marked out by birth and ability was D. JOÃO +MANUEL (_c._ 1460-99), son of the Bishop of Guarda. Legitimized in 1475 +and brought up at Court with the prince Manuel, he continued to be a +favourite after the latter’s accession, became Lord High Chamberlain, +and was sent to the Court of Castille in 1499 to arrange the marriage +of the king with the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. In Spanish +octaves he had written a lament on the death of Prince Afonso, which +both in feeling and technique excels the verses of Álvaro de Brito on +the same subject. Towards the end of his poem he introduces the saying +of St. Augustine that ‘our soul exists not where it lives but where +it loves’, which in the following century was quoted by two writers +so different as Ferreira de Vasconcellos and Frei Heitor Pinto and +soon became a commonplace. In other works he shows a high seriousness, +sometimes a sententious strain, combined with a very real poetical +talent. His death during his mission to Castille was a loss for the +Court and for Portuguese poetry. By another writer, FERNAM DA SILVEIRA +(†1489), we have but a few poems, the principal of which is a lament +for his own death, in the metre of Manrique, which he places on the +lips of various ladies of the Court. His death was tragic, for, having +succeeded his father as secretary to King João II, he took part in +the ill-fated conspiracy of the Duke of Viseu. After lying hidden in +the house of a friend he fled in disguise to Castille and thence to +France, but, although he thus succeeded in prolonging his life for +five years, the king’s justice relentlessly pursued and he was stabbed +to death at Avignon. A favourite of João II, especially before his +accession, was NUNO PEREIRA (fl. 1485), _homem galante, cortesão e bom +trovador_, who married the daughter of the _Coudel Môr_ and valiantly +sustained the part of _Cuidar_ against his relative Jorge da Silveira’s +_Sospirar_ in the great literary tournament of the courtiers. Later, +after serving as Governor (_Alcaide_) of the town of Portel, he retired +to live in the country, and presents a happy picture of himself in the +midst of harvesters and pruners. He finds, he says, more pleasure in +his vines, in the chase, in digging and watering his garden, than in +being a favourite at Court. He had not always thought thus, for when +the lady he was courting married a rival he could devise no worse fate +for her than to bid her go and die among the chestnut groves of Beira. +He had, indeed, made a name for himself by his courtly satire, which +he turned to good use in ridiculing those who came back from Castille +with a supercilious disdain for everything Portuguese. It is pleasant +to find him bidding them not speak their ‘insipid Castilian’ in his +presence. DIOGO BRANDAM (†1530) of Oporto wrote an elaborate poem in +octaves on the death of King João II. He also used the octosyllabic +metre with breaks of single lines (_quebrados_) of four syllables, so +familiar in Gil Vicente’s plays, and in his _Fingimento de Amores_ +(27 verses of 8 octosyllabic lines), under Spanish-Italian influence, +he touches a richer, more generous vein of poetry: the poet-lover +descends into the region of Proserpine, the dominion of Pluto, and sees +the torments of Love’s followers. His _vilancete_ to the Virgin is in +the same metre with the difference that the verses have seven lines +only (_abbaacc_). The spirit of Jorge de Manrique is absent from the +stanzas written in the metre of his _Coplas_ by LUIS ANRIQUEZ on the +fatal accident which ended the life of Prince Afonso in his teens. +His lamentation on the death of King João II is written in octaves, as +that of Diogo Brandam, which they resemble. Both poets invoke Death: _Ó +morte que matas quem é prosperado_ (Brandam); _Ó morte que matas sem +tempo e sazam_ (Anriquez). Other historical poems by Anriquez in the +same metre are the verses written on the occasion of the transference +of the remains of João II and thirty-five stanzas addressed to James, +Duke of Braganza, when he left Lisbon with his fleet to attack Azamor +in 1513. If we turn from these somewhat heavy pieces to Anriquez’ +other poems we find a hymn in praise of the Virgin, written more in +the manner of Alfonso X, and various love _cantigas_. The nephew of +D. João de Meneses, Joam rroiz de saa, that is, JOAM RODRIGUEZ DE +SÁ E MENESES (1465?-1576), studied in Italy as a disciple of Angelo +Poliziano (†1594) and died a centenarian. He wrote a poem in _decimas_ +describing the arms of the noble families of Portugal, and translated +into _trovas_ three long letters from the Latin which by their spirit +of _saudade_ appealed to Portuguese taste: Penelope to Ulysses, +Laodamia to Protesilaus, and Dido to Aeneas. He was also versed in +the Greek language, and for his noble character and courtly ways as +well as for his learning and poetical talent was venerated by the +younger generation into which he lived: Antonio Ferreira salutes him +as the ‘ancient sire of the muses of this land’. The ‘most discreet’ +D. FRANCISCO DE PORTUGAL, first Conde de Vimioso (†1549), although he +did not live to be a centenarian, also survived most of the poets of +João II’s reign and died towards the end of that of João III. Son of +the Bishop of Evora and great-grandson of the first Duke of Braganza, +he was created a count by King Manuel in 1515, and was equally renowned +as soldier, statesman, courtier, and poet, ‘wise and prudent in peace +and war’. His _Sentenças_ (1605), over one hundred of which are rhymed +quatrains, were published by his grandson D. Anrique de Portugal. Some +of these moral sayings have considerable subtlety, and they reveal a +fine character and insight into the character of others.[217] Most of +his poems, in Spanish and Portuguese, preserved in the _Cancioneiro_ +are brief _cantigas_ which prove him to have been a skillful versifier +and a typical Court poet. On the other hand, a feeling for Nature, a +constant command of metre, and a certain passionate sadness mark out +an earlier poet, DUARTE DE BRITO (fl. 1490), the friend of D. João +de Meneses, from most of the other writers in Resende’s song-book. +The _redondilha_ in his hands is no wooden toy but a living, moving +instrument. His most celebrated poem, _em que conta o que a ele & a +outro lhaconteçeo com huũ rrousinol & muitas outras cousas que vio_, +is written after the fashion of Diogo Brandam’s _Fingimento de Amores_ +and Garci Sanchez de Badajoz’ _Infierno de Amor_, in imitation of the +Marqués de Santillana’s _El Infierno de los Enamorados_; but there +is real feeling in these eighty verses of eleven lines (of which the +eighth and eleventh are of four, the rest of eight syllables). The +Italian influence, working through Spanish, was already present in +Portuguese poetry in the fifteenth century, although Brito writes +exclusively in _redondilhas_, as indeed does the introducer of the new +style, Sá de Miranda, in the few and short poems which he contributed +to the _Cancioneiro_ immediately before its publication. Duarte de +Brito did not condescend to those artificial devices which give us +in this _Cancioneiro_ a poem of sixty lines all ending in _dos_, +alliterative stanzas, and other verbal tricks. The real business of the +_serões_, so far as poetry was concerned, was _ouvir e glosar motes_. +These _glosas_ and the similar _cantigas_ and _esparsas_, short poems +of fixed form, often written with skill and spontaneous charm, were +merely one of the necessary accomplishments of a courtier. Such a view +of poetry could scarcely give rise to great poets, and these versifiers +indeed styled themselves _trovadores_, reserving the name of poet for +those who wrote, often but clumsily, in _versos de arte mayor, de muita +poesia_. But, worse still, the poets of the _Cancioneiro_ were often +scarcely Portuguese.[218] Many wrote in Spanish, and Spanish influence +is to be found at every turn: that of Juan de Mena, Gomez and Jorge +Manrique, Rodriguez de la Cámara, Macias, Santillana. Unlike Macias, +who is but a name, Santillana is not mentioned, but his influence is +constantly felt. On the other hand, King Dinis, unexpectedly introduced +once as a poet by Pedro Homem (fl. 1490)--_invoco el rei dom Denis +Da licença Daretusa_--is nowhere imitated. By method, subject, and +foreign imitation, this Court poetry was thus inevitably artificial and +uninspired. Perhaps in the whole _Cancioneiro_ the only poem marked by +authentic fire is that of the obscure FRANCISCO DE SOUSA--the few lines +beginning _Ó montes erguidos, Deixai-vos cair_. The contributions of Sá +de Miranda, as those of three other famous poets, give no sign of the +coming greatness of the contributor. The names of the other three are +Bernardim Ribeiro, Cristovam Falcão, and the prince of all these poets, +here the humblest of Cinderellas, Gil Vicente. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[206] _Historiadores Portugueses_ in _Opusculos_ (1907), ii. 27. +The author of the _Theatrum_ has a similar verdict: _Scripsit +Chronicam Ioannis II ut quidem potuit sed longe impar regis et rerum +magnitudinis._ + +[207] _Sem letras e sem saber_, he says modestly, _me fui nisto meter._ + +[208] The book has as many titles as editions, that of 1545 being +_Lyuro das Obras de Garcia de Resẽde que trata da vida e grãdissimas +virtudes_, &c. + +[209] Or he would seek to obtain them through a friend as in the case +of _o Cancioneiro do abade frei Martinho_ of Alcobaça. It is improbable +that Resende, who valued friendship above good poetry, altered the +manuscripts he received, in spite of Francisco de Sousa’s permission: +_as quaes podeys enmendar_. + +[210] _Prologo._ ‘Had you forgotten that _trovas_ are still written in +Portugal?’ asks Nuno Pereira of one of his victims; and of a dress it +is said that it would be _certo de leuar Trouas de riso e mote_. Cf. +the phrase _dar causa a trovadores_. + +[211] Or Albuquerque would be mentioned in a game of _Porque’s_ (why’s) +common among the _praguentos da India_: _Porque Afonso d’Albuquerque Dá +pareas a el rey de Fez?_ + +[212] Zurara, _Cr. de D. Joam_, cap. 29. + +[213] The _Cancioneiro_ contains many references to Venice. The +_pimenta de Veneza_ mentioned in one of the poems must have sounded +strange to Portuguese readers in 1516. + +[214] e. g. _Meu bem, sem vos ver Se vivo um dia, Viver nam queria. +Caland’ e sofrendo Meu mal sem medida, Mil mortes na vida Sinto nam vos +vendo, E pois que vivendo Moiro toda via, Viver nam queria._ + +[215] _La t’arreda Satanas, Cristo Jesu a ti chamo, A ti amo, Tu Senhor +me salvarás. O sinal da cruz espante Minha torpe tentaçam, Com devaçam +Espero dir adiante._ + +[216] One of his poems has the heading: _Outro vilançete seu estãdo em +Azamor antes ̃q se fynasse_. + +[217] e.g. _A culpa de quem se ama doe mais & perdoase mais asinha, Nam +pede louvor quem o merece, Da fee nace a rezam da fee_, &c. + +[218] D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos goes so far as to call the +Portuguese _Cancioneiro Geral_ a mere supplement or second part of the +Spanish _Cancionero General_ (_Estudos sobre o Romanceiro_, p. 303). + + + + + III + + The Sixteenth Century [1502-80] + + + + + § 1 + + _Gil Vicente_ + + +In Portugal a splendid dawn ushered in the sixteenth century. The +discovery of the sea route to India, while it gave an impulse to +science and literature, also increased religious fervour, since the +Portuguese who contended against the Moors in India were but carrying +on the work of their ancestors five centuries earlier in Portugal. +Old-fashioned Portugal thus only gradually welcomed the Renaissance +and stood firm against the Reformation. But in the reign of João III +(1521-57) the University of Coimbra came to be one of the best-known +universities in Europe. André de Gouvêa (†1548), whom Montaigne called +‘sans comparaison le plus grand principal de France’,[219] and Diogo +de Teive returned from the Collège de Sainte-Barbe to inaugurate +its studies, and many of its chairs were offered to distinguished +Portuguese and foreign scholars, such as Ayres Barbosa (†1540) and +George Buchanan (1506-82), as well as to Portuguese humanists such +as Antonio de Gouvêa and Achilles Estaço (†1581). Nicholas Cleynarts +or Nicolaus Clenardus (1493 or 1494-1542), Professor of Greek and +Hebrew at Louvain, came to Portugal from Salamanca as tutor to +the Infante Henrique in 1533, and from Portugal wrote some of his +wittiest letters.[220] He found Coimbra a second Athens, and few great +Portuguese writers of the century had not spent some years there or +at the University before it was transferred to Coimbra from Lisbon +in 1537. King João III and especially his son, the young prince João +(1537-54), Cardinal Henrique (1512-80), and the many-sided Infante Luis +(1506-55), _favorecedor de toda habilidad_, himself a poet of no mean +order[221] and pupil of Pedro Nunez, eagerly patronized letters; the +household of the accomplished Infanta Maria (1521-77) became the ‘home +of the Muses’[222]; learned Luisa Sigea (†1560), of French origin, +but born at Toledo and brought up in Portugal, wrote a Latin poem in +praise of _Syntra_; her sister Angela, Joana Vaz, and Publia Hortensia +de Castro were likewise noted for their learning, and D. Lianor de +Noronha (1488-1563), daughter of Fernando, Marques de Villareal, did +good service to Portuguese prose by her encouragement of translations. +But Portuguese literature lost something by its latinization, and it is +pleasant to turn back half a century to a time when it was humbler and +more national. The ‘very prosperous’ Manuel I, Lord of the Ocean,[223] +Lord of the East,[224] had been seven years king, Vasco da Gama had +returned triumphantly from Calicut (1497-9), Cabral had discovered +Brazil for Portugal (1500), Afonso de Albuquerque (†1515) stood on the +threshold of his career of conquests and glory, the Portuguese Empire +was advancing from North Africa to China,[225] the gold and spices were +beginning to arrive in plenty from the East, and hope of honour and +riches was drawing nobleman and peasant to Lisbon, when GIL VICENTE +(_c._ 1465-1536?) introduced the drama into his + + dear, dear land, + Dear for its reputation through the world. + +Dressed as a herdsman on the night of June 7, 1502, he congratulated +the queen on the birth of the Infante, later King João III (born +during the night of June 6), in a Spanish monologue of 114 lines. This +speech gives promise of two qualities apparent in his later work: +extreme naturalness (the embarrassed peasant wonders open-mouthed at +the grand palace and his thoughts turn at once to his village) and +love of Nature (mountain and meadow are aflower for joy of the new +prince born). But, it may reasonably be asked, where is the drama? It +consists principally in the _vaqueiro_, who is restless as one of the +wicked in a Basque _pastorale_. He rushes into the queen’s chamber, +has a look at its luxuries, turns to address the queen, declares that +he is in a hurry and must be going, leaps in gladness, and finally +introduces some thirty courtiers in herdsman’s dress who offer gifts +of milk, eggs, cheese, and honey. There is little in this simple +piece--the _Visitaçam_, or _Monologo do Vaqueiro_--to foreshadow the +sovereign genius,[226] the Plautus, the Shakespeare[227] of Portugal +that was Gil Vicente. His life is wrapped in obscurity, and the known +existence of half a dozen contemporary Gil Vicentes makes research a +risky operation. There was a page (1475) and an _escudeiro_ (1482) of +King João II, an official at Santarem, a Santarem carpenter (†1500), +there was a Gil Vicente in India in 1512,[228] and a Gil Vicente +goldsmith at Lisbon. We know that the poet spoke of himself as near +death (_visinho da morte_) in 1531, although apparently in good health. +This would seem to place his birth a few years before 1470.[229] +Unfortunately the _Auto da Festa_, in which he says that he is over +sixty, is undated. As, however, it was written before the _Templo de +Apolo_ (1526) we may place it probably about 1525. We are thus brought +back to about the same date (_c._ 1465). Almost certainly he was not of +exalted parentage.[230] Indeed, he would appear to have been slighted +for his humble birth, and sarcastically spoke of himself as the son +of a pack-saddler and born at Pederneira (Estremadura).[231] He may +have been the son of Luis Vicente or of Martim Vicente, ‘said to have +been a silversmith of Guimarães’ (Minho).[232] The frequent mention +of the province of Beira is, however, noticeable in his plays. If it +were only that his peasants use words such as _nega_, _nego_, which +according to the grammarian Fernam d’Oliveira were peculiar to Beira +(in 1536),[233] it might pass for a dramatic device, since Oliveira +remarks that old-fashioned words will not be out of place if we assign +them to an old man of Beira or a peasant.[234] Indeed, the grammarian +seems to have had Gil Vicente especially in view (he mentions him in +another connexion) since three of the six words that he notes--_abem_, +_acajuso_, _algorrem_--occur in three successive lines of the _Barca +do Purgatorio_, and another, _samicas_, is as great a favourite with +Vicente as at first was _soncas_,[235] derived from Enzina. But it is +impossible to explain all the references to Beira by the supposition +that _beirão_ is equivalent to rustic and Beira to Boeotia, for Beira +and the Serra da Estrella intrude constantly and indeed pervade his +work. He shows personal knowledge of the country between Manteigas and +Fundão, and we may suspect that it was in order to connect ‘Portuguese +Fame desired of all nations’ with Beira ‘our province’ rather than with +rusticity that he makes her keep ducks as a _mocinha da Beira_. We do +not know when Vicente came to Lisbon, nor whether, as José de Cabedo +de Vasconcellos, another (17th c.) genealogist, would have us believe, +he became the tutor (_mestre de rhetorica_) of King Manuel, then Duke +of Beja. Of his life at Lisbon our information is almost as meagre. +We know, of course, that he accompanied the Court to Evora, Coimbra, +Thomar, Almeirim, and other towns to set up and act in his plays, that +besides acting in his plays he wrote songs for them and music for the +songs. We know that he received considerable gifts in money and in kind +both from King Manuel and from João III, in whose reign he complains +of being penniless and neglected. Some hold that he married his first +wife, Branca Bezerra, in 1512, that he owned the _Quinta do Mosteiro_ +near Torres Vedras (a supposition no longer tenable), that the name +of his second wife was Melicia Rodriguez, but we have no certainty +as to this, nor as to the number of his children. The accomplished +Paula became musician and lady-in-waiting to the Infanta Maria before +the death of her father, whom she helped--runs the legend--in the +composition of his plays,[236] as she helped her brother Luis in +editing them in 1562. From a document concerning another brother, +Belchior, we know that Gil Vicente (_seu pae que Deus haja_) died +before April 16, 1540. There is some reason to believe that he died in +the year of his last play (1536) or early in 1537. From his assertion +that the mere collection of his works was a great burden to his old +age[237] we might judge him to have been very old, but he may have been +worn out with labour in many fields and his health had not always been +good. He suffered from fever and plague, which brought him to death’s +door in 1525, and he had grown stout with advancing age. An incident +at Santarem on the occasion of the great earthquake of 1531, so +vividly described by Garcia de Resende, shows him in a very attractive +light, for by his personal prestige and eloquent words he succeeded in +restraining the monks and quieting the half-maddened populace, and thus +saved the ‘new Christians’ from ill-treatment or massacre. + +We know a little more about him if we identify him with Gil Vicente, +the goldsmith of Queen Lianor (1458-1525), sister of King Manuel and +widow of King João II, whose most famous work is the beautiful Belem +monstrance, wrought of the first tribute of gold from the East (from +Quiloa or Kilwa).[238] The probabilities in favour of identity are +so convincing that we are bound to assume it unless an insuperable +obstacle presents itself. Our faith in manuscript documents and +genealogies is not increased by the fact that one investigator, the +Visconde Sanches de Baena (1822-1909), emerges with the triumphant +conclusion that the two Gil Vicentes were uncle and nephew, while +another, Dr. Theophilo Braga, declares that they are cousins. Perhaps +we may be permitted to believe in neither and to restore Gil Vicente +to himself. For indeed this was a singular instance of cousinly love. +The goldsmith wrote verses; the poet takes a remarkable interest in the +goldsmith’s art.[239] The goldsmith is appointed inspector (_vedor_) +of all works in gold and silver at the convent of Thomar, the Lisbon +Hospital of All Saints, and Belem. The poet is particularly fond of +referring to Thomar,[240] and in its convent in 1523 staged his _Farsa +de Inés Pereira_ (who lived at Thomar with her first husband), while +at the Hospital of All Saints was played the _Barca do Purgatorio_ in +1518. The goldsmith was in the service of the widow of João II, Queen +Lianor, who mentions two of his chalices in her will; the poet at the +request of the same Queen Lianor wrote verses, probably in 1509, in a +poetical contest about a gold chain and was encouraged by her to write +his early plays.[241] The goldsmith was _Mestre da Balança_ from +1513 to 1517; the poet goes out of his way to refer to _os da Moeda_, +familiarly but not as one of them, in 1521. He henceforth devoted +himself more ardently to the literary side of his genius, speaks of +himself as Gil Vicente who writes _autos_ for the king, and with an +occasional sigh[242] that he can no longer afford to stage his plays +as splendidly as of old (in King Manuel’s reign) produces them with +increasing frequency. ‘Had Gil Vicente been a goldsmith and a goldsmith +of such skill,’ said the late Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo (1856-1912), +‘it would have been impossible for him to leave no trace of it in his +dramatic works and for all the contemporary writers who speak of him +to have kept complete silence as to his artistic talent.’[243] But +his work is essentially that of an artist (Menéndez y Pelayo himself +well calls him an _alma de artista_)[244]: involuntarily one likens +his sketches to some rough terra-cotta figure of Tanagra or sculpture +in early Gothic, and his lyrics are clear-cut gems, a thing very rare +in Portuguese literature. Intensely Portuguese in his lyrism and his +satire, he is almost un-Portuguese in the extreme plasticity of his +genius. Concrete, definite images spring from his brain in contrast to +the vaguer effusions of most Portuguese poets. And if Queen Lianor’s +goldsmith, like the troubadour _ourives_ Elias Cairel, or, to come to +the fifteenth century, like Diogo Fernandez and Afonso Valente of the +_Cancioneiro de Resende_,[245] set himself to write verses, this would +call for no comment. Every one wrote verses. Had a celebrated poet--say +the Gil Vicente of 1520--wrought the _custodia_ his contemporaries +might have recorded the fact, but Gil Vicente was not a famous poet +when the _custodia_ was begun in 1503. Stress was therefore naturally +laid on the plays of Gil Vicente the goldsmith, not on the art of Gil +Vicente the poet. The historian Barros refers in 1540 to Gil Vicente +_comico_,[246] and since 1517 he had certainly been more _comico_ than +_ourives_. But the _comico_ who was dramatist and lyric poet, musician, +actor, preacher in prose and verse, may also have been a goldsmith. His +versatility was that of Damião de Goes a little later or of his own +contemporary Garcia de Resende, with genius added. The fact that the +official document in which _Gil Vicente lavrador da Rainha Lianor_ is +appointed to his post in the Lisbon _Casa da Moeda_ (Feb. 4, 1513[247]) +has above it a contemporary note _Gil Vᵗᵉ trouador mestre da balãça_ +should in itself be conclusive evidence that the poet was the goldsmith +of the queen. This modest but intimate position at Court accords well +with what we know of the poet and with the production of his plays. +The offerings at the end of the _Visitaçam_ seem to have suggested +to Queen Lianor the idea of its repetition on Christmas morning, but +Gil Vicente, considering its matter inappropriate, wrote a new play +with parts for six shepherds. This _Auto Pastoril Castelhano_ is four +times as long as the _Visitaçam_. The shepherds pass the time in dance +and song, games, riddles, and various conversation (the dowry of the +bride of one of them is catalogued in the manner of Enzina[248] and +the Archpriest of Hita). To them the Angels announce the birth of the +Redeemer, and they go to sing and dance before _aquel garzon_. The +principal part, that of the mystic shepherd Gil Terron, ‘inclined to +the life contemplative’, well read (_letrudo_) in the Bible, with +some knowledge of metaphysics and perhaps of the _Corte Imperial_, +devoted to Nature and the _sierras benditas_, was evidently played by +Gil Vicente himself. A fortnight later, for the Day of Kings, he had +ready the _Auto dos Reis Magos_ (1503), again at the request of Queen +Lianor, who had ‘been very pleased’ with what Vicente himself called a +_pobre cousa_. This brief interval of time limited the length of the +new play. Its action is as slight. A shepherd enters who has lost his +way to Bethlehem. He meets another shepherd and then a hermit, whom +they ply with irreverent problems. To them enters a knight of Araby, +and finally the three kings, singing a _vilancete_. The _Auto da Sibila +Cassandra_ has been assigned to the same year, but is probably a later +play (1513?). Nearly twice as long as the _Auto Pastoril Castelhano_, +it combines the ordinary scenic display--_todo o apparato_--of a +Christmas _representação_ with a presentment of the early prophecies +now to be fulfilled, and introduces Solomon, Isaiah, Abraham, and +Moses, who describes the creation of the world. The play includes a +profane theme, since Cassandra in her mystic aversion from marriage +realistically portrays the sad life of married women in Portugal. +Although Cassandra appears as a shepherdess and her aunt Peresica as a +peasant, they speak a purer, more flowing Castilian than the _toscos, +rusticos pastores_ of the preceding _autos_, and the play is remarkable +for the beauty of its lyrics--_Dicen que me case yo_, _Sañosa está la +niña_, _Muy graciosa es la doncella_, and _A la guerra_. For the Corpus +Christi procession of 1504 was provided, at short notice from Queen +Lianor, the _Auto de S. Martinho_. The subject of this piece, merely +ten dodecasyllabic _oitavas_ followed by a solemn _prosa_, is that of +El Greco’s marvellous picture--St. Martin dividing his cloak with a +beggar, whom Vicente treats with characteristic sympathy and insight: + + ¿Criante rocío, qué te hice yo[249] + Que las hiervecitas floreces por Mayo + Y sobre mis carnes no echas un sayo? + +The _Auto dos Quatro Tempos_, of uncertain date, acted before the Court +in the Lisbon palace of Alcaçova on Christmas morning in or after +1511, opens with a mystic ode on the Nativity and a _vilancete_ (_A +ti dino de adorar_) and proceeds rapidly with snatches of song in a +splendid rivalry between the four seasons. The praises of Spring are +sung with a delightful freshness, as are Winter’s rages, while Summer +in a straw hat appears sallow and fever-stricken. Jupiter comes with +countless classical allusions and David with much Latin, and they +all worship together the new-born King. Very different is the _Auto +da Alma_, written for Queen Lianor and acted in King Manuel’s Lisbon +palace of Ribeira on the night of Good Friday, 1518 (Snr. Braamcamp +Freire’s plausible suggestion in place of the commonly accepted 1508). +It represents the eternal strife between the soul and sin. The soul, +slowly journeying in the company of its guardian angel, is alternately +tempted by Satan with the delights of the world, with fine dresses and +jewels, and exhorted by the Angel, till it arrives at the Church, the +Innkeeper of Souls, and confesses its guilt, imploring protection (_Ach +neige, du schmerzenreiche!_). Then, while Satan in a restless fury of +disappointment makes a last effort to secure his victim, the ransomed +soul is fortified with celestial fare served by St. Augustine and +other _doutores_. The whole theme, to which the language rises fully +adequate, is treated with great delicacy and with a mystic fervour. + +In 1505 King Manuel and his Court in his Lisbon palace had witnessed +the first of those _farsas_ in which Gil Vicente has sketched for all +time Portuguese life in the first third of the sixteenth century. +It rapidly became popular and went from hand to hand as a _folha +volante_, receiving from the people the name of _Quem tem farelos?_ +i.e. the first three words of the play. The plots of the twelve +_farsas_ written from 1505 to 1531 are so slight that only one +calls for detailed notice, the _Farsa de Inés Pereira_[250] (1523), +which in its carefully defined characters and developed story more +closely resembles a modern comedy. It tells how the hapless Inés, +having rejected a plain suitor for a more romantic lover, a poor but +deceptive _escudeiro_ presented to her by two Jewish marriage agents, +learns by bitter experience the truth of the old proverb that ‘an +ass that carries me is better than a horse that throws me’. But the +types and persons in all these farces are etched with so much realism +and humour that they bite into the memory and rank with the living +malicious sketches of _Lazarillo de Tormes_. Who can forget the +famished escudeiro Aires Rosado with his book of songs (_cancioneiro_) +and guitar, continuing to sing beneath the window of his love while +the curses of her mother fall thick as snowflakes on his head,[251] +or the lady of his affections, vain and idle Isabel, or his servant +(_moço_) Apariço who draws so cruel a picture of his master, or that +other penniless _escudeiro_ who considers himself ‘the very palace’ +and calls up his _moço_ Fernando at midnight to light the lamp and +hold the inkstand while he writes down his latest verses?[252] Equally +well sketched is the splendid poverty-plagued _fidalgo_ who walks +abroad accompanied by six pages, but cannot pay his chaplain or his +goldsmith; his ill-used, servile, ambitious chaplain[253]; the witch +Genebra Pereira mixing the hanged man’s ear, the heart of a black cat, +and other grim ingredients: _Alguidar, alguidar, que feito foste ao +luar_[254]; the household of the Jewish tailor who delights in songs +of battles-at-a-distance and is filled with pride when the _Regedor_ +salutes him in the street[255]; M. Diafoirus’ lineal ancestors Mestres +Anrique, Felipe, Fernando, and Torres[256]; the sporting priest[257]; +the unfaithful wife of the Portuguese who has embarked for India with +Tristão da Cunha; the vainglorious, grandiloquent Spaniard who takes +the opportunity to pay his court to her.[258] They are all drawn from +life with a master hand, even the more insignificant figures, the girl +keeping ducks, the _moços_, the gipsy horse-dealers,[259] the old man +amorous,[260] the carriers faring leisurely along with their mules, +the braggart who disables six of his fourteen imaginary opponents, the +Frenchman and Italian with their stock phrases _Par ma foi_, _la belle +France_, _tutti quanti_,[261] the wily and impudent negro, the poor +_ratinho_[262] Gonçalo, who loses his hare and capons and his clothes +as well, the page of peasant birth ambitious to become a _cavaleiro +fidalgo_, the roguish and pretentious palace pages. Side by side with +these farces Vicente continued to write religious _autos_ as well as +comedies and tragicomedies. The difference between these various pieces +is less of kind than of the occasion on which they were produced, the +_obras de devação_ on Christmas morning or other solemn day,[263] +the _farsas de folgar, comedias_, &c., at the evening parties--those +famous _serões_ of King Manuel’s reign to which the courtiers thronged +at dusk, and which Sá de Miranda remembered with regret.[264] All +provide us with realistic sketches since the background is filled with +the common people, the real hero of Gil Vicente’s plays as it is of +Fernam Lopez’ chronicles. Thus the _Auto da Mofina Mendes_ (Christmas, +1534), besides its heavenly _gloria_ with the Virgin, Gabriel, +Prudence, Poverty, Humility, and Faith, has a very life-like peasant +scene in which Mofina Mendes, personifying Misfortune, represents +a Portuguese version of _Pierrette et son pot au lait_. The _Auto +Pastoril Portugues_ (Christmas, 1523) is a similar scene of peasant +life, relating the cross-currents of the shepherds’ loves and the +finding of an image of the Virgin on the hills. The _Auto da Feira_, +acted before King João at Lisbon in 1527, is a more elaborate Christmas +play. Mercury, Time, Rome, and the Devil attend a fair, and this +furnishes opportunity for a vigorous attack upon the Church of Rome, +with her indulgences for others and her self-indulgence, who has not +the kings of the Earth but herself to blame if she is rushing on ruin, +ruin that will be inevitable unless she mends her ways. But to the fair +also come the peasants Denis and Amancio, as dissatisfied with their +wives as their wives are dissatisfied with them (their conversation +is most voluble and natural), and market-girls, basket on head, come +down singing from the hills. Another Christmas play, the _Auto da +Fé_, was acted in the royal chapel at Almeirim in 1510, and consists +of a simple conversation between Faith and two shepherds. The _Breve +Summario da Historia de Deos_[265] (1527) and the _Auto da Cananea_ +(written for the Abbess of Odivellas in 1534) are both based on the +Bible; the former, which contains the _vilancete_ sung by Abel (_Adorae +montanhas_), outlines the story of the Fall, of Job, and of the New +Testament to the Crucifixion, sometimes in passages of great beauty. +The latter develops the episode of the woman of Canaan (Matt. xv. +21-8). The great trilogy of _Barcas_, which ranks among Vicente’s most +important works, is of earlier date. The first part, _Auto da Barca do +Inferno_, was acted before Queen Maria _pera consolação_ as she lay +on her death-bed in 1517, the second, _Auto da Barca do Purgatorio_, +at Christmas of the following year in Lisbon, and the _Auto da Barca +da Gloria_ at Almeirim in 1519. The plot, again, is of the simplest: +the Devil, combining the parts of Charon and Rhadamanthus, ferry-man +and judge, invites Death’s victims to show cause why they should not +enter his boat; and the interest is in the light thus thrown upon the +earthly behaviour of nobleman, judge, advocate, usurer, fool, love-lorn +friar, the cheating market-woman, the cobbler who throve by deceiving +the people, the peasant who skimped his tithes, the little shepherdess +who had seen God ‘often and often’, of Count, King,[266] and Emperor, +Bishop, Cardinal, and Pope. The first part ends with a noble invocation +to the knights who had died fighting in Africa, and the second begins +with the mystic jewelled _romance_: _Remando vam remadores_. + +The comedies and tragicomedies vary greatly. The _Comedia de Rubena_ +(1521) is, like _A Winter’s Tale_, quite without unity of time or +place (for this primitive humanist, although he might mention Plato, +did not ‘reverence the Stagirite’), but is divided into three acts +(called scenes) as in a modern play. Cismena, like Perdita born in the +first scene, is conveyed by fairies to Crete, where she is wooed and +won by the Prince of Syria. The _Comedia do Viuvo_ (1514) is much more +compact and has a delicate charm. Don Rosvel, a prince in disguise, +serves in the house of a widower at Burgos for love of his daughters. +(He is in love with both, but his brother in search of him arrives and +marries the second.) On the other hand, the _Comedia sobre a divisa da +cidade de Coimbra_, acted before King João III in his ever-loyal city +of Coimbra in 1527, is a lengthy, far-fetched explanation of the city’s +arms, and the _Floresta de Enganos_ (played before the king at Evora +in 1536) is a succession of scenes of pure farce--the deceit practised +upon a merchant, the ludicrous predicament to which love reduced the +grave old judge who had taken his degree in Paris--with a more serious +theme, a Portuguese version of the story of Psyche and Eros. Of the +‘tragicomedies’ two, _Dom Duardos_ (1525?) and _Amadis de Gaula_ +(1533), dramatize romances of chivalry: _Primaleon_, that ‘_dulce & +aplacible historia_ translated from the Greek’,[267] and _Amadis_.[268] +The work is done with skill, for Vicente succeeds here as always in +being natural, and in this twilight atmosphere of garden flowers and +romance keeps his realism.[269] Both plays contain passages of great +lyrical beauty, and _Dom Duardos_ ends with the _romance_ beginning +_Pelo mes era de Abril_. Thus in his latter age he successfully adapted +himself to pastures new. In his letter dedicating _Dom Duardos_ to King +João III he wrote: ‘Since, excellent Prince and most powerful King, +the comedies, farces and moralities which I wrote for (_en servicio +de_) the Queen your Aunt were low figures[270] in which there was no +fitting rhetoric to satisfy the delicate spirit of your Highness, I +realized that I must crowd more sail on to my poor bark.’ For us the +words have a tinge of irony, and however much some readers may admire +the hushed rapture of these idyllic scenes we miss the merry author of +the _farsas_, and gladly turn to the _Romagem de Aggravados_ (1533) in +which Vicente proves that his hand had lost none of its cunning. ‘This +tragicomedy is a satire’ says the rubric, and it introduces us to the +inimitable Frei Paço, the mincing courtier-priest with gloves, gilt +sword, and velvet cap (one of Sá de Miranda’s _clerigos perfumados_), +to the discontented peasant who brings his son to be made a priest, the +talkative fish-wives, the hypocrite Frei Narciso scheming to be made a +bishop, and awkward Giralda, the peasant Aparicianes’ daughter, whom +Frei Paço instructs so competently in Court manners. This long play +was written for a special occasion, the birth of the Infante Felipe. +Gil Vicente for many years, as poet laureate, had celebrated great +events at Court. When the Duke of Braganza was about to leave with the +expedition against Azamor in 1513 he wrote the eloquent _Exhortaçam da +Guerra_, which is introduced by a necromancer priest and ends with a +rousing call to war (_soiça_): + + Avante avante, senhores, + Pois que com grandes favores + Todo o ceo vos favorece; + El Rey de Fez esmorece + E Marrocos dá clamores. + +When King Manuel’s daughter, the princess Beatrice, married the Duke +of Savoy in 1521 Vicente wrote the _Cortes de Jupiter_, in which the +Providence of God bids Jupiter, King of the Elements, speed her on +her voyage, and the courtiers and inhabitants of Lisbon accompany +her ship, swimming, to the mouth of the Tagus. The _Fragoa de Amor_ +(1525) was written on the occasion of the betrothal of King João and +Queen Catherina (who replaced Queen Lianor as Vicente’s protector and +patron). Into the forge, to the sound of singing, goes a negro, and +then Justice in the form of a bent old woman who is forced to disgorge +all her bribes and reappears upright and fair. A similar play, _Nao +de Amor_ (1527), in which courtiers caulk a miniature ship on the +stage, was played before their Majesties in Lisbon two years later. +The _Templo de Apolo_ (1526) was acted when another daughter of King +Manuel left Lisbon to become the wife of the Emperor Charles V. The +author introduces the play and excuses its deficiencies on the plea +that he has been seriously ill with fever. He then relates the dream +of fair women--_las hermosas que son muertas_--that he had seen in his +sickness. Apollo then enters, and after declaring that he would have +made the world otherwise mounts the pulpit and preaches a mock sermon. +The world, Fame, Victory, come to his temple and bear witness to the +greatness of the Emperor Charles V. A Portuguese peasant also comes +and has more difficulty in obtaining admittance. The author called the +play an _obra doliente_, and it was propped up by a passage from the +earlier _Auto da Festa_ (1525?), edited by the Conde de Sabugosa from +the unique copy in his possession. Its figures are Truth, two gipsies, +a fool, and seven peasants. Their speech is markedly _beirão_ and the +old woman closely resembles the _velha_ of the tragicomedy _Triunfo do +Inverno_, written to celebrate the birth of Princess Isabel in 1529, +as the _Auto da Lusitania_ celebrated that of Prince Manuel in 1532 +and the _Tragicomedia Pastoril da Serra da Estrella_ that of Princess +Maria in 1527. The latter is a whole-hearted play of the Serra with +a _cossante_, a _baile de terreiro_ and _chacota_, and continual +fragments of song: one of the most Portuguese of Vicente’s plays. +The _Triunfo do Inverno_ contains some most effective scenes and a +bewildering wealth of lyrics: before one is finished another has begun, +and the whole long play goes forward at a gallop. The first triumph +of Winter is on the hills, the Serra da Estrella (_serra nevada_); +the second, on the sea, affords a telling satire against the pilots +on India-bound ships. The pilot here begins by stating that the storm +will be nothing, then he says that he is not to blame for Winter’s +conduct, finally he falls to imploring the Virgin and St. George and +St. Nicholas; and but for his incompetence the ship might have been +lying safe at Cochin. The second part of the tragicomedy is the Triumph +of Spring in the Serra de Sintra. Spring enters in a lyrical profusion +singing + + Del rosal vengo, mi madre, + Vengo del rosale, + +breaks off into _Afuera, afuera nublados_, and resumes his song: + + A riberas de aquel rio + Viera estar rosal florido, + Vengo del rosale. + +Enough has perhaps been said to suggest the variety of these plays, +the glow of colour that pervades them, and to show how far their +author, although his genius was never fully realized in his _autos_, +had travelled from the first glimmerings of the drama in Portugal and +from his first model, Enzina. Rudiments of dramatic art existed in +the Middle Ages in the ceremonies provided by an essentially dramatic +Church and in the mummeries and mimicking _jograes_ that delighted the +people. Bonamis and his companion furnished some kind of extremely +primitive play (_arremedillum_) for King Sancho I, and they were +probably only the most successful of hundreds of wandering mimics and +players. Mimicry and scenic display[271] were the principal ingredients +of the _momos_ in which Rui de Sousa excelled[272] and the _entremeses_ +for which Portugal was famous: they scarcely belonged to literature, +although they might include a song and prose _breve_ such as the Conde +do Vimioso’s, printed in the _Cancioneiro Geral_. Religious processions +and Christmas, Epiphany, Passion, or Easter scenes[273] gave further +scope for dramatic display, as also popular ceremonies such as that +in which ‘Emperors’ and ‘Kings’--figures similar, no doubt, to those +still to be seen in Spanish processions (e. g. at Valencia)--were +carried in triumph to the churches, accompanied by _jograes_ who +invaded the pulpit and preached profane sermons containing ‘many +iniquities and abominations’, even while mass was in progress. The +popular tendencies darkly suggested in the _Constituições_ are manifest +in Vicente’s plays--the Christmas _representações_, the preaching of +burlesque sermons, parodies of the mass, profane litanies, parodies and +paraphrases of the Lord’s Prayer. Like the _Clercs de la Bazoche_ in +France, he represents the drama breaking its ecclesiastical fetters. +It was, however, from Spain that the idea of his _autos_ first came +to him, as the direct imitations of Juan del Enzina (1469?-1529?) in +Vicente’s early pieces and the explicit statement of Garcia de Resende +in his _Miscellania_ prove: he speaks of the _representações_ of very +eloquent style and new devices invented in Portugal by Gil Vicente, +and adds the qualifying clause that credit for the invention of the +_pastoril_ belongs to Enzina. But the wine of Vicente’s genius soon +burst the old bottles, and when his plays ceased to be confined to the +_pastoril_ he naturally turned elsewhere for suggestion. He himself +towards the end of his life called his religious plays _moralidades_, +and the real name of the play popularly known as the _Farsa da Mofina +Mendes_ was _Os Mysterios da Virgem_.[274] The introduction of Lucifer +as _Maioral do Inferno_ and Belial as his _meirinho_[275] may have +been derived from French _mystères_; the conception of his _Barcas_ +certainly owed more to the _Danse macabre_ (probably through the +Spanish fifteenth-century _Danza de la Muerte_) than to Dante. The +burlesque _testamento_ of Maria Parda[276] is one of a long list +of such wills (of which an example is the mule’s testament in the +_Cancioneiro Geral_),[277] but in some of its expressions appears +to be copied from the _Testament de Pathelin_. His knowledge of +French was perhaps more fluent than accurate, like his Latin which, +albeit copious, did not claim to be ‘pure Tully’. But there are many +references to France in his plays, as there are in the _Cancioneiro +Geral_, and, although the _enselada_ from France with which the _Auto +da Fé_ ends (i. 75) and the French song (i. 92) _Ay de la noble ville +de Paris_[278] were no doubt some fashionable courtier’s latest +acquisition, Vicente in literary matters probably shared the curiosity +of the Court as to what was going on beyond the frontiers of Portugal. +The great majority of his songs are, however, plainly indigenous. His +knowledge of Italian certainly enabled him to read Italian plays and +poems. We know that he was a great reader--he mentions ‘the written +works that I have seen, in verse and prose, rich in style and matter’. +In Spanish he did not confine himself to Enzina. He read romances of +chivalry, imitated the _romances_ with supreme success, mentions Diego +de San Pedro’s _La Carcel de Amor_, had read the _autos_ of Lucas +Fernandez, the _comedias_ of Bartolomé de Torres Naharro probably, +and without doubt the Archpriest of Hita’s _Libro de Buen Amor_, +possessed by King Duarte, and the _Celestina_. Indeed, for some time +past barriers between the two literatures had scarcely existed and +Vicente enriched both. Celestina would have spoken many proverbs had +she foreseen that he would allow two men (_judeos casamenteiros_) to +take the bread out of her mouth, but he copies her in his Brigida Vaz, +Branca Gil, the formidable Anna Diaz, and the _beata alcoviteira_ of +the _Comedia de Rubena_, although he may also have had in mind the +_moller mui vil_ of King Alfonso X’s _Cantigas de Santa Maria_ (No. +64), with the spirit of which--their fondness for popular types and +satire--Vicente had more in common than with the _Cancioneiro Geral_, +compiled by his friend Resende. With this collection he was naturally +familiar, and must have heard many of its songs before it was published +in 1516. A line here and there in Vicente seems to be an echo of the +_Cancioneiro_,[279] although the fact that it mentions some of his +types (as in the _Arrenegos_[280] of Gregorio Afonso) merely means that +he drew from the life around him. His satire of doctors and priests, +although essentially popular and mediaeval--both are present in the +_Cantigas de Santa Maria_--was also due to his personal observation: +that is to say, he gave realistic expression to a satire of which the +motive was literary (since satire directed against priests had long +been one of the chief resources of comic writers in France, Italy, +Spain, and Portugal).[281] The type of the poor _fidalgo_ or famishing +_escudeiro_ on which Vicente dwells so fondly--we have the latter +as Aires Rosado in _Quem tem farelos?_ and anonymous in the _Farsa +de Inés Pereira_ and _O Juiz da Beira_[282]--is another instance of +literary tradition combined with observation at first hand. Of the +priest-satire Vicente was the last free exponent in Portugal. That +of the poor gentleman was even older and survived him. It dates from +Roman times. The _amethystinatus_ of Spanish Martial[283] reappears in +the _Cancioneiro da Vaticana_, in the Archpriest of Hita’s Don Furon, +in the _lindos fidalgos que viven lazerados_ of Alfonso Alvarez de +Villasandino, in the _Cancioneiro Geral_, and just before Vicente’s +death is wittily described, as the _raphanophagus purpuratus_, by +Clenardus,[284] and less urbanely in _Lazarillo de Tormes_. With no +Inquisition to crush him he continued to starve in literature--for +instance, in the anonymous later sixteenth-century play _Auto do +Escudeiro Surdo_ he and his _moço_ come on the scene in thoroughly +Vicentian guise: _a vossa fome de pam ... meio tostão gasto quinze dias +ha_[285]--as he starves in the real life of the Peninsula to-day.[286] +In a sense Gil Vicente no doubt borrowed widely; he was no sorcerer to +make bricks without straw, and straw, like poets, is not manufactured: +it has to be gathered in. But the _homens de bom saber_ who, as we know +from the rubric to the _Farsa de Inés Pereira_, doubted his originality +must have been very superficial as well as envious critics, for the +bricks were essentially his own. Indeed, every page of his _autos_ is +hall-marked as his, _ca non alheo_, and he could say with King Alfonso +X: + + Mais se o m’eu melhoro faço ben + E non sõo per aquesto ladron. + +Besides the _Auto da Festa_ we have 42 plays[287]: 12 _farsas_, 16 +_obras de devaçam_, 4 _comedias_, 10 _tragicomedias_. Some of them +were staged with much pomp and _grande aparato de musica_ in the +spacious times of King Manuel, but they lose little in being merely +read. They contain a few scenes of dramatic insight and power, a +few touches of real comedy, but above all we value them for their +types and characters, the insight they afford us into man and that +particular period of man’s history, and for the lyrics and lyrical +passages, fragments of heaven-born poetry thrown out tantalizingly +at random as the dramatist passes rapidly, carelessly on. We do not +possess all Vicente’s plays. A farce which in a poem to the Conde de +Vimioso (?1525) he says that he had in hand, _A Caça dos Segredos_, +was perhaps never finished, or perhaps it was produced seven years +later as the _Auto da Lusitania_ (1532). Others were probably lost as +_folhas volantes_ before the edition of 1562 could collect them. Three +at least, the _Auto da Aderencia do Paço_, _Auto da Vida do Paço_, and +_Jubileu de Amor_ or _Amores_, were suppressed.[288] The latter, in +Spanish and Portuguese, was probably the cause of the loss of the two +other plays, for, having ventured far away from the natural piety of +Portugal, it was acted in Brussels on December 21, 1531, in the house +of the Portuguese Ambassador, D. Pedro de Mascarenhas, and in the +mind of the Nuncio, Cardinal Aleandro, who was among those invited, +this ‘manifest satire against Rome’ caused such commotion that, as +he wrote, he ‘seemed to be in mid-Saxony listening to Luther[289] or +in the horrors of the sack of Rome’.[290] Yet in 1533 impenitent, +the incorrigible Vicente is pillorying the Court priest, Frei Paço. +The fact is that in Portugal no one could suspect the sheep-dog, who +had for so long and so mordantly kept watch over the Court flock, +of turning wolf and encouraging the _seitas_ and _cismas_ against +which Alvaro de Brito had already inveighed. He was himself deeply, +mystically religious and perhaps cared the less for creeds and dogmas. +His mystic philosophy appears as early as 1502. Yet they do him a +poor service who represent him as a profound theologian, a great +philosopher, an authoritative philologist. His plays show us a man +lovable and human, tolerant of opinions, intolerant of abuses,[291] +a man of many gifts, with a passionate devotion to his country. We +have only to turn to the ringing _Exhortaçam da Guerra_ or the _Auto +da Fama_. The whole of the latter is written in a glow of pride and +patriotism at Portugal’s vast, increasing empire and the victories of +Albuquerque: + + Ormuz, Quiloa, Mombaça, + Sofala, Cochim, Melinde. + +Clearly the words to him are a sweet music.[292] From one point of view +Gil Vicente’s position exactly tallied with Herculano’s description +of the _bobo_. He was a Court jester, expected to render the idle +courtiers _muy ledos_. To this purpose he was compelled to saddle +his plays with passages which for us have lost their savour and +significance but almost every line of which must have elicited a smile +or a shout of laughter at the _serões_. We may instance _O Clerigo +da Beira_, which ends with the signs and planets under which various +courtiers were born, the _Tragicomedia da divisa da cidade de Coimbra_, +with the origins of various noble families, the malicious _catalogue +raisonné_ of courtiers in the _Cortes de Jupiter_, Branca Gil’s +comical litany in _O Velho da Horta_, the sixty-four puzzle verses +of the _Auto das Fadas_. But Vicente frequently had a deeper purpose +than to enliven a fashionable gathering. The abuse of indulgences, +the corruption of the clergy,[293] the subjection of married women, +the danger of appointing ignorant men to the responsible position of +pilot, the mingling of the classes--it was not so, he remarks, in +Germany or Flanders, France or Venice--the increasing tendency to +shun honest labour in order to occupy a position however humble at +Court,[294] the ignorance and presumption of the peasants, the false +display and false ambitions, the thousand new lies and deceits, the +decay of piety, the growth of luxury and corresponding diminution in +gaiety--these were matters which he sought not only to portray but to +correct, with much earnestness in his _iocis levibus_. But to the end +of his life he was never able to learn that religion and virtue must +be melancholy. In the introduction to the _Triunfo do Inverno_ (1529) +he complains of the loss of the joyous dances and songs of Portugal +and the disappearance in the last twenty years of the _gaiteiro_ and +his cheerful piping. He himself drew his inspiration from the people, +from Nature, and from the Scriptures, with which he had no superficial +acquaintance. In his love of Nature and his wide curiosity he studied +children and birds, plants and flowers, astronomy and witchcraft--those +myriad forms of sorcery in Portugal, some of which have fortunately +survived in the prohibitory decrees of the Church. He included in his +plays or alluded to many of the traditions, the songs and dances of old +Portugal--the ancient _cossantes_, the _bailes de terreiro_, _bailos +vilãos_,[295] _bailes da Beira_, _chacotas_, _folias_, _alvoradas_, +_janeiras, lampas de S. João_.[296] For he stood at the parting of +the ways. Desirous and capable of playing many parts, tinged unawares +by the new spirit of the Renaissance, but at the same time keenly +national, he linked the Middle Ages with the new learning and the old +traditions of Portugal with her ever-widening dominions, for which he +showed the wise enthusiasm of a true imperialist. But behind the new +glitter and luxury of Lisbon he constantly saw the growing misery of +the people of Portugal for which all the splendour of King Manuel’s +reign had been but a terrible storm[297]; and his latter sadness was +perhaps less personal than patriotic. He had done what he could, far +more than had been required of him. He had been expected to delight a +Court audience, and had mingled warning and instruction with amusement; +and when, having lived and laughed and loved, he went his way, he +was not only spared by a crowning grace from the wrath that was to +come but left to his countrymen an heirloom more enduring than brass, +more precious than all the gold of India, with a breath of that true +Portugal in its simplicity, its mirth and jollity, the disappearance +of which he had deplored. Portuguese literature was never so national +again. A period of splendid achievement followed, but alike in subject +and language it was too often a honeyed sweetness containing in itself +the seeds of decay, and if for the time it swept away all memory of Gil +Vicente, for us it only emphasizes his qualities by the contrast. In +his directness, his close contact with the people,[298] his humanity, +his quick observation, keen satire, love of laughter and malicious +humour, in his unsurpassed lyrical gift and his natural delight in +words, to be used not at haphazard but weighed and set cunningly as +precious stones in the hands of an _ourives_, this great lyrical poet +and charmingly incorrect playwright clearly foreshadowed dramatists so +different as Calderón, Lope de Vega, Shakespeare, and Molière. Yet we +look in vain for a Vicentian school of great dramatists in Portugal. +His fame had reached Brussels and thence Rome, and Erasmus is credited +with having wished to learn Portuguese in order to read Vicente’s +plays. Shakespeare, who was twenty-two when the second edition of +Vicente’s plays appeared and who almost certainly read Spanish, may +also have been tempted. It would have been strange if Erasmus had not +heard of Vicente through his friend André de Resende, who in his Latin +poem _Genethliacon_ declared that had not the comic poet Gil Vicente, +actor and author, written in the vulgar tongue he would have rivalled +Menander and excelled Plautus and Terence. In Portugal the number of +plays written in the sixteenth century was large,[299] but none can +be placed on a level with those of Vicente. One cannot say that he +influenced Camões or Ferreira de Vasconcellos deeply, although they had +evidently read him. In Spain Cervantes, who read everything, _aunque +sean los papeles rotos de las calles_, had read his plays (the _Farsa +dos Fisicos_, _O Juiz da Beira_, the _Comedia de Rubena_ among others), +Lope de Vega likewise, Calderón possibly. Lope de Rueda probably +derived the idea of his _paso Las Aceitunas_ from the _Auto da Mofina +Mendes_. Yet it is almost with amazement, if we forget the crowded +history of Portugal and Portuguese literature in the sixteenth century, +the introduction of the Inquisition, and the great changes in the +language, that we find a Portuguese, Sousa de Macedo, a century after +Vicente’s death, speaking of him as one ‘whose style was celebrated of +old’,[300] and a Spaniard, Nicolás Antonio, declaring that his works +were written in prose and knowing nothing of a collected edition.[301] +It was with reasonable misgivings that Vicente just before his death +wrote: _Livro meu, que esperas tu?_; ‘my book, what is in store for +you?’ We know that it remained in manuscript for a quarter of a +century, that a second edition in 1586 was so handled by the Censorship +that it contains but thirty-five mutilated plays, and that for two and +a half centuries no new edition was printed. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[219] _Essais_, 1. XXV. + +[220] _Nicolai Clenardi Episiolarum libri duo._ Antuerpiae, 1561. + +[221] Several fine sonnets have been ascribed to him (cf. _Fenix +Renascida_, iii. 252, _Horas breves_, and, with more reason, iii. 253. +_Á redea solta corre o pensamento_), as was also Gil Vicente’s _Dom +Duardos_ and a manuscript _Tratado dos modos, proporções e medidas_. + +[222] Duarte Nunez de Leam, _Descripção_, 2ᵃ ed. (1785), cap. 80: _Da +habilidade das molheres portuguesas para as letras e artes liberaes._ +Severim de Faria speaks of her _sancto desejo de saber_. The author +of _Dos priuilegios & praerogatiuas q̃ ho genero femenino tem_ (1557) +says (p. 9): _se pode estranhar esta hidade na qual as molheres não se +aplicam aas letras e sciencias coma faziam as antigas Romanas e Gregas_. + +[223] Gil Vicente, _Obras_ (1834), ii. 414. + +[224] Ibid. iii. 350. + +[225] Cf. João Rodriguez de Sá e Meneses in the _Cancioneiro Geral_: +_De Çeita atee os Chijs_. + +[226] M. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Antología_, vol. vii, p. clxiii. + +[227] A. Herculano, _Historia da Inquisição_, 3ᵃ ed. (1879), i. 238. +Cf. Camillo Castello Branco, _A Viuva do Enforcado_, _ad init._ No one +of course thinks of comparing Gil Vicente with Shakespeare, but one may +perhaps say that he resembles what Shakespeare might have been had he +been born in the fifteenth century. The shipwreck in the _Triunfo do +Inverno_ recalls the opening scene of _The Tempest_, as the mad friar +recalls poor Tom, and the magnificent fidalgo Falstaff. In the _Farsa +de Inés_ Pereira Inés, without being a shrew, is tamed by her husband, +who says: + + Se eu digo: Esto é novello + Vos aveis de confirmalo. + + +[228] In 1513 Afonso de Albuquerque writes of ‘the son of Gil Vicente’ +in India. + +[229] It is customary in Portugal to fix the date of his birth in 1470 +owing to the statement of the judge in the _Floresta de Enganos_ (1536) +that he--the judge--was already sixty-six. It is a method which might +lead to comical results if further pressed in the case of Vicente or +other dramatists. Was Mello seventy-three when he wrote the _Fidalgo +Aprendiz_? + +[230] ‘A gentleman of good family’ (Ticknor); _hijo de ilustres padres_ +(Barrera y Leirado); _na qualidade nobilissimo_ (Pedro de Poyares). + +[231] iii. 275. Pederneira is mentioned again in ii. 390 and iii. 205. + +[232] The authority is Cristovam Alão de Moraes in his manuscript +_Pedatura Lusitana_ (1667) (No. 441 in the Public Library of Oporto). +This genealogist, says Castello Branco, _era ás vezes ignorante e +outras vezes mal intencionado_. He does not say that Martim Vicente +exercised his alleged profession of silversmith at Guimarães, or that +Gil was born there. What more probable than for Guimarães, proud +of its poetical traditions, to invent a silversmith father for the +famous poet-goldsmith? Pedro de Poyares, _Tractado em louvor da villa +de Barcellos_ (1672), says that Gil Vicente, _em tempo de D. João o +terceiro poeta celebre, foi natural de Barcellos e andam algumas cousas +suas impressas_. + +[233] _Grammatica_, ed. 1871, p. 118. + +[234] Ibid., p. 81. See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, _Gil Vicente e a +Linguagem Popular_, 1902. Feo, _Trattados Quadragesimais_ (1619), f. +10, mentions the _somsonete de pronunciação_ of the _ratinhos_. + +[235] _Soncas_ occurs no less than seven times in the brief _Auto +Pastoril Castelhano_. It occurs twice in the first twenty-eight lines +of one of Enzina’s eclogues (_Cancionero de todas las obras_ (Çaragoça, +1516), f. lxxviii, and again f. lxxviii verso and lxxx). + +[236] A. dos Reis, _Enthusiasmus Poeticus_ (_Corpus Ill. Poet. Lus._, +tom. viii, pp. 18-19): _Quem iuvisse ferunt velut olim Polla maritum_. +Manuel Tavares, _Portugal illustrado pelo sexo feminino_ (1734), calls +her a _discretissima mulher_. + +[237] _Com muita pena de minha velhice._ Ruy de Pina calls a man _mui +velho_ whose father (King João I) would have been but ninety-one +in that year (_Cr. de Afonso V_, cap. 105). Cf. Jorge Ferreira, +_Ulysippo_, iii. 3: _velho se pode chamar pois vai aos cincoenta anos_. + +[238] See Barros, _Asia_, 1. vi. 7. Beckford has glowing praise for +‘this gold custodium of exquisite workmanship’: ‘Nothing could be +more beautiful as a specimen of elaborate Gothic sculpture than this +complicated enamelled mass of flying buttresses and fretted pinnacles’ +(_Italy, with Sketches of Spain and Portugal_, Paris, 1834). + +[239] Reference to gold, jewels, sapphires, pearls, rubies is frequent +in his plays. The goldsmith in the _Farsa das Almocreves_ uses the +technical word _bastiães_ which occurs in the _Livro Vermelho_ of +Afonso V: _E porque alguns Ouriueses tem ora feita algũa prata dourada +e de bastiães_. It occurs, however, in the _Cancioneiro Geral_ +(_galantes bastiães_), in Resende’s _Miscellania_ (_bestiães_), and +other writers. + +[240] Cf. i. 127, 130; ii. 391, 488; iii. 151, 379. + +[241] An unfortunate interpolation by the 1834 editors in the rubric of +the _Auto da Sibila Cassandra_ was largely responsible for the belief +that his patroness was not Queen Lianor but King Manuel’s mother D. +Beatriz. + +Yet the rubric of the _Auto dos Quatro Tempos_ says clearly that _a +sobredita senhora_ is King Manuel’s sister. + +[242] _Mas ja não auto bofé Como os autos que fazia Quando elle tinha +com que_ (_Auto Pastoril Portugues_, i. 129). + +[243] _Antología_, vii, p. clxvi. It should be said that Dr. Theophilo +Braga, the late General Brito Rebello, and the late Dr. F. A. Coelho +agree with Menéndez y Pelayo. Dr. Theophilo Braga even declares that +he can prove an alibi. D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos opposed +identity in 1894, and has not definitely expressed herself in its +favour since. On the other hand, Snr. Braamcamp Freire is a convinced +supporter of identifying poet and goldsmith. + +[244] _Antología_, vii, p. clxxvi. + +[245] And later Jeronimo Corrêa (†1660) at Lisbon, author of _Daphne +e Apollo_ (Lisboa, 1624) and other prosaic verses, Xavier de Novaes +(1820-69) at Oporto, and others. Perhaps the gold-beater of Seville, +Lope de Rueda (1510?-65), whose _pasos_ are akin to Vicente’s _farsas_, +was fired by his example and success. + +[246] _Dialogo em lovvor de nossa linguagem_, 1785 ed., p. 222. + +[247] Registers of the Chancellery of King Manuel (vol. xlii, f. 20 v.) +in the Torre do Tombo, Lisbon. + +[248] Cf. _Cancionero_, f. lxxxvi v. + +[249] An effective instance of a line shortened by emotion. The long +pause on _tardas_ in _Oo morte que tardas, quien te detien?_ is equally +impressive, but the 1562 ed. has _de quien_ and Vicente may have +written _Oo morte que tardas, di ¿quien te detien?_ + +[250] _Auto de Inés Pereira_ in the 1562 ed. So _Auto dos Almocreves_. +It will, however, be convenient to call them _farsas_, since _auto_ is +a more general term applicable to all the plays. + +[251] _Quem tem farelos?_ + +[252] _O Juiz da Beira_, a continuation suggested by the success of the +_Farsa de Inés Pereira_ and acted at Almeirim in 1525. + +[253] _Farsa dos Almocreves_ (or _do Fidalgo Pobre_) acted at Coimbra +(1525). It is curious to compare the sterner type of chaplain denounced +in _Don Quixote_. + +[254] _Auto das Fadas_ (1511). + +[255] _Auto da Lusitania_ (1532) acted in honour of the birth of Prince +Manuel (1531). + +[256] _Farsa dos Fisicos_ (1512). + +[257] _O Clerigo da Beira_ (1529?). + +[258] _Auto da India_ (1509). + +[259] _Farsa das Ciganas_ (or, in the 1562 edition. _Auto de hũas +ciganas_), a very slight sketch acted in a _seram_ before the king at +Evora (1521). + +[260] _O Velho da Horta_ (1513). + +[261] _Auto da Fama_ (Lisbon). Its date has been given as 1510, but +internal evidence shows that it is later, probably 1515 or 1516 +(although perhaps prior to the knowledge of Albuquerque’s death in +India (December 16, 1515) since so splendid a paean in honour of the +Portuguese victories would be out of place afterwards). + +[262] = labourer from Beira. He figures in comedy as the slow-witted +(or malicious) clod-hopper, to the delight of an urban audience. + +[263] In the palace (at Lisbon, Almeirim, Evora) or in convents +(Enxobregas, Thomar, Odivellas), once (as part of a procession) in a +church (_Auto de S. Martinho_). + +[264] + + Os momos, os serões de Portugal + Tam fallados no mundo, onde são idos, + E as graças temperadas do seu sal? + + +[265] This play is written in lines of 10, 11, or 12 syllables with a +break of a line of 5 or 6 syllables after every four lines. Most of +Gil Vicente’s plays are in octosyllabic _redondilhas_ with or without +breaks of a line of four syllables, as in the poems of Duarte de Brito +and others in the _Cancioneiro Geral_. Lightness, grace, and ease mark +this metre in Vicente’s hands. + +[266] This splendour-loving king bears an unmistakable resemblance to +King Manuel, before whom the play was acted, but in no other instance +does Vicente allow his satire to touch the king or royal family: +_cumpre attentar como poemos as mãos_ (_Cortes de Jupiter_). + +[267] 1598 ed. (colophon). The date of the first edition is 1512. + +[268] Montalvo’s _Amadis_ clearly. Vicente, who invariably suits his +language to his subject, would have written in Portuguese had the text +before him been Portuguese. If Montalvo’s _Amadis_ became fashionable +in Portugal this was characteristic of the Portuguese, who would +welcome foreign books while they despised and neglected their own. + +[269] When Flerida meets D. Duardos disguised as a gardener she +supposes that his ordinary fare is garlic. + +[270] For the words _quanto en caso de amores_ the Censorship is +evidently responsible. + +[271] Cf. Zurara, _Cronica de D. João I_, 1899 ed., i. 116: _Alli houve +momos de tão desvairadas maneiras que a vista delles fazia mui grande +prazer_. + +[272] _Cancioneiro Geral_, 1910 ed., i. 326. + +[273] The Portuguese in the East in the sixteenth century maintained +these customs. We read of Christmas _autos_ in India and a +_representaçam dos Reis_ in Ethiopia. Cf. the Good Friday _centurios_ +in Barros, II. i. 5. + +[274] i. 103. The word was of course not new in the Peninsula. Cf. the +thirteenth(?)-century _El Misterio de los Reyes Magos_. + +[275] _Breve Summario da Historia de Deos_ (i. 309). + +[276] In the _Pranto de Maria Parda_ ‘because she saw so few branches +on the taverns in the streets of Lisbon and wine so dear and she could +not live without it’. + +[277] _Do macho rruço de Luys Freyre estando pera morrer._ See also Dr. +H. R. Lang, C. G. C., pp. 174-8, note on the will of the Archdeacon of +Toro; and the extract from a manuscript _testamento burlesco_ in J. +Leite de Vasconcellos, _De Campolide a Melrose_ (1915). + +[278] As neither of them is printed in his plays we cannot say whether +they were two or one and the same, or whether the French of his +song was more intelligible than the version preserved in Barbieri’s +_Cancionero Musical_ (No. 429). + +[279] For instance, the following lines and phrases of the _Cancioneiro +Geral_: _Hirmee a tierras estrañas_, _Oo morte porque tardais_, _Vos +soes o mesmo paço_, _E outras cousas que calo_, _O eco pelos vales_. +The Portuguese fifteenth-century poet by whom he was most influenced +was probably Duarte de Brito. + +[280] They were published separately in the following century: Lisboa, +1649. + +[281] Many writers note the large number of priests. The north of +Portugal is _chea de muitos sacerdotes_ says Dr. João de Barros in +his _Libro de Antiguidades_, &c., a book full of curious information +collected by the author when he was a magistrate (_ouvidor_) at Braga, +and written in 1549. [A different work, _Compendio e Summario de +Antiguidades_, &c., variously attributed to Ruy de Pina and to Mestre +Antonio, surgeon to King João II, appeared in 1606.] Gil Vicente was +never in India, otherwise he would certainly have borne witness to +the devotion and courage of monks and priests in the East and on the +dangerous voyages to and from India. + +[282] The anonymity may have been intentional, to emphasize the fact +that there was no personal allusion to any of the poor _escudeiros_ who +thronged the capital and Court. + +[283] _Ep._ ii. 57. + +[284] Letter from Evora, March 26, 1535. + +[285] In the same play reappears Vicente’s Spaniard: _Castelhano muy +fanfarrão_. + +[286] According to the _Arte de Furtar_, _decimas_ and sonnets were +written on the subject of a poor _fidalgo_ who was in the habit of +sending his _moço_ to two shoemakers for a shoe on trial from each, +since they would not trust him with a pair. + +[287] If the _Dialogo da Resurreiçam_ be counted separately we have +forty-four in all. + +[288] Index of 1551. See C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, _Notas +Vicentinas_, i (1912), p. 31. But here again the _Auto da Vida do Paço_ +might be the _Romagem de Aggravados_. + +[289] Cf. Barros, prefatory letter to _Ropica Pnefma_ (May 25, 1531): +_falam tam solto como se estivessem em Alemanha nas rixas de Luthero_. + +[290] _Notas Vicentinas_, p. 21, where the letter is given in the +original Italian and in Portuguese. The Legate had lent a cardinal’s +hat for the occasion, little realizing that it was to be worn by one +of the actors in such a play (a witness to the realism with which +Vicente’s plays were staged). + +[291] His tolerant spirit, expressed in his letter to the King in 1531, +was remarkable in an age not very remote from the day when Duarte de +Brito wrote to Anton de Montoro (_c._ 1405-80) that he would have been +burnt had he written in Portugal the blasphemous lines addressed to +Queen Isabella of Spain: + + Si no pariera Sanctana + hasta ser nacida vos, + de vos el hijo de Dios, + rescibiera carne humana. + + +[292] As indeed they were to Milton: ‘Mombasa and Quiloa and Melind’. +On the other hand, Garcia de Resende in one of the _decimas_ of his +_Miscellania_ has twenty-six names: _Tem Ceita_, _Tanger_, _Arzilla_, +&c., ordered rather for the rhyme than for harmony. + +[293] He does not attack them without exception. There is much good +sense in the _clerigo_ of Beira, and true charity in the _frade_ of the +_Comedia do Viuvo_. + +[294] + + os lavradores + Fazem os filhos paçãos, + Cedo não ha de haver villãos: + Todos d’ El Rei, todos d’ El Rei (_Farsa dos Almocreves_). + + +[295] Cf. the _balho vylam ou mourisco_ which cost Abul his gold +chain in the _Cancioneiro Geral_, and Lopo de Almeida’s third letter, +from Naples: _Mandaram bailar meu sobrinho com Beatriz Lopez o baylo +mourisco e despois o vilão_. A century after Vicente the shepherds’ +dances are but a memory: _as danças e bailios antigamente tão usados +entre os pastores_ (Faria e Sousa, _Europa Portuguesa_, vol. iii, pt. +4). + +[296] Cf. _Ulysippo_, iii. 6: _aquellas mayas que punhão, aquellas +lampas, aquellas alvoradas_, and D. Francisco de Portugal, _Prisoens e +Solturas de hũa Alma_: _Ines_ [of Almada] _moça de cantaro, a gabadinha +dos ganhõis do lugar, requestada da velanao dos barbeiros, a cuja porta +nunca faltou Mayo florido em dia de Santiago nem ramos verdes com +perinhas no de S. João a que os praticos daquella noute chamão lampas._ + +[297] _Á morte d’ El Rei D. Manoel._ + +[298] His occasional coarseness is popular, rustic, and as a rule +contrasts favourably with that of the _Cancioneiro Geral_. + +[299] For a list containing about a hundred see T. Braga, _Eschola de +Gil Vicente_, p. 545, or the _Diccionario Universal_, vol. i (1882), p. +1884, s.v. _Auto_. + +[300] _Flores de España_, cap. 5. + +[301] _Bib. Nova_, ii. 158. Elsewhere he speaks of him as _poetae +comoediarum suo tempore celebratissimi_, and in the Appendix says: +_cuius comoedias Lusitani admodum celebrant_. But after the sixteenth +century Vicente was little more than a name. Faria e Sousa could +say that his plays had been esteemed [_con_] _poquísima causa_ (the +accidental omission of the _con_ led to the invention _poquísima +cosa_); and a learned Coimbra professor, Frei Luis de Sotomaior, caught +reading _as semsaborias de Gil Vicente, que em seus tempos foi mui +celebrado_, felt bound to be apologetic: _Aurum colligo ex stercore_ +(Francisco Soares Toscano, _Parallelos de Principes_ (Evora, 1623), f. +159). + + + + + § 2 + + _Lyric and Bucolic Poetry_ + + +The romantic story of Macias had not been given literary form, but it +exercised a wide influence over the Portuguese poets of the sixteenth +century. Together perhaps with Diego de San Pedro’s _Carcel de Amor_, +the Spanish version of Boccaccio’s _Fiammetta_, and especially +Rodriguez de la Cámara’s _El siervo libre de Amor_ (containing the +_Estoria de los dos amadores Ardanlier e Liesa_), it must have been +in the mind of BERNARDIM RIBEIRO (1482-1552) when he wrote that +‘gentle tale of love and languishment’ the book of _Saudades_, which +is always known (like the first farce of Gil Vicente) from its first +three words as _Menina e moça_. Yet it is not really an imitative +work, being, indeed, remarkable for its unaffected sincerity, as the +expression of a personal experience. Its passionate truth continues to +delight many readers.[302] Almost all our information about Ribeiro’s +life is derived from his writings, which are in part evidently +autobiographical, and it shrinks or expands according to the degree +of the critic’s wariness or ingenuity. His birthplace is declared to +have been the quaint Alentejan village of Torrão. A passage in the +eclogue _Jano e Franco_ says that Jano fled thence at the time of the +great famine. The unhappy frequency of famines makes the date doubtful, +but if the year of Ribeiro’s birth be correctly stated in an official +document of May 6, 1642, as 1482, we may suppose--since Jano was +twenty-one--that he left his native Alentejo for Lisbon in 1503. It +is possible that he studied law and took his degree at the University +(at Lisbon) a few years later (1507-11?),[303] and became secretary +to King João III in 1524. As a _cavalleiro fidalgo_ he had his place +at Court, as poet he contributed to the _Cancioneiro Geral_ (1516). +A hopeless passion drove him from the Court, drove him perhaps to +Italy, and finally deprived him of his reason, so that his last years +were spent in the Lisbon Hospital de Todos os Santos.[304] Successive +generations have busied themselves over the object of his passion. The +romantic tradition that it was the Princess Beatriz, twenty-two years +his junior, the daughter of King Manuel for whose marriage to the Duke +of Savoy in 1521 Gil Vicente wrote the _Cortes de Jupiter_, is now +definitely discarded. That it was Queen Juana la Loca of Castille no +one except Varnhagen has ever imagined. But literary critics continue +to be tempted by the transparent anagrams of Ribeiro’s novel (adopted +evidently in order to make the story unintelligible to all except the +inner circle of the Court). Dr. Theophilo Braga has an ingeniously +fabricated theory that Aonia was Ribeiro’s cousin, Joana Tavares +Zagalo. Lamentor at least can scarcely have been King Manuel, since +he sends his daughter to the king’s Court. The scenery appears to be +a combination of that of the Serra de Sintra near Lisbon with that of +Alentejo. The story opens with an introductory chapter in which a young +girl (_menina e moça_), who has taken refuge in the _serra_ far from +all human society, announces her intention of writing down what she had +seen and heard in a small book (_livrinho_), not for the happy to read +but for the sad, or rather for none at all, seeing that of him for whom +alone it is intended she has had no news since his and her misfortune +bore him away to far-distant lands. Thus we have the thirteenth-century +_amiga_ mourning for her lover. _Ai Deus! e u é?_ Presently, as she +shelters from the noonday _calma_ beneath trees that overhang a gently +flowing stream, a nightingale pours forth its song, and then dying +with its song falls with a shower of leaves and is borne away songless +by the silent stream.[305] She is still bewailing its fate when +another, older but equally sad, lady (_dona_) appears, and the _menina_ +becomes an almost silent listener to the end of the book while the +_dona_ unfolds the tale which is its true subject, the history of two +friends Narbindel and Bastião. But it begins with the love adventure +of Lamentor and Belisa. It is only in the ninth chapter that the +knight Narbindel arrives and falls in love with Belisa’s sister +Aonia, adopting a shepherd’s life in order to be near her palace. It +is in fact a romance of chivalry in pastoral garb. But Ribeiro might +have introduced the pastoral romance without changing the fantastic +features. It is in his singular combination of passion and realism that +his true originality consists. His power of giving vivid expression +to tranquil scenes--the whole of the first part has something of the +quiet intensity of a background by Correggio, as well as his ‘softer +outline’, and although there is no explicit indication of colour it is +clearly felt by the reader--and his gentle love of Nature, or rather +his love of Nature in its gentler aspects, cast over the book a strange +charm. The softly flowing streams, the trees and birds and delicious +shade, beautiful dawns, the birds seeking their nests at evening, the +flowers _que a seu prazer se estendem_, the _mateiros_ going out to +cut brushwood, the shepherds asleep round their fire at night, are +described with great naturalness and truth, often with familiar words +and colloquial phrases. The reason of the extreme intricacy of the plot +was not the wish to conceal the author’s love story in a labyrinthine +maze[306] in order to exercise the ingenuity of nineteenth-century +professors, but to be true to life. In life events are not rounded and +distinct but merge into and react on one another in an endless ravelled +skein: _Das tristezas não se pode contar nada ordenadamente porque +desordenadamente acontecem ellas_ (cap. 1). Ribeiro thus anticipates +by four centuries the theory enunciated in Spain by Azorín that a +novel, like life, should have no plot,[307] and his book has a certain +modernity. We may refuse him the name of novelist, but many a novelist +might envy his lifelike portrayal of scenes and sentiments. It has been +doubted whether he wrote the second part of the story. It consists of +fifty-eight short chapters, and opens with a new episode, the love of +Avalor for Arima, daughter of Lamentor (cap. 1-24), and it is even +more bewildering in its confusion than is Part I. The scenes are less +idyllic, the tone more that of a conventional romance of chivalry, yet +the realism is maintained. It is on no hippogriff that Avalor goes to +the rescue of the distressed maiden: in fact, he had set out on his +adventure in a rowing-boat and his hands blistered. If later there +are mortal combats with wicked knights, with a bear, with giants, +there are also scenes, as in chapters 9, 12, 23--of an impassioned +_saudade_,[308] of dove and nightingale--which could only have been +written by the author of Part I.[309] His own story, still related by +the _dona_, is only resumed in chapter 26, or rather 32, since the +intervening chapters deal with events prior to those with which Part +I begins. Bimnarder, now again Narbindel--the name Bernardim was also +spelt Bernaldim--after Aonia’s marriage lives with an old hermit and +his nephew, Godivo, and passes his time in tears and contemplation, +as in Part I. But he is discovered by his faithful squire, and meets +Aonia, and the lovers are killed by the jealous husband (cap. 48). The +last chapters are concerned with the happier love story of Romabisa and +Tasbião. + +Narbindel, the second of the two knights, the two friends _de que é a +nossa historia_,[310] dies: therefore Bernardim Ribeiro cannot have +written the second part. But it is rather a nice point; one may imagine +that Ribeiro’s delight in so tragic an episode would compensate him +amply for the obvious anachronism, and after all it is the _dona_ who +tells the story.[311] The inconsistencies of detail need not concern us +overmuch. That Belisa has a mother in Part I and is ‘brought up without +a mother’ in Part II, that the Castle of Lamentor exists in Part II at +a time when, according to Part I, it was not yet begun, that the name +of Aonia’s husband is in Part I Fileno, and in Part II Orphileno, are +just such contradictions as an alien continuer would most studiously +have avoided, and we all know what happened to Sancho’s ass in a far +less intricate story. Or they may be explained by the fact that Ribeiro +had not revised his tale before it was printed, or by corrections +made in copies of the original manuscript.[312] Perhaps on the whole +we may conclude that Ribeiro, like Cervantes, by an exception wrote a +valuable second part, but, unlike Cervantes, was unable to maintain it +altogether on a level with the first. The mingling of rapt passion and +colloquialisms is with Ribeiro not the inability of a poet to express +himself but a deliberate mannerism, and is present in the five eclogues +with which he introduced pastoral poetry. By his quiet resolution to +be natural he thus became doubly an innovator, in poetry and prose. +That he was a true poet is proved by the _romances_ in his novel: +_Pensando vos estou, filha_ (Pt. I, cap. 21) and _Pola ribeira de um +rio_ (Pt. II, cap. 11).[313] The eclogues may not excel those poems, +but in their directness, primitive freshness, and grace they form a +group apart, entirely distinct from their numerous eclogue progeny. +One eclogue only, the celebrated _Trovas de Crisfal_, resembles them. +The resemblance is remarkable and cannot fail to strike the most +careless reader. Before Snr. Delfim Guimarães began his spirited +campaign in favour of identification, the similarity had been recorded +by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos in the _Grundriss_[314]: the +extraordinary similarity of these _Trovas_ to the poetry of Ribeiro +and to nothing else in Portuguese literature. In this poem of some +900 lines written in octosyllabic _decimas_, like Ribeiro’s eclogues, +we have that romantic, passionate _saudade_ and sentimental grief, +the mystic visions, the simplicity, the ingenuous conceits, wistfully +humorous, the sententious reflections, the elliptical concision, the +real shepherds, the familiar language, the love of Nature which are +peculiarly Ribeiro’s. Tradition assigns the _Trovas_ to CRISTOVAM +FALCÃO (_c._ 1512-53?),[315] who was born at Portalegre, in Alentejo, +was made a _moço fidalgo_ in 1527, and is supposed to have fallen in +love with and secretly married D. Maria Brandão (i.e. the Maria of the +_Trovas_), whom her parents confined as a punishment in the convent +of Lorvão. At the risk of being dubbed incorrigibly _simplicista_ one +must confess that the simultaneous appearance of these two poets from +Alentejo, not _fertil en poetas_, taxes one’s belief to the utmost. May +not the secret marriage deduced from the _Trovas_ have been described +by Ribeiro in his keen sympathy for his friend’s position, so like his +own? The contention is not that Cristovam Falcão did not exist--there +were several--or did not fall in love with Maria Brandão--_a do +Crisfal_--or did not marry her, but that he did not write verses in +the style familiar to us as that of Ribeiro.[316] It is remarkable +that the very critics who represent Ribeiro in his _novela_ as hiding +like a cuttle-fish in his own ink change their method when they come +to the eclogues and accept every name and allusion with the greatest +literalness, as though it were a poet’s duty to wear his heart in +his verses. It is idle to adduce the fact that Cristovam Falcão +wrote ungrammatical letters (so did Keats), or to devise far-fetched +interpretations (such as _Crisma falso_) for the word Crisfal. What +more probable than that Ribeiro and Falcão, born in the same province, +became friends at Court, and that Ribeiro introduced his friend in one +of his poems as he is supposed to have introduced Sá de Miranda in +another, and as Miranda introduces Ribeiro (_Canta Ribero los males +de amor_)? If in his favourite manner he added a little mystification +in the word Crisfal, what more characteristic? The very form of the +poem, in which first the _Autor_ and then Crisfal speaks (_Falla +Crisfal_) suggests this, as does the title: _Trovas de um pastor per +nome Crisfal_, compared with the definite _Trovas de dous pastores_ ... +_Feitas por Bernaldim Ribeiro_.[317] It is not difficult to explain +the printing of the _Trovas_ together with the works of Ribeiro and +the hesitancy of the early editions in ascribing them, on hearsay, to +Cristovam Falcão; but the word Crisfal caught the fancy, and those who +learnt that it stood for Cristovam Falcão would inevitably confuse +the explanation of the anagram with the authorship of the poem. One +of those who did so was Gaspar Fructuoso (or Antonio Cordeiro), and +the tradition which had begun so shakily with a _dizem ser_ gained +strength with the years. Presumably the editor of the 1559 edition knew +what was to be known on the subject, yet he speaks with a quavering +uncertainty: it is only much later that the ascription to Cristovam +Falcão becomes a fixed belief.[318] The eighth _Decada_ of Diogo do +Couto was not published till 1673, i. e. over half a century after +the death of its author. The explanatory sentence _aquelle que fez +aquellas antigas e nomeadas_ (or _namoradas_) _trovas de Crisfal_[319] +may well be, and probably is, a later interpolation. But although a +few scholars definitely hold that Ribeiro wrote this poem, _grammatici +certant_ and, should tradition prove too strong, we have to accept a +second writer who claims an undying place in Portuguese literature +owing to the marvellous success with which, divesting his muse of any +qualities of its own, he identified himself with a poet who is the +most characteristically Portuguese, but also the most individual of +impassioned singers: Bernardim Ribeiro. + +A kind of continuation of the story of _Crisfal_ (who is now enchanted +within the fountain of his own tears) appeared at the end of the +century in a small collection of poems entitled _Sylvia de Lisardo_ +(1597). It contains forty-one sonnets (of which one only is in +Spanish), three eclogues in _tercetos_ and _oitavas_, and various +_romances_ (in Spanish) and shorter poems, and has been ascribed, +without sufficient reason, to the historian Frei Bernardo de Brito. +These poems must remain anonymous, and they throw no light on the +_Crisfal_ problem, but in their true poetical feeling and power of +expression they deserved their popularity[320] in the first half of the +seventeenth century. + +It is not certain but it is probable that Ribeiro went to Italy, and +his Italian travels may have coincided with those of his life-long +friend, the champion of humanism in Portugal, FRANCISCO DE SÁ DE +MIRANDA (_c._ 1485-1558), the most famous of all the Portuguese poets +with the exception of Camões and Gil Vicente. As a lyric poet far +inferior to either of them, his great influence was due partly to his +character, partly to his introduction of the new school of poetry, the +_versos de medida nova_, or _de arte maior_, replacing the national +_trovas de medida velha_ (octosyllabic _redondilhas_) by the Italian +hendecasyllabics: Petrarca’s sonnets and canzoni, Dante’s _terza rima_ +(_tercetos_), and the _octava rima_ of Poliziano and Ariosto. The +exact date of Miranda’s birth is still uncertain, but if he was the +eldest of five sons of the Coimbra Canon, Gonçalo Mendez de Sá, who +were legitimized in 1490, he must have been born about the year 1485. +Yet one would willingly make him younger. His life in Minho certainly +sounds too active for a man of fifty: perhaps _c._ 1490 would be nearer +the mark. He studied at the University at Lisbon and early frequented +the Court. He soon won distinction as a scholar and was a Doctor of Law +when he contributed several poems to Garcia de Resende’s _Cancioneiro_ +(1516). His journey to Italy a few years later, in 1521, may have been +due merely to the natural desire of a scholar to see Rome or there may +have been other motives, a love affair of his own or his friendship +with Bernardim Ribeiro. He was distantly related to the great Italian +family of Colonna (as he was to Garci Lasso) and in Italy perhaps met +the celebrated Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547), Marchesa di Pescara, +besides probably most of the other distinguished Italians of the time, +Lattanzio Tolomei, Sannazzaro, Cardinal Bembo, Giovanni Rucellai, +Ariosto. During five years he saw the principal cities of Italy and +Sicily and returned to Portugal in 1526 (or earlier, possibly after +three years, in 1524) with a deep knowledge of Italian literature and +the firm resolve to acclimatize in his country the metres in which +the Italians had written things so divine. If he had seen at Rome the +_Cancioneiro_ of thirteenth-century Portuguese poets[321] he must have +realized that the metres were not so foreign as many might think; if +he met Boscán on his homeward journey his determination to become +innovator or restorer[322] would be strengthened. King João III was on +the throne, and we are told in Miranda’s earliest biography (1614), +which is attributed with some probability to D. Gonçalo Coutinho, that +he became ‘one of the most esteemed courtiers of his time’. He was an +enthusiastic believer in monarchy and in the divinity that doth hedge +a king, but was less enamoured of the growing corruption and luxury +at Court: probably he was himself more esteemed by the king than by +the courtiers, and after the poetry of Italy he could scarcely share +their taste for the trivial verses of the _Cancioneiro Geral_ nor +could they see how a compliment could be turned more neatly than in +the old _esparsas_ and _vilancetes_. During these years he wrote his +first play, _Os Estranjeiros_, the eclogue _Alexo_ with _oitavas_ in +Portuguese, and the _Fabula do Mondego_, perhaps in order to show his +superiority over Gil Vicente. + +There was an obvious antagonism between the laughing and the weeping +reformer (for both protested vigorously in their different ways against +the growing materialism of the day), between the learned, philosophical +and the natural, human poet, and Vicente’s humour probably appeared +to Sá de Miranda as unintelligible and undignified as Miranda’s +hendecasyllabic poems may have appeared melancholy-thin and artificial +to Vicente: _et ce n’est point ainsi que parle la Nature_. But the line +in the introduction of the _Fabula do Mondego_ in which Miranda speaks +of the king’s condescension, + + Al canto pastoril ya hecho osado, + +probably refers to some previous effort of his own rather than to the +work of Vicente, and Miranda was in Italy when Gil Vicente was taunted +by certain _homems de bom saber_ and turned the tables on them in the +_Farsa de Inés Pereira_. The _Fabula do Mondego_ is a cold, stilted +production of 600 lines in Petrarcan stanzas, the subject of which was +partly derived from Angelo Ambrogini (Poliziano). In 1532 the King gave +Miranda a _commenda_ (benefice) of the Order of Christ on the banks +of the Neiva in Minho, and having acquired the neighbouring estate of +Tapada (_quinta da Tapada_) he left the Court and retired to it not +many months later. Miranda’s love of Nature was very deep, from his +boyhood at Coimbra he had preferred the country to life in cities, +and probably no other incentive was required, although it is thought +that he may have been too zealous in support of Bernardim Ribeiro and +that a passage in _Alexo_ (1532?) offended the powerful favourite, the +Conde da Castanheira. Whatever the cause of his withdrawal, literature +must call it blessed, for his new life in the country suited his +temperament; the independence of character shown in his fine letter +(one of the most famous poems in the Portuguese language) addressed +to King João III developed, and close contact with the country and +the peasants gave his poetry that indigenous flavour and peculiar +charm which have fascinated all readers of the eclogue _Basto_, that +individual stamp in which the Court poetry was infallibly lacking. He +had already written his best work--for this eclogue and the letters +show the real Miranda, pointed, original, racy of the soil--and written +it in _quintilhas_, when in 1536 he married Briolanja, the sister of +his old friend, now his neighbour at Crasto, Manuel Machado de Azevedo. +Some miles away, at the straggling little village of Cabeceiras de +Basto, he had other intimate friends, the Pereiras, and the gift, by +one of these two brothers, Antonio Nunalvarez Pereira, of a manuscript +of Garci Lasso de la Vega’s poems shortly before Miranda’s marriage +revived his enthusiasm for the alien metres. He turned again to the +hendecasyllable and wrote the eclogues _Andrés_ (1535), _Celia_, and +_Nemoroso_ (1537), the latter in memory of the tragic death of Garci +Lasso in the preceding year. He returned to the _quintilha_ later, +employing it with flowing ease in _A Egipciaca Santa Maria_ (or _Santa +Maria Egipciaca_), which was probably written between 1544 and 1554, +when he was educating his two sons with _amor encoberto e moderado_ +(_A Egipciaca_, p. 3), and nearer the former than the latter date. Its +vigour and the promise of more[323] after 721 _quintilhas_ preclude +the date (1556-8) assigned to it by its first editor, even without +the statement of the 1614 biographer that Miranda wrote scarcely +anything after his wife’s death in 1555; but it may have been written +even earlier, before 1544. And still through all these various poems, +despite their undeniable value and incidental beauties, it is the +man, his life and character, that interest us. The wild yet green and +peaceful scenery of Minho accorded well with his _alma soberana_, at +once active and contemplative, disciplined and independent. At first +hunting the wolf and boar occupied his leisure--we see him out with +his dogs Hunter, Swallowfoot, &c., in crimson dawn and breathless +noonday--and gave him a hundred opportunities for quiet observation +of Nature, the streams, especially the birds, and the peasants. The +poems written soon after his arrival still retain the freshness of +these impressions. His evenings were spent with his friends at +Cabeceiras--true _noctes cenaeque deum_--or in the more formal society +at Crasto or with music--he played the viola--or his favourite authors, +Homer in Greek, or Horace, the Bible, the Italians, or Garci Lasso +and Boscán. Later gardening[324] and the education of his sons and +entertainment of visitors took the place of his favourite wolf-hunting. +As his fame and influence spread, Diogo Bernardez (whose recollections +of Miranda were recorded in the 1614 life) was not the only disciple +who came to see him in his retreat, and he corresponded in verse with +most of the poets of the time, Andrade Caminha, Montemôr, Ferreira, +D. Manuel de Portugal, Bernardez. Cardinal Henrique was a steadfast +admirer of his work, and the young Prince João asked for a copy: _lhas +mandou pedir_. This wide recognition after the first coldness[325] was +some measure of comfort for the many sorrows of his last years, the +death of his eldest son Gonçalo, killed in his teens in Africa (1553), +of his wife (1555), of that promising precocious Prince João (1537-54) +to whom he had thrice sent a collection of his poems, the departure of +his brother, Mem, to become one of the most notable Governors of Brazil +(1557). In the latter year King João died, leaving an infant heir to a +distracted kingdom, and Miranda’s death followed a few months later. +In a sense this philosopher was the most un-Portuguese of poets, for +he had no facility in verse. He went on hammering his lines, altering, +erasing, compressing in a divine discontent. He had a lofty conception +of the poet’s art--to express the noblest sentiment in the best and +fewest words--five versions of _Alexo_, twelve of _Basto_, attest his +untiring zeal and his ‘art to blot’. The elliptical abruptness of his +native _quintilhas_, by which they have something in common with those +of Ribeiro, are not their least charm, and gives an effective emphasis +to his sententious philosophy. In introducing the new measures[326] +he used the Castilian language as being the most natural and suitable +until, but only until, they should be thoroughly acclimatized. He wrote +Castilian not fluently--that was not his gift--but correctly, with +only occasional _lusitanismos_. His best work, however, was written +in Portuguese: in the new poetry with which his name is for ever +associated he is only the forerunner of the work of Diogo Bernardez and +Camões,[327] the founder of a school to which Portuguese literature +owes some of its chief glories. In Portuguese he wrote his comedies +and, about half a century before Samuel Daniel’s _Cleopatra_ (1592), +a tragedy _Cleopatra_, of which we only possess a few lines.[328] The +poem on the life and conversion of St. Mary of Egypt[329] (a favourite +theme a few centuries earlier, as in the Spanish _Vida de Santa Maria +Egipciaqua_ (13th c.?), the fourteenth-century _Vida de Maria Egipcia_, +and the French _Vie de Sainte Marie l’Égyptienne_) is stamped with the +author’s sententious wisdom and love of discipline. It contains quaint +plays on words (_Ide ao mar que por amar_, p. 169), _tours de force_ +such as the three _quintilhas_ of _esdruxulos_ (pp. 179-80), and rises +to wonderful lyric beauty in the saint’s farewell to Earth (_Vou para +um jardim de flores_, pp. 166-9). He intended the poem to be ‘rare, +unique and excellent’ and to some extent he achieved his aim. In much +of his work the diction is rough and halting, but the greatness of +the man nevertheless extends to his poetry. Perhaps the best example +of this is the melancholy grandeur of the sonnet, technically so +imperfect, _O sol é grande_. Force of character made him not only +a laborious but a successful craftsman. When he died, honoured and +admired by all the best intellects in the country, the position of +the new school was assured and he had been able to hail with joy the +support of younger writers: _Venid buenos zagales!_ Foremost in time +among these poets of _el verso largo_ was D. MANUEL DE PORTUGAL[330] +(1520?-1606), son of the first Conde de Vimioso and of D. Joana de +Vilhena, cousin of King Manuel. He outlived all his fellow-poets, +welcomed the appearance of _Os Lusiadas_, and in 1580 took the side of +the Prior D. Antonio. His _Obras_ (1605) consist of seventeen books of +poems, mostly of a religious character and written in Spanish--books 9 +and 15 contain some Portuguese poems, and among them the fine mystic +sonnet _Apetece minha alma_ (Bk. ix, f. 199 v.). + +Among those who welcomed and acclimatized the new style none was a more +talented or truer poet than DIOGO BERNARDEZ (_c._ 1530-_c._ 1600),[331] +who confessed that he owed everything to Sá de Miranda and Antonio +Ferreira.[332] Born of a distinguished family[333] at Ponte da Barca +on the river Lima, he would ride over to visit Sá de Miranda or send +him letters in verse, and he mourned his death in sonnet, letter, and +eclogue with unaffected grief. He himself continued to sing by the +banks of his beloved Lima, endeared to him all the more by disillusion +at Lisbon and captivity in Africa. In a letter to Miranda he alludes +to an apparently unhappy love affair at Lisbon. Later the retirement +of his poet brother, Frei Agostinho, into a convent, the deaths of +Miranda and Ferreira, the great plague of 1569, and the misfortunes of +his country were all deeply felt by his affectionate nature. In 1576 +he went as secretary of Embassy to Madrid, but otherwise he seems to +have been disappointed in hopes of lucrative employment, and he was +always ready to exchange the mud of the streets and the ‘bought meals’ +of Lisbon, with its penurious, importunate _moços_,[334] for the dewy +golden dawns, the hills and streams of Minho, _entre simples e humildes +lavradores_ (_Carta_ 27). In 1578, however, he who had lamented that +no Maecenas encouraged those eager to sing the deeds of Portuguese +heroes was chosen to accompany as official poet[335] the Portuguese +expedition which ended disastrously in _aquelle funeral e turvo +dia_--the battle of Alcacer Kebir. It was not till 1581 that Bernardez +returned from captivity. Whether he was ransomed by King Philip, or +by the Trinitarians or Jesuits, or by himself or his friends, is not +known. After his return and his marriage he frequently laments his +poverty: not, he says, that he wishes to be the Pope in Rome, but +merely to have enough to eat (_Carta_ 31). Yet apparently he had no +cause to regret the change of dynasty so far as his personal fortunes +were concerned. Whereas he had merely held the post of _servidor de +toalha_ at the palace under King Sebastian, he was now (1582) appointed +a knight of the Order of Christ with a pension of 20,000 _réis_ and +was granted 500 _cruzados_ (‘in property and goods’) in the same year. +In 1593 his yearly pension was 40,000 _réis_, of which one-half was to +revert to his wife and children. Either these moneys remained unpaid or +the new _cavaleiro fidalgo’s_ ideas had changed greatly since he had +sung of the joys of rustic poverty and the vanity of riches. Bernardez +found his inspiration in the Portuguese and Spanish poets of the new +school (_cantigas strangeiras_, _strañas_),[336] and through them in +the great Italians. Dante’s name does not occur in his letters, written +in _tercetos_,[337] but Tasso--_o meu Tasso_---Ariosto, Petrarca, and +others are mentioned.[338] In form and sound some of his _canções_ are +not unworthy of Petrarca, but they are more homely and bucolic, have +more _saudade_ and less definite images, no concrete pictures like that +of _la stanca vecchierella pellegrina_ of the fourth _Canzone_. His +second source of inspiration was his native Minho and the transparent +waters and _fresca praia_ of the Lima. He was never happier than when +wandering _lungo l’amate rive_, and this gives a pleasant reality to +his eclogues. His muse, _a bosques dada e a fontes cristalinas_, sings +not only of the conventional ‘roses and lilies’ but of honeysuckle, +of cherries red in May, grapes heavy with dew, golden apples, nuts, +acorns, the trout so plentiful that they can be caught with the hand, +hares, partridges, doves, the thrush and the nightingale, and mentions +oak, ash, elm, poplar, beech, hazel, chestnut, and arbutus. These +eclogues, written in various metres, sometimes with _leixapren_ or +internal rhyme, are collected in _O Lima_ (1596), which also contains +his letters. His other works are sonnets, elegies, odes in _Rimas +Varias_, _Flores do Lima_ (1596), and a third small volume _Varias +Rimas ao Bom Jesus_ (1594) which includes elegies and odes to the +Virgin written during his captivity, a long _Historia de Santa Ursula_ +in octaves, and other devotional verse of much fervour and his wonted +perfection of technique. If, read in the mass, his poems produce the +impression of a cloying sweetness, it must be remembered that never +before had Portuguese poetry risen to so harmonious a music. Faria e +Sousa accused him of plagiarizing Camões, but in the case of a writer +whose accepted poems, the _dulcissima carmina Limae_, are of such +excellence the accusation cannot be seriously entertained. Neither he +nor Camões was a great original poet, but in both the command of the +new style was such that their poems were often confused by collectors. +A passage in one of Bernardez’ letters (5, l. 6) seems to imply that +his poetry was not appreciated at Lisbon. It was too genuine and clear +to suit the clever Court rhymesters. But he had his followers, who +would send him their poems to be corrected, or rather, praised, and +later Lope de Vega recognized him as his master in the eclogue in +preference to Garci Lasso. + +FRANCISCO GALVÃO (_c._ 1563-1635?), equerry to the Duke of Braganza, +was a true poet if he wrote the sonnet _A Nosso Senhor_ ascribed to +him by his editor, Antonio Lourenço Caminha, in _Poesias ineditas dos +nossos insignes poetas Pedro da Costa Perestrello, coevo do grande +Luis de Camões, e Francisco Galvão_ (1791): _Ó tu de puro amor Deos +fonte pura_. Innocencio da Silva vigorously doubts the authenticity of +these poems, which are mostly of a religious character or concerned +with Horace’s theme of the golden mean, as that of the _Obras ineditas +de Aires Telles de Meneses_ (1792) published by the same editor, who +professed to have faithfully copied them from the _antigos originaes_ +of the time of João II. Bernardez’ brother Frei AGOSTINHO DA CRUZ +(1540-1619), born at Ponte da Barca, entered as a novice the Convent +of Santa Cruz in the Serra de Sintra in 1560, and took the vows a year +later. In 1605 he obtained permission to live as a hermit in the Serra +da Arrabida, where he cultivated _saudade_ and the muses, although his +poems were no longer profane, as when in his youth as Agostinho Pimenta +he haunted with his brother Diogo the banks of the Lima. These early +verses he burnt: _Queimei, como vergonha me pedia, Chorando par haver +tão mal cantado_. The eclogues, elegies, letters, sonnets, and odes +that survive prove that _mal_ is here a moral, not an aesthetic adverb, +and that he shared his brother’s love of Nature and in no mean degree +his power of expressing it in soft, harmonious verse. + +That gift was denied to ANTONIO FERREIRA (1528-69), who combined +enthusiasm for the new style--_a lira nova_--and for classical +antiquity with a rooted antipathy against the use of a foreign language +or foreign subjects. His uneventful life as judge, courtier, and poet +was cut short by the plague of 1569. His poetry is not that of a poet +but of the Coimbra law student who had become a busy magistrate.[339] +It is thus at its best when it does not attempt to be lyrical, for +instance in his excellent letters in _tercetos_. His odes are closely +modelled on those of Horace (_o meu Horacio_). Nor did he claim +originality: indeed, his plan of introducing certain new forms was +a little too deliberate for a great poet,[340] and his best sonnet +is a translation from Petrarca. For bucolic poetry neither the grave +doctor’s style nor his inclinations were well suited. Not only is +the smooth flow of the verse which charms us in Diogo Bernardez here +absent but the metre often actually halts,[341] and throughout his work +we have sincerity, lofty aims, a stiff unbending severity, but not +poetical genius. Ferreira was a true patriot, and it was his boast and +is his enduring fame that he devoted himself to exalt the Portuguese +language.[342] It was most fortunate for Portuguese literature that at +this time of changing taste a poet of Ferreira’s great influence should +have forsworn foreign intrusions in the language with the exception +of Latin (in the introduction of which, however, his characteristic +restraint forbade excess), and left both in prose and verse abiding +monuments of pure Portuguese. This was the more remarkable in a poet +who disdained the old popular metres (_a antiga trova deixo ao povo_) +and had no thought apparently for popular customs or traditions. His +_Poemas Lusitanos_, published posthumously, contain over a hundred +sonnets, besides his odes, eclogues, elegies, epigrams (which are but +fragments of sonnets), and letters, and he also wrote a _Historia de +Santa Comba_ in fifty-seven _oitavas_. + +The work of PERO DE ANDRADE CAMINHA (1520?-89), an industrious writer +of verse rather than a poet, is as cold and unmusically artificial as +Ferreira’s in its form, while it lacks Ferreira’s high thought and +ideals and his love for his native language. One may imagine that +it was through friendship with Ferreira--who scolds him for writing +in Spanish--that he became one of the set of Miranda and Bernardez. +Camões he must have known,[343] and indeed refers to him satirically +in his epigrams: he seems to have actively disliked so wayward a +genius, a man so unfitted to be a Court official. Caminha himself +was the son of João Caminha, Chamberlain of the Duchess Isabel of +Braganza, and of Philippa de Sousa of Oporto, where (or at Lisbon) +the poet may have been born. After studying at the University, either +at Lisbon, or after its transference to Coimbra in 1537, he entered +the household of the Infante Duarte. In 1576 the poet retired to the +palace of the Braganzas at Villa Viçosa and died there thirteen years +later. During the last ten years of his life he held a _tença_ of two +hundred milreis besides other sources of income (he was Alcaide Môr of +Celorico de Basto, as his father had been of Villa Viçosa), so that his +lot compares handsomely with that of Camões. He had planned an edition +of his works in nine books, but only a few occasional poems were +published during his lifetime. He wrote short poems in all the usual +kinds, but, although trusted and honoured by the princes he served, he +entirely lacked Camões’ divine _furia_ and had no compensating sympathy +or insight or lyrical charm. What would not Camões have made of his +chanty, _cantiga para çalamear_![344] + +In perfect contrast to the laboured verses of Andrade Caminha is the +spontaneous flow of the lines to the river Leça beginning _Ó rio +Leça_, by which the Conde de Mattosinhos, FRANCISCO DE SÁ DE MENESES +(1515?-84), is chiefly remembered. They place him at once among the +principal poets of the century. He succeeded the Conde de Vimioso as +Camareiro Môr of Prince João, held the same post in the first years +of King Sebastian’s reign, and subsequently under King Henrique, who +created him Count of Mattosinhos in return for his services as Governor +of Portugal (during the absence of King Sebastian) and on other +occasions. After the death of the Portuguese king he retired to Oporto, +and no doubt spent the remaining summers at Mattosinhos near the gentle +stream which he had immortalized. + +The Portuguese poems of ANDRÉ FALCÃO DE RESENDE (1527?-98), born at +Evora, nephew of the antiquarian André and of the poet Garcia de +Resende, were first published at Coimbra in an incomplete volume +_Poesias_ [1865], and consist of the _Microcosmographia_ and some +spirited anti-Drake ballads and good sonnets (e.g. _Ó fragil bem_, _Ó +breve gosto humano_) and satires. BALTHASAR DE ESTAÇO (born in 1570), +Canon of Viseu, and his brother the antiquarian GASPAR DE ESTAÇO, Canon +of Guimarães and author of _Varias Antiguidades de Portugal_ (1625), +were both born at Evora. The former’s _Sonetos, Eglogas e ovtras rimas_ +(1604), published, according to the preface, in the author’s mature age +but written in the green, contain some religious sonnets of high merit. + +A far more celebrated writer than these minor poets was JORGE DE +MONTEMÔR (_c._ 1520-61), or _hispanice_ Montemayor, who was early +driven by poverty from Montemôr o Velho (where he was born between 1518 +and 1528) a few years after Mendez Pinto. Fortunately the latter did +not relate his travels in Chinese, but Montemôr, with the exception of +a few brief passages[345] in his _Diana_, wrote exclusively in Spanish. +In Spain his musical talent gave him a livelihood, and as musician +and singer of the Royal Chapel he remained at the Court till 1552, +when he accompanied the Infanta Juana as _aposentador_ on the occasion +of her marriage with that promising patron of letters, the Infante +João. But even before the prince’s death in 1554 Montemôr returned to +Spain. In 1555 he may have gone in the train of Philip II to England, +and subsequently served as a soldier in Holland and Italy till a +duel, perhaps in a love affair, at Turin ended his days in 1561.[346] +Despite his brief and restless life Montemôr, who showed in _Las obras +de George de Montemayor_ (1554) that he was no mean poet, found time +to write one of the most famous books in literature. The date of its +publication--it was dedicated to Prince João and Princess Juana--is +uncertain, but it was probably an early work. In spirit, since not in +the letter, it belongs to Portugal. Its gentle, easy style (Menéndez y +Pelayo calls it _tersa, suave, melódica, expresiva_), the sentimental +love and melancholy, the introduction of bucolic scenes, the references +to Portugal--_cristalino_ applied to the Mondego is no conventional +epithet, as only those who have seen its transparent waters can fully +realize--mark the _Diana_ as the work of a Portuguese. Its fame soon +overleapt the borders of the Peninsula. In Spain it had a numerous +progeny, to which Cervantes refused the grace somewhat grudgingly given +to Montemôr’s work as ‘the first in its kind’. In Portugal this, the +eldest child of Bernardim Ribeiro’s _Menina e moça_, had to wait over +half a century before it found a worthy successor in the _Lusitania +Transformada_. + +Little certain is known of the life of FERNAM ALVAREZ DO ORIENTE (_c._ +1540-_c._ 1595?). Born at Goa, he served in the East, and may have +fought in the battle of Alcacer Kebir. His resemblance to Moraes in +temperament and adventures perhaps gave rise to the assertion that +he wrote the fifth and sixth parts of _Palmeirim de Inglaterra_. The +scene of his _Lvsitania Transformada_ (1617) is partly in Portugal +(the banks of the river Nabão and the seven hills of Thomar) and +partly in India (_no nosso Oriente_). Like Montemôr’s _Diana_, it is +divided into _prosas_ and poems, and it is modelled on the _Arcadia_ +of Jacopo Sannazzaro (1458-1530)--the mountains of Arcadia transformed +into Lusitania[347]--which, however, each of its three books equals in +length. The prose setting, although devoid of thought, is mellifluous +and clear, and the poems, which contain reminiscences of Camões, rival +in the harmony and transparent flow of the verse that ‘prince of the +poets of our time’, as Alvarez calls him. Some critics have even +ventured to attribute the work to Camões, as though his genius were +so poor that he must needs fall to quoting himself in whole lines, as +is here the case. But Alvarez had certainly caught some measure of +Camões’ skill and of _il soave stilo e ’l dolce canto_ of Sannazzaro +and Petrarca. He is, moreover, less vague[348] than many writers +of eclogues, and in singing his own love story describes what his +eyes have seen. It was, however, an aberration to favour the _verso +esdruxulo_ (Ariosto’s _sdruccioli_) (cf. Sannazzaro’s _Arcadia_, Ecl. +1, 6, 8, 9, 12), a truly Manueline adornment which other Portuguese +poets unfortunately copied as a new artifice.[349] + +As a poet Manuel de Faria e Sousa, who was something more than a +pedant of pedants, deserves a place among the multitude of Portuguese +writers of eclogues, since of the twenty long eclogues contained in +his _Fvente de Aganipe y Rimas Varias_ (7 pts., 1624-7) the first +twelve are in his native tongue. They show no originality but have +occasional passages of quiet beauty. Nos. 7 and 8 are both entitled +‘rustic’ and purpose to represent peasants of Minho. They are so +overcharged with archaisms and rustic words and expressions (_samicas_ +and _namja_ of course occur, and _grolea_ (glory), _marmolea_ (memory), +the form _suidade_, &c.) that they would probably have been Greek to +the peasants. As a critic Lope de Vega called Faria the prince of +commentators, on the strength of his learned and copious editions of +the Lusiads and lyrics of Camões, for whom he had a genuine devotion. +Time has lent an interest, if not validity, to his literary criticisms. +In poetry he was as prolific as in prose: he boasted, in the age of +Lope de Vega, that he had written more blank verse than any other poet +and that his printed sonnets exceeded those of Lope by 300. + +ELOI DE SÁ SOTTOMAIOR (or Souto Maior), the author of _Jardim do Ceo_ +(1607) and _Ribeiras do Mondego_ (1623), is generally perhaps more +familiar with the Saints than with the Muses, but some of his poems +are not without merit. The latter work, in prose and verse, has no +originality, although the author was careful to state that he had +composed it before the _Primavera_ of FRANCISCO RODRIGUEZ LOBO (_c._ +1580-1622), who in strains not less sweetly harmonious than the Lima +poems of Bernardez sang the little stream of Lis that runs so gaily +through his native Leiria. He went to study at Coimbra in 1593, took +his degree there in 1602, returned to Leiria and before 1604 was in +the service of Theodosio, Duke of Braganza, at Villa Viçosa. He was +drowned in his prime in the Tagus coming from Santarem to Lisbon. He +was alive in 1621, but, as Dr. Ricardo Jorge has shown in his able +biography, died before the end of 1622. The fact of his drowning is +well established, otherwise the tradition might have been attributed +to passages in his works in which he seems to foretell such a fate. +An extraordinarily prolific writer, his fame rests chiefly on his +three pastoral works of mingled prose and verse: _A Primavera_ (1601) +and its second and third parts _O Pastor Peregrino_ (1608) and _O +Desenganado_ (1614). Rodriguez Lobo somewhere speaks disparagingly of +books ‘long as leagues in Alentejo’, but length and monotony are not +absent from his own pastorals. Look into them where you will, beautiful +descriptions, showing deep love of Nature, will present themselves, +and delightful verse and harmonious prose, excellent in its component +parts although allowed to trail in the construction of the sentences. +But the reader who attempts more than a desultory acquaintance is soon +overcome by a feeling of satiety, for the _Primavera_ in its _brandura +sem fim_ and the complete absence of thought is like a stream choked by +water-lilies: lovely, but tiring to the swimmer. + +Through all these love-lorn shepherd scenes runs a vague thread of +autobiography. The passion of Bernardim Ribeiro is replaced by a +suaver melancholy. The poet leaves the Lis for Coimbra and then goes +to Lisbon and thence to distant lands, where he wanders as a pilgrim +till he is shipwrecked at the mouth of the Lis and returns to his home +to find Lisea given to another. It is divided into _florestas_. In the +opening _florestas_ the quiet streams, the green woods and pastures, +are charmingly described; later the scene is transferred to the _campos +do Mondego_ and the _praias do Tejo_. A breath of the sea is welcome in +_O Desenganado_, but the story soon returns to shepherd life and its +series of natural but rather insipid incidents. + +Had Rodriguez Lobo written not better but less, his pastoral romances +would probably be far more widely read. But his finest work is of a +different kind, a long dialogue, _Corte na Aldea e Noites de Inverno_ +(1619), between a _fidalgo_, D. Julio, and four friends in the long +winter evenings near Lisbon. Suggested by Baldassare Castiglione’s +famous _Il Cortigiano_, which had been popularized in Spain by Boscán’s +excellent translation (1534), this work, for which Gracián prophesied +immortality, is full of the most varied interest. The prose, excellent +as is all that of this champion of the Portuguese language, _jardineiro +da lingua portuguesa_ (which his countrymen, he complained, patch and +patch like a beggar’s cloak), is here more vigorous and compact in its +construction without losing its harmonious rhythm, attractive as the +conversations which it records. Besides the beautiful verses lavishly +scattered through his prose works, Rodriguez Lobo wrote a long epic on +Nun’ Alvarez in twenty cantos of _oitavas_: _O Condestabre de Portugal +D. Nuno Alvarez Pereira_ (1610),[350] a volume of _Eglogas_ (1605), in +which he is a recognized master, a volume of _Romances_ (1596) written, +with two exceptions, in Spanish,[351] and, perhaps, a Christmas play +entitled _Auto del Nascimiento de Christo y Edicto del Emperador +Avgvsto Cesar_, published in 1676. It is written in _redondilhas_ in +Spanish and Portuguese.[352] This _auto_ is followed by an _Entremes do +Poeta_ in Portuguese. A poet, an obdurate Gongorist (_Do Gongora tive +sempre opinadas preferencias_), recites a sonnet to a lady: _Celicola +substancia procreada_, which she does not understand, and a _ratinho_, +also at a loss (_he para mim cousa grega_), advises him to give over +his jargon for a more natural language: + + Gerigonças no fallar, + Que amor nam he contrafeito. + +But Rodriguez Lobo has no need of such attributions to justify his +great and enduring fame. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[302] Cf. H. Lopes de Mendonça, _O Salto Mortal_, Act iii: _Tanto +gostaes d’este livro: É por ser triste?--É por ser verdadeiro._ + +[303] Eclogue 5 (_a qual dizem ser do mesmo autor_), which is +undoubtedly by Ribeiro, refers to Coimbra in the lines: _É lembrarme os +sinceiraes De Coimbra que me mata_. + +[304] As in the case of Gil Vicente, we are vexed with homonyms--a +notary, an admiral, &c. Dr. Theophilo Braga, skilfully dovetailing +hypotheses, develops his biography fully. _Casi todo lo que de él se ha +escrito son fábulas sin fundamento alguno_, wrote Menéndez y Pelayo in +1905. + +[305] Fray Luis de Leon may have remembered this passage in _De los +Nombres de Cristo_, Bk. 3 (1917 ed., t. 1, p. 198; _Bib. Aut. Esp._, t. +37, p. 182). + +[306] _Nossos amores contados por um modo que os não entenderá +ninguem_, Garrett, _Um Auto de Gil Vicente_. + +[307] _La Voluntad_, Barcelona, 1902. Camillo Castello Branco held +similar views. + +[308] The word cannot be translated exactly, but corresponds to +the Greek πόθος, Latin _desiderium_, Catalan _anyoranza_, Galician +_morriña_, German _Sehnsucht_, Russian тоска (pron. _taská_). It is the +‘passion for which I can find no name’ (Gissing, _The Private Papers of +Henry Ryecroft_). + +[309] Menéndez y Pelayo’s strict division between the ‘subjective’ pt. +1 and pt. 2 as _externa y de aventuras_ is thus somewhat arbitrary. + +[310] Pt. 1, cap. 9; pt. 2, cap. 25. + +[311] In pt. 2, cap. 9, this is forgotten: _outras_ [_cousas_] _que +não são escritas neste livro_, a slip which throws no light on the +authorship. + +[312] It was characteristic of the hot-house air in which Portuguese +literature existed that the first publication of a book often consisted +in its circulation (_correr_) in manuscript from courtier to courtier, +a special licence being obtained for this apart from the licence to +print. Those to whom it appealed made copies. The earliest known +edition of _Menina e moça_ is of 1557-8: _Primeira & segũda parte do +liuro chamado as Saudades de Bernaldim Ribeiro com todas suas obras. +Treladado de seu propria original. Nouamente impresso._ 1557 (Euora. +The date of the colophon is January 30, 1558). An introductory note +_Aos lectores_ says: _Foram tantos os traduzidores deste liuro & os +pareceres em elle tam diuersos que nam he de marauilhar que na primeira +impressam desta historia se achassem tantas cousas em contrario de como +foram pello auctor delle escriptas ... foy causa de andar este liuro +tam vicioso ... conueo tirarse a limpo do propria original_, &c., &c.). +The edition of 1554, quoted by Brunet, was probably the first in spite +of the words _com summa diligencia emendada_ (i.e. corrections of the +manuscript). The phrase _de nouo_ tells more against than in favour of +an earlier edition (= rather ‘new’ than ‘anew’). + +[313] Ribeiro, so far as we know, wrote no line of Spanish. Boscán’s +_romance Justa fué mi perdición_ and the _romance Ó Belerma_ have been +wrongly ascribed to him. + +[314] p. 287: ... _so ganz persönlichem Stil, dass sie mit keinem +anderen Dichter vor oder nach ihnen, wohl aber untereinander zu +verwechseln wären_; and p. 292: Bernardim Ribeiro writes _ganz im Stile +des Falcão_. Cf. F. Bouterwek, _History of Spanish and Portuguese +Literature_, Eng. tr. 1823, ii. 39: ‘A long eclogue by this writer, +which forms an appendix to the works of Ribeyro, so completely partakes +of the character of the poems which it accompanies that were it not +for the separate title it might be mistaken for the production of +Ribeyro himself. It therefore proves that Ribeyro’s poetic fancies, his +romantic mysticism not excepted, were by no means individual.’ + +[315] According to Dr. Theophilo Braga, he was born in 1515; married +in 1529 Maria Brandão (aged eleven); was profoundly influenced by +Ribeiro’s _Trovas de dous pastores_ (1536) but did not plagiarize it in +the _Trovas de Crisfal_ (1536-41), similar passages being due to the +_situação quasi similar_ (i.e. _quasi identica_) of the two friends; +went to Italy on a diplomatic mission in 1541; spent the year 1543 in +Rome and returned to Portugal in the winter of 1543-4; was factor of +the fortress of Arguim from 1545 to 1548; and died in 1577. + +[316] The whole question at issue is whether the _de_ of _Trovas de +Crisfal_ = ‘by’ or ‘about’ (cf. _O Livro das Trovas d’ El Rei_ = rather +‘belonging to’ than ‘by’ the king), and protests against _a illusão +de pretender identificar em um mesmo poeta o apaixonado de Aonia e +o de Maria_ (_Obras_, 1915 ed., p. 10) or _o intuito de converterem +Christovam Falcão em um mytho_ (ibid., p. 42) are beside the point. + +[317] That one of the figures is identical in the woodcuts of these two +_folhas volantes_ is not significant: it appears also in an anonymous +edition of the _Pranto de Maria Parda_. + +[318] In the 1559 ed. the words _hũa muy nomeada e agradauel Egloga +chamada Crisfal ... que dizem ser de Cristouam Falcam, ho que parece +alludir ho nome da mesma Egloga_ may legitimately be held to imply +merely that some persons, misled by the anagram, attributed the poem to +Falcão. + +[319] _Decada_ 8, cap. 34 (1786 ed., p. 322). + +[320] The _licença_ of the 1632 edition says, _Este livrinho ... muitas +vezes se imprimio_. + +[321] Cf. 1885 ed., No. 109: + + Eu digo os Provençais que inda se sente + O som das brandas rimas que entoaram. + +Cf. Boscán ap. Menéndez y Pelayo, _Antología_, tom. xiii (_Juan +Boscán_), p. 165: _En tiempo de Dante y un poco antes florecieron los +Proenzales, cuyas obras por culpa de los tiempos andan en pocas manos._ +Menéndez y Pelayo also (ibid., p. 174) gives a reference by Faria e +Sousa to King Dinis: _El rey don Dionis de Portugal nació primero +que el Dante tres ó quatro años y escrivió mucho deste propio género +endecasílabo, coma consta de los manuscritos._ + +[322] Cf. 1885 ed., No. 112: + + ¿Como se perdieron + Entre nos el cantar, como el tañer + Que tanto nombre a los pasados dieron? + + +[323] + + Adeus leitor a mais ver, + Porque ainda haveis de ver mais (_A Egipciaca_, p. 181). + + +[324] He must often have repeated Nuno Pereira’s lines, which may have +influenced him when he read them in the _Cancioneiro Geral: Privar em +cas da Rainha Deos vollo deixe fazer, E a mi hũa vinha E regar hũa +almoinha Em que tenho mor prazer ... Lavro, cavo quanta posso ... O +gingrar de meu caseiro_, &c. + +[325] His complaint in the second elegy (1885 ed., No. 147, l. 17) +shows how far he was in advance of his age in Portugal: _Um vilancete +brando ou seja um chiste, Letras ás invenções, motes ás damas, Hũa +pregunta escura, esparsa triste, Tudo bom, quem o nega? Mas porque, Se +alguem descobre mais, se lhe resiste?_ + +[326] Often he combines several in the same poem. Thus the long (533 +lines) eclogue on the death of Garci Lasso (_Nemoroso_) begins in +_tercetos_, proceeds with _rima encadeada_ (internal rhyme), and ends +with Petrarcan stanzas. + +[327] Cf. the sonnet (1885 ed., No. 126) _Esprito que voaste_ with +_Alma minha gentil_. + +[328] The autograph manuscript of this and of other poems, discovered +in the Lisbon Biblioteca Nacional by Snr. Delfim Guimarães in 1908, has +been reproduced in facsimile by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos +in the _Boletim_ of the Lisbon _Ac. das Sciencias_, vol. v (1912), pp. +187-220. See _infra_, p. 164. + +[329] Leonel da Costa, the translator of Virgil and Terence, later +wrote a poem in seven cantos of _redondilhas_ on the same subject: _A +Conversão miraculosa da felice egypcia penitente Santa Maria_ (1627). + +[330] Faria e Sousa even makes him the first Portuguese poet to write +hendecasyllabics, setting aside those of Sá de Miranda as unreadable: +_son incapaces de ser leidos!_ (_Varias Rimas_, pt. ii, p. 162). + +[331] He was _Moço da camara_ in 1566. He was appointed a knight of the +Order of Christ in 1582. He married apparently after his return from +Africa in 1581. He was alive in 1596 (although in one of his poems he +refers to a premature old age) and dead in 1605. On the other hand, he +was apparently over twenty-five in 1558. It is thought that the right +of passing on his official posts to his children (_sobrevivencia_), +granted to his father in 1532, may indicate the date of the birth of +the eldest of his eleven children: Diogo Bernardez (who did not, like +some of his brothers, use his father’s second name, Pimenta). + +[332] _Carta_ 12: _Confesso dever tudo áquella rara Doutrina tua_. + +[333] The succeeding generation was also distinguished, one of the +poet’s nephews becoming Bishop of Angra, another Governor of Angola, a +third Professor at Coimbra University. + +[334] Bernardez’ letters in verse contain many such references to +everyday life, e. g. the Lisbon negress selling fried fish in the +_Betesga_. + +[335] A confident sonnet by him in this capacity is extant: _Pois +armarse por Christo não duvida Sebastião._ + +[336] _O doce estillo teu tomo por guia_ and _Escrevo, leio e risco_ +he writes to Miranda, but his muse was far more spontaneous than +Miranda’s, and it appears from another passage (in _Elegia_ 5) that his +alterations were less of style than of matter. + +[337] _Carta_ 32 is an exception, and consists of seventy-two _oitavas_. + +[338] He introduces Italian lines (_Cartas_ 23, 27, 30) and wrote a +sonnet in Italian. + +[339] Cf. _Carta_ 4: _Foge inda o dia ao muito diligente_, although +whether this is due to his work or to the number of his friends is not +clear. + +[340] _Com cujo_ [Miranda’s] _exemplo meu pai, que entam estaua nos +estudos, pretendeo com a variedade destes sens manifestar como a lingua +Portugueza assi em copia de palauras como em grauidade de estylo +a nenhuma he inferior_ (Miguel Leite Ferreira, Preface to _Poemas +Lvsitanos_, 1598). + +[341] To take an example not from the eclogues but from one of his +sonnets, the words + + da guerra + Nossa livres viveis em paz e em gloria + +correspond but ill to their peaceful sense. + +[342] Cf. _Carta_ 2. Bernardez (in an elegy on Ferreira’s death +addressed to Andrade Caminha) records that among all Ferreira’s verses +not a line was written in a foreign tongue: _um só nunca lhe deu em +lingua alhea_. + +[343] Thirteen times the same subject is treated by Camões and Caminha, +sometimes exclusively by them (C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, _Pero de +Andrade Caminha_ (1901), p. 55). + +[344] _Obras_, ed. Priebsch, p. 361. + +[345] All that he wrote in Portuguese is contained in two pages +(389-91) of Garcia Peres’ _Catálogo_ (1890). + +[346] Fray Bartolomé Ponce, _Primera Parte de la Clara Diana a lo +divino_ (1582?): _Me dijeron como un muy amigo suyo le habia muerto por +ciertos zelos ó amores_ (quoted by Ticknor, iii. 536, and by T. Braga +(omitting _ciertos_), _Bernardim Ribeiro_ (1872), p. 80). + +[347] _Argumento desta obra._ + +[348] e.g. + + No mato o rosmaninho, a branca esteva, + No campo o lirio azul que o chão cubria. + + +[349] _Que estes se chamem poetas!_ rightly exclaims Frei Lucas de +Santa Catharina (_Seram Politico_ (1704), p. 146) of those who revel in +the use of _esdruxulos_. + +[350] The whole of Canto XIV is given to a vigorous account of the +battle of Aljubarrota, already described more vividly in fewer stanzas +by Camões. Another poem in _oitavas_ by Rodriguez Lobo, _Historia da +Arvore Triste_, was published in _Fenix Renascida_, vol. iv. + +[351] In Spanish also are the fifty-six _romances_ which make up the +poem _La Jornada_, &c. (1623), written on the coming of Philip III to +Portugal in 1619. In the eclogues, written chiefly in _redondilhas_, he +sings with spontaneous charm _as praticas humildes e os cuidados Não +por arte fingidos e enfeitados_ of the _rusticos vaqueiros_, as he says +in the prefatory sonnet. Many of the words are pleasantly indigenous: +_milho_, _boroa_, _salgueiraes_, _rafeiro_, _charneca_, _chocalho_, +_abegões_, _ovelheiros_. + +[352] For instance, when the Angel has announced in Spanish _las +alegres nuevas_, the goatherd, _ratinho_, Mendo, says: _A din Rey, +a din Rey ay! Que estou amorrinhentado, Acudame algum Cristom ou +Sancristom._ Laureano, the shepherd, speaks Portuguese and Spanish, +and Silvia says: _Porque o que sinto quisera Dizelo em bom Portugues._ +An _Auto e Colloquio do Nascimento de Christo_ (1646) attributed to +Francisco Lopes was reprinted in 1676. + + + + + § 3 + + _The Drama_ + + +After Gil Vicente’s death the _autos_ continued to flourish in number +if not in excellence, and evidently answered to a very real popular +demand. It was in vain that the Jesuits produced their Latin plays and +that serious poets of high reputation sought to wean the affections of +the people from the _auto_ to the classical drama.[353] This opposition +of the educated did, however, conduce to the swift deterioration of +the _auto_, although some of those of a religious character, chiefly +the Nativity plays, still succeeded in reflecting a part of the charm +that characterized the Vicentian drama. To Gil Vicente’s lifetime +probably belongs the _Obra famosissima tirada da Sancta Escriptura +chamada da Geração humana, onde se representam sentenças muy catolicas +& proueitosas pera todo christã: Feita por huũ famoso autor_ (1536?). +Indeed, the verse runs so easily, the peasants are so natural, that +one might almost suspect him of having had a hand in its composition. +But the metre (8 8 4 8 8 4) is more monotonous than he would have used +throughout. The _dramatis personae_ are angels, peasants,[354] Adam, +Justice, Reason, Malice, two devils, a priest, four saints and doctors +of the Church, a Levite, the Church, the Heavenly Samaritan. Adam +in a scene closely resembling that of the _Auto da Alma_ is tempted +by Malice. Justice intervenes, and finally the Samaritan leads him +to the _estalagem_ of Holy Mother Church. The _Auto de ds [Deus] +padre & justiça & mia [Misericordia]_ belongs to the same period. It +is written in octosyllabic verse and contains a similar medley of +peasants, prophets, and abstract virtues. In the first part the angels +in Portuguese announce to the Virgin the birth of Christ, and in the +second part the peasants, who speak Spanish, go to offer rustic gifts +to _el muy chiquito donzel_. Another early and anonymous play is the +_Auto do Dia do Juizo_, included in the _Index_ of 1559, which for +its subject closely follows Gil Vicente’s _Auto da Barca do Inferno_. +A peasant, a false and lying notary, a market-woman who had offered +weekly bread and wax to Santa Catharina but had ’robbed the poor +people’, a butcher, a miller who had mixed bran in his sacks of flour, +are introduced in turn and duly consigned by Lucifer to Hell. + +If we only knew the quondam Franciscan monk ANTONIO RIBEIRO CHIADO +(_c._ 1520?-91) and his contemporary and rival, the mulatto servant of +the Bishop of Evora, by their mutual abuse, we could form no very high +opinion of their character or their wit. In bitter _quintilhas_ Chiado +reviles the latter for his dark complexion; AFONSO ALVAREZ answers by +upbraiding _nonno Chiado_ as the son of a cobbler and a market-woman +and for the habits which had made the cloister seem so dismal a place +to Frei Antonio do Espirito Santo. Fortunately some of the plays of +both of them survive, and we are better able to judge of their merits. +The mulatto, who was a valued member of his master’s household and +prides himself that Chiado has nothing worse to throw in his face +than the colour of his skin, was certainly Chiado’s inferior in wit +and talent. Both imitate Gil Vicente without having a vestige of his +lyrical genius or greater skill in devising a plot. Alvarez preferred +religious subjects. In his _Auto de Santo Antonio_ St. Anthony restores +to life the drowned son of two peasants, who are imitated from +Vicente’s _Auto da Feira_.[355] The only other of his plays that we +have is the _Auto de Santa Barbara_, but we know that he also wrote an +_Auto de S. Vicente Martyr_ and an _Auto de Santiago Apostolo_. + +Chiado’s plays and witty sayings, _avisos para guardar_ and +_parvoices_, appear to have made him extremely popular in Lisbon, +Camões recognized his talent, and Lisbon’s most famous street still +bears his name in common speech. His boisterous life at Lisbon after +leaving his convent may have given him his name Chiado (cf. the _chiar_ +of ox-carts), but it existed as a surname earlier. His _Pratica de Oito +Figuras_ (1543?), _Auto das Regateiras_ (1568 or 1569), and _Pratica +dos Compadres_ (1572), are the work of an accomplished wit who was +intimately acquainted with the farces of Gil Vicente and, in the last +two, with the prose plays of Jorge Ferreira. Many of Vicente’s types +are present, but all in a town atmosphere, in which cards take the +place of the rustic dances and lyric yields to epigram, the natural +genius of Vicente to a laboured smartness. We have the _clerigo de +vintem_, the _ratinho_ from Beira, the vain _pação_, the poor _fidalgo_ +or _escudeiro_, the negro with his pidgin Portuguese, the witch, the +ill-tempered _velha_, the _trovador_ chaplain, the ambitious priest, +the corrupt judge. The scenes are even more disconnected and less +dramatic, and the ingenious _redondilhas_ necessarily seem artificial +because their author so often challenges comparison with the more +genuine skill of his master, Gil Vicente. Chiado’s _Auto de Gonçalo +Chambão_ was reprinted several times in the seventeenth century, but +is now unknown. Of his _Auto da Natural Invençam_ (_c._ 1550) a single +copy survives, in the library of the Conde de Sabugosa, whose edition +(1917) is of exceptional interest. The play, as reminiscent of Vicente +as are the other plays of Chiado, describes the acting of an _auto_ +in a private house in the reign of João III, and bears witness to the +frequency of such representations at Lisbon and to their extraordinary +popularity. + +BALTHASAR DIAZ, a blind poet (or _jogral_) of Madeira, in the first +half of the sixteenth century wrote plays which have retained their +popularity. He versified at great length traditions of chivalry and +of mediaeval saints. We do not possess his _Trovas_ written on the +death of D. João de Castro (1548), and many of his plays, _Auto da +Paixam de Christo_, _Auto de El Rei Salomão_, _Auto da Feira da Ladra_, +have become rare or unknown. One of the best of them, the _Auto de +Santo Aleixo_, perhaps owes its survival to its subject, akin to +the popular theme of a prince in disguise. The rich and noble Aleixo +wanders in rags to the Holy Land. The Devil, who tempts him in the +form of a wayfarer, declares that now--the eternal querulous ‘now’ +of the poets--only the rich are honoured and learning is neglected. +Later the Devil becomes a courtier and again tempts St. Aleixo, who +is defended by an angel. The _Auto de Santa Catherina_ is a long +devout play of which the persons are St. Catherine, her mother, her +page, the Emperor Maxentius, a hermit, three _doutores_, Christ, the +Virgin, angels. The saint, who receives news of her mother’s death +with admirable equanimity, suffers martyrdom at the end of the play +with equal fortitude. Diaz also dramatized the story of the Marques de +Mantua. Although devoid of dramatic or lyric talent, he is sometimes +interesting. Women, whose dresses and fashions are contrasted in the +_Auto de Santo Aleixo_ with the hard toil of the men, are represented +in the _Auto da Malicia das Mulheres_ as treating their husbands ‘like +negroes’. We do not know whether Diaz spoke from experience, his life +is very obscure; but he may have spent his last years in Beira if the +passage in his _O Conselho para bem casar_: + + estou nesta Beira + tão remoto de trovar (1680 ed., p. 2) + +be not merely a reference to Boeotia, any place far from Lisbon. + +Traces of Vicente and the _Celestina_[356] are apparent in ANRIQUE +LOPEZ’ _Cena Policiana_ or _O Estvdante_, in which a _fidalgo_ and a +student[357] figure. The poor _escudeiro_ and his fasting _moço_ are +prominent in JORGE PINTO’S _Auto de Rodrigo e Mendo_. Spanish romances +are quoted with great frequency, and Vicente’s _En el mes era de Abril_ +is parodied by the _moços_.[358] Indeed, their knowledge of literature +was become embarrassing since, when his master’s guest, invited to a +dinner which did not exist, recites some verses that he has made, +Rodrigo has already read them in Boscán and heard them sung in the +street.[359] + +The exact dates of ANTONIO PRESTES, of Torres Novas, are unknown, but +seven of his plays, after having been acted at Lisbon and published in +_folhas volantes_, were first collected by Afonso Lopez half a century +after Gil Vicente’s death in the _Primeira Parte dos Avtos e Comedias +Portuguesas_, &c. (1588). The _Auto da Ave Maria_, written between +1563 and 1587, is an allegorical play in which Reason is vanquished by +Sensuality; Heraclitus mourns over her fall while Democritus laughs. +A knight in league with the Devil[360] robs in turn an almoner, a +_ratinho_, and Fast, but his pious habit of saying an _Ave Maria_ +causes St. Michael to rescue him from the Devil and reconcile him +with Reason. Of the profane plays, that with the most definite plot +is the _Auto dos Dous Irmãos_, in which an old man, after refusing to +see his sons who have married without his permission, divides all his +money between them and is then neglected by both: he is sent from one +to the other like King Lear. But the story is feebly worked out here +as in the other plays. Their action is mostly that of a puppet show. +Sometimes the _moço_, who always plays a prominent part, seems to be +the only link in the plot, as Duarte in the _Autos dos Cantarinhos_. +These _moços_, who show the author’s acquaintance with Gil Vicente[361] +and _Lazarillo de Tormes_,[362] are quite unlike either Lazarillo or +Apariço. They are certainly hungry, but they combine starvation with +laziness, presumption and abundant learning. The names of Petrarca and +Seneca are on their lips; they read _Palmeirim_ and quote romances +of chivalry and Spanish _romances_ glibly.[363] Indeed, the chief +interest of these artificial plays is the light thrown on the times: +the position of women, the bribery of judges and lawyers, the aping +of foreign manners, the mixed styles of architecture. They contain no +poetry, little drama, and their wit is seldom natural. Like Prestes, +JERONIMO RIBEIRO, perhaps a brother of Chiado, was born apparently +at Torres Novas. Only one of his plays was published: the _Auto do +Fisico_, written in the last third of the sixteenth century. It has +some farcical Vicentian scenes, the inevitable hits against the doctors +and lawyers--the _moço_ dresses up as a _doutor_ to receive a simple +fisherman from Alfama--and is generally more popular and natural than +Prestes’ plays. + +SIMÃO MACHADO (_c._ 1570-_c._ 1640), who as a Franciscan monk--Frei +Boaventura--ended his life at Barcelona, was also born at Torres +Novas. His plays--_Comedias portvgvesas_ (1601?)--are two: _Comedia +de Dio_ and _Comedia da Pastora Alfea_. They are written in Spanish +and Portuguese indiscriminately despite Gonçalo’s admonition _palrar +como Pertigues_.[364] The author explains that, well aware of his +countrymen’s love of what is foreign, he uses Castilian to save his +plays from the neglect often bestowed in Portugal upon works written +in Portuguese. His verse is ordinarily the _redondilha_, although +Nuno da Cunha in the first part of _O Cerco de Dio_ makes a speech in +_oitavas_. He has lyrical facility and his peasant scenes are full of +life, for instance, the dialogue between the cowherd Gil Cabaço and +Tomé the goatherd in _Alfea_. + +The Gospel story was dramatized by FREI FRANCISCO VAZ of Guimarães in +a long _Auto da Paixão_. The oldest edition we have is dated 1559, +and it has been often reprinted, with thirty rough woodcuts. Some of +these are very spirited, as that of the cock crowing after St. Peter’s +denial, or that of Judas hanging himself. After a long introductory +speech in _versos de arte maior_ the play proceeds in _redondilhas_ +(over 2,000 lines). Religious subjects have always been favourites with +the Portuguese, especially those affording scope for lavish scenic +display, not only those of martyred saints, as the _Auto de Santa +Genoveva_, but those based on the New Testament, as the later play +_Acto figurado da degolação dos Innocentes_ (1784) in seven scenes.[365] + +Two plays, the _Auto da Donzella da Torre_ and _Auto de Dom André_, +are attributed to Gil Vicente’s grandson, GIL VICENTE DE ALMEIDA. The +latter, written before 1559, in which a peasant brings his unlettered +son (_nem nunca falei Gramatica_) to Court, and a _ratinho_, on +becoming a page, promises himself to learn to sing and play on the +guitar within a month, has a Vicentian character. + +To the beginning of the seventeenth century also belongs the _Pratica +de Tres Pastores_ (1626), a Christmas play by FREI ANTONIO DA ESTRELLA, +who may perhaps be identified with Frei Antonio de Lisboa, author +of the lost _Auto dos Dous Ladrões_ (1603). The three shepherds, +Rodrigo, Loirenço, and Sylvestre, are awakened by an angel singing +_cousas de preço_. They agree that the song echoing over the hills +is no earth-born music but _algum Charubim ou Anjo ou Charafim_, +and presently they go to Bethlehem to offer their rustic gifts. The +author has caught the charm and spontaneity of the earlier Christmas +_autos_. Another seventeenth-century _auto_ of the same kind is the +_Colloquio do Nascimento do Menino Jesus_ by the Lisbon bookseller, +FRANCISCO LOPEZ. The scene and conversation of the three shepherds, +Gil, Silvestre, and Paschoal, with their _assorda ou migas de alho_ in +the cold night--_mas como queima o rocio_, says Gil--are very naturally +drawn. An echo of the satirical side of Gil Vicente’s genius is to be +found in the _Auto das Padeiras chamado da Fome_ (1638),[366] in which +the various frauds of the bakeresses, sardine-sellers, market-women, +pastry-cooks, and tavern-keepers of Lisbon are shown up by the devils +Palurdam and Calcamar, as in the _Barca do Purgatorio_. There is +nothing of Vicente in the _Auto novo da Barca da Morte_ (1732) by a +Lisbon author who wrote under the name of Diogo da Costa (Innocencio +da Silva, ii. 153, believed that his real name was André da Luz). It +consists of a single scene crowded with classical allusions. Death has +deprived Midas of his gold, Alexander of his victories, Aristotle of +his learning. The actors here are a rich miser, a poor man, a youth, +an old man, and Death, whose boat Time steers. The title of the _Auto +novo e curioso da Forneira de Aljubarrota_ (1815), also attributed to +Diogo da Costa, is misleading, since it is a prose narrative of the +experiences of that _valorosa matrona_, who, dressed as an _almocreve_, +comes to Lisbon with her two _bestinhas_ laden with wine. + +Of the twenty-five plays contained in the _Musa entretenida de +varios entremeses_ (1658) edited by Manuel Coelho Rebello, No. 17 +(_Castigos de vn Castelhano_) is in Spanish and Portuguese, six are in +Portuguese,[367] all the rest in Spanish. Popular plays continued to be +written long after the introduction of the classical drama and in spite +of the antagonism of the priests. They were often composed in a variety +of metres, as the _Acto de Sᵗᵃ Genoveva, Princesa de Barbante_ (1735) +by Balthasar Luis da Fonseca, if its verse can be called metre,[368] or +the _Comedia famosa intitulada A Melhor Dita de Amor_ (1745) by Rodrigo +Antonio de Almeida,[369] which opens with a sonnet and proceeds in +_redondilhas_, hendecasyllables, and prose. + +In the Christmas plays and peasant scenes some of Gil Vicente’s poetry +had lingered; the plays of more fashionable authors caught no gleam +of his lyrism, but sketched types and satirized manners successfully, +none more so than Mello’s _Auto do Fidalgo Aprendiz_, written, it must +be remembered, before _Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme_ (1670). Both kinds, +consciously or unconsciously, were derived from Vicente’s genius as +manifested in his plays for the Court and of the people. + +During Gil Vicente’s lifetime, perhaps, Sá de Miranda had written +the two plays, _Os Estrangeiros_ (_c._ 1528) and _Os Vilhalpandos_ +(1538?),[370] with which he introduced classical comedy into Portugal +(nearly a quarter of a century before its introduction into France and +England). _Os Estrangeiros_ was a novelty[371] in more ways than one, +for it was written in prose. Both plays were, as the author admitted, +imitated from Plautus and Terence and also from Ariosto, whose comedies +were composed in the first third of the century. _Os Estrangeiros_ was, +he further observed in a brief introductory letter to the Cardinal +Henrique, rustic and clumsy.[372] Its only claim to be called rustic, +in character as apart from treatment, consists in a few allusions +to popular customs. We would have had it more indigenous. The scene +is Palermo, the plot, _à la_ Plautus, consists of the difficulties +and differences between father and son, and there is the _aio_, +the vainglorious soldier Briobris, _nas armas um Roldão_, and the +_truão_ who plays the part of _gracioso_. The action advances in long +soliloquies to the final reconciliation between father and son. The +character of _Os Vilhalpandos_, which Mello called ‘a mirror of courtly +wit’, is similar, with the difference that Fame instead of Comedy +speaks the prologue and the action between son, father, and courtesan +is placed in Rome. Both the plays were acted before Cardinal Henrique +and printed by his command. As if to mark his initiative in every +field, Miranda also composed a classical tragedy entitled _Cleopatra_ +(_c._ 1550), the title of which is of interest as preceding the plays +of Shakespeare and Samuel Daniel (1562-1619). The twelve octosyllabic +lines (_abcabcdefdef_) that survive (from a chorus?) give no idea +of its character, but it probably followed closely the _Sofonisba_ +(1515) of Gian Giorgio Trissino (1478-1550). A Spanish version of +Sophocles’ _Electra_ by Hernan Perez de Oliva appeared in 1528, and +in 1536 Anrique Ayres Victoria had translated this into Portuguese +octosyllabic verse: _A Vingança de Agamemnon_. The date of the first +edition is unknown; the second appeared in 1555. Nor do we know when +_Cleopatra_ was written,[373] although it must have been prior to +Antonio Ferreira’s classical tragedy acted at Coimbra, _Inés de Castro_ +(_c._ 1557), which has hitherto been considered the first of its kind +in Portugal. Written when the author was about thirty, that is, about +the time of Miranda’s death, it copied the form of Greek tragedies +and, the better to acclimatize this, a thoroughly national subject +was chosen--the death of Inés--whereas Miranda had gone to Rome and +Egypt. As might be expected from Ferreira’s other work the conception +was executed with the careful skill of a conscientious craftsman. The +drama has unity, the style is purest Portuguese, the chorus sometimes +soars into poetry, as in the celebrated passage _Quando amor naceo_. +That the same high language is spoken throughout, that, as has often +been observed, scenes of dramatic opportunity--a meeting between D. +Pedro and his father or Inés--are omitted, merely shows that Ferreira +had no dramatic instinct. Perhaps the only dramatic passage--and +even so it is of more psychological than dramatic interest--is that +in Act III: _Inés._ ‘Ah, woe is me! what ill, what fearful ill dost +thou announce?’ _Chorus._ ‘It is thy death.’ _Inés._ ‘_Is my lord +dead?_’ Nevertheless, the play was a remarkable achievement, carried +out without faltering and with a sustained loftiness worthy of its +subject. No one any longer believes that Ferreira copied from the +_Nise lastimosa_ by Geronimo Bermudez, published under the pseudonym +Antonio da Silva eight years after Ferreira’s death. This is a +slightly expanded Spanish translation, closely following the 1587 +edition[374] of _Inés de Castro_, which differs considerably from +that of 1598. The _Nise laureada_ which accompanied it is perfectly +insignificant. Like Miranda, Ferreira wrote, besides one tragedy, two +comedies, _Bristo_ and _O Cioso_. There are indications that he had +in mind Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ _Eufrosina_ as well as Miranda’s +comedies. Bristo soliloquizing is the counterpart of Philtra, and in +his dedication of _Bristo_ to Prince João he acknowledges his debt +to previous plays.[375] In this comedy, written during some vacation +days at Coimbra University, the action is very primitive, but the +braggart Annibal and the charlatan Montalvão account for some farcical +scenes. His later play, _O Cioso_ (the jealous husband is also handled +by Gil Vicente and Prestes), belongs to a higher plane, i. e. to +comedy rather than farce, although _Bristo_ is not entirely devoid of +character-drawing. _Bristo_ was ‘made public’ (_publicada_) before +1554, but neither play was published till 1622. Both are remarkable for +the correctness and concise vigour of their prose. + +The three plays of Camões, written perhaps between the years 1544 and +1549 during his first stay at Lisbon, belong entirely neither to the +classical drama nor to the more ancient _autos_, but combine elements +of both. They are written in _redondilhas_, mostly _quintilhas_. The +third, _El Rei Seleuco_ (1549?), is slighter even than a Vicentian +farce. It has a curious prologue scene (_Vorspiel auf dem Theater_) +in prose. The versification is easy, but its chief interest is the +important part it may have played in its author’s life. The earliest in +date, _Filodemo_, although it lacks Vicente’s savour of the soil, has +a graceful charm and faintly recalls the _Comedia do Viuvo_. Filodemo, +orphan son of a Danish princess and a Portuguese _fidalgo_, is in love +with Dionysa, daughter of his father’s brother, whose son Venadoro +is in love with Filodemo’s sister Florimena. Their relationship is +unknown, but the discovery of their true birth smoothes the path +of love and ends the play. _Os Amphitriões_, in Portuguese and +Spanish,[376] is based on the _Amphitruo_ of Plautus. The predicaments +resulting from the appearance of Jupiter as Amphitrião’s double and +Mercury as the double of Sosia are deftly and humorously worked out in +delightfully spontaneous verse. + +For those so fastidious as to be satisfied neither by the popular +_autos_ nor the staid classical plays, yet another kind was provided +in the shape of Celestina comedies in prose. Of the life of their +author we know scarcely more than that he was very well known in his +day. Judging by literary merit only, one might assign the verses +written by Jorge de Vasconcellos in the _Cancioneiro Geral_ to JORGE +FERREIRA DE VASCONCELLOS (_c._ 1515-63?), since the poems, alike in +the new and the old style, interspersed in his works do not prove +him to have possessed high poetical talent. It is as a dramatist and +still more as a writer of Portuguese prose that the distinguished +courtier of King João III’s reign[377]--deserves a higher place in +Portuguese literature than his ungrateful countrymen have habitually +accorded him. But the dates forbid the identification of the dramatist +with the earlier poet, who was also a notable courtier since he is +specially mentioned in Vicente’s _Cortes de Jupiter_ (ii. 404). One of +the few definite facts known to us concerning Jorge Ferreira is that +affirmed in the preface of his _Eufrosina_: that this play was the +first fruit of his genius, written in his youth.[378] The exact date +of _Eufrosina_ is unknown, but it was written after the University had +been finally established at Coimbra in 1537--the date of the letter +from India (December 20, 1526[379]) is clearly a misprint since mention +is made of the siege of Diu (1538). Ferreira de Vasconcellos evidently +studied law at the University. If he was born, not at Coimbra but at +Lisbon, he may have begun his studies in the capital. At the time +of Prince Duarte’s death (1540) he was in his service, as _moço da +camara_, and he continued as a Court official, first, perhaps, in the +service of the heir to the throne, Prince João, who died on January +2, 1554, and then in that of King Sebastião. In 1563 he was succeeded +as Secretary (_escrivão do Tesouro_) by Luis Vicente, probably son of +the poet Gil. The document[380] which nominates his successor by no +means implies his death, since, as Menéndez y Pelayo[381] observed, +his name is unaccompanied by the formula _que Deus perdoe_ or _aja_. +But it is strange, if he did not die till 1585, the date given by +Barbosa Machado, that nothing more is heard of him after 1563 (we are +told that his son died at the battle of Alcacer Kebir), and that his +son-in-law called _Aulegrafia_, written before the death of Prince +Luis (1555), his swan-song.[382] Apart from manuscript treatises which +were never published, Jorge Ferreira is the author of four works in +prose, the three plays, _Eufrosina_, _Ulysippo_, _Aulegrafia_, and +the _Memorial da Segunda Tavola Redonda_. The latter is an involved +romance of chivalry[383] which describes the adventures of the Knight +of the Crystal Arms, emulator of the Knights of the Round Table and +Amadis of Gaul. Each chapter commences with a brief sententious +reflection, from which the reader is plunged into mortal combats +of knights, centaurs, giants, and dragons. It begins by giving an +account of King Arthur, his disappearance, and the prosperous reign of +Sagramor. It ends with a vivid description of the tournament (August +5, 1552) at Enxobregas (= Xabregas) in which the ill-fated Prince João +was the principal figure. Barbosa Machado included among Ferreira de +Vasconcellos’ works _Triunfos de Sagramor em que se tratão os feitos +dos Cavalleiros da Segunda Tavola Redonda_ (Coimbra, 1554). A passage +in the _Memorial_[384] may have led to the belief that this was a +second part of the _Memorial_, of which the first known edition is +that of Coimbra, 1567, but from the preface[385] it appears that the +_Memorial_ _is_ the _Triunfos_. The title _Triunfos de Sagramor_ may +have been given to an earlier edition,[386] or it may have been the +title of the second half of the work. The author himself declares +that his story had been ‘presented’ to Prince João.[387] The editor +of _Ulysippo_ in 1618 says that the _Memorial_ had been printed at +least twice during the author’s lifetime.[388] Yet it is difficult +not to suspect that the date 1554 was a confusion with the year of +the death of the prince to whom the work was dedicated. The same +uncertainty, as we have seen, prevails as to the date of the first +edition of the author’s masterpiece _Eufrosina_. (He published his +plays anonymously, partly perhaps for the same reason that made him +insist that his characters represented no definite persons but types.) +The earliest edition that we have is that of Evora, 1561, that of +Coimbra, 1560, having disappeared, if it ever existed.[389] The words +on the title-page, _de nouo reuista & em partes acrecentada_, need +not imply more than that, as we know, the manuscript had circulated +among his friends: _por muitas mãos deuassa e falsa_. As a novelty, +_invençam noua nesta terra_, _Eufrosina_ with its proverbs and its +ingenious thoughts and phrases was appreciated in Portugal, whose +inhabitants were justifiably proud now to possess a _Celestina_ of +their own, a _Celestina_ with less action and rhetoric but more thought +and sentiment.[390] Quevedo was loud in its praises, Lope de Vega +perhaps quoted it,[391] its influence on the style of Mello and other +Portuguese writers is clear. It was a legitimate success and its modern +neglect is all the more deplorable because in this play the Portuguese +language, the richness, concision, and grace of which are exalted +in the preface, appears in its purest, raciest form. The author’s +vocabulary is immense, his sentences admirably vigorous and clear. +After heading the E’s in the _Index_ of 1581 (_Evphrosina_ simply, +without author) it was reprinted by the poet Rodriguez Lobo in 1616, +in a slightly modified form, shorn, that is, of some of the coarser +passages and of all reference to the Scriptures.[392] The style is not +the only merit of _Eufrosina_. Despite the lack of proportion in some +of the scenes, in which Jorge Ferreira proves himself to have been, +like Richardson, ‘a sorry pruner’ (four scenes out of the thirty-nine +constitute a quarter of the play), there is a certain unity in this +story of the love of the poor courtier Zelotipo de Abreu for Eufrosina, +proud and beautiful daughter of the rich _fidalgo_ D. Carlos, Senhor +das Povoas, in the little ancient university town above the green +waters and willows of Mondego. The numerous other persons are strictly +subordinate, and both scenes and characters are skilfully drawn. The +artificial construction, the convention by which emotion finds vent +in a string of classical allusions, scarcely mar the exceedingly +natural presentment of many of the scenes. Charming, for instance, is +that in which Eufrosina and her companion and friend Silvia de Sousa, +Zelotipo’s cousin, watch from the terrace of their house the river’s +gentle flow and along its bank the citizens and students taking the air +in the cool of the evening. The play contains as many characters as +a modern novel. There is Cariofilo, a gay good-hearted Don Juan; his +friend, the more serious Zelotipo, type of the Portuguese lover, the +_galante contemplativo_; D. Carlos, quick to anger but easily appeased; +the pedantic, unscrupulous Dr. Carrasco, whose conversation with D. +Carlos gives scope for a vigorous attack on the legal profession; +Silvia, who sacrifices her love and gives up to Eufrosina her cousin’s +verses that she had so carefully kept; the _moços_ Andrade and Cotrim, +greedy, timid, and talkative; the gentleman of Coimbra, Philotimo, a +wise and kindly man of the world. Other phases of Coimbra life are +shown in the _moças de rio_ and _de cantaro_, who fetch water or wash +clothes in the Mondego and metaphorically toss in a blanket Galindo, +the rich D. Tristão’s agent from Lisbon; in the love-lorn student with +his Latin, the morose and jealous workman Duarte, proud of his position +as _official_, the resolute goldsmith and his languid daughter Polinia, +the old servant Andresa and the merry servant girl Vitoria, and, most +prominent of all, Philtra the _alcoviteira_, deploring the wickedness +and degeneracy of the world and full of wise saws--the play contains +many hundreds. Eufrosina herself is first described by the lover--brow +of Diana, lips of Venus, limbs of Pallas, clear green eyes[393] of +Juno, quietly mirthful; then by his servant Andrade--the fairest thing +that ever he thought to see, fan in hand, the sleeves of her dress +like a ship at full sail[394]--so that we have an effective impression +of her beauty. Besides Coimbra life we obtain glimpses of that of the +Court at Lisbon and Almeirim in a letter from the courtier Crisandor, +of India in a very real and interesting letter from Silvia’s brother, +even of Cotrim’s native village. That the unity was not sacrificed to +these many by-scenes says much for the author’s skill. This praise +cannot be given to his second play written some ten years after the +first, _Ulysippo_ (1547?), for here the reader loses his way among the +many courses of true love. There are twenty-one _dramatis personae_, +but the principal interest is in the sketch of Constança d’Ornellas, +the hypocritical _beata_,[395] or, rather, that is the most original +part, since in the play as a whole there is a certain monotony after +_Eufrosina_, and many of the proverbs are the same.[396] Excellent +as the earlier play in its terse and idiomatic prose,[397] full of +interest in the insight it gives into the customs and life of the +people, its chief fault is the intricacy, or absence, of plot which +makes it difficult reading, and of course it would naturally please +less on its first appearance as being no longer a new thing. The +author, who knew how the Portuguese prized _novidades_, appears to have +been conscious of this, since his third play, _Aulegrafia_, written +perhaps in 1555,[398] and first published in 1619, was developed +on somewhat different lines. It is concerned, as its name implies, +exclusively with the Court, and the people and popular proverbs are +in abeyance. In its fifty scenes we are introduced to typical Court +ladies, noble _fidalgos_, poor gentlemen and their servants, one of +whom considers it _mais fidalgo nam saber ler_. The play is by its +author termed ‘a long treatise on Court manners’,[399] and as such it +is admirable and full of interest, however negligible it may be as +drama. Its style, moreover, even excels in atticism Ferreira’s other +works. The most remarkable character is that of the young (_menina +e moça_) and very wily aunt of Filomela. She is twice described in +detail (f. 46 and f. 153 v.), and we perceive that Philtra of the +people, the middle-class Constança d’Ornellas, and the aristocratic +Aulegrafia are really three persons and one spirit. In _Ulysippo_ one +of the lesser personages was the Spanish _Sevilhana_ (mentioned also in +_Eufrosina_), and here a boastful Spanish adventurer is introduced in +the person of Agrimonte de Guzman, who disdains to speak Portuguese. +The scene of both the later plays is Lisbon. The author drew from his +experience here, as previously at Coimbra, and often describes to +the life the persons that he had met. Scarcely any other writer gives +us so intimate an idea of the times--of this the latter heyday of +Portugal’s greatness--or of the gallant, lovesick, dreaming Portuguese, +who considers love as much a monopoly of his country as the ivory and +spices of India.[400] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[353] The disapproval of the popular drama is frequent in religious +writers. In the seventeenth century Antonio Vieira declared that +_uma das felicidades que se contava entre as do tempo presente era +acabarem-se as comedias em Portugal_. Feo earlier, in common with many +others, had similarly denounced the romances of chivalry _pelos quaes o +Demonio comvosco fala; livraria do diabo_ (_Tratt. Qvad._ (1619), ff. +156, 157). + +[354] One of them, João, _lavrador_, says: _Vimos ver se he assi ou nam +De hũa arremedaçam Que s’a ca d’arremedar.... Ora nos dizei se he assi +Que fazem ho ayto cá._ + +[355] e. g. Branca Janes says of her husband: + + He hum grão comedor, + Destruidor da fazenda, &c. + + +[356] Cf. _este leo ja Celestina_ (_Primeira Parte dos Avtos_, &c. +(1587), f. 44). + +[357] The student’s song on f. 44 v. and f. 46, _Polifema mi postema +Grande mal he querer bem_, parodies Lobeira’s _Leonoreta fin roseta_. + +[358] Ibid., f. 49. + +[359] _Primeira Parte dos Avtos_, f. 57: + + _Ro._ Senhor, se me dá licença, + Ja eu aquela trova li. + + _Os._ Qual trova leste? _Ro._ Essa sua, + Como a disse nua e crua. + + _Os._ E onde a leste, vilão? + + _Ro._ Cuido, señor, que em Boscão, + E canta-se pela rua. + + +[360] The Devil speaks both Portuguese and Spanish. All the other +characters in Prestes’ plays, with the exception of an enchanted Moor, +speak Portuguese. On the other hand, there are frequent Spanish words +and quotations. The word _algorrem_ occurs twice in these plays, but +the attempt to retain the old style of peasant conversation is but +half-hearted. + +[361] Duarte in the _Auto dos Cantarinhos_ sleeps on an _arca_ +(chest) like the _moço_ in _O Juiz da Beira_. There are other echoes +of Vicente, as the words _quem tem farelos?_ (1871 ed., p. 65), the +reference to _Flerida e Dom Duardos_ (p. 485), the line _Que má cousa +são vilãos_ (p. 420), the peasant who, like Mofina Mendes, builds up +his future on the strength of an apple of gold, which proves to be a +coal (pp. 407-8). + +[362] _Auto do Mouro Encantado_ (p. 347). Unless there was an earlier +edition of _Lazarillo de Tormes_, this play must therefore have been +written after 1554. Prestes’ _Auto do Procurador_ was written before +1557. + +[363] p. 262. For a corresponding knowledge of _Amadis de Gaula_, &c., +among English servants see Dr. Henry Thomas, _The Palmerin Romances_, +London, 1916, pp. 38-40. + +[364] _Alfea_ (ed. 1631), p. 59. The wonderful spelling is due to +the printer (e.g. _sesse_ = cease) as well as to the peasants (e.g. +_monteplica_ = multiply, _pialdrade_ = piety). + +[365] _Composto por A. D. S. R._ There is an earlier _Acto Sacramental +da Jornada do Menino Deus para o Egypto_ (1746). + +[366] It contains a dispute between Maize and Rye, after the very +popular fashion of the contention between Winter and Spring in +Vicente’s _Auto dos Quatro Tempos_, and the poetical contrasts common +in the Middle Ages and in the East, and still in vogue among the +_improvisatori_ of Basque villages, between wine and water, boots and +sandals, &c. + +[367] i.e. No. 3: _De hvm almotacel borracho_; No. 5: _Dos conselhos +de hvm letrado_ (a _ratinho_ figures in this, as a _ratiño_ figures in +No. 17); No. 6: _Do negro mais bem mandado_ (the _escudeiro’s moço_ +is here a negro who speaks in broken Portuguese, e.g. Zesu); No. 11: +_Dous cegos enganados_; No. 13: _Das padeiras de Lisboa_ (besides the +bakeresses there is a _meleiro_ (honey-seller), an _alheiro_ with his +_braços_ of leeks, an _azeiteiro_, &c.), and No. 25. The titles of +these plays sufficiently show their homely character. + +[368] Of its author we only know that he was _Ulysbonense_. The play +had many editions: 1747, 1758, 1789, 1853. + +[369] A priest of the same name wrote political and religious pamphlets +in the middle of the nineteenth century. + +[370] The _affronta de Dio_ is mentioned. It may have been written in +the same year as Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ _Eufrosina_. + +[371] In a letter sent with _Os Vilhalpandos_ to the Infante Duarte he +says that _ninguem que eu saiba_ had so written in Portuguese. + +[372] _A comedia qual he tal va, aldeaã e mal atauiada._ + +[373] A passage in _Aulegrafia_ (1555?) describes the dramatic death of +Antony as a new thing: _parece-me que o estou vendo_ (f. 129). + +[374] _Tragedia mvy sentida e elegante de Dona Inés de Castro ... Agora +nouamente acrescentada_ (31 ff. unnumbered). The one who published +_first_ was the most likely to be the thief. _Saudade_ is translated +_soledad_. + +[375] _Nesta Universidade ... onde pouco antes se viram outras que +a todas as dos antigas ou levam ou não dam ventagem._ _Bristo_ was +written _por só seu desenfadamento em certos dias de ferias e ainda +esses furtados ao estudo_. It is a _comedia mixta, a mor parte della +motoria_. + +[376] In _El Rei Seleuco_ the doctor and in _Filodemo_ the shepherd and +_bobo_ speak Spanish. + +[377] _Homem fidalgo mᵗᵒ cortezão & discretto_ (Rangel Macedo, +manuscript _Nobiliario_, in Lisbon _Bib. Nac._); _aquelle galante e +elegante cortesão Portugues_ (_licença_ of 1618 ed. of _Ulysippo_). + +[378] _As primicias do meu rustico engenho, que he a Comedia Eufrosina, +e foi ho primeiro fruito que delle colhi, inda bem tenrro._ + +[379] _Eufrosina_, ii. 5. + +[380] Discovered by General Brito Rebello in the Torre do Tombo and +printed in his _Gil Vicente_ (1902), p. 114. + +[381] _Orígenes de la Novela_, vol. iii, p. ccxxx. + +[382] Sousa de Macedo, in _Eva e Ave_ (1676 ed., p. 131), says that he +lived in the reign of King João and in the beginning of that of King +Sebastian, which confirms the date 1563 as that of his death. + +[383] Some of its heroes have geographical names, as King Tenarife of +the Canary Islands and the Spanish Moor Juzquibel, who now survives in +the name of the mountain that falls to the sea above Fuenterrabía. The +author shows considerable knowledge of the Basque country, and we may +perhaps infer that he was at the French Court and studied the Basque +provinces on the way. + +[384] 1867 ed., p. 21: _como se vee ao diante no triumpho del rey +Sagramor_. + +[385] _Nesta trasladação do triumpho del Rey Sagramor_, ibid., p. viii. + +[386] A vague tradition placed the 1554 edition in the Lisbon Torre do +Tombo, but inquiries in 1916 proved that nothing is known of it there. + +[387] _Ao esclarecido Principe ja apresentada_, ibid., p. vii. + +[388] _A primeira parte da Tabola redonda que pera a terceira impressão +emendou o Autor em sua vida_ (_Aduertencia ao leitor_). + +[389] Nicolás Antonio, whose information as to Portuguese books was +often far from accurate, says that there were several editions before +that of 1616, probably an erroneous deduction from the 1561 title-page. +The late Menéndez y Pelayo, who also made many slips in dealing with +Portuguese literature, declared that the 1560 edition was in the +British Museum, which, however, only possesses a (mutilated) copy of +the edition of Evora, 1561 (lacking the colophon with the date). Of the +1561 edition several copies exist, that of the Torre do Tombo, that in +the library of the late Snr. Francisco Van Zeller at Lisbon, and that +of the British Museum. + +[390] João de Barros, _Dialogo em lovvor da nossa lingvagem_ (1540), +wrote that the Portuguese language _parece nam consintir em si hũa tal +obra como Celestina_ (1785 ed., p. 222). + +[391] _La Filomena_, 1621 ed., p. 188. The quotation, if direct, was +from the 1561 edition, not that of 1616, in which part of the sentence +quoted is omitted, as in the Spanish translation first published ten +years later, in 1631. + +[392] They were considered out of place in a comedy. The Catalogue of +1581 condemns _todos os mais tratados onde se aplicam, vsurpam & torcem +as autoridades & sentenças da sancta escriptura a sentidos profanos, +graças, escarnios, fabulas, vaidades, lisonjarias, detracções, +superstições, encantações & semelhantes cousas_. The rules were carried +out most mechanically. + +[393] Green eyes are beloved by Portuguese writers for their rarity or +from an early mistaken rendering of the French _vair_ (e.g. Sylvia in +the sixteenth, Joaninha in the nineteenth century). The _glosadores_ +inclined to them on account of the second person of the infinitive ‘to +see’: _verdes_. + +[394] In Arraez, _Dialogos_ (1604), f. 311 v. fashionable women +_parecem ... velas de nao inchadas_. + +[395] In the first edition she had been called a _beata_. In that of +1618 she became merely a widow woman, _dona viuva_, but the editor +defeated the censor’s intentions by noting the change in the preface +and declaring that but for this she remained exactly the same as before. + +[396] Here the doctors, not the lawyers, are _conjurados contra o +mundo_. + +[397] Cf. the brief but eloquent praises of wine and of love. + +[398] One might be inclined to place it later were not the Infante Luis +(†November 27, 1555) still alive. + +[399] _Um largo discurso da cortesania vulgar_, f. 178 v. Cf. f. 5: +_pretende mostraruos ao olho o rascunho da vida cortesaã_. On f. 5 v. +it is called _esta selada_ _Portuguesa_. The courtiers spend all the +time they can spare from the pursuit of love in discussing the rival +merits of the _romance velho_ and new-fangled sonnet, of Boscán and +Garci Lasso, of Spanish and Portuguese, a line of a Latin poet, &c. + +[400] _O amor é portugues_ (_Aulegrafia_, f. 38 v.). + + + + + § 4 + + _Luis de Camões_ + + +The plays of LUIS DE CAMÕES (1524?-80) are in a sense typical of his +genius, for they show him combining two great currents of poetry, +the old indigenous and the classic new. A generation had sprung +up accustomed to wide horizons and heroic deeds, and poets and +historians regretted that there was no Homer or Virgil to describe them +adequately. Camões was not a Homer nor a Virgil, but he was a more +universal poet than Portugal had yet produced, and by reason of his +marvellous power of expression he triumphantly completed the revolution +which Sá de Miranda had tentatively begun. In a sense he was not a +great original poet, but in his style he was excelled by no Latin +poet of the Renaissance. The eager researches of modern scholars have +succeeded in piercing the obscurity that enveloped his life, although +many gaps and doubtful points remain. Four or five generations had +gone by since his ancestor Vasco Perez had passed out of the pages of +history,[401] and some of the intervening members of the family had +also won distinction, but Camões’ father, Simão Vaz de Camões, was a +poor captain of good position (_cavaleiro fidalgo_) who was shipwrecked +near Goa and died there soon after the poet was born in 1524. Through +his grandmother, Guiomar Vaz da Gama, he was distantly related to the +celebrated Gamas of Algarve. His mother, Anna de Sá e Macedo, belonged +to a well-known family of Santarem.[402] Whether he was born at Lisbon +or Coimbra is still uncertain. His great-grandfather had settled at +Coimbra. That Camões studied there scarcely admits of doubt. He alludes +to it in his poems, and nowhere else in Portugal could he have received +his thorough classical education. In the year 1542 or 1543 he went to +Lisbon. The exact dates of events in his life during the next ten years +are difficult to determine, but the events themselves are clear enough. +His birth and talents assured him a ready welcome in the capital. +Whether he became tutor to D. Antonio de Noronha, son of the Conde de +Linhares (the Portuguese ambassador whom Moraes accompanied to Paris), +or not, he soon had many friends and was probably received at Court. +Referring later to this time he is said to have spoken of himself as +_cheo de muitos favores_, and in this popularity he wrote a large +number of his exquisite _redondilhas_ and also sonnets, odes, eclogues, +and the three _autos_. But Camões had fallen passionately in love with +a lady-in-waiting of the queen, Catherina de Athaide.[403] Tradition +has it that he first saw her in church on a Good Friday (1544?). We may +surmise that Natercia’s parents objected to the suit of the penniless +_cavaleiro fidalgo_, and that Camões pressed his suit on them with more +vehemence than discretion. He was banished from Court, and spent six +months in the Ribatejo (Santarem) and two years in military service in +North Africa (Ceuta). He admits that he had been in the wrong, but not +seriously so, and hints that envy had played its part in his downfall. +It is probable that his play _El Rei Seleuco_ had given a handle to +the enemies that his growing reputation as a poet had made. It must +be confessed that its subject was tactless, for in the play the king +gives up his bride to his son, which could easily be interpreted as +a reflection on the conduct of the late King Manuel, who had married +his son’s bride. The two years in Africa passed slowly. In a letter +(_Esta vae com a candea na mão_) he describes sadness eating away his +heart as a moth a garment, and it was with his thoughts in Lisbon that +he took part from time to time in skirmishes against the Moors, in +one of which he lost his right eye. Hard blows, scanty provisions, +and no chance of enriching oneself as in India were the features of +military service in North Africa, and when Camões returned to Lisbon +his prospects contrasted sharply with those which had been his when he +first came from the University a few years before. He was now nearly +thirty,[404] disfigured by the loss of an eye and embittered by the +turn his fortunes had taken. He no longer looked on life from the +inside, gazing contentedly at the show from the windows of privilege, +but was himself in the arena. For the school of Sá de Miranda he had +probably never felt much sympathy, considering it too severe and +artificial. He wished to live and enjoy, and although the patronage of +literary Prince João may have encouraged him to hope for better times, +he meanwhile set himself to sample life as best he might, associating +with rowdy companions (_valentões_), who brought out the Cariofilo +side of his character at the expense of the contemplative Zelotipo. +Whether he had intended to embark for India in 1550, or this be a pure +invention on the part of Faria e Sousa, it is certain that he was still +in Lisbon on June 16, 1552. On that day the Corpus Christi procession +passed through the principal streets. In the crowded Rocio Camões was +drawn into a quarrel with a Court official, Gonçalo Borges, and wounded +him with a sword-cut on the head. For nearly nine months Camões lay +in prison, and then, Borges having recovered and bearing no malice, +he was pardoned[405] (March 7, 1553) and released, but only on the +understanding that he would leave Portugal to serve the king in India. +Before the end of the month he had embarked in the ship _S. Bento_. +Hitherto he had hoped against hope for an improvement in his lot; now +he went, he says, as one who leaves this world for the next, and with +the words _Ingrata patria, non possidebis ossa mea_,[406] turned his +back on the calumnies and intrigues of Lisbon. In one of his finest +elegies[407] he described the voyage, a storm off the Cape of Good +Hope, and the arrival at Goa in September 1553. The voyage was full of +interest to him, and he made good use of it, becoming what Humboldt +called him--a great painter of the sea[408]--but so far as comfort +was concerned he fared probably much as would a modern emigrant. His +disillusion at Goa is poignantly described in a letter[409] written +soon after his arrival. He found it ‘the stepmother of all honest men’, +money the only god and passport, and he sends a note of warning to +_aventureiros_ in Portugal eager to make their fortune in India. We +know from the bitter pages of Couto and Corrêa how difficult it was +for a private soldier to thrive there, and the position of a _reinol_ +newly arrived from Portugal was precarious. Camões joined a few weeks +later (November 1553) in a punitive expedition along the coast of +Malabar against the King of Chembe, and in 1554 probably accompanied D. +Fernando de Meneses in a second expedition to Monte Felix or Guardafui +(Ras ef Fil), the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. After his three years’ +service (1553-6) he continued to live at Goa. He had found time to +write poetry, and sent home a sonnet and an eclogue on the death of +his friend D. Antonio de Noronha. His play _Filodemo_ was acted, +probably in the winter of 1555, before the popular Governor Francisco +Barreto, who provided him with the post of _Provedor Môr dos Defuntos e +Ausentes_ (i. e. trustee for the property of dead or absent Portuguese) +at Macao. Whether his satiric verses had anything to do with the +appointment we do not know--some have maintained that the Portuguese +of Goa appreciated his poetical powers best at a distance--but it is +more probable that his appointment was a favour, since every post in +India was eagerly coveted, and it was a kinder action to give him a +comparatively humble one at once than the reversion to a more lucrative +office, filled thrice or even ten times over by the deplorable system +of ‘successions’.[410] He set sail in the spring of 1556, and after +touching at Malacca, arrived at the Molucca Islands, the most lawless +region in India. Camões himself, according to Storck, was wounded +about this time, but in a fight at sea, not in one of the chronic +broils at Ternate or Tidore. In 1557 or 1558 he reached Macao, but +two years later he was relieved of his post owing to a quarrel with +the settlers, whose part was taken by the captain of the silver and +silk ship passing from Goa to China. On his authority Camões was sent +to Goa, protesting against _o injusto mando_, which was a common fate +of officials in India. He was shipwrecked off the coast of Tongking, +lost all his possessions, and arrived penniless and perhaps in +debt at Goa in 1560 or 1561. To these four or five chequered years +are ascribed the wonderful _quintilhas_, the most beautiful in the +language, _Sobolos rios que vam_, which may owe something to Vicente’s +admirable paraphrase of Psalm l, the _canção Com força desusada_, the +_oitavas Como nos vossos_, and the completion of the first six books +of the _Lusiads_. Soon after his return he was probably imprisoned +for debt, but was released, probably at the instance of the Viceroy, +D. Francisco Coutinho, Conde de Redondo, to whom Camões addressed his +first printed poem, the ode in Orta’s _Coloquios_ (1563). Camões’ +thoughts must have now more than ever turned homeward. Fortune had +danced tantalizingly before him, holding out hopes which broke as +glass in his hands whenever he attempted to seize them.[411] Of his +life between 1564 and 1567 we know nothing. He did not occupy the +post of factor of Chaul, the reversion to which indeed he may perhaps +only have received after his return to Portugal. He was eager to get +home. In 1567 he accompanied Pedro Barreto to Mozambique, glad to get +even so far on the return voyage. There poverty and illness delayed +him till 1569, when through the generosity and in the company of some +friends, among whom was the historian Couto, he was able to embark for +Portugal. They reached Lisbon in April, 1570.[412] Sixteen years had +passed. The popular, impulsive, talented youth returned middle-aged, +poverty-stricken, and unknown. Antonio de Noronha and many others of +his friends were dead. Catherina de Athaide had died in 1556 (although +she may have continued to receive Camões’ rapt devotion as the dead +Beatrice that of Dante), Prince João, hope and patron of poets, two +years earlier. The plague, to which nearly half the city’s population +had succumbed, had only recently abated, and Camões may have witnessed +the thanksgiving procession in Lisbon on April 20, 1570. Modern critics +have even denied him the only consolation which probably remained to +him in the _patria esquiva a quem se mal aproveitou_[413], but there +seems no reason to reject the tradition that his mother was alive; in +fact she survived him and continued to receive the pension of 15,000 +_réis_[414] granted him from 1572 till his death on Friday, June 10, +1580. It was a sum barely sufficient to support life, and it was not +always regularly paid, so that he is reported to have been in the +habit of saying that he would prefer to his pension a whip for the +responsible officials (_almoxarifes_). Tradition, to the indignation of +reasonable historians, loves to represent a faithful Javanese slave, +who had accompanied Camões to Europe, begging for his master in the +streets of Lisbon. Camões did not go with King Sebastian to Africa. +He may have been already ill when the expedition set out in June +1578--the plague soon began again to ravage Lisbon, and long years +of suffering and disappointment must have sapped his strength. Two +years later his life of heroic endurance, in patience of the _juizos +incognitos de Deos_,[415] ended. He was perhaps buried in a common +grave with other victims of the plague.[416] Long absence had served +to strengthen his love for his _patria ditosa amada_, and the news +from Africa left him no heart to battle against disease, content, as +he wrote to the Captain-General of Lamego, to die with his country, +with which his name has ever since been intimately linked. Couto and +Mariz agree that he brought _Os Lusiadas_ with him virtually complete +on his return to Portugal. It was published through the influence of +the poet D. Manuel de Portugal in 1572. Camões has often been called +the prince of heroic poets, but it is noteworthy that Faria e Sousa +in 1685 says that ‘all have hitherto, especially in Spain, considered +him greater as a lyric than as an heroic poet’.[417] _Os Lusiadas_ +rather than an epic is a great lyrical hymn in praise of Portugal, +with splendid episodes such as the descriptions of the death of +Inés, the battle of Aljubarrota, the storm, Adamastor, the Island of +Venus. Apart from the style, its originality consists in the skill +with which in a poem but half the length of Tasso’s _Gerusalemme +Liberata_ and a fifth of Ariosto’s _Orlando Furioso_ the poet works +in the entire history of his country. It is this which gives unity +to his ten cantos of _oitavas_, this and the wonderfully transparent +flow of the verse, which carries the reader over many weaknesses and +inequalities of detail. It is a nobler poem than the crowded garden +of flowers in a high wind that is the _Orlando Furioso_, and at once +more human and intense than the _Gerusalemme Liberata_. Camões, with a +wonderful memory and intimate knowledge of the legends of Greece and +Rome, read everything, and we find him gathering his material from +all sides[418] like a bird in spring, from a Latin treatise of the +antiquarian Resende, from the historians Duarte Galvão, Pina, Lopez, +Barros, or Castanheda, or literally translating lines of Virgil, as +in his shorter poems he imitated Petrarca, Garci Lasso, and Boscán. +Tasso used the _mot juste_ when in a sonnet addressed to Camões he +called him _dotto e buon Luigi_.[419] If, as seems probable, he had +early wished to sing the deeds of the Portuguese, the first volumes of +Castanheda and Barros must have been an incentive as powerful as the +destiny which made him personally acquainted with the scenes of Gama’s +voyage and of the Portuguese victories in the East. It seems probable +that cantos iii and iv, containing the early history of Portugal, +were already written, and that around them he wove the epic grandeur +revealed in the histories of the discovery of India. The poem opens +with an invocation to the nymphs of the Tagus and to King Sebastian, +and then, in a wonderful stanza of the sea (_Já no largo oceano +navegavam_, i. 19), Gama’s ships are shown in mid-voyage. The gods of +Olympus take sides, and Venus protects the daring adventurers in seas +never crossed before, while Mars stirs up the natives of Mozambique +and of Mombaça to treachery (i-ii). In contrast to the natives farther +south, the King of Melinde receives them with loyal friendship, and +Gama rewards him by relating the history of Portugal (iii-iv). He then +continues his voyage, and after weathering a terrible storm brewed by +Bacchus, arrives at Calicut (v-vi). After a visit to the Samori (the +King of Calicut), the Catual (the Governor) accompanies Gama on board, +and Paulo da Gama explains to him the warlike deeds of the Portuguese +embroidered on the silken banners of the ships (vii-viii). On the +return voyage they are entertained by Tethys and her nymphs in the +island of Venus, supposed to be one of the Azores (ix-x), and the poem +ends with a second invocation to King Sebastian (x. 145-56). Thus the +time of the poem occupies a little over two years (July 1497-September +1499). Into this the previous four centuries had been ingeniously +worked, but in order to include the sixteenth century fresh devices +were adopted, by which Jupiter (canto ii), Adamastor (v), and Tethys +(x) foretell the future. Almost every land and city connected with +Portuguese history finds a place in the poem. Small wonder that it was +well received by the Portuguese, combining as it did intense patriotism +with hundreds of exotic names. The extraordinary number of 12,000 +copies is said to have been printed within a quarter of a century of +Camões’ death,[420] and by 1624 the sale had increased to 20,000 and +his fame had spread throughout the world. It would have been still +stranger if the _murmuradores maldizentes_ had been silent. As early as +1641 we find a critic, João Soares de Brito (1611-64), defending Camões +against the charges of plagiarizing Virgil and of improbabilities of +time and place.[421] Not every one apparently was of the opinion of the +Conde de Idanha, who considered that the only fault of the _Lusiads_ +was that it was too long to learn by heart and too short to be able to +go on reading it for ever. Montesquieu found in it something of ‘the +fascination of the Odyssey and the magnificence of the Aeneid’, and +Voltaire, while objecting to its _merveilleux absurde_, adds: ‘Mais la +poésie du style et l’imagination dans l’expression l’ont soutenu, de +même que les beautés de l’exécution ont placé Paul Véronèse parmi les +grands peintres.’ + +In 1820 appeared José Agostinho de Macedo’s _Censura dos Lusiadas_, in +which he noted with some asperity Camões’ _erros crassissimos_. Prosaic +lines, hyperbole, the use of the supernatural, lack of proportion,[422] +absence of unity, and historical improbabilities are the main heads +of his indictment, and he quotes Racine as to Camões’ ‘icy style’. +He also has much petty detailed criticism, for he finds in Camões a +_notavel falta de grammatica_. And Macedo was certainly right. Most of +the faults he attributes to Camões do exist in the _Lusiads_. Macedo +himself could write more correctly. When he says that the line _Somos +hum dos da ilha, lhe tornou_ (i. 53) is unpoetical (_não tem tintura +de poesia_), we agree; it is sheer prose. We can add other instances: +the line _as que elle para si na cruz tomou_ (i. 7) is as unmusical as +the rhyming of _Heliogabalo_, _Sardanapalo_ (iii. 92), or _impossibil_, +_terribil_ (iv. 54). Only Macedo forgot that genius is justified of its +children, and that these details are all merged in the incomparable +style, imaginative power, and lofty theme of the poem. If a man is +unable to feel the heat of the sun for its spots, we will vainly try +to warm or enlighten him, but it is not pedantic grammarians such as +Macedo[423] who could obscure the fame of Camões. That could only +be done by those whom Macedo calls _os idolatras camoneanos_. Lope +de Vega[424] effusively professed to place the _Lusiads_ above the +_Aeneid_ and the _Iliad_, and Camões’ fellow-countrymen have eagerly +followed suit. He has also suffered much at the hands of translators. +Since the _Lusiads_ is clearly not the equal of the _Iliad_ or the +_Odyssey_, it may be worth while to consider by what reasons Camões +really is one of the world’s greatest poets. There is celestial music +in much that he wrote, in incidents of the _Lusiads_ such as the death +of Inés de Castro,[425] in his eclogues and _canções_ and elegies, in +many of the sonnets, and in the _redondilhas_, most of all perhaps in +the seventy-three heavenly _quintilhas_ beginning _Sobolos rios que +vam_. But other Portuguese poets have been musical; Diogo Bernardez in +this respect vies with Camões: Camões excels them all in the vigour +and transparent clearness that accompany his music. But his principal +excellence is that, still without losing the music of his _versos +deleitosos_, he can think in verse[426]--the thought in some of his +elegies and _oitavas_ is remarkable--and describe with scientific +precision, as in the account of the _tromba_ (_Lus._ v. 19-22). Like +Milton, he could transform an atlas into a fair harmony of names. His +influence on the Portuguese language has been very great. Whether it +was wholly for good may be open to doubt--a doubt mentioned by one of +his earliest biographers, Severim de Faria, in 1624. The _Lusiads_, +he says, ‘greatly enriched the Portuguese language by ingeniously +introducing many new words and expressions which then came into +common use, although some severe critics have censured him for this, +considering the use of latinized forms a defect in his poem’.[427] +An inch farther than he went in this direction, or in that of _furia +grande e sonorosa_, and _estilo grandiloquo_, would have been an inch +too far, and subsequent writers did not always observe his restraint, +the sobriety due to his classical education. But his poem certainly +helped to fix the language, and he cannot be blamed for the excesses of +his followers, or for a change which had begun before his time.[428] + +Couto records the theft of the _Parnaso_ in which Camões was collecting +his lyrics with a view to publishing them. He must have written many +more lyrics than we possess, but even so the number existing is not +small. Successive editors have added to them from time to time, and +often clumsily. Faria e Sousa, a century after Camões’ death, declared +that he had added 200, and, while upbraiding Diogo Bernardez for +his _robos_, was himself the thief. Camões might have been somewhat +surprised to find in the first edition of his lyrics (1595) two poems +which had been in print in the _Cancioneiro de Resende_ eight years +before he was born. This 1595 edition contained but 65 sonnets, but +their number grew to 108 (1598), 140 (1616), 229 (1668), 296 (1685), +352 (1860), 354 (1873). D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos has +already contributed much towards a critical edition, and it is to +be hoped that before long it may be possible to read the genuine +lyrics of Camões in a complete edition by themselves.[429] That would +certainly cause him to be more widely read abroad. It is perhaps +inevitable that a comparison should arise between Camões and Petrarca +(although it must be remembered that they are separated by two +centuries), yet he would be an extremely bold or extremely ignorant +critic who should place the one of them above the other. In genius +they were equal, but a different atmosphere acted on their genius, the +artistic atmosphere of Italy and the natural atmosphere of Portugal. +Petrarca was the more scholarly writer, so that if he perhaps never +attains to the rapturous heights occasionally reached by Camões, he +also keeps himself from the blemishes which sometimes disfigure Camões’ +work. Camões’ life was far more varied, many-coloured as an Alentejan +_manta_,[430] and this is reflected in his poems. Intensely human, he +is swayed by many moods, while Petrarca is merged in the narrower flame +of his love. Petrarca excels him in the sonnet, for although many of +those by Camões are beautiful, and nearly all contain some beautiful +passage, he was not really at his ease in this scanty plot of ground. +His genius required a larger canvas for its expression. The following +lines from his long and magnificent _canção Vinde cá_ are worth quoting +because they triumphantly display many of the noblest characteristics +of his poetry: + + No mais, canção, no mais, que irei fallando, + Sem o sentir, mil annos; e se acaso + Te culparem de larga e de pesada, + Não pode ser, lhe dize, limitada + A agoa do mar em tão pequeno vaso. + Nem eu delicadezas vou cantando + Co’ gosto do louvor, mas explicando + Puras verdades ja por mi passadas: + Oxalá foram fabulas sonhadas! + +Here we see the force and precision, the amazing ease and rapidity, the +crystalline transparency, the sad _saudade_, and above all the deep +sincerity that mark so much of his work. Both Petrarca and Camões are +representative of their country, the latter not only in his poems, in +which almost every Portuguese hero is included, but in his character +and his life. In his wit and melancholy, his love of Nature, his +passionate devotion, his persistency and endurance, his independence +and sensitive pride, in his lyrical gift and power of expression, in +his courage and ardent patriotism, he is the personification and ideal +of the Portuguese nation. + +Many of Camões’ friends were also lyric poets, but their poems +have mostly vanished. One of them, Luis Franco Corrêa, compiled a +_cancioneiro_ of contemporary poems which still exists in manuscript. +A few later poets, chiefly pastoral, have already been mentioned, but +after Camões’ death the star of lyric poetry waned and set, and the +only compensation was a brilliant noonday in the realm of prose. Camões +was a learned poet, but he also plunged both hands in the songs and +traditions of the people. The later poets withdrew themselves more and +more from this perennial spring of poetical images and expression, till +at last in the ripeness of time Almeida Garrett turned to it again for +inspiration, even Bocage, devoted admirer of Camões though he was, +having neglected this side of his genius, as was inevitable in the +eighteenth century. + +Epic poetry scarcely fared better than the lyric, despite a hundred +honest efforts to eclipse the _Lusiads_. A favourite legend of +Portuguese and other folk-lore tells how the step-daughter comes from +the fairies’ dwelling speaking flowers for words or with a star on her +forehead, but her envious half-sister, who then visits the fairies, +returns uttering mud and toads or with an ass’s head. If the epic poems +of those who emulated the fame of Camões are something better than mud +they nevertheless fail for the most part lamentably in that inspiration +which Portuguese history might have been expected to give. + + Alguns (misera gente) inutilmente + Compõem grandes Iliadas, + +wrote Diniz da Cruz (_O Hyssope_, canto 1). The epic-fever had not +abated even in the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Madeira +poet Francisco de Paula Medina e Vasconcellos (_c._ 1770-1824) alone +wrote two: _Zargueida_ (1806), _Georgeida_ (1819); and José Agostinho +de Macedo in his _Motim Literario_ imagines himself at the mercy of a +poet with an epic in sixty cantos entitled _Napoleada_, and himself +became the mock-hero of one in nine: _Agostinheida_ (Londres, 1817), +written by his unfortunate opponent Nuno Alvares Pereira Pato Moniz +(1781-1827). The strange poet of Setubal, Thomaz Antonio de Santos e +Silva (1751-1816), published a _Braziliada_ in twelve cantos in 1815. +Of the earlier epics Camillo Castello Branco wrote sarcastically: ‘They +contain impenetrable mysteries of dullness and inspire a sacred awe, +but they are the conventional glory of our literary history, untouched +and intangible.’[431] + +Of the two long epic poems of JERONIMO CORTE REAL (_c._ 1530-1590?): +_Svcesso do Segvndo Cerco de Div_ (1574) and _Naufragio, e Lastimoso +Svcesso da Perdiçam de Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda_, &c. (1594), we +may perhaps say that they are excellent prose. He dwells more than once +upon the inconstancy of fortune, and this may be something more than a +platitude. Of his life little is known. He is by some believed to have +been born in the Azores in 1533. A document in the possession of the +Visconde de Esperança shows that he died before May 12, 1590. He may +have been a musician as well as a poet and a painter. It is probable, +but not certain, that he accompanied King Sebastian to Alcacer Kebir +and was taken prisoner. Faria e Sousa says that he was too old to go. +After varied service by land and sea he wrote these poems when living +in retirement on his estate near Evora, and his own experiences stood +him in good stead for his descriptions, which are often not without +life and vigour, as the account of the battle in canto 18 of the +_Segundo Cerco de Diu_, or of the storm in canto 7 of the _Naufragio_. +The former poem records the famous defence of Diu by D. João de +Mascarenhas and its relief by D. João de Castro (1546), in whose mouth +is placed a long and tedious speech. The last two cantos (21, 22) are +tacked on to the main theme and occupy more than a quarter of the +whole. They tell from paintings the deeds of past captains and prophesy +future events and the ‘golden reign’ of King Sebastian. The prophetic +vision, although it included a generation beyond the nominal date of +the poem (1546), did not extend to the battle of Alcacer Kebir (1578). +The hendecasyllables of the blank verse have an exceedingly monotonous +fall and the lines merge prosaically into one another.[432] The use +of adjectives is excessive, and generally there is an inclination +to multiply words without adding to the force of the picture.[433] +The same plethora of epithets, elaborate similes, and slow awkward +development of the story mark the seventeen cantos--some 10,000 lines +of blank verse, with some tercets and _oitavas_--which constitute the +_Naufragio_. In cantos 13 and 14 a learned man tells from sculptures +the history of the Portuguese kings, from Afonso I to Sebastian. The +remaining cantos have a more lively interest, ending with the death of +D. Lianor in canto 17, but the poet could not resist the temptation +to round off with an anticlimax, in which Phoebus, Proteus, and Pan +make lamentation. His short _Auto dos Quatro Novissimos do Homem_ +(1768) in blank verse is written with some intensity, but the style is +the same.[434] His _Austriada_, composed to commemorate Don John of +Austria’s _felicissima victoria_[435] of Lepanto, consists of fifteen +cantos in Spanish blank verse. + +LUIS PEREIRA BRANDÃO, born at Oporto about 1540, was present at Alcacer +Kebir, and after his release from captivity is said to have worn +mourning for the rest of his life. That later generations might also +suffer, his epic _Elegiada_ (1588)--in spite of his professed _temor +de ser prolixo_--was published in eighteen cantos. Beginning with +the early years of King Sebastian, it recounts the king’s dreams and +ambitions, his first expedition to Africa, and the later disastrous +adventure. Not even the story of D. Lianor de Sousa (canto 6) nor the +excessively detailed description of the battle of Alcacer Kebir (canto +17) rouses the poet from his implacable dullness. The defects of his +style have perhaps been exaggerated, but it is certainly inferior to +that of Andrade, with whom he shares the inability to distinguish a +poem from a history. The introduction of contemporary events in India +(cantos 6, 10, 14), however legitimate in a history, is singularly out +of place in an epic. + +If the author of the history of King João III’s reign, FRANCISCO DE +ANDRADE (_c._ 1535-1614), brother of the great Frei Thomé de Jesus, +regarded his epic _O Primeiro Cerco ... de Diu_ (1589) merely as a +supplementary chapter of that history, we can only regret that he did +not write it in prose. It is a straightforward account, in excellent +Portuguese, of the first siege of Diu (1538), but _oitava_ follows +prosaic _oitava_ with a relentless wooden tread, maintaining the same +level of mediocrity throughout and rendering it unreadable as poetry. +The author begins by imploring divine favour that his song may be +adequate to his subject (i. 1-3). It is only when he has passed his +two-thousandth stanza that he expresses some diffidence as to whether +his ‘fragile bark’ was well equipped for so long a voyage, but he +consoles himself, if not his reader, with the sincere conviction that +his rude verse cannot detract from the greatness of the deeds which he +describes (xx. 1-6). + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[401] _Seu quarto avò foi um Gallego nobre_ (Diogo Camacho, _Jornada ás +Cortes do Parnaso_). + +[402] Dr. Wilhelm Storck, the author of the most elaborate life of +Camões in existence, considered that the words _quando vim da materna +sepultura_ in one of Camões’ poems could only mean that his mother +(Anna de Macedo) died at his birth, and that he was survived by Anna de +Sá, his stepmother. It may have been so, but there is not a scrap of +evidence in favour of the theory nor were the words _materna sepultura_ +anything more than a conventional phrase. Cf. Antonio Feo, _Trattados +Quadragesimais_ (1609), pt. 1, f. 2: _Como Nazianzeno diz ... e tumulo +prosiliens ad tumulum iterum contendo, em nacendo saimos de hũa +sepultura que foi as entranhas da mãi e morrendo entramos noutra._ So +Pinto, _Imagem_, pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 342 v.: _tornar nu ao ventre de +sua mãi, o qual é a sepultura da terra_, and Bernardes, _Nov. Flor._ i. +122: _A terra e nossa mãe, de cujo tenebroso ventre que é a sepultura_, +&c. + +[403] She may have been a distant relation of the poet’s: the name was +a common one, but Camões was connected with the Gamas, and the wife +and granddaughter of the first Conde de Vidigueira were both named +Catherina de Athaide. + +[404] According to Dr. Storck he was banished in 1549, and in the same +year, after the sentence of banishment had been commuted to service +in Africa, left Portugal, returning to Lisbon in the autumn of 1551. +Others believe that he was in Lisbon again in 1550 and that his two +years in Africa must be placed between 1546 and 1549. + +[405] The important document containing his pardon is printed in +Juromenha’s edition of his works, i. 166-7. + +[406] This quotation is assigned to various other persons, as to Nuno +da Cunha when arranging that he should be buried at sea. + +[407] _O poeta Simonides fallando._ + +[408] Cf. _Lus._ i. 19, 43; ii. 20, 67; v. 19-22; vi. 70-9. + +[409] _Desejei tanto._ + +[410] Couto, in the _Dialogo do Soldado Pratico_, remarks that if a +man is given a post at the age of twenty he only receives it at the +age of sixty (p. 99). The soldier, who wishes _ter logo em tres annos +vinte mil cruzados_, suggests, among other posts for himself, that of +_Provedor dos Defuntos: porque com qualquer destes ficarei mui bem +remediado_. To which the _Desembargador_ objects: _he necessario que +quem houver de servir esses cargos seja letrado e visto em ambos os +Direitos_. + +[411] _Vinde cá._ It is advisable to give the first words of his poems +without the number until there is a definitive edition of his works. + +[412] It is uncertain whether Camões’ ship was the _Santa Clara_ or the +_Fe_. + +[413] Barros, _Decada_, III. ix. 1. + +[414] It is about the sum (apart from any grant of _pimenta_) which +a common soldier on active service might earn in India (see Barros, +I. viii. 3: 1,200 × 12 = 14,400); _environ huit cents livres de notre +monnoie d’aujourd’hui_ (Voltaire). It would scarcely correspond to more +than £50 of to-day. + +[415] _Lus._ V. 45. + +[416] Prophetically he had echoed (_Lus._ X. 23) the complaint of the +historians of India: _Morrer nos hospitaes em pobres leitos Os que ao +Rei e á lei servem de muro_. + +[417] _Todos hasta oy, y principalmente en Castilla, tuvieron siempre +a mi Maestre por mayor en estes Poemas que en el Heroyco_ (_Varias +Rimas_, Prólogo, 2 vols., 1685, 1689). Cf. the praise of his _versos +pequenos_ in Severim de Faria, _Vida_, p. 121. + +[418] See the important work by Dr. Rodrigues: _As Fontes dos Lusiadas_ +(1904-1913). Cf. Camões’ _Vão os annos decendo_ (x. 9) and _Leal +Conselheiro_ (cap. 1, p. 18), where the words are used in the same +connexion. With Virgil he was obviously acquainted at first hand, with +Homer perhaps in the translation of the Florentine scholar Lorenzo +Valla (1405-57). In _As Fontes dos Lusiadas_ is also discussed the +origin of the word Lusiads, as by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos +in _O Instituto_, vol. lii (1905), pp. 241-50: _Lucius Andreas +Resendius Inventor da palavra Lusiadas_. It was one of the Latin words +acclimatized by Camões. It occurs in a Latin poem by André de Resende, +_Vicentius Levita et Martyr_ (1545), and in his _Encomium Erasmi_ +written, but not published, in 1531; in a Latin poem by Jorge Coelho, +perhaps written in 1526 but touched up before its publication in 1536; +and is twice used by Manuel da Costa (in and about 1537). + +[419] The word is undoubtedly _dotto_ in the facsimile of the text +given in Antonio de Portugal de Faria, _Torquato Tasso a Luiz de +Camões_ (Leorne, 1898) although there, as always, it has been +transcribed as _colto_. Diogo Bernardez calls Tasso _culto_, perhaps +mistaking the reference in Garci Lasso, whose _culto Taso_ is not +Torquato but Bernardo. Lope de Vega called Camões _divino_ and reserved +_docto_ for Corte Real. + +[420] His works are _ja muitas vezes impressas_ in 1594. In 1631 +Alvaro Ferreira de Vera speaks of twelve Portuguese editions (_Breves +Lovvores_, f. 87). + +[421] _Apologia em qve defende_, &c. (1641). + +[422] The instance he gives is the long story of _Magriço e os Doze de +Inglaterra_ (vi), which he admits is in itself very fine. + +[423] One of the best instances of his pedantry is his comment on +the lines _E tu, nobre Lisboa, que no mundo Facilmente das outras +es princesa_. The ordinary reader is content to understand ‘cities’ +after _outras_. But no, says Macedo, you can only understand Lisbons. +Princess of all the other Lisbons! + +[424] _Laurel de Apolo: Postrando Eneidas y venciendo Iliadas._ + +[425] Even here some of the lines are a literal translation of Virgil, +but if we compare + + Para o ceo crystallino alevantando + Com lagrimas os olhos piadosos, + Os olhos, porque as mãos, &c., + +with the passage + + Ad coelum tendens, &c., + +it is not at all clear that the picture of the older poet is more +beautiful than that of _il lusiade Maro_. + +[426] He is thus an exception to Macedo’s axiom in the _Motim +Literario_ that Portuguese poets (most of whom, it must be admitted, +are, like Byron, children in thought) either have _versos sem cousas_ +or _cousas sem versos_. + +[427] _Discursos politicos varios_ (1624), f. 117: _& com esta +obra ficou enriquecida grandemente a lingua Portuguesa; porque lhe +deu muitos termos nouos & palauras bem achadas que depois ficárão +perfeitamente introducidas. Posto que nesta parte não deixárão algũs +escrupulosos de o condenar, julgandolhe por defeito as palauras +alatinadas que vsou no seu poema._ + +[428] Cf. Fr. Manuel do Sepulchro, _Reflexão Espiritual_ (1669): _Não +ha duvida que maior mudança fez a lingua Portuguesa nos primeiros vinte +annos do reinado de D. Manuel que em cento e cincoenta annos dahi +para ca_. Barros, however, in his _Dialogo em lovvor_ (1540), says +latinization had not yet begun: _se o nos usáramos_. + +[429] The authorship of the fine sonnets _Horas breves do meu +contentamento_ (attributed to Camões, Bernardez, the Infante Luis, +&c.) and _Formoso Tejo meu, quam differente_ (attributed to Camões, +Rodriguez Lobo, &c.) is still under dispute. + +[430] _Filodemo_, v. 3. + +[431] _Os Ratos da Inquisição_, Preface, p. 97. + +[432] e. g. _D. Alvaro de Castro e D. Francisco De Meneses_, or _hum +grave Prudente capitam_. + +[433] e. g. _valor, esforço e valentia; mar sereno e calmo; abundosa +e larga vea; a dura defensa rigurosa; açoutando e batendo_. The line +often consists of three adjectives and a noun. + +[434] Between Corte Real’s _cruel molesto duro mortal frio_ and Dante’s +_eterna maladetta fredda e greve_ (_Inf._ vi) is all the difference +between a heap of loose stones and a shrine. The conception of the +_Auto_, especially the third _novissimo_, _que he o Inferno_, was no +doubt derived from Dante. + +[435] These are the first words of the original title of the poem +(1578). + + + + + § 5 + + _The Historians_ + + +It was a proud saying of a Portuguese _seiscentista_ that the +Portuguese discoveries silenced all other histories.[436] Certainly +this was so in the case of the history of Portugal, which was neglected +while writer after writer recorded the history of the Portuguese in +India. Nor need we quarrel with a vogue which has preserved for us so +many striking pictures in which East and West clash without meeting, +new countries are continually opening to our view, and heroism and +adventure go hand in hand. Sometimes the pages of these historians +seem all aglow with precious stones, emeralds from Peru, turquoises +from Persia, rubies, cat’s-eyes, chrysolites, amethysts, beryls, and +sapphires from Ceylon, or scented with the opium of Cairo, the saffron +of Cannanore, the camphor of Borneo, sandalwood from Timor, pepper from +Malabar, cloves from the Moluccas. Blood and sea-spray mingle with +the silks from China and ivory from Sofala, and among the crowd of +rapacious governors and unscrupulous adventurers move a few figures of +a simple austerity and devotion to duty, Albuquerque, Galvão, Castro, +St. Francis Xavier. + +Little is known of ALVARO VELHO except that he was one of the immortals +(unless he was the _degredado_ (convict) from whose _caderno_ Couto +derived his account of the discovery) who accompanied Vasco da Gama +on his first voyage. To him is attributed the simple, clear narrative +contained in the log or _Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama em 1497_, +filled with a primitive wonder, which pointed the way to the historians +of India. Indeed, it provided material for the first book of a writer +who may perhaps be called the first[437] historian of the discoveries +‘enterprised by the Portingales’. FERNAM LOPEZ DE CASTANHEDA (_c._ +1500-59) was born at Santarem, and in 1528 accompanied his father, +appointed Judge at Goa, to India. For the next ten years he diligently +and not without many risks and discomforts consulted documents and +inscriptions in various parts of the country with a view to writing +a history of the discovery and conquest of India, making himself +personally acquainted with the ground and with many of those who had +played a part in the half-century (1498-1548) under review. After his +return to Portugal he continued his life-work with the same devotion +for twenty years, during which poverty constrained him to accept the +post of bedel at Coimbra University. When he died, worn out by his +_continuas vigilias_, his history was complete, but only seven books +had been published: _Historia do Descobrimento e Conqvista da India_ +(1551-4). He had at least the satisfaction to know that a part had +already been translated into French and Italian. The eighth book, +bringing the history down to 1538, was published by his children in +1561, but books nine and ten never appeared. This history of forty +years, which has less regard to style than to sincerity and the truth +of the facts, is written in great detail. It is a scrupulous and +trustworthy record of high interest describing not only the deeds of +the Portuguese, ‘of much greater price than gold or silver’, ‘more +valiant than those of Greek or Roman’, but the many lands in which +they occurred. The narrative can rise to great pathos, as in the +account of Afonso de Albuquerque’s death (iii. 154), and is often +extremely vivid.[438] The interest necessarily diminishes after 1515, +and the seventh book is largely concerned with dismal contentions +between Portuguese officials. But the great events and persons, the +capture of Goa or Diu, the characters of Gama or Albuquerque, Duarte +Pacheco Pereira or Antonio Galvão, stand out the more clearly from the +deliberate absence of rhetoric. + +LOURENÇO DE CACERES, in his _Doutrina_ addressed to the Infante Luis +in twenty short chapters on the parts of a good prince, showed that +he could write excellent prose. His death in 1531 prevented him from +undertaking a more ambitious work, which was accordingly entrusted +to his nephew JOÃO DE BARROS (1496?-1570).[439] But much earlier and +a generation before Lopez de Castanheda’s work began to appear, the +most famous of the Portuguese historians had resolved to chronicle +the discovery of India. Born probably at Viseu, the son of Lopo de +Barros, he came of ancient Minhoto stock and was brought up in the +palace of King Manuel. When the Infante João received a separate +establishment Barros became his page (_moço da guardaroupa_). It was +in this capacity, _por cima das arcas da vossa guardaroupa_, that +with the active encouragement of the prince he wrote his first work, +_Cronica do Emperador Clarimundo_ (1520). It is a long romance of +chivalry crowded with actors and events, and contains affecting, even +passionate episodes. But the most remarkable feature of this work, +written in eight months when the author was little over twenty, is its +inexhaustible flow of clear, smooth, vigorous prose, entirely free +from awkwardness or hesitation. One may also note that he regarded it +merely as a parergon, a preparation for his history, _afim de apurar o +estilo_, that despite its length he assures his readers that he omits +all details in order to avoid prolixity, that much of its geography +is real--all his works prove the truth of Couto’s assertion that he +was _doutissimo na geografia_--and that each chapter ends with a +brief moral. King Manuel, to whom he read some chapters, encouraged +him to persevere in his intention to write the history of India, but +the king’s death in 1521 delayed the project. In the following year +Barros, who meanwhile had married Maria, daughter of Diogo de Almeida +of Leiria, is said to have gone out as Captain of the Fortress of S. +Jorge da Mina (although probably he never left Portugal) and later +became Treasurer of the _Casa da India_ (1525-8), and its Factor in +1532, a post which he retained for thirty-five years. Although he +lost a large sum of money in an unfortunate venture in Brazil, this +was partly made good by the king’s munificence, and when in 1568, the +year after his resignation, he retired to his _quinta_ near Pombal +_sibi ut viveret_ he went as a _fidalgo_ of the king’s household and +with a pension over twenty-five times as large as that of Camões.[440] +In old age he is described as of a fine presence, although thin and +not tall, with pale complexion, keen eyes, aquiline nose, long white +beard, grave, pleasant, and fluent in conversation. Before beginning +his history he wrote several brief treatises of great interest and +importance, _Ropica Pnefma_ (1532), a dialogue written at his country +house in 1531 in which Time, Understanding, Will, and Reason discuss +their spiritual wares (_mercadoria espiritual_), and incidentally the +new heresies; three short works on the Portuguese language, a _Dialogo +da Viçiosa Vergonha_ (1540), and a _Dialogo sobre preceptos moraes_ +(1540) in which he reduced Aristotle’s _Ethics_ to a game for the +benefit of two of his ten children and of the Infanta Maria. He also +wrote two excellent _Panegyricos_ (of the Infanta Maria and King João +III) which were first published by Severim de Faria in his _Noticias de +Portugal_ in 1655. As a historian he chose Livy for his pattern both in +style and system. The first _Decada_ of his _Asia_ appeared in 1552, +the second in 1553, and the third ten years later (1563). Their success +was immediate, especially abroad--in Portugal, like other historians of +recent events, he was accused of partiality and unfairness[441]--copies +soon became extremely rare, the first two Decads were translated into +Italian before the third appeared, and Pope Pius IV is said to have +placed Barros’ portrait (or bust) next to the statue of Ptolemy.[442] +Barros had prepared himself very thoroughly for his task. His work +as Factor seems to have been exacting--he says that it was only by +giving up holidays and half the night and all the time spent by other +men in sleeping the _sesta_, or walking about the city, or going into +the country, playing, shooting, fishing, dining, that he was able to +attend to his literary labours. Yet he read everything, pored over +maps and chronicles and documents from the East, and even bought a +Chinese slave to translate for him. With this enthusiasm, his unfailing +sense of order and proportion, and his clear and copious style he +necessarily produced a work of permanent value. His manner is lofty, +even pompous, worthy of the great events described. If his history is +less vivid and interesting than Castanheda’s, that is because he wrote +not as an eyewitness[443] or actor in them but as Court historian. He +was a true Augustan, and the great edifice that this Portuguese Livy +planned and partly built was of eighteenth-century architecture. He was +fond of comparing his work to a building in which each stone has its +appointed place. The material to his hand must be moulded to suit the +symmetry of the whole--Albuquerque had never in his life used so many +relative sentences as are attributed to him by Barros (II. v. 9)--and +with a pedantic love of definitions and systematic subdivisions we +find him measuring out the proportions of his stately structure, while +picturesque details are deliberately omitted.[444] The merits of his +style have been exaggerated. It is never confused or slovenly, but is +for use rather than beauty; its ingredients are pure and energetic but +the construction is inartistic and monotonous.[445] It is rather in the +forcible, crisp sentences of his shorter treatises than in the _Asia_ +that Barros displays his mastery of style. His great narrative of epic +deeds is interrupted by interesting special chapters or digressions +on trade, geography, Eastern cities and customs, locusts, chess, the +Mohammedan religion, sword-fish, palm-trees, and monsoons. It was +planned in four _Decadas_ and forty books, to embrace 120 years to +1539, but the fourth was not written and the third ends with the death +of D. Henrique de Meneses (1526). Probably he did not find the dispute +as to the Governorship of India a very congenial subject, especially +as the feud was resumed in Portugal. Material and notes were however +ready, and these were worked up into a lengthy fourth _Decada_ by João +Baptista Lavanha (†1625) in 1615, which covers the same ground as, but +is quite distinct from, the fourth Decad of Couto. The _Asia_ was only +a block of a vaster whole. _Europa_, _Africa_, and _Santa Cruz_ were to +treat respectively of Portugal from the Roman Conquest and Portuguese +history in North Africa and Brazil, while Geography and Commerce were +to be the subjects of separate works, the first of which (in Latin) was +partly written. + +Inseparably connected with the name of Barros is that of DIOGO DO +COUTO (1542-1616), who continued his _Asia_, writing _Decadas_ 4-12. +He was born at Lisbon, and at the age of ten entered the service +(_guardaroupa_) of the Infante Luis, who sent him to study at the +College of the Jesuits and then with his son, D. Antonio, under Frei +Bartholomeu dos Martyres, afterwards Archbishop of Braga, at S. +Domingos, Bemfica. When thirteen he was present at the death of his +talented patron Prince Luis, and remained in the palace as page to +the king till the king’s death two years later.[446] Couto then went +to seek his fortune in India, and there as soldier, trader, official +(in 1571 he was in charge of the stores at Goa),[447] and historian he +spent the best part of the following half-century, his last visit to +Portugal being in 1569-71. At the bidding of Philip II (I of Portugal), +who appointed him _Cronista Môr_ of India, he undertook the completion +of Barros’ _Asia_. Probably he needed little inducement--his was the +pen of a ready writer, and the composition of his history was, he tells +us, a pleasure to him in spite of frequent discouragement. He had +received a classical education; as a boy in the palace he had listened +to stories of India[448] and had been no doubt deeply impressed by the +vivid account of the Sepulveda shipwreck.[449] In India he won general +respect. At Goa he married the sister of Frei Adeodato da Trindade +(1565-1605), who in Lisbon saw some of his _Decadas_ through the press; +he became Keeper of the Indian Archives (Torre do Tombo) and more +than once made a speech on behalf of the City Councillors, as at the +inauguration of the portrait of Vasco da Gama in the Town Hall in the +centenary year of the discovery of India, before Gama’s grandson, then +Viceroy, and a gathering of noblemen and captains. Couto knew every +one--we find him conversing with Viceroy, Archbishop, natives, Moorish +prisoners, rich merchants from Cambay or the Ambassador of the Grand +Mogul. This personal acquaintance with the scenes, events, and persons +gives a lively dramatic air to his work. The sententious generalities +of the majestic Barros are replaced by bitter protests and practical +suggestions. He is a critic of abuses rather than of persons.[450] +He writes from the point of view of the common soldier, as one who +had seen both sides of the tapestry of which Barros smoothly ignored +the snarls and thread-ends. He displays a hatred of _semjustiças_, +treachery, and ‘the insatiable greed of men’, with a fine zest in +descriptions of battles, but he has not Barros’ skill in proportion +and the grand style.[451] He can, however, write excellent prose, +and he gives more of graphic detail[452] and individual sayings and +anecdotes than his predecessor. Nor is he by any means an ignorant +chronicler. A poet[453] and the friend of poets, he read Dante and +Petrarca and Ariosto, was old-fashioned enough to admire Juan de Mena, +consulted the works of ancient and modern historians, travellers, and +geographers, and was deeply interested in the customs and religions +of the East. The inequality of his _Decadas_ is in part explained by +their history, which constitutes a curious chapter in the _fata_ of +manuscripts. He first wrote _Decada_ X, which is the longest and most +resembles those of Barros: this was only sent to Portugal in 1600 and +was not immediately published, apparently because the period, 1580-8, +was too recent. It remained in manuscript till 1788. Meanwhile Couto, +working with extraordinary speed, sent home the fourth and fifth +_Decadas_ in 1597, the sixth in 1599, and the seventh in 1601. Noting +the fact that the last two books (9 and 10) of Castanheda’s history +had been suppressed by royal order as being excessively fond of truth +(_porque fallava nelles verdades_), he remarks that, should this happen +to a volume of his, another would be forthcoming to take its place. +Friends and enemies, indeed the very elements, took up the challenge, +but fortunately Couto’s spirit and independence continued to the year +of his death. The fourth _Decada_ was at once printed, but the text +of the fifth was tampered with and its publication delayed, the sixth +was destroyed by fire when ready for publication and recast by Frei +Adeodato, the seventh was captured at sea by the English and re-written +in 1603 by Couto and sent home in the same year, the eighth and ninth, +finished in 1614, were stolen from him in manuscript during a severe +illness. This was a crushing blow, but he partially reconstructed them +_a modo de epilogo_ and, writing in old age from memory, dwelt, to our +gain, on personal recollections: his literary bent appears--his friend +Camões, Cristovam Falcão, and Garcia de Resende are mentioned. Finally +_Decada_ xi (1588-97), which, writing to King Philip III in January +1616, he says ‘survived this shipwreck’, has disappeared and _Decada_ +xii is incomplete, although the first five books bring the history +to the end of the century (1599). His successor in the Goa Archives, +Antonio Bocarro, took up the history at the year 1612, in a work +which was published in 1876: _Decada 13ᵃ da Historia da India_. The +manuscript of his _Dialogo do Soldado Pratico na India_ (written before +the fourth _Decada_) was also stolen. The indomitable Couto re-wrote it +and both versions have survived. They were not published till 1790, the +title given to the earlier version being _Dialogo do soldado pratico +portugues_. With its _verdades chans_, this dialogue between an old +soldier of India, an ex-Governor, and a judge forms a most valuable and +interesting indictment of the decadence of Portuguese rule in India, +where the thief and rogue escaped scot-free, while the occasional +honest man was liable to suffer for their sins, and the sleek soldier +in velvet with gold ribbons on his hat had taken the place of the +bearded _conquistadores_ (_Dialogo_, pp. 91-2). + +GASPAR CORRÊA (_c._ 1495-_c._ 1565) claims, like Fernam Lopez de +Castanheda and Barros, to have been the first historian of the +Portuguese in the East.[454] He went to India sixteen years before +Lopez de Castanheda and no doubt soon began[455] to take notes and +collect material, but he was still working at his history in 1561 and +1563, and his _Lendas da India_ were not published till the nineteenth +century. In the year 1506 Corrêa entered the king’s service as _moço +da camara_,[456] and six years later went to India, where he became +one of the six or seven secretaries of Afonso de Albuquerque.[457] +They were young men carefully chosen by the Governor from among those +who had been brought up in the palace and to whom he felt he could +entrust his secrets.[458] Theirs was no humdrum or sedentary post, +for they had to accompany the Governor on foot or on horseback, in +peace and war, ever ready with ink and paper. Thus Corrêa had occasion +vividly to describe Aden in 1513, and helped with his own hands to +build the fortress of Ormuz in 1515. After Albuquerque’s death Corrêa +seems to have continued to fight and write. In 1526 he was appointed +to the factory of Sofala,[459] and in the following year the _moço da +camara_ has become a _cavaleiro_ and is employed at the customs house +at Cochin.[460] He cannot have remained much longer at Cochin than at +Sofala, since he signed his name in the book of _moradias_ at Lisbon +in 1529, and in 1530-1, in a ship provided by himself (_em um meu +catur_), went with the Governor of India’s fleet to the attack of Diu. +Later he was commissioned by the Viceroy, D. João de Castro, to furnish +lifesize drawings[461] of all the Governors of India, so that he must +then have been living at Goa. The ever-growing abuses in India and +the scanty reward given to his fifty years of service and honourable +wounds[462] embittered his last years, and if his spoken comments were +as incisive as the indictment of the Governors and Captains contained +in the _Lendas_[463] he must have made enemies in high positions: it +seems, at least, that his murder one night at Malacca went unpunished, +as if to prove the truth of his frequent complaint that no one ever +was punished in India. At the time of his death he may still have +been at work, as in 1561 and 1563, on the revision of his _Lendas_ or +_Cronica dos Feytos da India_,[464] originally completed in 1551.[465] +The first three books relate the events from 1497 to 1538; the last +carries the history down to 1550. The account of the discovery is based +on the narrative of one, and the recollections of others, of Vasco da +Gama’s companions, and the subsequent events are drawn largely from +Corrêa’s own experience. He spared no trouble to obtain first-hand +information, from aged officials, Moors, natives, captives, a Christian +galley-slave, or a woman from Malabar, distrusting mere hearsay. He +lays frequent stress on his personal evidence.[466] Without necessarily +establishing the trustworthiness of his work on every point, this +method had the advantage of rendering it singularly vivid, and it +contains many a brilliantly coloured picture of the East. In many +respects he is the most remarkable of the historians of India. It was +not for nothing that he had written down some of Albuquerque’s letters +to King Manuel.[467] If Albuquerque’s words are still striking when +read after four centuries, we may imagine their effect on the boy still +in his teens to whom he dictated them. _Tinha grande oratoria_, says +Corrêa, and many years afterwards some of the phrases remained in his +memory.[468] He no doubt learnt from Albuquerque his direct, vigorous +style, his love of concrete details, his regard for truth. His account +of the sack of Malacca--the rifled chests of gold coins and brocades +of Mecca and cloth of gold, the narrow dusty streets in shadow in the +midday _calma_--must, one thinks, be that of an eyewitness; yet Corrêa +was not in India at the time. The explanation is that it was largely +the account of Albuquerque.[469] + +Corrêa writes in even greater detail than Lopez de Castanheda. There +is no trace of literary leanings in his work; he is sparing of +descriptions as interrupting the story.[470] Whole pages have scarcely +an adjective, and this gives his narrative clearness and rapidity, +yet he is careless of style. It has been called redundant and verbose, +but that is true mainly of the prefaces, which show that Corrêa in +a library might have developed into a rhetorical Zurara of _boas +oratorias_. It is, however, no longer the fashion to sneer at this +‘simple and half barbarous chronicler’, this ‘soldier adventurer in +whose artless words appears his lack of culture’.[471] His _Lendas_ +are infinitely preferable to the sleek periods of Barros and often as +reliable, being legendary in little beyond their title, as understood +by the ignorant (for the word _lenda_ meant not legend but record or +log). They have a harsh flavour of religious fervour and of lust for +gold[472] and an intense atmosphere of the East--_sangre e incenso, +cravo e escravaria_, St. James fighting for the Christians, St. Thomas +transformed into a peacock, all in a region of horror and enchantment. +Corrêa was aware that it was dangerous to write history in India +(iii. 9)--_periculosae plenum opus aleae_--but although he had no +intention of immediately publishing it[473] he evidently expected +some recognition of his work. The appearance of Lopez de Castanheda’s +_Historia_ and Barros’ _Decadas_ must have been a blow almost as cruel +as the daggers of his assassins a few years later. + +The events of India from 1506-15, chronicled by Castanheda and Barros, +necessarily centred round the great figure of Afonso de Albuquerque, +and they were recorded afresh by his illegitimate son BRAS DE +ALBUQUERQUE (1500-80), whom the dying Governor recommended to the king +in his last letter. King Manuel in belated gratitude bestowed his +favour on this son and bade him assume the name of Afonso in memory of +his father. His _Commentarios de Afonso de Alboquerque_ (1557) were +revised by the author in a second edition (1576) four years before his +death. They are written in unassuming but straightforward style and +furnish a very clear and moderate account based on letters written by +Albuquerque to King Manuel.[474] The author seems to have realized that +Albuquerque’s words and deeds speak sufficiently for themselves, but +the reflection produced is somewhat pale. + +The gallant and chivalrous apostle of the Moluccas, ANTONIO GALVAM +(_c._ 1490?-1557), ‘as rich in valour and knowledge as poor in +fortune’,[475] printed nothing in his lifetime but his manuscripts were +handed over after his death to Damião de Goes as _Cronista Môr_.[476] +We have only a brief treatise by him published posthumously. Copious +in matter rather than in length, for it has but eighty small folios in +spite of its lengthy title, this _Tratado_ (1563), or, if we adopt the +briefer title from the colophon, this _Lyvro dos Descobrimentos das +Antilhas & India_, is remarkable for the curious observation shown and +its vivid, concise style of a man of action. Written in the form of +annals, it begins with the Flood, and on f. 12 we are still in the age +of Merlin; but the most valuable part consists in the writer’s direct +experience--he tells of buffaloes, cows and hens ‘of flesh black as +this ink’, of mocking parrots, fires made of earth ‘as in Flanders’. +Goes, who had certainly handled the manuscript, may have added this +comparison; he evidently interpolated the account of his own travels +(ff. 58 v.-59 v.). The life of Galvam gives a further interest to this +rare book, for, a man of noble and disinterested character, himself a +prince by election, he has always been regarded as a stock instance of +the ingratitude of princes. Born in the East, the son of Albuquerque’s +old friend, the historian Duarte Galvam, he won fame by his courage and +martial qualities, both as soldier and skilful mariner. After subduing +the Molucca Islands he, as their Governor (Captain), spent his energies +and income in missionary zeal and in developing agriculture. On the +expiry of his term as Governor (1536-40) he refused the position of +Raja of Ternate, which the grateful natives besought him to accept. He +arrived penniless in Portugal and penniless died seventeen years later +in the Lisbon hospital. + +Besides the general histories many briefer records of separate regions +or events were written, and these are often of great value as the +accounts of men who had seen and taken part in what they describe. + +LOPO DE SOUSA COUTINHO (?1515-77), father of Frei Luis de Sousa and +one of the captains in the heroic siege of Diu (1538)--he is said to +have died by accidentally running himself through with his sword when +dismounting from his horse--wrote a striking account of the siege, +especially of its last incidents, in his _Livro Primeiro do Cerco de +Diu_ (1556). The siege of Mazagam (1562) was similarly described in +clear, vigorous prose by AGOSTINHO GAVY DE MENDONÇA: _Historia do +famoso cerco qve o Xarife pos á fortaleza de Mazagam_ (1607). JORGE +DE LEMOS, of Goa, wrote a careful _Historia dos Cercos ... de Malaca_ +(1585), and ANTONIO CASTILHO, the distinguished son of the celebrated +architect João, published a _Commentario do Cerco de Goa e Chaul no +anno MDLXX_ (1572). Events in the Moluccas were briefly recorded in an +_Informaçam das cousas de Maluco_ (1569) by GABRIEL DE RABELLO, who +went out as factor of Tidore in 1566. + +The anonymous gentleman of Elvas who wrote the _Relaçam verdadeira_ +(1557) of Soto’s discovery of Florida was a keen observer and related +what he saw in direct language. His publisher, André de Burgos, in a +short preface washes his hands of the style as insufficiently polished +(_limado_). + +The deeds of D. Cristovam da Gama, his conquest of a hundred leagues of +territory in Ethiopia, his defeat, torture, and beheadal, are recounted +with the vivid details of an eyewitness by MIGUEL DE CASTANHOSO, of +Santarem, who accompanied him on his fatal expedition. This _Historia_ +(1564) was published by João da Barreira, who dedicated it to D. +Cristovam’s nephew, D. Francisco de Portugal. + +MANUEL DE ABREU MOUSINHO wrote in Spanish a brief account of the +conquest of Pegu by Salvador Ribeiro de Sousa, of which a Portuguese +version appeared in the 1711 edition of Mendez Pinto’s travels: _Breve +discurso em que se contem a conquista do reyno de Pegu_, nearly a +century after the original edition, _Breve Discvrso en qve se cventa_, +&c. (1617). The _Jornada do Maranhão feita por Jeronymo de Albuquerque +em 1614_ is ascribed to DIOGO DE CAMPOS MORENO, who took part in that +_conquista_. It was published in the _Collecção de Noticias para a +Historia e Geographia das Nações Ultramarinas_.[477] The second volume +of this collection contains several re-translations of _Navegações_ (by +Thomé Lopez and anonymous Portuguese pilots) surviving in Italian in +Ramusio. It would require a separate volume to give an account of all +the sixteenth-and seventeenth-century narratives of newly conquered +countries written in Portuguese and often immediately translated +into many European languages, e.g. the _Novo Descobrimento do Grão +Cathayo_ (1626) by the Jesuit ANTONIO DE ANDRADE (_c._ 1580-1634), or +the _Relaçam_ of the Jesuit ALVARO SEMMEDO (1585?-1658) written in +Portuguese but published in the Spanish translation of Faria e Sousa: +_Imperio de la China_ (1642). However unliterary, they are often so +vividly written as to be literature in the best sense. + +PEDRO DE MAGALHÃES DE GANDAVO, of Braga, whose _Regras_ (1574) ran +into three editions before the end of the century, described Brazil +and its discovery in two short works: _Historia da prouincia Sãcta +Cruz_ (1576) and _Tratado da terra do Brazil_ first published in 1826 +in the _Collecção de Noticias_. This collection also prints works +of the following century, such as the _Fatalidade historica da Ilha +de Ceilão_[478] by Captain JOÃO RIBEIRO, who had served the king as +a soldier for eighteen years in the _preciosa ilha de Ceilão_. His +manuscript, written in 1685, was translated and published in French +(1701) 135 years before it was printed in Portuguese. Gandavo’s +_Historia_ (48 ff.), his first work (_premicias_), was introduced by +_tercetos_ and a sonnet of Luis de Camões, who speaks of his _claro +estilo_, and _engenho curioso_. The author himself in a prefatory +letter says that he writes as an eyewitness, content with a ‘plain and +easy style’ without seeking _epithetos exquisitos_. + +The Jesuit BALTHASAR TELLEZ[479] (1595-1675) won considerable fame as +an historian and prose-writer in his _Cronica da Companhia de Iesus_ +(2 pts., 1645, 1647) in which he forswears what he calls the artifices +and liberties of ordinary _seiscentista_ prose. He also edited the work +of the Jesuit missionary MANUEL DE ALMEIDA (1580-1646), recasting it +in an abbreviated form: _Historia Geral da Ethiopia a Alta ov Preste +Ioam_ (1660), for which Tellez’ friend, Mello, provided a prefatory +letter. Almeida, born at Viseu, had gone to India in 1601 and in 1622 +was sent to Ethiopia, where he became the head of the mission. He died +at Goa after a life of much hard work and various adventure. In writing +his history of Ethiopia he made use of the _Historia da Ethiopia_ of +an earlier (1603-19) head of the mission, PEDRO PAEZ (1564-1622), who +had started for Ethiopia in 1595 but was captured by the Turks and only +ransomed in 1602. Although a Spaniard by birth (born at Olmeda), Paez +wrote in Portuguese. A third Jesuit missionary, MANUEL BARRADAS, born +in 1572 at Monforte, who went to India in 1612, was also a prisoner of +the Turks for over a year at Aden. In 1624 he went to _Ethiope, terre +maldite_, and remained there some ten years. Of his three treatises +the most important is that entitled _Do Reyno de Tygrê e seus mandos +em Ethiopia_. The modern editor of these works, P. Camillo Beccari, +considers that their authors’ simple style caused their treatises +to be regarded rather as the material of history than in themselves +history,[480] but their value for us is in this very simplicity and in +the detailed observation which bring the country and its inhabitants +clearly before us. Scarcely less important, as material for history and +as human documents, are the _Cartas_ from Jesuits in China and Japan, +especially the collection of 82 letters (Coimbra, 1570), and that of +206 letters (Evora, 1598). The Jesuit FERNAM CARDIM at about the same +time rendered a like service to Brazil in his _Narrativa epistolar_, +edited in 1847 by F. A. de Varnhagen. A more important work on Brazil +was that of GABRIEL SOAREZ DE SOUSA (_c._ 1540-92)--the _Tratado +descriptivo do Brasil em 1587_, which its modern editor, F. A. de +Varnhagen, described in a moment of enthusiasm as ‘the most admirable +of all the works of the Portuguese _quinhentistas_’. Two other works of +interest, half history, half travels, are the _Jornada do Arcebispo de +Goa Dom Frey Aleixo de Meneses_ (1606) by ANTONIO DE GOUVEA, Bishop of +Cyrene (_c._ 1565-1628), in three parts, describing the archbishop’s +life and visits in his diocese; and the _Discvrso da Iornada de D. +Gonçalo Covtinho á villa de Mazagam e sev governo nella_ (1629). The +writer--the admirer of Camões and alleged author of the 1614 life of Sá +de Miranda--who, as he says, had grown white in the council-chamber, +lived on till 1634. He here relates with much directness his voyage and +four years’ Governorship (1623-7). + +The _Saudades da Terra_ (1873) of GASPAR FRUCTUOSO (1522-91), who +was born at S. Miguel in the Azores, was written in 1590 and waited +three centuries in manuscript for an editor. Both its title and the +‘preamble’, in which Truth says that she will write of nothing but +sadness, are misleading, since the book is an account--in good, +straightforward style after the manner of Castanheda and other +historians--of the discovery and subsequent conditions of various +islands, especially of Madeira and the lives of its Governors. ANTONIO +CORDEIRO (1641-1722), Jesuit, of Angra, wrote at the age of seventy-six +an uncritical but interesting work entitled _Historia Insulana das +Ilhas a Portugal sujeitas no Oceano Occidental_ (1717), based partly on +Fructuoso’s manuscript. + +It was only as it were by an afterthought that the historians turned +to consider the history of Portugal as apart from separate chronicles +of the kings or episodes of Eastern conquest. The historical scheme +of João de Barros was too vast to be executed by one man and the +European part was never written. André de Resende likewise failed to +carry out his project of a history of Portugal. PEDRO DE MARIZ (_c._ +1550-1615), son of the Coimbra printer, Antonio, in the last four of +his _Dialogos de Varia Historia_ (1594) between a Portuguese and an +Italian, embraces the whole history of Portugal, but these dialogues, +although industriously written in good plain style, were eclipsed by +the appearance three years later of the first part of the _Monarchia +Lusitana_ (1597). Its author, a young Cistercian monk of Alcobaça, +FREI BERNARDO DE BRITO (1569-1617), in the world Balthasar de Brito de +Andrade, at once became known as one of the best writers of his time, +and he is still reckoned among the masters of Portuguese prose. His +style, clear, restrained, copious, proved that the mantle of Barros had +fallen upon worthy shoulders. But, despite his rich vein of humanity, +as a historian he is far inferior to Barros and even more uncritical +than Mariz. The value of evidence seems to have weighed with him little +when it was a question of exalting his language, literature, religion, +or country, and he used and incorporated documents entirely worthless. +Whether he deliberately manufactured spurious documents to serve +his purposes cannot be known, but he seems at least to have quoted +authorities which had never existed.[481] + +In a word he failed to make good use of the incomparable material which +the library of Alcobaça afforded. His was a misdirected erudition, +and we would willingly exchange the knowledge of where Adam lies +buried, or on what day the world began, or how Gorgoris, King of +Lusitania, who died 1227 years after the Flood, invented honey, for +accurate details of more recent Portuguese history. Yet he had the +diligence and enthusiasm of the true historian and made use, sometimes +a skilful use,[482] of coins and inscriptions. His brief _Geographia +antiga da Lusytania_ also appeared in 1597, and in the same year the +Cistercian Order appointed him its chronicler. Thus he interrupted +his main work--the second part of the _Monarchia Lusitana_ was only +published in 1609--in order to write the _Primeira Parte da Cronica de +Cister_ (1602).[483] This, in many ways his best work, runs to nearly +a thousand pages, and treats of the saints of the Order and especially +of the life of the charming St. Bernard, with contemporary events in +Portugal.[484] It was to be followed by two other parts, but Brito’s +early death at his native Almeida on his way back to Alcobaça from +Spain, a year after he had been appointed _Cronista Môr_ (1616), left +his work unfinished. He is remembered as a fine stylist, a poet who +wrote history rather than as a great historian. Mariana, the Latin +original of whose _Historia de España_ (1592) he knew and quoted, is by +comparison almost a scientific writer--at least he is not, like Brito, +pseudo-scientific. + +The two parts of the _Monarchia Lusitana_ written by Brito ended with +the beginning of the Portuguese monarchy. Parts 3 and 4, by FREI +ANTONIO BRANDÃO (1584-1637), to whose sincerity and skill Herculano +paid tribute, appeared in 1632 and carried it down to the year 1279. +Brandão had spent nearly ten years collecting and sifting documentary +evidence for his work and is a far better historian than Brito, +although in style he is not his equal. His nephew FREI FRANCISCO +BRANDÃO (1601-80), _vir modestus, diligens et eruditus_, succeeded Frei +Antonio as _Cronista Môr_ and wrote Parts 5 and 6 (1650), describing +the reign of King Dinis. The style was less well maintained in Part 7 +(1633) by FREI RAPHAEL DE JESUS (1614-93). Part 8 (1727), the last to +be published, was added by FREI MANUEL DOS SANTOS (1672-1740) over a +century after the publication of the first Part, but only brought the +history to the battle of Aljubarrota (1385). Santos’ Part 7 as well as +Parts 9 and 10 remained in manuscript. His prose is worthy of a work +which is a monument of the language, not of the history of Portugal. +Perhaps the truest epitaph of this history as a whole--after allowance +has been made for Brito’s style and the excellent work of Antonio +Brandão--is a severe sentence from the preface of the author of Part 7: +‘There are histories whose tomes are tombs.’ + +It could hardly, perhaps, be expected that the historians of the reigns +of King Manuel and King João III should pass over events in the East as +already fully related, and in Damião de Goes’ _Cronica do Felicissimo +Rey Dom Emanvel_ and Francisco de Andrade’s _Cronica de Dom João III_ +(1613), although they lose much by compression, they still occupy a +disproportionate space. Andrade wrote most correct prose, even in +his poems, and the style of his history is excellent, but neither of +these works gives any adequate account of the internal history of +Portugal, any more than does that of Frei Luis de Sousa on João III’s +reign, in which there should have been more scope for originality. The +same prominence is given to India in the history of JERONIMO OSORIO +(1506-80), Bishop of Silves, _De Rebvs Emmanvelis Regis Lvsitaniae_ +(1571), written in Latin in order to spread the knowledge of these +events _per omnes reipublicae Christianae regiones_.[485] Osorio, whose +father, like Lopez de Castanheda’s, had been a judge (_ouvidor_) in +India, was born at Lisbon, but studied abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, +and Bologna. After occupying the Chair of Scripture at Coimbra for a +brief space, he went to Lisbon and became secretary to the Infante +Luis. In 1560 he was made Archdeacon of Evora and four years later +Bishop of Silves. (The see was removed to Faro three years before his +death and his title is sometimes given as Bishop of Algarve.) A few +remarkable letters in Portuguese, in one of which (1567) he attempted +to convert Queen Elizabeth, show that he was skilled in the use of his +native tongue; his countrymen delighted to call him the Portuguese +Cicero. According to Sousa de Macedo ‘many people came from England, +Germany and other parts with the sole object of seeing him’.[486] In +England certainly his book was highly prized, and both Dryden and +Pope praised Gibbs’ translation, although Francis Bacon noted the +diffuseness of Osorio’s style: _luxurians et diluta_, certainly not +a just verdict on the style as a whole; we have but to think of the +concise sketches of Albuquerque (_De Rebus_, p. 380) and King Manuel +(p. 478). Osorio acknowledged his ample debt to the chronicle of +Goes, which he describes as written ‘with incredible felicity’. FREI +BERNARDO DA CRUZ, who accompanied King Sebastian to Africa in 1578 as +chaplain, in his _Cronica de El Rei D. Sebastião_ wrote the history of +his life and reign and happily describes him as ‘a young king without +experience or fear’. The _Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique_ (1840) +completed the history of the house of Avis. It chronicles in fifty-four +diminutive chapters the eighteen months’ reign of the _pouco mimoso e +severo_ Cardinal King Henry. It was written in 1586,[487] and, although +anonymous, is ascribed with some probability to the Jesuit Padre ALVARO +LOBO (1551-1608). + +The _Jornada de Africa_ (1607) by JERONIMO DE MENDOÇA, of Oporto, is +divided into three parts, describing the expedition and the battle +of Alcacer Kebir, the ransoms and escapes of the captives, and the +death of Christian martyrs in Africa. Its object was to refute certain +statements in Conestaggio’s recent work _Dell’unione del regno di +Portogallo alla corona di Castiglia_, but Mendoça had fought at Alcacer +Kebir and had been taken prisoner; he thus writes as an eyewitness, +and his excellent style and power of description give more than a +controversial value and interest to his book and make it matter for +regret that this short history was apparently his only work. + +MIGUEL DE MOURA (1538-1600), secretary to five kings and one of the +three Governors of Portugal in 1593, set an example too rarely followed +by those who have played an important part in Portuguese history by +composing a brief autobiography: _Vida de Miguel de Moura_. It was +written on the eve of St. Peter’s Day, 1594, except a few pages which +were added in the year before the author’s death. Incidentally it has +the distinction of containing one of the longest sentences ever written +(114 lines--1840 ed., pp. 126-9). + +The painstaking and talented DUARTE NUNEZ DE LEAM (_c._ 1530-1608), +born at Evora, son of the Professor of Medicine João Nunez, besides +genealogical and legal works, _Leis extravagantes_ (1560, 1569), wrote +two valuable treatises on the Portuguese language and an interesting +_Descripção do Reino de Portugal_ (1610), which he finished in 1599. +He also found time to spare from his duties as a magistrate to recast +the chronicles of the Kings of Portugal. The _Cronicas dos Reis de +Portugal_ (1600) contain those from Count Henry to King Fernando, and +the _Cronicas del Rey Dom Ioam de gloriosa memoria_ those of Kings +João I, Duarte, and Afonso V. Shorn of the individuality of the early +chroniclers, they yet retain much of interest, and Nunez de Leam +would be accorded a higher place as historian were it not for our +knowledge of the inestimable value of the originals which he edited +and ‘improved’. Two generations earlier Cristovam Rodriguez Azinheiro +(or Acenheiro), born in 1474 (he tells us that he was sixty-one in +May 1535), had treated the early chronicles in the same way, but only +succeeded in retaining all that was jejune without preserving their +picturesqueness in his _Cronicas dos Senhores Reis de Portugal_.[488] + +More interesting personally than as historian, the humanist DAMIÃO +DE GOES (1502-74[489]) was one of the most accomplished men of his +time,[490] and, thanks partly to his trial before the Inquisition, +partly to the not unpleasant egotism with which he chronicled +autobiographical details, not only in his _Genealogia_[491] but +in many of his other works, we know more of his life than we know +of most contemporary writers. Traveller and diplomatist, scholar, +singer, musician, he was a man of many friends during his lifetime, +and the tragic circumstances of his last years have won him fresh +sympathizers after his death. Born at Alenquer and brought up at the +Court of King Manuel, he became page to the king in 1518, and five +years later was appointed secretary at the Portuguese Factory at +Antwerp. In 1529 he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Poland, and +in this and the following years, on similar missions or for his own +pleasure, ‘saw and conversed with all the kings, princes, nobles and +peoples of Christendom’.[492] He made the acquaintance of Montaigne’s +_aubergistes allemands, ‘glorieux, colères et ivrognes’_, turned +aside to visit Luther and Melanchthon at Wittenberg,[493] and was for +several months the guest of Erasmus at Freiburg. In Italy he lived +with Cardinal Sadoletto at Padua (1534-8) and met Cardinal Bembo and +other celebrated men of the day. At Louvain, too, _mihi intime carum +et iucundum_, as throughout Europe, he had many devoted friends. A +senator of Antwerp welcomed him in Latin verse on his return from his +Scythian travels,[494] Luis Vives addressed affectionate letters to +_mi Damiane_, Albrecht Dürer painted his portrait, Glareanus in his +_Dodecachordon_ included music of his composition.[495] + +In 1542 he was on his way to Holland with his Flemish wife when he +heard that Louvain was threatened by a French force commanded by +Longueval and _meus ille in Academiam Louvaniensem fatalis amor_ +took him back to share its perils. He played a principal part in the +defence, and finally remained a prisoner in the enemy’s hands, _quasi +piacularis hostia_, as he says.[496] His imprisonment in France lasted +nine months, and after paying a ransom of 6,000 ducats he went back +to Louvain. The Emperor Charles V rewarded him for his services with +a splendid coat of arms. In 1545, after twenty-one years of European +travel, he returned with his wife and children[497] to Portugal, and +three years later was entrusted with Fernam Lopez’ old post, the +Keepership of the Archives. He lived in the Paços d’Alcaçova with a +certain magnificence, keeping open house for all foreigners, one of +whom records that already in 1565 _il se faict fort vieulx_. Six years +later, on April 4, 1571, he was arrested by the Inquisition and spent +twenty months in prison. + +It was, perhaps, inevitable that he should have incurred suspicion, +nor is it necessary to explain his trial by the enmity of certain +persons at Court due to passages in his works. His life had been out +of keeping with the _gravedades de Hespanha_, and the charges against +him were numerous and varied. He had eaten and drunken with heretics, +he had read strange books, the sound of songs not understanded of the +people and organ music had issued from his house at Lisbon, he had +omitted to observe fasts, he had called the Pope a tyrant, he set no +store by papal indulgences or auricular confession. Even the testimony +of his grand-niece is recorded, to the effect that her mother had +said of Goes, her husband’s uncle, that he had no more belief in God +than in a stone wall (she seems to have had Berkeleian tendencies). +As usual it is less the proceedings of the Inquisition than the bad +faith of the witnesses that arouse disgust. The poet Andrade Caminha, +who apparently came forward of his own accord--we are not told that +he was _chamado_--admitted that certain words of Goes which he now +denounced had not seemed so serious to him before he knew that Goes +was in the prison of the Inquisition. Goes had already been denounced +to the Inquisition in 1545 and 1550, and his book _Fides, Religio +Moresque Aethiopum_ (Lovanii, 1540) had been condemned in Portugal in +1541. He was examined frequently in 1571 and 1572, was left for three +months without news of his family, and complained of being old, weak, +and ill, and that his body had become covered with a kind of leprosy +(July 14, 1572). His sentence (October 16, 1572) pronounced him to +have incurred, as a Lutheran heretic, excommunication, confiscation of +all his property, and the life-long confinement of his person. He was +transferred to the famous monastery of Batalha in December, but his +death (January 30, 1574) occurred in his own house. His return and his +death probably explain one another. He was growing very old in 1565 and +we must suppose that his recent experiences had not made him younger. +His last request--to die among his family--was apparently granted, +and the further explanations (that he fell forward into the fire, +that he died of an apoplexy, was killed by order of the Inquisition, +was beaten to death by the lackeys of the Conde da Castanheira, or +murdered and robbed by his own servants) are superfluous. His works +consist of several brief Latin treatises crowded with interesting +facts (especially his _Hispania_); and in Portuguese the _Cronica do +Principe Dom Ioam_ (1567) and _Cronica do Felicissimo Rey Dom Emanvel_, +4 pt. (1566, 1567). He also found time to translate Cicero’s _De +Senectute_: _Livro ... da Velhice_, (Veneza, 1534). He had not the +imagination of an historian, and unless events have passed before his +eyes, or happen to interest him personally, he can be bald and meagre +as an annalist. But in any matter which touches him closely, as the +expulsion and the cruel treatment of the Jews, or the massacre of new +Christians, or the account of Ethiopia, he broadens out into moving +and detailed description. The result is that this long Chronicle of +King Manuel is a number of excellent separate treatises rather than +a history with unity and a sense of proportion. It is the work of a +scholar who likes to describe directly, from his own experience. The +_Cronica do Principe_ was written some months before that of King +Manuel. The latter was a difficult undertaking,[498] for many persons +concerned were still alive, and subjects such as the expulsion of the +Jews needed delicate handling. For thirty-one years it had hung fire +in the hands of previous chroniclers when in 1558 Cardinal Henrique +entrusted it to Damião de Goes. After eight years the four parts were +ready for press,[499] but the difficulties were not yet over, for +certain chapters met with strong disapproval at Court[500] and had to +be altered, so that two editions of the first part appeared in 1566 +(the first being apparently submitted as a proof and not for sale), but +the publication of the work as a whole was not completed before 1567. + +Scarcely less celebrated than Goes, the archaeologist LUCIO ANDRÉ DE +RESENDE (1493?-1573),[501] friend of Goes, Clenardus, and Erasmus, left +the Dominican convent of Bemfica, in which he was a novice, in order +to study abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, and Louvain. ‘Tall, with very +large eyes, curling hair, rather dark complexion but of a cheerful, +open countenance’, living in his house (_as casas de Resende_) at +Evora among his books and coins, statues and inscriptions--his small +garden hedged with _marmores antigos_ as, according to Brito, too +often were peasants’ vine-yards--he exercised a considerable influence +on the writers of his time[502] and was held in high esteem by the +Emperor Charles V and by King João III. The principal of his own works +were written in Latin, but besides his _De Antiquitatibus Lusitaniae_ +(1593), which was edited by Mendez de Vasconcellos with the addition of +a fifth book from notes left by the author, he composed in Portuguese +a ‘brief but learned’ _Historia da Antiguidade da Cidade de Evora_ +(1553). In his _Vida do Infante Dom Duarte_ (1789)[503] he did not +write the ‘very copious history’ which Paiva de Andrade[504] said the +subject required. He did better, for this sketch of a few pages is a +little masterpiece in which the vignettes, for instance, of the boatman +and his figs, or the meal in the mill, must ever retain their vividness +and charm. Resende had been the prince’s tutor and writes of what he +saw; he shows that he could decipher a person’s character as keenly as +a Latin inscription. Resende’s legitimate successor in archaeology, +MANUEL SEVERIM DE FARIA (1583-1655), scarcely belongs to the sixteenth +century although he wrote verses in 1598 and 1599. He succeeded his +uncle as Canon (1608) and Precentor (1609) of Evora Cathedral and +resigned in favour of his nephew Manuel de Faria Severim as Canon in +1633 and Precentor in 1642. Living in ancient Evora when the memory of +Resende was still fresh, this antiquary of the pale face and blue eyes, +‘store-house of all the treasures of the past’,[505] with his medals +and statues and choice library of rare books, soon rivalled Resende’s +fame. His most important works are _Discursos varios politicos_ (1624) +containing four essays and the lives of Barros, Camões, and Couto, and +_Noticias de Portugal_ (1655). + +A less attractive personality is that of MANUEL DE FARIA E SOUSA +(1590-1649), born near Pombeiro (Minho), a most accomplished, +industrious, but untrustworthy author who wrote mainly in Spanish. His +_Epitome de las Historias Portuguesas_ was published in 1628 at Madrid, +where he spent the greater part of his life, and where he died. He +seems to have retained a real affection for his native country, but +he was not a man of independent character and bestowed his flatteries +as his interest required. After the Restoration of 1640 he stayed +on at the Spanish Court, and there appears to be some doubt whether +it was João IV, his nominal master, or Philip IV of Spain that he +served best. His long historical works, _Europa Portuguesa_, _Asia +Portuguesa_, _Africa Portuguesa_, appeared posthumously, between 1666 +and 1681. He is most pleasant when he is not trying to ‘make’ history +but is simply describing, as in his account of the various provinces +of Portugal.[506] In his own not over-modest verdict in Part 4 of the +same volume, _De las primazias deste Reyno_, he was _el primero que +supo historiar con más acierto_. Faria e Sousa was enthusiastic but +unscrupulous and he has been severely handled by the critics. With +posterity he has fallen between two stools, since the Spanish are only +moderately interested in his subject, Portugal, and the Portuguese +consider him to belong to Spanish literature. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[436] Antonio Vieira, _Historia do Futuro_ (1718), p. 24: _esta +historia era o silencio de todas as historias_. + +[437] _O primeiro Portugues que na nossa lingoa as [façanhas] +resuscitei._ João de Barros, in his preface, makes a similar claim: +_foi o primeiro_. + +[438] Cf. vi. 37, 38; vii. 77, 78; or vi. 100, where the ships +bristling with the enemy’s arrows are likened to porcupines. + +[439] 1496, the generally accepted year of his birth, is the +calculation of Severim de Faria, followed by Barbosa Machado, Nicolás +Antonio, &c. As he retired at the end of 1567 it is difficult not to +suspect (from his love of method and the decimal system) that he was +born in 1497--the year of Vasco da Gama’s expedition. + +[440] 400,000 _réis_. He also obtained the privilege of trading with +India free from all taxes so as to clear a profit of 1,600,000 _réis_. +Innocencio da Silva adds ‘yearly’ to this sum, mentioned by Severim de +Faria. In any case Barros’ complaints of his poverty seem misplaced. + +[441] Faria e Sousa (_Varias Rimas_, pt. 2 (1689), p. 165), says that +neither Lopez de Castanheda nor Barros was widely read, one of the +reasons being the length of their histories. + +[442] According to Pero de Magalhães de Gandavo (_Dialogo em defensam +da lingua portvgvesa_) Barros ‘is in Venice preferred to Ptolemy’. + +[443] His account of the fleet leaving Lisbon (I. v. 1) _is_ that of an +eyewitness. + +[444] _Mais trabalhamos no substancial da historia que no ampliar as +miudezas que enfadam e não deleitam_ (I. vii. 8). Cf. I. v. 10 (1778 +ed., p. 465); III. ix. 9 (p. 426); III. x. 5 (p. 489). Yet the vivid +light thrown by the details recorded in other writers, such as the +‘bushel of sapphires’ sent to Albuquerque by one of the native kings, +or the open boat drifting with a few Portuguese long dead and a heap of +silver beside them, is of undeniable value. Goes inserts details, but +is too late a writer to do so without apology, like Corrêa and Lopez +de Castanheda: _pode parecer a algũa pessoa_ [e. g. his friend Barros] +_que em historia grave nam eram necessarias estas miudezas_ (_Cron. do +Pr. D. Joam_, cap. cii). + +[445] e.g. the following mortar of conjunctions between the stones on +p. 335 of _Decada_ II (1777 ed.) opened at hazard: _nas quaes ... que +... que ... qual ... que ... como ... que ... que ... o qual ... cujos +... que ... que ... que ... posto que ... como ... porque ... que_. + +[446] _E sendo eu moço servindo a El Rey D. João na guardaroupa_ +(_Dec._ IV. iii. 8). In _Dec._ VII. viii. 1 he speaks of having served +João III for two years as _moço da camara_ (1555-7). In the same +passage he embarks for India in 1559 aged _fifteen_. In _Dec._ VII. ix. +12 (1783 ed. p. 396) he is eighteen (April 1560). + +[447] According to the Governor, Francisco Barreto, he was more at home +with arms than with prices (_Dec._ IX. 20, 1786 ed., p. 160). Another +passage in the _Decadas_ proves him to have been an excellent horseman. + +[448] Cf. _Dec._ IV. iii. 8 (1778 ed. p. 234). + +[449] He himself describes with great detail and pathos the wrecks of +the ships _N. Senhora da Barca_ (VII. viii. 1), _Garça_ (VII. viii. +12), _S. Paulo_ (VII. ix. 16), _Santiago_ (X. vii. 1), as well as that +of Sepulveda (_Dec._ VI. ix. 21, 22). In his account of the loss of +the _S. Thomé_ (which was printed in the _Historia Tragico-Maritima_, +in the _Vida de D. Paulo de Lima_, and no doubt in the lost eleventh +_Decada_), the separation of D. Joana de Mendoça from her child is one +of the most tantalizing and touching incidents ever penned. + +[450] _Não particularizo ninguem_ (_Dec._ XII. i. 7). + +[451] What he lacks in _gravidade_ (cf. _Dec._ X. x. 14)--he is +quite ready to admit that he writes _toscamente_ (VII. iii. 3), +_singelamente, sem ornamento de palavras_ (VI. ii. 3), _simplesmente, +sem ornamento nem artificio de palavras_ (V. v. 6)--he makes good by +directness as an eyewitness, _de mais perto_ (IV. i. 7; cf. IV. x. 4 +_ad init._). When he had not himself been present he preferred the +accounts of those who had, as Sousa Coutinho’s description of the siege +of Diu (_Commentarios_) _em estilo excellente e grave, e foi o melhor +de todos, porque escreveo como testemunha de vista_, V. iii. 2) or +Miguel de Castanhoso’s _copioso tratado_ (V. viii. 7). Among the traces +of his close touch with reality are the popular _romances_, _cantigas_, +_adagios_, which Barros would have deemed beneath the dignity of +history. + +[452] As the fleets grew, long catalogues of the captains’ names were +perhaps inevitable. They are certainly out of place in a biography, +but Couto’s _Vida de D. Paulo de Lima Pereira_ (1765) is really a +collection of those passages from the _Decadas_ which bear on the life +of Couto’s old friend, a _fidalgo muito pera tudo_. As far as chapter +32 it is told in words similar to or identical with those of _Decada_ +X. Chapter 32 corresponds with the beginning of the lost _Decada_ XI. + +[453] His biographer, Manuel Severim de Faria, says that he left (in +manuscript) ‘a large volume of elegies, eclogues, songs, sonnets and +glosses’ (Barbosa Machado calls them _Poesias Varias_), and that +he wrote a commentary on the first five books of the _Lusiads_. +_Carminibus quoque pangendis non infeliciter vacavit_, says N. Antonio. + +[454] _Lendas_, iii. 7: _nom ouve alguem que tomasse por gloria +escrever e cronizar o descobrimento da India_. In an earlier passage +(i. 3) he refers to narratives of travellers such as that of Duarte +Barbosa. + +[455] He says (_Lendas_, ii. 5): _quando comecei esta ocupação de +escrever as cousas da India erão ellas tão gostosas, per suas bondades, +que dava muito contentamento ouvilas recontar_. + +[456] _Lenda_, iii. 438. + +[457] _Fui hum dos seus escrivães que com elle andei tres annos_ (ii. +46). Elsewhere (i. 2) he says that he went to India _moço de pouca +idade_ sixteen years after the discovery of India. 1512 was fourteen +years after the actual discovery (1498), but might be counted the +sixteenth year from 1497. + +[458] _Homens da criação d’El Rei_, says Corrêa with some pride, _de +que confiasse seus segredos_ (ii. 46). + +[459] Lima Felner, _Noticia preliminar_ (_Lendas_, i, p. xi). + +[460] Ibid.; but Corrêa says (_Lendas_, ii. 891) that he held this post +at Cochin (_almoxarife do almazem da Ribeira_) in 1525. + +[461] _Por ter entendimento em debuxar._ The portraits, drawn by Corrêa +and painted by ‘a native painter’ so cleverly that you could recognize +the originals (iv. 597), as well as Corrêa’s very curious drawings of +Aden and other cities, are reproduced in the 1858-66 edition of the +_Lendas_. + +[462] _Passa de cincoenta annos_ [i.e. 1512-63] _que ando no rodizio +d’este serviço, aleijado de feridas com que irei á cova sem satisfação._ + +[463] Cf. ii. 608, 752; iii. 437; iv. 338, 537-8, 567-8, 665, 669, +730-1. + +[464] He so styles his work in the preface of _Lenda_ iv. + +[465] He is writing, he says, in 1561 (_Lendas_, i. 265); 1561 again +(i. 995: _não cessando este trabalho até este anno_); 1563 (iii. 438); +1550 (iv. 25); 1551 (iv. 732). + +[466] The value of that evidence varies. For instance, he assures us +(iii. 689) that he saw with his own eyes a native 300 years old and his +son of 200; yet there is something suspicious in the roundness of the +figures. + +[467] _Escrevia com elle as cartas pera El Rei_ (ii. 172). + +[468] Albuquerque in one of his letters (No. 95) says that in Portugal +a man is hanged for stealing Alentejan _mantas_. Corrêa repeats this +phrase twice (_Lendas_, ii. 752; iv. 731). + +[469] Cf. ii. 247: _Eu ouvi dizer a Afonso d’Albuquerque_. + +[470] _Neste meu trabalho não tomei sentido senão escrever os feitos +dos Portugueses e nada das terras_ (iii. 66). Cf. i. 651, 815; ii. 222. + +[471] Latino Coelho, _Fernão de Magalhães_ in _Archivo Pittoresco_, vi. +(1863), p. 170 et seq. + +[472] Corrêa himself seems to have been rather unsuccessful than +scrupulous in amassing money. He tells without a hint of embarrassment +(ii. 432) how he took the white and gold scarf (_rumal_) of the +murdered Resnordim (or Rais Ahmad) and sold it for 20 _xarafins_ (about +£7), and (iii. 281) helped to dispose of stolen goods in 1528 at Cochin. + +[473] _Protestando d’em meus dias esta lenda nom mostrar a nenhum_ (i. +3). + +[474] _Que colligi dos proprios originaes._ The work is a history of +events in India, not a biography of Albuquerque, the first forty years +of whose life are represented only by half a dozen sentences (1774 ed., +iv. 255). + +[475] _Aquelle tão pouco venturoso como sciente & valeroso Antonio +Galvão_ (João Pinto Ribeyro, _Preferencia das Letras ás Armas_, 1645). +In his youth in India he won the regard of that keen judge of men, +Afonso de Albuquerque, who could see in him nothing to find fault with +except his excessive generosity. + +[476] _Tratado. Prologo_ [3 ff.]. _Em este tractado con noue ou dez +liuros das cousas de Maluco & da India que me o Cardeal mandou dar a +Damiam de Goes._ + +[477] Vol. i, No. 4. + +[478] Vol. v, No. 1 (1836). + +[479] The name would seem to have been really Tillison, i.e. son of +John Tilly, who married a granddaughter of Moraes, the author of +_Palmeirim_. + +[480] He speaks of their _lingua alquanto negletta e lo stile molto +semplice, naturale e piano, la qual cosa deveva apparire un’ anomalia +a confronto della lingua purgata con cui si scriveva allora in +Portogallo_ (_Contenuto della storia del Patriarca Alfonso Mendez_, +p. 115). This work was written in Latin in 1651 by AFONSO MENDEZ +(1579-1656), born at Moura, who became Patriarch of Ethiopia in 1623. +This splendid edition (_Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores_) also contains +three volumes of _Relationes et Epistolae Variorum_ (Romae, 1910-12). + +[481] Nicolás Antonio dwells more than once on the invisibility of +Brito’s authorities (_Bib. Vet._ i. 65, 453; ii. 374): _Nos de invisis +hactenus censere abstinemus_. Antonio Brandão, Brito’s successor, he +says, _nullum horum vidit librorum quos Brittus olim historiae suae +Atlantes iactaverat; nihil autem horum librorum (quod mirum si ibi +asservabantur) vidit_. Soares (_Theatrum_) remarks epigrammatically: +_fama est eloquentiam minus desiderari quam fidem_. + +[482] From a comparison of inscriptions he notes the similarity between +the Etruscan and ‘our ancient’ (Iberian?) letters. The Iberians may +have originally gone East from Tuscany. + +[483] His _Elogios dos Reis de Portugal_ appeared in 1603. + +[484] ff. 248 v.-249 v. give a very curious description of Ireland: +_tam remota de nossa conversação e metida debaixo do Polo Arctico_. +Brito had not inherited Barros’ knowledge of geography and confuses +Ireland with Iceland, but is far richer in fables, as these pages +delightfully prove. + +[485] To Spanish readers they were presented later by Faria e Sousa in +his _Asia_. + +[486] _Flores de España_ (1631), f. 248. Arias Montano refers to him as +a close friend (_Doc. inéd._ t. xli. p. 386). + +[487] See _Cronica_, p. 46. + +[488] Ten chronicles from Afonso I to João III. He says (1824 ed., p. +12): _Estam em este presente vollume recopiladas, sumadas, abreviadas, +todas as lembranças dos Reys de Portugal das caroniquas velhas e novas +sent mudar sustancia da verdade._ + +[489] _Dise ̃q hee de jdade de setenta anos, hos faz ẽ este feuʳᵒ ̃q +vẽ_ (Examination before the Inquisition, April 19, 1571). The name +appears as Goes, Gooes, Goiz, Guoes, Guoez, Guoiz, Goyos. Goes is a +small village some twenty miles north-east of Coimbra. The name also +occurs in the Basses-Pyrénées. See P. A. de Azevedo, _Alguns nomes do +departamento dos Baixos Pirineos que teem correspondencia em Portugal_ +(_Boletim da Ac. das Sciencias de Lisboa_, viii (1915), pp. 280-1). It +may be one more trace of the former occupation of the whole Peninsula +by the Iberians (= high, on the height, as in Goyetche, &c.). + +[490] See Marqués de Montebello, _Vida de Manoel Machado de Azevedo_ +(1660), p. 3, ap. J. de Vasconcellos, _Os Musicos Portugueses_, i. 268. + +[491] ff. 269 v.-71. The original manuscript disappeared, but a copy +(that of the Marqueses de Castello Rodrigo) is in the Biblioteca +Nacional at Lisbon. + +[492] Antonio Galvam, _Tratado_, f. 59 v. He visited the Courts of +Charles V, François I, Henry VIII, and Pope Paul III. Nicolás Antonio +says of him (_Bib. Nova_): _morum quippe suavitate atque elegantia, +ergaque doctos liberalitate insinuabat se in cuiusque animum qui +Musarum commercio frueretur, facile atque alte_. + +[493] He arrived on Palm Sunday, 1531, and learning that Luther was +preaching at once left the inn to hear him, but could only understand +the Latin quotations. Next day he had dinner (_jantar_) with Luther +and Melanchthon and afterwards returned to Luther’s house, where the +latter’s wife regaled them with a dessert of nuts and apples. Thence +he went to Melanchthon’s house and found his wife spinning, shabbily +dressed. + +[494] + + Venisti nimium usque et usque et usque + Expectate tuis. + + +[495] Lib. III, pp. 264, 265: _Aliud Aeolij Modi exemplũ authore D. +Damiano à Goes Lusitano_. + +[496] He had gone with others to negotiate terms and, when barely half +an hour was allowed to refer the terms to the Senate, remained in the +enemy’s camp in order to create a delay by conversing with Longueval. +Meanwhile relief had been received and the Senate refused the terms. + +[497] In his trial he says that three of them became monks: _meteo tres +filhos frades_. + +[498] Cf. _Prologo_: _em que muitos, como em cousa desesperada, se +nam atreveram poer a mão_. One of these ‘many’ was Goes’ rival, the +eloquent Bishop Antonio Pinheiro. + +[499] The fourth part was approved on January 2, 1566. + +[500] For the grounds of this disapproval see _Crítica contemporanea +á Chronica de D. Manuel_, 1914, ed. Edgar Prestage from a manuscript +in the British Museum. Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos and Mr. G. J. C. +Henriques have dealt very ably with many interesting points of Goes’ +life and works. + +[501] His friend Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos (1523-99), Canon of +Evora, says that he died in 1575 _aet._ 80 (so the _Theatrum_: _obiit +octogenarius A.C._ 1575). Probably the 5 is an error or misprint for 3, +and the 80 correct. + +[502] Luis de Sousa (_Hist. S. Dom._, Pt. I, Bk. i, cap. 2) praises his +_juizo e curiosidade de bom antiquario_, and there are many similar +passages in other writers. Resende furnished Barros, as Severim de +Faria later furnished Brito, with materials and advice. + +[503] In a similar though more elaborate work (88 ff.) Frei Nicolau +Diaz (†1596) told the life and death of Princess Joana (†May 1490): +_Vida da Serenissima Princesa Dona Joana, Filha del Rey Dom Afonso o +Quinto de Portugal_ (1585). + +[504] _Casamento Perfeyto_, 2ᵃ ed. (1726), p. 61. + +[505] _Monarchia Lusitana_, Pt. V, Bk. xvii, cap. 5. Bernardo de Brito +also praises him, and Frei Antonio Brandão acknowledges his debt to +him. Faria e Sousa says that he received from him _cantidad de papeles_. + +[506] _Europa Portuguesa_, vol. iii, pt. 3. Portugal, he says, is a +perpetual Spring, and he speaks of the women who earn their living by +selling roses and other flowers in Lisbon, of the almonds of Algarve, +the excellent honey, &c., &c. Vol. i covers the period from the Flood +to the foundation of Portugal; vol. ii goes down to 1557; vol. iii to +Philip II of Spain. + + + + + § 6 + + _Quinhentista Prose_ + + +Had latinization and the Renaissance come to Portugal in a quiet age +it is not pleasant to think what havoc they might have wrought on +Portuguese prose in the unreal atmosphere of the study. Fortunately +they found Portugal in turmoil. Stirring incidents and adventures were +continually occurring which needed no heightening of rhetoric or Latin +pomp of polysyllables. A scientific spirit of accuracy was abroad, and +the missionaries and adventurers, travellers, mariners, merchants, +officials, and soldiers who recorded their experiences wrote as men of +action, with life and directness. + +Few stories are more intense and affecting than those told by the +Portuguese survivors of shipwreck in the sixteenth and seventeenth +centuries. Twelve of these appeared in the original collection edited +by BERNARDO GOMES DE BRITO (born in 1688): _Historia Tragico-Maritima_ +(2 vols., 1735, 6).[507] The earliest and most celebrated is the +_Relaçam da mui notavel perda do galeão grande S. João_ [June 24, +1552], an anonymous narrative based on the account of a survivor, +Alvaro Fernandez, probably the ship’s mate, which tells of the death +of D. Lianor de Sepulveda and her husband with a simple pathos and +dramatic power unattained by the many poets who later treated the same +theme. But the accounts of the wreck of the _S. Bento_ (1554), the +_Conceição_ (1555), the _S. Paulo_ (1561), of D. Jorge de Albuquerque +(1565), and others, are scarcely less moving. The ships, of 1,000 +tons, as the _Aguia_, ‘the largest vessel that had hitherto sailed +to India’ (1558), and under, often with rotten rudder, or the whole +ship rotten, _sepulturas dos homens_, with few boats, careless and +ignorant pilots, badly careened, overloaded, overcrowded, ill-supplied +with worm-eaten biscuit, ‘poisonous’ wine, and insufficient water, +seemed to invite destruction. Between 1582 and 1602 alone thirty-eight +ships were lost. The sea was not the only enemy: corsairs off the +coast of Portugal, French, Dutch, and English, Lutheran heretics +who threw overboard beads and missals, or a Turkish fleet ‘in sight +of Ericeira’, exacted their toll when all other dangers had been +successfully overcome. The story is told immediately after the event, +sometimes almost in the form of a diary or log, or years later, +by survivors or based on the account of survivors, and it varies +according as the narrator is the captain of the ship, a landsman with +a dislike of sailors, a plain soldier, a Jesuit priest, a Franciscan +monk, a distinguished Lisbon chemist (Henrique Diaz in i. 6), or a +famous historian (ii. 3 by Diogo do Couto,[508] ii. 4 by João Baptista +Lavanha[509]). All or most of their accounts are masterpieces of vivid +phraseology. We follow as in a novel their adventures as the sea +‘breaks into flower--_quebrando em frol_’, as they are stranded on a +desert island, boarded in sight of home, entrapped by savages, devoured +by wild beasts, tottering, _arrimados em paos_, exhausted by thirst and +hunger, or prostrated by heat, in comparison with which the _calmas_ +of Alentejo ‘are but as Norwegian cold’: toils and perils borne with +heroic courage, told with the simplicity of heroes, without _adorno de +palavras nem linguagem floreada_. + +Many books of travel were the natural consequence of the discovery of +India. The historian João de Barros’ passion for knowledge, especially +geographical knowledge, was the first cause[510] of the learned and +instructive _Chorographia_ (1561) of his nephew Gaspar Barreiros +(†1574), a description of the places through which he passed on his way +to Rome in 1545 to thank the Pope on behalf of the Infante Henrique, +_Cardinalem amplissimum_, for his cardinal’s hat. But this work (edited +by his brother, Lopo Barreiros) was an exception. Most of the travel +books were concerned with the far East. + +The _Livro em que da relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente_ (1516) by +DUARTE BARBOSA of Lisbon, brother-in-law of Fernam de Magalhães, exists +in a Portuguese manuscript in the Public Library of Oporto, but was +first published in Portuguese in 1821 as a translation from the Italian +_Libro di Odoardo Barbosa Portoghese_, itself a translation from a +copy at Seville. The author had spent the greater part of his youth in +India, and his work contains vivid and accurate notes on Eastern lands +and cities, especially Malabar. + +One of the causes that most moved Portugal to curiosity and acted as +an incentive to discovery were the vague rumours of the existence of +a mighty Christian prince, the half-mythical Prester John, Negus of +Abyssinia. The priest FRANCISCO ALVAREZ (_c._ 1470?-_c._ 1540) set out +with Duarte Galvam, first Portuguese Ambassador to Abyssinia, in 1515, +but Galvam’s death delayed the mission, and it was not till 1520 that +Alvarez and the new ambassador, D. Rodrigo de Lima, reached the Court +of Prester John. They remained for six years in the country, and during +this time Alvarez recorded in straightforward notes every detail of the +country and its inhabitants with minuteness and accuracy. He considered +himself old[511] in 1520; he was certainly active: he shoots hares and +pheasants, washes unsuccessfully for gold, looks after his slaves, +his nine mules, his fourteen cows, and organizes a procession against +locusts. On their return, in Alvarez’ friend Antonio Galvam’s ship, to +Lisbon, bringing ‘the length of Prester John’s foot’, he was eagerly +questioned by king, prelates, and courtiers--the whole Court trooped +out along the road from Coimbra to meet them--and when he published +his fascinating diary of travel, _Verdadeira Informaçam das terras do +Preste Joam_ (1540), it was soon translated into almost every language +of Europe.[512] FREI GASPAR DA CRUZ of Evora, missionary in China, +returned to Portugal in 1569, and in the same year began his _Tractado +em que se cõtam muito por estẽso as cousas da China_ (1570). He calls +it a _singella narraçam_, but it contains valuable information about +China, nor did the author neglect his style. The Dominican FREI JOÃO +DOS SANTOS (_c._ 1550-_c._ 1625?)[513] was born at Evora about the +middle of the sixteenth century, and went out to East Africa and India +as a missionary in 1586. He returned to Lisbon in August 1600 and nine +years later published his _Ethiopia Oriental_ (1609), an attractive, +curious account, written in a clear and easy style, of the natives, +their land and customs. It is to be feared that some of the settlers +sadly abused his credulity, as in the case of the _mercador’s_ tale +of the native sorcerer or the man 380 years old, but this does not by +any means impair the interest of his book. More individual and vivid +is the _Itinerario_ (1560) of ANTONIO TENREIRO, who in brief, staccato +sentences describes minutely what he saw (the _rosaes_ of red, white, +and yellow roses in May near Damascus, the red roses of Shiraz, the +fair, white Gurgis, complexioned like Englishmen) during his travels +from Ormuz to the Caspian Sea and in Palestine and Egypt, and his +overland journey from Ormuz to Portugal (1529) in which, alone with an +Arab guide, he spent twenty-two days in crossing the desert. A similar +land journey, a generation later, is described with an equal wealth +of curious detail in the _Itinerario_ (1565) of Mestre MARTIM AFONSO, +surgeon to the Viceroy, Conde de Redondo,[514] while the Franciscan +FREI PANTALEAM DE AVEIRO in his _Itinerario da Terra Santa_, &c. (1593) +described his journey to the Holy Land. Not less adventurous were the +travels of another Franciscan, FREI GASPAR DE S. BERNARDINO, who +related them with greater parade of erudition in a clear, elegant style +in his _Itinerario da India por terra_ (1611), the promised second +part of which was unhappily not finished or at least not published. +Half a century later the Jesuit MANUEL GODINHO (_c._ 1630-1712),[515] +in the _Relaçam do novo caminho que fez por terra e mar_ (1665), gave +a remarkable account, in a style not untouched by the _culteranismo_ +of the time, of his return journey in 1663 from Baçaim. But various +and arresting as are the books of Portuguese travellers, they are all +eclipsed by the wonderful _Peregrinaçam_ (1614) of FERNAM MENDEZ PINTO +(_c._ 1510-83). This prince of travellers and adventurers was born at +Montemôr o Velho. His parents were of humble station, and at the time +of King Manuel’s death (1521) he was brought by an uncle to Lisbon in +order to earn his living. Although he remained in Portugal for sixteen +years, in the service first of a lady of Lisbon and later of D. João de +Lencastre,[516] lord of Montemôr o Velho, at Setubal, he was but just +in his teens when, crossing in a boat from Alfama, he was captured off +Cezimbra by a French corsair as a foretaste of pleasures to come. In +March 1537 he set out for India and his odyssey began in earnest. He +had no sooner reached Diu than he re-embarked on an expedition to the +Straits of Mecca. His hope was to make a rich prize and become _muito +rico em pouco tempo_. He went next with three others on a mission to +Ethiopia, and on the return voyage he was captured by the Turks, placed +in a subterranean dungeon, and then sold to a Greek renegade, whom he +describes as ‘the most inhuman and cruel dog of an enemy ever seen’. +Fortunately after three months the Greek sold him for 12,000 _réis_ to +a Jew, who brought him to Ormuz. After spending little over a fortnight +there he embarked with a cargo of horses for Goa, and later was wounded +in a fight with the Turks. He next proceeded to Malacca, and was sent +thence on a mission to the King of the Batas, by whom he was made +welcome ‘as rain to our rice crops’. After accompanying the king on a +campaign he returned to Malacca, losing his cargo of tin and benjamin +on the way. His next mission was to the King of Aaru. He returned to +Malacca a slave, as his ship was wrecked, and after fearful sufferings +he, the only survivor, was bought cheap by a poor Moorish trader. A +trading expedition to Pão and Lugor ended as disastrously: after a +fight with Moors he succeeded in swimming wounded to land, but returned +penniless to Patane. In despair he joined the freebooting Antonio de +Faria, and they preyed on Chinese junks till their ship was weighed +down with silver and silk, damask and porcelain. Faria and his men are +represented fighting, torturing, murdering, plundering, playing at dice +on deck for pieces of silk, praying a litany, and promising rich and +good spoil to Our Lady of the Hill at Malacca. After being shipwrecked +they joined a Chinese pirate and again built up their fortunes. They +weathered a storm by throwing overboard twelve cases of silver, sacked +a Chinese city, were received in honour at Liampo (Ningpo), but again +inordinate greed for gold proved their ruin, and, after a daring +attempt to plunder the rich tombs of the Emperors of China in the +island of Calemplui, they were finally stranded in China and arrested +as vagabonds. After six weeks in the crowded prison at Nanking the +Portuguese were taken to Peking and thence deported to Quansi (Kansu), +where they were freed by the timely attack of the King of Tartary. He +sent them to Cochin-China, but on the way they entered the service +of a Chinese pirate. When they reached Japan only three Portuguese +survived, the first Europeans, Mendez Pinto claims, to set foot there. +When he brought news of this land to Liampo a trading expedition was +hastily equipped and set out in defiance of times and seasons. Few of +those who embarked in the nine junks ever saw land again. Mendez Pinto +eventually reached Malacca (1544). Pedro de Faria later sent him on a +mission to the King of Martavão. Martavão was, however, sacked soon +after his arrival, and he was carried a prisoner to Pegu. He escaped +by night and after many adventures returned to Goa. He immediately set +out again ‘to challenge fortune in China and Japan’. After accompanying +the King of Sunda on a war expedition he was again wrecked and spent +thirteen days on a raft. Of the eleven survivors three were eaten +by crocodiles and the rest sold as slaves. Released by the King of +Calapa, Mendez Pinto served under the King of Siam and returned to Pegu +and thence to Malacca. Once more he set out for Japan, and this time +his voyage prospered and he came back with a fair profit. At Malacca +he was eagerly questioned by St. Francis Xavier (1506-52) as to the +conditions in Japan. He seems to have been infected with the saint’s +enthusiasm, as were most of those who met him, and after his death he +perhaps gave up a considerable fortune in order to return as missionary +and ambassador to Japan. Before leaving Goa (April 1554) with St. +Francis Xavier’s successor, Padre Belchior, he had been received into +the Company of Jesus. After many hardships they landed in China in July +1556. In the spring of 1558, a few weeks after returning to Goa, Mendez +Pinto sailed for home and arrived at Lisbon on September 22. The Lisbon +officials dallied with his pretensions to reward for his services. +During his wanderings in India, Ethiopia, China, Japan, Tartary, and +Arabia he had persevered through captivities, battles, and shipwrecks, +but four or five years of official evasions broke his spirit, and he +retired to live in poverty at Almada. Philip II, stirred to interest +in this legendary figure, granted him two bushels of wheat in January +1583, and in July of the same year he died. He had long before left +the Company of Jesus, either of his own free will or expelled, perhaps +on suspicion of Jewish descent.[517] His name was erased from the +Company’s records and letters. Of his twenty-one years of trader, +envoy, pirate, and missionary in the far East he wrote for his children +a narrative of breathless interest, and, speaking generally, it bears +the stamp of truth. We gather that he was brave and adventurous, +despite a natural timidity, of a consuming curiosity which often got +the better of his fears, pious, temperate, apt to be carried away by +fugitive enthusiasms, but persistent, gay, and optimistic in defeat +and disappointment. He appears not to have been particularly vain. He +does not disguise some of his less creditable actions, and he certainly +does not exaggerate his services in Japan.[518] He may possibly have +been one of the three Portuguese who discovered it in 1542: their +names are given by Couto (V. viii. 12) as Mota, Zeimoto and Peixoto. +Gifted with keen imagination, he could exaggerate[519] when expediency +required, but he knew that in the account of his travels exaggeration +was not expedient, and he was constantly on guard against the notorious +scepticism of his fellow-countrymen.[520] He may have heightened the +colour occasionally, but as a rule he writes with restraint, although +with delight in a good story and skill in bringing out the dramatic +side of events. It is one of the charms of his work that it is very +definite in dates and figures, but this also, through inevitable errors +and misprints, afforded a handle to the pedantry of critics. The fatal +similarity of Mendez and mendacity gave rise to the play on his name: +_Fernam, mentes? Minto_ (‘Fernam, do you lie?--I lie’), and Congreve, +in _Love for Love_, by calling him ‘a liar of the first magnitude’ +clinched the matter in England. But comparatively early a reaction +set in,[521] and modern travellers have unequivocally confirmed the +more favourable verdict and corroborated his detailed descriptions of +Eastern countries. The mystery of the East, the heavy scent of its +cities, its fervent rites and immemorial customs, as well as the magic +of adventure, haunt his pages. A hundred pictures refuse to fade from +the memory, whether they are of silk-laden Chinese junks or jars of +gold dust, vivid descriptions of shipwreck (the hiss and swell of the +waves are in his rich sea-Latin) or the awful pathos of the Queen of +Martavão’s death, the sketch of a supercilious Chinese mandarin or of +St. Francis Xavier tramping through Japan. + +Five years after Mendez Pinto’s return to Portugal a book scarcely +less strange than his _Peregrinaçam_, of atmosphere as oriental and of +interest as absorbing although more scientific, was printed at Goa. Its +author, GARCIA DA ORTA[522] (_c._ 1495-_c._ 1570), born at Elvas, the +son, perhaps, of Jorge da Orta, owner of a shop (_temdeiro_) in that +town, studied medicine for ten years (1515-25) at Salamanca and Alcalá, +and in 1526 began to practise as a doctor at Castello de Vide. From +1532 to 1534 he was Professor at the University of Lisbon, and in March +1534 sailed with his friend and patron, the insatiable Governor Martim +Afonso de Sousa,[523] to India as king’s physician. The East cast its +spell over his curious and inquiring mind; he remained under twelve +or more Governors and died at a good old age, probably at Goa. There, +on the veranda of his beautiful garden, in this land of _bellissimi +giardini_,[524] served affectionately by many slaves, and with the +books of his well-stocked library ready to his hand,[525] he would +regale his guests with strange fruits--all the _maneiras á gula_ of +India--and with still stranger knowledge. His knowledge was based on +personal observation, for although he respected Galen and Dioscorides +as the princes of medicine and was possessed of great erudition, he +was not disposed to bow blindly to the authority of any writer, Arab +or Greek, least of all to Scholasticism, he went to Nature and in his +_Coloquios dos Simples_ (1563) recorded what he had seen and heard, +the truth without rhetoric, setting aside the _mil fabulas_ of Pliny +and Herodotus. These fifty-nine dialogues, arranged in alphabetical +order, pay more regard to facts than to style. They are full of varied +information and give us a most pleasant insight into the writer’s +character, strong, humorous, obstinate, and into his life at Goa. From +a scientific point of view they are of great importance: not only +did they provide the first description of cholera[526] and of many +unknown plants, but after three and a half centuries they retain their +scientific interest and value. Begun many years earlier in Latin,[527] +they were published in the author’s old age, with an introductory ode +by his friend, the poet Camões. Unhappily they became known to Europe +chiefly in a garbled Latin version by Charles de l’Écluse (Clusius)--a +fifth edition appeared in 1605--from which the Italian and French +translations were made. It was not until the nineteenth century that +the skilful and eager care of the Conde de Ficalho enabled a larger +number of those who read Portuguese to appreciate Orta at his true +worth. + +Born at Alcacer do Sal, the celebrated scientist PEDRO NUNEZ +(1492?-1577?), whose name lives in the instrument of his invention, the +_nonius_,[528] was Cosmographer to Kings João III and Sebastian and +Professor of Mathematics at the University of Coimbra (1544-62). Prince +Luis and D. João de Castro were his pupils. He wrote indifferently +in Latin, Spanish, or Portuguese, declared that as science treats +of concrete things it can be expressed in any language however +barbarous,[529] and, in order to secure for it a wider public, +translated into Portuguese the Latin treatise (_libellus_) _De Sphaera_ +by John of Halifax (Joannes de Sacro Bosco): _Tratado da Sphera_ +(1537),[530] and into Spanish his own _Libro de Algebra en arithmetica +& geometria_ (1567), originally written in Portuguese and addressed +to his pupil and friend the Cardinal-King Henrique. His other works, +including the _De Crepusculis_ (1542), were written in Latin. + +The Homeric hero DUARTE PACHECO PEREIRA (1465?-1533?), about whose +life, apart from the hundred days at Cochin (1504) and a fight off +Finisterre (1509) with the French pirate Mondragon, singularly little +is known,[531] on his return from India in 1505 wrote a work entitled +_Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_ [1505-6?]. This curious and important survey +of the coast of Africa, the work of one more accustomed to wield sword +than pen, but sometimes as picturesque and interesting as Duarte +Barbosa, was to have consisted of five books, but only three and a part +of the fourth were written. It remained in manuscript for nearly four +centuries. + +The three _Roteiros_ (logs)[532] written by the famous Viceroy D. JOÃO +DE CASTRO (1500-48) on his voyages (1) from Lisbon to Goa in 1538, +(2) from Goa to Diu, 1538-9, (3) from Goa to the Red Sea in 1541, are +decked out with no literary graces. He wrote, he said, for seamen, not +for ladies and gallants. Yet the scientific curiosity and enthusiasm +of this keen-eyed, broad-minded observer give his descriptions force +and truth, the same practical lucidity that marks his letters, which +according to his friend Prince Luis contained _todas as cousas +necessarias e nenhũas superfluas_, and they were early prized in Spain +as _harto notables, muy curiosos_.[533] The third _Roteiro_ would seem +to have been originally written in Latin, and perhaps translated by +Castro at his beloved Sintra home. The manuscript was bought by Sir +Walter Raleigh, and it appeared in English in 1625, 208 years before it +was published in Portuguese. + +Greater historical interest attaches to the letters of an earlier +Governor, AFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE (1461-1515). That grim conqueror of +the East might have smiled somewhat sardonically to be numbered among +Portugal’s writers. He merely said what he had to say, and there +was an end of it, would be his comment. But it is precisely this +directness--the powerful grasp of reality and the horror of useless +rhetoric--which gives excellence to the prose of his _Cartas_. These +incomparable reports, written to King Manuel in moments snatched from +his many occupations as Governor of India (1509-15), sometimes rise to +a biblical grandeur and eloquence, as in the splendid passage beginning +_Goa é vossa; Onor, o rei dele paga-vos pareas_. Perhaps, after all, +he was not wholly unconscious of his art, and certainly the source +of it is clear: as Osorio[534] notices, he was a devoted student of +the Bible. In more familiar mood he can give a vivid sketch in a few +emphatic words, as when he describes the judge, ‘a little man dressed +in a cloak of coarse cloth with a crooked stick under his arm’, or the +impostors who will practise ‘a thousand wiles and deceits for one ruby’. + +To turn to lesser men, FERNAM RODRIGUEZ LOBO SOROPITA (born _c._ 1560), +a distinguished Lisbon advocate and the first editor of the _Rythmas_ +(1595) of Camões, was a poet celebrated for his wit in his day. That +of his letters is perhaps a little forced, and the obscurity of the +allusions now interferes with our enjoyment. The interest of the +extracts from a manuscript in the British Museum written by FRANCISCO +RODRIGUEZ SILVEIRA (1558-_c._ 1635) in 1608, published under the title +_Memorias de um Soldado da India_ (1877), consists both in the record +of his thirteen years’ service in India (1585-98) and in the account +during the succeeding ten years of Portugal and especially Beira, the +condition of the roads, the land, the peasants, and the sway of the +local _caciques_--thief, Turk, Pasha, tyrant, he calls them--and his +indignation gives a pleasant vigour to his prose. The _Arte da Caça +da Altanaria_ (1616) of DIOGO FERNANDEZ FERREIRA (born _c._ 1550), +page of the Pretender D. Antonio, is a work of great interest. The +writer evidently delights in his theme and has a real love of birds, +the migratory habits of which he describes in Part 6; and he treats +‘of swallows and of the swallow-grass which restores sight’, of +the food made of sugar, saffron, and almonds for nightingales, and +other alluring topics. Among the rare and curious books of the time +we may notice that on the prerogatives of women, _Dos priuilegios & +prœrogatiuas q ho genero femenino tẽ por dereito comũ & ordenações do +Reyno mais que ho genero masculino_ (1557), by RUY GONÇALVEZ, Professor +of Law at Coimbra in 1539 and subsequently Court Advocate at Lisbon. + +Two writers especially attract attention even in the feast of interest +which Portuguese prose in this century offers so abundantly. The son +of a distinguished Dutch illuminator and painter settled in Portugal, +Antonio de Hollanda, who painted Charles V at Toledo and may have +illuminated the Book of Hours of Queen Lianor, FRANCISCO DE HOLLANDA +(1518-84), born in Lisbon, painter, illuminator, and architect, in his +short treatises _Da fabrica que fallece á cidade de Lisboa_ and _Da +sciencia do desenho_, showed an enthusiasm for his subject almost +out of place in the Portugal of the second half of the sixteenth +century. Indeed, he nearly ran into trouble with the Inquisition by +seeming to make painting ‘divine’, but prudently altered the passage. +His curious and celebrated treatise _Da Pintvra Antigva_ (1548) is +written in a style which may be rather rejoiced in than imitated, +for, as he tells us, he was more at home with the brush than with +the pen, but it is full of ingenious and original remarks. The first +part deals in forty-four brief chapters with painting generally, and +opens with a fine passage describing the work of God as the greatest +of all painters. The second part contains the _Quatro dialogos_, in +the first three of which he records the conversations of Vittoria +Colonna, Michelangelo, Lattanzio Tolomei, and himself in the church of +St. Sylvester or in a garden overlooking Rome; conversations which, +despite their Portuguese dress, bear the stamp of truth and will retain +their fascination so long as interest in art endures. Francisco worked +first in the household of the Infante Fernando and then in that of the +Archbishop of Evora. In 1537 he set out on a journey to Rome by land +(Valladolid, Barcelona, Provence), and in Italy remained from 1538 to +1547. His friendship with Michelangelo continued after his return to +Portugal, as a letter from Hollanda to Michelangelo in 1553 proves. The +last part of his life he spent in the country between Lisbon and Sintra +among the Portuguese whom he had called _desmusicos_, and despite his +comfortable circumstances--he received a pension of 100,000 _réis_ from +Philip II--he must often have looked back with regret to the fullness +of those nine years in Italy. But his countrymen, thanks largely to +the scholarly researches and studies of Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos, +are now fully alive to his merits. And, indeed, even in the sixteenth +century a passage in Frei Heitor Pinto’s _Imagem da Vida Christam_ +sets him side by side with the great Italian.[535] PHILIPE NUNEZ, +who professed as a Dominican in 1591, wrote on painting in the next +century: _Arte poetica e da pintura e symmetria_ (1615). A work on +music by ANTONIO FERNANDEZ of about the same date, _Arte de Mvsica de +canto dorgam e canto cham_ (1626), consists of three treatises which +do not profess to be original. MANUEL NUNEZ DA SILVA wrote on the same +subject in his _Arte Minima_ (1685). + +In the preface (1570) to his _Regra Geral_, written in 1565, GONÇALO +FERNANDEZ TRANCOSO[536] (_c._ 1515-_c._ 1590) professed not to have +sufficient literary skill even for this simple calendar of movable +feasts. Yet in the previous year (1569), in which at Lisbon he lost +both wife and children in the great plague (a beloved daughter of +twenty-four, a student son, and a choir-boy grandson), in order to +distract his mind from these sorrows,[537] he wrote a remarkable work, +unique of its kind in Portuguese literature; or at least he wrote +then the first two books, which appeared under the title _Contos +e historias de proveito e exemplo_ (1575).[538] A third part was +published posthumously in 1596. The number and kind of the editions in +the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries testify to its popularity, but +since the eighteenth century no new edition has been printed and the +book has fallen into a strange neglect.[539] Trancoso did not claim +originality: he merely collected stories from what he had heard or +read.[540] The stories, only thirty-eight in number, are very various. +The subjects of many of them resemble those of Franco Sacchetti’s +_Novelle_ or Giovanni Francesco Straparola’s _Le xiii Piacevoli Notti_, +and some are directly imitated from Boccaccio’s _Il Decamerone_ or +Giovanni Battista Giraldi’s _Gli Ecatommiti_ or from Matteo Bandello +(†1565).[541] But often they are traditions so widespread that they +occur in many authors and languages, as that (ii. 7) which corresponds +to Straparola’s third _Notte_ and of which Dr. F. A. Coelho recorded +twenty-one other foreign versions, besides four popular variants +in Portuguese; or i. 17, in which the cunning answers to difficult +questions are similar to those in Sacchetti, No. 4 (_Mestre Bernabò +signor di Milano_), and Dr. Braga’s _Contos tradicionaes do povo +portuguez_, No. 71 (_Frei Joam Sem Cuidados_). Others are apparently +of oriental origin, as the judge’s verdict, worthy of Sancho Panza +(i. 15), or the king and the barber (iii. 3). But the subject and +place (Lisbon, Oporto, Evora, Coimbra, &c.) of most, although not of +the longest, of these tales are Portuguese.[542] Some are trifling +anecdotes which acquire a charm and vividness through their popular +character and the author’s simple details of description, as the +picture of the peasant family near Oporto sitting round the fire after +their supper of maize-bread and chestnuts (i. 10). The author is not +content that we should draw our own moral, but this scarcely spoils the +reader’s pleasure in these malicious and ingenious tales. + +Despite inroads of the exotic and all the chances and changes of +life and literature in this century, the Portuguese maintained their +interest in the romances of chivalry, in which indeed they saw a +reflection of their own prowess in the East. Dull as _Clarimundo_ may +now seem, it made a great impression in its day, and was eagerly read, +from Lisbon to the Moluccas.[543] Even as late as 1589 Bishop Arraez +considers it necessary to say that a prince should have better ways of +spending his time than _ler por Clarimundo_,[544] while Rodriguez Lobo, +thirty years later, brackets it with _Amadis_ and _Palmeirim_.[545] +Many a young page and _escudeiro_ must have aspired not only to pore +over the _cronicas_ but to write one of his own.[546] The facility of a +Barros is, however, given to few, and both Jorge Ferreira’s _Memorial_ +and Moraes’ _Palmeirim de Inglaterra_ were written later in life. +FRANCISCO DE MORAES (_c._ 1500-72),[547] a well-known courtier in the +reign of King João III, whose Treasurer he was, and a _Comendador_ of +the Order of Christ, in 1540 accompanied the Portuguese Ambassador, +D. Francisco de Noronha, to Paris as Secretary, and at the French +Court he fell passionately in love with one of the ladies-in-waiting +of Queen Leonor (sister of the Emperor Charles V and widow of King +Manuel of Portugal) named Claude Blosset de Torcy. His love was not +returned: there was a great discrepancy of age between them, his +knowledge of French was very slight, and his passion robbed him of wit +and reason. If the Duc de Châtillon was favoured, or if the English +Ambassador gave Mademoiselle de Torcy his arm, Moraes would flare +up in jealousy, and when in the presence of the queen the elderly +lover went down on his knees _la belle Torcy_ (to whom Clément Marot +had addressed one of his _Étrennes_ and who eventually married the +Baron de Fontaines) prayed him not to continue to make her as well as +himself ridiculous. Moraes, after leaving France in 1543, or early +in 1544, recovered from his passion and married in Portugal. Of his +subsequent life little is known; he appears to have returned to France, +and in 1572 he was murdered at the entrance of the Rocio, the central +square of Evora. His _Cronica de Palmeirim de Inglaterra_, written in +France or Portugal or both, was probably published in 1544, but the +earliest existing Portuguese edition is that of Evora, 1567, which +contains the dedication to the Infanta Maria, written over twenty years +earlier (1544). Chiefly remarkable for the excellence of its style, +_Palmeirim_ will always retain its place in Portuguese literature +as a masterpiece of prose, musically soft, yet clear and vigorous. +Cervantes considered it worthy to be preserved in a golden casket like +the works of Homer,[548] but few of its readers will now differ from +the more modern and moderate opinion of Menéndez y Pelayo that ‘it +requires a real effort’ to read the whole of it. The effort required +to read the miserable Spanish translation of 1547-8 is infinitely +greater. The fact that this translation is of earlier date than any +surviving Portuguese edition gave rise to the theory that Moraes had +translated his work from the Spanish. No competent critic now believes +this; any doubts that may have lingered were dispelled wittily and +for ever in Mr. Purser’s able essay (1904). The Spanish version, +with its painful efforts to avoid _lusitanismos_ and its palpable +mistranslations (such as _suavidad_ or _alegria_ for _saudade_), shows +less knowledge of the sea, of Ireland,[549] and of Portugal. Moreover, +the preference of the author of _Palmeirim_ for Portugal is obvious, +and the passage in which ladies of the French Court are introduced +corresponds to Moraes’ _Descvlpa de hvns amores_,[550] first published +with the _Dialogos_ in 1624. Moraes himself would probably not have +been greatly troubled by the impudent claim set up for Luis Hurtado +and Miguel Ferrer. To have made a masterpiece out of their book would +have been an achievement as great as to have made it out of old French +and English legends in Paris. _Palmeirim’s_ predecessors, _Palmerin de +Oliva_ (1511), _Primaleon_ (1512), and _Platir_ (1533), were probably +all genuinely Spanish, although some doubts have been raised as to +the first of the line, _Palmerin de Oliva_ attributed to a cryptic +lady, a _femina docta_ called Agustobrica.[551] Its successors were as +genuinely Portuguese: to Moraes’ parts 1 and 2 DIOGO FERNANDEZ added +parts 3 and 4 (1587), concerned with the deeds of Palmeirim’s son, _Dom +Duardos_,[552] and BALTHASAR GONÇALVEZ LOBATO parts 5 and 6 (1602), in +which are told those of his grandson, _Dom Clarisol de Bretanha_. Three +brief but very lively and natural _Dialogos_ (1624) show that Moraes +was not only an excellent stylist but a keen observer. The _fidalgo_ +and _escudeiro_, the lawyer and the love-lorn _moço_, are all clearly +and wittily presented. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[507] For a full list see Innocencio da Silva, _Dicc. Bibliog._ i. +377, and _Grundriss_, p. 339. Five volumes were announced by Barbosa +Machado as ready for press. The modern editors, besides eleven wrecks +of the sixteenth, eight of the seventeenth, and two of the eighteenth, +have included three of the nineteenth century. Some of the original +chap-books survive, with a fine woodcut of a tossing galleon on the +title-page: _Historia da mui notavel perda do galeam grande S. Joam_ +(1554?); _Relaçam do lastimozo navfragio da nao Conceiçam chamada +Algaravia a Nova_ (1555); _Naufragio da nao Santo Alberto_ (1597); +_Memoravel relaçam da perda da nao Conceiçam_ (1627). The _Relaçam da +viagem do galeão São Lovrenço e sua perdição_ (1651) is by the Jesuit +Antonio Francisco Cardim (1596-1659); the _Relaçam sumaria da viagem +que fez Fernão d’Alvarez Cabral_, by Manuel Mesquita Perestrello, is +an account of the wreck of the fine ship _S. Bento_, which had taken +Camões to India. + +[508] In this _Relaçam do naufragio da nao S. Thomé_, written in 1611, +twenty-two years after the event, he refers several times to his +_Decadas_. + +[509] _Naufragio da nao S. Alberto_ (1593). It is a summary of a _largo +cartapacio_ of the pilot. + +[510] _pedirme meu tio Ioam de Barros que lhe screuesse muito +particularmente todos os lugares deste meu caminho._ + +[511] _Verd. Inf._, p. 110: _nam era pera velhos_. + +[512] This seems to have aroused the resentment of Barros (_Asia_, III. +iv. 3). The author, he says, had no learning. In II. iii. 4 he again +refers to him slightingly as ‘a certain Francisco Alvarez’. Barros as +grammarian similarly ignored Oliveira. + +[513] Barbosa Machado says, _ultimamente em o Convento de Goa, +para onde tinha passado no anno de 1622 falleceu com saudade_, &c. +Innocencio da Silva read this with a comma after _passado_. + +[514] Afonso de Albuquerque mentions another surgeon Mestre Afonso +in India in his time, i.e. half a century earlier. The value of the +_Itinerario_ consists in its having been written as a diary on the +journey, and its author, perhaps thinking of Mendez Pinto, says _hee +hũu grande descuido de homens que fazem semelhantes viagens e as nom +escreuem ... porque a memoria nom pode ser capaz de tamanha cousa e +tantas particularidades_ (p. 82). + +[515] According to Barbosa Machado he entered the Jesuit College as a +novice in 1645 and died in 1712 _aet._ 78. Godinho also wrote a life of +Frei Antonio das Chagas. + +[516] He was the son of D. Jorge, illegitimate son of João II., and was +created Duke of Aveiro. + +[517] See the important works by Colonel Cristovam Ayres, _Fernão +Mendes Pinto_, 1904; _Fernão Mendes Pinto e o Japão_, 1906. + +[518] His work did not appear till 1614 and it is uncertain to what +extent it was edited by the historian Francisco de Andrade. It is +thought that the account of his services as missionary in Japan may +have been excised owing to the hostility of the Jesuits. + +[519] Cap. 223: _eu respondi acrecentando em muitas cousas que me +perguntava por me parecer que era assim necessario á reputação da nação +portuguesa_. + +[520] Cf. caps. 14, 70, 88, 114, 126, 198, 204. The complaint is echoed +by almost every Portuguese traveller of the day. Bishop Osorio refers +to the _fidei faciendae difficultas_; even the truthful and exact +Francisco Alvarez fears his readers’ disbelief. + +[521] Cf. Faria e Sousa (_laudari a laudato!_): _Yo le tengo por muy +verdadero_; A. de Sousa Macedo, _Eva e Ave_, ii. 55, 1676 ed., p. 495: +_El Rey Catholico D. Philippe II, quando veio a Portugal, gostava de +ouvir a Fernão Mendes, em cujas peregrinaçoens & sucessos que dellas +escreveo mostrou o tempo com a experiencia a verdade que se lhe +disputava antes que ouvesse tantas noticias d’aquellas partes_; Soares, +_Theatrum_: _diu apud Lusitanos fidem non meruit donec rerum qui secuti +sunt eventus et aliorum scripta nihil Ferdinandum a vero discrepasse +confirmarunt_; Manuel Bernardes, _Nova Floresta_, i (1706), p. 124: _as +Relações do nosso Fernão Mendez Pinto que não merecem tão pouco credito +como alguns lhe dão_. ‘Either never man had better memory or he was the +most solemn liar that ever put pen to paper’ is the verdict of José +Agostinho de Macedo (_Motim Literario_, 1841 ed., ii. 17). + +[522] In France he was known as du Jardin. Familiarly this great +botanist seems to have been called Herbs. A copy of the first edition +of the _Coloquios_ has GRACIA DORTA O ERVAS on the back of the binding. +This might be an ignorant mistake for D’ELVAS. + +[523] The Governor’s brother, Pero Lopez de Sousa, wrote a _Diario da +Navegação_ (1530-2) first published at Lisbon in 1839. The soldier in +Couto’s _Dialogo_ says, _não vai tão mal negociado hir por Fysico môr +pois todos os que este cargo serviram tiraram nos seus tres annos sete +ou oito mil cruzados_. + +[524] _Libro di Odoardo Barbosa Portoghese._ + +[525] He must have spent many a half-hour in the corner bookshop in +Goa mentioned by Couto (_Dec._ VI. v. 8, 1781 ed., p. 400): _o canto +onde pousa um livreiro_--unless this is a misprint for _luveiro_, +as the neighbouring _sirgueiro_ seems to indicate. The growth of +Portuguese literature in the East would furnish matter for a curious +essay. Great folios like the _Cancioneiro de Resende_ (see Lopez de +Castanheda, v. 12, and Barros, _Asia_, III. iii. 4, for the strange use +made of it in India) and the _Flos Sanctorum_ were taken out, and it +is improbable that they were brought back when every square inch was +required for pepper. Thousands of precious volumes must have gone down +in shipwrecks, others--profane books and _autos_--were thrown overboard +at the bidding of the priests. For the fate of a case of Hebrew Bibles +(_briuias_) see Corrêa, _Lendas da India_, i. 656-7. _Amadis de Gaula_ +was apparently in India in 1519 (Lopez de Castanheda, v. 16). A most +interesting list of books ready to be sent to the Negus of Abyssinia in +1515 is given in Sousa Viterbo’s _A Livraria Real_ (1901), p. 8. + +[526] Unless Corrêa’s description (_Lendas_, iv. 288-9) is earlier. +Other events recorded by Corrêa which must have closely affected Orta +are the fate of a bachelor of medicine strangled and burnt by the +Inquisition at Goa in 1543 (iv. 292) and the outbreak of small-pox, +from which 8,000 children died there in three months in 1545 (iv. 447). +The _Dialogo da perfeyçam & partes que sam necessarias ao bom medico_ +(1562), with the exception of the dedicatory letter to King Sebastian +and the title, is written in Spanish (25 ff.). Apparently AFONSO DE +MIRANDA found it in Latin among the books of his son Jeronimo (who had +studied at Coimbra and Salamanca) and translated it. + +[527] _Composto_, he says (_Coloquios_, i. 5). Dimas Bosque (ib. i. 11) +says _começado_. + +[528] Thus he contributed to the fact, which he notices in the _Tratado +da carta de marear_, that the Portuguese sea enterprises were based +on careful preparation. The _nonius_ was perfected in the following +century by Vernier. + +[529] _Tratado da Sphera_, Preface. + +[530] This volume contains also two brief treatises by Nunez in +Portuguese: _Tratado ... sobre certas duuidas da nauegação_, answering +certain questions put to him by Martim Afonso de Sousa, and _Tratado +... em defensam da carta de marear_, addressed to the Infante Luis. +The _De Sphaera_ of Joannes de Sacro Bosco was printed with a preface +by Philip Melanchthon in 1538. Arraez, in his _Dialogos_, 1604 ed., f. +56, says: _sei algo da Sphera porque quando Pero Nunez a lia a certos +homens principais eu me achava presente_. + +[531] He himself says that he was born in the excellent city of Lisbon +(_Esmeraldo_, iv. 6), and he was one of the captains sent out by João +II to continue the discovery of the West Coast of Africa. In 1520-2 he +was Governor of the fortress of S. Jorge da Mina, but his last years +were spent in poverty. + +[532] Other works of a similar nature, _livros das rotas_ or +_derrotas_, are printed in _Libro de Marinharia_. _Tratado da Aguia de +Marear_ [1514] _de João de Lisboa_ [†1526]. _Copiado e coordenado por +J. I. Brito Rebello_, 1903. Cf. also G. Pereira, _Roteiros Portuguezes +da viagem de Lisboa á India nos seculos xvi e xvii_, 1898; H. Lopes +de Mendonça, _Estudos sobre navios portuguezes nos seculos xv e xvi_, +1892, and _O Padre Fernando Oliveira e a sua obra nautica_, 1898 (pp. +147-221 contain _O Liuro da fabrica das naos_, of which, says the +preface, _ninguem escreveo ateegora_); and Sousa Viterbo, _Trabalhos +nauticos dos portuguezes nos seculos xvi e xvii_ (_Historia e Memorias +da Ac. das Sciencias_, tom. vii (1898), _mem._ 3; tom. viii (1900), +_mem._ 1). Diogo de Sá’s _De Navigatione_ was published in Paris in +1549; the _Arte Practica de Navegar_ (1699) by the _Cosmographo Môr_ +Manuel Pimentel (1650-1719) appeared a century and a half later and had +several editions in the eighteenth century. + +[533] Fr. Antonio de San Roman, _Historia General de la India +Oriental_, Valladolid, 1603. + +[534] _De Rebvs Emmanvelis_ (1571), p. 380: _Non erat alienus a +literis, & cum otium erat lectione sacrarum praecipue literarum +oblectabatur._ + +[535] Pt. 1, 1572 ed., f. 224: _não feyto por mão do nosso Olãda nẽ do +vosso Michaël Angelo mas por meu bayxo ingenho_. + +[536] Or Gonçalo Fernandez of Trancoso (Beira). His name has no +connexion with the phrase _contar historias a trancos_ (_de coq à +l’âne_). + +[537] Preface addressed to the Queen in Pt. 1. His object was _prender +a imaginação em ferros_. + +[538] Timoneda’s _El Patrañuelo_ appeared in the following year. + +[539] See, however, Dr. Agostinho de Campos’ selections (1921). + +[540] _O que aprendi, ouui ou li_ (1624 ed.); _o que aprendi, vi ou li_ +(1734 ed.). + +[541] See Menéndez y Pelayo, _Orígenes de la Novela_, tom. ii (1907), +p. lxxxvii et seq. + +[542] The alternation of the indigenous and the exotic may be seen in +the spelling of the same name as Piro (= Pero, Pedro, Peter) and Pyrrho +(Pyrrhus) in iii. 8. + +[543] _Ropica Pnefma_, 1869 ed., p. 2. + +[544] _Dialogos_, 1604 ed., f. 157. A third edition of _Clarimundo_ +(1601) had appeared before the second edition of the _Dialogos_. + +[545] _Corte na Aldea_ (1619), _Dialogo_ 1 (1722 ed., p. 5). + +[546] Moraes, _Dialogo_ 1 (1852 ed., p. 11). + +[547] Barbosa Machado seems to have considered him much under seventy +at the time of his death in 1572. + +[548] The tradition, mentioned by Cervantes, that it was written by +a learned and witty king of Portugal is clearly traceable to that +other tradition that King João III as Infante had been joint-author of +_Clarimundo_. + +[549] Mount Brandon, Smerwick (and The Three Sisters) of the ‘pleasant’ +but ‘densely wooded’ coast of Kerry, are Greek to the Spanish +translator and become San Cebrian (Cyprian) and San Maurique. + +[550] The title continues: _que tinha com hũa dama francesa da raynha +dona Leanor per nome Torsi, sendo Portugues, pela quai fez a historia +das damas francesas no seu Palmeirim_. + +[551] It is scarcely possible that the author (Francisco Vazquez?) +considered that Burgos, as his birthplace--his mother--had a part in +the work. + +[552] From being merely the legend above, the mounted knight on the +title-page _Dom Duardos de Bretanha_ became the title of the book. + + + + + § 7. + + _Religious and Mystic Writers_ + + +Amador Arraez in one of his dialogues defines mysticism thus: ‘There +is a theology called mystic, as being hidden and unintelligible to +those who have no part in it. It is attained by much love and few books +and with much meditation and purity of heart, which alone suffices +for its exercise, and consists mainly in the noblest part of our will +inflamed in the love of God, its full and perfect good.’[553] ‘Our +will inflamed’: perhaps these words explain the excellence of the +style, the intensity and directness, of the writers in this mystic +theology. Style, so shy and elusive to Flaubert and his disciples, +came unsought to the religious writers of the sixteenth century, +because they wrote not with an eye on verbal artifices but out of the +fullness of the heart, ‘self-gathered for an outbreak’; and their +works can still be read with pleasure by priest and pagan. Mysticism, +inherent in the character of the Portuguese, runs through a great +part of their literature; we find it, for instance, in the merry +poetry of Gil Vicente or in the precious accents of Soror Violante do +Ceo. Strength of character, aloofness, rapt enthusiasm, singleness +of purpose: these are the qualities of mysticism at its best, and if +it also manifests itself in vagueness and confusion, this was not +so with the great mystic and religious writers of the golden age of +Portuguese literature. To them mysticism was not a cloudy goodness or +an abstract perception-dulling humanity, not a mist but a pillar of +fire, in the light of which the facts and details of reality stood out +the more clearly. But if the intensity of many of the mystics has its +natural complement in the fervour and directness of their prose, this +was not always the case, and it was not only in profane works that the +Portuguese language fell into the pitfalls of _culteranismo_. All the +more remarkable is the purity, the exquisite taste, the simplicity +and charm of some of the later, seventeenth century, prose. The secret +of this prose lay in fact in _culteranismo_ itself, the points and +conceits of which were based on a recognition of the value of words. +All the _seiscentistas_ set to playing with words as with unset stones +of price. The more critical or inspired writers joined in the game but +selected the genuine stones, leaving the rest to those who did not care +to distinguish between gems and coloured glass. + +A faint vein of mysticism is to be found in the work of FREI HEITOR +PINTO (_c._ 1528-1584?), who was born at the high-lying little town +of Covilhan and professed in the famous Convento dos Jeronimos at +Belem in 1543. After taking the degree of Doctor of Theology at +Siguenza he in 1567 competed for a Chair at Salamanca University, but +came into collision with Fray Luis de Leon, and in a bitter contest +between the Hieronymite and Augustinian Orders Pinto was defeated. He +returned to Portugal, became Professor of the new Chair of Scripture +at Coimbra University in 1576, Rector of the University and Provincial +of his Order.[554] After the death of the Cardinal-King he appears +vehemently to have espoused the cause of the Prior of Crato. King +Philip accordingly invited Pinto to accompany him to Spain--he was +one of the fifty excluded from the amnesty of 1581--and scandal added +that the king had him poisoned there in 1584. Pinto was an eminent +divine, a man of wide learning, a master of Portuguese prose, and he +appears to have inspired his pupils with affection; but King Philip +could scarcely have considered him worth poisoning, especially when +removed from his sphere of influence. No doubt he went to Spain with +extreme reluctance--on other occasions of his busy life when the +affairs of his Order drove him to France and Italy he had sighed in +tears (in spite of his interest in travel, his love of Nature, and +especially his antiquarian curiosity[555]) for his quiet cell at Belem, +‘where he had lived many years in great content’. Perhaps too he had +not forgotten his defeat at Salamanca. ‘King Philip’, he now said +sturdily, ‘may put me into Castille but never Castille into me.’ Pinto +wrote commentaries on various books of the Old Testament, which were +published in Latin, but his principal work consists in the dialogues, +_a maneira dos de Platão_, of his _Imagem da Vida Christam_ (1563), +followed by the _Segunda Parte dos Dialogos_ (1572). The first part has +six dialogues, the subjects being true philosophy, religion, justice, +tribulation, the solitary life,[556] and remembrance of death. The five +of the second part treat of tranquillity of life, discreet ignorance, +true friendship, causes,[557] and true and spurious possessions. It +is impossible to read a page of these dialogues and not be struck by +the extraordinary fascination of their style. It is concise and direct +without ever losing its harmony. Perhaps its best testimonial is +that its magic survives the innumerable quotations, although one may +regret that the work was not written, like the _Trabalhos de Jesus_, +in a dungeon instead of in a well-stocked library.[558] Apart from +the proof it affords of the exceptional capacity of the Portuguese +language for combining softness and vigour, the work contains much +ingenious thought, charming descriptions, and elaborate similes. Some +twenty editions in various languages before the end of the century +show how keenly it was appreciated. It was certainly not without +influence on the _Dialogos_ (1589) of the energetic and austere Bishop +of Portalegre, AMADOR ARRAEZ (_c._ 1530-1600), who spent his boyhood at +Beja and professed as a Carmelite at Lisbon a year after Frei Thomé de +Jesus and two years after Frei Heitor Pinto had professed in the same +city. Like the former he studied theology at Coimbra.[559] Cardinal +Henrique, when Archbishop of Evora, chose Arraez to be his suffragan, +and in 1578 appointed him to the see of Tripoli. Three years later he +was made Bishop of Portalegre by Philip II. He resigned in 1596, and +spent the last four years of his life in retirement, in the college +of his Order at Coimbra. A few weeks before his death he wrote the +prefatory letter for the revised edition of his great work.[560] It +consists of ten long dialogues between the sick and dying Antiocho +and doctor, priest, lawyer, or friends. The longest, over a quarter +of the whole, is a mystic life of the Virgin, and of the others some +are purely religious, as _Da Paciencia e Fortaleza Christam_, some +historical or political (_Da Gloria e Triunfo dos Lusitanos_; _Das +Condições e Partes do Bom Principe_). That on the Jews (_Da Gente +Judaica_) is marred by a spirit of bitter intolerance; on the other +hand there is an outspoken protest against slavery. The whole of this +interesting miscellany, which incidentally discusses a very large +number of subjects,[561] is tinged with mystic philosophy, and at the +same time shows a keen sense of reality. In style as in degree of +mysticism it stands midway between Pinto’s _Imagem_ and the _Trabalhos +de Jesus_. It is evident that its composition, although less artificial +than that of the _Imagem_, has been the subject of much care, and the +author declares in his preface that while adopting a ‘common, ordinary +style’, to the exclusion of forced tricks and elegances, he has striven +after clearness and harmony (the two postulates of his contemporary, +Fray Luis de Leon). The result is a treasury of excellent prose, +in which the harmonious flow of the sentences in nowise interferes +with precision and restraint, that grave brevity which Arraez notes +as one of the principal qualities of Portuguese. It can rise to +great eloquence (as in the lament of Olympio) without ever becoming +rhetorical or turgid. + +The prose of Pinto and Arraez was a very conscious art, that of the +still greater FREI THOMÉ DE JESUS (1529?-82) was the man, and the man +merged in mysticism, without thought of style. He was the son of +Fernam Alvarez de Andrade, Treasurer to King João III, and of Isabel de +Paiva. One of his brothers was the celebrated preacher Diogo de Paiva +de Andrade (1528-75), another the historian Francisco de Andrade; a +third, Frei Cosme da Presentação, distinguished himself in philosophy +and theology, but died at the age of thirty-six at Bologna, while the +work of a nephew (son of Francisco de Andrade), Diogo de Paiva de +Andrade (1576-1660), _Casamento perfeito_ (1636), is counted a classic +of Portuguese prose. His sister D. Violante married the second Conde +de Linhares. As a boy at the Augustinian Collegio de Nossa Senhora +da Graça at Coimbra he is said to have been all but drowned while +swimming in the Mondego. He professed at the Lisbon convent of the +same Order in 1544, went to Coimbra to study theology, and then became +master of novices at the Lisbon convent.[562] Here in 1574 he planned +a reform of the Order, but when all was ready for the secession of the +new _Recoletos_ an intrigue put an end to the scheme, which a kindred +spirit, Fray Luis de Leon, later carried into effect. Frei Thomé was +permitted to retire to the convent of Penafirme by the sea, near Torres +Vedras, where he might hope to indulge his love of quiet and solitude. +He was, however, appointed prior of the convent and Visitor of his +Order, and in 1578 was chosen by King Sebastian to accompany him to +Africa. At the battle of Alcacer Kebir, as he held aloft a crucifix +or tended the wounded, he was speared by a Moor and taken prisoner +to Mequinez. Here he was loaded with chains and placed in a dungeon, +and as the slave of a marabout received ‘less bread than blows’. The +Portuguese Ambassador, D. Francisco da Costa, intervened, and he was +removed to Morocco. Frei Thomé had borne all his sufferings with the +most heroic fortitude, and now, broken in health but not in spirit, +he refused to lodge at the ambassador’s and asked to be placed in the +common prison. During a captivity of nearly four years, regardless +of his own fate,[563] with unflagging devotion he ministered to the +numerous Christian prisoners, and was occupied to the last with their +needs. Costa, who shared the general respect and affection for this +saint and hero, visited him as he lay dying (April 17, 1582). _Vattene +in pace, alma beata e bella!_ It was during his captivity that he +composed the work that has given him the lasting fame earned by his +life and character, writing furtively in the scant light that filtered +through the cracks of the prison door.[564] These fifty _Trabalhos de +Jesus_ (2 pts., 1602, 9) embrace the whole life of Christ, and deserve, +more than Renan’s _Vie de Christ_, to be called a gracious fifth +Gospel. Each _trabalho_ is, moreover, followed by a spiritual exercise, +and these constitute a Portuguese _De Imitatione Christi_. Rarely, if +ever, has such glow and fervour been set in print: none but the very +dull could be left cold by these transports of passionate devotion. The +prose wrestles and throbs in an agony of grief or rapture, of mysticism +carried to the extreme limit where all power of articulate expression +ends.[565] Frei Thomé de Jesus is a master of Portuguese prose not by +any arts or graces but through the white heat of his intensity. No book +shows more clearly that style must always be a secondary consideration, +that if there be a burning conviction excellence of style follows. +It could evidently only have been written by one who had greatly +suffered, indeed by one who still suffered, one who expressed in these +fervid accents of heavenly communion an oblivion of self and an energy +habitually employed in eager earthly service of his fellow men. In a +prefatory letter (November 8, 1581) addressed to the Portuguese people +he declared his intention of publishing as it stood this masterpiece +of mystic ecstasy, which he believed to have been written by divine +inspiration.[566] + +Another celebrated treatise of a mystic character is the _Voz do_ +_Amado_ (1579) by the learned Canon D. HILARIAM BRANDÃO (†1585). The +religious works of this century are very numerous. We may mention the +anonymous _Regras e Cautelas de proueito espiritual_ (1542), which is +written in biblical prose and deals with the fifteen perfections or +excellences of charity and kindred subjects; the dialogues _Desengano +de Perdidos em dialogo entre dous peregrinos, hũ christão e hũ +turco_ (Goa, 1573) by the first Archbishop of Goa, D. GASPAR DE LEÃO +(†1576), and the _Dialogo espiritual: Colloquio de um religioso com um +peregrino_ (1578) by FREI ALVARO DE TORRES [Vedras] (fl. 1550), who was +drowned in the Tagus when on the way to his convent at Belem. + +D. JOANA DA GAMA (†1568), a nun of noble birth who directed a small +community founded by herself at Evora, a few miles from her native +Viana, published a short collection of moral sentences in alphabetical +order, followed by a few poems (_trovas_): _Ditos da Freyra_ (1555). +She insists, perhaps a little too emphatically for conviction, on her +lack of intelligence and ability, and says that these sayings were +written down for herself alone and that she purposely avoids subtleties +(_ditos sotijs_), but her aphorisms contain some shrewd personal +observation. Fact and legend have combined to weave an atmosphere of +romance about the life of Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, better known as +FREI LUIS DE SOUSA (1555?-1632). A descendant of the second Conde de +Marialva, he early entered or was about to enter the Order of Knights +Hospitallers at Malta, but was captured by the Moors in much the same +way and at about the same time (1575) as was Cervantes. He was taken to +Algiers, and may have known Cervantes there, or the statement that he +became Cervantes’ friend may have been an inference from the latter’s +mention of him in _Los Trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda_; they may +have met in Lisbon in 1590, or at Madrid. Sousa Coutinho returned to +Portugal in 1578, and some years later married D. Magdalena de Vilhena, +widow of D. João de Portugal, one of all the peerage that fell with +King Sebastian at Alcacer Kebir. Sousa Coutinho, at the invitation of +his brother in Panama, is said to have gone thither in the hope of +making a fortune, but the date is not clear. His unbending patriotism +was immortalized when as Governor of Almada in 1599 he burnt down his +house rather than receive as guests the Spanish Governors of Portugal. +The prospect of riches at Panama may have seemed especially alluring +after this rash act. He appears to have lived quietly in Portugal for +some years before 1613, when both he and his wife entered a convent. +Their act has been variously explained as due to melancholy disposition +or to the early death of their daughter, D. Anna de Noronha. Probably +after her death the example of their friend the Conde de Vimioso and +the conviction that the only abiding pleasure is the renunciation of +all the rest were prevalent factors in their decision. The legend, +however, related by Frei Antonio da Encarnação and dramatized two +centuries later by Garrett, records that D. João de Portugal, D. +Magdalena de Vilhena’s first husband, had been not killed but taken +prisoner in Africa, and after many years’ captivity he reappears as +an aged pilgrim and bitterly reveals his identity. In the convent of +Bemfica, where he had professed in September 1614, Frei Luis de Sousa +was consulted on various matters by the Duke of Braganza and others +who valued his fine character and clear judgement, but he did not +live to see the Restoration. He was entrusted by his Order with the +revision of works left by another Dominican, FREI LUIS DE CACEGAS (_c._ +1540-1610). These he re-wrote, giving them a lasting value by virtue +of his style. The first part of the _Historia de S. Domingos_, ‘a new +kind of chronicle’ as he calls it in his preface addressed to the king, +appeared in 1623, but the second (1662) and third (1678) parts were +not published in his lifetime. A fourth part (1733) was added by FREI +LUCAS DE SANTA CATHARINA (1660-1740), who among other works wrote a +curious miscellany of verse and prose, romance and literary criticism, +entitled _Seram politico_ (1704). In the biography of the saintly +and strong-willed Archbishop of Braga, _Vida de D. Fr. Bertolomeu +dos Martyres_ (1619), the excellence of Sousa’s style is even more +apparent, for it has here no trace of rhetoric and the pictures +stand out with the more effect for the economy with which they are +drawn--the dearth of adjectives is noticeable. The archbishop’s visits +to his diocese give occasion for charming, homely glimpses of Minho. +Neither of these books is the work of a critical historian (in the +_Vida_, for instance, winds and waves obey the archbishop), but the +latter, especially, is in matter and manner one of the masterpieces of +Portuguese literature, a _livro divino_, as a modern Portuguese writer +called it.[567] The _Annaes de El Rei Dom João Terceiro_, written at +the bidding of Philip IV, was published in 1844 by Herculano, who +described the work as little more than a series of notes, except in +the Indian sections, which summarize Barros. It is as a stylist, not +as a historian, that Frei Luis de Sousa will always be read, and read +with delight.[568] The subject of his biography, FREI BARTHOLOMEU DOS +MARTYRES (1514-90), wrote in Portuguese a simple _Catecismo da Dovtrina +Christam_ (Braga, 1564), resembling the Portuguese work of his friend +Fray Luis de Granada (1504-88): _Compendio de Doctrina Christãa_ +(Lixboa, 1559). + +The _Historia da Vida do Padre Francisco Xavier_ (1600), by the Jesuit +JOÃO DE LUCENA (1550-1600), born at Trancoso, who made his mark as +an eloquent preacher and Professor of Philosophy in the University +of Evora, is also one of the classics of the Portuguese language. It +receives a glowing fervour from the author’s evident delight in his +subject--the life of the famous Basque missionary in whose arms D. +João de Castro died. His command of clear, fluent, vigorous prose, his +skilful use of words and abundant power of description, enable him to +convey this enthusiasm to his readers. Part of the matter of his book +was derived from Fernam Mendez Pinto, but the style is his own. + +Like Frei Luis de Sousa, FREI MANUEL DA ESPERANÇA (1586-1670) became +the historian of his Order in the _Historia Seraphica da Ordem dos +Frades Menores_ (2 pts., 1656, 66). We know from remarks in the second +part that he paid the greatest attention to its composition, for which +he had prepared himself by reading _hũa multidão notavel_ of books +on that and kindred subjects. Similar excellence of style marks the +later work of the Jesuit FRANCISCO DE SOUSA (1628?-1713), _O Oriente +conquistado_ (2 vols., 1710), in which he chronicles the history of the +Company in the East. + +The most celebrated Portuguese preacher of his time,[569] Frei Thomé +de Jesus’ brother, DIOGO DE PAIVA DE ANDRADE (1528-75), represented +Portugal at the Council of Trent in 1561. His eloquent _Sermões_ +(1603, 4, 15) were published posthumously in three parts. His mantle +fell upon FRANCISCO FERNANDEZ GALVÃO (1554-1610), the prose of whose +_Sermões_ (3 vols., 1611, 13, 16) is admirably restrained and pure. +Less sonorous than the periods of Paiva de Andrade, the _Trattados_ +[_sic_] _Quadragesimais e da Paschoa_ (1609) and _Tratados das Festas e +Vidas dos Santos_ (2 pts., 1612, 15) of the Dominican FREI ANTONIO FEO +(1573-1627) perhaps gain rather than lose by being read, not heard. In +the clearness and precision of their prose they are scarcely inferior +to the remarkable _Sermões_ (3 pts., 1617, 18, 25) of the Augustinian +FREI PHILIPE DA LUZ (1574-1633), confessor to the Duke of Braganza +(afterwards King João IV), in whose palace at Villa Viçosa he died. He, +too, writes _sem grandes eloquencias_; he is as precise as Feo in his +use of words, and his vocabulary is as extensive. Purity, concision, +clearness, and harmony give him, together with Feo, Ceita, and Veiga, a +high place in Portuguese prose. + +The sermons for which the Dominican FREI PEDRO CALVO (born _c._ 1550) +was celebrated were published in _Homilias de Quaresma_ (2 pts., 1627, +9), and at the repeated request of a friend he wrote his _Defensam +das Lagrimas dos ivstos persegvidos_ (1618) to prove that ‘tears shed +in time of trouble do not lessen merit’. The _Sermões_ (1618) and +_Considerações_ (1619, 20, 33) of FREI THOMAS DA VEIGA (1578-1638), +like his father a Professor of Coimbra University, are written in a +style of great excellence, as, although a trifle more redundant[570] +and latinized, is that of his contemporary, like him a Franciscan, +FREI JOÃO DA CEITA (1578-1633), whose prose has a natural grace and +harmony, if it is less pure and indigenous than that of Luz. His best +known works are the _Quadragena de Sermoens_ (1619) and _Quadragena +Segunda_ (1625). Two more volumes of _Sermões_ (1634, 5) appeared after +his death. Two slightly later writers were FREI CRISTOVAM DE LISBOA +(†1652), brother of Manuel Severim de Faria, and FREI CRISTOVAM DE +ALMEIDA (1620-79), Bishop of Martyria. The former, author of _Jardim +da Sagrada Escriptura_ (1653) and _Consolaçam de Afflictos e Allivio +de Lastimados_ (1742), in the preface to his _Santoral de Varios +Sermões_ (1638) deplores the new fashion of certain preachers who +hide their meaning under their eloquence. He is himself sometimes +inclined to be florid. Bishop Almeida attained a reputation for great +eloquence even in the days of Antonio Vieira.[571] His _Sermões_ +(1673, 80, 86) are simpler than those of Vieira, but for the reader +their prose lacks the quiet precision of Ceita, Veiga, or Luz, whose +sermons may be considered one of the sources from which a greater +master of Portuguese, Manuel Bernardes, derived his magic. The Jesuit +LUIS ALVAREZ (1615?-1709?), who was born a few years after Vieira, and +lived on into the eighteenth century, also had a great reputation as +a preacher. The fire is absent from the printed page, but his works, +_Sermões da Quaresma_ (3 pts., 1688, 94, 99), _Amor Sagrado_ (1673), +and _Ceo de graça, inferno custoso_ 1692), are notable for the purity +of their prose. + +The religious works of the seventeenth, as of the sixteenth century +are very various in subject and treatment. FREI JOÃO CARDOSO (†1655), +author of _Ruth Peregrina_ (2 pts., 1628, 54), also wrote a lengthy +commentary on the 113th Psalm in twenty-one discourses: _Jornada Dalma +Libertada_ (1626). Ten years earlier a Jew, JOÃO BAPTISTA D’ESTE, +had published in excellent Portuguese a translation of the Psalms: +_Consolaçam Christam e Lvz para o Povo Hebreo_ (1616). His title was +suggested by that of a far more remarkable book by another Jew, SAMUEL +USQUE (fl. 1540), _Consolaçam ás Tribulaçoens de Israel_, written +probably between 1540 and 1550[572] and first printed at Ferrara by +Abraham ben Usque in 1553. The author was the son of Spanish Jews who +had taken refuge in Portugal, where he was born, probably at the end +of the fifteenth century.[573] His famous work is an account of the +sufferings of the Jewish race. In three dialogues Jacob (_Ycabo_), +Nahum (_Numeo_), and Zachariah (_Zicareo_) converse as shepherds. +Israel, in person, relates his sorrows down to the fall of Jerusalem, +an event which is described in detail, and so on to the persecutions in +European countries (_novas gentes_), and at the end of each dialogue +the prophets administer their comfort. The book closes with a chorus +of rapturous psalms in biblical prose, rejoicing at the coming end +of Israel’s tribulations and calling for vengeance on their enemies, +and thus finishes on a note of joyful faith and courageous hope, +without an inkling of charity. The first dialogue, which condenses Old +Testament history, has a rhythmical, luxuriant style, rich in Oriental +imagery, but later, where Roman history is the authority, or in the +tragic account of the persecution of Jews in Portugal[574] under João +II and the two succeeding kings, the style is shorn of rhetoric. Nor +is there a trace of false ornament in a long passage of wonderful +eloquence, Israel’s final complaint and invocation to sky and earth, +waters and mortal creatures. The agony and awful glow of indignation +at these recent events had a restraining influence on the style, which +loses nothing by this simplicity. Quieter descriptions are those of +the shepherd’s life and of the chase in the first, and of spring and +evening in the third part. + +The Jesuit DIOGO MONTEIRO (1561-1634), when towards the end of his life +he published his _Arte de Orar_ (1631), promised, should his ‘great +occupations’ allow, to print very soon the second volume dealing +with the divine attributes. This did not appear in that generation: +_Meditações dos attribvtos divinos_ (Roma, 1671). The _Arte de Orar_ +contains twenty-nine treatises (604 ff.). Its subjects are various (of +the virtue of magnificence; of the esteem in which singing is held by +God, &c.), and they are presented with fervour and clear concision, and +especially with a complete absence of oratorical effect. Quintilian +takes part in one of the six dialogues which compose the _Peregrinaçam +Christam_ (1620) by TRISTÃO BARBOSA DE CARVALHO (†1632); he is on a +pilgrimage from Lisbon to the tomb of Saint Isabel at Coimbra, but he +expresses himself in excellent Portuguese, modelled perhaps on that of +Arraez. The prose of the _Retrato de Prvdentes, Espelho de Ignorantes_ +(1664) by the Jesuit FRANCISCO AIRES (1597-1664) often rises to +eloquence, notably in the fervent prayers. His _Theatro dos Trivmphos +Divinos contra os Desprimores Hvmanos_ (1658) is of a more practical +character. The Franciscan FREI MANUEL DOS ANJOS (1595-1653) laid no +claim to originality in his _Politica predicavel e doutrina moral +do bom governo do mundo_ (1693), written in a clear and correct but +slightly redundant[575] style. + +FREI LUIS DOS ANJOS (_c._ 1570-1625) in his _Iardim de Portugal_ (1626) +gathered edifying anecdotes of saintly women from various writers, and +set them down in good Portuguese prose. The Franciscan FREI PEDRO DE +SANTO ANTONIO (_c._ 1570-1641) in his _Iardim Spiritual, tirado dos +Sanctos e Varoens spiritvaes_ (1632) contented himself with translation +of his authorities, adding, he modestly says, ‘some things of my own of +not much importance’. He carefully avoided interlarding his Portuguese +with Latin, his object being _fazer prato a todos_. Even more humble is +the work of the Cistercian FREI FRADIQUE ESPINOLA (_c._ 1630-1708), who +compiled in his _Escola Decurial_ (12 pts., 1696-1721) an encyclopaedia +of themes so various as the fate of King Sebastian, the duties of +women, and the habits of storks. Although it lacks the literary +pretensions of the _Divertimento erudito_ by the Augustinian FREI +JOÃO PACHECO (1677-?1747), it contains some curious matter. A similar +miscellany of anecdotes and precepts was written by João Baptista +de Castro in the eighteenth century: _Hora de Recreio nas ferias de +maiores estudos_ (2 pts., 1742, 3). + +The life of the ardent FREI ANTONIO DAS CHAGAS (1631-82) abounded in +contrasts. Born at Vidigueira, of an old Alentejan family, Antonio da +Fonseca Soares began his career as a soldier in 1650; a duel (arising +out of one of his many love affairs), in which he killed his man, drove +him to Brazil, and it was only after several years of distinguished +service[576] that he returned to Portugal, perhaps in 1657. In 1661 he +attained the rank of captain, but in the following year abandoned his +military career, and in 1663 professed in the Franciscan convent at +Evora, exchanging the composition of gongoric verse for a voluminous +correspondence in prose, and his unregenerate days of dissipation +for a glowing and saintly asceticism. (_Trocando as galas em burel e +os caprichos em cilicios_ are the words with which he veils the real +sincerity of his conversion.) Preferring the humbler but strenuous +duties of missionary in Portugal and Spain to the bishopric of Lamego, +he founded the missionary convent of Varatojo, and died there twenty +years after his novitiate. During those years he built up and exercised +a powerful spiritual influence throughout Portugal, and it continued +after his death. Few of his poems survive, since he committed the +greater part of his profane verse to the flames, but some of his +_romances_ may still be read. It is, however, as a prose-writer, +especially in his _Cartas Espirituaes_ (2 pts., 1684, 7), that he holds +a foremost place in Portuguese literature. There is less affectation +in these more familiar letters than in his _Sermões genuinos_ (1690) +or his _Obras Espirituaes_ (1684). The very titles of some of his +shorter treatises, _Vozes do Ceo e Tremores da Terra, Espelho do +Espelho_, show that he had not even now altogether escaped the false +taste of the time, and artificial flowers of speech, plays on words, +laboured metaphors and antitheses appear in his prose. But if it has +not the simple severity of a Bernardes, it possesses so persuasive, so +passionate an energy, and is of so clear a fervour and harmony that its +eloquence is felt to be genuine. + +The Jesuit FREI JOÃO DA FONSECA (1632-1701), in the preface to one +of his works, _Sylva Moral e Historica_ (1696), which may have given +Bernardes the idea of his _Nova Floresta_, rejects affected periods +and new phrases, and there is no false rhetoric in his _Espelho de +Penitentes_ (1687), _Satisfaçam de Aggravos_ (1700), which takes the +form of dialogues between a hermit and a soldier, and other devotional +works. Another Jesuit, ALEXANDRE DE GUSMÃO (1629-1724), although born +at Lisbon, spent most (eighty-five years) of his long life in Brazil. +He wrote, among other works, _Rosa de Nazareth nas Montanhas de Hebron_ +(1715), compiled from various histories of the Company of Jesus, and +_Historia do Predestinado Peregrino e seu Irmão Precito_ (1682). The +latter is an allegory in six books which lacks the human interest of +Bunyan’s _Pilgrim’s Progress_, which it preceded. It describes the +journey of two brothers, _Predestinado_ and _Precito_, out of Egypt to +Jerusalem (Heaven) and Babylon (Hell). The style is simpler and more +direct than might be inferred from the inflated title, and often has an +effective if studied eloquence.[577] + +Vieira dying is reported to have said that the Portuguese language was +safe in the keeping of Padre Manuel Bernardes. The aged Jesuit, who +maintained his interest in literature to the end, may have received +Bernardes’ _Luz e Calor_[578] (1696) in the last year of his life, +and the _Exercicios Espirituaes_ (2 vols., 1686) had appeared ten +years earlier. Other works, _Sermões e Praticas_ (1711),[579] _Nova +Floresta_ (5 vols., 1706-28), _Os Ultimos Fins do Homem_ (1727), +_Varios Tratados_ (2 vols., 1737), were soon forthcoming to justify +the prophecy. MANUEL BERNARDES (1644-1710), the son of João Antunes +and Maria Bernardes, was born at Lisbon, studied law and philosophy +at Coimbra University, and at the age of thirty entered the Lisbon +Oratory, where he spent thirty-six years. That was all his life, +yet through his books this modest, humorous, austere priest has +exercised a profound influence not only, as Barbosa Machado declares, +in guiding souls to Heaven, but in moulding and protecting the +Portuguese language. His style is marked in an equal degree by grace +and concision, intensity and restraint, smoothness and vigour.[580] +With him the florid cloak, in which many recent writers had wrapped +Portuguese, falls away, leaving the pith and kernel of the language; +the conceits of the _culteranos_ disappear, and the most striking +effects are attained without apparent artifice. In his hands the +pinchbeck and tinsel are transmuted into delicate pieces of ivory. The +charm of his style is difficult to analyse, but it may be remarked that +his vocabulary is inexhaustible, his precision unfailing, that he is +not afraid to employ the commonest words, and that the construction of +his sentences is of a transparent simplicity, as bare of rhetoric as +is the poetry of João de Deus. His reputation as a lord of language +has survived every test. His works are not merely the _deliciae_ of a +few distant scholars but an acknowledged glory of the nation, praised +by that literary iconoclast Macedo, and quoted as an authority in +the Republican Parliament of 1915. The most popular of his works are +_Luz e Calor_, and especially the _Nova Floresta_, in which moral and +familiar anecdote go quaintly hand in hand, but if one must choose +between excellence and excellence his masterpiece is the _Exercicios +Espirituaes_, in which thought and expression often rise to sublime +heights. One may perhaps compare him with Fray Juan de los Ángeles +(†1609). His simple doctrines spring from the heart and, winged by +shrewd knowledge of men, touch the heart of his readers. One of his +more immediate followers was Padre MANUEL CONSCIENCIA (_c._ 1669-1739), +author of a large number of works on moral and religious subjects, the +best known of which is _A Mocidade enganada e desenganada_ (6 vols., +1729-38). + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[553] _Dial._ x. 4. + +[554] The dates given by Barbosa Machado are Rector 1565, Provincial +1571. + +[555] He introduces himself as a theologian in his dialogues, and one +may infer several facts concerning his life, e. g. that he had been +in Rome (_Imagem_, Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 351 v.), Montserrat (f. 88), +Marseilles (f. 88), Savoy (f. 295), Madrid (f. 190), that he kept a +diary (f. 190), that he was _curioso de antigualhas_ (f. 352). + +[556] Macedo, quoted by Innocencio da Silva (iii. 176), alleged this +to be a ‘faithful translation’ from Petrarca. Why Petrarca (1304-74) +should praise Belem Convent and Coimbra University, refer to the recent +death (1557) of King João III, or speak of ‘our’ Francisco de Hollanda +we are not told. Pinto in a later dialogue, _Da Tranquillidade da +Vida_, refers to Petrarca’s _Vita Solitaria_ (Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 47 +v.). + +[557] Since 1590 is implied as the date of this dialogue on f. 290 +of the 1593 edition it must be emphasized that the _Segunda Parte_ +appeared originally in 1572. + +[558] Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 366 v.: _eu revolvo os livros ... com grandes +trabalhos & vigilias_. + +[559] Cf. _Dialogos_, 1604 ed., f. 346: _Coimbra, onde gastei a flor de +minha adolescencia._ (This edition really has but 344 ff. since f. 29 +follows f. 22.) + +[560] _Dialogos de Dom Frey Amador Arraiz_, Coimbra, 1604. The idea of +the work belonged to his brother, Jeronimo Arraez, who did not live to +complete what he had begun. + +[561] The same variety occurs in _Poderes de Amor em geral e horas +de conversaçam particular_ (1657), by Frei Cristovam Godinho (_c._ +1600-71) of Evora. + +[562] He wrote the life of the prior, Frei Luis de Montoia, whose _Vida +de Christo_ he completed. + +[563] _Tendo elle sua mãi e irmãos muito ricos e a Condessa de Linhares +sua irmãa, todos offerecidos a pagar o grosso resgate que os Mouros +pediam, por saberem a qualidade de sua pessoa_ (_Cronica do Cardeal Rei +D. Henrique_, p. 38). + +[564] See his prefatory letter in the _Trabalhos_. Cf. Antonio, _Bib. +Nova_, ii. 307. Barbosa Machado speaks of _hũa horrivel masmorra_. + +[565] Cf. p. 39 (1666 ed.): _Ó, ó, ó amor; ó, ó, ó amor, cale a lingua +e o entendimento, dilatai-vos vos por toda esta alma_, &c.; or p. +54: _Ah, ah, ah bondade; ah, ah amor sem lei, sem regra, sem medida, +adoro-te, louvo-te, desejo-te, por ti suspiro._ + +[566] He also wrote _Oratorio sacra de soliloquios do amor divino_ +(1628) and various works in Latin. Manuel Godinho refers to his +_Estimulo das Missões_ (_Relação_, 1842 ed., p. 47). + +[567] C. Castello Branco, _Estrellas propicias_, 2ᵃ ed., p. 204. +Its only fault, artistically, is the detailed description of the +commemoration festivities, which come as an anticlimax. + +[568] Other works of the period are similarly read rather for their +style than as history, as the _Historia Ecclesiastica da Igreja de +Lisboa_ (1642) and the _Historia Ecclesiastica dos Arcebispos de Braga_ +(2 pts., 1634, 1635) by D. RODRIGO DA CUNHA (1577-1643), the Archbishop +of Lisbon who had an active share in the liberation of Portugal from +the yoke of Spain in 1640. + +[569] Another renowned Court preacher was D. ANTONIO PINHEIRO (†1582?), +Bishop of Miranda, whose works were collected by Sousa Farinha: +_Collecção das obras portuguesas do sabio Bispo de Miranda e de +Leiria_, 2 vols., 1785, 6. + +[570] e. g. _officio e dignidade, gritos e brados, boca e lingoa, +cuidão e imaginão_. Macedo (_O Couto_, p. 82) rightly calls Ceita _um +dos principaes textos em lingua portugueza_. + +[571] Other noted preachers were the Jesuits FRANCISCO DO AMARAL +(1593-1647), who published the first (and only) volume of his _Sermões_ +(1641) in the year in which Vieira came to Portugal, and FRANCISCO +DE MENDONÇA (1573-1626), a master of clear and vigorous prose in his +two volumes of _Sermões_ (1636, 9); and the Trinitarian BALTASAR PAEZ +(1570-1638), whose _Sermões de Quaresma_ (2 pts., 1631, 3), _Sermões +da Semana Santa_ (1630), _Marial de Sermões_ (1649), may still be read +with profit. + +[572] _Ha poucos annos que he arribado_ (the Inquisition in Portugal), +Pt. 3, 1908 ed., f. xxxii. + +[573] See p. 5 of _Prologo_: Portuguese is _a lingoa que mamei_, but +his _passados_ are from Castile. + +[574] The inhabitants of the Peninsula are _astutos e maliciosos_, +Spain is ‘a hypocritical and cruel wolf’, the Portuguese are _fortes e +quasi barbaros_, the English _maliciosos_, the Italians, since the book +was to appear in their country, merely ‘warlike and ungrateful’. + +[575] If, for instance, the bracketed words in the following +sentence (p. 3, § 5) be omitted it gains in vigour and loses little +in the sense: _Este poder se não deo aos Reys para extorsoens_ [_& +violencias_] _mas para amparar_ [_& defender_] _os vassallos porque até +o propria Deos parece que tem as mãos atadas a rigores_ [_& castigos_] +_& livres a clemencias_ [_& misericordias_]. + +[576] He had been fortunate, for, says Antonio Vieira in 1640, _não ha +guerra no mundo onde se morra tão frequentemente como na do Brazil_. + +[577] e. g. in the following passage (p. 47), in which Calderon and +João de Deus join hands: ‘The world and its glory is a passing comedy, +a farce that ends in laughter, a shadow that disappears, a thinning +mist, a fading flower, a blinding smoke, a dream that is not true.’ + +[578] _Estimulos de amor divino_ (1758) is an extract from this, as the +_Tratado breve da oraçam mental_ (5th ed., 1757) is extracted from the +_Exercicios Espirituaes_. + +[579] Pt. 2 appeared in 1733. + +[580] He often deliberately links a soft and a hard word, as _caça e +cão_, _candores da celestial graça_, _licita a guerra_. Thus his style +becomes _crespo sem aspereza_. + + + + + IV + + 1580-1706 + + + + + _The Seiscentistas_ + + +Philip II entered his new capital under triumphal arches on June 29, +1581, and the subjection of Portugal to Spain during the next sixty +years in part accounts for the fact that nowhere was the decadence of +literature in the seventeenth century more marked than at Lisbon. For +Spain in her sturdy independence and reaction from rigid classicism +had led the way in those precious affectations which invaded the +literatures of Europe, and the universal malady, gongorism with its +Lylyan conceits and cultured style, now found a ready welcome in +Portugal. The literary style which corresponded to the Churriguerresque +in architecture naturally proved congenial to the land of the _estilo +manuelino_. King Philip was glad to conciliate and provide for +Portuguese men of letters,[581] but if in the preceding centuries +many of them wrote in Spanish, that tendency was now necessarily +strengthened. Another cause of decadence was no doubt the Inquisition, +although its influence in this respect has been greatly exaggerated. It +required no immense tact on the part of an author to prevent his works +from being placed on the Index. An examination, for instance, of the +differences between the 1616 edition of _Eufrosina_ and the condemned +1561 edition shows that the parts excised were chiefly coarse passages +or unsuitable references to the Bible (this was also the charge against +the letters of Clenardus). That remarkable mathematician, Pedro Nunez, +pays a tribute to the enlightened patronage of letters by Cardinal +Henrique, the most ardent promoter of the Inquisition in Portugal: +_qui cum nullum_ _tempus intermittat quin semper aut animarum saluti +prospiciat aut optimos quosque auctores evolvat aut literatorum hominum +colloquia audiat_.[582] + +No literary figure in Portugal of the seventeenth century, few in the +Peninsula,[583] can rank with D. FRANCISCO MANUEL DE MELLO (1608-66). +Born at Lisbon,[584] he belonged to the highest Portuguese nobility +and began both his military and literary career in his seventeenth +year. He wrote in Spanish, although, in verse at least, he felt it to +be a hindrance,[585] and it was not till he was over forty that he +published a work in Portuguese: _Carta de Guia de Casados_ (1651).[586] +Few men have accomplished more, and towards the end of his life he +could say with pride that it would be difficult to find an idle hour +in it. He was shipwrecked near St. Jean de Luz in 1627 and fought +in the battle of the Downs in 1639. He was sent with the Conde de +Linhares to quell the Evora insurrection in 1637, and took part in +the campaign against revolted Catalonia (1640), which he described in +his _Guerra de Cataluña_[587] (1645), written _em varias fortunas_ +and recognized as a classic of Spanish literature. A man frankly +outspoken like Mello must have made many enemies, enemies dangerous +in a time of natural distrust. During the Catalan campaign he was +sent under arrest to Madrid, apparently on suspicion of favouring the +cause of an independent Portugal,[588] and a little later, when he +was in the service of the King of Portugal, the suspicion as to his +loyalty recurred. On November 19, 1644, he was arrested at Lisbon on a +different charge. It appears that a servant dismissed by Mello revenged +himself by implicating his former master in a murder that he had +committed (of a man as obscure as himself). Whether he did this of his +own initiative or at the bidding of Mello’s enemies is uncertain, but +they saw to it that Mello once in prison should not be soon released. +They might, probably did, assure the king that this was the best place +for one ‘devoted to the cause of Castile’. There are other theories to +account for Mello’s long imprisonment, the most romantic of which--that +he and the king were rivals in the affections of the Condessa de Villa +Nova, and, meeting disguised and by accident at the entrance of her +house, drew their swords, the king recognizing Mello by his voice--is +now generally abandoned. Although no evidence of Mello’s participation +in the murder was forthcoming, he was condemned to be deported for +life to Africa, for which Brazil was later substituted. It was only +in 1655, after eleven years of more or less[589] strict confinement, +that he sailed for Brazil. João IV died in 1656 and two years later +Mello returned to Portugal: he was formally pardoned[590] and spent +the last years of his life in important diplomatic missions to London, +Rome, and Paris. The unfaltering courage and gaiety with which he faced +his adventures and misfortunes win our admiration, but his life can +strike no one as literary. Yet it is probable that but for his long +imprisonment he would never have found leisure to write many of his +best works, and prosperity might have dimmed his insight and dulled +his style--that style (influenced no doubt by Quevedo and Gracián) +which is hard and clear as the glitter of steel or the silver chiming +of a clock, with _concinnitas quaedam venusta et felix verborum_.[591] +Even when full of points and conceits it retains its clearness and +trenchancy, and in his more familiar works he is unrivalled, as the +_Carta de Guia de Casados_, in which, _innuptus ipse_, he brings +freshness and originality to the theme already treated in Fray Luis de +Leon’s _La Perfecta Casada_ (1583), Diogo Paiva de Andrade’s sensible +but less caustic _Casamento Perfeito_ (1631), and Dr. João de Barros’ +_Espelho de Casados_ (1540),[592] or the pithy and delightful _Cartas +Familiares_, of which five centuries--a mere fragment--were published +at Rome in 1664, with a rapier-thrust of his wit and a maxim of good +sense on every page, preserving for us some vestige of what Frei Manuel +Godinho described as his ‘admirable conversation’ when he met him at +Marseilles in 1633.[593] The _Epanaphoras de varia Historia Portugueza_ +(1660) are unequal and often excessively detailed.[594] Three of the +five are, however, the accounts of an eyewitness and as such are full +of interest: the _Alteraçoens de Evora_ (i), the _Naufragio da Armada +Portuguesa em França_ (ii), and the _Conflito do Canal de Inglaterra_ +(iv).[595] + +Mello’s knowledge of men was as wide as his knowledge of books, and +both appear to great advantage in his _Apologos Dialogaes_ (1721). An +individualist in religion[596] and politics,[597] an acute thinker and +a keen student of men and manners, he found no dullness in life even at +its worst and no solitude, for, if alone, his fancy instilled wit and +wisdom into clocks[598] and coins[599] and fountains.[600] The first +three _Apologos_ contain incisive portraits in which types and persons +are sharply etched in a few lines: the poor _escudeiro_, the _beata_, +the Lisbon market-woman, the litigious _ratinho_, the _fidalgo_ from +the provinces,[601] the ambitious priest, the shabby grammarian,, the +worldly monk, political place-hunter, _miles gloriosus_, or melancholy +author, a tinselled nobody boiling down the good sayings of past +writers. The fourth _Apologo_ entitled _Hospital das Lettras_ (1657) +is devoted more especially to literary criticism; Mello with Quevedo, +Justus Lipsius, and Traiano Boccalini (who died when Mello was five) +makes a notable scrutiny of Spanish and Portuguese literature. As a +literary critic Mello is excellent within limits. Himself an artificial +writer, although as it were naturally artificial, bred at Court, versed +in social and political affairs, he considered that the proper study of +mankind was man, and, like Henry Fielding a century later, admired ‘the +wondrous power of art in improving Nature’.[602] For him the country +and Nature, the bucolic poetry and prose of Fernam Alvarez do Oriente, +the ingenuous narratives of the early chroniclers, had no charm; he +preferred Rodrigo Mendez Silva’s _Vida y hechos del gran Condestable_ +(Madrid, 1640) to the _Cronica do Condestabre_.[603] But all that was +vernacular and indigenous attracted him, as is proved in his letters, +in his lively farce _Auto do Fidalgo Aprendiz_ (1676), and in the +_Feira dos Anexins_, which is a long string of popular maxims and of +those plays upon words in which Mello delighted. His poetry--_Las Tres +Musas del Melodino_ (1649), _Obras Metricas_ (1665)--is marred by the +conceits which in his prose often serve effectively to point a moral +or drive home an argument. It is far too clever. When in a poem ‘On +the death of a great lady’ we find the line _contigo o sepultara a +sepultura_ we do not know whether to laugh or weep, but we suspect the +sincerity of the author’s grief, and although he wrote some excellent +_quintilhas_, most of his poems, which are, as might be expected, +always vigorous, are too sharp and thin, stalks without flowers, the +very skeletons of poetry. It is to his prose in its wit and grace, its +shrewd thought, its revelation of a sincere and lofty but unassuming +character, its directness,[604] its _bom portugues velho e relho_, that +he owes his place among the greatest writers of the Peninsula. + +The taste in poetry in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is +seen in two collections, partly Spanish, partly Portuguese: _Fenix +Renascida_ (5 vols., 1716-28) and _Eccos que o Clarim da Fama dá_ +(2 vols., 1761, 2). The latter is sufficiently characterized by +its title, too long to quote in full. As to the former the Phoenix +seems to have given real pleasure to contemporary readers, but for +us the bird and song are flown and only the ashes remain, from which +a sixteenth-century poem such as the sonnet _Horas breves_ stands +out conspicuously. The subjects are often as trivial as those of the +_Cancioneiro_ published two centuries earlier and more domestic: to +a cousin sewing, to an overdressed man, to a large mouth, a sonnet +to two market-women fighting, another to the prancing horse of the +Conde de Sabugal, on a present of roses, two long _romances_ on a +goldfinch killed by a cat, verses sent with a gift of handkerchiefs or +eggs or melons, or to thank for sugar-plums--the _Fenix_ rarely soars +above such themes. The magistrate ANTONIO BARBOSA BACELLAR (1610-63) +figures largely, with glosses on poems by Camões, a _romance_ _A umas +saudades_, a satirical poem _A umas beatas_. His _romances varios_ are +mostly in Spanish, but a few of his sonnets in Portuguese have some +merit. The fifth volume opens (pp. 1-37) with a far more elaborate +satire by DIOGO CAMACHO (or Diogo de Sousa): _Jornada que Diogo Camacho +fez ás Cortes do Parnaso_, the best burlesque poem of the century, +in which the author did not spare contemporary Lisbon poets.[605] +The poems of JERONIMO BAHIA likewise cover many pages. He it is who +bewails at length the sad fate of a goldfinch. In _oitavas_ he wrote a +_Fabula de Polyfemo a Galatea_,[606] and in octosyllabic _redondilhas_ +jocular accounts of journeys from Lisbon to Coimbra and from Lisbon +into Alentejo (on a very lean mule) which are sometimes amusing. His +sonnet _Fallando com Deos_ shows a deeper nature, and the collection +contains other religious verse, notably that of Violante Montesino, +better known as SOROR VIOLANTE DO CEO (1601-93). Here,[607] as in her +_Rythmas varias_ (Rouen, 1646) and _Parnaso Lusitano de divinos e +humanos versos_ (2 vols., 1733), this nun, who spent over sixty years +in the Dominican Convento da Rosa at Lisbon, and who from an early +age was known for her skill upon the harp and in poetry--admiring +contemporaries called her the tenth Muse--showed that she could write +with simple fervour, as in the Portuguese _deprecações devotas_ of the +_Meditações da Missa_ (1689) or her Spanish _villancicos_. But she +could also be the most gongorical of writers, her very real native +talent being too often spoilt by the taste of the time.[608] BERNARDA +FERREIRA DE LACERDA (1595-1644), another _femina incomparabilis_, like +Soror Violante and Dercylis considered the tenth Muse and fourth Grace, +wrote almost exclusively in Spanish, nor can her _Soledades de Buçaco_ +(1634) or her epic _Hespaña Libertada_ (2 pts., 1618, 73) be considered +a heavy loss to Portuguese literature. SOROR MARIA MAGDALENA EUPHEMIA +DA GLORIA (1672-? _c._ 1760), in the world Leonarda Gil da Gama, in +_Brados do Desengano_ (1739), _Orbe Celeste_ (1742), and _Reino de +Babylonia_ (1749), rarely descends from the high-flown style indicated +in these titles. On the other hand, the Franciscan nun of Lisbon, SOROR +MARIA DO CEO (1658-1753), or Maria de Eça, in _A Preciosa_ (2 pts., +1731, 3) and _Enganos do Bosque, Desenganos do Rio_ (1741), among much +verse of the same kind has some poems of real charm and an almost +rustic simplicity. + +By reason of a certain intensity and a vigorous style D. FRANCISCO +CHILD ROLIM DE MOURA (1572-1640), Lord of the towns of Azambuja and +Montargil, although more versed in arms than in letters, wrote in _Os +Novissimos do Homem_ (1623) a poem quite as readable as the longer +epics of his contemporaries, despite its duller subject (man’s first +disobedience and all our woe). The four cantos in _oitavas_ are headed +Death, Judgement, Hell, Paradise.[609] Of the life of MANUEL DA VEIGA +TAGARRO we know little or nothing, but his volume of eclogues and +odes, _Lavra de Anfriso_ (1627), stands conspicuous in the seventeenth +century for its simplicity and true lyrical vein. There is nothing +original in these four eclogues, but the verse is of a harmonious +softness. In the odes he succeeds in combining fervent thought with a +classical restraint of expression. He aimed high; Horace, Lope de Vega, +and Luis de Leon seem to have been his models. Some measure of the +latter’s deliberate tranquillity he occasionally attained. The works of +the ‘discreet and accomplished’, keen-eyed and graceful D. FRANCISCO +DE PORTUGAL (1585-1632) appeared posthumously[610]: _Divinos e humanos +versos_ (1652) and (without separate title-page) _Prisões e solturas de +hũa alma_, consisting of mystic poems mostly in Spanish in a setting +of Portuguese prose, and, in Spanish, _Arte de Galanteria_ (1670), of +which a second edition was published in 1682. Lope de Vega praised the +‘elegant verses’ of the _Gigantomachia_ (1628) written by MANUEL DE +GALHEGOS (1597-1665). That he could write good Portuguese poetry the +author showed in the 732 verses of his _Templo da Memoria_ (1635), +in the preface of which he declares that it had become a rash act to +publish poems written in Portuguese but quotes the example of Pereira +de Castro and of Góngora as having used the language of everyday life +and plebeian words without indignity. + +The later epics testified to the perseverance of their authors rather +than to their poetical talent. They are perhaps less guilty than the +critics, who should have discouraged the kind and recognized that +the _Lusiads_ were only an accident in Portuguese literature, the +accident of the genius of Camões. As a rule the epic spirit of the +Portuguese expressed itself better in prose. GABRIEL PEREIRA DE CASTRO +(1571?-1632) forestalled Sousa de Macedo in his choice of a subject. +His _Vlyssea, ov Lysboa Edificada, Poema heroyco_ (1636) was published +posthumously by his brother Luis, and perhaps the most remarkable +thing about it is that it should have run through six editions. The +structure of the poem, in ten cantos of _oitavas_, is closely modelled +on that of the _Lusiads_, and the gods of Olympus duly take a part +in the story. He sings, he says boldly, to his country, to the world +and to eternity, but his sails flap sadly for lack of inspiration and +enthusiasm, and his daring _enjambements_[611] do not compensate for +the dullness of theme and treatment. If, for instance, we compare his +storm[612] with that of the _Lusiads_ (vi. 70-91) it must be confessed +that the former has much the air of a commotion in a duckpond. Ulysses +on his way to Lisbon visits (canto 4) the infernal regions, is +astonished to meet kings there, and (canto 6) relates the siege and +fall of Troy. + +The life of BRAS GARCIA DE MASCARENHAS (1596-1656) was more interesting +than his verses. He was born at Avó, near the Serra da Estrella, +and his adventures began early, for he was arrested on account of +a love affair (1616) and made a daring escape from Coimbra prison +after wounding his jailer. His careful biographer, Dr. Antonio de +Vasconcellos, has shown that there is no record of his having studied +at Coimbra University. Subsequently he travelled and fought in Brazil +(1623-32), Italy, France, Flanders, and Spain, and in 1641, as captain, +raised and commanded a body of horse known as the Company of Lions. As +Governor of Alfaiates, the ‘key of Beira’, he was wrongfully accused +of having a treasonable understanding with Spain and imprisoned at +Sabugal, some ten miles from Alfaiates (1642). He obtained a book (the +_Flos Sanctorum_), flour, and scissors and cut out a letter in verse +to King João IV, who restored him to his governorship and gave him the +habit of Avis. His long epic _Viriato Tragico_ (1699) contains some +forcible descriptions and has a pleasantly patriotic and indigenous +atmosphere--one feels that he is singing _os patrios montes_ as much +as the hero--but in style it differs little from prose. Tedious +geographical descriptions, dry catalogues of names, a whole stanza +(vii. 39) composed exclusively of nouns, another (iv. 63) of proper +names, incline the reader less to praise than sleep, from which he is +only gently stirred when the sun is called _a solar embaixadora_. In +the prevailing fashion of the time the author works in lines of Camões, +Sá de Miranda, Garci Lasso, Ariosto, and other poets. While the work +was still in manuscript another poet, and perhaps a relation, Andre da +Silva Mascarenhas, helped himself liberally to its stanzas (they number +2,287) for his epic _A Destruição de Hespanha_ (1671). He could have +given no better proof of the poverty of his genius. FRANCISCO DE SÁ DE +MENESES (_c._ 1600-1664?), although less true a poet than his cousin +and namesake the Conde de Mattosinhos, won a far wider fame by his +epic poem _Malaca Conqvistada_ (1634), in which he recounts _a heroica +historia dos feitos de Albuquerque_. The reader who accompanies his +frail bark[613] through twelve cantos of _oitavas_ feels that he has +well earned the fall of Malacca at the end. For although the author is +not incapable of vigorous and succinct description he too often decks +out the pure gold of Camões’ style[614] with periphrases and Manueline +ornaments which delay the action. The sun is ‘the lover of Clytie’ or +‘the rubicund son of Latona’. He stops to tell us that a diamond won +by Albuquerque had been ‘cut by skilled hand in Milan’, and some of +his more elaborate similes are not without charm. Canto 7 tells of the +future deeds of the Portuguese in India. The gods interfere less than +in the _Lusiads_ (Asmodeus plays a part in canto 6), but the general +effect is that of a great theme badly handled. After the death of his +wife, the author spent the last twenty years of his life (from 1641) in +the Dominican convent of Bemfica as Frei Francisco de Jesus. + +ANTONIO DE SOUSA DE MACEDO (1606-82), _moço fidalgo_ of Philip IV +and later Secretary of Embassy and Minister (_Residente_) in London +(1642-6) and Secretary of State to the weak and unlettered Afonso +VI, wrote at the age of twenty-two _Flores de España, Excelencias +de Portugal_ (1631). This historical work of considerable interest +and importance was written in Spanish por ser mais universal, but he +returned to Portuguese presently in a curious prose miscellany, _Eva +e Ave_ (1676), and in the epic poem _Vlyssippo_ (1640) in fourteen +cantos of _oitavas_. He seems to have felt that interest could not +easily be sustained by the subject, the foundation of Lisbon by +Ulysses. Accordingly, following the example of Camões, he inset +various episodes. Canto 6 summarizes the events of the _Iliad_ and +the _Odyssey_, canto 10 describes a tapestry adorned with future +Portuguese victories, in canto 11 the Delphic Sibyl foretells the deeds +of Portugal’s kings, down to Sebastian, in canto 12 the wise Chiron +prophesies of her _famosos varões_. The style is correct, but the poem +as a whole is commonplace. VASCO MOUSINHO DE QUEVEDO, of Setubal, +although no records of his life remain, won high fame by his epic poem +in _oitavas_ (twelve cantos) _Afonso Africano_ (1611), in which ‘the +marvellous prowess of King Afonso V in Africa’ is described. The poem, +admired by Almeida Garrett, is particularly wearisome because it is +largely allegorical. The king conquering Arzila represents the strong +man subduing the city of his own soul, the Moors are the spirits of the +damned, and seven of their knights representing the seven deadly sins +are defeated by seven Christian knights who stand for the virtues. + +The poverty of profane prose, compared with its flourishing condition +in the preceding century, is also remarkable. A few historians of +the seventeenth century have already been mentioned. The literary +academies, of which the most famous were the _Academia dos Generosos_ +(1649-68) and the _Academia dos Singulares_ (1663-5),[615] existed +rather for the interchange of wit and complimentary or satiric verses +than for the encouragement of historical and scientific research. The +Conde da Ericeira’s _Portugal Restaurado_ and Freire de Andrade’s Life +bear no comparison with works of the _Quinhentistas_. Yet it was the +second golden age of Portuguese prose, as the names of Manuel Bernardes +and Vieira prove. The latter’s letters, with those of Frei Antonio +das Chagas and Mello, are in three different kinds--the political, +religious, and familiar--the most notable written in the century. +GASPAR PIRES DE REBELLO in the preface to his _Infortvnios tragicos +da Constante Florinda_ (1625) excuses himself for its publication +on the ground that ‘not spiritual and divine books only benefit +our intelligence’. The book, which records the love of Arnaldo and +Florinda, of Zaragoza, shows the modern novel growing through _Don +Quixote_ out of the _Celestina_ plays and the romances of chivalry, +but has little other interest. A second part was published in 1633, +and _Novellas Exemplares_, six stories by the same author, in 1650. +Numerous other works appeared with more or less alluring or sensational +titles but contents disappointingly dull. MATTHEUS DE RIBEIRO (_c._ +1620-95), in his _Alivio de Tristes e Consolação de Queixosos_ (1672, +4), shows greater skill than Pires de Rebello in the invention of +the story, but it is marred by the diffuse and pedantic style--April +becomes an ‘academy in which Flora was opening the doors for the study +of flowers’. The pastoral novel ended in sad contortions with the +_Desmayos de Mayo em sombras de Mondego_ (1635) by DIOGO FERREIRA DE +FIGUEIROA (1604-74). Its title and the three involved sentences which +cover the first three pages (ff. 10, 11) convey an adequate idea of its +character and contents. + +Of several prose works written by MARTIM AFONSO DE MIRANDA, of Lisbon, +in the first third of the century, the most important is _Tempo de +Agora_ (2 pts., 1622, 4). It contains seven dialogues dealing with +truth and falsehood, the evils of idleness, temperance, friendship, +justice, the evils of dice and cards, and precepts for princes. Much of +their matter is interesting and the comments incisive, especially as +to the prevailing luxury in food and dress. They tell of the infinite +number of curiously bound books at Lisbon, of the soldiers unpaid, +‘eating at the doors of convents’, of the delight in foreign fashions, +and the craze for ‘diabolical’ books from Italy to the exclusion of +_livros de historias_ and books in Portuguese. The anonymous _Primor +e honra da vida soldadesca no Estado da India_ (1630), edited by the +Augustinian FREI ANTONIO FREIRE (_c._ 1570-1634), is a different +work from Geronimo Ximenez de Urrea’s _Diálogo de la verdadera honra +militar_ (1566), which it resembles slightly in title. It is divided +into four parts and contains various episodes of the Portuguese in the +East and some curious information. MIGUEL LEITÃO DE ANDRADE (1555-1632) +went straight from Coimbra University to Africa with King Sebastian. +After the battle of Alcacer Kebir he succeeded in escaping from +captivity, followed the cause of the Prior of Crato, and was imprisoned +under Philip II. In his book, in twenty dialogues, _Miscellanea do +Sitio de N. Sᵃ da Lvz do Pedrogão Grande_ (1629), he disclaims any +purpose of writing history. It reveals an inquiring and observant but +uncritical mind, interested in fossils, inscriptions, astrology, the +early history of Portugal, etymology, heraldry, and the ‘infinite +wonderful secrets of Nature daily being revealed’. It contains a +graphic account of his escape from Fez, but on the whole, in spite +of attractive passages and interesting details, scarcely merits its +great reputation. _Do Sitio de Lisboa_ (1608), which Mello praises as +_aquelle elegantissimo livro_, by the author of _Arte Militar_ (1612), +LUIS MENDES DE VASCONCELLOS, is written in the form of a dialogue +between a philosopher, a soldier, and a politician, and deserves its +place among the minor classics of Portuguese literature. + +The famous love letters of the Portuguese nun MARIANNA ALCOFORADO +(1640-1723), which bring a breath of life and nature into the stilted +writing of that day, only belong to Portuguese literature in the +sense that Osorio’s history belongs to it--by translation. They +first appeared in indifferent French (_Lettres Portvgaises_, Paris, +1669) and were not retranslated, or, if we accept the theory that +the nun originally wrote them in French[616]--French _suranné et +dénué d’élégance_--translated into Portuguese for a century and a +half: _Cartas de uma Religiosa Portugueza_ (1819).[617] Meanwhile, +even before their obscure author died in the remote and beautiful +city of Beja, they had been translated into English and Italian and +had received over fifty French editions. Colonel (later Marshal) +Noël Bouton, Comte de Saint-Léger, afterwards Marquis de Chamilly +(1636-1715), accompanied the French troops sent to help Portugal +against Spain, and was in Portugal from 1665 to 1667. Marianna +Alcoforado, belonging to an old Alentejan family, was a nun in the +convent of Nossa Senhora da Conceição at Beja. Her five letters, +written between the end of 1667 and the middle of 1668 after her +desertion, in their artlessness, contradictions, and disorder, vibrate +with emotion. They are a succession of intense cries like the popular +quatrain: + + Por te amar deixei a Deus: + Ve lá que gloria perdi! + E agora vejo-me só, + Sem Deus, sem gloria, sem ti. + +Sometimes, it is true, a trace of French reason seems to mingle with +the ingenuous Portuguese sentiment, and it is almost incredible, +although of course not impossible, since _omnia vincit amor_, that the +nun should have written certain passages. From these and not on the +amazing assumption of Rousseau that a mere woman could not write so +passionately--he was ready to wager that the letters were the work of a +man[618]--one may suspect that the lover, who did not scruple to hand +over the letters to a publisher (unless he was merely guilty of showing +them to his friends), sank a little lower and edited them, adding a +phrase here and there more peculiarly pleasing to his vanity.[619] In +that case the nun actually wrote these letters, full of passion and +despair, and perhaps in French, to her French lover; but we only read +them as they were touched up for publication by another hand. + +A work which has nothing in common with these fervent love letters +except an enigmatic origin is the _Arte de Furtar_, which in part at +least probably belongs to the seventeenth century. It is a curious +and amusing treatise on the noble art of thieving in all kinds, +private and official, civil and military. Its anecdotes are racy if +not original. Two of the happiest incidents (in caps. 6 and 41) are +copied without acknowledgement from _Lazarillo de Tormes_.[620] The +author seems to have had misgivings that he had presented his subject +in too favourable a light, for he ends by assuring his reader thieves +that many tons of worldly glory are not worth an ounce of eternal +blessedness, and promises them before long another ‘more liberal +treatise on the art of acquiring true glory’. These tardy qualms did +not save his book from the Index. The first edition, purporting to +be printed at Amsterdam, bears the date 1652[621] and attributes the +work to Antonio Vieira. That attribution may be set aside. Were there +no other reasons for its rejection it would suffice to read the book +or even its title in order to be convinced that it is not from the +_veneravel penna_ of that great statesman and preacher. He might dabble +in Bandarra prophecies, but would scarcely have sunk to the picaresque +familiarities of the _Arte de Furtar_ or occupy himself with the sad +habits of innkeepers, the long stitches of tailors, or the price of +straw. It has also been attributed, without adequate ground, to Thomé +Pinheiro da Veiga (1570?-1656), the author of a lively account of the +festivities at the Spanish Court and description of Valladolid in +1605, entitled _Fastigimia_ (it mentions Don Quixote and Sancho (p. +119) but says nothing of Cervantes), and to João Pinto Ribeiro (_c._ +1590-1649), the magistrate who played a notable part in the Restoration +of 1640 and wrote various short treatises such as _Preferencia das +Letras ás Armas_ (1645); and even less plausibly to DUARTE RIBEIRO +DE MACEDO (1618?-80), statesman and diplomatist, an indifferent poet +but an excellent writer of prose and a careful although not original +historian. His halting verses and his treatises were collected in his +_Obras_ (2 vols., 1743). Of the latter the _Summa Politica_ has been +shown by Snr. Solidonio Leite[622] to be copied almost word for word +from the work of identical title by D. SEBASTIÃO CESAR DE MENESES +(†1672), Bishop of Oporto and Archbishop of Braga. Both author and book +were too well known for Ribeiro de Macedo to claim it as his own. He +seems merely to have translated it from the original Latin published at +Amsterdam in 1650, a year after the first Portuguese edition. The work +is remarkable for acute thought and clear and concise expression. A +work of a similar character is the well-written _Arte de Reinar_ (1643) +by P. ANTONIO CARVALHO DE PARADA (1595-1655). The _Tratado Analytico_ +(1715), by MANUEL RODRIGUEZ LEITÃO (_c._ 1620-91), a controversial +treatise written to prove the right of Portugal to appoint bishops, is +also the work of a good stylist. Some would say the same of one of the +best-known books of the seventeenth century, the _Vida de Dom João de +Castro_ (1651), by JACINTO FREIRE DE ANDRADE (1597-1657). The author, +born at Beja, was suspected at Madrid of nationalist inclinations, and +retired to his cure in the diocese of Viseu; after the Restoration +he refused the bishopric of Viseu. His book has often been regarded +as a model of Portuguese prose. Pompous and emphatic,[623] it may be +described as inflated Tacitus, or rather a mixture of Tacitean phrases, +conceits, and rhetorical affectation. But if as a whole it is more akin +to Castro’s garish triumph at Goa than to the scientific spirit of his +letters, it scarcely deserves the severe strictures which followed +excessive praise[624]: it might even become excellent if judiciously +pruned of antitheses and artifice.[625] The second Conde da Ericeira, +D. FERNANDO DE MENESES (1614-99), wrote a _Historia de Tangere_ (1732) +and the _Vida e Acçoens d’El Rei D. João I_ (1677), which ends with +an elaborate parallel between Julius Caesar and the Master of Avis. +Equally clear but far more artificial is the style of the third Count, +D. LUIS DE MENESES (1632-90), in the best-known historical work of the +century in Portuguese: _Historia de Portugal Restaurado_ (2 pts., 1679, +98). Its author ended his life by leaping from an upper window into the +garden of his palace on a May morning in a fit of melancholy. + +The great prose-writer of the century, ANTONIO VIEIRA (1608-97), was +born in the same year and city as D. Francisco Manuel de Mello and +spent a life as unquiet. He was not literary in the same sense as +Mello, but he has always been considered one of the great classics +of the Portuguese language. He was the son of Cristovam Vieira +Ravasco, _escrivão das devassas_ at Lisbon, but at the age of seven +he accompanied his parents to Brazil (1615) and began his education +in the Jesuit college at Bahia. In 1623, by his own ardent wish, +long opposed by his parents, he became a Jesuit novice and professed +in the following year. Before he was thirty he was Professor of +Theology in the Bahia college and a celebrated preacher, the sermons +in which he encouraged the citizens of Bahia in the war against the +Dutch being especially eloquent. In 1641 he was chosen with Padre +Simão de Vasconcellos to accompany D. Fernando de Mascarenhas, son +of the viceroy, to Europe in order to congratulate King João IV on +his accession. Vieira preached in the Royal Chapel on New Year’s +Day, 1642. Both his sermons and his conversation greatly impressed +the king, and from 1641 to the end of the reign (1656) his influence +was great although not unchallenged. They were critical years in +Portugal’s foreign policy, and Vieira, who refused a bishopric but +was appointed Court preacher, was entrusted with several important +missions--to Paris and The Hague (February-July 1646), London, Paris, +and The Hague (1647-8), and Rome (1650). In 1652 he returned to +Brazil as a missionary in Maranhão, and during two years roused the +bitter hostility of the settlers by his protection of the slaves or +rather by his opposition to slavery. In 1655 he again left Lisbon for +Maranhão,[626] and during five arduous years showed unfailing courage +and energy in dealing with natives and settlers. The latter in 1661 +attacked the mission-house and arrested and expelled the Jesuits. At +home King João, Vieira’s friend, was dead. Differences arose between +the Queen Regent supported by Vieira, and her son, and one of the first +acts of the latter on taking power into his own hands was to banish +Vieira to Oporto and later to Coimbra. Here in the spring of 1665[627] +he wrote that curious work _Historia do Futuro_ (1718), which was to +interpret Portugal’s destiny by the light of old prophecies, but of +which only the introduction (_livro anteprimeiro_) was printed. An even +stranger book, in which he had paid serious attention politically to +the prophecies of Bandarra, was denounced in 1663, and in October 1665 +Vieira was consigned to the prison of the Inquisition at Coimbra. His +sentence was not read till 1667 (December 24), and it condemned him to +seclusion in a college or convent of his Order and to perpetual silence +in matters of religion. The deposition of King Afonso VI (1667) and the +accession of his brother Pedro II altered Vieira’s prospects, and his +eloquent voice was again heard in the pulpit. After preaching before +the Court in Lent 1669 he proceeded to Rome on business of the Company +and spent six years there. He preached several times in Italian, and +Queen Christina of Sweden, who had settled in Rome in 1655, offered +him the post of preacher and confessor, which he refused. In August +1675 he returned to Lisbon, where he was coldly received by the Prince +Regent, and in 1681 retired to Brazil. In the same year he was burnt +in effigy by the mob at Coimbra. A special brief given to him by the +Pope secured his person from the attacks of the Inquisition. But even +at Bahia he was not free from troubles and intrigues. His activity +continued to the end of his long life. In 1688 he preached in Bahia +Cathedral, and was Visitor of the Province of Brazil from 1688 to 1691. +Even in 1695 we find him, although feeble and broken, writing letters +and eager to finish his _Clavis Prophetica_[628] (or _Prophetarum_), +which now lies in manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris and +elsewhere. Seventy years earlier he had been entrusted by the Jesuits +with the composition of the annual Latin letters of the Company. +Vieira’s vein of caustic satire no doubt made him numerous enemies and +increased the difficulties which his advocacy of the Jews and slaves +and his fearless stand against injustice and oppression were certain to +produce. Ambitious and fond of power, he could devote himself to causes +which entailed a life of toil and poverty. An energetic if unsuccessful +diplomatist, an ingenious thinker, a statesman of far-reaching views, +he was also a fantastic dreamer, but his dreams and restlessness rarely +affected the sanity of his judgement. The works of this great writer +and extraordinary man are an inexhaustible mine of pure and vigorous +prose, at its best in his numerous _Cartas_, written in _selecta et +propria dictio, nusquam verbis indulgens sed rebus inhaerens_. A +Portuguese critic, Dias Gomes, notes his ’sustained elegance’, and +we may sometimes sigh for an interval of Mello’s familiarity or Frei +Luis de Sousa’s charm. In his famous _Sermões_ he bowed intermittently +to the taste of the time for conceit and artifice. He condemned +the practice in a celebrated sermon, but indeed a certain humorous +quaintness was not foreign to his temperament, and in the obscurity, at +least, of the _cultos_ he never indulged. When inspired by patriotism +or indignation his words soar beyond cold reason and colder conceits to +a fiery eloquence. Among writers whom he influenced was the Benedictine +FREI JOÃO DOS PRAZERES (1648-1709), of whose principal work, _O +Principe dos Patriarchas S. Bento_, or _Empresas de S. Bento_, only +the first two volumes were published. Closer imitators of Vieira were +FREI FRANCISCO DE SANTA MARIA (1653-1713), author of _O Ceo Aberto na +Terra_ (1697) and many sermons, and the Jesuit preacher ANTONIO DE SÁ +(1620-78), whose _Sermões Varios_ appeared in 1750. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[581] Bernardo de Brito, no lover of Spain, bears witness to _o favor e +benevolencia com que trata os homens doutos_. + +[582] _De Crepusculis_, Preface. Martim Afonso de Miranda later (_Tempo +de Agora_, _prologo_ to Pt. 2, 1624) writes of _a pouca curiosidade que +hoje ha acerca da lição dos liuros, como tambem o risco a que se expõem +os que escreuem_. + +[583] Menéndez y Pelayo set Mello above all except his friend Quevedo. + +[584] Mr. Edgar Prestage discovered his baptismal certificate and +established the date (1608) beyond doubt, though it is still often +given as 1611. On his mother’s side Mello was great-grandson of the +historian Duarte Nunez de Leam. + +[585] Prefatory letter to _Las tres Mvsas del Melodino_ (1649): _el +lenguaje estrangero tan poco es favorable al que compone_. + +[586] He was writing it in January 1650. + +[587] _Historia de los movimientos y separacion de Cataluña y de la +guerra_, &c. Lisboa, 1645. + +[588] On his release after four months of imprisonment the Count-Duke +Olivares said to him: _Ea, caballero, ha sido un erro, pero erro con +causa._ + +[589] The first five years were, in his own words, rigorous. In 1650 +he was removed from the _Torre Velha_ to the Lisbon _Castello_, and +thenceforth enjoyed greater liberty. He had been transferred from the +Torre de Belem to the _Torre Velha_ on the left bank of the Tagus in +1646. + +[590] The document was discovered by Dr. Braga and published in his _Os +Seiscentistas_ (1916), p. 339. + +[591] _Approbatio of Cartas_, Roma, 1664. + +[592] A copy of this rare and curious work exists in the Lisbon +Biblioteca Nacional (_Res._ 264 v.). It contains 71 ff. divided into +four parts. The author, in his apophthegms on the character of women, +quotes the classics widely, and refers to the Uthopia [so] of Sir +Thomas More and to _Celestina_. + +[593] _Relaçam_, 1842 ed., p. 233. + +[594] His digressions are methodical: _por este modo de historiar (que +é aquelle que eu desejo ler) pretendo escrever sempre_ (_Epan._ ii). In +_Epan._ i he says: _Refiro, pode ser com demasia, todos os accidentes +deste negocio._ + +[595] He re-wrote this _Epanaphora_ twice, the first two versions +having been lost. + +[596] Cf. _Visita das Fontes_ (_Ap. Dial._ 3), 1900 ed., p. 89: _cada +qual desde o logar em que está acha uma linha muito junto de si que é o +caminho por onde pode ir a Deus_. + +[597] Cf. _Hospital das Lettras_ (_Ap. Dial._ 4), 1900 ed., p. 114: +_por falta de cuidar cada um em se aproveitar deste mundo o que delle +lhe toca, o lançam todos a perder todos juntos do modo que vemos_. + +[598] _Relogios Fallantes_ (_Ap. Dial._ 1). + +[599] _Escriptorio Avarento_ (_Ap. Dial._ 2). + +[600] _Visita das Fontes_ (_Ap. Dial._ 3). + +[601] Cf. the backwoodsman described by Couto as _algum fidalgo criado +lá na Beira que nunca vio o Rei_ (_Dialogo do Sold. Prat._, p. 31). + +[602] Cf. _Aulegrafia_ (1619), f. 85 v.: _emendar a Natureza_. + +[603] Edgar Prestage, _Esboço_, pp. 128-9. + +[604] Like another equally brilliant soldier historian, Napier, he +rarely spells a foreign word aright. Cf. _Epanaphoras_, p. 204: _A este +nome_ Milord _corresponde no estado feminil o nome_ Léde. Falmouth, +where he had actually been, becomes Valmud, the Isle of Wight Huyt, +Whitehall Huythal, the Earl of Northumberland Notaborlan (Brito has +Northũbria). + +[605] A more personal and picaresque satirist was D. THOMAS DE NORONHA +(†1651), whose works were collected by Dr. Mendes dos Remedios in +his _Subsidios_, vol. ii: _Poesias Ineditas de D. Thomás de Noronha_ +(Coimbra, 1899). The satiric poem _Os Ratos da Inquisição_ by ANTONIO +SERRÃO DE CASTRO (1610-85) was first published by Castello Branco in +1883. + +[606] Vol. iii contains a poem by Jacinto Freire de Andrade with the +same title. + +[607] _Fenix Ren._ ii. 406; iii. 225; v. 376. + +[608] Hers is the deplorable pun of a superior superior: + + Que se Prior sois agora + Sempre fostes suprior. + + +[609] The real title of the first (1623) edition is _Dos Novissimos +de Dom Francisco Rolim de Moura_. Adam is conducted by his son Abel +through Hell and comforted by a vision of Paradise. As he is the first +man and only Abel has died, he must forgo Dante’s pleasure in meeting +his personal enemies there, but there is something perhaps even more +awful in the thought of the emptiness of these _infinitos logares_ +(iii. 48). Virgil’s _Facilis descensus_, &c., is translated in two +lines of great badness: _Onde descer he cousa tão factivel Quanto +tornar atraz tem de impossivel_ (iii. 36). + +[610] _Nihil tamen eo vivente excussum nisi Solitudines (hoc est +Saudades)_, says the _Theatrum_. + +[611] e.g. (x. 126): + + Hũa montanha e serra inhabitada + Se erguia ao ar, em cuja corpulenta + Espalda.... + + +[612] ii. 30-49: + + Do undoso leito, donde repousava + O mar, &c. + + +[613] xii. 79: _Sou fragil lenho._ + +[614] In the storm in canto 2 (_Eis que o ceo de improuiso se +escurece_) he seems to have realized that Camões’ description could not +be improved upon. + +[615] Numerous other academies of the same kind came into being in +this and the first half of the next century. Most of their members now +belong to the (Brazilian) _Academia dos Esquecidos_--the Forgotten. + +[616] The slip in the second letter by which in the French version not +the Beja Mertola Gate but Mertola itself is seen from the convent, does +not favour this theory, which recently has been sustained by the Conde +de Sabugosa. This passage is held to be a convincing proof, were such +proof needed, of the genuineness of the letters. It is rather a proof +of the reality of the love intrigue than of the nun’s authorship. If +Chamilly, for the edification of his vanity, were fabricating such a +letter, what more likely than that he should wish to add his note of +local colour and remembered vaguely the word Mertola in connexion with +the view from the convent terrace? What he could scarcely have invented +or expressed is the real depth of feeling. + +[617] Seven spurious letters, and subsequently others, were added in +many of the editions. Filinto Elysio translated the twelve. + +[618] _Je parierais tout au monde que les Lettres portugaises ont été +écrites par un homme._ + +[619] e.g. ‘You told me frankly that you were in love with a lady in +your own country’ (letter 2). ‘Were you not ever the first to leave +for the front, the last to return?’ (5). ‘My passion increases every +instant’ (4). ‘I do not repent having adored you. I am glad that you +betrayed me’ (3). + +[620] Ed. H. Butler Clarke (1897), pp. 17-18 and 65-7. + +[621] The 1652 edition speaks of _coroneis_ (p. 277) who, it has been +argued, were called _mestres de campo_ till 1708 (Goes, however, +in his _Cron. de D. Manuel_, 1619 ed., f. 213, has _os fez todos +quatro coroneis de mil homens_; cf. Gil Vicente, i. 234: _Corregedor, +coronel_); it refers (p. 393) to João IV as still alive (†1656): _Que +Deos guarde e prospere_. It would appear to have been written at two +periods, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, unless the +passages implying the earlier date are as deliberately misleading as +the 1652 title-page. + +[622] _Classicos Esquecidos_ (Rio de Janeiro, 1915). Duarte de Macedo +in his dedicatory letter says: ‘I have taken this _Summa Politica_ from +the Latin and Italian languages.’ ‘I do not offer it as my own, because +I restore it to your Highness as yours’, so that he had armed himself +against such charges of plagiarism. + +[623] It loses nothing in Sir Peter Wyche’s translation. Cf. the +account of Castro’s first arrival at Goa: ‘When the entry was to be, +the two Governours were in a Faluque with gilded Oars, and an awning +of divers-coloured silks; the Castles and Ships entertain’d ’em with +the horrour of reiterated shootings, the Vivas and expectation of the +common people did without any cunning flatter the new Government, &c.’ + +[624] _Cada clausula he filha da eloquencia mats sublime_, &c. (Barbosa +Machado). + +[625] e.g. 1759 ed., p. 342: _cujas ruinas serião de sua fama os +elogios maiores_ would be straightened out from Latin into Portuguese: +_serião os maiores elogios de sua fama_. + +[626] On his homeward voyage in 1654 he had suffered from a violent +storm, and was only saved by a Dutch pirate who landed the passengers +of the Portuguese ship at the Ilha Graciosa without their belongings. + +[627] _Historia do Futuro_ (1718), p. 93. + +[628] See letters from Bahia, July 22, 1695. + + + + + V + + 1706-1816 + + + + + _The Eighteenth Century_ + + +The eighteenth century did not kill literature in Portugal any more +than in other countries, but poetry had lost its lyrism, and under +the influence of French and English writers assumed a scientific, +philosophical, or utilitarian character. No mighty genius arose in +Portuguese literature at the bidding of João V (1706-50), but the +king’s lavish patronage gave an impulse, and he founded the _Academia +Real de Historia_ in 1720. A crop of scholars and poets followed +in the second half of the century, so that it was not without some +unfairness that Giuseppe Baretti wrote of the Portuguese in 1760 that +_di letteratura non hanno punto fama d’essere soverchio ghiotti ... +quel poco que scrivono, sia in prosa sia in verso, è tutto panciuto +e pettoruto_.[629] It was the age of Arcadias: the famous _Arcadia +Ulyssiponense_[630] (1756-74) and the _Nova Arcadia_ founded in 1790 +(i. e. precisely a century after the Italian _Arcadia_). All the +poets of the century belonged to one or other of these societies or +made their mark as _dissidentes_ from them. One of the founders of +the _Nova Arcadia_, FRANCISCO JOAQUIM BINGRE (1763-1856), lived on +into the middle of the nineteenth century, and a few of his poems +were collected under the title _O Moribundo Cysne do Vouga_ (1850). +A typical eighteenth-century poet is D. FRANCISCO XAVIER DE MENESES +(1673-1743), fourth Conde da Ericeira, who in turning to literature +was but following the traditions of his family. A staunch defender of +pure Portuguese against those who, he said, disfigure and corrupt the +language by the introduction of foreign words and phrases, he wrote a +large number of works in prose and in verse. The best known of them is +his _Henriqueida_ (1741), a heroic poem on the conquest of Portugal by +Count Henry in twelve long cantos of prosaic _oitavas_. It may contain +lines more inspiring than these: + + E a contramina fabricou Roberto, + Da mina conhecendo o lugar certo, + +but they do not really differ greatly from the rest of the poem. The +large quantity of poetry still written at the beginning of the century +had met with severe criticism in Frei Lucas de Santa Catharina’s _Seram +Politico_. He slyly calls the _egloga campestre_ ‘_poesia ervada_’. The +objects of the _Arcadia_ of 1756 were to free Portuguese literature +from foreign influences and restore the purity of the language. If +to some extent it merely substituted French or Italian influence for +Spanish, its cry was also back to the classics and to the Portuguese +_quinhentistas_. As to the language its services were invaluable, +for at a time when French influence was great in Portugal and in the +rest of Europe it checked the use of gallicisms; as to literature the +attempt to write poetry on an ordered plan was perhaps foredoomed to +failure: it plodded along in an artificial atmosphere of Roman gods and +antiquities, and became hidebound in imitation of the Horatian ode. + +PEDRO ANTONIO CORRÊA GARÇÃO (1724-72), one of the first members +and most prominent poets of the _Arcadia_, did good service in his +determined efforts to deliver his country’s literature from foreign +imitations and the false affectation of the time, and to revert to the +classics, Greek, Roman, and Portuguese. He even prophesied that Gil +Vicente’s day would come. His master was Horace, _grande Horacio_, and +his Horatian odes, if they show no remarkable lyrical gift, have a dry +native flavour in the purity of their language. He was also successful +in reviving the cultivation of blank verse. There is a fine sound in +some of the sonnets in which he sings Marilia, Lydia, Belisa, Maria, +Nise, writes to a friend to ask for a doubloon or for Spanish tobacco, +sends birthday congratulations or laughs at a bald priest: the themes +are mostly of this level. His satirical vein is marked in his two short +comedies in blank verse, _Theatro Novo_, a skit on the drama then in +vogue, and _Assemblêa ou Partida_, in which certain Lisbon types are +ridiculed and which contains the famous and much overpraised _Cantata +de Dido_. Corrêa Garção’s days ended tragically in prison. The motive +of his arrest is not clear. Tradition wavers between a love intrigue +and political reasons,[631] and declares that the Marques de Pombal, +whom he had offended, signed the order for his release on the very day +of the poet’s death after eighteen months of imprisonment. + +Pombal was effusively praised by DOMINGOS DOS REIS QUITA (1728-70), +a Lisbon hairdresser who wrote bucolic poetry melodiously, but with +perhaps even less originality than we have learnt to expect in that +kind since the time when Virgil mistranslated Theocritus. The influence +of Bernardez and Camões is clear,[632] in many passages too clear, +and he had undoubtedly caught something of their skill and harmony +in technique. But his poems leave the impression that he had no real +feeling for the rustic life which they describe; no doubt he was more +at home with the scissors than with the faithful Melampus or the +nymphs and shepherd’s pipe. When he is relating an event, such as the +earthquake of 1755, which touched him nearly, his ready flow of verse +deserts him, in spite of his skill in improvisation,[633] although the +sonnet written on the same occasion, _Por castigar, Senhor_, stands out +with a certain majesty from most of his other sonnets, which are mere +slices of eclogue. If his mellifluous idylls show no individuality, his +return to the classic poets of Portugal was, as with other Arcadian +poets, a welcome change from the Spanish influence, the _mao uso_, as +he calls it, of ‘rude strangers from the Manzanares’ (Eclogue 6). His +tragedies and pastoral drama _Licore_ are not more original. One of +his tragedies, _Inés de Castro_, suggested that of João Baptista Gomes +(†1813), _Nova Castro_, which had a great vogue in its day but is now +scarcely more remembered than _Osmia_ (1788), a tragedy of which the +blank verse has vigour, although it is often scarcely distinguishable +from prose. This play, published anonymously, was long attributed to +Antonio de Araujo de Azevedo (1754-1817), but its real author was D. +Theresa de Mello Breyner, Condessa de Vimieiro, who married her cousin, +the fourth Count, in 1767. + +It was a cruel kindness to edit the works of ANTONIO DINIZ DA CRUZ E +SILVA (1731-99) in six volumes, for, despite the fame of his high-flown +Pindaric odes, his three centuries of sonnets and his other lyrics +are not of conspicuous merit and are often imitative. Having nothing +to say, _Elpino Nonacriense_, like too many of the Arcadian poets, +said it at inordinate length. _Que enorme confusão!_ he exclaims in an +elegy on the Lisbon earthquake, and most of his poems are on a like +plane of thought and expression. The son of a _Sargento Môr_,[634] he +was born at Lisbon, and after studying law at Coimbra was appointed a +judge at Castello de Vide. With Manuel Nicolau Esteves Negrão (†1824) +and Theotonio Gomes de Carvalho (†1800) he founded the _Arcadia +Ulyssiponense_, of which he drew up the statutes in September 1756. +The first aim of these early Arcadians was, as we have noticed, to +break the shackles of Spanish influence and _gongorismo_, which was, +indeed, on the wane in the land of its birth. Diniz da Cruz’ own poems +were written in good idiomatic Portuguese. In _O Hyssope_ he satirizes +with telling vigour the use of gallicisms, and his comedy _O Falso +Heroismo_ is thoroughly Portuguese in subject and treatment. From +1764 to 1774 he was stationed at Elvas, and here a quarrel between +the bishop, D. Lourenço de Lancastre, and the dean, D. José Carlos de +Lara, furnished him with the subject of his celebrated mock-heroic poem +_O Hyssope_. The legend runs that he was summoned to read his satire +to the all-powerful Pombal in the presence of the infuriated bishop, +and that the poem proved too much for the gravity of the minister, +who appointed him a judge at Rio de Janeiro (1776). Thence he was +transferred to Oporto (1787), but in 1790 was again appointed to Rio de +Janeiro, and showed himself merciless in sentencing the Brazilian poets +Claudio Manuel da Costa, Gonzaga, and Ignacio José de Alvarengo Peixoto +(1748-93), accused of conspiring to secure the independence of their +country. _O Hyssope_ was first published in 1802, three years after +the author’s death. The idea of the poem was derived from Boileau’s +_Le Lutrin_. Boileau would have been horrified by its eight cantos of +slovenly and monotonous blank verse, which often scarcely rises above +prose; but as a satire on the times and in its grotesque portraiture +of prelate and lawyer and notary it is sometimes irresistibly comic. +The mock-heroic _Benteida_, written by ALEXANDRE ANTONIO DE LIMA of +Lisbon (1699-_c._ 1760?) and published fifty years before _O Hyssope_, +consisted of three cantos of _oitavas_. Two editions appeared in +1752, published at ‘Constantinople’ as written by ‘Andronio Meliante +Laxaed’. Pedro de Azevedo Tojal (†1742) had used the same metre for his +_Foguetario_ (1729). The burlesque poem _O Reino da Estupidez_ (1819), +written in four cantos of easily-flowing blank verse by the Brazilians +Francisco de Mello Franco (1757-1823) and José Bonifacio de Andrade e +Silva (1763-1838), is professedly an imitation of _aquelle activo e +discreto Diniz na Hyssopaïda_, only the butt here is not the Chapter of +Elvas but the professors of Coimbra University. + +Like the less celebrated poet son of an Alentejan painter, JOSÉ +ANASTASIO DA CUNHA (1744-87), artillery officer, mathematician, +Professor of Geometry at Coimbra, who translated Pope and Voltaire and +had milk in his tea and buttered toast on a fast-day, FRANCISCO MANUEL +DO NASCIMENTO (1734-1819), better known as _Filinto Elysio_,[635] +was denounced to the Inquisition. His thrilling escape in the year +of Cunha’s condemnation for apostasy and heresy (1778) brought him +almost as much fame as his poems. The son of a Lisbon lighterman and +a humble _varina_,[636] he was accused of not believing in the Flood +and of throwing ridicule on the doctrine of original sin, and by +another witness of being simply an atheist. He succeeded in locking +up in his own rooms the official sent to arrest him early on the 4th +of July, hid for eleven days in Lisbon, and then, disguised as a poor +man carrying a load of oranges, escaped on a boat bound for Havre. Had +this persecution come earlier, the disquieting atmosphere of Paris, +into which he was now transplanted and where, except for a few years +at The Hague, he lived for the rest of his life, might have given some +originality to his talent. But his mind and poetic style were already +fixed, and through every political disturbance he continued his steady +flow of Horatian odes and similar artificial verse. He wrote for +seventy years (Lamartine notes the _précoces faveurs_ of his muse), +and at the age of sixty-four calculated that he had already composed +730,000 lines, probably too modest an estimate. He received by royal +decree an amnesty and the restoration of his property, but never +returned to Portugal. His influence on younger Portuguese poets was +nevertheless great. Bocage, when his verses were praised by the older +poet, exclaimed: + + Filinto, o gran cantor, prezou meus versos + ... Posteridade, és minha! + +His influence was bad and good. It encouraged a dry and artificial +classicism, but also careful versification in pure Portuguese. Although +the poems of Lamartine’s _divin Manuel_ are no longer even by his +countrymen held to be divine, they may be read with satisfaction +by virtue of their indigenous expressions and a hundred and one +allusions to popular traditions. It was by these characteristics +that he expressed his revolt from the _Arcadia_. Half a long life +spent in Paris was unable to imbue Filinto with the _mimo de fallar +luso-gallico_, against which he vigorously protested to the end. This +purity of style gives excellence to the many translations which he was +obliged to write for a bare livelihood, and his native land is present +even in his closest imitations of Horace (Falernian becomes _louro +Carcavellos_). Unfortunately his contemporaries and successors were not +always so discreet. + +The genial satirist NICOLAU TOLENTINO (1741-1811), son of a Lisbon +advocate, after studying law at Coimbra spent some years teaching +rhetoric to the raw youth (_bisonhos rapazes_) of Lisbon. He was +perpetually discontented with his lot or ready to profess himself so. +‘Long years have I already spent in begging,’ he says candidly, ‘and +shall perhaps pass my whole life in the same way.’ He harps on his +poverty; the kitchen, he complains, is the coolest room in his house. +In 1781 he obtained a comfortable post in the civil service, his poems +were printed for him in two volumes twenty years later, he would +receive a pheasant from one friend, a Sunday dinner of turkey from +another, he acknowledges a thousand benefits, and still begs on. Before +he had had time to grow rich the habit had become incurable. His was no +lyrical gift, but he imitated with success the _quintilhas_ of Sá de +Miranda,[637] in which much of his work is composed (_O Bilhar_ is in +_oitavas_). He writes naturally; his style is thoroughly Portuguese, +often prosaic. His satire, repressed for personal reasons rather than +from any failure of wit or talent, reducible to silence by the gift of +a pheasant, lacks independence and thought, but sheds a gentle light +on the manners of the time--on the travelled coxcomb who returns to +Portugal affecting almost to have forgotten Portuguese, or the rich +nun who knows by heart whole volumes of the _Fenix Renascida_--and one +or two of his entertaining sonnets are likely to endure. The _Obras +Poeticas_ of the MARQUESA DE ALORNA (1750-1839), in Arcadia _Alcippe_, +are now more often praised than read, but her poetry is scarcely +inferior to that of many even more celebrated writers of the time. As a +child she defied the anger of the Marques de Pombal. She was detained +with her sister Maria and her mother D. Leonor de Almeida in the +convent of Chellas from the age of eight till the death of King José +(1777). Two years later she married the Count of Oeynhausen, who became +minister at Vienna in 1780. After his death in 1793 she lived partly +in England, but spent the last twenty-five years of her life in the +neighbourhood of Lisbon, and exercised considerable influence on young +writers--not Garrett but Bocage, and especially Herculano--and thus +with Macedo formed a link between the poets of the _Arcadia_ and the +nineteenth century. Her works contain over 2,000 pages of verse. There +are sonnets and odes, eclogues, elegies, epistles, translations or +paraphrases of Homer, Horace, Claudian (_De raptu Proserpinae_), Pope +(_Essay on Criticism_), Wieland, Thomson’s _Seasons_, Goldsmith, Gray, +Lamartine, and the Psalms. There is a long poem on botany which notices +more than a hundred kinds of scented geranium, and indeed the range +of her subjects is very wide, from May fireflies to the ‘barbarous +climate’ of England, from Leibniz to the ascent of Robertson in a +balloon. Classical allusions are everywhere; she even drags in Cocytus +in a sonnet on the death of her infant son. At the same time we have a +constant sense of high ideals and love of liberty. + +The compositions of the ‘pale, limber, odd-looking young man’, which +‘thrilled and agitated’ William Beckford in 1787, now scarcely move +us, vanished the fire and glow which BOCAGE (1765-1805) brought to his +improvisations. For the reader they are for the most part _carboni +spenti_. His parents were a Portuguese judge and the daughter of a +French vice-admiral in the Portuguese Navy, and he enlisted in an +infantry regiment in the town of his birth, Setubal, in 1779. Ten +years later he deserted at Damão, and after wandering in China reached +Macao and thence Goa, which he still found a stepmother to poets, and +Lisbon. Here he continued to live a dissipated life, till in 1797 his +revolutionary opinions and his poem _A Pavorosa Illusão da Eternidade_ +brought him first to the Limoeiro and then for a few months to the +prison of the Inquisition. His unstable romantic spirit was influenced +as much by the French Revolution during the latter years of his life +as by the wish in his youth to become a second Camões, but he wrote an +elegy on the execution of Queen Marie Antoinette, which he described +as ‘a crime from Hell’. He supported life during his last years +principally by translation. He was himself his chief enemy, and he +was also the victim of the critics who applauded his improvisations +until he no longer distinguished between poetry and prose, sense and +absurdity. No better Portuguese pendant to the celebrated line of +blank verse ‘A Mr. Wilkinson, a clergyman’ will be found than that in +one of Bocage’s elegies: _Carpido objecto meu, carpido objecto_. The +undoubted talent of _Elmano Sadino_, as he was in Arcadia, was thus +frittered away in occasional verse in which his fecund gift of satire +found expression, and a great poet was lost to Portuguese literature. +His impromptu sallies against rival poets, such as Macedo, brought him +contemporary fame, but in some of his poems, especially the sonnets, +we have proof of a possibility of greater things. No doubt his work +is disfigured by pompous phrases[638] and hollow classical allusions. +He did not always rise above the bad taste of the period; he was +unable to concentrate his talent or separate prosaic from poetical +subjects. Thus he sang of an ascent in a _balão aerostatico_ in 1794, +and saw in the _vil mosquito_ a proof of the existence of God. But +his was nevertheless a very real and above all a very Portuguese +inspiration,[639] and some of his sonnets have force and grandeur +and hover on the fringes of beauty, especially when they voice his +unaffected enthusiasm for Portugal’s past greatness and heroes. + +One of the foremost poets of the _Nova Arcadia_ was BELCHIOR MANUEL +CURVO SEMEDO (1766-1838), two volumes of whose _Composições Poeticas_ +appeared in 1803. A crowd of secondary lights revolved round the great +planets of the two _Arcadias_. The poems of _Alfeno Cynthio_, DOMINGOS +MAXIMIANO TORRES (1748-1810), are not without vigour (_Versos_, 1791). +Their unfortunate author died a political prisoner at Trafaria. The gay +and lively Abbade of Jazente, PAULINO ANTONIO CABRAL[640] (1719-89), +was the son of an Oporto doctor, and was parish priest at Jazente +(near Amarante) from 1753 to 1784. His poems are still read for their +pleasant satire, but he was careless of literary fame. Some of the +sonnets of both these writers deserve not to be forgotten. JOÃO +XAVIER DE MATTOS (†1789), a fourth edition of whose _Rimas_ appeared +in the year after his death, is now remembered chiefly for some of his +sonnets, as that beginning _Poz-se o sol_, with its melancholy charm. +He was a true but not a great or original poet. Born at Oporto, the son +of a Brazilian father and a Portuguese mother, THOMAS ANTONIO GONZAGA +(1744-1807?) was a judge at Bahia when he was accused of taking part +in the Republican conspiracy of Minas Geraes (1789), and after three +years’ imprisonment was deported (1792) to Mozambique, where he died +several years after his sentence had expired. Some of his Horatian and +Anacreontic _lyras_ in many metres, addressed to Marilia and collected +under the title _A Marilia de Dirceo_ (_Dirceo_ being his Arcadian +name), are graceful lyrics of an idyllic character. Of the other poets +implicated in the conspiracy, CLAUDIO MANUEL DA COSTA (1729-69), who +was found dead in his prison cell, was an Arcadian poet of the Italian +school, and shows a gentle love of Nature in his sonnets. Of the +hundred sonnets printed in his _Obras_ (1768) some are in Italian. +The eclogues number twenty. In Brazil at this time, as earlier in +Portugal, patriotism if not poetry suggested epics. JOSÉ BASILIO DA +GAMA (1740-95), who spent the greater part of his life in Portugal and +died at Lisbon, wrote _O Uraguay_ (1769) in five cantos of prosaic +blank verse--an account of the struggle between Portuguese and Indians. +JOSÉ DE SANTA RITA DURÃO (_c._ 1720-84), Doctor in Theology (Coimbra), +composed an epic entitled _Caramurú_ (1781) on the discovery of Bahia +in the sixteenth century by Diogo Alvarez Corrêa. This poem in ten +cantos of _oitavas_ is inferior to _O Uraguay_, but it contains some +interesting notes on the country and the customs of Brazil.[641] + +If a great poet lurked in Bocage, he had certainly never existed in +Bocage’s contemporary and rival in Arcadia, JOSÉ AGOSTINHO DE MACEDO +(1761-1831), who lived to be confronted by an even more formidable +adversary in his old age, Almeida Garrett. (In one of his fierce +political letters he prays that either he or Garrett may be sent to +the galleys.) Born at Beja, he took the vows as an Augustinian monk +at Lisbon in 1778. The future champion of law and order provoked the +displeasure of his superiors at Lisbon, Evora, Coimbra, Braga, Torres +Vedras, by his pranks and mutinies, his boisterous and dissipated +life. Methodical theft of books was one of his minor failings. At +last after fourteen years, his Order, tired of transferring and +imprisoning, formally expelled the delinquent in 1792. He, however, +obtained recognition as a secular priest, won fame as a preacher, and +for the next forty years wrote in verse and prose with an amazing +copiousness.[642] He is said to have composed a hundred Anacreontic +odes in three days: _Lyra Anacreontica_ (1819). During the last three +years of his life, after he had, as he said, capitulated to the +doctors, he continued to write, although in great pain. His financial +circumstances did not require this effort. His works had brought him +considerable sums, he had become Court preacher and chronicler, and had +many friends in high places, including Dom Miguel himself. His vanity +was soothed, the unfrocked Augustinian had won the regard of princes. +But to this learned[643] and splenetic priest virulent denunciation of +his literary and political opponents had become a necessity, and he was +at work on the twenty-seventh number of his periodical _O Desengano_ +a fortnight before his death. He was spared the mortification of +seeing his enemies triumph in 1832. His character was not amiable, +and a large part of his life was unedifying, but there is something +fine in his unfailing energy, for by sheer energy he imposed himself, +and his self-conceit was so colossal as to be virtually innocuous, +while his real horror of revolution, a horror based on experience, +was expressed with persistency and courage. He seems to have been +quite honest in the belief that the poems of Homer, which he could +not read in the original, were worthless,[644] and that his own _O +Oriente_ was a great epic. His utilitarian conception of literature +was inevitably fatal to his verse. He wished to extend the boundaries +of poetry.[645] He wrote a long poem--four cantos of blank verse--on +_Newton_ (1813), recast and increased to 3,560 lines under the title +_Viagem Extatica ao Templo da Sabedoria_ (1830), because Newton had +conferred greater benefits on humanity than many a great conqueror (yet +so may a dentist). He composed a long poem, _Gama_ (1811), re-written +as _O Oriente_ (1814),[646] to show how Camões should have written +_Os Lusiadas_. His poem is no doubt more correct; it observes all the +rules, but unfortunately it lacks genius and is as dull and turgid +as Macedo’s other verse. A good word for the sea in Portuguese is +_mar_; the poets often call it _oceano_, Camões had ventured to name +it _o falso argento_, _o liquido estanho_, _o fundo aquoso_, _o humido +elemento_; with Macedo it becomes _o tumido elemento_ (or perhaps +he adopted the phrase from _Caramurú_, in which it occurs). We can +scarcely blame Bocage for labelling him _tumido versista_.[647] Among +his other philosophical poems are _Contemplação da Natureza_ (1801), +_A Meditação_ (1813), _A Natureza_ (1846), and _A Creação_ (1865), +now not more often read than his many odes and other verse. The most +scandalous of his satires is _Os Burros_ (1827), in blank verse, in +which he lavishly and outrageously insults nearly all the writers of +the time, and which may have been suggested by Juan Pablo Forner’s _El +Asno Erudito_ (1782). Like his poems, his dramatic works usually have +some ulterior object; their purpose is not less practical than his +pamphlets against _Os Sebastianistas_ (1810) or _Os Jesuitas_ (1830): +behind Ezelino and Beatriz in his tragedy _Branca de Rossi_ (1819) loom +Napoleon and Joséphine, and the prose comedy _A Impostura Castigada_ +(1822) is an attack upon the doctors. The fact is that Macedo was +essentially not a poet or a dramatist or a philosopher, but a forcible +and eloquent pamphleteer. His philosophical letters and treatises, _A +Verdade_ (1814), _O Homem_ (1815), _Demonstração da Existencia de +Deos_ (1816), _Cartas filosoficas a Attico_ (1815), are at their best +not when he is developing a train of scientific thought but when he is +arguing _ad hominem_; and his literary criticism in _Motim Literario_ +(1811) is primarily personal. As a critic militant he has his merits, +and he is pleasantly patriotic in denouncing the glamour of _missangas +estranjeiras_. But it is in his political periodicals, pamphlets, and +letters, _Cartas_ (1821), _Cartas_ (1827), _Tripa virada_ (1823), +_Tripa por uma vez_ (1823), _A Besta Esfolhada_ (1828-31), _O +Desengano_ (September 1830-September 1831), that he puts forth all his +spice and venom. Ponderous and angry like a lesser Samuel Johnson, he +bullies and crushes his opponents in the raciest vernacular. He may be +unscrupulous in argument, but his idiomatic and vigorous prose will +always be read with pleasure. + +Macedo’s dramatic works were neither better nor worse than those of +other playwrights of the time. It was the professed object of MANUEL +DE FIGUEIREDO (1725-1801) to ‘write plays morally and dramatically +correct’. The effect of this didacticism in the fourteen volumes of his +_Theatro_ (1804-15) is disastrous. He wrote in prose and verse, but the +plays in ordinary prose are to be preferred, since in the others, like +M. Jourdain, he made _de la prose sans le savoir_. He wrote comedies, +and tragedies in which he is involuntarily comic. Even in _Ignez_ he +keeps the even tenor of his dullness, and he warns the reader in a +preface that his Inés is not to be considered beautiful since she was +probably over thirty, and that her and Pedro’s passion had had time +to cool.[648] There is more life in the plays written in a medley +of prose and verse by ANTONIO JOSÉ DA SILVA (1705-39), whom Southey +considered ‘the best of their dramatic writers’, but it is doubtful +whether they would have received any attention in the nineteenth and +twentieth centuries had it not been for the tragedy of their author’s +life. He was born at Rio de Janeiro, the son of Portuguese Jews, +his mother had been arrested by order of the Inquisition as early as +1712, and the whole family came to Lisbon, where the father practised +successfully as a lawyer. In 1726 his mother was re-arrested, and this +time Antonio José with her. He was released after suffering torture and +publicly abjuring Jewish doctrines in an _auto da fé_. Eleven years +later, after studying at Coimbra and following his father’s profession +in Lisbon, he was again arrested, with his wife--he had married his +cousin despite the dangerous fact that her mother had been burnt and +she herself imprisoned by the Inquisition--and on October 18, 1739, he +was first strangled and then burnt in an _auto da fé_ at Lisbon. For +some years (1733-8) before his death the people of Lisbon had admired +the plays of ‘the Jew’, as they called him, at the _Theatro do Bairro +Alto_. Of the eight plays that have survived in print it must be said +that they are for the most part very purposeless and ineffective. He +attracted his audience sometimes by wit, more often by sheer farcical +absurdity; the constant plays on words, the meaningless snatches of +verse interpolated, do not increase the interest, which flags on every +page because the author has not the slightest power of concentration. +The action at least is quick and varied; it shows Silva’s inventive +talent and explains the popularity of his _galhofeiras comedias_,[649] +however much it may weary the reader. His plays with classical +subjects are especially cold and dull, _A Ninfa Syringa ou Amores de +Pan e Syringa_,[650] _Os Encantos de Medea_,[651] _Esopaida_,[651] +_Amphitrião_,[651] _As Variedades de Proteo_,[652] _Laberinto de +Creta_.[652] His best play, _Guerras do Alecrim e Mangerona_ (1737), +contains some elements of character-drawing and describes the devices +of the starving gentlemen D. Gilvaz and D. Fuas to obtain rich wives at +the expense of miserly father and country cousin. The action consists +in a bewildering succession of disguises, the scene (Pt. ii, Sc. 5) +in which Gilvaz and Fuas doctor their stolid rival and ridicule the +medical profession has humour but shows the usual inability to end +before the reader’s patience has been long exhausted. In the _Vida do +Grande D. Quixote de la Mancha_ (1733) Silva made bold to dramatize +_Don Quixote_ in a series of scenes not over-skilfully connected. Of +his own invention there is a comical scene (Pt. i, Sc. 8), in which +Don Quixote is harassed by doubts as to whether the enchanters have +not transformed Dulcinea into Sancho Panza: he begins to see a certain +likeness; but most of the scenes are directly copied and here become +signally insipid, as that of Sancho’s judgements (ii. 4), or that of +the lion (i. 5), which is as far removed from Cervantes as the sorry +lions of the Alhambra at Granada from those in Trafalgar Square. +The drama of NICOLAU LUIS, whose life is obscure but whose name was +possibly Nicolau Luis da Silva, belongs to the _literatura de cordel_, +popular plays imitated and often directly translated from the Spanish +and Italian and acted with great applause in the eighteenth century +at Lisbon. Most of them were published without the author’s name, and +although it is believed that he wrote over one-third of the numerous +_comedias de cordel_ of the century[653] only a few, as _O Capitão +Belisario_ (1781) and _O Conde Alarcos_ (1788), can be definitely +assigned to him, a fact which incidentally bears witness to his lack of +individuality. His best-known tragedy is _D. Ignez de Castro_ (1772), +an imitation of _Reinar después de morir_ by Luis Velez de Guevara +(1579-1644). + +In prose it was not an age of great writers, but of research and +learning. The Lisbon _Academia Real das Sciencias_,[654] founded by +the Duque de Lafões, met for the first time in 1780, and was not slow +in inaugurating the work which has won for it the gratitude of all who +care for the language or literature of Portugal. D. ANTONIO CAETANO +DE SOUSA (1674-1759) had published his valuable _Provas da Historia +Genealogica_ (1739-48) in seven volumes, and the learned _curé_ of +Santo Adrião de Sever, DIOGO BARBOSA MACHADO (1682-1772), had spent +a long life in bibliographical study and compiled his indispensable +and magnificent _Bibliotheca Lusitana_ (1741-59) with a generous +inaccuracy which is attractive in the minute pedantry of a later age. +The scarcely less famous _Vocabulario Portuguez_ of RAPHAEL BLUTEAU +(1638-1734), who was born of French parents in London but spent over +fifty years in Portugal, began to appear in 1712. The work of research +was now carried on, among others by FRANCISCO JOSÉ FREIRE (1719-73); +FREI JOAQUIM DE SANTA ROSA DE VITERBO (1744-1822); the librarian +ANTONIO RIBEIRO DOS SANTOS (1745-1818); D. FRANCISCO ALEXANDRE LOBO +(1763-1844), Bishop of Viseu; CARDINAL SARAIVA (1766-1845), Patriarch +of Lisbon; and FREI FORTUNATO DE S. BOAVENTURA (1778-1844). Critics of +poetry were LUIS ANTONIO VERNEY (1713-92), Archdeacon of Evora, ‘El +Barbadiño’, whose criticisms in his _Verdadeiro Methodo de Estudar_ (2 +vols., 1746) are severe, even harsh; FRANCISCO DIAS GOMES (1745-95), +whom Herculano called _o nosso celebre critico_, and who was indeed a +better critic than poet, as may be seen in the notes and poems of his +_Obras Poeticas_ (1799); and MIGUEL DE COUTO GUERREIRO (_c._ 1720-93), +who showed good sense in the twenty-six rhymed rules of his _Tratado da +Versificaçam Portugueza_ (1784). + +The best-known work of the learned son of a Lisbon blacksmith who +became the first Bishop of Beja and Archbishop of Evora, MANUEL DO +CENACULO VILLAS-BOAS (1724-1814), is his _Cuidados Litterarios_ (1791). +THEODORO DE ALMEIDA (1722-1804), an erudite and voluminous writer, one +of the original members of the Academy of Sciences, was more ambitious. +In _O Feliz Independente do Mundo e da Fortuna_ in twenty-four books (3 +vols., 1779), he took Fénelon’s _Télémaque_ for his model and sought +to combine the gall of instruction with the honey of entertainment. +He wrote it first (_uma boa parte_) in rhyme, then turned to blank +verse, but, still dissatisfied, finally adopted prose, taking care, +however, he says, that it should not degenerate into a novel. The +book had a wide vogue, but is quite unreadable. One may be thankful +that it was not written in verse like that of his _Lisboa Destruida_ +(1803), an account of the earthquake of 1755, with sundry moralizings +in six cantos of _oitavas_, of which a Portuguese critic has said that +the author, in an excess of Christian humility, resolved to mortify +his pride of learning by making himself ridiculous to posterity in +verse. A flickering interest enlivens the _Cartas Familiares_ (1741, +2) of FRANCISCO XAVIER DE OLIVEIRA (1702-83). Their subjects are +various: love, literature, witchcraft, and even the relation of a man’s +character to the ribbon on his hat. The author gave up a diplomatic +career, perhaps on account of his Protestant tendencies, and went to +Holland (1740) and England (1744), where he publicly abjured Roman +Catholicism (1746). After the Lisbon earthquake of 1755 he addressed +a pamphlet in French to the King of Portugal, exhorting him to mend +his ways; to become Protestant with all his subjects and abolish the +Inquisition. He was duly burnt in effigy at Lisbon (1761), but died +quietly at Hackney twenty-two years later. The letters of ALEXANDRE DE +GUSMÃO (1695-1753), born at Santos in Brazil, have not been collected; +those of the remarkable Portuguese Jew of Penamacor, ANTONIO NUNES +RIBEIRO SANCHES (1699-1783), physician to the Empress Catherine II of +Russia, _Cartas sobre a Educação da Mocidade_, appeared in 1760 at +Cologne. The _Cartas Curiosas_ (1878) of the Abbade ANTONIO DA COSTA +(1714-_c._ 1780) consist of thirteen letters written from Rome and +Vienna from 1750 to 1780, mainly on the subject of music. The century +was not rich in memoirs. The _Miscellaneas_ of D. JOÃO DE S. JOSEPH +QUEIROZ (1711-64) contain some interesting and amusing anecdotes. He +speaks of the _Memorias Genealogicas_ of Alão de Moraes and of the +general discredit of genealogists, and attributes Mello’s imprisonment +to his polite acquiescence in the suggestions of the Condessa de Villa +Nova, made at the instigation of King João IV: _para lisongea-la disse +que seguiria o partido de Castella_. But without seeing the manuscript +it is impossible not to suspect that there is as much of Camillo +Castello Branco as of the Bishop of Grão-Para in the _Memorias_ (1868), +which he was the first to publish. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[629] _Lettere Familiari_, No. 30. + +[630] Or _Arcadia Lusitana_. For a list of its members see T. Braga, +_A Arcadia Lusitana_ (1899), pp. 210-29; for its statutes, ibid., pp. +189-205. + +[631] Debt might seem a more probable cause, were it not for the +apparent rigour of his confinement. + +[632] _A sua alma conversava com Bernardes e Ferreira_, says his friend +Tolentino, who advises another _cabelleireiro_ poet to cease writing +verses, since _vale mais que cem sonetos a peior penteadura_. The _Arte +de Furtar_ mentions a barber who sank still lower, since he left his +profession in order to cut purses. The modern writer Antonio Francisco +Barata (1836-1910) likewise began life as a poor hairdresser at Coimbra. + +[633] Cf. _Ecloga_ 1. Dorindo to Alcino (_Alcino Mycenio_ was Quita’s +Arcadian name): + + E tu és dos pastores mais famosos + No cantar de improviso o verso brando. + + +[634] i. e. the military governor of a district, with rank next to that +of _Capitão Môr_. + +[635] This Arcadian name was given to him by the Marquesa de Alorna, +although he did not properly belong to the _Arcadia_, being, like +Tolentino, one of the _dissidentes_. + +[636] = fishwife; literally ‘woman of Ovar’, a small sea-town between +Aveiro and Oporto. + +[637] Sá do Miranda, he says, _em quem das doces quintilhas Sómente +a rima aprendi.... Falta-me arte e natureza, Mas pude delle imitar A +verdadeira singeleza._ + +[638] The sky is _a estellifera morada_ (the starry abode), birds _o +plumoso aereo bando_, bees _mordazes enxames voadores_, &c. + +[639] Menéndez y Pelayo (_Antología_, tom. xiii (1908), p. 377) calls +him _el poeta de más condiciones nativas que ha producido Portugal +después de Camoens_, ‘the most indigenous Portuguese poet since +Camões’, and elsewhere gives the highest praise to his sonnets. + +[640] His modern editor, Visconde (Julio) de Castilho, has shown that +the additional surname de Vasconcellos was bestowed on him gratuitously. + +[641] The _Couvade_ (ii. 62) is also described by Henrique Diaz, +_Naufragio da Nao S. Paulo_, 1904 ed., p. 25, and Pero de Magalhães +Gandavo, _Historia da Provincia Sancta Cruz_ (1576), cap. 10. + +[642] His works in the _Dicc. Bibliog._ go from J. 2163 to J. 2475. +Many are, however, single odes, sermons, &c. Other eighteenth-century +sermons worth reading are those of the learned Franciscan Frei +Sebastião de Santo Antonio: _Sermões_, 2 vols. (1779, 84). + +[643] Superficially, at least, more than Manuel Caetano de Sousa +(1658-1734) he deserves to be called a _varão encyclopedico_. + +[644] He admires Cicero--not only as philosopher and orator but as a +‘sublime poet’! (_O Homem_ (1815), p. 98)--and Seneca, calls Petrarca +immortal, Tasso incomparable, and is generous in his appreciation of +English writers. At about the same time John Keats, as Petrarca five +centuries earlier, was also reading Homer in translation, but in a +somewhat different spirit. + +[645] _Newton, Proemio._ + +[646] In the second edition (1827) he says that this poem, in twelve +cantos and about 1,000 _oitavas_, written with ‘more fire and a purer +light’ than those of Camões, had cost him ‘nine years of assiduous +application’. + +[647] Macedo called Bocage _fanfarrão glosador_, and much abuse of the +same kind varied the monotony of _elogio mutuo_. + +[648] Such woodenness was unlikely to appreciate El Greco’s pictures. +In the preface to his _Agriparia_ (_Theatro_, vol. v, 1804) he speaks +of _a extravagancia do vaidoso Domenico_, herein following Faria e +Sousa, who calls Theotocopuli the Góngora of painters and adds: _Pero +vale más una llaneza del Ticiano que todas sus extravagancias juntas +por mas que ingeniosas_ (_Fuente de Aganipe Prólogo_, § 37). + +[649] Arnaldo Gama, _Um motim ha cem annos_, 3ᵃ ed. (1896), p. 35. + +[650] _Theatro Comico Portuguez_, 4 vols. (1759-90), vol. iii. + +[651] Ibid., vol. i. + +[652] Ibid., vol. ii. + +[653] Innocencio da Silva, _Dicc. Bibliog._ vi. 275-85; xvii. 91-3, +gives 217 titles. + +[654] Now _Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa_, but it is found +convenient to retain the original title in order to distinguish it from +a more recent (private) institution, the _Academia das Sciencias de +Portugal_. + + + + + VI + + 1816-1910 + + + + + § 1 + + _The Romantic School_ + + +In Portugal the first quarter of the nineteenth century was filled +with violence and unrest. The French invasion and years of fighting +on Portuguese soil were followed by a series of revolutions and civil +wars. It seemed as if a more general earthquake had come to complete +the ruin of 1755, against which Lisbon had so finely re-acted. The +historian who attempts to record the conflicts between Miguelists +and Constitutionalists, and the miserable political intrigues +which accompanied the ultimate victory of the latter, must waver +disconsolately between tragedy and farce. But horrible and pitiful as +were many of these events, they succeeded in awakening what had seemed +a dead nation to a new life. The introduction of the parliamentary +system called into being eloquent orators, and, more valuable than +much eloquence, the conviction sprang up, partly under foreign +influence, partly through love of the soil, deepened by persecution +and banishment, that literature might have a closer relation to earth +and life than a philological Filintian ode. Returning exiles brought +fresh ideas into the country, and the two men who dominated Portuguese +literature in the first half of the century had both learnt much from +their enforced sojourn abroad. ALMEIDA GARRETT (1799-1854), one of +the strangest and most picturesque figures in literature, was born at +Oporto, but spent his boyhood in the Azores (Ilha Terceira), where his +uncles, especially the Bishop of Angra, gave him a classical education +and destined him for the priesthood. He, however, preferred to study +law at Coimbra (1816-21). Here politics were in the air and he soon +made himself conspicuous as a Liberal. The fall of the Constitution +drove him into exile (1823) in England (near Edgbaston and in London), +and France (Havre and Paris), and for the next thirty years politics +remained one of his ruling passions. His first great opportunity for +rhetorical display was his defence in the law-courts against the +charge of impiety incurred by the publication of his poem _O Retrato +de Venus_ (1821), although even before going to Coimbra he is said to +have preached to a church full of people. He was able to return to +Portugal in 1826, and edited _O Chronista_ and _O Portuguez_, which +evoked Macedo’s wrath and ended in Garrett’s imprisonment. When Dom +Miguel returned from Brazil and, instead of ‘signing the paper’ (the +famous _Carta_ of 1826), had himself declared absolute king (1828) +Garrett again became an exile, chiefly in London, and did not return +to his country till July 1832, when he landed as a private soldier at +Mindello, one of the famous 7,500 who fought for King Pedro and his +daughter, Maria da Gloria. His zeal and outspokenness rendering him an +uncomfortable colleague at Lisbon, he fared rather badly in the ignoble +scramble for office which followed the triumph of the cause. He was +sent first on a mission to London and then as _chargé d’affaires_ to +Brussels (1834-6). The diplomatic service was in many ways congenial +to his character, but his enemies made the mistake of slighting and +neglecting him, and, refusing the post of Minister at Copenhagen, +he returned to Portugal and helped to bring about the Revolution of +September 1836. But his life is the whole history of the time: enough +to say that for the next fifteen years his activities in politics and +literature were unceasing. In a hundred ways he showed his versatility +and energy. He served on many commissions, was appointed Inspector of +Theatres (1836), _Cronista Môr_ (1838), elected deputy (1837), raised +to the House of Peers (1852). As journalist, founder and editor of +several short-lived newspapers, as a stylist and master of prose, his +country’s chief lyric poet in the first half of the nineteenth century +(coming as a fire to light the dry sticks of the eighteenth-century +poetry) and greatest dramatist since the sixteenth; as politician and +one of the most eloquent of all Portugal’s orators, an enthusiastic +if unscientific folk-lorist,[655] a novelist, critic, diplomatist, +soldier, jurist and judge, Garrett played many parts and with success. +This patriot who did not despair of his country, this marvellous dandy +who seemed to bestow as much thought on the cut of a coat as on the +fashioning of a constitution, and who refused to grow old, preferring +to incur ridicule as a _velho namorado_ (his love intrigues ended only +with his life and he wrote his most passionate lyrics when he was over +fifty), this artist in life and literature, lover of old furniture +and old traditions, this lovable, ridiculous, human Garrett, whom his +countrymen called divine, can still alternately charm and repel us as +he scandalized and fascinated his contemporaries. His motives were +often curiously mixed. His immeasurable peacock vanity as well as his +generosity prompted him to champion weak causes and assist obscure +persons. A man of high ideals and an essential honesty, he only rarely +deviated into truth in matters concerning himself. When past fifty +he was still ‘forty-six’ and he wrote an anonymous autobiography and +filled it with his own praise. He often gave his time and talent +ungrudgingly to the service of the State and then cried out that his +disinterestedness went unrewarded. Fond of money but fonder of show +and honours, he died almost poor but a viscount. Although of scarcely +more than plebeian birth he liked to believe that the name Garrett, +which he only assumed in 1818, was the Irish for Gerald and that he +was descended from Garrt, first Earl of Desmond,[656] and through +the Geraldines from Troy.[657] At the mercy of many moods, easily +angered but never vindictive, capable occasionally of half-unconscious +duplicity but never of hypocrisy, he remained to the last changing +and sensitive as a child. His faults were mostly on the surface and +injured principally himself, offering a hundred points of attack to +critics incapable of understanding his greatness. That he did not play +a more fruitfully effective part in politics was less his fault than +that of the politics of the day; but the twofold incentive of serving +his country by useful legislation and of a personal triumph in the +Chamber prevented this ingenuous victim of political intrigue from +ever devoting himself exclusively to literature. In politics he was an +opportunist in the best sense of the word and a Liberal who detested +the art of the demagogue. His few months as Minister in 1852 gave no +scope for his real power of organization and of stimulating others. +In the life and literature of his country he was a great civilizing +and renovating force. He taught his countrymen to read and what to +read, and, having freed them from the trammels of pseudo-classicism, +did his utmost to prevent them from merely exchanging pedantry for +insipidity. _Adozinda_, based on the _romance_ _Sylvaninha_ and +originally published in London in 1828 and reviewed in the _Foreign +Quarterly Review_, October 1832) or by others, e. g. Balthasar Diaz’ _O +Marques de Mantua_, or popular _romances_ revised and polished by their +collector. His own compositions (vol. i) often have great charm, as +_Miragaia_, _Rosalinda_, _Bernal Francez_.] + +His early verses, many of the poems published or reprinted in _Lyrica +de João Minimo_ (1829), _Flores sem Fructo_ (1845), and _Fabulas e +Contos_ (1853), were written under the influence of Filinto Elysio +and the eighteenth century, but, fired by romanticism during his +first exile in France, he introduced it into Portugal in his epic +poems _Camões_ (1825) and _Dona Branca_ (1826),[658] in which prosaic +passages alternate with others of fervent poetic beauty and glimpses +of popular customs which in themselves spell poetry in Portugal. But +Garrett was no super-romantic, in fact he deprecated ‘the extravagances +and exaggerations of the ephemeral romanticism which is now coming to +an end in Europe’.[659] At Brussels he learnt German, and the poetry, +and especially the plays, of Goethe cast a steadying influence over +his work. Garrett had early been attracted towards the theatre. His +_Merope_, in its subject derived from Alfieri, and _Catão_ (1821) +were both written in his student days. Neither of them can be called +dramatic. In vain a glow of liberty[660] and rhetoric strives to melt +the ice of _Catão_: its parliamentary debates still leave the reader +cold. When fifteen years later, in the tercentenary year of Vicente’s +last comedy, he was able definitely to undertake his favourite scheme +of providing Portugal with a national drama, he found difficulties. +He had to provide not only theatre, actors, and audience, but also +the plays. He succeeded in instilling his keenness into some of his +more lethargic countrymen, but, not content with translating from the +French, Italian, or Spanish, himself wrote a series of plays to pave +the way. His themes, unlike those of his earlier efforts, were now +entirely national: the legendary love of the poet Bernardim Ribeiro for +the daughter of King Manuel in _Um Auto de Gil Vicente_ (1838);[661] +the patriotism of the Condessa de Athouguia in arming her two sons +on the morning of December 1, 1640, to throw off the Spanish yoke, +in _Dona Philippa de Vilhena_ (1840); an early incident in the life +of one of the most chivalrous soldiers that the world has seen, the +Constable Nun’ Alvarez, in _O Alfageme de Santarem_ (1842); the fall +of Pombal in _A Sobrinha do Marquez_ (1848);[662] two famous episodes +in the life of Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, the first of which, the +setting fire to his palace rather than entertain the Spanish Governors, +preserves the national atmosphere, in _Frei Luiz de Sousa_ (1844). +These plays, with the exception perhaps of the hastily improvised _D. +Philippa de Vilhena_, are all remarkable, although their merit is +unequal. The characters, and especially the epoch in which they are +presented, lend their chief interest to the first and third. The fifth, +overpraised by some critics but praised by all--Menéndez y Pelayo +called it ‘incomparable’--_Frei Luiz de Sousa_, far excels the others +by reason of the concentration of interest and the really dramatic +character of the plot (or at least of the anagnorisis of Act II) and +by its intensity and deliberately simple execution. The intensity may +be almost too unrelieved, but the conception of the play showed a fine +dramatic instinct. Like most of Garrett’s work it was composed in a +white heat, and the effect is enhanced by its excellently clear and +restrained style, which brings out every shade and symptom of tragedy +without distracting the attention by any extraneous ornaments. But all +these plays are written in admirable prose. Indeed, a value is given +even to Garrett’s slighter pieces--_Tio Simplicio_ (1844), _Fallar +Verdade a Mentir_ (1845)[663]--apart from their indigenous character, +by his pliant, transparent, glowing prose, to which perhaps even more +than to his poetry he owes his foremost place in Portuguese literature. +Although essentially a poet, his poems of enduring worth are a mere +handful of beautiful episodes and graceful lyrics--in _Folhas Cahidas_ +(1853) and vol. 1 (1843) of his _Romanceiro_--but his prose stamps with +individuality works so diverse as his historical novel _O Arco de Santa +Anna_ (2 vols., 1845, 51),[664] his charming miscellaneous _Viagens +na minha terra_ (1846) with its famous episode of Joaninha of the +nightingales, his treatises _Da Educação_ (1829), _Portugal na balança +da Europa_ (1830), _Bosquejo da Litteratura Portuguesa_ (1826), as well +as his plays. All his work was thoroughly national, and when he died a +group of younger writers was at hand ready to continue it. + +Garrett intended as _Cronista Môr_ to write the history of his own +time. More serious historians existed in the Canon of Evora, ANTONIO +CAETANO DO AMARAL (1747-1819); his fellow-academician the Canon JOÃO +PEDRO RIBEIRO (†1839); LUZ SORIANO (1802-99), author of a _Historia da +Guerra Civil_ (1866-90) in seventeen volumes; the VISCONDE DE SANTAREM +(1791-1856), whose able and persistent researches were of inestimable +service to the history and incidentally to the literature of his +country; and the patient investigator CUNHA RIVARA (1809-79). + +While scientific research work was accumulating the bones of history +a creator arose in the person of ALEXANDRE HERCULANO (1810-77). He +had emigrated to France and England in 1831, lived for a time at +Rennes, and from the Azores in 1832 with Garrett accompanied the +Liberal army to Oporto as a private soldier. In the following year he +obtained work as a librarian. His _A Voz do Propheta_ (1836) (Castilho +in this year translated Lamennais’ _Paroles d’un Croyant_), written +in the impressive style of a Hebrew prophet, although it appeared +anonymously, brought its author fame, and in 1839 the King Consort D. +Fernando appointed him librarian of the Royal Library of Ajuda. The +salary was not large, under £200 a year, but the post gave him the +two necessaries of literary work, quiet and books. From that year to +1867 his life was taken up with his work, with which politics only +occasionally interfered. He edited _O Panorama_ from 1837 to 1844 and +joined in founding _O Paiz_. Although he was elected deputy to the +Cortes in 1840 he rarely attended the sittings. His friendship with +D. Fernando and King Pedro V continued unbroken till their death. In +1867 with characteristic abruptness he left Lisbon and literature and +gave his last ten years almost entirely to agriculture on the estate +of Val de Lobos, near Santarem.[665] The call of the land was combined +with disgust at the politics of the capital and probably a natural +disinclination to a sedentary mode of life. His retirement was greeted +as a betrayal, and attacks formerly directed against his historical +work were now directed against him for abandoning it. But since he had +no intention of continuing his history, his literary work was really +ended. It has three main aspects, poetry, the historical novel, and +history. From the prosaic height of forty-six he informed Soares de +Passos in a letter that he had been a poet till he was twenty-five. +Some of the poems of _A Harpa do Crente_ (1838),[666] especially _A +Tempestade_ and _A Cruz Mutilada_, rise to noble heights by reason +of a fine conviction and a rugged grandeur, as of blocks of granite. +Herculano had returned to Portugal imbued with profound admiration +for the historical novels of Sir Walter Scott, ‘immortal Scott’ as he +called him, and Victor Hugo, and in his remarkable stories and sketches +contributed to _O Panorama_ and published as _Lendas e Narrativas_ +(1851), as well as in the more elaborate _O Monasticon_, consisting of +two separate parts _Eurico o Presbytero_ (1844) and _O Monge de Cister_ +(1848), he wrote romance based upon scrupulous historical research. A +slight leaning towards melodrama is as a rule successfully withstood, +and his intense and powerful style enchains the attention. _Eurico_ +is really a splendid prose poem,[667] in which the eighth-century +priest Eurico is Herculano brooding over the degeneracy of Portugal in +the nineteenth century. His glowing patriotism unifies the action and +raises the style to an impassioned eloquence. The Middle Ages were well +suited to him in their mixture of passion and ingenuousness and their +scope for violent contrasts of evil and virtue, light and shadow. Most +of the _Lendas e Narrativas_ and _O Bobo_ belong to that period, and +his _Historia de Portugal_ (4 vols., 1846-53) ends with the year 1279. +That he should have stopped there when the character and achievements +of King Dinis must have offered him a powerful incentive to proceed +shows how deeply he had felt the controversial attacks levelled at +his work; but with the Renaissance and the subsequent history of +Portugal he was too intensely national to have great sympathy. As a +historian he has been compared with Hallam, Thierry, and Niebuhr, and +he stands any such comparison well. A passion for truth drove him to +the original sources and documents, and, since _alle Gelehrsamkeit +ist noch kein Urteil_, he brought the same patience and impartial +sincerity to their interpretation. The results obtained he imposed on +thousands of readers by his impressive and living style.[668] In his +case the style was the man. Beneath coldness or roughness he concealed +an affectionate, impetuous nature, a hatred of meanness and injustice. +In his personal relations austere and difficult, sometimes no doubt +unfair and undiscerning in the severity of his judgements, he was a +perfect contrast to Almeida Garrett, compared with whom he was as +granite to chalk or as the rock to the stream that flows past it. His +strong will was fortunately directed by the Marquesa de Alorna in his +youth to the thoroughness of German writers. Thoroughness marked all +his work. When the Academy of Sciences entrusted him with the task of +collecting documents on the early history of Portugal he threw himself +into the labour with a fervour which produced the splendid _Portvgaliae +Monvmenta Historica_, a series of historical works and documents of +the first importance which began to appear in 1856. From 1867 to 1877 +he undertook agriculture not as an amateur’s pastime but as the work +of his life, with the result that he achieved another great success +scarcely inferior to his success as a writer. The same thoroughness is +evident in the Cyclopean fragment of his history and in his shorter +writings, the _Opusculos_ (1873-76). His _Da Origem e Estabelecimento +da Inquisição em Portugal_ (3 vols., 1854-9), a deeply interesting +account of the negotiations and intrigues at the Vatican, in ceasing +to be dispassionate may suffer as a purely historical work, but its +vigour brooks no denial and its literary excellence is acknowledged +even by those who dispute its fairness. Great as scholar and man, too +great to be always understood during his life, his memory received a +tribute from men so different as Döllinger and Núñez del Arce, and it +is probable that his reputation will only increase with time. + +In the historical novel Herculano had many followers. ANTONIO DE +OLIVEIRA MARRECA (1805-89) wrote two laborious fragments in _O +Panorama: Manoel Sousa de Sepulveda_ (1843) and _O Conde Soberano +de Castella_ (1844, 53). JOÃO DE ANDRADE CORVO (1824-90), poet and +dramatist,[669] author of a novel of contemporary politics, _O +Sentimentalismo_ (1871), which contains excellent descriptions of +Bussaco, wrote a long historical novel, _Um Anno na Corte_ (1850), in +which interest in the actors at the Court of Afonso VI, in incidents +such as a bullfight or a boarhunt, in witchcraft or the Inquisition, +is skilfully maintained. His style in its sober restraint is superior +to that of ARNALDO DA GAMA (1828-69), whose historical episodes of the +French invasion of 1809 (_O Sargento Môr de Villar_ and _O Segredo do +Abbade_), or of Oporto in the fifteenth century in _A Ultima Dona de +S. Nicolau_, or in the eighteenth in _Um Motim ha cem annos_ (1861), +are of considerable interest despite their author’s excessive fondness +for Latin quotations. Perhaps the influence of Camillo Castello +Branco may be traced in his novel _O Genio do Mal_ (4 vols., 1857). +GUILHERMINO AUGUSTO DE BARROS (1835-1900) is the author of a novel of +the fifteenth century, _O Castello de Monsanto_ (2 vols., 1879), of +great length and dullness. Its chief interest is for the student of the +Portuguese language, owing to its large vocabulary. BERNARDINO PEREIRA +PINHEIRO (born in 1837) in _Sombras e Luz_ (1863) described scenes from +the reign of King Manuel, and drew a strange portrait of King João +III in _Amores de um Visionario_ (2 vols., 1874). But the mantle of +Herculano, as historical novelist, fell especially upon LUIZ AUGUSTO +REBELLO DA SILVA (1822-71), politician and journalist. His _Rausso por +Homizio_, a short novel of the time of King Sancho II, written with +the exaggeration of extreme youth, appeared in the _Revista Universal +Lisbonense_ (1842-3), followed by _Odio Velho não cansa_ (reign of +Sancho I), with similar defects, in 1848. In the same (the first) +volume of _A Epocha_ appeared his short _conto_ entitled _A Ultima +Corrida de Touros em Salvaterra_, which won and has retained popularity +by its skilful presentment of a stirring and pathetic episode in the +reign of José I (1750-77). Four years later Rebello da Silva published +his principal novel, _A Mocidade de D. João V_ (1852). In its somewhat +tedious descriptions the reader soon loses the thread of the story, +but is entertained by the quick dialogue and almost clownish humour of +the separate scenes. _Lagrimas e Thesouros_[670] (1863) may interest +English readers from the fact that its principal character is William +Beckford, but it has not the great merits of the preceding novel. The +author was already at work on his unfinished _Historia de Portugal nos +seculos XVII e XVIII_ (5 vols., 1860-71). In this, as in his _Fastos da +Igreja_ (1854-5) and _Varões Illustres_ (1870), his defects fall away, +while his real skill as a historian, his intensity, and his excellent +style remain; indeed, an added intensity gives his style a new vigour +and simplicity. His _Historia_, although less rigorously scientific +and far less methodically ordered than that of his master Herculano, +has value as history as well as literature. Rebello da Silva wrote too +much, but his work generally improved with the years and might have +resulted in a real masterpiece had he not died before attaining the age +of fifty. + +Meanwhile the novel had entered on a new and intensely modern phase +in the hands of a slightly younger contemporary. The life of CAMILLO +CASTELLO BRANCO (1825-90), whose numerous novels have been and still +are read enthusiastically in Portugal, had about it an element of +improbability which is reflected in his works and made it possible to +combine their apparent sincerity with a peculiar unreality. Born at +Lisbon but left an orphan at the age of eight, and brought up by a +sister, wife of a doctor, in a small village of Tras-os-Montes,[671] a +widower in his teens, then a boisterous Oporto medical student, twice +imprisoned for love affairs and finally guilty of abducting an heiress +as a bride for his son, his whole life was spent in a whirlwind, actual +or imaginary, a tragicomedy which, stricken with blindness, he ended +by suicide. He read and wrote in the same tempestuous fashion. The +sentimental atmosphere of his novels is relieved systematically by +outbursts of cynicism and sarcasm. When he began to write romanticism +was in full swing, but his last twenty years were spent under what +was to him the vexing and tantalizing shadow of the new realism. His +first story, _Maria não me mates, que sou tua mãe!_ (1848),[672] +was sentimental and sensational, and something of these qualities +remained in the greater part of his work. His first more elaborate +novel _Anathema_ (1851), in which the story is interrupted by lengthy +musings and moralizings, he himself described as ‘a kind of literary +crab’, and most of his novels are somewhat lop-sided: he confessed +that his discursiveness was incurable. It is the more hysterical among +his works, such as _Amor de Perdição_ (1862)--its character is well +described by the title of the Italian version, _Amor sfrenato_--or +_Amor de Salvação_ (1864) and those which combine this character with +a chain of amazing coincidences, as _Os Mysterios de Lisboa_ (1854) +and _O Livro Negro do Padre Diniz_ (1855), which were read most avidly +in Portugal. He himself favoured the quieter _Romance de um Homem +Rico_ (1861) and _Livro de Consolação_ (1872). We may prefer the attic +flavour of the humorous sketch of a country gentleman (born in the +year of Waterloo) at Lisbon, in _A Queda d’um Anjo_ (1866), which +somehow recalls the best work of Pedro Antonio de Alarcón. Castello +Branco had a true vein of comedy, and although a great part of the +work of this specialist in hysterics has an air of unreality, he is +many-sided and yields frequent surprises. The true Camillo appears +only intermittently in his novels, and charms with a simplicity of +style and description worthy of Frei Luis de Sousa, as in some of +his _Novellas do Minho_ (12 vols., 1875-7), the country-house in +_Coração, Cabeça e Estomago_ (1862), the Tras-os-Montes _fidalgo_‘s +house in _Os Mysterios de Lisboa_, the village priest in _A Sereia_ +(1865), Padre João in _Doze Casamentos Felizes_ (1861), the farrier +in _Amor de Perdição_, the charcoal-burners in _O Santo da Montanha_ +(1865). Then (as if with the question: what will the Chiado, what +will the Lisbon critics say?) he pulls himself up, lashes himself +with sarcasms, and plunges into his improbabilities and passions. +A poet and a learned and ingenious if unscholarly critic, he saw +and described the charm of the villages of North Portugal, but he +satirized with peculiar venom the _bourgeois_ life and the enriched +_brazileiros_ of Oporto, as in _A Filha do Arcediago_ (1855), _A Neta +do Arcediago_ (1856), _A Douda do Candal_ (1867), _Os Brilhantes do +Brazileiro_ (1869), _Memorias de Guilherme do Amaral_ (1863), and _Um +Homem de Brios_ (1856),[673] the last two being continuations of _Onde +está a Felicidade?_ (1856). This last work has a broader historical +setting, and many of his novels are really historical episodes,[674] +some of which bear a strong resemblance to Pérez Galdós’ _Episodios +Nacionales_. Especially is this the case with the latter part of _As +Tres Irmãs_ (1862) and with _A Bruxa de Monte Cordova_ (1867), both +written before the appearance of the first _Episodio Nacional_. In +_Eusebio Macario_ and _A Corja_ he set his hand to the naturalistic +novel, and in _A Brazileira de Prazins_ (1882) modified this method to +suit his favourite phantasy of extremes, in which the angel and martyr +are contrasted with the romantic Don Juan or vulgar _brazileiro_ or +narrow-minded Minho noble. Apart from their historical interest and +occasional charming glimpses of life and literature, his books are +invaluable for their style, and he is the author of many masterly +passages rather than of any masterpiece. He sometimes--here, as in all +else, leaving moderation to the _bourgeois_ _épaté_--allows himself to +be carried away by his immense vocabulary, but often, indeed usually, +his language is a flawless marble, a rich quarry of the purest, most +vernacular Portuguese, derived from the Portuguese religious and mystic +writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.[675] Absorbed in +his work night after night till the first songs of birds announced the +dawn, writing in or after a paroxysm of grief or excitement in his +own life, he first lived, then swiftly set on paper, the incidents +of his novels--_Amor de Perdição_ was written in a fortnight. Their +plot may be ill constructed, the delineation of characters shallow, +Balzac _manqué_, the episodes far-fetched and melodramatic, but they +corresponded, if not to life, to the life of their author and thereby +attained intensity of style and a certain unity of action. Yet he was +always greatly concerned with schools and tendencies (he imitated Émile +Zola in _Eusebio Macario_, although he declared the realistic school +to be the perversion of Nature, Émile Souvestre in _As Tres Irmãs_, +Octave Feuillet in _Romance de um Homem Rico_), sure of his genius but +not of the channels into which he should direct it, at his best perhaps +in brief essays and sketches from which his high-flown romanticism is +absent, as in the studies of the lives of criminals in _Memorias do +Carcere_ (2 vols., 1862) and his many scattered reminiscences of life +in Minho, the valley of the Tamega, and Oporto. With his sensitive +restless temperament, his imagination, his satire and sadness (of tears +rather than _saudade_, for which the action in his stories is too +rapid), his intolerant hatred of tyranny and intolerance, his essential +interest not in things nor even characters but in life and passion, and +his unfailing power of expression, he may well be called ‘the [modern] +Portuguese genius personified’.[676] His life is a strange contrast to +the almost idyllic serenity of that of ANTONIO FELICIANO DE CASTILHO +(1800-75), whose admirable persistency as poet and translator during +a period of nearly sixty years--he had been blind from the age of +six--enabled him to attain an extraordinary pre-eminence in Portuguese +poetry after Garrett and other poets had been broken like crystals +while he remained as a tile upon the housetop. A romantic with a +natural leaning to perfection of form, he always retained something +of the Arcadian school, and like the Arcadians sought his inspiration +in Bernardim Ribeiro and other bucolic _quinhentistas_. Unsympathetic +critics incapable of appreciating Castilho’s masterly style may feel +that in the twenty-one letters of the _Cartas de Echo e Narciso_ +(1821), in _A Primavera_ (1822)[677] and _Amor e Melancholia ou a +Novissima Heloisa_ (1828) he combined the classical school’s dearth +of thought with the diffuseness of the romantics. But his _quadras_ +(_A Visão_, _O São João_, _A Noite do Cemiterio_) and his blank verse +are alike so easy and natural, his style so harmonious and pure that, +despite the lack of observation and originality in these long poems, +they have not even to-day lost their place in Portuguese literature. +In their soft, vague melancholy and gentle grace they were even more +popular than his romantic poems, _A Noite do Castello_ (1836)[678] +and _Os Ciumes do Bardo_ (1838), and influenced many younger writers. +Like Garrett he taught them to seek the subjects of their verse in the +popular traditions of their own land. Indeed, so great was his bent +for the national in literature that his numerous translations (from +the French and English, Latin and Greek, to which, with an occasional +aftermath of poems such as _Outono_ (1862), his later years were +devoted) are often remarkable rather for their excellent Portuguese +versification than for faithfulness to the originals, and the _Faust_ +of Goethe, whose powerful directness was unintelligible to his +translator, especially as he only read the poem in a French version, +became translated indeed. + +The most prominent or the least insipid of the numerous group of +romantic and ultra-romantic poets, a generation younger than Garrett +and Castilho, who published their verses in _O Trovador_ (1848)[679] +and _O Novo Trovador_ (1856), were LUIZ AUGUSTO PALMEIRIM (1825-93), +whose _Poesias_ appeared in 1851, and JOÃO DE LEMOS (1819-89), some +of whose poems (one of the best known is _A Lua de Londres_) in +_Flores e Amores_ (1858), _Religião e Patria_ (1859), and especially +_Canções da Tarde_ (1875), have a delicacy of rhythm and are more +scholarly than those of most of the romantic poets. The three volumes +form the _Cancioneiro de João de Lemos_. JOSÉ DA SILVA MENDES LEAL +(1818-86), author of _Historia da Guerra no Oriente_ (1855), and, like +Palmeirim, a successful dramatist, in _Os Dois Renegados_ (1839) and +_O Homem da Mascara Negra_ (1843), and also a novelist (_O que foram +os Portugueses_), as a poet is at his best in patriotic, military, +or funeral odes: _O Pavilhão Negro_ (1859), _Ave Cesar_, _Gloria e +Martyrio_ (perhaps suggested by Tennyson’s _Ode on the Death of the +Duke of Wellington_), _Napoleão no Kremlin_ (1865), _Indiannas_, in +which his sonorous verse has a certain grandeur. His _Canticos_ (1858) +contain among others a good translation of _El Pirata_ of Espronceda, +whose influence is evident in the ode to Vasco da Gama, which forms +the first part of _Indiannas_. ANTONIO AUGUSTO SOARES DE PASSOS +(1826-60), son of an Oporto chemist, studied at Coimbra and published +a volume of sentimental romantic poems in 1856 (_Poesias_). The most +remarkable is the noble if a little too grandiloquent ode entitled +_O Firmamento_, which far excels the poems of death, pale moonlight, +autumn regrets, and vanished dreams of this excellent translator of +Ossian. After his death a fellow-student, Dr. Lourenço de Almeida e +Medeiros, accused him of having stolen _O Firmamento_ and other poems. +He had himself, he said, written the melancholy ballad _O Noivado do +Sepulchro_ in February 1853, but unfortunately for his contention it +had appeared over Soares de Passos’ signature eight months earlier in +_O Bardo_. A miscellaneous writer, like so many of his contemporaries, +FRANCISCO GOMES DE AMORIM (1827-92) achieved popularity with his plays, +published two volumes of sentimental poems, _Cantos Matutinos_ (1858) +and _Ephemeros_ (1866), of which perhaps _O Desterrado_ is now alone +remembered, and several pleasantly indigenous stories of his native +Avelomar (Minho) collected in _Fruitos de Vario Sabor_ (1876), with an +attractive sketch of the priest, Padre Manuel, _Muita parra e pouca +uva_ (1878), and _As Duas Fiandeiras_ (1881). He played the sedulous +Boswell to Almeida Garrett during the last three years of the latter’s +life, and the result was one of the few interesting biographies in the +modern literature of the Peninsula: _Garrett, Memorias Biographicas_ (3 +vols., 1881-8). Among the host of pale moon-singers following in the +wake of Castilho it is a relief to find a satirist, FAUSTINO XAVIER +DE NOVAES (1822-64), who in his _Poesias_ (1855), _Novas Poesias_ +(1858), and _Poesias Postumas_ (1877), preferred to take Tolentino for +his model. He ridiculed the _janota com pouco dinheiro, com fumos de +grande_ and other types of his native Oporto, where for some time he +worked as a goldsmith. Later he emigrated to Rio de Janeiro, but there +found ‘everything except literature well paid’. + +Two of the romantic poets lived on into the twentieth century, one +even survived the Monarchy. THOMAZ RIBEIRO (1831-1901), born at Parada +de Gonta in the district of Tondella (Beira), advocate, journalist, +playwright, historian, politician, deputy, minister, peer of the realm, +won enduring fame with his long romantic poem _D. Jayme_ (1862), which +opens with fifteen striking stanzas addressed to Portugal. In this +introductory ode he rises on the wings of ardent patriotism and sturdy +faith in Portugal to a fine achievement in verse. Less rhetorical, +the rest of the poem (or series of poems in varying metre) would have +gained by reduction to half its length, but is sometimes not without +charm in its meanderings. Yet it is a kind of inspired rhetoric and +natural grandiloquence that best characterize Ribeiro, and when his +inspiration falters it leaves but a hollow and metallic shell of +verse. We will expect no delicate shades from a lyric poet who calls +the sky _o celico espectaculo_. Subsequent volumes--_Sons que passam_ +(1867), which contains poems written as early as 1854, _A Delfina do +Mal_ (1868), _Vesperas_ (1880), _Dissonancias_ (1890), _O Mensageiro +de Fez_ (1899)--maintained, but did not increase, his reputation as a +poet. The chief work of RAIMUNDO ANTONIO DE BULHÃO PATO (1829-1912), a +Portuguese born at Bilbao, was _Paquita_, which he began to publish in +1866, and to the completion of which he devoted nearly forty years of +loving care. It is a facetious romantic poem of sixteen cantos, mostly +in verses of six lines (_ababcb_ or _ababca_), intended to be in the +manner of Byron but more akin to Antonio de Trueba, whose verses are +imitated in _Flores Agrestes_ (1870). The modern reader, after readily +agreeing with Herculano that the poem has its faults, will perhaps be +disposed to inquire further if it has any merits; but, although its +subject is often unpoetical and trivial, the versification is easy +and occasionally excellent. Bulhão Pato published other volumes of +gentle album poetry, as _Poesias_ (1850), _Versos_ (1862), _Canções da +Tarde_ (1866), and _Hoje: Satyras, Canções e Idyllios_ (1888), besides +sketches and recollections in prose. Nearly fifty years before his +death the romantic school in Portugal had received a severe shock, and +the fact that long romantic poems continued to appear is proof how deep +its roots had penetrated. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[655] His _Romanceiro_ published in 3 vols. (1843, 51) contains poems +of national themes drawn from popular songs and traditions, written by +himself (as + +[656] The name of the first Earl of Desmond (cr. 1328) was Maurice +fitzThomas (†135) not Gerald, Gerod, Gerott, Garrett, or Garrt (see +Lord Walter FitzGerald, _Notes on the FitzGeralds of Ireland_). The +forms Garret and Gareth existed in Catalonia in the fifteenth and +sixteenth centuries, e. g. the Catalan poet Bernardo Garret, born at +Barcelona, who wrote in Italian and became known as Chariteo (_c._ +1450-_c._ 1512). + +[657] Amorim, _Memorias_, i. 28. + +[658] Of _O Magriço_, a still longer epic, only fragments remain; it +went down in manuscript in the _Amelia_, sunk by the Miguelists off the +Portuguese coast. + +[659] Preface to 4th ed. (1845) of _Catão_. + +[660] The ‘tyranny’ of the day was that of General Beresford. Some +scenes of _Catão_ (derived from the _Cato_ (1713) of Addison), of which +a Portuguese version by Manuel de Figueiredo (_Theatro_, vol. viii) +had appeared in Garrett’s boyhood, were directed against this English +despot. A few years later Garrett learned to enjoy English society, as +his Anglophobe biographer, Amorim, admits. + +[661] Published in 1841. + +[662] Written ten years earlier. + +[663] These two plays were published in vol. vii of his _Obras_ (1847) +with _D. Philippa de Vilhena_. + +[664] A contemporary novel, _Helena_ (1871), remained unfinished at his +death. + +[665] It was, however, no sudden decision. As early as 1851 he wrote, +in a letter to Garrett, ‘... _me ver entre quatro serras com algumas +geiras de terra proprias, umas botas grossas e um chapeu de Braga, +bello ideal de todas as minhas ambições mundanas_’. + +[666] The second edition with additional poems was entitled _Poesias_ +(1850). + +[667] _Cronica, poema, lenda ou o que quer que seja_, he says. + +[668] The late Dr. Gonçalvez Viana considered Herculano ‘the most +vernacular, scrupulous and perfect writer of the nineteenth century’ +(_Palestras Filolójicas_, 1910, p. 116). + +[669] _O Alliciador_ (1859), _O Astrologo_ (1860). + +[670] The last novel to appear in Rebello da Silva’s lifetime was _A +Casa dos Phantasmas_ (1865). _De Noite todos os gatos são pardos_ was +published posthumously. + +[671] After Camillo, as he is always called in Portugal, had been +created Visconde de Corrêa Botelho in 1885, his descent was traced back +to Fruela, son of Pelayo. + +[672] That is, a year before the novel _Memorias de um Doudo_ (1849) by +Antonio Pedro Lopes de Mendonça (1826-65). + +[673] Cf. also _Carlota Angela_ (1858), _O que fazem mulheres_ (1858), +_Annos de Prosa_ (1863), _O Sangue_ (1868), _Estrellas Propicias_ +(1863), _Estrellas Funestas_ (1869). + +[674] e. g. _Lagrimas Abençoadas_ (1857), _Carlota Angela_ (1858), _O +Santo da Montanha_ (1865), _A Engeitada_ (1866), _O Judeu_ (2 vols., +1866), _O Regicida_ (1874), _A Filha do Regicida_ (1875). + +[675] That it is not impeccable such a phrase as _confortar o palacio_ +(_O Livro Negro do Padre Diniz_, 1896 ed., p. 135) well shows. + +[676] M. A. Vaz de Carvalho, _Serões no Campo_ (1877), p. 171. + +[677] Part 2 is entitled _A Festa de Maio_ (two cantos). + +[678] Written in 1830. + +[679] This ‘collection of contemporary poems’ contains verses of +considerable merit. Of some 200 poems by twenty-one poets twenty-eight +are by João de Lemos, thirty by José Freire de Serpa Pimentel +(1814-70), second Visconde de Gouvêa, author of _Solaos_ (1839), +thirty-four by Antonio Xavier Rodrigues Cordeiro (1819-1900), and +thirty-six by Augusto José Gonçalves Lima (1823-67), who reprinted his +contributions in _Murmurios_ (1851). A similar collection of verse was +_A Grinalda_ (Porto, 1857). + + + + + § 2 + + _The Reaction and After_ + + +It was in 1865 that Castilho, the acknowledged high-priest of literary +aspirants, wrote a long letter which was published as introduction (pp. +181-243) to Pinheiro Chagas’ _O Poema da Mocidade_ (1865), in which he +deprecated the pretentious affectations of the younger poets. For while +Castilho was dispensing his patronage to the acolytes of romanticism +a new school of writers had grown up at Coimbra, who refused to know +Joseph. They turned to Germany as well as to France, professed to +replace sentiment by science, and in the name of philosophy chafed +unphilosophically at the old commonplaces and unrealities. Castilho +stood not only for romanticism but for the classical style of the +eighteenth century, and in some respects the secession from his school +may be described as the revolt of the Philistine against Filinto. +Anthero de Quental now voiced the cause against the aged Castilho’s +preface in an article entitled _Bom Senso e Bom Gosto_ (1865). For +the next few months it rained pamphlets.[680] Snr. Julio de Castilho, +subsequently second Visconde de Castilho (1840-1919), and author of +many well-known works, including the drama _D. Ignez de Castro_ (1875) +and the eight volumes of _Lisboa Antiga_ (1879-90), took up the cudgels +on behalf of his father. The high principles at stake, good sense and +good taste, were sometimes forgotten in personal bitterness; a duel was +even fought between Quental and Ramalho Ortigão, in which both the poet +and his critic were happily spared to literature. + +But romanticism in Portugal has nine lives, and raised its head at +intervals during the second half of the century. In the domain of +history JOAQUIM PEDRO DE OLIVEIRA MARTINS (1845-94) always remained +more than half a romantic. His life explains the character of his +historical writings. Born at Lisbon, obliged to work for a living when +he was barely fifteen, he succeeded at the same time in educating +himself, supported his mother and her younger children, married before +he was twenty-five, had published a dozen works before he was forty, +was elected deputy for Viana do Castello in 1886, became Minister of +Finance in 1892, and died in his fiftieth year. A career so meteoric +could scarcely give scope for that scrupulous research, that careful +sifting of evidence which modern ideas associate with the work of the +historian; and Oliveira Martins as historian embraced not only the +whole of Portuguese but the whole of Iberian history, and that of +Greece and Rome to boot. But even had he had more time, the result +would only have been more subjects treated, not a different treatment. +His whole idea of history was coloured with romance, his work impetuous +and personal as that of a lyric poet. His first book, the historical +novel _Phebus Moniz_ (1867), passed almost unnoticed. After several +pamphlets, appeared his first historical work, _O Hellenismo e a +Civilisação Christã_ (1878), and then in marvellous rapidity the +_Historia da Civilisação Iberica_ (1879), _Historia de Portugal_ +(1879), _Elementos de Anthropologia_ (1880), _Portugal Contemporaneo_ +(1881), and a further succession of historical works ending with the +_Historia da Republica Romana_ (1885). Although politics now occupied +much of his time he continued to publish, and wisely emphasized +the biographical side of his work, of which _Os Filhos de D. João +I_ (1891) and _A Vida de Nun’ Alvares_ (1893) are not the least +valuable part. _O Principe Perfeito_ (1896), dealing with King João +II, appeared posthumously and incomplete. A master of psychology +and impressionistic character-sketching, all his work is a gallery +of pictures--and especially of portraits--from Afonso Henriquez to +Herculano, which reveal the artist as well as his subjects. His style, +nervous, coloured, insinuating, is a swift and supple implement for his +exceptional power of skilfully summarizing a person or a period. He +is capable of vulgarity (as in the account of Queen Philippa and the +frequent use of colloquialisms perfectly unbefitting the dignity of +history) but not of dullness. He uses and abuses epigram and metaphor, +and is not free from the pompous rhetorical antitheses of Victor Hugo +(e.g. _De Cid transformou-se em Wallenstein_), till the reader suspects +him of being ready at all times to sacrifice truth to a phrase. Yet it +is surprising, considering the circumstances of his life and the extent +of his work, how often he bases his history, if not on documents, on +the work of reliable earlier historians, Portuguese and foreign. If +he fills in the gaps with pure romance or an uncritical use of texts +(for instance, in _A Vida de Nun’ Alvares_ he incorporates as authentic +those charming ‘letters of Nun’ Alvarez’ which a mere glance at their +style shows to be apocryphal) these are but the poet’s arabesques, +the main structure is often sound enough. Were there no other history +of Portugal it might be necessary to consider his work not only +fascinating but dangerous, nor would _Portugal Contemporaneo_ alone +convey an impartial or complete idea of Portuguese history in the first +two-thirds of the nineteenth century. We may deny him the title of +great historian, we cannot deny him a foremost place in the literature +of the century as a writer of brilliant intellect and feverish energy +and a powerful re-constructor of characters and scenes in their +picturesqueness and their passions. + +The work of MANUEL PINHEIRO CHAGAS (1842-95), poet, playwright, critic, +novelist, historian, was even more abundant and for the most part +of a more popular character and more commonplace. He is also more +Portuguese, and his works deserve to be read if only for their pure and +easily flowing style. Many of his novels are historical. _A Corte de D. +João V_ (1867) has an account of an _outeiro_[681] in which figures the +_Camões do Rocio_ as the poet Caetano José da Silva Souto-Maior (_c._ +1695-1739) was called. The subject of the earlier novel _Tristezas á +beira-mar_ (1866) is that which Amorim in his _A Abnegação_ derived +from an English novel, but is here more naturally treated. _A Mascara +Velha_ (continued in _O Juramento da Duqueza_) appeared in 1873. _As +Duas Flores de Sangue_ (1875) is concerned with revolution in France +and at Naples. _A Flor Secca_ (1866) treats of more everyday scenes +and contains some amusing if rather obvious character-sketches, as +the old servant Maria do Rosario (a rustic Juliana), or the devout and +vixenish old maid D. Antonia. His _Novelas Historicas_ (1869) contains +six historical tales dealing with Afonso I, Nun’ Alvarez, Prince Henry +the Navigator, King Sebastian, Pombal, and the French Revolution. His +_Historia de Portugal_ (8 vols., 1867), begun on a plan originally laid +down by Ferdinand Denis, contains lengthy and frequent quotations from +previous historians but is coloured by later political ideas. The two +shorter works _Historia alegre de Portugal_ (1880) and _Portugueses +illustres_ (1869) are admirably suited for their purpose--to interest +the people in the history and heroes of their country. + +The chief work of the able and industrious critic and historian JOSÉ +MARIA LATINO COELHO (1825-91) was his _Historia Politica e Militar de +Portugal desde os fins do seculo XVIII até 1814_ (3 vols., 1874-91). +ANTONIO COSTA LOBO (1840-1913), editor of the instructive _Memorias +de um Soldado da India_, in his _Historia da Sociedade em Portugal no +seculo XV_ (1904) began a meticulous and well thought-out study of an +earlier period of Portuguese history. JOSÉ RAMOS COELHO (1832-1914) +is chiefly known for his elaborate romantic biography of the brother +of King João V: _Historia do Infante D. Duarte_ (2 vols., 1889, 90). +Dr. HENRIQUE DA GAMA BARROS (born in 1833) in the invaluable _Historia +da Administração Publica em Portugal nos seculos XII a XV_ (3 vols., +1885, 96, 1914) has collected an abundance of concrete, carefully +verified details, and thrown a searching light on the early history of +Portugal.[682] + +In literary criticism as well as in historical research the nineteenth +century worthily continued the traditions of the eighteenth. FRANCISCO +MARQUES DE SOUSA VITERBO (1845-1910) after first appearing in print +as a poet in _O Anjo do Pudor_ (1870) rendered excellent service in +both those fields; the best-known work of LUCIANO CORDEIRO (1844-1900) +is his study _Soror Marianna_ (1890); ZOPHIMO CONSIGLIERI PEDROSO +(1851-1910) and ANTONIO THOMAZ PIRES (†1913) were celebrated for their +studies in folk-lore[683]; the VISCONDE DE JUROMENHA (1807-87) for his +edition of the works of Camões; the CONDE DE FICALHO (1837-1903) for +several remarkable studies and his edition of Garcia da Orta; ANNIBAL +FERNANDES THOMAZ (1840-1912) as a bibliographer; AUGUSTO EPIPHANIO DA +SILVA DIAS (1841-1916) as scholar and critic; JOSÉ PEREIRA DE SAMPAIO +(1857-1915), who used the pseudonym _Bruno_, as a critic; ANICETO DOS +REIS GONÇALVEZ VIANA (1840-1914) and JULIO MOREIRA (1854-1911) as +philologists; LUIZ GARRIDO (1841-82) as critic and classical scholar in +his _Ensaios historicos e criticos_ (1871) and _Estudos de historia e +litteratura_ (1879). After the death of the diligent and enthusiastic +but sadly unmethodical bibliographer INNOCENCIO DA SILVA (1810-76), +his celebrated _Diccionario Bibliographico Portuguez_ was carried on +by BRITO ARANHA (1833-1914), and the task of continuing it is now +entrusted to Snr. GOMES DE BRITO. To the eminent folk-lorist FRANCISCO +ADOLPHO COELHO (1847-1919) the language, literature, and folklore +are indebted for many works of permanent value. Notable among living +scholars, apart from D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos and Mr. +Edgar Prestage, who both write in Portuguese, are Colonel FRANCISCO +MARIA ESTEVES PEREIRA, whose editions of early works are invaluable; +Dr. JOSÉ JOAQUIM NUNES, who has devoted his careful scholarship to the +early poetry and prose; the Camões scholar, Dr. JOSÉ MARIA RODRIGUES; +Snr. PEDRO DE AZEVEDO, archaeologist and historian; Snr. DAVID LOPES, +a scholar equally versed in literature and history; Snr. CANDIDO DE +FIGUEIREDO (born in 1846), enthusiastic student and exponent of the +Portuguese language; while Dr. FIDELINO DE FIGUEIREDO has a wide +and growing reputation as critic and as editor of the _Revista de +Historia_. Snr. ANSELMO BRAAMCAMP FREIRE (born in 1849), founder and +editor of the _Archivo Historico Portugues_ and a most sagacious critic +and keen investigator, is the author of attractive and important +historical studies and editions, which have become more frequent since +he has been able to spare more time from public affairs. Dr. JOSÉ +LEITE DE VASCONCELLOS (born in 1858) has a European reputation as +archaeologist, folk-lorist, philologist, and founder and editor of +the _Revista Lusitana_. Ethnology, numismatics, and poetry are among +his other subjects, and he maintains the renown of the Portuguese as +polyglots, since he writes in Portuguese, Spanish, French, Latin, +and Galician. His untiring enthusiasm for all that is popular or +genuinely Portuguese is reflected in his numerous books and pamphlets, +and he happily infects younger scholars. The gift and training of +exact scholarship were denied to Dr. THEOPHILO BRAGA (born in 1843), +but his exceptional ardour, industry, and ingenuity have been of +inestimable value to Portuguese literature, which will always venerate +his name even though his works perish. More than thirty years ago they +numbered over sixty, and that was, as it were, only a beginning. His +volumes of verse, _Folhas Verdes_ (1859), _Visão dos Tempos_ (1864), +_Tempestades Sonoras_ (1864), _Ondina do Lago_ (1866), _Torrentes_ +(1869), _Miragens Seculares_ (1884), which was intended to succeed +where Victor Hugo’s _Légende des Siècles_ had failed through lack of a +_plano fundamental_, have been variously judged, some regarding them as +real works of genius, others as a step removed from the sublime; his +works on the Portuguese people are always full of interesting matter. +His important _Historia da Litteratura Portuguesa_ was to have been +completed in thirty-two volumes, but his energies have been spent in +many directions, and he has further written works of history, including +that of Coimbra University in four volumes, positivist philosophy, and +sociology, as well as short stories and plays. + +The Portuguese novelists in the nineteenth century showed an increasing +tendency to write plays, while authors whose reputation belonged more +exclusively to the drama rarely rose above mediocrity. The success +of Garrett’s plays was bound to fire a crowd of dramatists. Gomes de +Amorim’s _Ghigi_ (1852), on a fifteenth-century theme, was followed by +plays with a thesis, such as _A Viuva_ (1852), _Odio de Raça_ (1854), +written on the slavery question at Garrett’s request, and _Figados de +Tigre_ (1857), which entitles itself a parody of melodramas. Having +emigrated as a boy to Brazil, he was able to use his knowledge of South +America, sometimes with more zeal than discretion, as in _O Cedro +Vermelho_, an exotic play in five acts and seventy-nine scenes, which +the unfamiliar dresses and hybrid dialogue helped to make popular at +Lisbon.[684] + +The notable success of more recent playwrights has perhaps developed +in proportion as the drama has ceased to be drama in order to become +a series of isolated scenes, a novel or _conto_ in green-room attire. +They are at their happiest when they abandon formal drama for the +lighter _revista_. Pathos is theirs and a deft handling of social +themes; they can reproduce the peasant or _bourgeois_ or noble as a +class in thought and action and external conditions. Some of them +possess technical skill, choose indigenous subjects and an atmosphere +of chastened romanticism. But individual psychology and dramatic +action are scarcely to be found. A reader with the patience to peruse +the hundreds of plays acted and published in Lisbon during the last +fifty years would be rewarded by many delicate half-tones, polished +and impeccable verse, excellent prose, admirable sentiments, and +poignant scenes, but could with difficulty afterwards recall a striking +character or situation. FERNANDO CALDEIRA (1841-94) was a poet, +and his plays, _O Sapatinho de Setim, A Mantilha de Renda_ (1880), +_Nadadoras, A Madrugada_ (1894), are read less for the plot than for +his carefully limned verse. His volume of poems, _Mocidades_, appeared +in 1882. ANTONIO ENNES (1848-1901), journalist, librarian, politician, +diplomatist, Minister of Marine, showed command of pathos and humour +as well as of style in his plays _O Saltimbanco_ (1885), the tragedy +of the noble devotion of a mountebank, Falla-Só, descendant of Jean +Valjean, for his daughter, who has been brought up in ignorance of +her birth, _Os Lazaristas_ (1875), and _Os Engeitados_ (1876), which +insists throughout on its thesis, the wickedness and cruelty of +exposing children, but has some good scenes and living characters, +and the notable one-act piece _Um Divorcio_ (1877). The principal +play of MAXIMILIANO DE AZEVEDO (1850-1911), author of many light and +commonplace comedies, as _Por Força_ (1900), was the drama _Ignez de +Castro_ (1894). The scene in which Inés, full of foreboding, takes +leave of Pedro before he goes hunting, and that at the end of Act IV, +in which Pedro returns to find Inés, in the words of their little son, +_ali a dormir_, are effective. A fifth act six years later [1361] +comes as an anti-climax. _O Auto dos Esquecidos_ (1898) is the work +not of a dramatist but of a poet, JOSÉ DE SOUSA MONTEIRO (1846-1909), +whose poems were published under the title _Poemas: Mysticos, Antigos, +Modernos_ (1883). The _auto_, written in the old _redondilhas_ +of which another modern poet has sung the praises, necessarily +suffers by comparison with plays in which Gil Vicente touched +upon the subject--the humbler forgotten heroes of the Portuguese +discoveries--but it has its own charm and pathos. + +But the most noteworthy of the dramatists of the latter part of the +century was D. JOÃO DA CAMARA (1852-1908), son of the first Marques +and eighth Conde da Ribeira Grande and grandson of the third Duque +de Lafões. He early began writing for the stage one-act pieces such +as _Nobreza_ (1873). His work is various, for it includes elaborate +historical dramas in heroic couplets, as _Affonso VI_ (1890), in +which the king is treated with a sympathy denied to Cardinal Henrique +in _Alcacer-Kibir_ (1891), slight pieces in verse, as _O Poeta e +a Saudade_ or the _Auto do Menino Jesus_ (1903); and prose plays +of contemporary Lisbon society: _O Pantano_ (a series of scenes of +madness and murder), _A Rosa Engeitada_, _A Toutinegra Real_, _A Triste +Viuvinha_, _Casamento e Mortalha_. In these he is lifelike and natural, +but many may prefer him in his more fanciful pieces, portraying the +old Canon who lives up under the roof of Lisbon Cathedral, in _Meia +Noite_ (1900), or the _prior_ and other rustic worthies of Alentejo, +in _Os Velhos_ (1893), or the ancient mariner of _O Beijo do Infante_ +(1898). The mad José of _O Pantano_, the scatterbrained Clytemnestra +in _A Toutinegra Real_, the _parvenu_ Arroiolos and select Dona +Placida in _A Rosa Engeitada_ give little idea of the essential mellow +humanity of his work, enhanced by a prose style carefully chosen +and at times slightly archaic. Snr. Abel Botelho is more peculiarly +concerned with the novel, and his plays _Germano_ (1886), _Os Vencidos +da Vida_ (1892), _Jucunda_ (1895) derive their interest from the +description of certain phases of Lisbon life which could have been +presented equally well in novel form. MARCELLINO MESQUITA (1856-1919), +doctor and deputy, wrote historical dramas, _O Regente_ [1440] in +prose, _Leonor Telles_ (1889, published in 1893) in verse, _O Sonho +da India_ (1898) (scenes from the discoveries of Gama and ten other +famous Portuguese navigators), and _Pedro O Cruel_ (1916). If these +historical tragedies are somewhat ponderous, he has a lighter touch in +the _redondilhas_ of _Margarida do Monte_ (1910) and in the charming +sketch _Peraltas e Secias_, and displays psychological insight in prose +plays dealing with more modern problems: the comedy _Perola_ (1889), +_Os Castros_ (1893), _O Velho Thema_ (1896), _Sempre Noiva_ (1900), +_Almas Doentes_ (1905), which treats of hereditary madness and suicide, +and in the moving tragedy _Envelhecer_ (1909), although it is perhaps +out of keeping with the finely portrayed character of Eduardo de +Mello that he should so end who had endured so nobly. His prose style +has great merit (a few words require excision, e. g. _restaurante_, +_rewolver_, _desconforto_), and he wrote many shorter problem pieces +or episodes in prose: _Fim de Penitencia_ (1895), _O Auto do Busto_ +(1899), _O Tio Pedro_ (1902), _A Noite do Calvario, A Mentira_ (in +which a wife lies to her husband by the life of their child, who +dies). The monotony of the rhymed couplets in _Leonor Telles_ is +intensified in the work of Snr. HENRIQUE LOPES DE MENDONÇA (born in +1856). His verse is more declamatory, the use of strained _esdruxulo_ +endings is carried so far that it becomes a mannerism and the verse +often resembles a hurdle-race, the line running on smoothly to the +obstacle at its end (_thalamo_--_cala-m’o_; _silencio_--_recompense-o_; +_phantasma_--_faz-m’a_). This no doubt helps to increase the effect +of hollow resonance. Nor is there a compensating skill in psychology. +There is nothing subtle, for instance, in the characters of _O Duque +de Vizeu_ (1886): the cruel João II, the timid Manuel, the high-minded +Duke, and self-sacrificing Margarida. _A Morta_ (1891) deals with Pedro +I’s justice and _saudade_ for the dead Inés. _Affonso d’Albuquerque_ +(1898) has a tempting subject (handled previously by Costa Lobo in +his play--also in verse--_Affonso d’Albuquerque_, 1886), but it is +embarrassing to find the most unrhetorical of heroes, will of iron +but not as here tongue of gold, solemnly haranguing in couplet after +couplet, (although here, as in the other plays, the atmosphere of +Portugal’s spacious days is well maintained): + + E em psalmos de christão se ha de mudar o cantico + De Brahma, confundindo o Indico no Atlantico. + +It is perhaps a relief to turn to the prose plays, _O Azebre_ (1909, +written in 1904), the interest of which centres in the artist Fidelio, +_Nó Cego_ (1904), dealing with divorce, and especially to _O Salto +Mortal_, which treats of more homely peasant affairs, and to the +admirably natural fishermen’s scenes and dialogues enacted at Ericeira +in the second half of the nineteenth century, in _Amor Louco_ (1899). +The author succeeds in giving a more definite picture of a whole +community here than of any of his individual heroes in high places. _A +Herança_ (1913) also has the lives of fishermen for its subject. An +equally slight but charming one-act piece in verse is _Saudade_ (1916), +while the dramatist’s power of evoking past scenes is shown in the +glowing historical tales of _Sangue Português_ (1920), _Gente Namorada_ +(1921), and _Lanças n’Africa_ (1921). + +The most conspicuous among slightly younger dramatists is Snr. JULIO +DANTAS (born in 1876), who published a first volume of poems, _Nada_, +in 1896. He is gifted with wit, lightness of touch, an excellent style, +and a sense of atmosphere, which enables him to bring a pleasant +archaic flavour to reconstructions of the past and observe the true +spirit of history in periods the most diverse. His malleable talent +is equally at its ease in _O que morreu de amor_ (1899) and _Viriato +Tragico_ (1900); in Spain of the seventeenth century: _Don Ramón de +Capichuela_ (1911); contemporary Lisbon: _Crucificados_ (1902), _Mater +Dolorosa_ (1908), _O Reposteiro Verde_ (1912); the Inquisition-clouded +Portugal of the seventeenth century: _Santa Inquisição_ (1910), or its +lighter side, with the _bonbon_ marquis: _D. Beltrão de Figueiroa_ +(1902); the gentle, romantic Portugal of the middle of the nineteenth +century: _Um Serão nas Laranjeiras_ (1904), or the bull-fighting +Portugal of the same period: _A Severa_ (1901) with the gallant Marques +de Marialva and the beautiful and magnanimous gipsy of the Mouraria. +The filigree of his elaborate stage directions is skilfully used +to enhance the effect,[685] and some of his scenes are exquisite, +especially the simple, very charming, and tragic one-act comedy _Rosas +de todo o anno_ (1907). If the characters are usually sacrificed to +their setting, here and there a slight sketch stands out, as that of +the cynical old cardinal who delights in the mental torture of others, +in _Santa Inquisição_, the attractive bishop of _Soror Mariana_ (1915), +or the characters in _A Ceia dos Cardeais_ (1902). ERNESTO BIESTER +(1829-80) in the middle of last century wrote lively comedies of +contemporary Lisbon life. The comedies of GERVASIO LOBATO (1850-95), as +_Os Grotescos_, _A Condessa Heloïsa_ (1878), _O Festim de Balthazar_ +(1892), _O Commissario de Policia_, _Sua Excellencia_, and many others, +are natural, farcical scenes of high spirits and real good humour and +good feeling. More literary and charming is the work of Snr. EDUARDO +SCHWALBACH, whose _O Dia de Juizo_ (1915) and _Poema de Amor_ (1916) +came to crown a long series of plays and _revistas_. There are touches +of real comedy in the lightly sketched scenes and characters of Snr. +AUGUSTO DE CASTRO’S _Caminho perdido_ (1906), _Amor á Antiga_ (1907), +_As nossas amantes_ (1912), _A Culpa_ (1918), as in his slight, +attractive essays _Fumo do Meu Cigarro_ (1916), _Fantoches e Manequins_ +(1917), and _Conversar_ (1920); thought and character in Snr. AUGUSTO +LACERDA’S _O Vicio_ (1888), _Casados Solteiros_ (1893), _Terra Mater_ +(1904), _A Duvida_ (1906), _Os Novos Apostolos_ (1918). In Snr. BENTO +MANTUA’S _O Alcool_ (1909) and _Novo Altar_ (1911) the problem may be +a little too much in evidence, but in his prose plays _Má Sina_ (1906) +and _Gente Moça_ (1910) the human interest is insistent. _Má Sina_, +apart from the author’s weakness for strained coincidences, is a story +of peasant life very naturally told. A young playwright of promise is +Snr. VASCO DE MENDONÇA ALVES, author of _Promessa_ (1910) and _Filhos_ +(1910). The subject of _Filhos_ is unpleasant if not original (it is +that of Eça de Queiroz’ _Os Maias_ and Ennes’ _Os Engeitados_), but is +treated with dignity and in a good prose style. Snr. JAIME CORTESÃO, +hitherto known rather as a poet, has turned to the drama in _Egas +Moniz_ (1918). + +The novelists of the second half of the century were numerous and, as +a rule, too dependent upon foreign models, chiefly French. JOAQUIM +GUILHERME GOMES COELHO (1839-71) neither by date nor inclination +belonged to one or other of the two schools between which lies his +brief ten years’ activity. His talent developed early. As a medical +student at his native Oporto he published poems and several stories, +originally printed in the _Jornal do Porto_ and later collected with +the title _Serões de Provincia_ (1870), and at the age of twenty-one, +under the pseudonym JULIO DINIZ, he wrote the novel which brought him +immediate fame and is still sometimes preferred to his later works: +_Uma Familia Ingleza_ (1868). In these scenes of the life of Oporto he +drew with the most elaborate analysis the relations between English +and Portuguese which he had had frequent opportunities of observing in +that city. Portuguese critics hint that what to superficial readers has +seemed the tediousness of his novels is due to the influence of Dickens +and other English novelists who revel in detail, and it is interesting +that Gomes Coelho’s maternal grandmother was an Englishwoman, Maria, +daughter of Thomas Potter. But it is a mistake to call his work +tedious; the deliberate dullness of his novels has an excitement of +its own, ‘’tis a good dullness’. The reader, tired with sensational +plots and strained incidents, follows not only with relief but with +growing absorption the homely daisy-chain of his stories, in which +not the tiniest link in the development of the action or thought, +especially the latter, is omitted. The interest never flags and never +disappoints, leading gently on with carefully measured steps; the +approval of virtue and disapproval of wickedness only occasionally +becomes obtrusive and insipid. Julio Diniz confessed to a preference +for _bourgeois_ types, but his real interest was in the country, +and _As Pupillas do Senhor Reitor_[686] (1866), a village chronicle +suggested by Herculano’s _O Parocho de Aldea_, is by many held to be +his best work. The characters are delineated with the same delicate +charm as that of Jenny in his earlier novel, and there is a background +of curious observation--_esfolhadas_ (husking the maize), _espadeladas_ +(braking flax), _ripadas_ (dressing the flax), _fiadas_ (gatherings +of women to spin at the winter _lareira_ in the faint light of a lamp +hanging on the smoke-blackened wall), the men at cards in the tavern, +the old country doctor going his rounds on horseback, the solemn +greetings _Guarde-o Deus, Louvado seja nosso Senhor Jesu Christo_. If +he sometimes sees the peasants as he would have them be rather than as +they are, if his realism is subdued and gentle, his descriptions are +at least truer than those of the naturalistic school. In _A Morgadinha +dos Canaviaes_ (1868), another village chronicle of Minho, the winter +life of the peasantry is described, the _consoada_ preceding ‘cock-crow +mass’ on Christmas Eve, the _auto_ represented on a rough stage in the +village on the Day of Kings, together with the inevitable missionaries, +_beata_, enriched ‘Brazilian’, and electioneering intrigues. Some +critics have seen a falling off in his last novel, _Os Fidalgos da Casa +Mourisca_ (1871), written in the winter of 1869-70 at Madeira, whither +he went in vain quest of health, but it is perfectly on a level with +his previous work. There may be a slight tendency to exaggerate some of +the characters, as there was in _A Morgadinha_, the contrast between +Jorge and Mauricio may be too crude, the last scenes may be touched +with melodrama, the style may have traces of the _francesismo_ which +Castilho noticed in his first novel, the execution may be excessively +minute--these were not new defects in his works. On the other hand, +the ruined _fidalgo_ D. Luiz, his chaplain and agent Frei Januario, +who scents a Liberal doctrine leagues away, the large-hearted peasants +Anna do Vedor and Thomé da Povoa, are as interesting as Tio Vicente +the herbalist or any of his previous characters, and the charming and +accurate descriptions of the country that he loved so well show him at +his best. This demure chronicler of quiet scenes, this specialist in +the obvious, in his _romances lentos_, as he calls them--a Portuguese +blend of Jane Austen, Enrique Gil, and Fernán Caballero: his delicacy +is essentially feminine--achieved an originality which so often eludes +those who most furiously pursue it. His _Poesias_ (1873), partly +consisting of poems interspersed in his novels, have a quiet, intimate +charm. A curious originality had been attained earlier by a young naval +lieutenant, FRANCISCO MARIA BORDALLO (1821-61). When he published +_Eugenio_ (1846) at Rio de Janeiro, and a second edition at Lisbon in +1854, it was claimed that this sea novel (_romance maritimo_) was the +first of its kind to be written in Portuguese; but his use of naval +technical terms and descriptions of the sea is perhaps too deliberate. +His _Quadros maritimos_ appeared in _O Panorama_ in 1854. + +Few authors are more interesting to the critic (owing to the +courageous and persistent development of his art) than JOSÉ MARIA DE +EÇA DE QUEIROZ (1843-1900), a far more robust writer than Julio Diniz +and the greatest Portuguese novelist of the realistic school. Born at +Villa do Conde, the son of a magistrate, he was duly sent to study law +at Coimbra, and after taking his degree contributed in 1866 and 1867 a +series of _feuilletons_ to the _Gazeta de Portugal_. These _folhetins_, +reprinted in _Prosas Barbaras_ (1903), are remarkable because they show +beside a love of the gruesome and fantastic (_O Milhafre_, _O Senhor +Diabo_, _Memorias de uma Forca_) at least one story (_Entre a neve_) +of a perfect simplicity, such as the author is sometimes supposed to +have attained only towards the end of his life. His partiality for +the exotic was fostered by travels in Egypt and Palestine in 1869 and +manifested itself in _A Morte de Jesus_, _Adão e Eva no Paraiso_, +and _A Perfeição_, as well as in _A Reliquia_ and in part of _A +Correspondencia de Fradique Mendes_. In 1873 he went to Havana as +Portuguese Consul, and twenty-six years as Consul at Newcastle-on-Tyne +(1874-6), Bristol (1876-88), and Paris (1888-1900), where he died, +enabled him to see his own country in a new light. His prose lost +its exuberance, his taste became more severe, his extravagant fancy, +so strangely combined with realism in many of his works, was merged +in natural descriptions of his native land. He regained his own soul +without losing that peculiar mockery with which he veiled a kindly, +sensitive temperament, and which agreeably stamps the greater part of +his writings. But indeed the introducer of the naturalistic novel into +Portugal only played with materialism, which in his hands was always +unreal: legendary and romantic, as in _Frei Genebro_, _S. Christovam_, +_O Tesoiro_; deliberately false and artificial, as _A Civilisação_; +a macabre fantasy, as _O Defunto_; or half-intentional caricature, +as _O Primo Basilio_ and _Os Maias_. What more chimerical than _A +Reliquia_ or more elusive than _O Suave Milagre_, or more fanciful +than _O Mandarim_ (1879), in which without himself knowing China the +author makes his readers know it! All through his life he was as it +were groping through Manueline for a purer Gothic; the pity was that +his education from the first should have thrown him into contact +with French models--so that his very language too often reads like +translated French--instead of directing him to a truer realism (such +as that of his nearer neighbour Pereda), to which he turned in his +last works, and in which he might have written regional masterpieces +had he not died at a moment when his art apparently had lost nothing +of its vigour. More probably, however, his still unsatisfied craving +for perfection would have sought relief in mysticism. His first novel +was a sensational story written in collaboration with Ramalho Ortigão: +_O Mysterio da Estrada de Cintra_ (1870), originally published in the +_Diario de Noticias_ (July 24-September 27, 1870). It was, however, +_O Crime do Padre Amaro_ (1876), in which he grafted the naturalistic +novel on the quiet little town of Leiria, and the two notable if +unpleasant Lisbon stories _O Primo Basilio_ (1878) and _Os Maias_ +(1880), that marked him out as the most powerful writer of the time in +Portugal. But he was still feeling his way. _A Reliquia_ (1887) is as +different from _Os Maias_ as it is from the remarkable and charming +letters of _A Correspondencia de Fradique Mendes_ (1891) and his last +two novels, _A Illustre Casa de Ramires_ (1900), most Portuguese of +his works, and _A Cidade e as Serras_ (1901). The three fragments +in _Ultimas Paginas_ (1912) were probably written earlier. There +are samples of all his phases in his _Contos_ (1902), and the short +story gave scope for his powers of observation and insight without +calling for an elaborate plot, in which he often failed. _A Cidade e +as Serras_, after developing the earlier story _A Civilisação_, is +but a fascinating succession of country scenes. All Eça de Queiroz’ +characters are caricatures, some more so, others less, but they are +nevertheless true to a certain degree, that is to say, they are good +caricatures, and living, and this is so especially in these later +novels, which show how great a regionalist writer was lost in him +through the influence of French schools. Yet no one can deny that his +works have an originality of their own as well as power and personal +charm, and all contain some striking character-sketches or delightful +descriptions that are not easily forgotten. + +The dullness of the naturalistic novels of JULIO LOURENÇO PINTO +(1842-1907) is not relieved by Eça de Queiroz’ pleasant irony and +definite characterization. These ‘scenes of contemporary life’, +while they display a praiseworthy restraint, give the idea rather +of exercises in imitation of a French exemplar or of one of Eça de +Queiroz’ early novels than of living stories. Their style is slovenly, +the development of the plot prolix and monotonous. A certain interest +attaches to _Margarida_ (1879)--although even here the author is too +methodical in detailing the past lives of the four protagonists, the +nonentity Luiz, the aspiring Adelina (a Portuguese Madame Bovary), +Fernando, and Margarida, after they have been duly presented in the +opening pages--and to the descriptions of a fair, a bull-fight, +a flood, or provincial politics in _Vida Atribulada_ (1880), _O +Senhor Deputado_ (1882), _Esboços do Natural_ (1882), and _O Homem +Indispensavel_ (1884). Snr. JAIME DE MAGALHÃES LIMA (born in 1857) +in _O Transviado_ (1899), _Na Paz do Senhor_ (1903), and _O Reino +da Saudade_ (1904), has written novels _à thèse_ which are quite as +interesting as naturalistic novels and more natural, but his art, +especially in the presentation of contemporary politics, is a little +too photographic. Snr. LUIZ DE MAGALHÃES (born in 1859), author of +several volumes of verse, wrote a single novel, _O Brasileiro Soares_ +(1886). It would offer little new in theme or treatment to distinguish +it from other naturalistic novels were it not for the author’s success +in drawing in Joaquim Soares a natural and attractive portrait of +the Portuguese returned rich from Brazil (the _Brasileiro_). None +of these novelists can rival the reputation of FRANCISCO TEIXEIRA +DE QUEIROZ (1848-1919). He became prominent as a novelist of the +realistic school over forty years ago when under the pseudonym of +BENTO MORENO he inaugurated the series of his _Comedia do Campo_ (8 +vols.), of which the last volume is _Ao Sol e á Chuva_ (1916), followed +by a second series: _Comedia Burgueza_ (7 vols.), which began with +_Os Noivos_ (1879). The obvious defects of his work--its laborious +realism, its insistence on medical or physical details, its vain load +of pedantry[687]--need not obscure its real merits. The careful style +has occasional lapses, the psychology is thin, the conversations +commonplace. His art, like a winter sunshine, fails to penetrate. +Yet even in the _Comedia Burgueza_, where the interest must depend +on the psychology, he succeeds in _D. Agostinho_ and _A Morte de D. +Agostinho_ (1895) in giving individuality to that strange rickety +figure of the old _fidalgo_ in his ruined Lisbon _palacio_. And in the +Minho scenes of the _Comedia do Campo_ his scrupulous descriptions +obtain their full effects. In the _romaria_ (pilgrimage), the +_cantadeira_ (improvisator), the _diligencia_ with its load of priests +(in _Amor Divino_), the girl shepherdess, the _abbade_ fond of hunting +wolves and boars, the old women spinning, the lawsuit of centuries over +the fruit of an orange-tree, the sexton Coruja and his dog Coisa (in +_Vingança do morto_ and _O Enterro de um Cão_), and especially some old +familiar country-house, with Dona Maria and her preserves and _receios +infernaes_, in _Amor Divino_ and _Amores, Amores_ (1897), Minho and the +Minhotos are presented with naturalness and skill. Many of these scenes +are from the short stories of _Contos_, _Novos Contos_ (1887), _A Nossa +Gente_ (1900),[688] and _A Cantadeira_ (1913),[689] some of which have +been collected in an attractive volume, _Arvoredos_ (1895). + +Snr. MANUEL DA SILVA GAYO (born in 1860), poet and novelist, wrote +in _Peccado Antigo_ (1893) a short _novela_ as it calls itself, +or rather a _conto_, remarkable for its combination of colour and +restraint. It describes country scenes and customs in a style that +may not be spontaneous but is well subservient to the matter in hand, +and has a vigour, purity, and concision too often lacking in modern +Portuguese prose. Some of his early stories were collected in _A Dama +de Ribadalva_ (1904). In his later novels this style is not maintained. +We will not quarrel with its abruptness in _Ultimos Crentes_ (1904), a +remarkable story of nineteenth-century _Sebastianistas_ in a fishing +village to the extreme north of Estremadura, but it is more slovenly +in _Os Torturados_ (1911), in which a certain originality of thought +seems to have damaged the form in which it was expressed. There is a +welcome Spanish directness in the work of the able journalist Snr. +CARLOS MALHEIRO DIAS (deputy for Vianna do Castello in 1903-5) in his +novels _O Filho das Hervas_ (1900), _Os Telles de Albergaria_ (1901), +and _A Paixão de Maria do Ceo_ (1902). Frankly sensational in _O Grande +Cagliostro_ (1905), he displays his gift for the short story in _A +Vencida_ (1907), a volume of dramatic tales, of which _A Consoada_ +is especially effective. Snr. JOÃO GRAVE (born in 1872) carefully +elaborates his prose in _A Eterna Mentira_ (1904) and _Jornada +Romantica_ (1913). It turns to marble in the musings of the marble faun +in _O Ultimo Fauno_ (1906), but loses this unreality in studies of the +poor in country, _Gente Pobre_ (1912), and town, _Os Famintos_ (1903), +a tragic story of a workman’s family at Oporto. More recently he has +treated historical themes with success in _Parsifal_ (1919) and _A Vida +e Paixão da Infanta_ (1921). In the historical novel Snr. FRANCISCO DE +ROCHA MARTINS has won a special place by picturesque works such as _Os +Tavoras_ (1917). He has an eye for dramatic episodes and has composed +many a living picture of the past. + +ABEL BOTELHO (1856-1917), a colonel in the Army, and for some years +Minister of the Portuguese Republic at Buenos Aires, author of a volume +of verse, _Lyra Insubmissa_ (1885), showed an intermittent power of +description in seven stories of his native Beira, collected under the +title _Mulheres da Beira_ (1898). In his series of novels published +under the heading _Pathologia Social: O Barão de Lavos_ (1891), _O +Livro de Alda_ (1898), _Fatal Dilemma_ (1907), _Prospera Fortuna_ +(1910), he would seem to have laboured under a misapprehension, +believing apparently that the introduction of physiology into +literature might prove him an original writer.[690] Sainte-Beuve may +speak of the _saletés splendides_ of Rabelais, a great stylist like +Signor Gabriele d’ Annunzio, except when his art fails, may redeem +if he does not justify any theme. But Abel Botelho’s style in these +wearisome novels can only be described as worthy of their matter. +They are a welter of shapeless sentences, long abstract terms, French +words, gallicisms, expressions such as _pathognomonico_, _autopsiação_, +_neuro-arthritico_, _a etiologia dos hystero-traumatismos_. This +may be magnificent pathology, but it is not art or literature. _As +Farpas_ had come to an end some years before these novels began to +appear, otherwise their defects might have been pilloried by an adept +in ridicule who in contemporary literature occupies a place apart. +As critic JOSÉ DUARTE RAMALHO ORTIGÃO (1836-1915) took his share in +the controversy of 1865, as a traveller he wrote a vivid, witty, +and charming account of Holland, with malicious side-reflections +on Portugal: _A Hollanda_ (1883). Between these two dates a series +of papers, _As Farpas_ (1871-87), originally suggested by Alphonse +Karr’s _Les Guêpes_ and begun in collaboration with his friend Eça +de Queiroz, had made him famous. His clear and pointed style was an +excellent instrument for the barbed shafts of his satire and irony and, +having discovered how powerful a weapon he possessed, he wielded it to +right purpose. With abundant good sense he ridiculed and undermined +the foibles and follies of Lisbon life, obstinately determined to +bring health to the minds and the bodies of his fellow-countrymen and +succeeding by his wit where a more sedate reformer might have failed. +The range of subjects covered was very wide--the interest of many of +them necessarily ephemeral--and his skill in brief character-sketches +is remarkable. But although Ramalho Ortigão will always be remembered +as the author of _As Farpas_ it is perhaps _A Hollanda_ that will +be read. The former work was imitated by Fialho de Almeida in _Os +Gatos_ (1889-94), which achieved popularity in Lisbon. His is a more +lumbering wit: the rapier of Ramalho Ortigão is exchanged for bludgeon +or umbrella. But _Os Gatos_, despite much that is vulgar and much +that is dull, contains some good literary criticism and successful +descriptions, of places rather than of persons. A battling critic was +MANUEL JOSÉ DA SILVA PINTO (1848-1911) in _Combates e Criticas_ (1882), +_Frente a frente_ (1909), and _Na procella_ (1909). Equally vigorous +and pure was the style of JOAQUIM DE SENNA FREITAS (1840-1913) in _Per +agoa e terra_ (1903) and _A Voz do Semeador_ (1908), as likewise that +of FRANCISCO SILVEIRA DA MOTA in _Viagens na Galliza_ (1889). The +literature of travel is not extensive. Oliveira Martins published in +the _Jornal do Commercio_ of Rio de Janeiro in 1892 his _A Inglaterra +de hoje_ (1893); Eça de Queiroz showed a deeper acquaintance with +England in his _Cartas de Inglaterra_ (1905). Snr. WENCESLAU JOSÉ DE +SOUSA MORAES (born in 1854), sometimes called the Portuguese Pierre +Loti, has skilfully described China and Japan in _Traços do Extremo +Oriente_ (1905), _Paisagens da China e do Japão_ (1906), and _Cartas do +Japão_ (three series, 1904-7). In a letter in French at the end of his +_Traços_ he says: _J’ai dit ce que je pensais, naïvement, au gré de mes +souvenirs._ + +Snr. MANUEL TEIXEIRA GOMES, versatile and gifted, traveller, +diplomatist (Portuguese Minister at the Court of St. James), and +author, is essentially an artist. With a clear, coloured, liquid style +he excels in painting the blue seas, transparent air, and sun-burnt +soil of Algarve in _Agosto Azul_ (1904). His pagan and unconventional +art has the power of impressing incidents on the mind, as of giving +sharp relief to fantastic persons such as the Canon and his three +witless sisters in _Gente Singular_ (1909), the Danish literary lady +in _Inventario de Junho_ (1899), or the avaricious Dona Maria and the +inane Minister of _Sabina Freire_ (1905). This ‘comedy in three acts’ +contains sufficient shrewdness, humour, and clever characterization +for a long novel instead of a short play. The tiny volumes _Tristia_ +(1893) and _Alem_ (1895) by Snr. ANTERO DE FIGUEIREDO (born in 1867) +were notable for their style, and in other works, _Partindo da Terra_ +(1897), the passionate letters of _Doida de Amor_ (1910), the novel +_Comicos_ (1908), and the fascinating historical studies _D. Pedro +e D. Inês_ (1913) and _Leonor Teles, Flor de Altura_ (1916), his +prose maintains a restraint and charm which place him among the best +stylists of the day. One of the noblest qualities of this prose is its +precision, the scrupulous use of the right word, common or archaic. +It is the more disconcerting to find good Portuguese words such as +_estação_, _hospedaria_, _comodo_, _bondade_ ousted by _gare_, _hôtel_, +_confortavel_, _bonomia_. But these are only occasional blemishes in +a style of rare distinction. It can paint a whole scene in a brief +sentence, as _os milheiraes amarellecem-se caladamente_. This power of +description gives excellence to his _Recordações e Viagens_ (1905), +whether the recollections be of Minho or of _uma aldeia espiritual_ in +Italy. It is really as a writer of short sketches and essays that he +excels. In _Senhora do Amparo_ (1920) and especially in the seventeen +sketches of _Jornadas de Portugal_ (1918) skill in the choice of +indigenous words gives a forcible and original poetry to glowing +descriptions redolent of the soil. + +D. MARIA AMALIA VAZ DE CARVALHO (1847-1921) collaborated with her +husband, the poet Gonçalves Crespo, in _Contos para os nossos filhos_, +and in _Serões no Campo_ (1877), three stories, in one of which, _A +Engeitada_, one may perhaps see reminiscences of Julio Diniz’ _A Casa +Mourisca_, and _Contos e Phantasias_ (1880) treated slight themes with +a delicate charm. But she is less well known as writer of _contos_ or +as poet, in _Vozes do Ermo_ (1876), than as the author of a notable +historical biography, _Vida do Duque de Palmella_ (1898-1903), and +of critical essays on Portuguese and foreign literatures. In the +latter the English predominates, but French, German, and Italian, +as in _Arabescos_ (1880), are not forgotten. The sane judgement, +sympathy, and insight of _Alguns homens do meu tempo_ (1889), _Figuras +de Hoje e de Hontem_ (1902), _Cerebros e Corações_ (1903), _No Meu +Cantinho_ (1909), _Coisas de Agora_ (1913), and other volumes have been +appreciated by countless readers in Portugal and Brazil. A writer who +likewise combines literary and historical criticism with original work +in verse (_Poemetos_, 1882) and prose is the CONDE DE SABUGOSA (born in +1854), skilful and delicate reconstructor of the past in _Embrechados_ +(1908), _Donas de Tempos Idos_ (1912), _Gente d’Algo_ (1915), _Neves +de Antanho_ (1919), and _A Rainha D. Leonor_ (1921), who collaborated +with another stylist, the CONDE DE ARNOSO[691] (1856-1911), author of +_Azulejos_ (1886), in the volume of _contos_ entitled _De braço dado_ +(1894). His historical portraits are full of life and charm, painted in +the warm colours of knowledge and emotion. + +If we except D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho, the literary achievement +of women in Portugal in recent years has not been remarkable. Like D. +CLAUDIA DE CAMPOS, author of the novels _Elle_ (1898) and _A Esfinge_ +and short stories, D. ALICE PESTANA (_Caiel_) has cultivated with +success both the novel, as in _Desgarrada_ (1902), and the _conto_, as +in _De Longe_ (1904), which contains stories of familiar life written +with sincerity and truth. If D. ANNA DE CASTRO OSORIO’S _Ambições_ +(1903) gives the impression rather of a series of scenes than of a +long novel, in her short stories _Infelizes_ (1898)--especially _A +Terra_--and _Quatro Novelas_ (1908) she ably describes common family +life in town or country, or (in _A Sacrificada_) the lives, past and +present, of aged nuns in a dwindling convent. D. VIRGINIA DE CASTRO E +ALMEIDA has written two novels concerning the development of the soil +in Alentejo: _Terra Bemdita_ (1907) and _Trabalho Bemdito_ (1908).[692] +They are frankly novels with a thesis to prove, but contain so much +vigour and zest of living that they stand out from other more futile or +anaemic novels of contemporary Portugal. + +The growing prominence of the _conto_ is felt in the work of Castello +Branco, Eça de Queiroz, Teixeira de Queiroz, Snr. Jaime de Magalhães +Lima (_Via Redemptora_, 1905, _Apostolos da Terra_, 1906, _Vozes +do Meu Lar_, 1912), and many other novelists. JULIO CESAR MACHADO +(1835-90) showed talent in _Contos ao luar_ (1861), _Scenas da minha +terra_ (1862), _Quadros do campo e da cidade_ (1868), _Á Lareira_ +(1872). His skill in the description of rustic scenes would have been +more convincing had he not thought it necessary to introduce touches +of extraneous elegance and humour into his very real love of the +country, so that the patent leather boot is ever appearing among the +_tamancos_ in these light humorous sketches and romantic tales. As +slight but perhaps more natural are the _Contos do Tio Joaquim_ (1861) +by RODRIGO PAGANINO (1835-63); the pleasant stories of village life, +_Contos_ (1874) and _Serões de Inverno_ (1880), written by CARLOS LOPES +(born in 1842) under the pseudonym PEDRO IVO; and _Contos_ (1894) +and _Azul e Negro_[693] (1897) by Afonso Botelho. The poet AUGUSTO +SARMENTO (born in 1835) also wrote stories of village life, _Contos do +Soalheiro_ (1876), but stories _à thèse_, treating of emigration and +other _minhoto_ evils, among which he includes _beatas_, witches, and +_brasileiros de torna-viagem_. A writer of _contos_ as disappointing +as Machado is ALBERTO BRAGA (1851-1911). He has a sense of style +and technique, and some of his tales, especially _O Engeitado_, are +pathetic, but after reading his _Contos da minha lavra_ (1879), _Contos +de aldeia_, _Contos Escolhidos_ (1892), _Novos Contos_, one has the +perhaps somewhat unfair impression that they are mainly concerned +with _viscondessas_ and canaries. The learned Conde de Ficalho in +_Uma Eleição Perdida_ (1888) evidently relates his own experiences, +and this and the five accompanying _contos_ contain some charming +descriptions of Alentejo, of the _reisinho cacique_ Lopes, Paschoal +the _passarinheiro_, the gossips of the village _botica_, the girls +carrying _bilhas_, the scent of rosemary in morning dew. The same +province supplies the background of the work of JOSÉ VALENTIM FIALHO +DE ALMEIDA (1857-1912). Born at Villa de Frades, the son of a village +schoolmaster, he spent seven years sadly against the grain as chemist’s +assistant before he was able to turn more exclusively to literature. +No recent writer has had a greater vogue in Portugal. One must account +for this by the fact that in the somewhat nerveless literature of +the day he showed a virile and often brutal colour and energy. A few +descriptions of Alentejo gave interest to his _Contos_ (1881) and _A +Cidade do Vicio_ (1882), an interest strengthened in _O Paiz das Uvas_ +(1893). This collection of naturalistic stories of great variety and +very unequal merit is, indeed, redeemed by the author’s love for his +native province. He sometimes obtains powerful effects when his subject +is the wide spaces, the night silences, or the summer drought and +midday zinc-coloured sky of Alentejo. The shepherdess with her distaff, +the village crier, the small proprietor, the harvesters with their +week’s provision of coarse bread, goat’s cheese, and olives, toiling in +a temperature of 122 degrees, appear in his stories. His art is wholly +external. One need not have complained of his lack of psychology had he +been able to express what he saw in good Portuguese prose. But if we +turn to his style we find uncouth constructions, the constant use of +French words, and worse still, French words disguised as Portuguese: +_deboche_, _coquettemente_, _crayonar_. This is the more pity because, +had he written in Portuguese, he might have left robust pictures of +the Alentejan peasant’s life in its grim reality which would have been +read with pleasure. A sober and fastidious style, sometimes recalling +that of the Spanish essayist Azorín, marks the _Contos_ (1900) of +the dramatist D. João da Camara. The clear etching of the blind man +and his grandson going through the streets on Christmas Eve in _As +Estrellas do Cego_ and, especially, the poignant sketch of the ruined +old scholar _fidalgo_ in _O Paquete_ show admirably what a skilful +craftsman can make of the slightest of themes. This is true to an even +greater degree of the best of all the Portuguese _contistas_, JOSÉ +FRANCISCO DE TRINDADE COELHO (1861-1908). His _contos_ collected under +the title _Os Meus Amores_ (1891), natural and deeply felt scenes +of peasant life, are all marked by an exceptional delicacy of style +and by a most alluring freshness and simplicity. The tinkling of the +bells of flocks, the thin blue smoke above the roofs, the evening +mists, the flight of doves are in these pages. And the peasants are +treated with the same sympathetic insight as their surroundings, the +women singing at their work in the fields, the olive-gatherers at +supper in the great farm kitchen; vintage and harvest, tragedy and +idyll. The sympathy is extended to the animals, donkey (_Sultão_), +goat (_Mãe_), and hen (_A Choca_). The _saudade_ of peasant soldiers +for the land in _Terra-Mater_ gives an opportunity for describing the +life of the peasants with its hardy toil and many simple pleasures. +In _Á Lareira_, the longest of these stories, a rustic _serão_ of +peasants _ao borralho_ is pleasantly drawn out with quatrains, riddles, +anecdotes, fairy-tales, only interrupted by the ringing of the angelus +for the saying of prayer on prayer. Two little masterpieces stand +somewhat apart from the rest: _Abyssus Abyssum_, the tragic story of +two small boys, brothers, rowing to overtake the evening star, and +_Idyllio Rustico_, which with its two ingenuous little shepherds and +their flocks of sheep in the lonely places might almost be a chapter +from Don Ramón María del Valle Inclán’s _Flor de Santidad_ (1904). _Os +Meus Amores_ shows realism at its best, that is to say, hand in hand +with idealism. The author is not so enamoured of his delightful style +that he does not make the peasants speak their natural language, and +although he realizes keenly and expresses the poetry of their life, he +never sacrifices truth to this perception any more than to the strange +and essentially false propensities of the naturalistic school, nor +refines his descriptions to a rose-colour insipidity. A good scent of +the earth and of wild flowers pervades these realistic descriptions. +On such lines, if this book influences younger writers, it might lead +the way to many a delightful novel of the _parfum du terroir_ of +Portugal. Snr. JULIO BRANDÃO (born in 1870), equally distinguished +in prose and verse, is the author of _Maria do Ceo_ (1902), mystic +love letters in a chiselled style, only with the mystic writers of +old the style flowed naturally from an inner fervour, here it has +evidently been the chief consideration. If the effort is apparent it is +sometimes very successful, and in _Perfis Suaves_ (1903) and _Figuras +de Barro_ (1910), fantastic stories and fascinating fairy-tales, he +occasionally achieves simplicity. Equally studied is the prose of +Snr. JUSTINO DE MONTALVÃO’S _Os Destinos_ (1904), twelve stories, of +which _Conto dos Reis_ relates the death of a peasant child as voices +outside sing _São chegados os tres Reis_. The VISCONDE DE VILLA-MOURA +(born in 1877) has shown in the five _contos_ of _Doentes da Belleza_ +(1913), as in _Bohemios_ (1914), that his sensitive plastic style is +excellently suited to the short story. Snr. ANTONIO PATRICIO’S _Serão +Inquieto_ (1910) contains two poignant _contos_: _O Precoce_ and _O +Veiga_. _Os Pobres_ by Snr. RAUL BRANDÃO (born in 1869) is a succession +of scenes, a striking analysis of suffering as exhibited in various +strange types of the poor and of its beauty and necessity in the +philosophy of Gabiru. Snr. SEVERO PORTELA displays a tortured style +in _Os Condemnados_ (1906) and _Agua Corrente_ (1909); smoother but +equally artificial is that of Snr. HENRIQUE DE VASCONCELLOS in _Contos +Novos_ (1903) and _Circe_ (1908), the former of which contains the +slight sketch _O Caminheiro_. _Excentricos_ is the title of a volume +containing some notable stories by Snr. ALBERTO DE SOUSA COSTA. The +large number of _contos_ is a sign of the times, corresponding to the +favour shown towards the brief _revista_ in the drama and the host of +sonnets which now replace the long romantic poems of the past. + +ANTHERO DE QUENTAL[694] (1842-91), the Coimbra student who waved the +banner of revolt against a too complacent romanticism in 1865, was that +rare thing in Portuguese literature, a poet who thinks. Powerfully +influenced by German philosophy and literature, his was a tortured +spirit, and when in his sincerity he attempted to translate his +philosophy into action the result was too often failure. Born at Ponta +Delgada in the Azores, he studied law at Coimbra from 1858 to 1864, +became a socialist, worked for some time as a compositor in Paris, +in spite of his independent means; then, after a visit to the United +States of America, settled at Lisbon for some years and figured as an +active socialist. Weary and ill, he retired in 1882 to the quieter town +in the north, Villa do Conde, but he could not escape from his own +turbulent thoughts and nine years later he shot himself in a square of +his native town. If his life was ineffectual in its series of broken, +noble impulses, there is nothing vague or uncertain about the splendid +sonnets of _Odes Modernas_ (1865) and _Sonetos_ (1881). They are the +effect, often perfectly tranquil, of a previous agony of thought, like +brimmed furrows reflecting clear skies after rain. His search was for +truth, not for words to express it, far less for words to describe his +own sensations. Indeed, he was far from considering poetry as an end in +itself and destroyed more of his poems than his friends published. In +his autobiographical letter addressed to Dr. Storck in 1887 he states +that his poetry was written _involuntariamente_. That is to say, after +much thought on the great problems of existence verse came to him +unrhetorical and spontaneous, as it did to João de Deus without any +thought whatever: + + Já sossega depois de tanta luta, + Já me descansa em paz o coraçam. + +Quental’s poems owe their strength and intensity to the fact that they +had passed through the fire of _tanta luta_. + +Totally different from Quental’s was the genius of JOÃO DE DEUS +(1830-96), the most natural Portuguese poet of the nineteenth century. +Born at Messines in Algarve, he studied law at Coimbra, became a +journalist, but did not come to live permanently at Lisbon until he +was elected to represent Silves in the Chamber of Deputies in 1868. It +is significant that many of his most perfect lyrics were contributed +to provincial journals. They are written in the simple language of a +peasant composing a quatrain. He sought his inspiration not in books +or any of the rival schools of poetry but in his native soil and +popular speech, and through him Portuguese poetry was renovated. His +first published work, _A Lata_ (Coimbra, 1860), in _oitavas_, gives no +measure of his genius, but some of his best poems, such as _A Vida_, +were widely known before _Flores do Campo_ (1868) appeared, followed +by _Ramo de Flores_ (1875), _Folhas Soltas_ (1876), and finally the +collected edition, _Campo de Flores_ (1893). His last years were spent +in advertising and perfecting his special method for teaching children +to read. If ever poet was born, not made, it was João de Deus. He is at +his best when he does not attempt thought or philosophy or even give +rein to his satire. His verse, clear and light as a leaf, a cloud, a +stream--its favourite metaphors--and entirely free from rhetorical +effects, has a most spontaneous charm. Despite occasional defects, the +use of lukewarm or unpoetical words, _objectos_, _chaile_, _affavel_, +_bussola_, or such rhymes as _gotta_--_dou-t-a_, his work, which lacks +the fire that more spacious times might have elicited, abounds in +exquisite love lyrics. The popular inspiration is also evident in the +_Peninsulares_ (1870) of JOSÉ SIMÕES DIAS (1844-99), many of whose +poems are a mere string of _quadras_. + +GUILHERME BRAGA (1843-76), who wrote vigorous political verse against +‘Jesuit reactionaries’ and the like in _Os Falsos Apostolos_ (1871) and +_O Bispo_ (1874), proved himself a talented poet in _Heras e Violetas_ +(1869), although even here are to be found words and expressions +frequently out of tune. Like ALEXANDRE DA CONCEIÇÃO (1842-89), whose +best-known volume of verses, _Alvoradas_ (1866), belongs to the +romantic school, GUILHERME DE AZEVEDO (1846-82) began with romantic +verse in imitation of Garrett in _Apparições_ (1861), wavered in +_Raçõdiaes da Noite_ (1871), and succumbed to the new school in _A +Alma Nova_ (1874). JOÃO PENHA (1839-1919) in _Rimas_ (1882) and _Novas +Rimas_ (1905) shows a command of metre and harmony worthy of something +better than his commonplace themes. Gonçalves Crespo heard in his +verse ‘the plaining music of a guitar of Andalucía’, but Penha never +cared to be serious. CESARIO VERDE (1855-86) was a Lisbon poet who +in verse written between 1873 and 1883, _O Livro de Cesario Verde_ +(1886), showed a most promising gift of presenting reality in phrases +limpidly clear without straining after effect. Another poet who died +almost as young left a far more definite achievement, although his +poems are scarcely more numerous than those of Verde. Few Portuguese +writers have, indeed, published less than ANTONIO CANDIDO GONÇALVES +CRESPO (1846-83), a Portuguese born at Rio de Janeiro. He studied +at Coimbra University, and became a distinguished journalist and a +colonial member of the Portuguese Parliament from 1879 to 1881. Two +tiny volumes of lyrics, _Miniaturas_ (1870) and _Nocturnos_ (1882), +comprise his whole work, but his restraint and his fastidiously +chiselled verse place him at the head of the Portuguese Parnassians. +Portuguese in his hands becomes a pliant medium crystallizing round an +emotion, _longes de saudade_, or, more frequently, round a concrete +image, a parting at sunset (_Mater dolorosa_) or a village in a +summer noontide (_Na Aldeia_). The latter sonnet recalls a few lines +of Leopardi’s _Il Sabato del Villaggio_, and in one respect, the +perfection of form with which he describes quite ordinary scenes, the +Portuguese poet need not fear the comparison. An old woman spinning, +children at play, a peasant’s song in the fields, an orange-grove at +dawn musical with birds--these are incidental pictures in his poems, +and by his combination of a vague dreaming temperament with a delicate, +definite artistic sense they receive a new significance. An earlier +Brazilian poet, ANTONIO GONÇALVES DIAS (1823-64), author of _Primeiros +Cantos_ (1846), _Segundos Cantos e Sextilhas de Frei Antão_ (1848), and +_Ultimos Cantos_ (1851), made a name for himself by his _sextilhas_. + +It might be said of that marvellous poet Victor Hugo that he is not +for exportation: the tendency has been for those who lack his genius +to take shelter in his defects. Since one of his earliest followers, +CLAUDIO JOSÉ NUNES (1831-75), published _Scenas Contemporaneas_ +(1873) his influence has been very marked in Portugal and manifests +itself in the grandiloquence, over-emphasis, and love of antithesis +of much of Snr. ABILIO MANUEL GUERRA JUNQUEIRO’S work. The greatest +of Portugal’s living poets was born at Freixo de Espada á Cinta in +1850 and was thus a small child when Hugo’s poems _Les Contemplations_ +(1856) and _La Légende des Siècles_ (1859) appeared. After studying +law at Coimbra he was returned to Parliament in 1878. Enthusiastically +revolutionary until 1910, he became Portuguese Minister at Berne in the +following year, but retired from the service of the Republic in 1914. +His first verses were published at the age of fourteen, _Duas paginas +dos quatorze annos_ (1864), and before he was twenty he had written +_Mysticae Nuptiae_ (1866), _Vozes sem Echo_ (1867), and _Baptismo do +Amor_ (1868), with a preface by Camillo Castello Branco. But it was +_A Morte de Dom João_ (1874), a poem or series of poems in which Don +Juan and Jehovah are attacked impartially, that brought him resounding +success, a success followed up and increased by _A Velhice do Padre +Eterno_ (1885) and, under the influence of the political crisis of +1890, _Finis Patriae_ (1890) and the play _Patria_, in which his eager +and vigorous patriotism found vent. In all these, as in the quieter +volume _A Musa em Ferias_ (1879), there is true poetry (as well as +unfailing sincerity and passionate sympathy for the oppressed), but it +has to be looked for. A weird ghostliness in _Finis Patriae_ and in the +_doido’s_ part in _Patria_ is accompanied by a strange and impressive +lilt in the rhythm[695] which corresponds to the haunting refrains of +some of the shorter poems. But there seemed a danger that on the wings +of applause, in political invective, and turgid rhetoric the poet +might allow his genius to be totally misdirected, and it is his most +remarkable achievement that in _Os Simples_ (1892) he laid all that +aside and returned to the simpler themes of peasant life which cast +a spell over some of the lyrics in _Finis Patriae_: harvesters, the +_linda boeirinha_ guiding her great oxen, the old shepherd with his +flute and crook on the scented hills, the _cavador_ going to his work +at cockcrow beneath the red morning star. _A Caminho_, the inimitable +opening poem, has a delicate inspiration which is masterly in its +restraint and ingenuous charm. It was well to rest on such laurels. In +two subsequent odes, _Oração ao Pão_ (1902) and _Oração á Luz_ (1904), +filled with a vague music, Snr. Guerra Junqueiro’s poetry merges into +a mystic philosophy which he intends to express in prose. Some early +poems appeared in _Poesias Dispersas_ (1921). A victim of Victor Hugo +to whom it is not easy for a critic to do justice, is the Lisbon poet +ANTONIO DUARTE GOMES LEAL (1849-1921). His capacity is felt to be so +much greater than his achievement. The grandiloquence and declamatory +character of the verse in his first volume, _Claridades do Sul_ (1875), +are accentuated in subsequent works: _A Fome de Camões_ (1880), _A +Historia de Jesus_ (1883), _O Fim de um Mundo_ (1900), _A Mulher de +Luto_ (1902). His satire here, as in _Satyras Modernas_ (1899), or +the biting sonnets of _Mefistófeles em Lisboa_ (1907), is sincerely +indignant but too often based on ignorance. In _O Anti-Christo_ +(1884) it voices the eternal revolt against false civilization and +materialism. This, the most celebrated of his works, presents a strange +medley of persons, from Barabbas to Tolstoi and Huysmans, who have +this in common that they all declaim in hollow sonorous Alexandrines. +Science, saints, Hebrew prophets, Chinese philosophers, the eleven +thousand Virgins pass in a vision before the Anti-Christ and converse +with him. It is as if a Goethe without genius had written the second +part of _Faust_. But _Claridades do Sul_ contains poems in a totally +different kind, poems like _De Noute_ and _Os Lobos_, which seem to +have caught something of the pathos and simplicity of _Les Pauvres +Gens_, satire and _humorismo_ forgotten. In his descriptions of homely +scenes his verse becomes quiet, natural, and effective; after reading +the restrained and skilful _tercetos_ of _De Noute_ one is inclined to +wonder whether the secret of his comparative failure is that here was +an excellent Dutch genre-painter striving to be a high-flown Velazquez. +But certainly he has no lack of talent, imagination, and power of +expression in resonant verse. + +The cult of _saudade_ has been deliberately revived by a group of poets +in the north who have founded the school of _Saudosismo_, and in their +monthly _A Aguia_ and the _Renascença_ press seek to foster all that +is native in Portuguese literature. Their creed is a vague pantheism, +their poetry is often equally vague and lacking in individuality, +but they have the advantage of being remote from Lisbon and of not +concerning themselves with foreign schools, and can therefore be +natural and Portuguese. At the head of these poets Snr. JOAQUIM +TEIXEIRA DE PASCOAES (born in 1877) sings musically in an enchanted +land of mists and shadows of pantheism, _saudade_, and his native +Tras-os-Montes. Merging itself entirely in Nature, his poetry becomes +a wavering symphony[696] woven of night and silence. The vagueness +present in the lyrics of _Sempre_ (1897), _Terra prohibida_ (1899), +_Jesus e Pan_ (1903), _Vida Etherea_ (1906), _As Sombras_ (1907), is +more marked in his longer poems _Marános_ (1911), in eighteen cantos, +and _Regresso ao Paraiso_ (1912), in twenty-two cantos of monotonous +blank verse. But Nature is justified of her child, and _Marános_, like +a mountain-stream threading its transparent pools, shows abundantly +that the author has also the power of condensing a picture into a +single line. To this group belong Snr. MARIO BEIRÃO (born in 1891), +whose verse in _O Ultimo Lusiada_ (1913) and _Ausente_ (1915) is strong +and concrete; Snr. AFONSO DUARTE (born in 1896), Snr. AUGUSTO CASIMIRO, +author of _Para a Vida_ (1906), _A Victoria do Homem_ (1910), and _A +Evocação da Vida_ (1912), and other young writers of promise. + +Few if any of the younger poets have found in Portugal so ready a +reception for their work as ANTONIO NOBRE (1867-1900), whether this +be due to the all-pervading melancholy, _saudades de tudo_, to the +metrical skill, or to the haunting intensity of his verse. In a series +of poems written between 1884 and 1894 he combined the dreams of a +student at Coimbra, _a lendaria Coimbra_, the home-sickness of a +Portuguese in Paris, and a real sympathy for the poor and miserable. +In these poems of suffering and disillusion, published under the title +_Só_ (1892), a strange alternation of ingenuousness and satanism, +fantastic visions and serene simplicity, genuine poetry and sheer +prose, refrains of rustic gaiety and of morbid sentiment, produces +a certain measure of originality. He can fit his pliant metres to +his will, mould them like wax, and if the book contains no perfect +poems this is partly due to a deliberate intention to reflect his own +incoherent moods and to an evident pleasure in incongruous effects. A +second volume, of poems written between 1895 and 1899, _Despedidas_ +(1902), appeared posthumously. + +The permanent Secretary of the Lisbon Academy of Sciences, Colonel +CRISTOVAM AYRES (born in 1853), has won distinction in many fields. +Well known as an historian of the army (_Historia Organica e Politica +do Exercito Portuguez_, 8 vols., 1896-1908) and as a critic, he has +also written short stories and volumes of verse which have placed +him in the front rank of the living Parnassian poets of Portugal. In +_Indianas_ (1878), _Intimas_ (1884), _Anoitecer_ (1914), and _Cinzas +ao Vento_ (1921), he displays great technical skill, especially +in the reproduction of still scenes as in the sonnets _Paizagem_, +_Aguarella_, or _Ao luar_. The Parnassian verse of JOAQUIM DE ARAUJO +(1858-1917) in _Lyra Intima_ (1881), _Occidentaes_ (1888), and _Flores +da Noite_ (1894) has a narcotic spell, a slow lulling music. And there +is real opium in the pliant melodies of ANTONIO FEIJÓ (1862-1917), +during sixteen years Portuguese Minister at Stockholm, in _Lyricas e +Bucolicas_ (1884) and _Ilha dos Amores_ (1897). The words are heavy +with sleep like cistus flowers: _Astros das noites limpidas velae-vos_ +or _A neve cae na terra lentamente_ (_les lourds flocons des neigeuses +années_). This perfection of metre is seen at its highest in his +_Cancioneiro Chinez_ (1890), translations from the French _Livre de +Jade_ (1867), itself a translation by Judith Gautier from various +Chinese poets. The poems of JOÃO DINIZ, in _Aquarellas_ (1889); MANUEL +DUARTE DE ALMEIDA (1844-1914), in _Estancias ao Infante Henrique_ +(1889), _Ramo de Lilazes_ (1887), and _Terra e Azul_; Snr. Manuel da +Silva Gayo, in _Novos Poemas_ (1906); Snr. Julio Brandão, in _Saudades_ +(1893), in which he weaves the _linho luarento das saudades_, _O +Jardim da Morte_ (1898) and _Nuvem de Oiro_ (1912); Snr. FAUSTO GUEDES +TEIXEIRA (born in 1872), in his remarkable _O Meu Livro, 1896-1906_ +(1908); Snr. LUIZ OSORIO, in _Neblinas_ (1884), _Poemas Portuguezes_ +(1890), and _Alma lyrica_ (1891); Snr. GUILHERME DE SANTA RITA in +_Vacillantes_ (1884) and _O Poema de um Morto_ (1897), and indeed of a +great _caterva vatum_,[697] belong to this school. The chiselling of +faultless sonnets has become a mannerism, but the critic who recalls +the vague and often slipshod diffuseness of earlier romantic poems +pauses before condemning. Perhaps it may be possible in time to combine +the cunning artifice of the verse-cutter with thought and a breath of +life and Nature. + +The CONDE DE MONSARAZ (1852-1913) wrote some pleasant regional +verse in _Musa Alemtejana_ (1908), in which he describes life in the +_charnecas_ (moors) and _herdades_ (estates) of Alentejo: the sound of +the well-wheel among orange-trees, the ringing of _trindades_, the long +lines of women hoeing, the old herdsman singing melancholy _fados_, +the smoking _açorda_ of the workmen’s meals, the storks fleeing from +the July heat, the processions to pray for rain. The same out-of-door +air and fullness of treatment pervade the work of Snr. AUGUSTO GIL, +with a more popular strain, in _Musa Cerula_ (1894), _Versos_ (1901), +_Luar de Janeiro_ (1909), _Sombra de Juno_ (1915), _Alba Plena_ (1916), +Snr. JOSÉ COELHO DA CUNHA’S _Terra do Sol_ (1911) and _Vilancetes_ +(1915),[698] and D. BRANCA DE GONTA COLLAÇO’S _Canções do Meio Dia_ +(1912). A more vigorous talent, also, is that of Snr. JOÃO DE BARROS +in _Algas_ (1899), _Entre a Multidão_ (1902), _Dentro da Vida_ (1904), +_Terra Florida_ (1909), and _Anteu_ (1912). At the head of the +Portuguese Symbolists (their symbolism has been rather external than +philosophic) stands Snr. EUGENIO DE CASTRO (born in 1869). He wished, +while retaining perfection of form, to fill it with a new imagery and +colour, and that his verse in describing Nature through his sensations +should remain detached and impersonal: the poet is _uma sombra saudosa +d’outras sombras_. The success achieved in _Oaristos_ (1890) was +strikingly maintained in _Sagramor_ (1895), _O Rei Galaor_ (1897), +_Constança_ (1900), _Depois da Ceifa_ (1901), _A Sombra do Quadrante_ +(1906), _O Annel de Polycrates_ (1907), _O Filho Prodigo_ (1910), and +the twenty-one sonnets of _Camafeus Romanos_ (1921). His versification +is not sufficiently varied (a defect naturally less apparent in the +shorter poems), his rare words and rhymes often have a cumbrous air, +but a real fire occasionally runs through the cold monotony of his +verse, lighting up its heavy jewels with a glow almost of life. If +it is sometimes an echo of Baudelaire, it is a Baudelaire thoroughly +acclimatized.[699] His debt was not wholly to French Parnassian or +Symbolist, for he had also drunk deep of Greek and German literature. +His originality in modern Portuguese poetry is a very real one. Yet +it is a pleasure to pass from verse often so perfect, always so +artificial, to the more natural poems of two younger writers. Snr. +ANTONIO CORRÊA DE OLIVEIRA (born in 1880) in his _Auto do Fim do Dia_ +(1900), _Raiz_ (1903), and _Auto de Junho_ (1904) shows a true lyrical +gift, an inspiration of the soil, of the quatrains of popular poetry: + + Passou Maio taful, Maio magano, + E por onde passou nasceram rosas. + +In his later works, _Alma Religiosa_ (1910), _Auto das Quatro Estações_ +(1911), _Os Teus Sonetos_ (1914), _A Minha Terra_ (1916), the effect is +sometimes strained or marred by an almost morbid iteration. Snr. AFONSO +LOPES VIEIRA (born in 1878) displays a genuine talent in _O Naufrago_ +(1898), _O Encoberto_ (1905), _Ar Livre_ (1906), and _O Pão e as Rosas_ +(1908). _Ilhas de Bruma_ (1918) is filled with the rhythm of the sea +and with the traditions and native poetry of Portugal. There is a +certain strength as well as a subtle music about his verse which is of +good promise for the future. Whatever that future may be for Portuguese +literature, Portugal will join the more worthily in the great literary +age which will eventually spring from years of terrific upheaval if she +studies and utilizes her full heritage of prose and verse. There is +the less excuse now for its neglect since the devoted labour of many +Portuguese scholars is rendering it yearly more accessible. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[680] The incomplete list in the _Dicc. Bibliog._, vol. viii. records +forty-four published in 1865 and 1866. These include Julio de +Castilho’s _O Senhor Antonio Feliciano de Castilho e O Senhor Anthero +de Quental_ (1865, 2ᵃ ed., 1866), R. Ortigão’s _Litteratura d’Hoje_ +(1866), Snr. Braga’s _As Theocracias Litterarias_ (1865), Quental’s +_A Dignidade das Lettras_ (1865), and C. Castello Branco’s _Vaidades +irritadas e irritantes_ (1866). + +[681] The _outeiro_ (lit. ‘hill’) was an assembly of poets to _glosar +motes_. Often the gathering-place was outside a convent, from the +windows of which the nuns gave the _motes_ for the poets to gloss. + +[682] Historical research and compilation are carried on by Snr. +Fortunato de Almeida in his _Historia da Igreja em Portugal_ (1910, +&c.), and by Snr. Afonso de Dornellas (_Historia e Genealogia_, 1913, +&c.). Snr. Lucio de Azevedo, well known for his studies of Pombal (_O +Marquez de Pombal e a sua epoca_, 1909) and Antonio Vieira (_Historia +de Antonio Vieira_, 2 vols., 1918, 21), is a Brazilian. + +[683] For the works of these and other authors here mentioned consult +the Bibliography. + +[684] It was published, with the necessary explanations, in two volumes +(1874). + +[685] In this most delicate upholstery, if Wedgwood and Baedeker (as +well as Maple and Mappin) are introduced, they should surely be spelt +correctly. + +[686] _The Athenaeum_ in 1872 announced that Lord Stanley of Alderney +was preparing a translation of _As Pupillas_. According to a letter +of Julio Diniz (March 25, 1868), ‘an Englishman, a relation of Lord +Stanley, who is here [Oporto] studying the history of the Portuguese +discoveries’, had expressed a wish to translate it. The translation was +never published. The date of the first Portuguese edition is 1867. It +was dramatized at Lisbon in 1868. + +[687] e.g. a girl, Rosario, in _Amor Divino_, is +described--annihilated--with the assistance of Cybele, Goya, the Venus +of Milo, Reynolds, Shakespeare. Cf. the names, from Descartes to +Darwin, in _O Conto do Gallo_. + +[688] _Comedia do Campo_, vol. vi. + +[689] Vol. vii. + +[690] Pathology, religious and social, crops up in the later novels +of Snr. Vieira da Costa, _Irmã Celeste_ (1904), _A Familia Maldonado_ +(1908); yet his earlier work, _Entre Montanhas_ (1903), a story of +contemporary life in the high-lying vine-lands of Douro written in +1899, was more original. The modern Portuguese novelists are nearly, +although not quite, as numerous as the poets. José de Caldas is the +author of _Os Humildes_ (1900) and _Cartas de um Vencido_ (1910), D. +João de Castro of _Os Malditos_ (1894) and _A Deshonra_, in which a +strange situation is too long drawn out. + +[691] He wrote under the name Bernardo de Pindella or Bernardo Pinheiro. + +[692] In novels intimately connected with the Portuguese soil such +expressions as _colorido gritante_ (_criard_), _lunchar_ (to partake +of luncheon), _endomingado_ (_endimanché_) are more than ever out of +place. The authoress has written other stories: _Capital Bemdito_ +(1910), _Fé_ (a Socialist novel), _Inocente_ (1916), _A Praga_ (1917). + +[693] A _conto_ written by Snr. Julio de Lemos in 1905 bears the same +title. + +[694] de Quental or do Quental. See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, _Lições +de Philologia Portuguesa_ (1911), p. 125 _ad fin._ + +[695] e.g. _Tive castellos, fortalezas pelo mundo.... Não tenho casa, +não tenho pão._ The cadence here, as in many of Snr. Guerra Junqueiro’s +lines, is singularly arresting. The tendency to morbid repetition is +exaggerated in _Patria_ and has influenced many younger poets, as +Snr. Corrêa de Oliveira and, especially, Antonio Nobre. The reader +is credited with no imagination and the effect is diminished. For +instance, in _Patria_: _deixa-me dormir, Dormir em paz ... dormir!_ +That is excellent; but the word _dormir_ is then again thrice repeated, +until the reader sleeps. + +[696] In details his ear is not faultless. Cf. the unscannable line _E +que na corda do remorso enforçou Judas_ (unless this is deliberately +onomatopoeic). + +[697] Without counting those of Brazil, which had an exquisite +word-chiseller in the poet OLAVO BILAC (1865-1918), author of +_Panoplias_ and other verse published in _Poesias_ (1888, Nova ed. +1904). + +[698] He is the son of Snr. ALFREDO CARNEIRO DA CUNHA (born in +1863), whose _Versos_ (1900) contains the poignant lines _A uma +creança morta_, which recall Coventry Patmore and the pathos of Dr. +Robert Bridges’ _On a Dead Child_. The earlier edition, _Endeixas e +Madrigaes_, appeared in 1891. + +[699] The word _Nephelibatas_ (= Cloud-treaders), formerly applied to +poets of the decadent school in Portugal, is now seldom heard. + + + + + APPENDIX + + + + + § 1 + + Literature of the People + + +Side by side with literature proper there has always existed in +Portugal a literature of the people. Indeed, before Portuguese poetry +was written it flourished on the lips of the people, in the songs of +the women. Sometimes this popular literature almost coalesced with +written literature, as in the case of the _cossantes_ in the thirteenth +century. Its poetry lent a glow and magic to the work of Gil Vicente +and later to some of the lyrics of Camões; its proverbial lore was +reproduced in Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ prose plays and later +by D. Francisco Manuel de Mello; in indigenous folk-tales Trancoso +found part of his material. Eighteenth-century writers neglected it, +but Filinto Elysio returned to popular sources, and in the nineteenth +century they inspired two great poets, Almeida Garrett and João de +Deus. Literature and illiteracy have often gone hand in hand. In +Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ _Eufrosina_ (Act III, sc. ii) we read of +the workwoman (_lavrandeira_) who ‘sings _de solao_, composes songs, +loves to learn _trovas_ by heart, gives a schoolboy farthings to buy +cherries in return for reading _autos_ to her’; and the _Pratica de +Tres Pastores_ gives us a picture of an old peasant reading out from +the Bible[700] of an evening to the whole village: + + Esse velhinho + Tinha hum cartapolinho + Feito de letra de mão + Em papel de pergaminho, + E chamava-se o feitinho + Do livro da creação. + E então + Que sempre cada serão + Á noyte depois da cea + Com oculos á candea + O lia por devoção + A toda a gente d’aldea. + +The popular appetite for _autos_, simple Christmas plays, legends of +saints, and for long vague _romances_ never flagged, and some of the +literature written to satisfy it, by Balthasar Diaz and others, is +reprinted and hawked about the country in _folhas volantes_ at the +present day, as Diaz’ _Historia da Imperatriz Porcina_ (Porto, 1906)--a +_romance_ of some 1,500 octosyllables in -_ía_--and his _Tragedia do +Marques de Mantua_. The prose _Verdadeira Historia do Imperador Carlos +Magno_ (Porto, 1906) is the last descendant of Nicolas Piamonte’s +Spanish translation (from the French original) _Carlomagno_, printed at +Seville in 1525 and at Alcalá in 1570, or rather of Jeronimo Moreira +de Carvalho’s Portuguese version (2 pts., 1728, 37). It is an instance +of the Portuguese delight in strange, even fantastic, but in any +case foreign, themes. The _Verdadeira Historia da Donzella Theodora_ +(Porto, 1911), daughter of a merchant of Babylon, was introduced from +the East and was translated by Carlos Ferreira from the Spanish (1524) +and published at Lisbon in 1735. The _Verdadeira Historia do Grande +Roberto Duque de Normandia e Imperador de Roma_ (Porto, 1912) is a +belated echo of the French story of Robert le Diable, which also came +to Portugal through Spain (Burgos, 1509). The _Verdadeira Historia da +Princeza Magalona_ (Porto, 1912) has a similar derivation from France +(14th or 15th c.) through Spain (Sevilla, 1519), and retains its +popularity as a record of unswerving constancy _na fe e na virtude_. +The _Verdadeira Historia de João de Calais_, reprinted at Oporto in +1914, is also undisguisedly foreign. The story of _Flores e Branca +Fror_, last offshoot (a ‘vile extract’ Menéndez y Pelayo called it) +of the charming Greek tale which came originally from the East,[701] +was mentioned by several poets (King Dinis, Joan de Guilhade, the +Archpriest of Hita) in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries[702] and +in the _Gran Conquista_ _de Ultramar_ (13th c.), and was condemned +by Luis Vives. The prose story copied by Boccaccio in his _Filocolo_ +is still popular in Portugal and Galicia. There is an edition printed +at Oporto in 1912: _Historia de Flores e Branca-Flor, seus amores e +perigos que passaram por Flores ser mouro e Branca-Flor christã_. +García Ferreiro refers to _a historia de Branca Fror_ as recited at a +Galician _escasula_.[703] Most of these popular threepenny leaflets +are very quaintly illustrated on the title-page. The woodcut on the +1912 edition of _Flores e Branca-Flor_ is worth many an epic.[704] The +portrait of Robert le Diable (1912 ed.) represents no less a person +than Napoleon III, and the ‘true likeness of the beautiful Princess +Magalona’[705] (1912 ed.) is Queen Alexandra. These _folhas volantes_ +of the _literatura de cordel_ with many _farsas_, such as _Manoel +Mendes_ by Antonio Xavier Ferreira de Azevedo (1784-1814), reprinted +at Oporto in 1878, and various progeny of the ingenious Bertoldo, as +_Astucias de Mengoto_, _Industrias de Malandrino_ (both Porto, 1879), +_Astucias de Zanguizarra_ (Porto, 1878), _Vida de Cacasseno_ (Porto, +1904), contain little of the real people and less of literature. More +indigenous, but still attracting by virtue of its foreign episodes, is +the _Auto_, _Livro_ (1554?), _Historia_ or _Tratado do Infante D. Pedro +que andou as quatro (sete) partidas do mundo_, which is attributed to +Gomez de Santo Estevam, one of the prince’s attendants in his long +travels, and of which the first known edition (1547) is in Spanish. It +has been constantly reprinted and, with romances of chivalry, formed +the education of the notary in _O Hyssope_.[706] Nor do the _Trovas do +Bandarra_ belong to literature, although these verses of the cobbler +prophet of Trancoso, GONÇALO ANNEZ BANDARRA (†1556?), which caused him +to figure in one of the earliest trials before the Inquisition (1541) +and were subsequently interpreted as referring to the return of King +Sebastian, exercised the fancy of the people and even the wits of the +educated for some three centuries. Forbidden in Portugal, they were +printed abroad, probably at Paris in 1603, at Nantes in 1644, Barcelona +1809, London 1810 and 1815. It was not until 1852 (Porto) that an +_Explicação_ of them could be published in Portugal. Their interest was +then much diminished, since the thirty scissors of the verse, + +Augurai gentes vindouras +Que o Rey que de vos ha de hir +Vos ha de tornar a vir +Passadas trinta tesouras, + +had been thought to signify the year 1808, i.e. thirty closed scissors += 30 × 8: 240 years after King Sebastian began to reign (1568). A more +reasonable computation would have been from Alcacer Kebir (_de vos ha +de hir_) = 1818, or, if the scissors were open: ✂ (10), = 1878. Many +sought to connect with Bandarra’s prophecies the sayings of Simão +Gomez (1516-76), the ‘Holy Cobbler’, and his biography, written by +the Jesuit MANUEL DA VEIGA (1567-1647), _Tratado da Vida, Virtudes e +Doutrina Admiravel de Simão Gomes, vulgarmente chamado o Çapateiro +Santo_ (1625), a book in more than one respect singular and charming, +was burnt by the public hangman at Lisbon in 1768 in ‘Black Horse +Square’. The 1759 edition had received the ordinary _licenças_. But +farther afield, deeper in the heart of the people and far more ancient, +exists another literature. Writers who have gone to this source have +never come away unrewarded. Their work has gained a freshness and a +charm[707] which the most successful disciples of imported learning +and latinity have in vain attempted to rival, and gives the reader +the impression that if he is not plucking the bough of gold he is not +far from the tree on which it grows. And the reason is, perhaps, that +the Portuguese people still retains an element pre-Christian, even +pre-Roman, an element which goes back to solar myths and pagan beliefs, +and about which hangs a primaeval mystery and wonder, a glamour and +enchantment born of direct contact with the forces of Nature, and the +worship, fear, and propitiation of many unseen powers and divinities. A +great part of the people still inhabits a region of fiery dragons and +apples of gold, and with ready imagination peoples streams and woods, +sea and air with spirits. December and June are connected with the +birth and supremacy of the sun’s power, and paganism, thinly disguised, +survives in several of the ceremonies of the Christian Church, and +serves to increase the Church’s hold on the minds of the people. +Both the songs and the dancing with which it was accompanied were no +doubt originally religious. The movements of the dance seem to have +influenced the song, so that its metre was divided by real feet. When +the Archbishop of Braga, Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres, was visiting +his diocese in the sixteenth century he was met by Minhoto peasants +with _danças e folias_ and with _cantigas que entoavam entre as voltas +e saltos dos bailes_,[708] songs evidently similar to those in the +works of Gil Vicente, with _leixapren_ and refrain (_aaxbbx_[709] +or _abxbcx_).[710] The _volta_ would correspond in action to the +_leixapren_[711] of the song, the _salto_ to the refrain. The origin of +the refrain was perhaps the pause (preceded by a final leap into the +air) made by the breathless dancers, as in the words _no penedo_ of +this version of ‘The House that Jack Built’: _Quaes foram os perros que +mataram os lobos que comeram as cabras que roeram o bacello que posera +João preto no penedo._[712] The phrase _ver cantar_, ‘to see these +songs sung’, might be defended.[713] + +In modern times the refrain has not been entirely lost, it occurs +occasionally, e.g. _Valhame Deus_, or _Valhame Deus e a Virgem Maria_, +but the usual song is a refrainless quatrain rhyming in the second and +fourth lines, perhaps originally a distich broken up into four lines +like the sixteen-syllable lines of the old _romances_, and from which +the refrain has disappeared. It is essentially a love song: instead of +the song of the people, sung to the tread of dancing feet, the song of +the love-lorn individual, sung to the strumming of his guitar or of the +professional _cantadeira_ at a rustic pilgrimage. But they are also +sung by the people generally, often by women[714] who can neither read +nor write but have a large stock of these _cantigas_, which, indeed, +are almost innumerable. They may be read in their thousands in Antonio +Thomaz Pires’ _Cantos Populares Portuguezes_ (4 vols., Elvas, 1902-10), +Dr. Theophilo Braga’s _Cancioneiro Popular Portuguez_ (2 vols., +Lisboa, 1911, 1913), Snr. Jaime Cortesão’s _Cancioneiro Popular_ +(Porto, 1914), and in other collections, and hundreds of thousands die +uncollected and unknown. Although it is perhaps a pity that all the +popular poetical talent should tend to adapt itself to one mould--the +quatrain--their brevity is excellent in that it imposes concision. +Their thought has to be expressed in some twenty words, although they +are rarely epigrammatic in the sense of the modern epigram. Some are +geographical, or local, in praise of some town or village, river or +fountain. Many are religious, that is, they combine love and religion +in honour of the Lady of the Hills, the Star, the Snows, the Rosary, +the Sands, Pity, Affliction, Health, Hope, or in honour of saints, +and especially of the three popular saints of June: St. Anthony, St. +John, and St. Peter. Others are devoted to special festivals: Christmas +(_Natal_), the New Year (_Anno Bom_), the Epiphany (_Os Reis_), the +Resurrection.[715] The majority are concerned with Nature, either +generally or in detail. Sometimes they are frankly pantheistic, more +often they content themselves with singing the praises of a favourite +flower, rosemary, myrtle, the rose, and especially the carnation--the +red _cravos_ which glow in doorway or window-ledge of countless houses +and cottages in June. Among the birds the swallow,[716] ‘the bird of +the Lord’, as the peasants call it, is rare--perhaps its rhyme is +disdained as too easy--the parrot, the dove, and the nightingale are +far commoner. Numerous _cantigas_ are concerned with the sea, fewer +with the sun, the stars, superstitions, witches, sirens; many with +dancing and various occupations--the herdsman (_ganadeiro_), yokel +(_ganhão_), shepherd (_pastor_), harvesters (_ceifeiros_, _ratinhos_, +_malteses_, _mondadeiras_). But of course the principal subject +is love, jealousy, separation, constancy, _saudade_, satire. The +occasional presence of a French word, e.g. _négligé_ or _cache-nez_, +is not necessarily a proof that the _cantiga_ in question is not of +popular origin, but merely that it is urban. Of many _cantigas_ the +first line consists simply of a long-drawn _Ailé_ (αἴλινον, αἴλινον +εἰπέ, τὸ δ’ εὖ νικάτω) or _Ai lari lari lolé_ (where the fanatic of +Basque can find _il_ (= dead) as easily as in the refrain of C. V. +415), so that they really consist of three lines, the _ailé_ being +introductory. + +Some of the quatrains rise to real poetical beauty, and most of +them are charmingly spontaneous, forming in their unpremeditated +art the natural song-book of a nation of poets. The number in print +already approaches fifty thousand. In the mass they perhaps produce a +monotonous effect, being mostly of the one pattern, despite the variety +of their contents: + + Tudo o que é verde se seca Em vindo o pino do verão: + Só meu amor reverdece Dentro do meu coração.[717] + + Inda que o lume se apague Na cinza fica o calor: + Inda que o amor se ausente No coração fica a dor.[718] + + Os tres reis foram guiados Por uma estrella do ceu: + Tambem teus olhos guiaram Meu coração para o teu.[719] + +A few links in these modern _cantigas_ carry us back to the songs in +Gil Vicente’s plays and beyond: a dialogue between mother and daughter, +a reference to dancing _de terreiro_, _balho_, dance and song, to the +_casada_, _mas mal casada_, or _i-a_ sequence, as _Filho da Virgem +Maria_ (_Sagrada_). Other links in the popular literature throughout +the ages are the riddles (_adivinhas_) at which Gil Vicente’s shepherds +played in the _Auto Pastoril Castelhano_ (the example given in João de +Barros’ _Grammatica_ (1540) is: + + Ainda o pae não é nado + Já o filho anda pelo telhado (1785 ed., p. 176) + +--the father is still unborn and the son is on the roof: a fire and +its smoke; modern instances are printed in Dr. Theophilo Braga’s +_Cancioneiro Popular Portuguez_, vol. i (1913), pp. 363-70); the +lullabies (cf. the modern _Ró ró, meu menino, Dorme e descansa, Tu es +meu alivio E a minha esperança_ with Gil Vicente’s _Ro, ro, ro, Nuestro +Dios y Redentor, No lloreis_, &c., i. 57); the _cantigas de Anno Bom_; +the ‘pagan _janeiras_’, as Filinto Elysio called them; the _cantigas +dos Reis_, the _alvoradas_, the _maios_. The _alva_ or _alvorada_ +should properly contain the word _alva_ in the refrain, as in C. V. +172, or Guiraut de Bornelh’s + + Qu’el jorn es apropchatz, + Qu’en Orien vey l’estela creguda + Qu’adutz lo jorn, qu’ieu l’ai ben conoguda, + Et ades sera l’alba. + +(For day is near, and high in the East appears the star that brings in +the day: I know it well, and soon it will be dawn.) The theme is the +parting of lovers at dawn: + + Wilt thou be gone? it is not yet near day.... + +A Catalan _alba-cossante_ is given in Milá y Fontanals’ _Romancerillo +Catalán_[720]: + + Marieta lleva’t lleva’t de mati + Que l’aygua es clara, el sol vol sortir. + Como m’en llevaré si gipo no tinch? + Marieta lleva’t, de mati lleva’t, + Que el sol vol sortir, que l’aygua es clara. + Como, &c. + +An example of a Galician _mayo_, that is, a song introducing the _Mayo_ +or May-boy (corresponding to our Queen of the May), is given in Milá’s +article in vol. vi of _Romania_. It closely resembles that of Gil +Vicente (_Este é o Mayo, o Mayo é este_) in the _Auto da Lusitania_: + + Este é o Mayo que Mahiño é, + Este é o Mayo que anda d’o pé. + O noso Mayo anque pequeniño + Da de comer á Virxen d’o Camiño. + Velay o Mayo cargado de rosas, + Velay o Mayo que las trae más hermosas. + +It then breaks into a _muiñeira_ (in Castilian): + + Ángeles somos, del cielo venimos (bajamos), + Si nos dais licencia a la Reina le pedimos (la cantamos). + +To the _janeiras_ more than one classical author alludes. Mello +(_Epan._ i) thus notices them at Evora on New Year’s Eve, 1638, before +the house in which the Conde de Linhares was lodged: _a fim de se lhe +cantarem certas Bençoens & Rogatiuas (costume de nossos anciãos que +com nome de Janeiras entoavam placidamente pelas portas dos mais caros +amigos) se congregou grande numero de pouo_.[721] Some _romances_ +(also _xacara_, _xacra_, and in the Azores _arabia_) have been printed +direct from the lips of the people by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos in +his _Romanceiro Portuguez_ (1886). The degenerate, more modern, and +subjective form of the _romance_ is the _fado_, a ballad (melancholy +as the old _solao_[722]), composed by the professional _fadistas_ of +the towns. The _fado_ is even more modern than the _modinha_ (end of +eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century). It dates from the +first third of the nineteenth century, and has not even now penetrated +to the south, being indeed largely a Lisbon product. It may be composed +in verses of four (_quadras_), five (_quintilhas_), or ten (_decimas_) +lines. + +The individual in the favourite _quadras_ expresses his personal sorrow +and his love; the immemorial lore of the Portuguese people as a whole +survives less in them than in the no less numerous proverbs--_um bosque +de muitas e varias maneiras de adagios_. There is scarcely a Portuguese +writer whose works do not furnish a goodly crop of these proverbs, +often in evidently popular form, sometimes betraying their Spanish +origin in the rhyme. They have been collected in Antonio Delicado’s +_Adagios Portugueses_ (1651), in _Adagios_ (1841), _Philosophia +Proverbial_ (1882), and elsewhere. The language is full of proverbial +phrases, and most Portuguese could at will conceal their meaning +from a foreigner in a maze of idiomatic expressions. The variety of +their names is sufficient proof of the extraordinary number of the +proverbs. They are crystallizations of some forgotten fable or event +(_adagios_)[723] or of a more personal anecdote (_anexins_), or +the refrain of a long-lost song (_rifões_).[724] Or they are moral +(_maximas_ and _sentenças_), biblical (_proverbios_), satirical +(_dictados_ or _ditados_, _ditos_). Many of them embody the wisdom of +the ages in a form admirably concise and forcible, e.g. _Quem muito +abarca pouco abraça_ (which is the very reverse of Portuguese history: +_e nulla stringe e tutto ’l mondo abbraccia_), or _Até ao lavar das +cestas é vindima._ Many of course correspond more or less closely to +those of other countries, e.g. _Muitos enfeitadores estragão a noiva_ +(Too many cooks spoil the broth), _Gato escaldado de agua fria ha medo_ +(The burnt child fears the fire); _Manhan ruiva, ou vento ou chuva_ +(= _Alba gorri, hegoa edo uri_); _Pedra movediça não cria bolor_ (= +_Pierre qui roule n’amasse pas mousse_).[725] Many of these saws as +well as the _contos_ (folk-tales) have their birth at _fiandões_ as +the women sit spinning, or as _nossas velhas_ sit at their cottage +doors and gossip in the sun (_soalheiro_), or as all gather round the +spacious _lareira_. After the day’s work on the farm, in field and +granary, to the sound of singing, legend and tradition come into their +own of an evening round the great fire of logs and scented brushwood. +The _contos_ have been collected by Z. Consiglieri Pedroso, _Portuguese +Folk Tales_ (London, 1882); F. Adolpho Coelho, _Contos Populares +Portuguezes_ (Lisboa, 1879); Dr. Theophilo Braga, _Contos Tradicionaes +do Povo Portuguez_ (2 vols., Porto, 1883); F. X. de Athaide Oliveira, +_Contos Tradicionaes do Algarve_ (2 vols., Tavira, 1900, 5). As +was to be expected, they have their equivalents in the folklore of +other nations, a fact which does not prevent them from possessing an +indigenous character, a charm and flavour of their own. The glowing +imagination of the peasants spins out fairy and allegorical tales with +marvellous facility. Thus old Mother Poverty (_Tia Miseria_) owned a +pear-tree in front of her cottage, and had obtained the privilege that +whoever went up it to steal her pears should be unable to come down. +When Death comes she asks him to fetch her one more pear. Once up the +tree all the priests and lawyers cannot bring him down, and only when +he agrees to the bargain that Poverty shall never die is she willing to +release him. + +A great part of the popular literature has been set down in cold +print during the last half-century. Much remains ungarnered. In every +province there are peculiar words, phrases, traditions, heirlooms of +times prehistoric, waiting to be gathered in, and both the Portuguese +literature and the Portuguese language of the future will owe a debt of +gratitude to their collectors, and find rich material in the pages of +the _Revista Lusitana_. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[700] The whole Bible in Portuguese was not translated until the +eighteenth century, by JOÃO FERREIRA DE ALMEIDA, _O Novo Testamento_ +(Amsterdam, 1681), _Do Velho Testamento_, 2 vols. (Batavia, 1748, +53). This is the version still commonly in use. Another translation, +entitled _Biblia Sagrada_, was made from the Vulgate at the end of the +eighteenth century by ANTONIO PEREIRA DE FIGUEIREDO (1725-97), author +of some fifty theological and historical works in Latin and Portuguese, +and a paraphrase (_Historia Evangelica_, 1777, 78, _Historia Biblica_, +1778-82) by Frei FRANCISCO DE JESUS MARIA SARMENTO (1713-90). See C. +Michaëlis de Vasconcellos et S. Berger, _Les Bibles Portugaises_ in +_Romania_, xxviii (1899), pp. 543-8: _La littérature portugaise est +en matière de traductions bibliques d’une pauvreté désespérante._ +The _Parocho Perfeito_ (1675) speaks of _os parochos que não tiverem +Biblias_ (p. 19). See also G. L. Santos Ferreira, _A Biblia em +Portugal, 1495-1850_ (L. 1906). + +[701] See _Floire et Blancheflor. Poèmes du xiiiᵉ siècle. Publiés +d’après les manuscrits ... par E. du Méril_, Paris, 1856. In the +original story Flores in a basket of roses enters the tower where +Brancaflor is imprisoned. Señor Bonilla y San Martín (_La Historia de +los dos Enamorados Flores y Blancaflor_, Madrid, 1916) attributes an +Italian origin to the Spanish prose story. The Spanish translation +probably dates from the fifteenth century. + +[702] For its popularity with the Provençal troubadours see Raynouard, +_Choix_, e. g. ii. 297, 304, 305. + +[703] _A historia de Branca Fror Outra saca a relocer_ (_Chorimas_ +(1890), p. 148). + +[704] It has been reproduced, from an earlier edition, in T. Braga, _Os +Livros Populares Portuguezes_ (_Era Nova_, vol. i, 1881). + +[705] At either side explanatory verses, the only verse in the leaflet, +tell us that ‘Magalona was the most beautiful of all contemporary +princesses, beloved daughter of the King of Naples, and her heart full +of goodness. She was a model of virtues, of pure beliefs and a loving +heart, married with Pierres, Pedro of Provence, a noble knight and +virtuous man.’ + +[706] One of the Elvas Chapter was _homem versado Na lição de Florinda +e Carlo Magno_. + +[707] This charm hangs over many anonymous lyrics of popular +inspiration, as the _Trovas da Menina Fermosa_, seventeenth or +eighteenth century variations of a sixteenth century song: _Menina +fermosa Dizei do que vem Que sejais irosa A quem vos quer bem; Porque +se concerta Rosto e condiçam Dais por galardam A pena mui certa. Sendo +tam fermosa Dizei_, &c. Even less genuinely popular are the _Trovas +do Moleiro_ (1602), written by an obscure native of Tangier, Luis +Brochado, and others. + +[708] Luis de Sousa, _Vida_, 1763 ed., i. 462. + +[709] e. g. _Em Belem vila do amor_ (i. 183). + +[710] e. g. _Que no quiero estar en casa_ (i. 73) (which is _como laa +cantaes co’ gado_, essentially a peasant’s song). + +[711] The _leixapren_ occurs in most of the songs accompanied by +dance in Gil Vicente: e. g. _Quem é a desposada_ (_chacota_, i. 147), +_Pardeus bem andou Castella_ (_em folia_) (ii. 389), _Ja não quer +minha senhora_ (ii. 439, _Esta cantiga cantarão e bailarão de terreiro +os foliões_). _Não me firaes madre_ (ii. 440, _em chacota_), _Mor +Gonçalves_ (ii. 509, _bailão ao som desta cantiga_), _Por Mayo era, por +Mayo_ (ii. 525, _a vozes bailarão e cantarão a cantiga seguinte_: i. e. +a _romance_ with _leixapren_ and refrain). They are thus a combination +of glee and dance. + +[712] Gil Vicente, _Obras_ (ii. 448). + +[713] _Não nas quero ver cantar_ (Gil Vicente) is, however, probably +a misprint, for which D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos suggests +_quer’ eu_. + +[714] Cf. J. Leite de Vasconcellos, _Ensaios Ethnographicos_, ii. 264: +_O povo (principalmente as mulheres) canta-as_ [_cantigas soltas_] _em +qualquer occasião_. + +[715] + + _Já os campos reverdecem, Já o alecrim tem flor, + Já cantam os passarinhos A resurreição do Senhor._ + +(Now to the fields returns the green and the rosemary’s in flower, and +the little birds are singing the Lord’s Resurrection hour). + +[716] + + _Ó triste da minha vida, Ó triste da vida minha, + Quem me dera ir contigo Onde tu vaes, andorinha._ + (O how sad my life is, O how sad my plight! + Would I might go with thee, swallow, in thy flight!) + +recalls the French _Si j’étais hirondelle Que je pusse voler, Sur votre +sein, ma belle, J’irais me reposer_ (A swallow I Would be to fly And +take my rest Upon thy breast). + +[717] All green things in summer Their freshness lose: Only my heart +Its love renews. + +[718] When the light of the fire is dead The ashes its heat retain: +When love is over and fled In the heart abides the pain. + +[719] To the three kings was given A star in heaven for sign: And thy +eyes have guided My heart unto thine. + +[720] Reprinted in his article in _Romania_, vol. vi, and by Dr. Braga. +_Aygua_ in the second line is probably a corruption from _alua_ (dawn) +to _agua_ (water). + +[721] Fernam Rodriguez Lobo Soropita, speaking of the _noites +privilegiadas_--the eves of New Year and Epiphany--refers to +_os villões ruins que essas noutes vos perseguem_ and to their +_pandeirinhos, musica de agua-pé que toda a noute vos zune nos ouvidos +como bizouro, e sobre tudo isto haveis de lhe offertar os vossos quatro +vintens, e quando lh’os entregais a candeia vos descobre o feitio dos +ditos musicos: um mocho com sombreiro com mais chocas que um corredor +de folhas_. They thus resembled Christmas ‘waits’. + +[722] The Spanish translator of _Eufrosina_ apparently derived this +name from musical notes (= a sung _romance_), since he translates _un +romance de sol la_, _Eufr._ i. 3; iii. 2 (_Oríg. de la Novela_, iii. +77 and 110), but even he would not derive it from the _selah_ of the +Psalms (T. Braga, _Hist. da Litt. Port._ i (1914), p. 205). In the +Spanish _solao_ in _Obras de Dom Manoel de Portugal_ (1605), Bk. XII, +pp. 282-7, each singer takes three lines, of which the last two rhyme +together. + +[723] Formerly _verbos_ (e.g. in the _Canc. da Vat._) and _exemplos_ +(_enxempros_). + +[724] The word _rifão_ does not now mean the refrain or burden +(_estribilho_) of a song but proverb, like the Spanish _refrán_. + +[725] There is another proverb _Mentras a pedra vae e vem Deus dará de +seu bem_ (While the [mill?] stone doth come and go God his blessing +shall bestow). + + + + + § 2 + + _The Galician Revival_ + + +For over four hundred years--with the exception of a few poems by +Padres José Sanchez Feijoo and Martín Sarmiento[726] in the eighteenth +century--the Galician language held aloof from literature. It was +peculiarly fitting that at a time when Portugal was recovering for +her own literature the early Galician lyrics, which are now one of its +most precious possessions, a new company of poets should have sprung +up in the region now, as of old, _fertil de poetas_[727]--Galicia. +They were no doubt multiplied and encouraged by the discovery of the +_Cancioneiros_, but began independently of these, in the wake of that +regionalism which manifested itself so vigorously in the second half +of the nineteenth century, for instance in Provence, Catalonia, and +Valencia. Besides their general character--the mingling of irony and +sentimental melancholy--and a few conscious imitations, the new poets +and the ancient _Cancioneiros_ present several striking similarities. +It is now some three-quarters of a century since regionalism in Galicia +assumed its first literary pretensions. In 1861 the poets had become +sufficiently numerous and distinguished to warrant the holding of +_Juegos Florales_ (_xogos froraes_) at La Coruña. JUAN MANUEL PINTOS +(1811-76) had published eight years earlier a small volume of verses, +_A Gaita Gallega_ (Pontevedra, 1853), and FRANCISCO AÑON (1817-78) had +contributed poems to various local newspapers. Añon led the life of +a wandering _jogral_ of old, and his occasional verses soon won him +popularity, so that he came to be regarded as the father of modern +Galician poetry. He could express his love for his native province in +the tender and melancholy stanzas (_abbcdeec_) _A Galicia_, and in his +other poems, at once ingenuous and satirical; he is also thoroughly +Galician and foreshadowed the poetry that was to follow. A leaflet +of his verses appeared in the year after his death, _Poesías_ (Noya, +1879), and a more satisfactory collection ten years later: _Poesías +Castellanas y Gallegas_ (1889). JOSÉ MARÍA POSADA Y PEREIRA (1817-86), +born at Vigo, the son of a Vigo advocate, published his first volume +of verses in 1865 and others were collected in _Poesías Selectas_ +(1888). The second part of this collection (pp. 111-250) is written +in Spanish, but the Galician poems include a series of letters in +octosyllabic verse, the wistful humour of which is attractive. Born in +the same year as Añon, he survived Rosalía de Castro, twenty years his +junior. He survived in disillusion, for he had been one of the pioneers +and now felt himself neglected in the changed conditions. When the +first floral games were celebrated the most talented of these early +poets, ALBERTO CAMINO (1821-61), had but a few months to live. Another +generation passed before his poems were published: _Poesías Gallegas_ +(1896). Camino was not a prolific writer, and this tiny book contains +but twelve of his poems; but there is not one of them that we would +willingly miss, whether he is giving harmonious form to a poignant +theme, as in _Nai Chorosa_ and _O Desconsolo_, or in lighter verses +describing with a contagious glow and spirit some scene of village +merriment, as in _A Foliada de San Joan_ or _Repique_. + +Galician patriots, indignant at the neglect or contempt habitually +meted out to their region, might persevere in their belief that the +language which had produced the _cantigas_ of King Alfonso X, the +Portuguese _Cancioneiros_, and the poems of Macías was capable of +revival as an instrument of poetry; but it was for the most part by +scattered poems, manuscript or printed in periodicals (especially the +Coruña paper _Galicia_, 1860-6), that they justified their faith, +until in 1863 appeared _Cantares Gallegos_ by ROSALÍA DE CASTRO[728] +(1837-85). The authoress, born at Santiago, was but twenty-six when +this collection of poems gave her a wider celebrity than has been +granted to any Galician writer since Macías. Emilio Castelar wrote a +preface for her second volume, _Follas Novas_ (1880), and hailed her +as ‘a star of the first order’. Indeed, so great was her fame as a +Galician singer that until recently it obscured her Spanish poems, +_En las orillas del Sar_ (1884). It was an unsought fame. Rosalía de +Castro wrote much more than she published and destroyed much that +was worth publishing. She sank herself in Galicia; her voice is that +of the Galician _gaita_ in all its varying moods. In her preface to +_Cantares Gallegos_ she wrote: ‘I have taken much care to reproduce +the true spirit of our people.’ That she succeeded in this all critics +are agreed. A favourite method in the _Cantares Gallegos_ is to take a +popular quatrain and develop it at some length, as, for instance, in +the beautiful variations on the lines _Airiños_, _airiños_, _aires_, +_Airiños_ _da miña terra_, _Airiños_, _airiños_, _aires_, _Airiños_, +_levaime á ela_.[729] Here, as throughout the book, there is such +yearning passionate sadness that we may say, in her own words, _non +canta que chora_. The sadness is of _soedade_ and brooding over her +country’s plight. She has felt all the peasants’ sorrows, the longing +of the emigrant for his country, the fate of the women at home who +find no rest from toil but in the grave,[730] above all the neglect +and poverty in which those sorrows centre--with the result of sons +torn from their families and scattered abroad to Castile and Portugal +and across the seas in search of bread. Her themes are thus often +homely; their treatment is always plaintive and musical. The metres +used are very various. The book opens with a chain of _muiñeiras_ +singing _Galicia frorida_, and the rhythmical beat of the _muiñeira_ +constantly recurs throughout. Nothing could serve better to express, as +she so marvellously expresses, the very soul of the Galician peasantry +in its gentle, dreaming wistfulness and tearful humour. Her style is +so thin and delicate, yet so flowing and natural, that it is more +akin, almost, to music than to language. Few writers have attained +such perfection without a trace of artifice. It is Galician--_esta +fala mimosa_[731]--seen at its best, clear, soft, and pliant, rising +in protest or reproach to a silvery eloquence. In _Follas Novas_ the +melancholy note is accentuated, without becoming morbid: the new leaves +are autumnal. The music of her sad and exquisite poetry had been forged +in the crucible of her own not imaginary suffering and grief, and in +these lyrics she utters her _inmortales deseios_ (immortal longings) +as well as the woes of the peasant women of Galicia, ‘widows of the +living and widows of the dead’. New metres are introduced, the old +skill and perfection of form is maintained. A few poems in the second +half even succeed in repeating that identification between the poet and +the genius of the people which makes much of _Cantares Gallegos_ almost +anonymous and assures its immortality. + +Midway between the publication of _Cantares Gallegos_ and _Follas +Novas_ appeared the first volume of Galician verse by the blind poet +of Orense, VALENTÍN LAMAS CARVAJAL (1849-1906). This book, _Espiñas, +Follas e Frores_ (1871), has remained the most popular of his +works.[732] He is a true poet of the soil (_poeta del terruño_), the +soil of Galicia which he sings with melancholy charm, and his verse is +filled with _soedades_. He complains of the peasant’s lot, protests +against its injustice and the tyranny of the _caciques_, laments +the drain on Galicia’s best forces through emigration and military +service, and his later work especially betrays a rustic cynicism and +disillusion. But the value both of his first book and of _Saudades +Gallegas_ (1889) and _A Musa d’as Aldeas_ (1890) is that in them speak +the voices of the peasants. Only occasionally does Aesop or Macías +intrude to dispel the charm, and even sophisticated touches--as when he +speaks of ‘this century of enlightenment’, of Galicia as ‘a poetical +garden’, or of the _tamborileiro_ as ‘the inseparable companion’ of +the _gaiteiro_--are not out of keeping, since the peasant, to whom +a long word is a sign of education, will in ambitious moments use +such phrases. The Galician peasants are shown in their sadness and +superstitions, at their common tasks and _festas_. When Lamas Carvajal +is describing an _escasula_[733] or a _fiadeiro_,[734] a dance in the +beaten space before the doors (_baile de turreiro_), a _foliada_[735] +in honour of some saint, a _ruada_ or _rueiro_ (street courting), a +summer _romaxe_ or _romaria_ (pilgrimage), or autumn _magosto_ (feast +of chestnuts), his melancholy almost deserts him, and he can sing, in +his own phrase, + + Algun ledo cantar d’a sua terriña. + +The toil often becomes a _festa_, in which, he says, there is more +mirth than in all the city’s joys. In _Ey, boy, ey_ he admirably +reproduces the thoughts of the slow-footed, slow-reasoning peasant +as he trudges along to market in front of his droning and shrieking +ox-cart. And, generally, all the life of the province of Orense is +in his poems: witches, exorcisers, _beatas_, _curandeiros_ (to whom +the peasants turn in place of the doctor), pilgrims, blind singers, +_santeiros_ selling images of saints, the wailing _alalaa_, the evening +litany or _rosario_, the angelus (_Ave Maria_ or _as animas_, or tocar +_ás oraciós_). The _gaiteiro_, of course, is a prominent figure, for +without his bagpipe (the _gaita gallega_) and the accompanying drum +(_tamboril_), cymbals (_ferriñas_, _conchas_), tambourine (_pandeiro_, +_pandeireta_), and castanets (_castañolas_),[736] no village _fête_ +would be welcome or complete, and his _alborada_ or his rhythmical +dance-song, the _muiñeira_, is the emblem of all the peasant’s +pleasures. Melancholy pervades the _Rimas_ (1891) of D. JUAN BÁRCIA +CABALLERO (born in 1852), but it is no longer the melancholy of the +peasant, but of the poet. His verse is more artificial and subjective, +and expressions such as the ‘bed of Aurora’, ‘Olympic disdain’, ‘the +Nereids’, carry us far away from the peasant scenes so pleasantly +described by Lamas Carvajal. Yet in his lyrics lives a faint music +which raises them above the commonplace. He writes of moonlight, the +fall of the leaves, a flowing stream, tears, death, and admires Heine +and Leopardi; but in his slight fancies, often built into a single +brief sentence, he has a natural charm of his own. + +BENITO LOSADA (1824-91) gained great popularity in Galicia with his +_Contiños_ (1888), epigrammatic and often far from edifying stories +in verse which mostly do not exceed ten lines. He is said to have had +them printed on matchboxes _ad maiorem gloriam_, but for this he was +probably not responsible. More interesting and equally racy of the soil +are the poems of his _Soaces d’un Vello_ (1886), of which the _contiños +d’a terra_ form only Part 3. The first part consists of a long legend +in octosyllabic verse, and in the second some thirty poems give a +coloured, homely, delightful picture of peasant life in Galicia: + + En fias e espadelas, + En festas, en foliadas[737] + +--song and dance, the pot of chestnuts (_zonchos_) over the _lareira_ +fire on the night of All Saints’ Day, the ox-girl quietly singing, +the girl with spindle and distaff keeping the cows, the sorrowful, +hard-working peasant women, the priests exorcising those possessed by +the Devil. The gay notes of the _gaita_ with its plaintive undertone +sound from his pages. The language, _a garrida lengua nosa_, has rarely +been written more idiomatically or with a surer instinct for the force +and fascination of the native word used in its rightful place. To turn +from Losada to EDUARDO PONDAL (1835-1917), the poet of Ponteceso, +a small village in the district of Coruña, is to go from a village +_praça_ to a high mountain-top. He stands quite apart from the other +Galician poets.[738] Their irony and scepticism, sorrows and mirth, are +mostly of the peasant. But here we have no dance or rustic merriment. +The pipe and the drum give place to the wind blowing through an Aeolian +harp. The poet + + soña antr’as uces hirtas + Na gentil arpa apoyado + En donde o vento suspira.[739] + +He is a lonely, martial spirit, disdainful but never arrogant, hating +all servitude and looking upon a comfortable inertness as a kind of +servitude. There is no pettiness in him, although details of Nature +he may notice and love. The most learned of Galician poets, and not +sparing of classical allusions, he is yet entirely merged in the +forces of Nature and becomes a voice, a mystery. Some of his poems +are a single sentence of perhaps twenty words, a musical cry borne +slowly away on the wings of the wind. He sings of mists (the Gallegan +_brétoma_) and pregnant silences, the whispering of the pines, the +great chestnut-trees and Celtic oaks, of the swift daughter of the +mists and the ‘intrepid daughter of the noble Celts’, of old forgotten +far-off things, battles long ago. One must go to Ireland for a +parallel. It has been noticed of him that he is entirely pre-Christian; +he is almost prehistoric. His long epic on the discovery of America, in +twenty-seven cantos, _Os Eoas_, remained unpublished at his death. Nor +would it be easy to account for his popularity were it not for the poem +by which he won early fame: _A Campana d’Anllons_. It is full of music +and melancholy, a plaintive farewell addressed to his native village by +a Galician peasant imprisoned at Oran. His subsequent verses, collected +in _Rumores de los Pinos_ (1879) and _Queixumes dos Pinos_ (1886), if +they could not increase his popularity, brought him a wide recognition +among all lovers of poetry. The undefinable fascination of many of +these poems is due to their aloofness, tenderness, and sorrowful music. +He is a genuine Celtic bard, child of the wind and the rain, with +Rosalía de Castro the truest poet produced by modern Galicia. + +The most prominent of the later Galician poets was MANUEL CURROS +ENRIQUEZ (1851-1908), whose work _Aires d’a miña terra_ (1880) was +condemned by the Bishop of Orense and republished in the following +year. Born at Celanova in the middle of the nineteenth century, he +studied law at Santiago de Compostela and became a journalist. His +advanced opinions caused him to emigrate, first to London, then to +South America. His anticlericalism was pronounced in _Aires d’a miña +terra_, and even more so in a forcible satire describing a pilgrimage +to Rome, written in _triadas_[740] and entitled _O Divino Sainete_ +(1888). He writes of dogma assassinating liberty, heaps abuse on +Ignacio de Loyola, hails the advent of the railway to Galicia as +bringing not priests but progress. All this has caused his poems to +be widely read. But the reader has the agreeable surprise to find +that many of them deal quite simply with the legends (_A Virxe d’o +Cristal_) or customs (_Unha Boda en Einibó_, _O Gueiteiro_, &c.) of +his native country, and show a true poetic power and a quiet and +accurate observation of Nature. We forget all about anticlericalism and +the Pope in reading of spring in Galicia, of the _xentis anduriñas_, +the _anemas_ ringing, and the children who come singing a _mayo_ and +asking for chestnuts. Curros Enriquez would not be a Galician were not +his work of a melancholy cast, and the charm of some of his poems is +also indigenous. The torch of Galician poetry burnt on after Curros +Enriquez had ceased to write. D. EVARISTO MARTELO PAUMAN (born c. +1853) in his _Líricas Gallegas_ (1891) showed that he possessed the +traditional charm and satire of Galician verse, but a charm and satire +that in his case had become all individual and subjective. AURELIANO +J. PEREIRA (†1906), author of _Cousas d’a Aldea_ (1891), displayed +a rustic humour in sketching with many a gay note the life of the +Galician peasantry, and, in his more subjective poems, a very real and +delicate lyrical gift. A sly humour also marks the work of ALBERTO +GARCÍA FERREIRO (1862-1902) in _Volvoretas_ (1887) and _Chorimas_ +(1890). It is sometimes marred by the bitterness of his anticlerical +and anti-Spanish feeling. In the stream’s voice he hears a murmur +against the mayor and the judge, the _cacique_ is ‘dragon, tiger and +snake’, the monks and priests are greedy and ignorant. On the other +hand, when they describe a fair (_N’a feira_) or a pilgrimage or the +woes of the Galician emigrant, his poems are moving, vivid, and full +of local colour. In a slight volume of poems, _Salayos_ (1895), MANUEL +NÚÑEZ GONZÁLEZ (1865-1917) shows true lyrical power. They are poems +in Galician rather than of Galicia, telling in a plaintive music of +night, autumn, _morriña_, _soedades_. For all the author’s love of his +smaller country, it is Galicia seen from without,[741] or sung from +memory. The ‘vintage songs and the gay din of chestnut gatherings’ are +no longer, as with Losada and Lamas, a part of life, but ‘a dream in +the ideal realm of thought’,[742] a subject of disillusion and regret. +_Folerpas_[743] (1894) by D. ELADIO RODRÍGUEZ GONZÁLEZ (born in 1864) +is also essentially not of the people. In its less elaborate poems it +often describes, attractively and with much colour, popular customs +and dances, the night of St. John, _as festas d’a miña terra_. Yet +after recording the pleasant superstition that on St. John’s Day the +sun rises dancing, the author must needs pause to say ‘away with these +fanatical beliefs, unworthy of a civilized region’, to which the answer +is that such reflections may be sincere but are unworthy of poetry, +and should be expressed in prose. But the author of these verses +can, when he wishes, identify himself with the peasants whose life +he depicts,[744] and is capable of writing poems of great delicacy. +The general impression is that he has not grown up among these scenes +but is observing them keenly as might a stranger. The edict of the +Archbishop of Santiago (June 26, 1909), which made it a deadly sin to +read _Fume de Palla_ (1909), by ‘ALFREDO NUN DE ALLARIZ’, as containing +impious, blasphemous, and heretical propositions, gave these poems +a wider publicity than they might otherwise have attained, and they +received a second edition in the same year. It certainly savours of +blasphemy and is bad criticism to call Curros Enriquez the Galician +Christ, but it is to be feared that the excommunication of the author +will only encourage him to abandon ‘simple verses written without +art’, as in his preface he describes these, for more studied poems +with a thesis to prove. It is perhaps disquieting to find that three +poets in most respects so different, agree in this, that between them +and popular poetry a gulf is fixed, owing to the sensitive aloofness +of a true poet (for Núñez González was undoubtedly the most talented +of the younger Galicians), or owing to the adoption of the superior +standpoint of the rationalist or the anticlerical. Younger poets of +remarkable promise and achievement are D. GONZALO LÓPEZ ABENTE (born +in 1878), a relative of Eduardo Pondal, whom he sometimes recalls in +the original inspiration of _Escumas da Ribeira_ (1914) and _Alento +da Raza_ (1917); D. ANTONIO NORIEGA VARELA (born in 1869), whose deep +love for his native moors and mountains gives an eternal magic to +_Montañesas_ (1904) and _D’O Ermo_ (1920); D. RAMÓN CABANILLAS, who +voices the sorrows and aspirations of Galicia in _Vento Mareiro_ and +_Da Terra Asoballada_ (1917); and D. ANTONIO REY SOTO, who, however, +writes chiefly in Castilian. D. XAVIER PRADO expresses the very soul +of the peasantry in _A Caron do Lume_ (1918). The poets of the last +half-century have unquestionably justified the literary revival of +the Galician language, and even if in the future no poetry of the +highest order be written in Galicia, it is unthinkable that so musical +an instrument should be allowed to perish. Galician poetry may be a +thin, an elfin music, a scrannel voice, as of a wind blowing through +tamarisks, but it has a natural charm, a raciness, a native atmosphere +which give it a peculiar flavour and attraction. Literary contests, +_veladas_, _certames_, _xogos froraes_, keep the flame of poetry alive +in Galicia, but in its anonymous form it is a very vigorous growth +which needs no fostering, and flourishes now as it flourished in the +twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as it flourished in the time of +the Romans. Hundreds of anonymous _quadras_ (_cantiga_, _cantar_, +_cantariño_, _cantilena_, _cantiguela_, _cantiguiña_, _copra_, or +_canció_) have been collected in the _Cancionero Popular Gallego_ +(Madrid, 3 vols., 1886) by JOSÉ PÉREZ BALLESTEROS (†1918). The peasant +women compose and sing their songs to-day[745] as when Fray Martín +Sarmiento (1695-1772) noticed that _en Galicia las mujeres no solo +son poetisas sino tambien músicas naturales_,[746] or the Marqués +de Montebello listened to _los tonos que a coros cantan con fugas y +repeticiones las mozuelas_, or the Archpriest of Hita watched the +cantaderas dancing (as well as singing) in neighbouring Asturias.[747] + +The ancient _muiñeira_ rhythm continues, and the parallel-strophed +songs of the early _Cancioneiros_ have their echoes in the anonymous +poetry of to-day. It is, indeed, of interest to note how the poets of +the revival fall quite naturally into the same parallelism and the same +repetition.[748] Besides these _muiñeiras_ the popular poetry consists +principally of _quadras_.[749] Traditional _romances_ are nearly +non-existent. This popular poetry (soft, musical, malicious, satirical) +connects by a thread of anonymous song the Galicia of to-day with the +whole of its past life, and the revivalists are likely to prosper in +proportion as they seek their inspiration in popular sources, as did +Rosalía de Castro. For the Galician peasants, living in a land of +mists and streams, inlet arms of sea, dark pinewoods, deep-valleyed +mountains, green maize-fields, and grey mysterious rocks, a land of +spirits and fairies and witches, of legends and ruins, have the Celt’s +instinct and love of poetry. Poetry is their natural expression. +For prose in Galician literature there is less genius, and perhaps +less incentive, since the country has been described with intimate +knowledge and charm in the Castilian novels of Doña Emilia Pardo Bazán +(1851-1921) and Don Ramón María del Valle-Inclán (born in 1870), and +more recently by Don Jaime Solá (born in 1877). But the value and +possibilities of Galician prose have been shown by D. AURELIO RIBALTA +(born in 1864) in _Ferruxe_ (1894) and by D. MANUEL LUGRIS Y FREIRE +(born in 1863) in _Contos de Asieumedre_ (1909). It is, indeed, in the +_conto_ that especial success has been won, and HERACLIO PÉREZ PLACER, +whose novel _Predicción_ appeared in 1887, is widely known for his +_Contos, Leendas e Tradiciós de Galicia_ (1891), _Contos da Terriña_ +(1895), and _Veira do Lar_ (1901). _Contos da Terriña_, thirty-four +stories in some two hundred brief pages, are various and unequal in +value. Most of them are sad, even the harmless St. Martin _magosto_ +ends in a death. They contain many intimate descriptions of Galicia +and the life of the villages about Orense. There is much pathos in +_Velliña, miña velliña!_, in _Rapañota de Xasmís_, and especially in +_Follas Secas_, an exquisite picture of an old peasant dying alone in +a dark room--its walls are black with smoke, yellow maize-cobs hang +from the ceiling--while through the open door come all the gay sounds +and colours of a Galician vintage. The poetess FRANCISCA HERRERA, +author of _Almas de Muller_ (1915) and _Sorrisas e Bágoas_ (1918), has +recently turned to prose with remarkable success in _Néveda_ (1920). +Few Galician poets have published volumes of prose, although many +have contributed as journalists to the local press, but it would be +difficult to find a prose-writer who is not also a poet.[750] And it +is by its poetry that Galicia has won for itself a notable place in +modern literature and added another leaf to the literary laurels of the +Peninsula. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[726] See Antolín López Peláez, _Poesías Inéditas del P. Feijoo ... +seguidas de las poesías gallegas ‘Dialogo de 24 Rusticos’ y ‘O Tio +Marcos da Portela’ por el P. Sarmiento_, Tuy, 1901. + +[727] Cf. A. Ribeiro dos Santos, _Obras_ (MS.), vol. xix, f. 21: +_Galicia ... muito affeita desde alta antiguidade ao exercicio de +trovas e cantares._ + +[728] Or Rosalía Castro de (or y) Murguía. Her husband, DON MANUEL +DE MURGUÍA (born in 1833), author of _Los Precursores_ (1886), +_Diccionario de Escritores Gallegos_ (1862), and other works devoted to +the study of Galicia, its ethnology and history, is still alive. + +[729] O winds of my country blowing softly together, Winds, winds, +gentle winds, O carry me thither! (1909 ed., pp. 95-8). + +[730] _Follas Novas: Duas palabras d’a autora_, 1910 ed., p. 31. + +[731] _Follas Novas_ (1910 ed.), p. 254. + +[732] A sixth edition appeared in 1909, whereas most books of Galician +verse cling to the obscurity of their first edition or at best obtain a +second in the hospitable _Biblioteca Gallega_. + +[733] _Esfolhada_ or _desfolla_: gathering to husk the maize. + +[734] _Fiada_, _fiandon_: a rustic _tertulia_ (evening party) of women +to spin. + +[735] _Fuliada_, _afuliada_, _folion_. + +[736] In Tras-os-Montes potatoes are called _castanholas_, i. e. large +chestnuts, which recalls the fact that Andrea Navagero, eating potatoes +for the first time at Seville in 1526, considered them to taste like +chestnuts. In parts of Galicia they are called _castañas d’a terra_. + +[737] _Soaces_, p. 156. The _espadela_ is the task of braking flax. + +[738] Perhaps the only poem that might have been written by Pondal is +that on p. 177 (the first verse) of Rosalía de Castro’s _Follas Novas_ +(1910 ed.). + +[739] _Queixumes dos Pinos_ (1886), p. 101. + +[740] For an earlier example of the same kind of tercets (_abacdcefe_) +see R. de Castro, _Follas Novas_, 1910 ed., p. 158. + +[741] The very word _morriña_ is more common (in the sense of +_saudade_) at Madrid than in Galicia. + +[742] _Salayos_, p. 65. + +[743] Also _flepa_, _folepa_, _folepiña_, Portuguese +_folheca_--_floco_, _froco_, _copo_ (= ‘flake’). + +[744] The passage (_Folerpas_, p. 182) in which a peasant, refusing +alms to an old woman, bids her beg of the rich, is scarcely drawn from +life. + +[745] Cf. _Cancionero_, i. 50: _Cantade, nenas, cantade_; G. Ferreiro, +_Chorimas_, p. 76, _as cantiguiñas das moças_; R. de Castro, _Cant. +Gall._, p. 102, _As meniñas cantan, cantan_. Cf. also E. Pardo Bazán, +_De mi tierra_ (1888), p. 122: _las_ [_coplas_] _gallegas de las cuales +buena parte debe ser obra de hembras_. + +[746] _Memorias para la historia de la poesía y poetas españoles_ +(_Obras Postumas_, vol. i, Madrid, 1775, p. 238, § 538). + +[747] See _C. da Ajuda_, ed. C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos (1904), ii. +902. + +[748] Cf. R. de Castro, _Cantares Gallegos_ (1909 ed.), p. 18 +(_mantelo_, _refaixo_), p. 19 (_mar_, _río_), pp. 20-1 (_e-a_), p. 27 +(_terras_, _vilas_), p. 29 (_pousaban_, _vivían_), p. 85 (_vestira_, +_calzara_); _Follas Novas_ (1910 ed.), p. 229 (_a-e_); _Aires d’a miña +terra_ (ed. 1911). p. 35 (_quería_, _pensaba_), p. 139 (_i-a_), p. 249 +(_á miles_, _á centos_); _Chorimas_, p. 36 (_estrevidos_, _ousados_); +A. Camino, _Poesías Gallegas_, p. 19: _Qué noite aquela en que eu a vin +gemindo!_ (_chorar!_). + +[749] Quatrains of which lines 2 and 4 are in rhyme or assonance, e.g. +_Ruliña que vas volando Sin facer caso á ninguen, Vai e dille á aquela +nena Que sempre a quixen ben_. _Tercetos_ are rarer (_aba_). Sometimes +the _quadra_ is really a tercet with line 1 repeated (_aaba_). + +[750] D. Aurelio Ribalta is author in verse of _Os meus votos_ (1903) +and _Libro de Konsagrazión_ (1910); D. Manuel Lugris of _Soidades_ +(1894), _Noitebras_ (1910); Snr. Pérez Placer of _Cantares Gallegos_ +(1891). D. FLORENCIO VAAMONDE (born in 1860), author of a _Resume +da Historia de Galicia_ (1898), also wrote, in verse, _Os Calaicos_ +(1894). Recently Galician literature has found a keen historian in D. +EUGENIO CARRÉ ALDAO, whose _Literatura Gallega_ (2nd ed., 1911) also +contains an anthology. + + + + + INDEX + + + A + + Aboim (D. Joan de), 46, 52. + + Abranches, Conde de, 88. + + Abreu Mousinho (Manuel de), 203. + + Academia das Sciencias de Portugal, 284. + + Academia dos Esquecidos, 261. + + Academia dos Generosos, 261. + + Academia dos Singulares, 261. + + Academia Real da Historia, 270. + + Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, 14, 15, 284, 294. + + Acenheiro. _See_ Rodriguez Azinheiro. + + _Actos dos Apostolos_, 59. + + _Adagios_, 346. + + Addison (Joseph), 290. + + Aesop, 60, 350. + + Afonso I, 188, 211, 305, 307, + + Afonso III, 38, 42, 46, 52. + + Afonso IV, 38, 87. + + Afonso V, 82, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 100, 111, 211, 261. + + Afonso VI, 260, 268, 295, 311. + + Afonso, Infante [xiii c.], 67. + + Afonso, Infante [xiv c.], 67, 70. + + Afonso, Infante [xv c.], 88, 100, 101, 103. + + Afonso, Mestre, 220. + + Afonso (Gregorio), 124. + + Afonso (Martim), Mestre, 220. + + _Aguia, A_, 333. + + Agustobrica, 234. + + Airas (Joan), 52. + + Aires (Francisco), 247. + + Alarcón (Pedro Antonio de), 297. + + Alarte (Vicente) _pseud._ _See_ Gomez de Moraes. + + Albuquerque (Afonso de), 57, 88, 99, 107, 108, 116, 127, 190, 191, + 194, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 209, 220, 228-9, 260, 312. + + Albuquerque (Bras de), 201-2. + + Albuquerque (Jeronymo de), 204. + + Albuquerque (D. Jorge de), 218. + + Alcobaça (Bernardo de), 59, 95. + + Alcoforado (Marianna), 263-4, 307. + + Aleandro, Cardinal, 126. + + _Aleixo, Vida de Santo_, 60. + + Alexandra, Queen, 340. + + Alfieri (Vittorio), 290. + + Alfonso X, 13, 26, 28, 30, 37, 40, 41-6, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59, 61, 69, + 91, 98, 103, 124, 126, 349. + + Alfonso XI, 38, 42, 90. + + _Alfonso Onceno, Poema de_, 73. + + Almeida (Cristovam de), 245. + + Almeida (Diogo de), 192. + + Almeida (Fortunato de), 307. + + Almeida (D. Francisco de), 92, 98. + + Almeida (D. Leonor de), 276. + + Almeida (Lopo de), 92, 128. + + Almeida (Manuel de), 205. + + Almeida (Rodrigo Antonio de), 163. + + Almeida (Theodoro de), 285. + + Almeida e Medeiros (Lourenço de), 301. + + Almeida Garrett (João Baptista da Silva Leitão), Visconde de, 21, + 33, + 74, 186, 242, 261, 277, 279, 287-92, 293, 294, 299, 300, 302, + 309, 338. + + Alorna, Marquesa de [D. Leonor de Almeida Portugal Lorena e + Lencastre, Condessa de Assumar, Condessa de Oeynhausen], 274, + 276-7, 294. + + Alvarengo Peixoto (Ignacio José de), 274. + + Alvarez (Afonso), 157. + + Alvarez (Francisco), 33, 219-20, 224. + + Alvarez (João), 89. + + Alvarez (Luis), 245. + + Alvarez de Andrade (Fernam), 239. + + Alvarez de Lousada Machado (Gaspar), 62. + + Alvarez de Villasandino (Alfonso), 77, 79, 125. + + Alvarez do Oriente (Fernam), 152, 253, 255. + + Alvarez Pereira (Nuno), 50, 62, 81, 84, 86, 92, 155, 291, 306, 307. + + _Amadis de Gaula_, 64, 65-71, 119, 225. + + Amaral (Antonio Caetano do), 292. + + Amaral (Francisco do), 245. + + _Amaro, Vida de Santo_, 60. + + Ambrogini (Angelo). _See_ Poliziano. + + Amigo (Pedro) de Sevilha, 51. + + Amorim. _See_ Gomes de Amorim. + + Andrade (Antonio de), 204. + + Andrade (Francisco de), 189, 209, 224, 239. + + Andrade (Thomé de). _See_ Jesus (Thomé de). + + Andrade Caminha (Pero de), 143, 149-50, 213. + + Andrade Corvo (João de), 295. + + Andrade e Silva (José Bonifacio de), 274. + + Anez Solaz (Pedro), 29. + + Angeles (Juan de los), 250. + + Angra, Bishop of, 287. + + Anjos (Luis dos), 247. + + Anjos (Manuel dos), 247. + + Annunzio (Gabriele d’), 321. + + Añon (Francisco), 348. + + Anrique. _See_ Henrique. + + Anriquez (Luis), 100, 102-3. + + Antonio, Mestre, 125. + + Antonio, D., Prior of Crato, 145, 195, 229, 236, 263. + + Antonio (Nicolás), 68, 93, 130, 169, 192, 197, 207, 212. + + Antunes (João), 249. + + Aquinas (Thomas). _See_ Thomas. + + Araujo (Joaquim de), 335. + + Araujo de Azevedo (Antonio de), 273. + + Arcadia, A Nova, 270. + + Arcadia Ulyssiponense, 270, 271, 272, 273. + + _Archivo Historico Portuguez_, 308. + + Argote de Molina (Gonzalo), 77. + + Arias Montano (Benito), 209. + + Ariosto (Lodovico), 139, 140, 146, 152, 164, 180, 197, 260. + + Aristotle, 85, 90, 92, 119, 163, 193. + + Arnoso, Bernardo Pinheiro Corrêa de Mello, Conde de, 324. + + _Arquivo._ See _Archivo_. + + _Arquivo Historico Português._ See _Archivo Historico + Portuguez_. + + Arraez (Jeronimo), 238. + + Arraez de Mendoça (Amador), 16, 227, 232, 235, 237-8. + + _Arte de Furtar_, 125, 264-5, 272. + + Asenjo Barbieri (Francisco), 36, 123. + + Athaide (Catherina de), 175, 179. + + Athaide Oliveira (Francisco Xavier de), 347. + + Augustine, Saint, 26, 56, 101, 115. + + Austen (Jane), 316. + + _Auto da Fome_, 162. + + _Auto da Forneira de Aljubarrota_, 163. + + _Auto da Geraçao Humana_, 156. + + _Auto das Padeiras_, 162. + + _Auto de Deus Padre_, 156-7. + + _Auto del Nascimiento de Christo_, 155. + + _Auto de Santa Genoveva_, 162. + + _Auto do Dia de Juizo_, 157. + + _Auto do Escudeiro Surdo_, 125. + + _Auto Figurado da Degolação dos Inocentes_, 162. + + Aveiro, D. João de Lencastre, Duque de, 221. + + Aveiro, Dukes of, 71. + + Aveiro (Pantaleam de), 220. + + Avellar Brotero (Felix de), 17. + + Avicenna, 85. + + Avis, Mestre de. _See_ João I. + + Ayres de Magalhães Sepulveda (Cristovam), 223, 334-5. + + Ayres Victoria (Anrique), 165. + + Azevedo (Briolanja de), 142. + + Azevedo (Guilherme de). _See_ Azevedo Chaves. + + Azevedo (João Lucio de), 307. + + Azevedo (Luis de), 100. + + Azevedo (Manuel de), 17. + + Azevedo (Maximiliano Eugenio de), 310. + + Azevedo (Pedro A. de), 13, 81, 211, 308. + + Azevedo Chaves (Guilherme Avelino de), 330. + + Azevedo Tojal (Pedro de), 274. + + Azinheiro. _See_ Rodriguez Azinheiro. + + Azorín _pseud._ [Don Jose Martínez Ruiz], 134, 326. + + Azurara. _See_ Zurara. + + + B + + Bacellar (Antonio Barbosa). _See_ Barbosa Bacellar. + + Bacon (Francis), 209. + + Bahia (Jeronimo), 256. + + Baião (Antonio), 13. + + Baist (Gottfried), 65, 70. + + Balzac (Honoré de), 299. + + Bandarra (Gonçalo Annez), 265, 268, 340-1. + + Bandello (Matteo), 231. + + Barata (Antonio Francisco), 272. + + Barbieri (Francisco Asenjo). _See_ Asenjo Barbieri. + + Barbosa (Ayres), 106. + + Barbosa (Duarte), 198, 219, 227. + + Barbosa Bacellar (Antonio), 256. + + Barbosa de Carvalho (Tristão), 247. + + Barbosa Machado (Diogo), 87, 168, 192, 197, 217, 220, 232, 236, 240, + 250, 284. + + Barcellos, Conde de. _See_ Pedro Afonso. + + Bárcia Caballero (Juan), 351. + + Baretti (Giuseppe), 270. + + _Barlaam e Josaphat, Lenda dos Santos_, 59. + + Barradas (Manuel), 205. + + Barreira (João da), 203. + + Barreiros (Caspar), 219. + + Barreiros (Lopo), 219. + + Barreto (Francisco), 177, 178, 195. + + Barreto (Pedro), 178. + + Barros (Bras de), 95. + + Barros (Guilherme Augusto de), 295. + + Barros (João de), 20, 69, 75, 86, 88, + 95, 113, 169, 180, 181, 184, 190, 192-5, 196, 197, 198, 201, 206, + 207, 208, 215, 216, 218, 220, 232, 233, 243, 344. + + Barros (João de), of Oporto, 68, 125, 253. + + Barros (João de), poet, 336. + + Barros (Lopo de), 192. + + Baudelaire (Charles), 336. + + Beatriz, Infanta, mother of King Manuel, 111. + + Beatriz, Infanta, daughter of King Manuel, 120, 133, 291. + + Beauvais (Vincent de), 44. + + Beccari (Camillo), 205. + + Beckford (William), 111, 277, 296. + + Beirão (Mario), 334. + + Beja, Bishop of. _See_ Villas-Boas. + + Belchior, Padre, 223. + + Bembo (Pietro), 39, 140, 212. + + _Bento, Regra de S._, 59. + + Berceo (Gonzalo de), 43. + + Beresford (William Carr), Viscount, 290. + + Berger (S.), 338. + + Bermudez (Geronimo), 165. + + Bernard, St., 94, 207. + + Bernardes (Manuel), 14, 16, 20, 224, 245, 249-50, 261. + + Bernardes (Maria), 249. + + Bernardez (Diogo), 14, 143, 145-7, 148, 149, 153, 181, 183, 184, + 185, + 272. + + Bezerra (Branca), 110. + + _Bible, The_, 59, 94, 95, 113, 128, 170, 246, 251, 338. + + Biester (Ernesto), 314. + + Bilac (Olavo), 335. + + Bingre (Francisco Joaquim), 270. + + Bluteau (Raphael), 284-5. + + Bocage (Manuel Maria de Barbosa du), 186, 275, 277-8, 281. + + Bocarro (Antonio), 198. + + Boccaccio (Giovanni), 132, 231, 340. + + Boccalini (Traiano), 255. + + Boileau (Nicolas), 274. + + Bonamis, 122. + + Bonaval (Bernaldo de), 28, 29. + + Bonifazio II, 41. + + Bonilla y San Martín (Adolfo), 339. + + _Boosco Delleytoso_, 93-4. + + Bordallo (Francisco Maria), 316. + + Borges (Gonçalo), 176. + + Bornelh (Guiraut de), 48, 344. + + Boron [= Borron] (Robert de), 64. + + Boscán Almogaver (Juan), 58, 136, 140, 143, 154, 160, 172, 181. + + _Bosco Deleitoso._ See _Boosco Delleytoso_. + + Bosque (Dimas), 226. + + Boswell (James), 302. + + Botelho (Abel Acacio de Almeida), 311, 321-2. + + Botelho (Afonso), 325. + + Bouterwek (Friedrich), 14, 137. + + Braamcamp Freire (Anselmo), 14, 15, 81, 84, 112, 115, 308. + + Braga (Alberto Leal Barradas Monteiro), 325-6. + + Braga (Guilherme), 330. + + Braga (Joaquim Theophilo Fernandes), 14, 15, 23, 24, 37, 65, 70, 74, + 75, 76, 90, 111, 112, 133, 137, 142, 231, 253, 304, 309, 342, + 344, 345, 347. + + Braganza, Ferdinand, Duke of, 97. + + Braganza, Isabella, Duchess of, 149. + + Braganza, James, Duke of, 103, 120. + + Braganza, John, Duke of. _See_ João IV. + + Braganza, Theodosio, Duke of, 147, 153. + + Brancuti, di Cagli, Paolo Antonio, Conte, 37. + + Brandão (Antonio), 73, 207, 208, 216. + + Brandão (Diogo), 102, 103-4. + + Brandão (Francisco), 62, 208. + + Brandão (Hilario), 241. + + Brandão (Julio), 327-8, 335. + + Brandão (Maria), 137. + + Brandão (Raul), 328. + + Braunfels (Ludwig von), 65. + + Bridges (Robert), 336. + + Brito (Bernardo de), 18, 72, 139, 206-8, 215, 216, 251. + + Brito (Duarte de), 104, 118, 124, 127. + + Brito Aranha (Pedro Wenceslau de), 308. + + Brito de Andrade (Balthasar de), 207. + + Brito Pestana (Alvaro de), 100, 101, 127. + + Brito Rebello (Jacinto Ignacio de), 112, 168. + + Brochado (Luis), 341. + + Brulé (Gace), 48. + + Bruno _pseud._ _See_ Pereira de Sampaio. + + Buchanan (George), 106. + + Bulhão Pato (Raimundo Antonio), 302-3. + + Bunyan (John), 249. + + Buonarroti (Michelangelo), 230. + + Burgos (André de), 18, 203. + + Bussinac (Peire de), 47. + + Byron, George Gordon Noel, Lord, 183, 302. + + + C + + Caamoões. _See_ Camões. + + Caballero (Fernán) _pseud._ [Cecilia Böhl de Faber], 316. + + Cabanillas (Ramón), 355. + + Cabedo de Vasconcellos (José de), 109. + + Cabral (Paulo Antonio), 278. + + Cabral (Pedro Alvarez), 107. + + Cacegas (Luis de), 242. + + Caceres (Lourenço de), 191, 102. + + Caiel _pseud._ _See_ Pestana (Alice). + + Cairel (Elias), 112. + + Caldas (José de), 321. + + Caldeira (Fernando Afonso Geraldes), 310. + + Calderón de la Barca (Pedro), 129, 130, 249. + + Calvo (Pedro), 244. + + Camacho (Diogo), 256. + + Camara (D. João Gonçalves Zarco da), 311, 326, 327. + + Caminha (Antonio Lourenço), 147. + + Caminha (João), 149, 150. + + Camino (Alberto), 348-9. + + Camões (Luis de), 14, 16, 20, 77, 130, 139, 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, + 153, 155, 158, 166, 167, 174-86, 193, 197, 204, 206, 216, 217, + 226, 229, 256, 258, 259, 260, 261, 272, 277, 278, 281, 338. + + Campancho (Airas). _See_ Carpancho. + + Campos (Agostinho de), 231. + + Campos (Claudia de), 324. + + Campos Moreno (Diogode), 204. + + _Cancioneirinho de Trovas Antigas_, 36, 37, 39. + + _Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti_, 27, 36, 37, 38, 63, 66, 69, 70, + 140. + + _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_, 36, 37, 38, 39, 56, 61. + + _Cancioneiro da Vaticana_, 13, 36, 37, 38, 50, 73, 96, 98, 125, + 344. + + _Cancioneiro del Rei D. Dinis_, 36, 37. + + _Cancioneiro de Resende._ See _Cancioneiro Geral_. + + _Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano_, 36, 67, 76, 77. + + _Cancioneiro Geral_, 13, 33, 36, 79, 96-105, 118, 122, 123, 124, + 125, 128, 129, 140, 141, 167, 184, 225, 256. + + _Cancionero de Baena_, 36, 66, 77, 79, 96. + + _Cancionero General_, 36, 98, 104. + + _Cancionero Musical._ See _Asenjo Barbieri_. + + _Cancionero Popular Gallego_, 36, 355-6. + + Cantanhede, Conde de, 101. + + _Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Brancuti._ See _Cancioneiro + Colocci-Brancuti_. + + _Canzoniere Portoghese della Biblioteca Vaticana._ See + _Cancioneiro da Vaticana_. + + Cardim (Antonio Francisco), 217. + + Cardim (Fernam), 205. + + Cardoso (João), 245. + + Cardoso (Jorge), 71. + + _Carlos Magno, Verdadeira Historia do Imperador_, 339. + + Carneiro da Cunha (Alfredo), 336. + + Carpancho (Airas), 29. + + Carré Aldao (Eugenio), 357. + + Cartagena (Alonso de). Bishop of Burgos, 91. + + _Cartas que os Padres ... escreveram_, 205. + + Carvalho de Parada (Antonio), 266. + + Casimiro (Augusto), 334. + + Casquicio (Fernam), 77, 78. + + Castanheda (Fernam Lopez de). _See_ Lopez de Castanheda. + + Castanheira, Conde de [_or_ da], 141, 214. + + Castanhoso (Miguel de), 196, 203. + + Castelar (Emilio), 349. + + Castello Branco (Camillo), Visconde de Corrêa Botelho, 109, 134, + 187, + 243, 256, 286, 295, 297-9, 304, 325, 332. + + Castello Rodrigo, Marqueses de, 211. + + Castiglione (Baldassare), 154. + + Castilho (Antonio de), 203. + + Castilho (Antonio Feliciano), Visconde de, 292, 299-300, 302, 304, + 316. + + Castilho (João de), 203. + + Castilho (Julio), second Visconde de, 278, 304. + + Castillejo (Cristobal de), 33. + + Castro (Augusto de), 314. + + Castro (Eugenio de), 336-7. + + Castro (Inés de), 75, 84, 97, 165, 273, 282, 284, 304, 310, 312. + + Castro (D. João de), 158, 187, 190, 199, 227-8, 243, 266. + + Castro (D. João de), novelist, 321. + + Castro (João Baptista de), 248. + + Castro (Publia Hortensia de), 107. + + Castro de Murguía (Rosalía de), 348, 349-50, 352, 353, 356. + + Castro e Almeida (Virginia de), 325. + + Castro Osorio (Anna de), 324-5. + + Catherina, Queen, 120. + + Catherine II, Empress of Russia, 286. + + _Cava, Poema da_, 72. + + Caxton (William), 60. + + Ceita (João da), 17, 244-5. + + _Celestina, La_, 65, 124, 159, 167, 169, 254, 262. + + Ceo (Maria do) [Maria de Eça], 257. + + Ceo (Violante do) [Violante Montesino], 35, 235, 256-7. + + Cervantes (Miguel de), 78, 116, 130, 152, 233, 241, 262, 265, 284. + + Cerveira (Afonso), 86. + + Chagas (Antonio das), 221, 248-9, 261. + + Chamilly, Noël Bouton, Marquis de, 263, 264. + + Chariño (Pai Gomez). _See_ Gomez Chariño. + + Charles V, Emperor, 121, 212, 215, 229. + + Châtillon, Duc de, 233. + + Chiado. _See_ Ribeiro Chiado. + + Child Rolim de Moura (Francisco), 257. + + _Chrisfal, Trovas de._ _See_ Crisfal. + + Christina, Queen of Sweden, 268. + + _Chronica._ _See_ Cronica. + + Cicero, 86, 87, 90, 91, 92, 94, 209, 214, 280. + + _Cid, Poema del_, 23, 46, 63. + + Claro (João), 59. + + Claudian, 277. + + Clenardus (Nicolaus), 106, 125, 215, 251. + + Cleynarts (Nicholas). _See_ Clenardus. + + Clusius. _See_ Écluse. + + Codax (Martin), 29. + + Coelho (Estevam), 30, 52. + + Coelho (Francisco Adolpho), 15, 112, 231, 308, 347. + + Coelho (Jorge), 180. + + Coelho da Cunha (José), 336. + + Coelho Rebello (Manuel), 163. + + Coimbra (Leonardo de), 20. + + Coincy (Gautier de), 43, 44. + + Colocci (Angelo), 37, 39. + + Colonna (Egidio), 66. + + Colonna (Vittoria), 140, 230. + + Conceição (Alexandre da), 330. + + Conestaggio (Girolamo Franchi di), 210. + + Congreve (William), 224. + + _Conquista de Ultramar, Gran_, 339. + + Consciencia (Manuel), 250. + + Consiglieri Pedroso (Zophimo), 307, 347. + + Cordeiro (Antonio), 138, 206. + + Cordeiro (Luciano), 307. + + Cornu (Jules), 59. + + Corpancho (Airas). _See_ Carpancho. + + Corpancho (Manuel Nicolás), 29. + + _Corpus Illustrium Poetarum Lusitanorum_, 18. + + _Coronica do Condestabre de Purtugal._ _See_ Cronica. + + Corrêa (Gaspar), 14, 20, 88, 177, 194, 198-201, 226. + + Corrêa (Jeronimo), 112. + + Corrêa (Luis Franco), 186. + + Corrêa de Oliveira (Antonio), 332, 337. + + Corrêa Garção (Pedro Antonio Joaquim), 271-2. + + Corrêa Pinto (Roberto), 85. + + Correggio (Antonio Allegri da), 134. + + Correia. _See_ Corrêa. + + _Corte Imperial_, 94, 113. + + Corte Real (Jeronimo), 181, 187-8. + + Cortesão (Jaime), 314, 342. + + Costa (Antonio da), 286. + + Costa (Bras da), 99. + + Costa (Claudio Manuel da), 274, 279. + + Costa (Diogo da), 163. + + Costa (D. Francisco da), 239, 240. + + Costa (Leonel da), 144. + + Costa (Manuel da), 180. + + Costa Lobo (Antonio de Sousa da Silva), 307, 312. + + Costa Perestrello (Pedro da), 147-8. + + Cota (Rodrigo), 23. + + Coudel Môr, O. _See_ Silveira (Fernam de). + + Coutinho (Fernando de), 99. + + Coutinho (D. Francisco), Conde de Redondo, 178, 220. + + Coutinho (D. Gonçalo), 140, 206. + + Couto (Diogo do), 138, 177, 178, 184, 190, 192, 195-8, 216, 218, + 225, + 254. + + Couto Guerreiro (Miguel de), 285. + + Craveiro (Tiburcio Antonio), 54. + + _Crisfal, Trovas de_, 136-9. + + Cristoforus, Dr., 82. + + _Cronica Breve do Archivo Nacional_, 60. + + _Cronica da Conquista do Algarve_, 61. + + _Cronica da Fundaçam do Mosteiro de S. Vicente_, 61. + + _Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores_, 60. + + _Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique_, 210. + + _Cronica do Condestabre de Portugal_, 84-5. + + _Cronica dos Vicentes._ See _Cronica da Fundaçam_. + + _Cronica Troyana_, 61. + + _Cronicas Breves_, 60. + + Cruz (Agostinho da), 145, 148. + + Cruz (Bernardo da), 209. + + Cruz (Caspar da), 220. + + Cunha (João Lourenço da), 31. + + Cunha (José Anastasio da), 274. + + Cunha (Nuno da), 161, 176, 199. + + Cunha (D. Rodrigo da), 243. + + Cunha (Tristão da), 97, 116. + + Cunha Rivara (Joaquim Heliodoro da), 292. + + Curros Enriquez (Manuel), 353-4, 355. + + Curvo Semedo Torres Sequeira (Belchior Manuel), 278. + + + D + + Daniel (Samuel), 164. + + _Danse macabre_, 123. + + Dantas (Julio), 313. + + Dante Alighieri, 19, 54, 123, 139, 146, 179, 188, 197, 257. + + _Danza de la Muerte_, 123. + + _De Imitatione Christi_, 240. + + Delicado (Antonio), 346. + + _Demanda do Santo Graall_, 63, 64, 67, 71. + + Denis, King. _See_ Dinis. + + Denis (Jean Ferdinand), 19, 307. + + Deslandes (Venancio), 231. + + Desmond, Maurice, first Earl of, 289. + + _Destroyçam de Jerusalem._ See _Vespeseano, Estorea de_. + + _Destruction de Jérusalem_, 64. + + Deus (João de). _See_ Nogueira Ramos. + + Dias (Epiphanio). _See_ Silva Dias. + + Dias Gomes (Francisco), 20, 21, 269, 285. + + Diaz (Balthasar), 158-9, 289, 339. + + Diaz (Bartholomeu), 98. + + Diaz (Henrique), 218, 279. + + Diaz (D. Lopo), 51. + + Diaz (Nicolau), 215. + + Diaz (Ruy), El Cid, 92. + + Diaz de Landim (Gaspar), 88. + + Dickens (Charles), 315. + + Dinis, King, 13, 14, 28, 30, 37, 38, 39, 48, 51, 52, 53, 54-7, 58, + 59, 60, 61, 67, 69, 70, 105, 140, 208, 294, 339. + + Diniz, King. _See_ Dinis. + + Diniz (João), 335. + + Diniz (Julio) _pseud._ _See_ Gomes Coelho. + + Diniz da Cruz e Silva (Antonio), 186, 273-4, 340. + + Dioscorides, 226. + + _Ditos da Freira._ _See_ Gama (D. Joana da). + + Döllinger (Johann Joseph Ignaz von), 295. + + Dornellas (Afonso de), 307. + + Dozy (Reinhart), 22. + + Drake (Sir Francis), 150. + + Dryden (John), 209. + + Duarte, Infante [†1576], 150. + + Duarte, Infante [†1540], brother of João III, 164, 167, 215. + + Duarte, Infante, brother of João V, 307. + + Duarte, King, 13, 38, 46, 55, 59, 63, 79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 88, + 90-2, 93, 124, 211. + + Duarte (Afonso), 334. + + Duarte de Almeida (Manuel), 335. + + Dürer (Albrecht), 212. + + + E + + Eanez (Rodrigo). _See_ Yannez. + + Eanez de Vasconcellos (D. Rodrigo), 54. + + Eanez de Zurara (Gomez). _See_ Zurara. + + Eannez. _See_ Eanez. + + Eannez (Rodrigo). _See_ Yannez. + + Ébrard (Ayméric d’), 54. + + Eça (Maria de). _See_ Ceo (Maria do). + + Eça de Queiroz (José Maria de), 97, 314, 316-18, 322, 325. + + _Eccos que o Clarim da Fama dá_, 256. + + Écluse (Charles de l’), 226. + + Edward I, of England, 41. + + Egas Moniz. _See_ Moniz Coelho. + + Elizabeth, Queen of England, 209. + + _Eloy, Lenda de Santo_, 60. + + Elysio (Filinto). _See_ Nascimento. + + Encarnação (Antonio da), 242. + + Ennes (Antonio), 18, 310, 314. + + Enzina (Juan del), 19, 109, 113, 122, 123, 124. + + Erasmus (Desiderius), 130, 212, 215. + + Ericeira, Conde da. _See_ Meneses. + + Esguio (Fernando), 29. + + _Esopo, Livro de_, 60. + + _Espelho de Prefeyçam_, 95. + + _Espelho de Christina._ _See_ Pisan (Christine de). + + Esperança, Visconde de, 187. + + Esperança (Manuel da), 243. + + Espinola (Fradique), 247-8. + + Espirito Santo (Antonio do). _See_ Ribeiro Chiado. + + Esplandian. _See_ Sergas. + + Espronceda (José de), 301. + + Esquio (Fernando). _See_ Esguio. + + Estaço (Achilles), 106. + + Estaço (Balthasar), 151. + + Estaço (Gaspar), 151. + + Este (João Baptista d’), 245. + + Esteves Negrão (Manuel Nicolau), 273. + + Esteves Pereira (Francisco Maria), 14, 60, 64, 84, 90, 308. + + _Estorea de Vespeseano._ _See_ Vespeseano. + + Estrella (Antonio da), 162, 338. + + _Eufrosina, Vida de_, 59. + + + F + + Falcão (Cristovam de Sousa), 105, 137-9, 197. + + Falcão de Resende (André), 21, 150-1. + + Faria (Antonio de), 222. + + Faria (Pedro de), 222. + + Faria e Sousa (Manuel de), 18, 20, 68, 130, 140, 145, 147, 153, 176, + 180, 184, 187, 204, 209, 216, 224, 282. + + Faria Severim (Manuel de), 215. + + Feijó (Antonio Joaquim de Castro), 335. + + Feijoo (José Sanchez), 347. + + Felipe, Infante, 120. + + Fénelon (François de), 285. + + _Fenix Renascida_, 155, 256, 276. + + Feo (Antonio), 17, 156, 244. + + Ferdinand, King. _See_ Fernando. + + Fernandes Thomaz Pippa (Annibal), 308. + + Fernandez (Alvaro), 217. + + Fernandez (Antonio), 230. + + Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c.], 92. + + Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c. poet], 112. + + Fernandez (Diogo) [xvi c.], 234. + + Fernandez (Lucas), 124. + + Fernandez (Roy), 30. + + Fernandez Alemão (Valentim), 95. + + Fernandez de Lucena (Vasco), 87, 88. + + Fernandez Ferreira (Diogo), 89, 229. + + Fernandez Galvão (Francisco), 244. + + Fernandez Torneol (Nuno), 28, 31. + + Fernandez Trancoso (Gonçalo), 231-2, 338. + + Fernando, Infante [son of João I], 81, 89. + + Fernando, Infante [son of King Manuel], 230. + + Fernando, King Consort, 292, 293. + + Fernando I, of Portugal, 84, 210. + + Fernando III, of Castile, 40, 41, 51. + + Ferrandez de Gerena (Garci), 78-9. + + Ferreira (Antonio), 13, 67, 103, 145, 148-9, 165, 166, 272. + + Ferreira (Carlos), 339. + + Ferreira de Almeida (João), 338. + + Ferreira de Azevedo (Antonio Xavier), 340. + + Ferreira de Figueiroa (Diogo), 262. + + Ferreira de Lacerda (Bernarda), 18, 257. + + Ferreira de Vasconcellos (Jorge), 14, 16, 74, 101, 130, 155, 164, + 166, 167-73, 232, 251, 338, 346. + + Ferreira de Vera (Alvaro), 182. + + Ferrer (Miguel), 234. + + Ferrus (Pero), 66, 67. + + Feuillet (Octave), 299. + + Fialho de Almeida (José Valentim), 322, 326. + + Ficalho, Francisco Manuel Carlos de Mello, third Conde de, 226, 308, + 326. + + Fielding (Henry), 255. + + Figueira (Guilherme), 32. + + Figueiredo (Antero de), 323. + + Figueiredo (Antonio Candido de), 308. + + Figueiredo (Fidelino de Sousa), 16, 308. + + Figueiredo (Manuel de), 282, 290. + + Fitzmaurice-Kelly (James), 16. + + Flaubert (Gustave), 235, 319. + + _Flores e Branca Flor, Historia de_, 65, 339, 340. + + Florida. See _Relaçam Verdadeira dos trabalhos_. + + _Flos Sanctorum_, 94, 225, 259. + + Fonseca (Balthasar Luis da), 163. + + Fonseca (João da), 249. + + Fonseca Soares (Antonio da), 248. + + Fontaines, Baron de, 233. + + Forner (Juan Pablo), 281. + + Fradique, Infante, 83. + + Franco (Luis). _See_ Corrêa (Luis Franco). + + François I, 212. + + Frederick III, Emperor, 93. + + Freire (Antonio), 262. + + Freire (Francisco José), 285. + + Freire de Andrade (Jacinto), 256, 261, 266-7. + + Froissart (Jean), 81, 83. + + Fructuoso (Gaspar), 138, 206. + + Furtado de Mendoza (Diego), 22. + + + G + + _Galaaz, O Livro de_, 63. + + Galen, 226. + + Galhegos (Manuel de), 58, 74, 258. + + Galvam (Antonio), 190, 191, 202-3, 219. + + Galvam (Duarte), 88, 180, 202, 219. + + Galvam (Francisco), 147-8. + + Galvam de Andrade (Antonio), 17. + + Gama (Arnaldo de Sousa Dantas da), 295. + + Gama (D. Cristovam da), 203. + + Gama (D. Estevam da), 196. + + Gama (D. Joana da), 241. + + Gama (Jose Basilio da), 279. + + Gama (Leonarda Gil da). _See_ Gloria (Maria Magdalena Euphemia + da). + + Gama (D. Vasco da), Conde de Vidigueira, 99, 107, 175, 190, 191, + 192, 196, 200, 301, 312. + + Gama Barros (Henrique), 307. + + Gandavo. _See_ Magalhães de Gandavo. + + Garcia (Fernan), Esgaravunha, 52. + + Garcia (Pero) de Burgos, 51. + + Garcia de Castrogeriz (Johan), 66. + + Garcia de Guilhade (D. Joan), 51. + + Garcia de Mascarenhas (Bras), 259-60. + + García Ferreiro (Alberto), 340, 354. + + Garcia Peres (Domingo), 18, 151. + + Garret (B.), Chariteo, 289. + + Garrett. _See_ Almeida Garrett. + + Garrido (Luiz Guedes Coutinho), 308. + + Gautier (Judith), 335. + + Gavaudan, 40. + + Gavy de Mendonça (Agostinho de), 203. + + Gayangos y Arce (Pascual de), 65. + + Gibbs (James), 209. + + Gil (Augusto), 336. + + Gil y Carrasco (Enrique), 316. + + Ginzo (Martin de), 29. + + Giraldez (Afonso), 73. + + Giraldi (Giambattista), 231. + + Giraldo, Mestre, 17. + + Glareanus (Henricus), 212. + + Gloria (Maria Magdalena Euphemia da) [Leonarda Gil da Gama], 257. + + Godinho (Cristovam), 238. + + Godinho (Manuel), 221, 240, 254. + + Goes (Damião de), 14, 15, 39, 83, 86, 88, 92, 113, 194, 202, 209, + 211-14, 215, 265. + + Goethe (Johann Wolfgang von), 290, 300, 333. + + Goldsmith (Oliver), 277. + + Gomes (João Baptista), 273. + + Gomes Coelho (Joaquim Guilherme) [Julio Diniz], 314-16, 317, 324. + + Gomes de Amorim (Francisco), 290, 301-2, 306, 309, 310. + + Gomes de Brito (José Joaquim), 308. + + Gomes de Carvalho (Theotonio), 273. + + Gomes Leal (Antonio Duarte), 332-3. + + Gomez (Simão), 341. + + Gomez Chariño (Pai), 29-30. + + Gomez de Briteiros (Rui), 46. + + Gomez de Brito (Bernardo), 217. + + Gomez de Moraes (Silvestre), 17. + + Gonçalves Crespo (Antonio Candido), 324, 330-1. + + Gonçalves Dias (Antonio), 331. + + Gonçalves Lima (Augusto José), 300. + + Gonçalves Vianna. _See_ Gonçalvez Viana. + + Gonçalvez (Ruy), 229. + + Gonçalvez de Seabra (Fernan), 47, 48. + + Gonçalvez Lobato (Balthasar), 234. + + Gonçalvez Viana (Aniceto dos Reis), 18, 294, 308. + + Góngora (Luis de), 74, 155, 258. + + Gonta Collaço (Branca de), 336. + + Gonzaga (Thomaz Antonio), 274, 279. + + Gonzalez de Sanabria (Ferrant). _See_ Gonçalvez de Seabra. + + Gouvêa (André de), 106. + + Gouvêa (Antonio de), 106, 206. + + Gouveia. _See_ Gouvêa. + + Gower (John), 89, 90. + + Gracián (Baltasar), 19, 154, 253. + + Granada (Luis de), 243. + + Grão Para, Bishop of. _See_ S. Joseph Queiroz. + + Grave (João), 321. + + Gray (Thomas), 277. + + Gregory, St., 90. + + _Grinalda, A_, 300. + + Guarda (Stevam), 51. + + _Guarda, Foros da_, 17. + + Guedes Teixeira (Fausto), 335. + + Guerra Junqueiro (Abilio Manuel), 331-2. + + Guilhade (Joan de), 28, 51, 339. + + Guilherme (Manuel), 13. + + Guimarães (Delfim), 136. + + Gusmão (Alexandre de), 286. + + Gusmão (Alexandre de), Jesuit, 249. + + + H + + Halifax (John of), 227. + + Hallam (Henry), 294. + + Heine (Heinrich), 351. + + Henrique, Cardinal, King, 106, 150, 164, 210, 214, 219, 227, 238, + 250, 251, 311. + + Henrique, Infante, 18, 86, 88, 89, 90, 92, 307. + + Henriques (Guilherme J. C.), 214. + + Henry VIII, of England, 212. + + Henry the Navigator, Prince. _See_ Henrique, Infante. + + Henry, of Burgundy, Count, 210, 271. + + Henryson (Robert), 60. + + Herberay des Essarts (Nicholas), 71. + + Herculano de Carvalho e Araujo (Alexandre), 61, 87, 97, 127, 208, + 243, 277, 285, 287, 292-5, 296, 303, 305, 315. + + Herodotus, 226. + + Herrera y Garrido (Francisca), 357. + + _Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa Redonda._ See _Demanda do + Santo Graall_. + + _Historia Tragico-Maritima_, 196, 217-8. + + _Historia Tristani_, 63. + + _Historias abreviadas do Testamento Velho_, 59. + + Hita, Archpriest of. _See_ Ruiz. + + Hollanda (Antonio de), 229. + + Hollanda (Francisco de), 229-30, 237. + + Homem (Pedro), 105. + + Homer, 19, 143, 174, 180, 182, 183, 233, 277, 280, 281. + + Horace, 72, 143, 148, 258, 272, 275, 277. + + Horta. _See_ Orta. + + Hugo (Victor), 293, 306, 308, 310, 331, 332, 333. + + Humboldt (Alexander von), 177. + + Hurtado (Luis), 234. + + Huysmans (J. K.), 333. + + + I + + Ichoa (Martim), 89. + + Idanha (Pedro de Alcaçova Carneiro), Conde de, 182. + + Ignacio de Loyola, San, 353. + + Isabel, Empress, 121. + + Isabel, Infanta, 121. + + Isabel, Queen Consort of Afonso V, 80, 95. + + Isabel, Queen Consort of Dinis, 54, 60, 247. + + Isabel, Queen of Spain, 127. + + _Isabel, Vida de Santa_, 60. + + Ivo (Pedro) _pseud._ _See_ Lopes (Carlos). + + + J + + Jardin (G. du). _See_ Orta. + + Jeanroy (Alfred), 29. + + Jerome, St., 85. + + Jesus (Francisco de). _See_ Sá de Meneses (F. de). + + Jesus (Raphael de), 208. + + Jesus (Thomé de), 14, 20, 189, 237, 238-40. + + Joana, Infanta, 215. + + João I, 14, 68, 81, 82, 84, 89-90, 94, 110, 211. + + João II, 88, 89, 93, 96, 100, 102, 103, 108, 125, 148, 221, 227, + 246, 305, 312. + + João III, 98, 103, 106, 107, 110, 117, 119, 132, 140, 141, 158, 167, + 175, 189, 192, 193, 195, 208, 209, 211, 215, 226. 232, 233, + 237, 296. + + João IV, 216, 242, 244, 253, 259, 265, 267, 268, 286. + + João V, 270. + + João, Infante [xvi c.], 106, 143, 150, 151, 166, 168, 169, 176, 179. + + _João de Calais, Verdadeira Historia de_, 339. + + João Manuel (D.). _See_ Manuel (D. João). + + John, Prester, 219, 225. + + Johnson (Samuel), 282. + + Jorge, D., 221. + + Jorge (Ricardo), 153. + + José I, 276, 296. + + _Josep ab Arimatia, Livro de_, 64. + + Joséphine, Empress, 281. + + Juan I, 78, 84. + + Juan de Austria, Don, 188. + + Juan Manuel, Infante Don, 91, 94. + + Juana, Infanta, 151. + + Juana, la Loca, Queen, 133. + + Juromenha, João Antonio de Lemos Pereira de Lacerda, Visconde de, + 176, 308. + + Justinianus (Laurentius), 94. + + + K + + Karr (Alphonse), 322. + + Keats (John), 138, 281. + + + L + + La Bruyère (Jean de), 91. + + Lacerda (Augusto), 314. + + Lafões, Duque de, 284. + + Lafões, third Duque de, 311. + + La Fontaine (Jean de), 117. + + Lamartine (Alphonse de), 275, 277. + + Lamas Carvajal (Valentin), 350-1. + + Lamennais (Hugues Félicité Robert de), 292. + + Lancastre (D. Lourenço de), 273. + + Lang (Henry Roseman), 23, 24, 37, 76, 79, 123. + + Lara (João Carlos de), 273. + + Lasso de la Vega (Garci), 140, 141, 143, 147, 172, 181, 260. + + Latino Coelho (José Maria), 201, 307. + + Lavanha (João Baptista), 195, 218. + + _Lazarillo de Tormes_, 115, 125, 160, 265. + + Leam (Gaspar de), 241. + + _Lear, King_, 62. + + Leitão de Andrade (Miguel), 72, 73, 263. + + Leite (Solidonio), 266. + + Leite de Vasconcellos Cardoso Pereira de Melo (José), 15, 33, 34, + 60, + 308-9, 342, 346. + + Leite Ferreira (Miguel), 67, 68, 69, 71, 148. + + Lemos (Jorge de), 203. + + Lemos (Julio de), 325. + + Lemos Seixas Castello Branco (João de), 300, 301. + + Lencastre (D. Philippa de), 80, 94. + + Leo X, 97. + + Leon (Luis de), 133, 236, 238, 239, 253, 258. + + Leonor. _See_ Lianor. + + Leonor, successively Queen of Portugal and France, 233. + + Leopardi (Giacomo), Count, 331, 351. + + _Lettres Portugaises._ _See_ Alcoforado. + + Levi (Juda), 94. + + Lianor, Empress, 93. + + Lianor, Queen Consort of Duarte, 90. + + Lianor, Queen Consort of João II, 93, 95, 111, 112, 113, 114, 119, + 120, 229. + + Lima (Alexandre Antonio de), 274. + + Lima (D. Rodrigo de), 219. + + Lima Pereira (Paulo de), 197. + + Linhares, second Conde de. _See_ Noronha (D. Francisco de). + + Linhares, Conde de [xvii c.], 252, 345. + + Linhares, Violante, Condessa de, 239. + + Lipsius (Justus), 255. + + Lisboa (Antonio de), 162. + + Lisboa (Cristovam de), 245. + + Lisboa (João de), 227. + + _Livro da Noa_, 60. + + _Livro das Aves_, 90. + + _Livro das Heras_, 60. + + _Livro de Josep ab Arimatia._ _See_ Josep. + + _Livro Velho_, 61. + + _Livro Vermelho_, 17. + + _Livros de Linhagens_, 61. + + Livy, 193, 194. + + Lobato (Gervasio), 314. + + Lobeira (Gonçalo de), 70. + + Lobeira (Joan de), 68, 69, 70, 159. + + Lobeira (Pedro de), 68, 70, 71. + + Lobeira (Vasco de), 67, 68, 69, 70. + + Lobo (Alvaro), 210. + + Lobo (D. Francisco Alexandre), Bishop of Viseu, 285. + + Lobo (Francisco Rodriguez). _See_ Rodriguez Lobo. + + Lollis (Cesare de), 45. + + Lopes (Carlos), 325. + + Lopes (David de Melo), 308. + + Lopes (Francisco), 155, 162. + + Lopes de Mendonça (Antonio Pedro), 297. + + Lopes de Mendonça (Henrique), 312-13. + + Lopes de Moura (Caetano), 37. + + Lopes Vieira (Afonso), 337. + + Lopez (Afonso), 160. + + Lopez (Anrique), 159. + + Lopez (Diogo), 84. + + Lopez (Fernam), 14, 19, 61, 62, 68, 77, 81-5, 87, 88, 89, 97, 117, + 180, 212, 255. + + Lopez (Martinho), 81. + + Lopez (Thomé), 204. + + López Abente (Gonzalo), 355. + + Lopez de Ayala (Pero), 66, 67. + + Lopez de Bayan (D. Afonso), 53. + + Lopez de Camões (Vasco), 77. + + Lopez de Castanheda (Fernam), 180, 181, 190-1, 192, 193, 194, 197, + 198, 200, 201, 206, 209. + + Lopez de Sousa (Pero), 225. + + Lopez de Ulhoa (D. Joan), 52. + + Lopo, jogral, 29. + + Losada (Benito), 352. + + Loti (Pierre) _pseud._ [Julien Viaud], 89, 323. + + Louis XI, 89. + + Lourenço, jogral, 29. + + Lucan, 99. + + Lucena (João de), 16, 75, 243. + + Lucena (Vasco Fernandez de). _See_ Fernandez Lucena. + + Lucian, 99. + + Ludolph of Saxony. _See_ Sachsen. + + Lugris y Freire (Manuel), 357. + + Luis, Infante, 106-7, 168, 170, 185, 191, 195, 209, 227, 228. + + Luis (Nicolau), 284. + + Lull (Ramón), 94. + + Luther (Martin), 126, 212. + + Luz (André da), 163. + + Luz (Philipe da), 17, 244, 245. + + Luz Soriano (Simão José da), 292. + + + M + + Macedo (Anna de). _See_ Sá e Macedo. + + Macedo (José Agostinho de), 17, 99, 182, 183, 187, 224, 237, 244, + 250, 277, 278, 279-82, 288. + + Machado (Julio Cesar), 325. + + Machado (Simão), 18, 161. + + Machado de Azevedo (Manuel), 77, 142. + + Macias, 76-77, 78, 98, 104, 132, 349, 350. + + Magalhães (Fernam de), 219. + + Magalhães (Luiz Cypriano Coelho de), 319. + + Magalhães de Gandavo (Pedro de), 193, 204, 279. + + Magalhães Lima (Jaime de), 319, 325. + + _Magalona, Verdadeira Historia da Princeza_, 65, 339, 340. + + Malheiro Dias (Carlos), 320. + + Mallarmé (Stéphane), 86. + + Malory (Sir Thomas), 85. + + Mangancha (Diogo Afonso), 90. + + Manrique (Gomez), 76, 100, 104. + + Manrique (Jorge), 76, 100, 102, 104. + + Mantua (Bento), 314. + + Manuel I, 88, 89, 96, 101, 103, 107, 110, 111, 112, 115, 117, 118, + 120, 121, 126, 129, 133, 145, 175, 192, 200, 201, 202, 208, + 209, 211, 214, 221, 228, 295, 312. + + Manuel, Infante, 116, 121. + + Manuel (D. João), 98, 101. + + _Maranhão, Jornada do_, 204. + + Marcabrun, 39. + + Marcos, Frei, 59. + + Maria, Infanta, 15, 107, 110, 121, 193, 233. + + Maria, Consort of King Manuel, 118. + + Maria da Gloria, Queen, 288. + + _Maria Egipcia, Vida de_, 59. + + Marialva, second Conde de, 241. + + Marialva, Marques de, 313. + + Mariana (Juan de), 208. + + Marie Antoinette, Queen, 277. + + Marinho de Azevedo (Luis), 18. + + Mariz (Antonio de), 206. + + Mariz (Pedro de), 206, 207. + + Marot (Clément), 233. + + Martelo Pauman (Evaristo), 354. + + Martial, 125. + + Martim Afonso, Mestre. _See_ Afonso (Martim). + + Martinez de Resende (Vasco), 13. + + Martínez Salazar (Andrés), 61. + + Martinho, de Alcobaça, 98. + + Martorell (Pedro Juan), 65. + + Martyres (Bartholomeu dos), 195, 242, 243, 342. + + Marueil (Arnaut de), 35. + + Mascarenhas (D. Fernando de), 267. + + Mascarenhas (D. João de), 187. + + Mascarenhas (D. Pedro de), 126. + + Mattos (João Xavier de), 278-9. + + Medina e Vasconcellos (Francisco de Paula), 186. + + Meendinho, 29, 52. + + Melanchthon (Philip), 212, 227. + + Mello (Carlos de). _See_ Ficalho. + + Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de), 14, 74, 108, 164, 170, 205, 252-5, + 261, 263, 267, 269, 338, 345. + + Mello (Garcia de), 101. + + Mello (Martim Afonso de), 82. + + Mello Breyner (D. Theresa de), Condessa de Vimieiro, 273. + + Mello Franco (Francisco de), 274. + + Mena (Juan de), 77, 104, 197. + + Menander, 130. + + Mendes de Vasconcellos (Luis), 263. + + Mendes dos Remedios (Joaquim), 16, 256. + + Mendes Leal (José da Silva), 301. + + Mendez (Afonso), 205. + + Mendez (Manuel), 60. + + Mendez de Sá (Gonçalo), 139. + + Mendez de Vasconcellos (Diogo), 215. + + Mendez Pinto (Fernam), 151, 203, 220, 221-5, 243. + + Mendez Silva (Rodrigo), 255. + + Mendoça (Jeronimo de), 210. + + Mendoça (Joana de), 196. + + Mendonça (Francisco de), 245. + + Mendonça (Jeronimo). _See_ Mendoça. + + Mendonça Alves (Vasco de), 314. + + Menéndez Pidal (Ramón), 73. + + Menéndez y Pelayo (Marcelino), 19, 65, 83, 112, 133, 135, 140, 151, + 168, 169, 233, 252, 278, 291, 339. + + Meneses (D. Aleixo de), 206. + + Meneses (D. Duarte de), 86. + + Meneses (D. Fernando de), 177. + + Meneses (D. Fernando de), second Conde da Ericeira, 266-7. + + Meneses (D. Francisco Xavier de), fourth Conde da Ericeira, 270-1. + + Meneses (D. Henrique de), 195. + + Meneses (D. João de), 101, 103, 104. + + Meneses (D. Luis de), third Conde da Ericeira, 69, 261, 267. + + Meneses (D. Pedro de), 86. + + Meneses (D. Sebastião Cesar de), 266. + + _Menina Fermosa, Trovas da_, 341. + + Menino (Pero), 17, 78. + + Meogo (Pero), 29. + + _Merlim_, 63. + + Mesquita (Marcellino Antonio da Silva), 311-12. + + Mesquita Perestrello (Manuel de), 217. + + Meyer (Paul), 44. + + Michaëlis (Gustav), 15. + + Michaëlis de Vasconcellos (Carolina), 14, 15, 22, 23, 29, 31, 32, + 33, + 34, 37, 39, 50, 53, 62, 65, 75, 76, 80, 104, 112, 136, 180, + 184, 308, 338, 342. + + Michelangelo. _See_ Buonarroti. + + Mickle (William Julius), 14. + + Miguel I, 280, 288. + + Milá y Fontanals (Manuel), 41, 345. + + Milton (John), 127, 184. + + Miranda (Afonso de), 226. + + Miranda (Jeronimo de), 226. + + Miranda (Martim Afonso de), 252, 262. + + _Misterio de los Reyes Magos_, 123. + + _Moleiro, Trovas do_, 341. + + Molière (Jean-Baptiste Poquelin), 116, 130, 164. + + Molteni (Enrico Gasi), 38. + + Monaci (Ernesto), 13, 37. + + Moniz Barreto (Guilherme), 21. + + Moniz Coelho (Egas), 72. + + Mons (Nat de), 42. + + Monsaraz, Antonio de Macedo Papança, Conde de, 335-6. + + Montaigne (Michel de), 83, 106, 212. + + Montalvão (Justino de), 328. + + Montalvo. _See_ Rodriguez de Montalvo. + + Montebello, Marques de, 356. + + Monteiro (Diogo), 246-7. + + Montemayor (George de). _See_ Montemôr (Jorge de). + + Montemôr (Jorge de), 17, 151-2. + + Montesino (Violante). _See_ Ceo (Violante do). + + Montesquieu (Charles Louis de Secondat), 182. + + Montoia (Luis de), 239. + + Montoro (Anton de), 23, 127. + + Moogo (Pero). _See_ Meogo. + + Moraes (Cristovam Alão de), 109, 286. + + Moraes Cabral (Francisco de), 65, 76, 152, 161, 204, 232-4. + + More (Sir Thomas), 254. + + Moreira (Julio), 308. + + Moreira Camello (Antonio), 338. + + Moreira de Carvalho (Jeronimo), 339. + + Moreno (Bento) _pseud._ _See_ Teixeira de Queiroz. + + Moura (Miguel de), 210. + + Mousinho de Quevedo (Vasco), 261. + + Murguía (Manuel de), 349. + + + N + + Napier (Sir William), 255. + + Napoleon I, 281. + + Napoleon III, 340. + + Nascimento (Francisco Manuel do), 263, 274-5, 290, 304, 338, 344. + + Navagero (Andrea), 351. + + Newton (Sir Isaac), 281. + + Niebuhr (Barthold Georg), 294. + + _No figueiral figueiredo_, 72. + + _Nobiliario do Collegio dos Nobres_, 61. + + _Nobiliario do Conde._ _See_ Pedro Afonso, Conde de + Barcellos. + + Nobre (Antonio), 332, 334. + + Nobrega, Padre, 45. + + Nogueira Ramos (João de Deus), 249, 250, 329-30, 338. + + Noriega Varela (Antonio), 355. + + Noronha (D. Anna de), 242. + + Noronha (D. Antonio de), 175, 177, 179. + + Noronha (D. Francisco de), second Conde de Linhares, 175, 232, 239. + + Noronha (D. Lianor de), 107. + + Noronha (D. Thomas de), 256. + + Novaes (Francisco Xavier de), 112, 302. + + Nun’ Alvarez. _See_ Alvarez Pereira (Nuno). + + Nun de Allariz (Alfredo) _pseud._, 355. + + Nunes (Claudio José), 331. + + Nunes (José Joaquim), 26, 60, 308. + + Nunes Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio), 286. + + Nunez (Airas), 23, 31, 47, 52-3. + + Nunez (João), 210. + + Nunez (Pedro), 18, 107, 226-7, 251. + + Nunez (Philipe), 230. + + Nunez da Silva (Manuel), 231. + + Nunez de Leam (Duarte), 39, 55, 56, 68, 210-11, 252. + + Nuñez del Arce (Gaspar Esteban), 295. + + Nuñez González (Manuel), 354, 355. + + + O + + Oeynhausen, Count of, 276. + + Olanda (Francisco de). _See_ Hollanda. + + Olivares, Conde-Duque de, 252. + + Oliveira (Fernam de), 109, 220, 227. + + Oliveira (Francisco Xavier de), Cavalheiro de Oliveira, 74, 285-6. + + Oliveira Marreca (Antonio de), 295. + + Oliveira Martins (Pedro Joaquim de), 305-6, 322. + + Orta (Garcia da), 178, 225-6, 308. + + Orta (Jorge da), 225. + + Ortigão (Ramalho). _See_ Ramalho Ortigão. + + Osborne (Dorothy), 20. + + _Osmia._ _See_ Mello Breyner. + + Osorio (Luiz), 335. + + Osorio da Fonseca (Jeronimo), 18, 209, 224, 228, 263. + + Ossian, 301. + + Ovid, 85. + + + P + + Pacheco (João), 248. + + Pacheco Pereira (Duarte), 191, 227. + + Paez (Balthasar), 245. + + Paez (D. Maria), 22. + + Paez (Pedro), 205. + + Paganino (Rodrigo), 325. + + Paiva (Isabel de), 239. + + Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de) [xvi c.], 239, 244. + + Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de) [xvii c.], 215, 239, 253. + + Palmeirim (Luiz Augusto), 300-1. + + _Palmeirim de Inglaterra._ _See_ Moraes (F. de). + + _Palmerín de Oliva_, 234. + + Pardo Bazán (Emilia), Condesa de, 356. + + Patmore (Coventry), 336. + + Pato Moniz (Nuno Alvares). _See_ Pereira Pato Moniz. + + Patricio (Antonio), 328. + + _Paixam de Jesu Christo, A_, 94, 95. + + Paul III, Pope, 212, 219. + + Paulo (Marco). _See_ Polo. + + Payne (Robert), 90. + + Pedro I, of Portugal, 80, 84, 312. + + Pedro II, of Portugal, 268, 288. + + Pedro V, of Portugal, 293. + + Pedro Afonso, Conde de Barcellos, 38, 57, 61-2. + + Pedro, Duque de Coimbra, 71, 79, 80, 86, 88, 90, 92, 94, 100. + + Pedro, O Condestavel D., 38, 77, 79-80, 86, 92, 95, 100. + + Pedro, King of Aragon. _See_ Pedro, O Condestavel D. + + _Pedro, Tratado do Infante D._, 340. + + _Pelagia, Vida de Santa_, 60. + + Penha Fortuna (João de Oliveira), 330. + + Pereda (José María de), 318. + + Pereira (Antonio Nunalvarez), 141. + + Pereira (Aureliano J.), 354. + + Pereira (Nuno), 98, 102, 143. + + Pereira Brandão (Luis), 188-9. + + Pereira de Castro (Gabriel), 258-9. + + Pereira de Castro (Luis), 258. + + Pereira de Figueiredo (Antonio), 338. + + Pereira de Novaes (Manuel), 20. + + Pereira de Sampaio (José) [Bruno], 308. + + Pereira Pato Moniz (Nuno Alvarez), 187. + + Pereira Pinheiro (Bernardino), 295-6. + + Pereira Teixeira de Vasconcellos (Joaquim). _See_ Teixeira de + Pascoaes. + + Pérez Ballesteros (José), 356. + + Pérez Galdós (Benito), 298. + + Pérez Placer (Heraclio), 357. + + Perez de Camões (Vasco), 77, 78, 174. + + Perez de Oliva (Hernan), 165. + + Pestana (Alice), 324. + + Petrarca (Francesco), 139, 146, 147, 148, 152, 161, 181, 185, 186, + 197, 237, 280, 281. + + Philip II, of Spain, 146, 151, 195, 216, 223, 224, 230, 236, 237, + 238, 250, 263. + + Philip III, of Spain, 155. + + Philip IV, of Spain, 216, 243. + + Philippa, Queen Consort of João I, 84, 85, 89, 305. + + Piamonte (Nicolas), 339. + + Picaud (Aimeric), 25. + + _Pierres de Provence_, 65. + + Pimenta (Agostinho). _See_ Cruz (Agostinho da). + + Pimentel (Manuel), 228. + + Pina (Fernam de), 87. + + Pina (Ruy de), 87-9, 97, 110, 125, 180. + + Pindella (Bernardo de). _See_ Arnoso. + + Pinheiro (D. Antonio), 214, 244. + + Pinheiro (Bernardino). _See_ Pereira Pinheiro. + + Pinheiro (Bernardo). _See_ Arnoso. + + Pinheiro Chagas (Manuel), 304, 306-7. + + Pinheiro da Veiga (Thomé), 265. + + Pinto (Heitor), 14, 16, 101, 230, 236-7, 238. + + Pinto (João Lourenço), 318-19. + + Pinto (Jorge), 159. + + Pinto Ribeiro (João), 265. + + Pintos (Juan Manuel), 348. + + Pires (Antonio Thomaz), 69, 308, 342. + + Pires de Rebello (Gaspar), 262. + + Pirez Lobeira (Joan). _See_ Lobeira (Joan de). + + Pisan (Christine de), 85, 95. + + Pisano (Mattheus de), 85. + + Pius IV, Pope, 193. + + _Platir_, 234. + + Plato, 119, 237. + + Plautus, 108, 130, 164, 167. + + Pliny, 226. + + _Poema da Perda de Espanha._ _See_ Cava. + + _Poema del Cid._ _See_ Cid. + + _Poetica_, 48, 49, 58, 66. + + Poitou, Guillaume, Comte de, 39. + + Poliziano (Angelo [Ambrogini]), 103, 139, 141. + + Polo (Marco), 95. + + Pombal, Sebastião José de Carvalho e Mello, Marques de, 272, 273, + 276, 291, 307. + + Ponce (Bartolomé), 151. + + Pondal y Abente (Eduardo), 352-3, 355. + + Ponte (Pero da), 28, 51. + + Pope (Alexander), 50, 209, 274, 277. + + Portela (Severo), 328. + + Porto Carreiro (Lope de), 78. + + Portugal (D. Anrique de), 103. + + Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvi c.], 203. + + Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvii c.], 18, 70, 129, 258. + + Portugal (D. Francisco de), Conde de Vimioso, 100, 103-4, 122, 126, + 145, 150. + + Portugal (D. João de), 241, 242. + + Portugal (D. Manuel de), 145, 180, 346. + + _Portugaliae Monumenta Historica._ _See_ Herculano + (Alexandre). + + Posada y Pereira (José María), 348. + + Potter (Maria), 315. + + Potter (Thomas), 315. + + Poyares (Pedro de), 109. + + Prado (Xavier), 355. + + Prazeres (João dos), 269. + + Presentação (Cosme da), 239. + + Prestage (Edgar), 14, 15, 214, 252, 308. + + Prestes (Antonio), 19, 160-1, 166. + + _Primlaeon_, 119, 234. + + _Primor e honra da vida soldadesca_, 262. + + Ptolemy, 193. + + Purificaçam (Antonio da), 18. + + Purser (William Edward), 233. + + + Q + + Queimado (Roy), 52. + + Quental (Anthero Tarquinio de), 304, 328-9. + + Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco Gomez de), 169, 252, 253, 255. + + Quinet (Edgar), 19. + + Quintilian, 247. + + Quita (Domingos dos Reis), 272-3. + + + R + + Rabelais (François), 321. + + Rabello (Gabriel de), 203. + + Racine (Jean), 182. + + Raleigh (Sir Walter), 228. + + Ramalho Ortigão (José Duarte), 304, 318, 321-2. + + Ramos Coelho (José), 307. + + Ramusio (Giovanni Battista), 204. + + Rebello da Silva (Luiz Augusto), 296. + + Redondo, Conde de. _See_ Coutinho (D. Francisco). + + _Regras e Cautelas_, 241. + + _Relaçam verdadeira dos trabalhos_, &c., 203. + + Renan (Ernest), 240. + + Resende (Garcia de), 75, 88, 89, 96-8, 99, 100, 110, 113, 123, 124, + 127, 140, 150, 199. + + Resende (Lucio André de), 13, 39, 130, 150, 180, 206, 215, 216. + + _Revista de Historia_, 308. + + _Revista Lusitana_, 309, 347. + + Rey Soto (Antonio), 355. + + Ribalta (Aurelio), 356-7. + + Ribeira Grande, Conde da, 311. + + Ribeiro (Bernardim), 14, 19, 105, 132-9, 141, 152, 154, 291, 300. + + Ribeiro (Jeronimo), 161. + + Ribeiro (João), 204. + + Ribeiro (João Pedro), 292. + + Ribeiro (Mattheus de), 261. + + Ribeiro Chiado (Antonio), 157-8, 161. + + Ribeiro de Macedo (Duarte), 265-6. + + Ribeiro de Sousa (Salvador), 203. + + Ribeiro dos Santos (Antonio), 285. + + Ribeiro Ferreira (Thomaz Antonio), 302. + + Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio Nunes). _See_ Nunes Ribeiro Sanches. + + Ribeiro Soarez (Jeronimo). _See_ Ribeiro (Jeronimo). + + Richardson (Samuel), 170. + + Riquier (Guiraut), 42, 55. + + _Roberto, Verdadeira Historia do Grande_, 339. + + Rocha Martins (Francisco de), 321. + + Rodrigues (José Maria), 180. + + Rodrigues Cordeiro (Antonio Xavier), 300. + + Rodriguez (Fernan), 78. + + Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of Almazan, 78. + + Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of Toro, 78, 123. + + Rodriguez (Melicia), 110. + + Rodriguez Azinheiro (Cristovam), 211. + + Rodriguez de Calheiros (Fernan), 52. + + Rodriguez de Escobar (Gonçalo), 78. + + Rodriguez de la Cámara (Juan), 63, 77, 104, 132. + + Rodriguez de Montalvo (Garci), 65, 66, 67, 69, 119. + + Rodriguez de Sá e Meneses (João), 103. + + Rodriguez de Sousa (Gonçalo), 78. + + Rodriguez del Padrón (Juan). _See_ Rodriguez de la Cámara. + + Rodriguez González (Eladio), 354-5. + + Rodriguez Leitão (Manuel), 266. + + Rodriguez Lobo (Francisco), 74, 153-5, 170, 185, 232. + + Rodriguez Lobo Soropita (Fernam), 229, 345. + + Rodriguez Silveira (Francisco), 229, 307. + + Roiz. _See_ Rodriguez. + + _Roland, Chanson de_, 53. + + Rolim de Moura. See Child Rolim. + + _Romances_, 74-6, 124, 161, 172. + + Romero (Sylvio), 17. + + Roquette (José Ignacio), 91. + + Rousseau (Jean-Jacques), 264. + + Rucellai (Giovanni), 140. + + Rudel (Jaufre), 47. + + Rueda (Lope de), 112, 130. + + Ruiz (Juan), Archpriest of Hita, 23, 38, 53, 90, 113, 124, 125, 339, + 356. + + Ruiz de Toro (Alvar), 78. + + + S + + Sá (Antonio de), 269. + + Sá (Diogo de), 228. + + Sá (Gonçalo de), 143. + + Sá (Mem de), 143. + + Sá de Meneses (Francisco de), epic poet, 260. + + Sá de Meneses (Francisco de), Conde de Mattosinhos, 13, 150, 260. + + Sá de Miranda (Francisco de), 13, 19, 39, 53, 77, 104, 105, 117, + 120, 138, 139-45, 146, 149, 164, 165, 166, 174, 176, 206, 260, + 263, 276. + + Sá e Macedo (Anna de), 174, 179. + + Sá Sottomaior (Eloi de), 153. + + Sabugal, Conde de, 256. + + Sabugosa (Antonio Maria José de Mello Silva Cesar e Meneses), Conde + de, 121, 158, 324. + + Sacchetti (Franco), 231. + + Sachsen (Ludolph von), 90, 95. + + _Sacramental._ _See_ Sanchez de Vercial. + + Sacro Bosco (Joannes de). _See_ Halifax (John of). + + Sadoletto (Jacopo), Cardinal, 212. + + Sainte-Beuve (Charles-Augustin), 91, 321. + + Saint-More (Benoît de), 61. + + Saint Victor (Adam de), 24. + + San Pedro (Diego de), 124, 132. + + Sanches de Baena Farinha Augusto Romano, Visconde, 111. + + Sanchez (D. Afonso), 30, 57. + + Sanchez (Francisco), 20. + + Sanchez de Badajoz (Garci), 104. + + Sanchez de Vercial (Clemente), 95. + + Sancho I, of Portugal, 22, 27, 34, 39, 87, 122. + + Sancho II, of Portugal, 17, 53, 296. + + Sannazzaro (Jacopo), 140, 152. + + Santa Catharina (Lucas de), 152, 242, 271. + + Santa Maria (Francisco de), 269. + + Santa Rita (Guilherme de), 335. + + Santa Rita Durão (José de), 279. + + Santa Rosa de Viterbo (Joaquim de), 285. + + Santarem (Manuel Francisco de Barros e Sousa de Mesquita Leitão e + Carvalhosa), Visconde de, 292. + + _Santarem, Foros de_, 17. + + Santillana, Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza, Marqués de, 22, 32, 38, 41, 48, + 49, 77, 79, 80, 104. + + Santo Antonio (Pedro de), 247. + + Santo Antonio (Sebastião de), 280. + + Santo Estevam (Gomez de), 340. + + Santos (João dos), 220. + + Santos (Manuel dos), 208. + + Santos e Silva (Thomaz Antonio de), 187. + + S. Bernardino (Gaspar de), 221. + + S. Boaventura (Fortunato de), 285. + + S. Joseph Queiroz (D. João de), 286. + + S. Luis (D. Francisco de), Cardinal Saraiva, 285. + + Saraiva, Cardinal. _See_ S. Luis. + + Sarmento (Augusto Cesar Rodrigues), 325. + + Sarmento (Francisco de Jesus Maria), 338. + + Sarmiento (Martín), 347, 356. + + Savoy, Duke of, 120, 133. + + Schwalbach Lucci (Eduardo), 314. + + Scott (Sir Walter), 293. + + Sebastian, King, 146, 150, 168, 179, 181, 187, 188, 209, 210, 226, + 227, 239, 241, 247, 261, 263, 307, 340, 341. + + Semmedo (Alvaro), 204. + + Semmedo (Curvo). _See_ Curvo Semedo. + + Seneca, 92, 94, 161, 280. + + Senna Freitas (Joaquim de), 322. + + Sepulveda (D. Lianor de). _See_ Sousa (D. Lianor de). + + _Sergas de Esplandian, Las_, 65, 68. + + Serpa Pimentel (José Freire de), 300. + + Serrão de Castro (Antonio), 256. + + Servando (Joan), 29. + + Severim de Faria (Manuel), 107, 180, 184, 192, 193, 197, 215-16, + 245. + + Sevilha (Pedro Amigo de). _See_ Amigo. + + Shakespeare (William), 19, 108, 118, 129, 130, 160, 164. + + Sigea (Angela), 107. + + Sigea (Luisa), 107. + + Siglar (Pierres de), 43. + + Silius Italicus, 41. + + Silva (Antonio José da), 282-4. + + Silva (Innocencio Francisco da), 61, 148, 163, 192, 193, 220, 237, + 308. + + Silva (Nicolau Luis da). _See_ Luis (Nicolau). + + Silva Dias (Augusto Epiphanio da), 308. + + Silva Gayo (Manuel da), 320. + + Silva Mascarenhas (André da), 260. + + Silva Pinto (Manuel José da), 322. + + Silva Souto-Maior (Caetano José da), 306. + + Silveira (Fernam da) [†1489], 101. + + Silveira (Fernam da), O Coudel Môr, 100-1, 102. + + Silveira (Francisco Rodriguez). _See_ Rodriguez Silveira. + + Silveira (Jorge da), 102. + + Silveira da Motta (Francisco), 322. + + Simões Dias (José), 330. + + Soares de Brito (João), 52, 68, 182, 207, 224, 258. + + Soares de Passos (Antonio Augusto), 293, 301. + + Soarez (Martin), 52. + + Soarez Coelho (D. Joan), 52. + + Soarez de Paiva (D. Joan), 48, 76. + + Soarez de Sousa (Gabriel), 205. + + Soarez de Taveiroos (Pai), 22. + + Solá (Jaime), 356. + + Sophocles, 165. + + Soropita. _See_ Rodriguez Lobo Soropita. + + Soto (Hernando de), 203. + + Sotomaior (Luis de), 130. + + Sousa (D. Antonio Caetano de), 284. + + Sousa (Diogo de), 256. + + Sousa (Francisco de) [xvi c.], 98, 105. + + Sousa (Francisco de) [xvii c.], 244. + + Sousa (D. Lianor de), 188, 217. + + Sousa (Luis de), 14, 16, 203, 209, 215, 241-3, 269, 291, 298. + + Sousa (Manuel Caetano de), 280. + + Sousa (Martim Afonso de), 225, 227. + + Sousa (Philippa de), 150. + + Sousa (Rui de), 122. + + Sousa Costa (Alberto de), 328. + + Sousa Coutinho (Lopo de), 196, 203. + + Sousa Coutinho (Manuel de). _See_ Sousa (Luis de). + + Sousa de Macedo (Antonio), 56, 68, 74, 130, 209, 224, 258, 260-1. + + Sousa Falcão (Cristovam de). _See_ Falcão. + + Sousa Farinha (Bento José de), 244. + + Sousa Monteiro (José de), 311. + + Sousa Moraes (Wenceslau José de), 322-3. + + Sousa Sepulveda (Manuel de), 187, 196, 217. + + Sousa Viterbo (Francisco Marques de), 13, 307. + + Southey (Robert), 15, 19, 282. + + Souto-Maior (Caetano Jose da Silva). _See_ Silva Souto-Maior. + + Souto Maior (Eloi de Sá). _See_ Sá Sottomaior. + + Souvestre (Émile), 299. + + Spinoza (B.), 20. + + Stanley of Alderney, Lord, 315. + + Storck (Wilhelm), 174, 176, 178, 329. + + Straparola (Giovanni Francesco), 231. + + Stuart (Charles), Lord Stuart of Rothesay, 37. + + _Sylvia de Lisardo_, 139. + + + T + + Tacitus, 266. + + Tancos (Hermenegildo de), 90. + + Tasso (Bernardo), 71, 181. + + Tasso (Torquato), 146, 180, 181, 280. + + Tavares (Manuel), 110. + + Tavares Zagalo (Joana), 133. + + Teive (Diogo de), 106. + + Teixeira de Pascoaes (Joaquim), 333-4. + + Teixeira de Queiroz (Francisco), 319-20, 325. + + Teixeira Gomes (Manuel), 323. + + Tellez (Balthasar), 204-5. + + Tellez (Lianor), Queen Consort of Fernando I, 84. + + Tellez (Maria), 84. + + Tellez de Meneses (Aires), 148. + + _Tello, Vida de D._, 60. + + Tennyson (Alfred), Lord, 64, 301. + + Tenreiro (Antonio), 220. + + Terence, 130, 164. + + _Testament de Pathelin_, 123. + + Theocritus, 272. + + _Theodora, Verdadeira Historia da Donzella_, 339. + + Theotocopuli (Domenico), El Greco, 114, 282. + + Thierry (Augustin), 294. + + Thomas (Henry), 65. + + Thomas Aquinas, St., 86, 90, 92, 94. + + Thomson (James), 277. + + Tilly (John), 204. + + Timoneda (Juan de), 231. + + _Tinherabos nam tinherabos_, 72. + + _Tirant lo Blanch_, 65. + + Tolentino de Almeida (Nicolau), 272, 274, 276. + + Tolstoi (Leo), Count, 333. + + Tolomei (Lattanzio), 140, 230. + + Torcy (Claude Blosset de), 233. + + Toro, Archdeacon of. _See_ Rodriguez (Gonzalo). + + Torres (Alvaro de), 241. + + Torres (Domingos Maximiano), 278. + + Torres Naharro (Bartolomé de), 124. + + Trancoso (Gonçalo Fernandez). _See_ Fernandez Trancoso. + + Trindade (Adeodato da), 196, 197. + + Trindade Coelho (José Francisco de), 327. + + Trissino (Giangiorgio), 165. + + _Tristam, O Livro de_, 63. + + _Tristan_, 65, 69, 70. + + _Trovador, O_, 300. + + _Trovador, O Novo_, 300. + + Trueba (Antonio de), 302, 303. + + _Tundalo, Visão de_, 59. + + + U + + Usque (Abraham ben), 246. + + Usque (Samuel), 245-6. + + + V + + Vaamonde (Florencio), 357. + + Valcacer. _See_ Valcarcel. + + Valcarcel (Pedro de), 78. + + Valdés (Juan de), 65. + + Valente (Afonso), 112. + + Valera (Juan), 19. + + Valla (Lorenzo), 180. + + Valle Inclán (Ramón María del), 327, 356. + + Van Zeller (Francisco), 169. + + Vaqueiras (Raimbaut de), 41. + + Varnhagen (Francisco Adolpho de), 37, 133, 205, 206. + + Vasconcellos (Antonio de), 39, 259. + + Vasconcellos (Henrique de), 328. + + Vasconcellos (Joaquim de), 15, 214, 230. + + Vasconcellos (Jorge de), 167. + + Vasconcellos (Jorge Ferreira de). _See_ Ferreira. + + Vasconcellos (Simão de), 267. + + Vaz (Francisco), de Guimarães, 161-2. + + Vaz (Joana), 107. + + Vaz da Gama (Guiomar), 174. + + Vaz de Camões (Luis). _See_ Camões. + + Vaz de Camões (Simão), 174. + + Vaz de Carvalho (Maria Amalia), 324. + + Vazquez (Francisco), 234. + + Veer (Pero de), 29. + + Vega (Garci Lasso de la). _See_ Lasso de la Vega. + + Vega Carpio (Lope Felix de), 76, 129, 130, 147, 153, 169, 181, 183, + 258. + + Veiga (Manuel da), 340. + + Veiga (Thomas da), 17, 244, 245. + + Veiga Tagarro (Manuel da), 258. + + Velázquez (Diego), 333. + + Velez de Guevara (Luis), 284. + + Velez de Guevara (Pero), 79. + + Velho (Alvaro), 190. + + Verba (João), 92. + + Verde (José Joaquim Cesario), 330. + + Vernier (P.), 226. + + Verney (Luis Antonio), 285. + + Veronese (Paolo), 182. + + Vespasian, Emperor, 64. + + _Vespeseano, Estorea de_, 64. + + _Vespesiano, Estoria del noble_, 64. + + Vicente (Belchior), 110. + + Vicente (Gil), 13, 16, 19, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 62, 74, 75, 97, 102, + 105, 106-31, 132, 133, 138, 139, 141, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, + 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 178, 235, 271, 291, 311, 338, 342, + 344, 345. + + Vicente (Luis), 109. + + Vicente (Luis), son of Gil Vicente, 110, 168. + + Vicente (Martim), 109. + + Vicente (Paula), 110. + + Vicente de Almeida (Gil), 162. + + _Vicentes, Cronica dos._ See _Cronica da Fundaçam_. + + Vieira (Antonio), 14, 16, 156, 190, 245, 248, 249, 261, 265, 267-9, + 307. + + Vieira (Nicolao), 59. + + Vieira da Costa (J.), 321. + + Vieira Ravasco (Cristovam), 267. + + Vilhena (D. Joana de), 145. + + Vilhena (D. Magdalena de), 241, 242. + + Vilhena (D. Philippa de), Condessa de Athouguia, 291. + + Villa-Moura, Visconde de, 328. + + Villa Nova, Condessa de, 253, 286. + + Villani (Giovanni), 83. + + Villareal, Fernando, Marques de, 107. + + Villas-Boas (D. Manuel do Cenaculo), Bishop of Beja, 285. + + Villena (D. Enrique de), 77. + + Vimieiro, Counts of, 71. + + Vimieiro, fourth Conde de, 273. + + Vimioso, first Conde de [_or_ do]. _See_ Portugal (D. + Francisco de). + + Vimioso, third Conde de, 242. + + Virgil, 174, 180, 181, 182, 183, 257, 272. + + _Visão de Tundalo._ See _Tundalo_. + + Viseu, Diogo, Duke of, 102. + + Viseu, Henry, Duke of. _See_ Henrique, Infante. + + _Visio Tundali_, 59. + + _Vita Christi._ _See_ Sachsen (Ludolph + von). + + Vives (Juan Luis), 65, 212, 340. + + Voltaire (François Arouet), 179, 182, 274. + + Vyvyães (Pero), 52. + + + W + + Wieland (Christoph Martin), 277. + + Wyche (Sir Peter), 266. + + + X + + Xavier, St. Francis, 190, 223, 225, 243. + + Xavier de Mattos. _See_ Mattos. + + Xavier de Novaes. _See_ Novaes. + + Xenophon, 85. + + Ximenez de Urrea (Geronimo), 262. + + + Y + + Yannez (Rodrigo), 73. + + Ychoa (João de), 89. + + + Z + + Zamora (Gil de), 42. + + Zola (Émile), 299. + + Zorro (Joan), 29, 31, 53. + + Zurara (Gomez Eanez de), 14, 15, 68, 69, 81, 82, 85-7, 88, 201. + + + + + PRINTED IN ENGLAND + AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75425 *** diff --git a/75425-h/75425-h.htm b/75425-h/75425-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..84305d6 --- /dev/null +++ b/75425-h/75425-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,22113 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> +<head> + <meta charset="UTF-8"> + <title> + Portuguese Literature | Project Gutenberg + </title> + <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> + <style> + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .51em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .49em; + text-indent: 1em; +} + +.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} +.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} +.p0 {text-indent: 0em;} + +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: 33.5%; + margin-right: 33.5%; + clear: both; +} + +hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} +hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} +@media print { hr.chap {display: none; visibility: hidden;} } + +div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} +h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} + +ul.index { list-style-type: none; } +li.ifrst { + margin-top: 2em; + text-indent: -2em; + padding-left: 1em; +} +li.indx { + margin-top: .5em; + text-indent: -2em; + padding-left: 1em; +} + +table { + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; +} +table.autotable { border-collapse: collapse; width: 60%;} +table.autotable td, +table.autotable th { padding: 4px; } +.x-ebookmaker table {width: 95%;} + +.tdc {text-align: center; vertical-align: top;} +.tdr {text-align: right; vertical-align: top;} + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: right; + font-style: normal; + font-weight: normal; + font-variant: normal; + text-indent: 0; +} + +.blockquot { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 5%; +} + +.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em;} + +.right {text-align: right; text-indent: 0em;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform: lowercase;} + +/* Images */ + +img { + max-width: 100%; + height: auto; +} +.w50 {width: 50%;} +.x-ebookmaker .w50 {width: 75%;} + +.figcenter { + margin: auto; + text-align: center; + page-break-inside: avoid; + max-width: 100%; +} + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnotes {border: 1px dashed; margin-top: 1em;} + +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + +/* Poetry */ + +.poetry { + display: block; + text-align: left; + margin-left: 0 + } +/* uncomment the next line for centered poetry in browsers */ +/* .poetry {display: inline-block;} */ +/* large inline blocks don't split well on paged devices */ +@media print { .poetry {display: block;} } + +.x-ebookmaker .poetry { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 5% + } +.poetry-container { + margin: 1.5em auto; + text-align: center; + font-size: 98%; + display: flex; + justify-content: center + } +.poetry .stanza { + padding: 0.5em 0; + page-break-inside: avoid + } +.poetry .verse { + text-indent: -3em; + padding-left: 3em + } + +.xbig {font-size: 2em;} +.big {font-size: 1.3em;} +.small {font-size: 0.8em;} + +abbr[title] { + text-decoration: none; +} + +/* Poetry indents */ +.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3em;} +.poetry .indent10 {text-indent: 2em;} +.poetry .indent16 {text-indent: 5em;} +.poetry .indent18 {text-indent: 6em;} +.poetry .indent2 {text-indent: -2em;} +.poetry .indent20 {text-indent: 7em;} +.poetry .indent24 {text-indent: 9em;} +.poetry .indent4 {text-indent: -1em;} +.poetry .indent6 {text-indent: 0em;} + +/* Illustration classes */ +.illowp100 {width: 100%;} + +</style> +</head> +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75425 ***</div> +<h1> +PORTUGUESE +LITERATURE +</h1> + + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p class="center"> +Oxford University Press<br> +<br><table class="autotable"> +<tr><td class="tdc"><i>London</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Edinburgh</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Glasgow</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Copenhagen</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc"><i>New York</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Toronto</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Melbourne</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Cape Town</i></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc"><i>Bombay</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Calcutta</i> </td><td class="tdc"><i>Madras</i> </td><td class="tdc"> <i>Shanghai</i></td></tr> +</table> +<p class="center p2"> +Humphrey Milford Publisher to the <span class="smcap">University</span> +</p> +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + + +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="center xbig"> +PORTUGUESE<br> +LITERATURE<br> +</p> +</div> + +<p class="center p2"> +BY<br><span class="big"> +AUBREY F. G. BELL</span> +</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100 p2" id="000" style="max-width: 38.125em;"> + <img class="w50 p4" src="images/000.jpg" alt="decorative image"> +</figure> + +<p class="center p4"> +<span class="big">OXFORD<br> +AT THE CLARENDON PRESS</span><br> +1922<br> +</p> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="001" style="max-width: 97.6875em;"> + <img class="w50" src="images/001.jpg" alt="decorative header"> +</figure> + + +<p class="center p2"><span class="big"> +TO THE TRUE PORTUGAL OF THE FUTURE</span><br> +<br> +<i>La letteratura, dalla quale sola potrebbe aver sodo principio</i><br> +<i>la rigenerazione della nostra patria.</i><br> +<br> +<span class="smcap">Giacomo Leopardi.</span><br> +</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="002" style="max-width: 21.1875em;"> + <img class="w50 p2" src="images/002.jpg" alt="decorative image"> +</figure> +</div> +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span></p> + +<p><i>This book was ready in October 1916, +but the war delayed its publication. +A few alterations have now been made in +order to bring it up to date. It is needless +to say how welcome will be further +suggestions, especially for the bibliography. +Only by such help can a book of this kind +become useful, since its object is not to expatiate +upon schools and theories but to +give with as much accuracy as possible the +main facts concerning the work and life of +each individual author.</i></p> +</div> + +<p class="right"> +AUBREY F. G. BELL.<br> +</p> + +<p> +<span class="smcap">S. João do Estoril,</span><br> +<span style="margin-left: 1.5em;"><span class="smcap">Portugal.</span></span><br> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;"><i>July 1921</i></span><br> +</p> +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> +</div> + + +<table class="autotable"> +<tr><th></th><th class="tdr">PAGE</th></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +<i>Introduction</i> +</td></tr> +<tr><td> +Portuguese literature in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries—D. +Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos—Dr. Theophilo Braga—Portuguese +prose—Portuguese writers in Spanish and Latin—Character +of the Portuguese—Special qualities of their literature—Splendid +achievement—Lack of criticism and proportion but not +of talent </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +I. 1185-1325. +</td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +[i. e. from the accession of Sancho I to the death of Dinis.] + +</td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 1. <i>The Cossantes</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_22">22</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Earliest poems—Their indigenous character and peculiar form—Their +origin—Galicia in the Middle Ages—The pilgrimages—Dance-poems—Themes +of the <i>cossantes</i>—Their relation to the +poetry imported from Provence—Writers of <i>cossantes</i>: Nuno +Fernandez Torneol—Joan Zorro—Pero Meogo—Pay Gomez +Chariño—Airas Nunez’ <i>pastorela</i>—The <i>cantigas de vilãos</i>—Songs +of women—Persistence of the <i>cossante</i> to modern times—<i>Cossantes</i> +and <i>cantigas de amor</i>. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 2. <i>The Cancioneiros</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +<i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i>—<i>Cancioneiro da Vaticana</i>—<i>Cancioneiro +Colocci-Brancuti</i>—Relations of Portugal with Spain, with France, +with other countries—The Galician language—Its extension—Alfonso +X—The <i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i>—Poetry at the Court of +Afonso III—Provençal poetry in Portugal—Monotony and +technical skill of the Portuguese poets—<i>Cantigas de amigo</i>—Satiric +poems—Joan de Guilhade—Pero Garcia de Burgos—Pero +da Ponte—Joan Airas—Fernan Garcia Esgaravunha—Airas +Nunez—King Dinis. +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +II. 1325-1521. + +</td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +[i. e. from the accession of Sancho IV to the death of Manuel I.] + +</td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 1. <i>Early Prose</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Comparatively late development of prose—Spanish influence in the +second period of Portuguese literature—King Dinis’ translation<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span></p> +of the <i>Cronica Geral</i>—<i>Regra de S. Bento</i>—Translations from the +Bible—Sacred legends—Aesop’s Fables—Chronicles—<i>Livros +de Linhagens</i>—The Breton cycle—The Quest of the Holy Grail—<i>Livro +de Josep ab Arimatia</i>—<i>Estorea de Vespeseano</i>—<i>Amadis de +Gaula</i>—Problem of its origin—Early allusions—Vasco de Lobeira—Probable +introduction of <i>Amadis</i> into the Peninsula through +Portugal. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 2. <i>Epic and Later Galician Poets</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_72">72</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Dearth of epics—Apocryphal poems—Afonso Giraldez—<i>Romances</i>—Their +connexion with Spain—Survival of Galician +lyrics—Macias—Juan Rodriguez de la Cámara—Fernam Casquicio—Vasco +Perez de Camões—Gonçalo Rodriguez, Archdeacon +of Toro—Garci Ferrandez de Gerena—Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino—<i>Cantigas +de escarnho</i>—The Constable D. Pedro. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 3. <i>The Chroniclers</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Fernam Lopez—<i>Cronica do Condestabre</i>—Zurara—Ruy de Pina—<i>Cronica +do Infante Santo.</i> Other prose: King João I—King +Duarte—Pedro, Duke of Coimbra—Letters of Lopo de Almeida—<i>Boosco +Delleytoso</i>—<i>Corte Imperial</i>—<i>Flos Sanctorum</i>—<i>Vita Christi</i>—<i>Espelho +de Christina</i>—<i>Espelho de Prefeyçam</i>. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 4. <i>The Cancioneiro Geral</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +The break in Portuguese poetry—Its revival—Garcia de Resende—<i>Cancioneiro +Geral</i>—Its shallow themes—More serious poems—Alvaro +de Brito—The <i>Coudel Môr</i>—D. João de Meneses—D. +João Manuel—Fernam da Silveira—Nuno Pereira—Diogo Brandam—Luis +Anriquez—Rodriguez de Sá—The Conde de Vimioso—Duarte +de Brito—Spanish influence. +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +III. The Sixteenth Century [1502-80]. + +</td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 1. <i>Gil Vicente</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +The sixteenth century—Gil Vicente’s first play (1502)—The year +and place of his birth—His life—Poet and goldsmith—His +<i>autos</i>—Types sketched in his <i>farsas</i>—Devotional plays, comedies +and tragicomedies—Origin of the drama in Portugal—Enzina’s +influence on Vicente—French influence—Other Spanish writers—Traditional +satire—Number of Vicente’s plays—Their character +and that of their author—His patriotism and serious purpose—His +achievement and influence in Spain and Portugal. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 2. <i>Lyric and Bucolic Poets</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_132">132</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Bernardim Ribeiro—Cristovam Falcão—Sá de Miranda—D. +Manuel de Portugal—Diogo Bernardez—Frei Agostinho da Cruz—Antonio<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span></p> +Ferreira—Andrade Caminha—Sá de Meneses—Falcão +de Resende—Jorge de Montemôr—Fernam Alvarez do Oriente—Faria +e Sousa—Francisco Rodriguez Lobo. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 3. <i>The Drama</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_156">156</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Gil Vicente’s successors—Anonymous plays—Afonso Alvarez—Antonio +Ribeiro Chiado—Balthasar Diaz—Anrique Lopez—Jorge +Pinto—Antonio Prestes—Jeronimo Ribeiro Soarez—Simão +Machado—Francisco Vaz—Gil Vicente de Almeida—Frei +Antonio da Estrella—Classical drama: Sá de Miranda—Antonio +Ferreira—Camões—Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 4. <i>Luis de Camões</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_174">174</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Family of Camões—His birth and education—In North Africa—In +India—Return to Portugal—Last years and death—Camões +as epic and lyric poet—The <i>Lusiads</i>—Its critics—His +greatness—Influence on the language—His <i>Parnasso</i>—Camões +and Petrarca—Later epic poets—Corte Real—Pereira Brandão—Francisco +de Andrade. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 5. <i>The Historians</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_190">190</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Historians of India—Alvaro Velho —Lopez de Castanheda—Barros—Couto—Corrêa—Bras +de Albuquerque—Antonio Galvam—Special +narratives—Gaspar Fructuoso—Frei Bernardo de Brito—Francisco +de Andrade—Osorio—Bernardo da Cruz—Jeronimo +de Mendoça—Miguel de Moura—Duarte Nunez de Leam—Damião +de Goes—André de Resende—Manuel Severim de Faria—Faria +e Sousa. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 6. <i>Quinhentista Prose</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_217">217</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Vivid prose—<i>Historia Tragico-Maritima</i>. Travels: Duarte Barbosa—Francisco +Alvarez—Gaspar da Cruz—Frei João dos +Santos—Tenreiro—Mestre Afonso—Frei Gaspar de S. Bernardino—Manuel +Godinho—Fernam Mendez Pinto—Garcia da +Orta—Pedro Nunez—Duarte Pacheco—D. João de Castro—Afonso +de Albuquerque—Soropita—Rodriguez Silveira—Fernandez +Ferreira—Francisco de Hollanda—Gonçalo Fernandez +Trancoso—Francisco de Moraes. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 7. <i>Religious and Mystic Writers</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_235">235</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Mysticism—Frei Heitor Pinto—Arraez—Frei Thomé de Jesus—Frei +Luis de Sousa—Lucena—Preachers: Paiva de Andrade—Fernandez +Galvão—Feo—Luz—Calvo—Veiga—Ceita—Lisboa—Almeida—Alvarez—Samuel +Usque—Frei Antonio das +Chagas—Manuel Bernardes.<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span></p> +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +IV. 1580-1706. + +</td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +[i. e. from the accession of Philip II of Spain to the death of +Pedro II.] +</td></tr> +<tr><td> +<i>The Seiscentistas</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_251">251</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +<i>Culteranismo</i>—D. Francisco Manuel de Mello—<i>Fenix Renascida</i>—Soror +Violante do Ceo—Child Rolim de Moura—Veiga Tagarro—Galhegos—The +epic: Pereira de Castro—Bras Garcia de Mascarenhas—Sá +de Meneses—Sousa de Macedo—Mousinho de +Quevedo—The Academies—Martim Afonso de Miranda—Leitão +de Andrade—The Love Letters—<i>Arte de Furtar</i>—Ribeiro de +Macedo—Freire de Andrade—Antonio Vieira. +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +V. 1706-1816. +</td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> + +[i. e. from the accession of João V to the death of Maria I.] + +</td></tr> +<tr><td> +<i>The Eighteenth Century</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +The Arcadias—Corrêa Garção—Quita—Diniz da Cruz e Silva—Filinto +Elysio—Tolentino—The Marquesa de Alorna—Bocage—Xavier +de Mattos—Gonzaga—Costa—Brazilian epics—Macedo—The +Drama: Figueiredo—Antonio José da Silva—Nicolau Dias—The +Academy of Sciences—Scholars and critics—Theodoro de +Almeida—Letters. +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +VI. 1816-1910. + +</td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +[i. e. from the accession of João VI to the fall of the Monarchy.] + +</td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 1. <i>The Romantic School</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_287">287</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Portugal at the opening of the century—Almeida Garrett—Herculano—Historical +novelists—Rebello da Silva—Camillo +Castello Branco—Poetry: Castilho—Mendes Leal—Soares de +Passos—Gomes de Amorim—Xavier de Novaes—Thomaz Ribeiro—Bulhão +Pato. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 2. <i>The Reaction and After</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_304">304</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +The Coimbra School—History: Oliveira Martins—Pinheiro +Chagas—Research and criticism—The Drama: Ennes—Azevedo—D. +João da Camara—Marcellino Mesquita—Snr. Lopes de +Mendonça—Snr. Julio Dantas—The Novel: Julio Diniz—Eça +de Queiroz—J. L. Pinto—Snr. Luiz de Magalhães—Snr. Magalhães +Lima—Bento Moreno—Snr. Silva Gayo—Snr. Malheiro +Dias—Abel Botelho—Ramalho Ortigão—Snr. Teixeira Gomes—Snr. +Antero de Figueiredo—D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho—The +Conde de Sabugosa—The <i>Conto</i>: Machado—The Conde<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span></p> +de Ficalho—Fialho de Almeida—D. João da Camara—Trindade +Coelho—Snr. Julio Brandão—Poetry: Quental—João de Deus—Guilherme +Braga—A. da Conceição—G. de Azevedo—João +Penha—Cesario Verde—Gonçalves Crespo—Snr. Guerra Junqueiro—Gomes +Leal—Snr. Teixeira de Pascoaes—Antonio Nobre—Colonel +Christovam Ayres—Joaquim de Araujo—Antonio Feijó—Snr. +Eugenio de Castro—Snr. Corrêa de Oliveira—Snr. Afonso +Lopes Vieira. +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td class="tdc" colspan="2"> +APPENDIX + +</td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 1. <i>Literature of the People</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td></tr> +<tr><td> + +Unwritten literature—Traditional themes—<i>Floras e Branca Flor</i>—Bandarra—The +Holy Cobbler—Primaeval elements—Connexion +of song and dance—Modern <i>cantigas</i>—Links with ancient +poetry—Cradle-songs—<i>Alvoradas</i>—<i>Fados</i>—Proverbs—Folk-tales. + +</td><td></td></tr> +<tr><td>§ 2. <i>The Galician Revival</i> </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_347">347</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td> +<i>Xogos Froraes</i> of 1861—Añon—Posada—Camino—Rosalía de +Castro—Lamas Carvajal—Sr. Bárcia Caballero—Losada—Eduardo +Pondal—Curros Enriquez—Martelo Pauman—Pereira—Garcia +Ferreiro—Núñez González—Nun de Allariz—Sr. Rodríguez González—Sr. +López Abente—Sr. Noriega Varela—Sr. Cabanillas—Sr. +Rey Soto—<i>Cancionero Popular Gallego</i>—Prose—Pérez +Placer—Dª. Francisca Herrera.</td><td></td></tr> +</table> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> +</div> + + +<p>Portuguese literature may be said to belong largely to the +nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Europe can boast of no fresher +and more charming early lyrics than those which slept forgotten<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +in the Vatican Library until the late Professor Ernesto Monaci +published <i>Il Canzoniere Portoghese</i> in 1875. And, to take a few +more instances out of many, the poems of King Alfonso X, +of extraordinary interest alike to historian and literary critic, +first appeared in 1889; the plays of Gil Vicente were almost +unknown before the Hamburg (1834) edition, based on the Göttingen +copy of that of 1562; Sá de Miranda only received a definitive +edition in 1885; the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> became accessible in the +middle of the nineteenth century, when the three volumes of +the Stuttgart edition were published; the exquisite verses<a id="FNanchor_1a" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> of +Sá de Meneses, which haunted Portuguese poetry for a century,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +then sank into oblivion till they were discovered by Dr. Sousa +Viterbo in the Torre do Tombo.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The abundant literature of popular +<i>quadras</i>, <i>fados</i>, <i>romances</i>, <i>contos</i> has only begun to be collected +in the last fifty years.</p> + +<p>In prose, the most important <i>Leal Conselheiro</i><a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of King Duarte<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span> +was rediscovered in the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale and first +printed in 1842, and Zurara’s <i>Cronica da Guiné</i>, lost even in +the days of Damião de Goes,<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> similarly in 1841; Corrêa’s <i>Lendas +da India</i> remained in manuscript till 1858; so notable a book +as King João I’s <i>Livro da Montaria</i> appears only in the twentieth +century, in an edition by Dr. Esteves Pereira, and the first trustworthy +text of a part of Fernam Lopez was published by Snr. +Braamcamp Freire in 1915; D. Francisco Manuel de Mello, +who at the end of his second <i>Epanaphora</i> wrote ‘Se por +ventura tambem despois de meus dias acontece que algum +vindouro honre ao meu nome quanto eu procuro eternizar +e engrandecer o dos passados’, had to wait two and a half +centuries before this debt was paid by Mr. Edgar Prestage.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> +Even now no really complete history of Portuguese literature +exists, but the first systematic work on the subject was written +by Friedrich Bouterwek in 1804. Other histories have since +appeared, and during the last half-century the ceaseless, ingenious, +and enthusiastic studies of Dr. Theophilo Braga have sifted +Portuguese literature, chiefly the poetry, in all directions, and +a flood of light has been thrown on it by the works of D. Carolina +Michaëlis de Vasconcellos. Perhaps, therefore, one may be forgiven +for having been tempted to render some account of this +‘new’ literature which continues to be so strangely neglected +in England and other countries.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Yet a quarter of a century +hence would perhaps offer better conditions, and a summary +written at the present time cannot hope to be complete +or definitive. Every year new studies and editions appear, new +researches and alluring theories and discoveries are made. The +Lisbon Academy of Sciences during its long and honourable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span> +history<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> has rarely if ever rendered greater services—‘essential +services’ as Southey called them in 1803—to Portuguese literature. +A short history of that literature must, apart from unavoidable +errors and omissions, do less than justice to many writers. In +appropriating the words of Damião de Goes, ‘Haud ignari plurima +esse a nobis omissa quibus Hispania ornatur et celebrari possit,’ +one may hope that <span class="smcap">Mr. Edgar Prestage</span>, who has studied +Portuguese literature for a quarter of a century,<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> and whose +ever-ready help and advice are here gratefully acknowledged, +will eventually write a mellower history in several volumes and +give their full due both to the classics and to contemporary +authors and critics.</p> + +<p>No one can study Portuguese literature without becoming +deeply indebted to <span class="smcap">D. Carolina Wilhelma Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos</span>. Her concise history, contributed to Groeber’s +<i>Grundriss</i> (1894), necessarily forms the basis of subsequent studies, +but indeed her work is as vast as it is scholarly and accurate, and +the student finds himself constantly relying on her guidance. +Even if he occasionally disagrees, he cannot fail to give her point +of view the deepest attention and respect. Born in 1851, the +daughter of Professor Gustav Michaëlis, she has lived in Portugal +during the last forty years and is the wife of the celebrated art +critic, Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos (born in 1849). Her edition +of the <i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i> (1904) is a masterpiece of historical reconstruction +and literary criticism, and her influence on Portuguese +literature generally is as wide as her encouragement and assistance +of younger scholars are generous.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> <i>Femina</i>, as was said of +the Princess Maria, <i>undequaque spectatissima et doctissima</i>.</p> + +<p>Most of the works of <span class="smcap">Dr. Theophilo Braga</span> are of too provisional +a nature to be of permanent value, but a summary, <i>Edade +Medieval</i> (1909), <i>Renascença</i> (1914), <i>Os Seiscentistas</i> (1916), <i>Os</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span> +<i>Arcades</i> (1918), gives his latest views. The best detailed criticism of +the literature of the nineteenth century is that of <span class="smcap">Dr. Fidelino de +Figueiredo</span>, Member of the Academy of Sciences and Editor of +the <i>Revista de Historia: Historia da Litteratura Romantica Portuguesa</i> +(1913) and <i>Historia da Litteratura Realista</i> (1914).</p> + +<p>The only completely methodical history of Portuguese literature +in existence is the brief manual by the learned ex-Rector of Coimbra +University, <span class="smcap">Dr. Joaquim Mendes dos Remedios</span>: <i>História +da Literatura Portuguêsa</i> (5th ed., Coimbra, 1921), since it contains +that rarity in Portuguese literature: an index.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Dr. +Figueiredo published a short essay in its general bibliography +in 1914 (<i>Bibliographia portuguesa de critica litteraria</i>), largely +increased in a new (1920) edition, but otherwise little has been +done in this respect (apart from a few special authors). The +bibliography attached to the present book<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> follows—<i>longo intervallo</i>—the +lines of <span class="smcap">Professor James Fitzmaurice-Kelly’s</span> <i>Bibliographie +de l’Histoire de la Littérature Espagnole</i> (Paris, 1913). +After its proved excellence it would, indeed, have been folly to +adopt any other method.</p> + +<p>It has been thought advisable to add a list of works on popular +poetry, folk-lore, &c. (since in no country are the popular and +the written literatures more intimately connected), and of +those concerning the Portuguese language. Unless energetic and +persistent measures are taken to protect this language it will be +hopeless to look for a great Portuguese literature in the future. +Yet with the gradually developing prosperity of Portugal and her +colonies such expectations are not unfounded. A new poet may +arise indigenous as Gil Vicente and technically proficient as +Camões. And in prose, if it is not allowed to sink into a mere +verbiage of gallicisms, great writers may place Portuguese on +a level with and indeed above the other Romance languages. The +possibilities are so vast, the quarry ready to their hand so rich—the +works of Manuel Bernardes, Antonio Vieira, Jorge Ferreira de +Vasconcellos, Luis de Sousa, João de Lucena, Heitor Pinto, +Arraez; an immense mass of sermons (<i>milhões de sermonarios</i>),<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span> +most of them in excellent Portuguese, as those of Ceita, Veiga, +Feo, Luz, in which, as in a large number of political tracts, notably +those of Macedo, intense conviction has given a glow and concision +to the language; old <i>constituições</i>, <i>ordenações</i>, and <i>foros</i><a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>; +technical treatises,<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> folk-lore, popular phrases,<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> proverbs. But +unless a scholarly use of Portuguese be more generally imposed +no masterpieces will be produced. The same holds good +of Brazilian literature, which, although, or perhaps because, it +has provided material for a history in two portly volumes (Sylvio +Romero, <i>Historia da Litteratura Brazileira</i>, 2nd ed., 1902-3), is +here, with few exceptions, omitted.</p> + +<p>A supplementary chapter on modern Galician literature has +been added, for although the language from which Portuguese +parted only after the fourteenth century is now quite independent,<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> +modern Galician is not more different from modern Portuguese +than is the language of the <i>Cancioneiros</i> with which Portuguese +literature opens. The Portuguese have always shown +a strong aptitude for acquiring foreign languages, and the individual’s +gain has been the literature’s loss. Jorge de Montemôr, +who</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent20">con su Diana</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Enriqueció la lengua castellana,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">was not by any means the only Portuguese who wrote exclusively +in Spanish, and others chose Latin. The reason usually given in +either case was that Portuguese was less widely read.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> It was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span> +a short-sighted view, for the more works of importance that were +written in Portuguese the larger would naturally become the +number of those who read them. While Portuguese literature may +be taken to be the literature written in the Portuguese language, +in a sense it must also include the Latin and Spanish works of +Portuguese authors. Of the former, one collection alone, the +<i>Corpus Illustrium Poetarum Lusitanorum qui latine scripserunt</i> +(Lisbonae, 1745), consists of eight volumes, and Domingo Garcia +Peres’ <i>Catálogo Razonado</i> (Madrid, 1890) contains over 600 names +of Portuguese authors who wrote in Spanish.</p> + +<p>Portuguese names present a difficulty, for often they are as +lengthy as that which was the pride of Dona Iria in Ennes’ +<i>O Saltimbanco</i>. The course here adopted is to relegate the full +name to the index and to print in the text only the form by which +the writer is generally known.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> + +<p>The Portuguese, a proud and passionate people with a certain +love of magnificence and adventure, an Athenian receptivity,<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span> +extensive sea-board and vague land-frontiers, naturally came under +foreign influences. Many and various causes made their country +cosmopolitan from the beginning. It is customary to divide +Portuguese literature into the Provençal (13th c.), Spanish (14th +and 15th c.), Italian (16th c.), Spanish and Italian (17th c.), French +and English (18th c.), French and German (19th c.) Schools. +The question may therefore be asked, especially by those who confuse +influence with imitation, as though it precluded originality: +What has Portuguese literature of its own? In the first place, +the Celtic satire and mystic lyrism of the Galicians is developed +and always present in Portuguese literature. Secondly, the genius +for story-telling, displayed by Fernam Lopez, grew by reason of the +great Portuguese discoveries in Africa and Asia to an epic grandeur +both in verse and prose. Thirdly, the absence of great cities, the +pleasant climate, and fertile soil produced a peculiarly realistic +and natural bucolic poetry. And in prose, besides masterpieces +of history and travel—a rich and fascinating literature of the East +and of the sea—a fervent religious faith, as in Spain, with a more +constant mysticism than in Spain, led to very high achievement. +Had one to choose between the loss of the works of Homer, or +Dante, or Shakespeare, and that of the whole of Portuguese +literature, the whole of Portuguese literature must go, but that is +not to say that the loss would not be very grievous. Indeed, those +who despise Portuguese literature despise it in ignorance,<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> affecting +to believe, with Edgar Quinet, that it has but one poet and a single +book; those who are acquainted with it—with the early lyrics, +with the quaintly alluring eclogues of Ribeiro and Sá de Miranda, +with the works of Fernam Lopez, described by Robert Southey as +‘the best chronicler of any age or nation’, <i>naïf, exact, touchant et +philosophe</i><a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>; of Gil Vicente, almost as far above his contemporary +Juan del Enzina as Shakespeare is above Vicente; of Bernardim +Ribeiro, whose <i>Menina e moça</i> is the earliest and best of those +pastoral romances which led Don Quixote to contemplate a quieter<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span> +sequel to his first adventures; of Camões, ‘not only the greatest +lyric poet of his country, but one of the greatest lyric poets of +all time’<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>; with Fernam Mendez Pinto’s travels, ‘as diverting +a book of the kind as ever I read’<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>; or Corrêa’s <i>Lendas</i>, Frei +Thomé de Jesus’ <i>Trabalhos</i>, or the incomparable prose of Manuel +Bernardes—know that, extraordinary as were Portugal’s achievements +in discovery and conquest, her literature is not unworthy +of those achievements. Unhappily the Portuguese, with a notorious +carelessness,<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> have in the past set the example of neglecting +their literature, and even to-day scarcely seem to realize their +great possessions and still greater possibilities in the realm of +prose.<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> The excessive number of writers, the excessive production +of each individual writer, and the <i>desleixo</i> by which innumerable +books and manuscripts of exceptional interest have perished, are +all traceable to the same source: the lack of criticism. A nation +of poets, essentially lyrical,<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> with no dramatic genius but capable +of writing charmingly and naturally without apparent effort, +needed and needs a severely classical education and stern critics, +to remind them that an epic is not rhymed history nor blank +verse mangled prose, that in bucolic poetry the half is greater +than the whole, and to bid them abandon abstractions for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span> +concrete and particular and crystallize the vague flow of their +talent. But in Portugal, outside the circle of writers themselves, +a reading public has hitherto hardly existed, and in the close +atmosphere resulting the sense of proportion was inevitably lost, +even as a stone and a feather will fall with equal speed in a +vacuum. The criticism has been mainly personal,<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> contesting +the originality or truthfulness of a writer, without considering +the literary merits of his work. To deprecate such criticism +became a commonplace of the preface, while numerous passages +in writers of the sixteenth century show that they feared their +countrymen’s scepticism, expressed in the proverb <i>De longas vias +mui longas mentiras</i>, which occurs as early as the thirteenth +century.<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> The fear of slovenly or prolix composition was not +present in the same degree. But these are defects that may be +remedied partly by individual critics, partly by the increasing +number of readers. Meanwhile this little book may perhaps +serve to corroborate the poet Falcão de Resende’s words:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Engenhos nascem bons na Lusitania</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E ha copia delles.<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> A few Portuguese sixteenth-century writers in touch with Italy may +have known of their existence. But they were neglected as <i>rusticas musas</i>. +The references to King Dinis as a poet by Antonio Ferreira and once in the +<i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> do not of course imply that his poems were known and read. +André de Resende seems to have been more interested in tracing an ancestor, +Vasco Martinez de Resende, than in the poets among whom this ancestor +figured (see C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, <i>Randglosse</i> XV in <i>Ztft. für rom. Phil.</i>, +xxv. 683).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> <i>Illud vero poemation quod vulgo circumfertur de Lessa ... nunc vera cum +plurimum illud appetant</i> ... (Soares, <i>Theatrum</i>). Cf. F. Rodriguez Lobo, +<i>Primavera</i>, ed. 1722, pp. 240, 356, 469; Eloy de Sá de Sottomayor, <i>Ribeiras +do Mondego</i>, f. 27 v., 28 v., 120-1, 186; <i>Canc. Geral</i> of A. F. Barata (1836-1910), +p. 235; Jeronimo Bahia, <i>Ao Mondego</i> (<i>Fenix Ren.</i>, ii. 377-9). Cf. +Brito, <i>Mon. Lus.</i> 1. ii. 2: <i>O rio Leça celebre pelas rimas de nosso famoso poeta</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> The documents of the Torre do Tombo are now in the able keeping of +Dr. Pedro de Azevedo and Snr. Antonio Baião.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Even its title was inaccurately given, as <i>O Fiel Conselheiro</i> (Bernardo +de Brito), <i>De Fideli Consiliario</i> (N. Antonio, <i>Bib. Vetus</i>, ii. 241), <i>Del Buen +Consejero</i> (Faria e Sousa); correctly by Duarte Nunez de Leam. A <i>Conselheiro +Fiel</i> by Frei Manuel Guilherme (1658-1734) appeared in 1727.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> <i>De que não ha noticia</i> (Goes, <i>Cronica de D. João</i>, cap. 6).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> <i>D. Francisco Manuel de Mello. Esboço biographico.</i> Coimbra, 1914, +an admirably clear and very important work, in which much light from +new documents is thrown on Mello’s life.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> It would be interesting to know how many English-speaking persons +have ever heard of the great men and writers that were King Dinis, Fernam +Lopez, Bernardim Ribeiro, Diogo Bernardez, Heitor Pinto, Frei Thomé +de Jesus, Ferreira de Vasconcellos, Frei Luis de Sousa, Antonio Vieira, Manuel +Bernardes. Their neglect has been largely due to the absence of good or +easily available texts; there is still nothing to correspond to the Spanish +<i>Biblioteca de Autores Españoles</i> or the many more modern Spanish collections. +But is not even Camões still ‘an abused stranger’, as Mickle called him in 1776?</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> See F. de Figueiredo, <i>O que é a Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa</i> (1779-1915) +in <i>Revista da Historia</i>, vol. iv, 1915.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> His valuable study on Zurara, which has not been superseded by any +later work on the subject, is dated 1896.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> She has, indeed, laid the Portuguese people under an obligation which +it will not easily redeem. That no formal recognition has been bestowed +in England on her work (as in another field on that of Dr. José Leite de +Vasconcellos, of Snr. Braamcamp Freire, and of the late Dr. Francisco Adolpho +Coelho) is a striking example of our insularity.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> It does not include living writers. Its dates must be received with +caution.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> It has been found necessary to publish the bibliography separately.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> e. g. King Sancho II’s <i>Foros da Guarda</i>, printed, from a 1305 manuscript, +in vol. v (1824) of the <i>Collecção de Ineditos</i>, or the <i>Foros de Santarem</i> (1385). +The <i>Livro Vermelho do Senhor D. Affonso V</i>, printed in the <i>Collecção de Livros +Ineditos</i>, vol. iii (1793), is also full of interest.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> e.g. the fourteenth-century <i>Livro de Cetreria</i> of <span class="smcap">Pero Menino</span>; <span class="smcap">Mestre +Giraldo’s</span> <i>Tratado das Enfermidades das Aves de Caça</i> and <i>Livro d’Alveitaria</i>; +the <i>Arte da Cavallaria de gineta e estardiota</i> (1678) by <span class="smcap">Antonio Galvam de +Andrade</span> (1613?-89); <i>Correcçam de abusos introduzidos contra o verdadeiro +methodo da medicina</i> (2 pts., 1668-80) by the Carmelite <span class="smcap">Frei Manuel de +Azevedo</span> (†1672); <i>Agricultura das Vinhas</i> (1711) by Vicente Alarte +(i.e. <span class="smcap">Silvestre Gomez de Moraes</span> (1643-1723)); <i>Compendia de Botanica</i> +(2 vols., 1788) by <span class="smcap">Felix de Avellar Brotero</span> (1744-1828).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Many will be found in <i>Portugalia</i> and the <i>Revista Lusitana</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> In the beginning of the sixteenth century Galician is already despised in +Portugal, and became more so as Portuguese grew more latinized. Cf. Gil +Vicente, ii. 509: <i>Pera que he falar galego Senão craro e despachado?</i>; Chiado, +<i>Auto das Regateiras: Eu não te falo galego</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> <i>Por ser lingua mais jêral</i> (Vera, <i>Lovvores</i>), <i>mais universal</i> + (Sousa de Macedo). <i>Os grandes ingenios não se contentão de ter por espera de seu applauso +a hũa só parte do mundo</i> (D. Francisco de Portugal). Cf. Osorio, writing in +Latin, <i>De Rebus</i>, p. 4, and Pedro Nunez’ reason for translating his <i>Libro +de Algebra</i> into Spanish: <i>he mais comum</i>, and the advice given to Luis +Marinho de Azevedo to write in Spanish or Latin as <i>mais geral</i> (<i>Primeira +Parte da Fundação, Antiguidades e Grandezas da mvi insigne cidade de Lisboa. +Prologo</i>). Faria e Sousa condemns the practice of writing Spanish <i>glosas</i> +to a Portuguese <i>mote</i>, and declares that he himself wrote in Spanish <i>con gran +pesar mío</i>. Frei Antonio da Purificaçam considered that had he written his +<i>Cronica</i> in Latin or Spanish <i>fora digno de grande nota</i>, in this following +Frei Bernardo de Brito, who indignantly rejected the exhortation to use +Latin or Spanish (<i>Mon. Lus.</i> i, <i>Prologo</i>), although he wrote under Spanish +rule. Bernarda Ferreira de Lacerda wrote in Spanish <i>por ser idioma claro +y casi comun</i>. Simão Machado explains why he wrote <i>Alfea</i> in Spanish as +follows (f. 72 v.): <i>Vendo quam mal aceitais As obras dos naturais Fiz esta em +lingoa estrangeira Por ver se desta maneira Como a eles nos tratais.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Portuguese spelling is a vexed and vexing question, complicated by the +positive dislike of the Portuguese for uniformity (the same word may be found +spelt in two ways on the same page both in modern and ancient books; +the same person will spell his name Manoel and Manuel). In proper names +their owners’ spelling has been retained, although no one now writes Prince +Henry the Navigator’s name as he wrote it: Anrique. Thus Mello (modern +Melo); Nunez (13th c.), Nunes (19th c.); Bernardez (16th c.), Bernardes +(17th-18th c.). The late Dr. Gonçalves Vianna himself adopted the form +Gonçalvez Viana. In quoting ancient Portuguese texts the only alteration +made has been occasionally to replace <i>y</i> and <i>u</i> by <i>i</i> and <i>v</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> <i>Este desejo (de sempre ver e ouvir cousas nouas) he moor que nas outras +nações na gente Lusitana.</i> André de Burgos, <i>Ao prudente leitor</i> (<i>Relaçam</i>, +Evora, 1557). It is displayed in their fondness for foreign customs, for the +Spanish language, for India to the neglect of Portugal, the description of epic deeds rather than of ordinary life, high-flown language as opposed to +the common speech (<i>da praça</i>), &c. Antonio Prestes calls the Portuguese +<i>estranho no natural, natural no estranjeiro</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> In Spain it has had fervent admirers, notably Gracián. More recently +Juan Valera spoke of it as <i>riquísima</i>, and Menéndez y Pelayo explored this +wealth.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> F. Denis, <i>Résumé</i> (1826), p. xx.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Wilhelm Storck, <i>Luis de Camoens’ Sämmtliche Werke</i>, Bd. I (1880).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Dorothy Osborne to Sir William Temple.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> For a good instance of this <i>descuido portugues</i> see Manuel Pereira de +Novaes, <i>Anacrisis Historial</i> (a history of the city of Oporto in Spanish), vol. i +(1912), <i>Preámbulo</i>, p. xvii. It is lamented by the editors of the <i>Cancioneiro +Geral</i> (1516) and <i>Fenix Renascida</i> (1716).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Portuguese literature begins for most Portuguese with Camões and +Barros, and its most charming and original part thus escapes them. Cf. +F. Dias Gomes, <i>Obras Poeticas</i> (1799), p. 143: Camões ‘without whom +there would have been no Portuguese poetry’; and ibid., p. 310: Barros +‘prepared the beautiful style for our epic writers’. Faria e Sousa’s homely +phrase as to the effect of Camões on preceding poets (<i>echólos todos a rodar</i>) +was unfortunately true.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Much of their finest prose is of lyrical character, personal, fervent, mystic. +As to philosophy proper the greatest if not the only Portuguese philosopher, +Spinoza, a Portuguese Jew, left Portugal as a child, and Francisco Sanchez +(<i>c.</i> 1550-<i>c.</i> 1620), although probably born at Braga, not at <i>a soberba</i> Tuy, +lived in France and wrote in Latin. He tells us that he in 1574 finished his +celebrated treatise <i>Quod nihil scitur</i>, published at Lyon in 1581, in which, +at a time of great intolerance, he revived and gave acute and curious expression +to the old theory that nothing can be known. To modern philosophy +Dr. Leonardo Coimbra (born in 1883) has contributed a notable but somewhat +abstruse work entitled <i>O Criacionismo</i> (Porto, 1912).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Or political, or anticlerical, or anything except literary. The critics +seem to have forgotten that an <i>auto-da-fé</i> does not necessarily make its +victim a good poet, and that even a priest may have literary talent. A few +literary critics, as Dias in the eighteenth, Guilherme Moniz Barreto in the +nineteenth century, are only exceptions to the rule. It has been the weakness +of Portuguese criticism, more lenient than the gods and booksellers of ancient +Rome, to suffer <i>mediocres</i> gladly.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> <i>C. da Vat.</i> 979 (cf. Jorge Ferreira, <i>Eufrosina</i>, v. 5: <i>como dizia o Galego: +de longas vias longas mentiras</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> <i>Poesias, Sat.</i> 2. The remark of Garrett still holds good: <i>Em Portugal +ha mais talento e menos cultivação que em paiz nenhum da Europa</i>.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="I">I<br><span class="small">1185-1325</span></h2></div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="I_1">§ 1<br><span class="small"><i>The Cossantes</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>Under the Moorish dominion we know that poetry was widely +cultivated in the Iberian Peninsula, by high and low. At Silves +in Algarve ‘almost every peasant could improvise’.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> But the +early Galician-Portuguese poetry has no relation with that of +the Moors, despite certain characteristics which may seem to +point to an Oriental origin. The indigenous poems of Galicia +and Portugal, of which thirteenth-century examples have survived, +are so remarkable, so unlike those of any other country, +that they deserve to be studied apart from the Provençal imitations +by the side of which they developed. Half buried in the +<i>Cancioneiros</i>, themselves only recently discovered, these exquisite +and in some ways astonishingly modern lyrics are even +now not very widely known and escape the attention of many +who go far afield in search of true poetry. The earliest poem +dated (1189) by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, in +which Pay Soarez de Taveiroos, a nobleman of Galicia or North +Portugal, addresses Maria Paez Ribeira, the lovely mistress of +King Sancho I, <i>mia sennor branca e vermelha</i>, does not belong +to these lyrics<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>; but the second earliest (1199), attributed to King +<span class="smcap">Sancho I</span> (1185-1211) himself, is one of them (C.C.B.348). This +unique form of lyric requires a distinctive name, and if we adopt +that used by the Marqués de Santillana’s father, Diego Furtado de +Mendoza (†1404), we shall have a word well suited to convey an idea +of their striking character.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> His Spanish poem written in parallel<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span> +distichs, <i>A aquel arbol</i>, is called a <i>cossante</i>.<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> In an age when all +that seemed most Spanish, the <i>Poema del Cid</i>, for instance, or the +<i>Libro de Buen Amor</i>, has been proved to derive in part from +French sources, it is peculiarly pleasant to find a whole series of +early poems which have their roots firmly planted in the soil of +the Peninsula. The indigenous character of the <i>cossantes</i> is now +well established, thanks chiefly to the skilful and untiring researches +of D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> They are +wild but deliciously scented single flowers which now reappear +in all their freshness as though they had not lain pressed and +dead for centuries in the library of the Vatican. One of the +earliest is quoted by Airas Nunez (C. V. 454) and completed in +<i>Grundriss</i>, p. 150:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">1. Solo ramo verde frolido</div> + <div class="verse indent4">Vodas fazen a meu amigo,</div> + <div class="verse indent4">E choran olhos d’amor.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">2. Solo verde frolido ramo<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></div> + <div class="verse indent4">Vodas fazen a meu amado,</div> + <div class="verse indent4">E choran olhos d’amor.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>What first strikes one in this is its Oriental immobility. The +second distich adds nothing to the sense of the first, merely +intensifying it by repetition. Neither the poetry of the <i>trouvères</i> +of the North of France nor that of the Provençal <i>troubadours</i> +presents any parallel. The scanty Basque literature contains<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span> +nothing in this kind. But it is unnecessary to go for a parallel +to China.<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> None more remarkable will be found than those +contained in the books of that religion which came from the East +and imposed its forms if not its spirit on the pagans of the +Peninsula. Verses 8, 9 of Psalm 118 are very nearly a <i>cossante</i> +but have no refrain. The resemblance in Psalm 136, verses +17, 18, is still more marked:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">To him which smote great kings,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">For his mercy endureth for ever,</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">And slew famous kings,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">For his mercy endureth for ever.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The relations between Church and people were very close if not +always very friendly. The peasants maintained their ancient +customs, and their pagan jollity kept overflowing into the +churches to the scandal of the authorities. Innumerable ordinances +later sought to check their delight in witchcraft and +mummeries, feasts and funerals (the delight in the latter is still +evident in Galicia as in Ireland and Wales). Men slept, ate, +drank, danced, sang profane songs, and acted plays and parodies +in the churches and pilgrimage shrines. The Church strove to +turn their midsummer and May-day celebrations into Christian +festivals, but the change was rather nominal than real. But +if the priests and bishops remained spiritually, like modern +politicians, shepherds without sheep, the religious services, the +hymns,<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> the processions evidently affected the people. Especially +was this the case in Galicia, since the great saint Santiago, who +farther south (as later in India) rode into battle on a snow-white<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span> +steed before the Christians, gave a more peaceful prosperity +to the North-west. Pilgrims from all countries in the Middle +Ages came to worship at his shrine at Santiago de Compostela. +They came a motley company singing on the road,<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> criminals +taking this opportunity to escape from justice, tradesmen and +players, jugglers and poets making a livelihood out of the +gathering throngs, as well as devout pilgrims who had ‘left alle +gamys’ for their soul’s good, <i>des pélerins qui vont chantant et des +jongleurs</i>. Thus the eyes of the whole province of Galicia as the +eyes of Europe were directed towards the Church of Santiago in +Jakobsland. The inhabitants of Galicia would naturally view +their heaven-sent celebrity with pride and rejoice in the material +gain. They would watch with eager interest the pilgrims passing +along the <i>camino francés</i> or from the coast to Santiago, and would +themselves flock to see and swell the crowds at the religious +services. When we remember the frequent parodies of religious +services in the Middle Ages and that the Galicians did not lag +behind others in the art of mimicry,<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> we can well imagine that +the Latin hymns sung in church or procession might easily form +the germ of the profane <i>cossante</i>. A further characteristic of the +<i>cossante</i> is that the <i>i</i>-sound of the first distich is followed by +an <i>a</i>-sound in the second (<i>ricercando ora il grave, ora l’acuto</i>) and +this too maybe traced to a religious source, two answering choirs +of singers, treble and bass.<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> It is clear at least that these alternating<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span> +sounds are echoes of music: one almost hears the clash +of the <i>adufe</i> in the <i>louçana</i> (answering to <i>garrida</i>) or <i>ramo</i> (<i>pinho</i>). +The words of these poems were, indeed, always accompanied +by the <i>son</i> (= music). But if born in the Church, the <i>cossante</i> +suffered a transformation when it went out into the world. +The rhythm of many of the songs in the <i>Cancioneiros</i> is so +obtrusive that they seem to dance out of the printed page. +One would like to think that in the ears of the peasants the +sound of the wheel mingled with the echo of a hymn and its +refrain as they met at what was, even then, no doubt, a favourite +gathering-place—the mill<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>—and thus a lyric poem became +a dance-song. The <i>cossante Solo ramo</i> would thus proceed, sung +by ‘the dancers dancing in tune’:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">(Verses 3 and 4) Vodas fazen a meu amigo (amado)</div> + <div class="verse indent18">Porque mentiu o desmentido (perjurado)</div> + <div class="verse indent18">E choran olhos d’amor,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">the first line of the third distich repeating the second line of the +first (and in the same way the first line of the fifth the second +line of the third), in <i>leixa-pren</i> (<i>laisser prendre</i>) corresponding +evidently to the movements of the dance.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> The love-lorn maidens +danced together, the men forming a circle to look on. St. Augustine +considered the dance to be a circle of which the Devil was +the centre; in real life the Devil was often replaced by a tree (or +by a <i>mayo</i>). The refrain was a notable feature of the <i>cossante</i> in +all its phases as it went, a <i>bailada</i> (dance-song) from the <i>terreiro</i>, +to become a <i>serranilha</i> on the hills, or at pilgrimage shrines +a <i>cantiga de romaria</i>,<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> or a <i>barcarola</i> (boat-song) or <i>alvorada</i> + (dawn-song).<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span> +A marked and thoroughly popular characteristic of the +<i>cossante</i> is its wistful sadness,<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> the <i>soidade</i> which is already mentioned +more than once in the <i>Cancioneiros</i>,<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> and, born in Galicia, +continued in Portugal, combined with a more garish tone under the +hotter sun of the South. Thus we have the melancholy Celtic +temperament, absorbed in Nature, acting on the forms suggested +by an alien religion till they become vague cries to the sea, to the +deer of the hills, the flower of the pine. The themes are as simple +and monotonous—the monotony of snowdrops or daffodils—as +the form in which they are sung. A girl in the gloom of the +pine-trees mourning for her lover, the birds in the cool of the morning +singing of love, the deer troubling the water of a mountain-stream, +the boats at anchor, or bearing away <i>meus amores</i>, or +gliding up the river <i>a sabor</i>. The <i>amiga</i> lingers at the fountain, +she goes to wash clothes or to bathe her hair in the stream, she +meets her lover and dances at the pilgrim shrine, she waits for +him under the hazel-trees, she implores the waves for news of +him, she watches for the boats <i>pelo mar viir</i>. The language is +native to the soil, far more so, at least, than in the <i>cantigas de +amor</i> and <i>cantigas de amigo</i> written under foreign influence. +Their French or Provençal words and learned forms<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> are replaced +in the <i>cossante</i> by forms Galician or Spanish. Despite its striking +appearance to us now among <i>sirventes senes sal</i> in the <i>Cancioneiro +Colocci-Brancuti</i>, it must be confessed that the early <i>cossante</i> of +King Sancho has a somewhat meagre, vinegar aspect, and the +<i>genre</i> could hardly have developed so successfully in the next +half-century had it not been fixed in the country-side, ever ready +to the hand of the poet in search of fresh inspiration. It is +possible to exaggerate the effect of war on the life of the peasant. +Portugal in the twelfth century was only gradually and by +constant conflict winning its territory and independence. It +had no fixed capital and Court at which the Provençal poets<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span> +might gather. But while king and nobles and the members of +the religious and military orders were engaged with the Moors +to the exclusion of the Muses, so that they had no opportunity to +introduce the new measures, the peasants in Galicia and Minho +no doubt went on tilling the soil and singing their primitive songs. +In the thirteenth century Provençal poetry flourished in Portugal, +but so monotonously that it failed to kill the older lyrics, and they +reacted on the imported poetry. In the trite conventions with +which the latter became clothed the <i>cossante</i> had a new opportunity +of life. <i>Trobadores</i> wearied by their own monotony, +<i>jograes</i> wishing to please a patron with a <i>novidade</i>, had recourse +to the <i>cossante</i>. The <i>jogral</i> wandering from house to house and +town to town necessarily came into close touch with the peasants. +Talented men among them, prompted by patrons of good taste, +no doubt exercised the third requisite of a good <i>jogral</i> (<i>doair’ e uoz +e aprenderdes ben</i>, C. C. B. 388)—a good memory—not only in +learning his patron’s verses to recite at other houses but in remembering +the songs that he caught in passing from the lips of +the peasants, songs of village mirth and dance, of workers in the +fields and shepherds on the hills. These, developed and adorned +according to his talent, he would introduce to the Court among +his <i>motz recreamens e prazers</i>. When Joan de Guilhade in the +middle of the thirteenth century complained that <i>os trobadores ja +van para mal</i> (C. V. 370), he might almost be referring to the +fact that the stereotyped poems of the Portuguese <i>trobadores</i> +could no longer compete with the fresh charm of the <i>cossante</i>. +Alfonso X reproached Pero da Ponte for not singing like a Provençal +but, rather, like Bernaldo de Bonaval (first half 13th c.). +King Dinis in the second half of the century viewed the <i>cossante</i> +with such favour that he wrote or collected some of the most +curious and delightful that we possess. But although King Dinis +set his name to a handful of the finest <i>cossantes</i>, most of the +<i>cossante</i>-writers belonged to an earlier period and were men of +humble birth. Of <span class="smcap">Nuno Fernandez Torneol</span><a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> (first half 13th c.), +poet and soldier, besides conventional <i>cantigas de amor</i> we have +eight simple <i>cossantes</i> of which the <i>alvorada</i> (C. V. 242), the <i>barcarola</i> +(C. V. 246), and C. V. 245 with its dance rhythm are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span> +especially beautiful. <span class="smcap">Pedr’ Anez Solaz</span><a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> (early 13th c.) wrote +a <i>cossante</i> (C. V. 415) celebrated for its refrain, <i>lelia doura, leli +leli par deus leli</i>, in which some have seen a vestige of Basque +(<i>il</i> = dead). Of <span class="smcap">Meendinho</span> (first half 13th c.) we have only +one poem, a <i>cantiga de romaria</i> (C. V. 438), but its beauty has +brought him fame;<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> and another <i>jogral</i>, + <span class="smcap">Fernand’ Esguio</span><a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> +(second half 13th c.), is remembered in the same way chiefly for +C. V. 902: <i>Vayamos, irmana</i>. Bernaldo de Bonaval, one of the +earliest Galician poets, and the <i>jograes</i> Pero de Veer, Joan +Servando, Airas Carpancho,<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> Martin de Ginzo,<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> Lopo and Lourenço, +composed some charming pilgrimage songs in the second +third of the thirteenth century. This was a popular theme, but +the two poets who seem to have felt most keenly the attraction +of the popular poetry and to have cultivated it most successfully +are <span class="smcap">Joan Zorro</span> (fl. 1250) and <span class="smcap">Pero Meogo</span> (fl. 1250). The +<i>cossantes</i> of Zorro, one of the most talented of all these singers, +tell of Lisbon and the king’s ships and the sea. In this series of +<i>barcarolas</i> (C. V. 751-60) and in his delightful <i>bailada</i> (C. V. +761)<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> he evidently sought his inspiration in popular sources, as +with equal felicity a little later did Pero Meogo,<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> whose <i>cossantes</i> +(C. V. 789-97), each with its biblical reference to the deer of the +hills (<i>cervos do monte</i>), are as singular as they are beautiful. +<span class="smcap">Martin Codax</span> at about the same time was singing graceful +songs of the <i>ondas do mar</i> of Vigo (C. V. 884-90). But the real +poet of the sea was the Admiral of Castille, <span class="smcap">Pay Gomez Chariño</span><a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> +(†1295). He belonged to an ancient family of Galicia, was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span> +prominent at the Courts of Alfonso X (between whose character +and the sea he draws an elaborate parallel in C. A. 256) and of +his son Sancho IV, played an important part in the troubled +history of the time, and fought by land and sea in Andalucía, at +Jaen in 1246 and Seville in 1247. On the lips of his <i>amiga</i> he places +a touching <i>cantiga de amigo</i> (C. V. 424: she expresses her relief +that her <i>amigo</i> has ceased to be <i>almirante do mar</i>; no longer +will she listen in sadness to the wind, now her heart may sleep +and not tremble at the coming of a messenger) and the two +sea <i>cossantes</i> C. V. 401, with its plaining refrain:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">E van-se as frores d’aqui ben con meus amores,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">idas son as frores d’aqui ben con meus amores,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">—one can imagine it sung as a chanty<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>—and C. V. 429, in which +she prays Santiago to bring him safely home: ‘Now in this hour +Over the sea He is coming to me, Love is in flower.’ Beauty of +expression and a loyal sincerity are conspicuous in his poems, as +well as a certain individuality and vigour. He escaped the perils +of the sea, the <i>mui gran coita do mar</i> (C. A. 251), but to fall by the +hand of an assassin on shore. His sea lyrics are only excelled +by the enchanting melody of the poem (C. V. 488) of his contemporary +and fellow-countryman <span class="smcap">Roy Fernandez</span> (second half +13th c.), who was apparently a professor at Salamanca University, +Canon of Santiago, and Chaplain to Alfonso the Learned. Of the +later poets <span class="smcap">Estevam Coelho</span>, perhaps father of one of the assassins +of Inés (†1355), wrote a <i>cossante</i> of haunting beauty (C. V. 321):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Sedia la fremosa, seu sirgo torcendo,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sa voz manselinha fremoso dizendo</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Cantigas d’amigo,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">and <span class="smcap">D. Afonso Sanchez</span> (<i>c.</i> 1285-1329) in C. V. 368 (<i>Dizia la +fremosinha—Ay Deus val</i>) proved that he had inherited part of his +father King Dinis’ genius and instinct for popular poetry. King +Dinis, having thrown wide his palace doors to these thyme-scented +lyrics, would turn again to the now musty chamber of +Provençal song (C. V. 123):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Quer’eu en maneira de provençal</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Fazer agora un cantar d’amor.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span></p> +<p>The <i>cossantes</i> had become so familiar that Airas Nunez, of +Santiago, could string them together, as it were, by the head, +without troubling himself to give more than the first lines, precisely +as Gil Vicente treated <i>romances</i> three centuries later. The reader +or listener would easily complete them. His <i>pastorela</i> (C. V. 454) +would be an ordinary imitation of a <i>pastourelle</i> of the <i>trouvères</i><a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> +were it not for the five <i>cossante</i> fragments inserted. Riding along +a stream he hears a solitary shepherdess singing and stays to +listen. First she sang <i>Solo ramo verde frolido</i>,<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> then—as if to +prove that she is a shepherdess of Arcady, not of real life—</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ay, estorniño do avelanedo,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Cantades vos e moir’eu e peno,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">D’amores ei mal,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">an impassioned cry of the heart only comparable with</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Thine earth now springs, mine fadeth:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Thy thorn without, my thorn my heart invadeth;</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">or that wonderful line of a wonderful poem:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Illa cantat, nos tacemus: quando ver venit meum?<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Next she sang the first lines of a <i>cossante</i> by Nuno Fernandez +Torneol (C. V. 245) with its dance refrain <i>E pousarei solo avelanal</i>. +The refrain is identical in C. V. 245 and C. V. 454, but the distich +has variations which seem to imply that Airas Nunez was not +quoting Fernandez, rather that both drew from a popular source. +The fourth <i>cossante</i> we also have complete, a lovely <i>barcarola</i> +by Joan Zorro (C. V. 757):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Pela ribeira do rio (alto)</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Cantando ia la dona virgo (d’algo)</div> + <div class="verse indent0">D’amor:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Venhan as barcas pelo rio</div> + <div class="verse indent0">A sabor.<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span></p> + +<p>Lastly she (or he), as he rides on his way, sings:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Quen amores ha</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Como dormira,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ai bela fror!</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">i.e. <i>este cantar</i> which is familiar in the <i>villancico</i> (<i>Por una gentil +floresta</i>) by the Marqués de Santillana (1398-1458):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">La niña que amores ha</div> + <div class="verse indent0">¿Sola cómo dormirá?</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Very few, if any, of the <i>cossantes</i> were anonymous, which only +means that modern folk-lore was unknown; it was not the fashion +to collect songs from the lips of the people without ulterior purpose. +A variety known as <i>cantiga de vilãos</i> existed, but it was deliberately +composed by the <i>trobadores</i> and <i>jograes</i>.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> A specimen is +given in C. V. 1043:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ó pee d’hũa torre</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Baila corpo piolo,<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></div> + <div class="verse indent0">Vedes o cós, ay cavaleiro.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>No drawing-room lyric, evidently: more likely to be sung in +taverns; composed perhaps by a knight like him of C. V. 965, +whose songs were not <i>fremosos e rimados</i>. Like the Provençal +poet Guilherme Figueira who <i>mout se fetz grazir ... als ostes et +als taverniers</i>, this knight’s songs pleased ‘tailors, furriers and +millers’; they had not the good taste of the tailor’s wife in Gil +Vicente who sings the beautiful <i>cantiga</i></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Donde vindes filha</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Branca e colorida?</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The <i>cantiga de vilãos</i> was no such simple popular lyric, but rather +a drinkers’ song, picaresquely allusive, sung by a <i>jogral</i> who +<i>non fo hom que saubes caber entre ‘ls baros ni entre la bona gen</i> +but sang <i>vilmen et en gens bassas, entre gens bassas per pauc +d’aver</i> (Riquier), <i>cantares de que la gente baja e de servil condicion +se alegra</i> (Santillana). The <i>cossante</i>, on the contrary, came +straight from field and hill into palace and song-book. Probably<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span> +many of them were composed, as they were sung, and sung dancing, +by the women. The women of Galicia have always been +noted for their poetical and musical talent. We read of the +<i>choreas psallentium mulierum</i>, like Miriam, the sister of Moses, +at Santiago in 1116,<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> and there is a cloud of similar witnesses. +But whether any of the <i>cossantes</i> that we have in the <i>Cancioneiros</i> +is strictly of the people or not, their traditional indigenous +character is no longer doubtful. It would surely be a most +astounding fact had the Galician-Portuguese Court poets, who +in their <i>cantigas de amor</i> reduced Provençal poetry to a colourless +insipidity, succeeded so much better with the <i>cossantes</i> that, while +the originals from which they copied have vanished, the imitations +stand out in the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i> like crimson +poppies among corn. It is remarkable, too, that of the three +kinds of poem in the old <i>Cancioneiros</i>, satire, love song, and +<i>cossante</i>, the first two remain in the <i>Cancioneiro de Resende</i> +(1516), but the third has totally disappeared. The explanation +is that as Court and people drew apart and the literary influence +of Castille grew, the poems based on songs of the people were +no longer in favour. But they continued, like the Guadiana, +underground, and D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos has +traced their occasional reappearances in poets of popular leanings, +like Gil Vicente and Cristobal de Castillejo, from the thirteenth +century to the present day,<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> while Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos has +discovered whole <i>cossantes</i> sung by peasants at their work in the +fields in the nineteenth century.<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Dance or action always accompanies +the <i>cossante</i> as it does in the <i>danza prima</i> of Asturias (to the +words <i>Ay un galan d’esta villa, ay un galan d’esta casa</i>).<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> If it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span> +be objected that the songs printed by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos +are rude specimens by the side of a poem like <i>Ay flores, ay flores +do verde pinho</i>, it should be remembered that the <i>quadra</i> (or +perhaps one should say distich without refrain) has now replaced +the <i>cossante</i> on the lips of the people, and that among these +quatrains something of the old <i>cossante’s</i> charm and melancholy +is still found. D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos and others +have remarked that these <i>quadras</i> pass from mouth to mouth +and are perfected in the process, smoothed and polished like +a stone by the sea, and this may well have been true of the earlier +<i>cossantes</i>.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> The <i>jogral</i> who hastened to his patron with a lovely +new poem was but reaping the inspiration of a succession of +anonymous singers, an inspiration quickened by competition +in antiphonies of song at many a pilgrimage. One singer would +give a distich of a <i>cossante</i>, as to-day a <i>quadra</i>, another would +take it up and return it with variations. The <i>cossante</i> did not +always preserve its simple form, or, rather, the more complicated +poems renewed themselves in its popularity. We find it as +a <i>bailada</i> (C. V. 761), <i>balleta</i> (cf. C. A. 123: <i>Se vos eu amo mais +que outra ren</i>), as <i>cantiga de amor</i> (C. A. 360 or 361, C. V. 657-60), +<i>cantiga de maldizer</i> (C. V. 1026-7), or satirical <i>alba</i> (C. V. +1049). But these hybrid forms are not the true <i>cossante</i>, which +is always marked by dignity, restraint, simple grace, close +communion with Nature, delicacy of thought, and a haunting +felicity of expression. The <i>cossante</i> written by King Sancho +seems to indicate a natural development of the indigenous poetry. +In its form it owed nothing to the poetry of Provence or +North France, but its progress was perhaps quickened, and at +least its perfection preserved, by the systematic cultivation of +poetry introduced from abroad at a time when no middle +class separated Court and peasant. The tantalizing fragments +that survive in Gil Vicente’s plays show all too plainly +what marvels of popular song might flower and die unknown. +In spirit the original grave religious character of the <i>cossante</i> +may in some measure have affected the new poetry. To this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span> +in part may be ascribed the monotony, the absence of particular +descriptions in the <i>cantigas de amor</i>. In religious hymns obviously +reverence would not permit the Virgin to be described in greater +detail than, for example, Gil Vicente’s vague <i>branca e colorada</i>, +and the reverence might be transferred unconsciously to poems +addressed to an earthly <i>dona</i>. (Only in the extravagant devotional +mannerisms (<i>gongorismo ao divino</i>) of the seventeenth century +could Soror Violante do Ceo describe Christ as a <i>galan de ojos +verdes</i>.) <i>Dona genser qu’ieu no sai dir</i> or <i>la genser que sia</i> says +Arnaut de Marueil at the end of the thirteenth century. The +Portuguese poet would make an end there: his lady is fairest +among women, fairer than he can say. He would never go on +to describe her grey eyes and snowy brow: <i>huelhs vairs</i> and +<i>fron pus blanc que lis</i>. But introduced into alien and artificial +forms, like mountain gentians in a garden, the monotony +can no longer please. In the <i>cantigas de amor</i> the iteration +becomes a tedious sluggishness of thought, whereas in the +<i>cossantes</i> it is part of the music of the poem.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span></p> + +<div class="blockquot"> + +<p>C. A. = Cancioneiro da Ajuda.</p> + +<p>C. A. M. V. = Cancioneiro da Ajuda. Ed. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos. +2 vols. Halle, 1904.</p> + +<p>C. A. S.= Fragmentos de hum Cancioneiro Inedito que se acha na Livraria +do Real Collegio dos Nobres de Lisboa. Impresso á custa de Carlos +Stuart, Socio da Academia Real de Lisboa. Paris, 1823.</p> + +<p>C. A. V. = Trovas e Cantares de um Codice do <span class="allsmcap">XIV</span> Seculo. Ed. Francisco +Adolpho de Varnhagen. Madrid, 1849.</p> + +<p>C. V. = Cancioneiro da Vaticana.</p> + +<p>C. V. M. = Il Canzoniere Portoghese della Biblioteca Vaticana. Ed. Ernesto +Monaci. Halle, 1875.</p> + +<p>C. V. B. = Cancioneiro Portuguez da Vaticana. Ed. Theophilo Braga. +Lisboa, 1878.</p> + +<p>C. T. A. = Cancioneirinho das Trovas Antigas colligidas de um grande Cancioneiro +da Bibliotheca do Vaticano. Ed. F. A. de Varnhagen. Vienna +(1870), 2nd ed. 1872.</p> + +<p>C. A. P. = Cantichi Antichi Portoghesi tratti dal Codice Vaticano 4803 con +traduzione e note, a cura di Ernesto Monaci. Imola, 1873.</p> + +<p>C. L. = Cantos de Ledino tratti dal grande Canzoniere portoghese della Biblioteca +Vaticana. Ed. E. Monaci. Halle, 1875.</p> + +<p>C. D. M. = Cancioneiro d’ El Rei D. Diniz, pela primeira vez impresso sobre +o manuscripto da Vaticana. Ed. Caetano Lopes de Moura. Paris, 1847.</p> + +<p>C. D. L. = Das Liederbuch des Königs Denis von Portugal. Ed. Henry R. +Lang. Halle, 1894.</p> + +<p>C. C. B. = Il Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Brancuti. Ed. Enrico Molteni. +Halle, 1880.</p> + +<p>C. M. = Cantigas de Santa Maria de Don Alfonso el Sabio. 2 vols. Madrid, +1889.</p> + +<p>C. G. C. = Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano. Ed. H. R. Lang. Vol. i. New +York, London, 1902.</p> + +<p>C. M. B. = Cancionero Musical de los Siglos <span class="allsmcap">XV</span> y <span class="allsmcap">XVI</span>. Transcrito y comentado +por Francisco Asenjo Barbieri. Madrid (1890).</p> + +<p>C. B. = Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena. Madrid, 1851.</p> + +<p>C. G. = Cancionero General (1511).</p> + +<p>C. R. = Cancioneiro de Resende. Lisboa, 1516 (= Cancioneiro Geral).</p> +</div> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Kazwînî ap. Reinhart Dozy, <i>Spanish Islam</i>, trans. F. G. Stokes, London, +1913, p. 663.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> C. A. 38. It is a <i>cantiga de meestria</i>, of two verses, each of eight octosyllabic +lines (<i>abbaccde bfbaccde</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Although neither English nor Portuguese, it is a name for these poems, +of lines <i>pariter plangentes</i>, less clumsy than <i>parallelistic songs</i> adopted by Professor Henry R. Lang (who also uses the words <i>serranas</i>—but see C. D. L., +p. cxxxviii, note 2; Dr. Theophilo Braga had called them <i>serranilhas</i>—and +<i>Verkettungslieder</i>), <i>Parallelstrophenlieder</i> (D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos), +<i>cantigas parallelisticas</i> (D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos +and Snr. J. J. Nunes), <i>chansons à répétitions</i> (M. Alfred Jeanroy). <i>Cantos +dualisticos</i>, <i>cantos de danza prima</i>, and <i>bailadas encadeadas</i> have also been +proposed.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Perhaps = rhyme (<i>consoante</i>), but more probably it is derived from <i>cosso</i>, +an enclosed place, which would be used for dancing: cf. Cristobal de Castillejo, +<i>Madre, un caballero Que estaba en este cosso (bailia)</i>. In the <i>Relacion de los +fechos del mui magnifico é mas virtuoso señor el señor Don Miguel Lucas</i> [<i>de Iranzo</i>] +<i>mui digno Condestable de Castilla</i>, p. 446 (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1470), occurs the following +passage: <i>Y despues de danzar cantaron un gran rato de cosante</i> (<i>Memorial +Histórico Español</i>, tom. viii, Madrid, 1855). Rodrigo Cota, in the <i>Diálogo +entre el Amor y un Viejo</i>, has <i>danças y corsantes</i>, and Antón de Montoro +(el Ropero) asks <i>un portugues que vido vestido de muchos colores</i> if he is a <i>cantador +de corsante</i> (v. l. <i>cosante</i>) (<i>Canc. General</i>, ed. Biblióf. Esp., ii. 270, no. 1018).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> In the <i>Grundriss</i> (1894), <i>Randglossen</i> (1896-1905), and especially vol. ii +of the <i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i> (1904).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Or <i>Solo ramo verde granado</i>: the green branch in (red) flower.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Translations of Chinese poems resembling the <i>cossantes</i> are given by +Dr. Theophilo Braga, C. V. B., <i>Introd.</i>, p. ci, and Professor H. R. Lang, +C. D. L., <i>Introd.</i>, p. cxlii. A Provençal poem with resemblance to a <i>cossante</i> +is printed in Bartsch, p. 62: <i>Li tensz est bels, les vinnesz sont flories</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Any one who has heard peasants at a <i>Stabat</i> singing the hymn</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Stabat Mater dolorosa</div> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Jussa crussa larimosa</i></div> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Du penebat</i> Filius</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">realizes that the words for them have no meaning, but that they will long +remember tune and rhythm. Compare, for the form, the Latin hymn to the +Virgin by the Breton poet Adam de Saint Victor (†1177):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Salve Verbi sacra parens,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Flos de spinis spinis carens,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Flos spineti gloria.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Cf. Luis José Velázquez, <i>Orígenes de la Poesía Castellana</i> (Málaga, 1754) +ap. C. M. (1889), i. 168: <i>las cantares y canciones devotas de los peregrinos que +iban en romería a visitar la iglesia de Compostela mantuvieron en Galicia el +gusto de la poesía en tiempos bárbaros</i>. A Latin hymn composed in the twelfth +century by Aimeric Picaud is printed in <i>Recuerdos de un Viaje á Santiago +de Galicia</i> por el P. Fidel Fita y D. Aureliano Fernández-Guerra (Madrid, +1880), p. 45: <i>Jacobi Gallecia Opem rogat piam Glebe cujus gloria Dat insignem +viam Ut precum frequentia Cantet melodiam. Herru Sanctiagu! Grot Sanctiagu! +Eultreja esuseja! Deus, adjuva nos!</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Cf. Simão de Vasconcellos, <i>Cronica da Companhia de Jesu do Estado do +Brazil</i> (1549-62), 2nd ed. (1865), Bk. I, § 22: <i>chegamos a huma praça</i> [in +Santiago de Compostela] <i>onde vimos hum ajuntamento de mulheres Gallegas +com grande risada e galhofa; e querendo o irmão meu companheiro pedir-lhe +esmola vio que estavão todas ouvindo a huma que feita pregadora arremedava, +como por zombaria, o sermão que eu tinha pregado</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> One has but to watch a Rogation procession passing through the fields +in the Basque country (which until recently preserved customs of immemorial +eld and still calls the Feast of Corpus Christi, introduced by Pope Urban IV +in 1262, ‘the New Feast—<i>Festa Berria</i>’) to realize the singularly impressive effect of the singing, first the girls’ treble <i>Ave Ave Ave Maria, Ave Ave Ave +Maria</i>, then the answering bass of the men far behind, <i>Ave Ave Ave Maria, +Ave Ave Ave Maria</i> (with the slow ringing of the church bell for a refrain +like the <i>contemplando</i> and <i>tan callando</i> in the <i>Coplas de Manrique</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Cf. Gil Vicente, <i>Tambor em cada moinho</i>. It is a curious coincidence +that the word <i>citola</i> (the <i>jogral’s</i> fiddle) = mill-clapper. Cf. also <i>moinante</i> in +Galicia = <i>pícaro</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Cf. the <i>leixapren</i> and refrain of the <i>cantiga</i> danced and sung at the end +of Gil Vicente’s <i>Romagem de Aggravados</i> (<i>Por Maio era, por Maio</i>). The +parallelism and <i>leixapren</i> are present also in religious poems by Alfonso X: +C. M. 160, 250, 260. Snr. J. J. Nunes has noted that in modern peasant +dances, accompanied with song, the dancers sometimes pause while the +refrain is sung.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> C. V. contains many striking pilgrimage songs, sometimes wrongly called <i>cantigas de ledino</i>. + The word probably originated in a printer’s error (<i>de +ledino for dele dino</i>) in a line of <i>Chrisfal: cantou canto de ledino</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Cf. the wailing refrains of C. V. 415, 417; and, for the <i>form</i>, compare +<i>e de mi, louçana!</i> with <i>¡ay de mi, Alfama!</i> In the <i>sense</i> of the two refrains lies +all the difference between the poetry of Portugal and Spain.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> C. C. B. 135 (= C. A. 389); C. V. 119, 181, 220, 527, 758, 964.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> <i>Endurar</i>, <i>besonha</i>, <i>greu</i>, <i>gracir</i>, <i>cousir</i>, <i>escarnir</i>, <i>toste</i>, <i>entendedor</i>, + <i>veiro</i> +(<i>varius</i>, Fr. <i>vair</i>, C. M. 213 has <i>egua veira</i>), <i>genta</i> (<i>genser</i>, <i>gensor</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> C. V. 242-51, 979; C. C. B. 159-71 (= C. A. 70-81, 402).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> C. V. 414-16, 824-5; C. A. 281.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Meen di nho in the C. V. M. index. Thus he is scarcely even a name.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Or Esquio (? = <i>esquilo</i>, ‘squirrel’).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Or Corpancho (Broade) or Campancho (Broadacre); but the word +<i>carpancho</i> (= basket) exists in the region of Santander (<i>La Montaña</i>). +There is a modern Peruvian poet Manuel Nicolás Corpancho (1830-63).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> This is the most probable form of his name, although modern critics +have presented him with various others.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> M. Alfred Jeanroy (<i>Les Origines</i>, 2ᵉ ed., 1904, p. 320) compares with this +<i>bailada</i> the fragments <i>Tuit cil qui sunt enamourat Vignent dançar, li autre non</i> +and <i>N’en nostre compaignie ne soit nus S’il n’est amans</i>, but even if there was +direct imitation here, which is doubtful, that would not affect the indigenous +character of the <i>cossantes</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Or, according to D. C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, Moogo (from <i>monachus</i>). +<i>Meogo</i> (= <i>meio</i>) occurs in C. M. 65 and 161, <i>moogo</i> (= monk) in C. M. 75 and 149.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> C. V. 392-402, 424-30, 1158-9; C. A. 246-56. Chariño is buried at +Pontevedra, in the Franciscan convent which he founded.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Cf. the modern <i>Ai lé lé lé, marinheiro vira á ré</i> or <i>Ai lé lé lé Ribamar +e S. José</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> For later reminiscences of the <i>pastorela</i> see C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, +<i>João Lourenço da Cunha, a ‘Flor de Altura’ e a cantiga Ay Donas por qué +em tristura?</i> (<i>Separata da Revista Lusitana</i>, vol. xix) Porto (1916), pp. 14-15.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> See <i>supra</i>, p. 23.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> A modern Portuguese quatrain runs</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Passarinho que cantaes</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Nesse raminho de flores,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Cantae vos, chorarei eu:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Assim faz quem tem amores.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> By the margin of a river Went a maiden singing, ever Of love sang she:</p> + +<p>Up the stream the boats came gliding Gracefully. All along the river-bent +The fair maiden singing went Of love’s dream: Fair to see the boats came +gliding Up the stream.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> <i>Poetica</i> (C. C. B., p. 3, ll. 50-1).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> It probably does not rhyme (<i>e morre</i> or <i>corre</i>) purposely. D. Carolina +Michaëlis de Vasconcellos proposes <i>gracioso</i> or <i>friolo</i> (<i>A Saudade Portuguesa</i>, +Porto, 1914, pp. 84, 140).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> <i>España Sagrada</i>, xx. 211.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> C. A. M. V. ii. 928-36. Almeida Garrett had written in a general sense: +<i>os vestigios d’essa poesia indigena ainda duram</i> (<i>Revista Univ. Lisbonense</i>, +vol. v (1846), p. 843).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> At Rebordainhos, in Tras-os-Montes, e.g. <i>Na ribeirinha ribeira Naquella +ribeira Anda lá um peixinho vivo (bravo) Naquella ribeira</i>. Other examples +of the <i>i-a</i> sequence are <i>amigo</i> (<i>amado</i>), <i>cosido</i> (<i>assado</i>), <i>villa</i> (<i>praça</i>), <i>ermida</i> +(<i>oraga</i>), <i>linda</i> (<i>clara</i>), <i>Abril</i> (<i>Natal</i>), <i>ceitil</i> (<i>real</i>). See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, +<i>Annuario para o estudo das tradições populares portuguezas</i> (Porto, 1882), +pp. 19-24. Cf. the modern Asturian song with its refrain <i>¡Ay Juana cuerpo +garrido, ay Juana cuerpo galano!</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Francisco Alvarez, <i>Verd. Inf.</i>, p. 125, speaks of <i>cantigas de bailhos e de +terreiro</i> (dance-songs).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> Cf. Barros, <i>Dial. em lovvor da nossa ling.</i>, 1785 ed., p. 226: <i>Pois as cantigas +compostas do povo, sem cabeça, sem pees, sem nome ou verbo que se entenda, +quem cuidas que as traz e leva da terra? Quem as faz serem tratadas e recebidas +do comum consintimento? O tempo.</i></p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="I_2">§ 2.<br><span class="small"><i>The Cancioneiros</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>If, besides the <i>Cancioneiros da Vaticana</i>, <i>Colocci-Brancuti</i>, +and <i>da Ajuda</i>, we include King Alfonso X’s <i>Cantigas de Santa +Maria</i> (C. M.) we have over 2,000 poems, by some 200 poets. +Of these the <i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i> (C. A.) contains 310. +Preserved in the Lisbon <i>Collegio dos Nobres</i> and later in the +Royal Library of Ajuda at Lisbon, it was first published in an +edition of twenty-five copies by Charles Stuart (afterwards +Lord Stuart of Rothesay), British Minister at Lisbon (C. A. S.). +Another edition, by Varnhagen, appeared in 1849 (C. A. V.), +and the splendid definitive edition by D. Carolina Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos in 1904 (C. A. M. V.). C. A. M. V. contains 467 +poems, in part reproduced from C. V. M. and C. C. B. The +third volume, of notes, is still unpublished.</p> + +<p>Of the <i>Cancioneiro</i> preserved as Codex Vaticanus 4803, and +now commonly known as <i>Cancioneiro da Vaticana</i> (C. V.), fragments +were published soon after its rediscovery: viz. that +portion attributed to King Dinis, edited by Moura in 1847 +(C. D. M.). This part received a critical edition at the hands +of Professor H. R. Lang in 1892; 2nd ed., with introduction, +Halle, 1894 (C. D. L.). A few more crumbs were given to the +world by Varnhagen in 1870, 2nd ed. 1872 (C. T. A.), and in +1873 (C. A. P.) and 1875 (C. L.) by Ernesto Monaci, who +printed his diplomatic edition of the complete text (1,205 +poems) in the latter year (C. V. M.), and with it an index of +a still larger <i>Cancioneiro</i> (it has 1,675 entries) compiled by +Angelo Colocci in the sixteenth century and discovered by +Monaci in the Vatican Library (codex 3217). Dr. Theophilo +Braga’s critical edition appeared in 1878 (C. V. B.).</p> + +<p>In this very year a large <i>Cancioneiro</i> (355 ff.), corresponding +nearly but not precisely to the Colocci index, was discovered +in the library of the Conte Paolo Antonio Brancuti (C. C. B.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span> +For convenience’ sake C. C. B. also = the fragment published by +Enrico Gasi Molteni), and the 442 of its poems, lacking in C. V. +(but nearly half of which are in C. A.), were published in +diplomatic edition by Enrico Molteni in 1880 (C. C. B.). All +these (C. A., C. V., and C. C. B.) were in all probability derived +from the <i>Cancioneiro</i> compiled by the Conde de Barcellos. +When his father, King Dinis, died, silence fell upon the poets. +The new king, Afonso IV, showed no sign of continuing to +collect the smaller <i>Cancioneiros</i> kept by nobles and men of +humbler position, a custom inaugurated by his grandfather, +Afonso III (if the <i>Livro de Trovas del Rei D. Afonso</i> in King +Duarte’s library was his), continued by King Dinis (<i>Livro de +Trovas del Rei D. Dinis</i>), and perhaps revived by King Duarte +a century later (<i>Livro de Trovas del Rei</i>). It was thus a time +suitable for a ‘definitive edition’, and Count Pedro, who +was the last of the <i>Cancioneiro</i> poets and who was more +collector than poet, probably took the existing <i>Cancioneiros</i> +(of Afonso III and Dinis) and added a third part consisting of +later poems. Besides the chronological order there was a division +by subject into <i>cantigas de amor</i>, <i>cantigas de amigo</i>, and <i>cantigas +d’escarnho e de maldizer</i> (Santillana’s <i>cantigas</i>, <i>serranas e dezires</i>, +or <i>cantigas serranas</i>, the Archpriest of Hita’s <i>cantares serranos +e dezires</i>). C. V. is divided into these three kinds; in the older +and incomplete C. A. 304 of the 310 poems are <i>cantigas +de amor</i>. Eleven years after the death of King Duarte the +Marqués de Santillana wrote (1449) to the Constable of Portugal, +D. Pedro, describing the Galician-Portuguese <i>Cancioneiro</i>—<i>un +grant volume</i>—which he had seen in his boyhood in the possession +of D. Mencia de Cisneros. (This may have been the +actual manuscript compiled by D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos +and bequeathed by him in 1350 to Alfonso XI of Castille and +Leon—a few days <i>after</i> Alfonso XI’s death. Or it may have +been a copy of the <i>Cancioneiro</i> of D. Pedro or the <i>Cancioneiro</i> +of Afonso III or of Dinis.) It is significant that in this very +important letter it is a foreigner informing a Portuguese. +Under the predominating influence first of Spain then of the +Renaissance, the old Portuguese poems, even if they were +known to exist, excited no interest in Portugal. They were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span> +<i>musas rusticas, musas in illo tempore rudes et incultas</i>.<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> With this +disdain the <i>Cancioneiro</i> became a real will-o’-the-wisp. Even +as late as the nineteenth century one disappeared mysteriously +from a sale, another emerged momentarily (see C. T. A.) from +the shelves of a Spanish grandee only to fall back into the +unknown. In the sixteenth century the evidence as to its +being known is contradictory. Duarte Nunez de Leam in 1585 +says of King Dinis that <i>extant hodie eius carmina</i>. Antonio de +Vasconcellos in 1621 declares that time has carried them away: +<i>obliviosa praeripuit vetustas</i>.</p> + +<p>A few vague allusions (as that of Sá de Miranda concerning +the echoes of Provençal song) were all that was vouchsafed in +Portugal to the <i>Cancioneiro</i>, although prominent Portuguese +men of letters—as Sá de Miranda, André de Resende, Damião +de Goes—travelled in Italy and met there Cardinal Pietro +Bembo (1470-1547), who had probably owned the <i>Cancioneiros</i> +(copies by an Italian hand of a Portuguese original) acquired +by Angelo Colocci; yet at this very time Colocci (†1549) was +eagerly indexing and annotating the <i>Cancioneiros</i> in Rome. It +is this Portuguese neglect and indifference to the things of +Portugal which explains the survival of the <i>cossantes</i> only in +Rome while the more solemn and less indigenous poems of the +<i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i> remained in the land of their birth. +A fuller account of the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i>, with the +fascinating and complicated question of their descent and interrelations, +will be found in the <i>Grundriss</i> (pp. 199-202) and D. +Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos’ edition of the <i>Cancioneiro +da Ajuda</i> (vol. ii, pp. 180-288).<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> + +<p>When the poetry of the troubadours flourished in Provence +Portugal was scarcely a nation. The first Provençal poet, +Guilhaume, Comte de Poitou (1087-1127), precedes by nearly +a century Sancho I (1154-1211), second King of Portugal, who +wrote poems and married the Princess Dulce of Aragon; and +the Gascon Marcabrun, the first foreign poet to refer to Portugal, +in his poems <i>Al prim comens del ivernaill</i> and <i>Emperaire per mi<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span> +mezeis</i>, in the middle of the twelfth century, spoke not of her +poetry but of her warrior deeds: <i>la valor de Portegal</i>. Gavaudan +similarly refers at the end of the twelfth century to the Galicians +and Portuguese among other (Castille, &c.) barriers against +the ‘black dogs’ (the Moors). It was in Spain that the Portuguese +had opportunity of meeting Provençal poets. The Peninsula +in the thirteenth century was, like Greece of old, divided +into little States and Courts, each harbouring exiles and refugees +from neighbouring States. Civil strife or the death of a king in +Portugal would scatter abroad a certain number of noblemen +on the losing side, who would thus come into contact with the +troubadours as Provençal poetry spread to the Courts of +Catalonia and Aragon, Navarre, Castille and Leon. The first +King of Portugal, although a prince of the House of Burgundy, +held his kingdom in fief to Leon, and all the early kings were +in close touch with Leon and Castille. Fernando III, King of +Castille and Leon (St. Ferdinand), was a devoted lover of poetry, +and his son Alfonso X gathered at his <i>cort sen erguelh e sen +vilania</i> a galaxy of talented troubadours, Provençal and Galician. +Portugal came into more direct touch with France in other +ways, but the influence might have been almost exclusively +that of the <i>trouvères</i> of the North had not the more generous +enthusiasm of Provence penetrated across the frontier into +Spain. Trade was fairly active in the thirteenth century +between Portugal and England, North France and Flanders. +Many of the members of the religious orders—as the Cluny +Benedictines—who occupied the territory of the Moors in +Portugal were Frenchmen. With foreign colonists the new +towns were systematically peopled. The number of French +pilgrims was such that the road to Santiago became known as +the ‘French Road’. The Crusades also brought men of many +languages to Portugal.<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> The Court by descent and dynastic +intermarriage was cosmopolitan; but indeed the life of the +whole Peninsula was cosmopolitan to an extent which tallies +ill with the idea of the Middle Ages as a period of isolation and +darkness. The Portuguese had already begun to show their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span> +fondness for <i>novedades</i>. Yet it was they who imposed their, +the Galician, language. As the Marqués de Santillana observed +and the <i>Cancioneiros</i> prove, lyric poets throughout the Peninsula +used Galician.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> Probably the oldest surviving instance of this +language in verse by a foreigner is to be found (ten lines) in +a <i>descort</i> (<i>descordo</i>) written by Raimbaud de Vaqueiras (1158-1217) +at the Court of Bonifazio II of Montferrat towards the end +of the twelfth century. We cannot doubt that the character +and conditions of the north-west of the Peninsula had permitted +a thread of lyric poetry to continue there ever since Silius +Italicus had heard the youth of Galicia wailing (<i>ululantem</i>) +their native songs, and that both language and literature had +the opportunity to develop earlier there than in the rest of +Spain. The tide of Moorish victory only gradually ebbed +southward, and the warriors in the sterner country of Castille, +with its fiery sun and battles and epics, would look back to the +green country of Galicia as the idyllic land of song, a refuge +where sons of kings and nobles could spend their minority in +comparative peace. When from the ninth century Galicia +became a second Holy Land its attractions and central +character were immeasurably increased. Pilgrims thither from +every country would return to their native land with some +words of the language, and those acquainted with Provençal +might note the similarity and the musical softness of Galician.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> +It is not certain that the eldest of the ten children of San +Fernando, <span class="smcap">Alfonso X</span> (1221?-84), <i>el Sabio</i>, King of Castille and +Leon, Lord of Galicia, and brother-in-law of our Edward I, +passed his boyhood in Galicia. But when he was compiling +a volume of poems referring to many parts of the world besides +Spain, to Canterbury and Rome, Paris and Alexandria, Lisbon, +Cologne, Cesarea, Constantinople, he would naturally choose +Galician not only, or indeed chiefly, because it was the more +graceful and pliant medium for lyric verse but because it was +the most widely known, and, like French, <i>plus commune à toutes</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span> +<i>gens</i>.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> He had no delicate ear for its music and made such +poor use of its pliancy that it often becomes as hard as the +hardest Castilian in his hands. His songs of miracles offer +a striking contrast to contemporary Portuguese lyrics in the +same language. Their jingles are only possible as a <i>descort</i> in +the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i>. At the same time he would be +influenced in his choice of language by his knowledge of Galicia +as the traditional home of the lyric, of the encouraging patronage +extended to Galician poets by his son-in-law Afonso III, of the +Santiago school of poets, and of the promising future before the +Galician language in the hands of the conquering Portuguese. +<i>Multas et perpulchras composuit cantilenas</i>, says Gil de Zamora, +and likens him to David. But when we remember the prodigious +services rendered by Alfonso X to Castilian prose, the first +question that arises is whether he was indeed the author of the +450 poems in Galician<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> that we possess under his name. Of +these poems 426, or, cancelling repetitions, 420, are of a religious +character, written, with one or two exceptions, in honour of +the Virgin: <i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i>. Many of these poems +themselves provide an answer to the question: they record his +illnesses and enterprises and his <i>trobar</i> in such a way that they +could only have been written by himself: he is the <i>entendedor</i> +of Santa Maria (C. M. 130), he exhorts other <i>trobadores</i> to sing +her praises (C. M. 260), he himself is resolved to sing of no other +<i>dona</i> (C. M. 10: <i>dou ao demo os otros amores</i>); and his attractive +and ingenuous pride in these poems accords ill with an alien +authorship. When he lay sick at Vitoria and was like to die it +was only when the <i>Livro das Cantigas</i> was placed on his body +that he recovered (C. M. 209), and he directed that they should +be preserved in the church in which he was buried. There is +little reason to doubt that he was the author, in a strictly +limited sense, of the majority of the poems, although not of all.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span> +Various phrases seem to imply a double method. C. M. 219 +says: ‘I will have that miracle placed among the others’; +C. M. 295: ‘I ordered it to be written.’ On the other hand, +C. M. 47 is ‘a fair miracle of which I made my song’; C. M. 84 +‘a great miracle of which I made a song’; of 106 ‘I know well +that I will make a goodly song’; of 64 ‘I made verses and +tune’; for 188 ‘I made a good tune and verses because it +caught my fancy’; for 307 ‘according to the words I made +the tune’; of 347 ‘I made a new song with a tune that was +my own and not another’s’. The inference seems to be that, +the personal poems and the <i>loas</i> apart, if a miracle especially +attracted the king he took it in hand; otherwise he might +leave it to one of the <i>joglares</i>, and he would perhaps revise it +and be its author to the extent that the Portuguese <i>jograes</i> +were authors of the early <i>cossantes</i>. We know that he had at +his Court a veritable factory of verse. The vignettes<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> to these +<i>Cantigas</i> show him surrounded by scribes, pen and parchment +in hand, by <i>joglares</i> and <i>joglaresas</i>. Poets thronged to his +Court and he was in communication with others in foreign +lands. Some of the miracles might come to him in verse, the +work of a friendly poet or of a sacred <i>jogral</i> such as Pierres de +Siglar, whom C. M. 8 shows reciting his poems from church to +church: <i>en todalas eigreias da Uirgen que non a par un seu +lais senpre dizia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> and this would account for the variety of +metre and treatment. Of raw material for his art there was +never a scarcity, nor was the idea of turning it into verse +original. In France Gautier de Coincy (1177-1236) had already +written his <i>Miracles de la Sainte Vierge</i> in verse, and the Spanish +poet Gonzalo de Berceo (1180-1247) had composed the <i>Milagros +de Nuestra Sennora</i>. But there was no need for direct imitation. +If the starry sky were parchment and the ocean ink, the miracles<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span> +could not all be written down, says King Alfonso (C. M. 110). +Churches and rival shrines preserved an unfailing store for +collectors. Gautier de Coincy spoke of <i>tant miracles</i>, a <i>grant +livre</i> of them, and King Alfonso chooses one from among 300 +in a book (C. M. 33), finds one written in an ancient book (265) +written among many others (258), in a book among many others +(284), and refers to a book full of them at Soissons. The +miracles were recorded more systematically in France, and the +books of Soissons and Rocamadour (<i>Liber Miraculorum S. +Mariae de Rupe Amatoris</i>) provided the king with many +subjects, as did also Vincent de Beauvais’ <i>Speculum Historiale</i>, +of which he possessed a copy. But the sources in the Peninsula +were very copious, as, for instance, the Book of the Miracles of +Santiago, of which a copy, in Latin, exists in the Paris Bibliothèque +Nationale. Of other miracles the king had had personal +experience, or they were recent and came to him by word of +mouth. Thus he often does not profess to invent his subject: +he merely translates it into verse and sometimes appraises +it as he does so. It is ‘a marvellous great miracle’ (C. M. 257), +‘very beautiful’ (82), ‘one in which I have great belief’ (241), +‘one almost incredible’, <i>mui cruu de creer</i> (242), or ‘famous’ (195), +‘known throughout Spain’ (191). Many of these miracles occurred +to the peasants and unlettered: then as now the humbler the +subject the greater the miracle. Accordingly we find the king +in his poems dealing not with the conventional shepherdesses +of the <i>pastorelas</i> but with lowly folk of real life, peasants, +gleaners, sailors, fishermen, beggars, pilgrims, nuns; and it is +one of the king’s titles to be considered a true poet that he takes +an evident pleasure in these themes and retains their graphic, +artless presentment. The collection abounds in charming +glimpses of the life of the people. Indeed, in many of the poems +there is more of the people than of King Alfonso,<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> and he +sings diligently of the misdeeds of clerics and usurers, of the +incompetence of doctors, and of massacres of Jews. He seems +to have followed the originals very closely, and evident traces<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span> +of their language remain, French, English, and perhaps +Provençal. The poems are often of considerable length, sometimes +twenty or thirty verses, and as a rule the last line of each +verse must rhyme with the refrain. The attention thus necessarily +bestowed upon the rhymes sometimes mars the pathos +of the subject, and the reader is reminded that he has to do with +a skilful, eager, and industrious craftsman but not with a great +original poet. In the remarkable <i>Ben vennas Mayo</i> and in +many of his other poems materialism and poetical ecstasy go +hand in hand. Yet in several of the more beautiful legends +the poet proves himself equal to his theme. Some of these +legends are still famous, that of the Virgin taking the place of +the nun (C. M. 55 and 94), of the knight and the pitcher (155), +of the stone miraculously warded from the statue of the Virgin +and Child (136 and 294), of the monk’s mystic ecstasy at the +<i>lais</i> of the bird in the convent garden (103). Others had probably +an equal celebrity in the Middle Ages, as that of the captive +miraculously brought from Africa and awaking free in Spain +at dawn (325),<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> of the painter with whom the Devil was wroth +for always painting him so ugly (74), or of the peasant whose +vineyard alone was saved from the hail (161). Every tenth +poem (the collection was intended originally to consist of one +hundred) interrupts the narratives of miracles by a purely +lyrical <i>cantiga de loor</i>, and some of these, written with the +fervour with which the king always sang <i>as graças muy granadas</i> +of the <i>Madre de Deus Manuel</i>, are of great simplicity and beauty. +The king had not always written thus, and of his profane +poems we possess thirty<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> (since no one who has read the lively +essay by Cesare de Lollis will doubt that C. V. 61-79 and +C. C. B. 359-72 (= 467-78) were written by Alfonso X). The +most important of these are historical, and invoke curses on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span> +false or recalcitrant knights, <i>non ven al mayo!</i> C. V. 74 is +a battle-scene description so swift and impetuous that we must +go to the <i>Poema del Cid</i> for a parallel. And indeed some of the +old spirit peeps out from the <i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i>, as when +he prays to be delivered from false friends or praises the Virgin +for giving his enemies ‘what they deserved’.</p> + +<p>From the return and enthronement of Afonso III imitation +of French and Provençal poetry was in full swing in Portugal. +The long sojourn of the prince in France, accompanied by +several noblemen who figure in the <i>Cancioneiros</i> (as Rui Gomez +de Briteiros and D. Joan de Aboim), had an important bearing +on the development of Portuguese poetry. He came back +determined to act the part of an enlightened patron of letters; +he encouraged the immigration of men of learning from France +and maintained three <i>jograes</i> permanently in his palace.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> +Princes and nobles as <i>trobadores</i> for their own pastime, the +<i>segreis</i>,<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> knights who went from Court to Court and received +payment for the recital of their own verses, the <i>jograes</i>, belonging +to a lower station, who recited the poems of their patrons the +<i>trobadores</i>, all vied in imitation of the love songs of Provence. +In general, i. e. in the structure of their poems, the resemblance +is close and clear enough. The decasyllabic love song in three +or four stanzas with an <i>envoi</i>, the satirical <i>sirventes</i>, the <i>tenson</i> +(<i>jocs-partits</i>) in which two poets contended in dialogue, the +<i>descort</i> in which the discordant sounds expressed the poet’s +distress and grief, the <i>balada</i> of Provence, the <i>ballette</i> and +<i>pastourelle</i> of North France, were all faithfully reproduced.</p> + +<p>If, on the other hand, we look for imitations in detail it is +perhaps natural that we should find them less frequently.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span><a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> +The conventional character of the Portuguese poems would +sufficiently account for this, and moreover their models were +probably more often heard than read, so that reproduction of +the actual thought or words would be difficult. When Airas +Nunez in a poem of striking beauty, which is almost a sonnet +(C. V. 456), wrote the lines:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Que muito m’eu pago d’este verão</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Por estes ramos et por estas flores</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Et polas aves que cantan d’amores,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">he need not have read Peire de Bussinac’s lines:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Quan lo dous temps d’Abril</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Fa ’ls arbres secs fulhar</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E ’ls auzels mutz cantar</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Quascun en son lati,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">in order to know that birds sing and trees grow green in spring. +And generally it is not easy to say whether an apparent echo is +a direct imitation or merely a stereotyped phrase. The Portuguese +<i>trobadores</i> introduced little of the true spirit of the +Provençal <i>troubadours</i>—that had passed to Palestine and to +the Lady of Tripoli. In their <i>cantigas de amor</i> is no sign of +action—unless it be to die of love; no thought of Nature. +Jaufre Rudel (1140-70), that prince of lovers, had ‘gone to +school to the meadows’ and might sing in his <i>maint bons vers</i> +of <i>la flor aiglentina</i> or of <i>flors d’albespis</i>, but in the Portuguese +<i>cantigas</i> nothing relieves the conventional dullness and excessive +monotony (which likewise marked the Provençal school of +poets in Sicily). Composed for the most part in iambic decasyllables +they describe continually the poet’s <i>coita d’amor, +grave d’endurar</i>, his grief at parting, his loss of sleep, his pleasure +in dying for his <i>fremosa sennor</i>. She is described merely as +beautiful, or, at most, as</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Tan mansa e tan fremosa e de bon sen (C. C. B. 206).</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Fremosa e mansa e d’outro ben comprida (C. C. B. 278).</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Vocabulary and thought are spectre-thin. Indeed, it was part +of the convention to sing vaguely. <i>Eu ben falarei de sa +fremosura</i>, says one poet<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> (C. C. B. 337)—he will sing of her<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span> +beauty, but not in such a way that the curious who <i>non o poden +adevinhar</i> should guess his secret. As to allusions to Nature, +perhaps the climate, with less marked divisions than in Provence, +furnished less incentive to sing of spring and the earth’s renewal +or to imitate Guiraut de Bornelh in going to school all the +winter (<i>l’ivern estava a escola a aprender</i>) and singing only with +the return of spring. King Dinis, perhaps in reference to that +troubadour, declares that his love is independent of the seasons +and more sincere than that of the singers of Provence:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Proençaes soen mui ben trobar</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E dizen eles que é con amor,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Mais os que troban no tempo da frol</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E non en outro sei eu ben que non</div> + <div class="verse indent0">An tan gran coita ... (C. V. 127)</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">and even as he wrote the words he was unconsciously imitating +the thought of the Provençal poet Gace Brulé, who had spoken +of <i>les faus amoureus d’esté</i>. The exceeding similarity of the +<i>cantigas de amor</i> did raise doubts as to the sincerity of all this +dying of love (cf. C. V. 353 and C. V. 988) and as to whether +a poem was a <i>cantar novo</i> or an article at second hand (C. V. +819). Yet the poets evidently had talent and poetic feeling; +indeed, their skill in versification contrasts remarkably with +their entire absence of thought or individuality. They appear +to revel in monotony of ideas and pride themselves on the icy +smoothness of their verse. All their originality consisted in the +introduction of technical devices, such as the repetition at +intervals of certain words (<i>dobre</i>), or of different tenses of the +same verb (<i>mordobre</i>, as C. V. 681), to carry on the poem without +stop from beginning to end by means of ‘for’, ‘but’, &c., at +the beginning of each verse (<i>cantigas de atafiinda</i>,<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> as C. V. 130,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span> +C. A. 205), to begin and end each verse with the same line +(<i>canção redonda</i>, as C. V. 685), to repeat the last line of one +verse as the first line of the next (<i>leixapren</i>), to use the same +word at the end of each line (as <i>vi</i> in C. A. 7). The poet +who addressed <i>cantigas de amor</i> to his lady also provided her +with poems for her to sing, <i>cantigas de amigo</i> in complicated +form, or as the simpler <i>cossante</i>, which the <i>cantigas de amigo</i> +include. These are poems with more life and action, often in +dialogue. Perhaps the <i>dona</i> herself, wearied by the monotonous +<i>cantigas de amor</i>, had pointed to the songs of the peasant women, +and the form of these <i>cantigas de amigo</i> was a compromise +between the Provençal <i>cantiga de meestria</i> and the popular +<i>cantiga de refran</i>. The peasant woman composed her own +songs, and the poet places his song on the lips of his love: thus +we find her describing herself as beautiful, <i>eu velida</i>; <i>eu fremosa</i>; +<i>trist’ e fremosa</i>; <i>fremosa e de mui bon prez</i>; <i>o meu bon semelhar</i>. +Poetical shepherdesses sing these <i>cantigas de amigo</i>; the fair +<i>dona</i> sings them as she sits spinning (C. V. 321). The old +<i>Poetica</i> (II. 2-12) distinguishes between the <i>cantigas de amor</i>, in +which the <i>amigo</i> speaks first, and the <i>cantigas de amigo</i>, in which +the first to speak is the <i>amiga</i>. Both were artificial forms, but +the latter are clearly more popular in theme (the <i>amiga</i> waiting +and wailing for her lover), and in treatment sometimes convey +a real intensity of feeling.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> The favourite subject of the <i>cantiga +de amigo</i> is that the cruel mother prevents the lovers from +meeting. The daughter is kept in the house: <i>a manda muito +guardar</i> (C. V. 535). She reproaches and entreats her mother, +who answers her as choir to choir; she bewails her lot to her +friends, or to her sister. She is dying of love and begs her +mother to tell her lover. Her mother and lover are reconciled. +Her lover is false and fails to meet her at the trysted hour. +She waits for him in vain, and her mother comforts her in her<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span> +distress. She pines and dies of love while her <i>amigo</i> is away +serving the king in battle or <i>en cas’ del rei</i>.</p> + +<p>The third section of the <i>Cancioneiro da Vaticana</i> does not +sin by monotony. We may divide Pope’s line, since if the +<i>cantigas de amor</i> are ‘correctly cold’ many of the satiric poems +are ‘regularly low’. In these verses, containing violent invective +and abuse (<i>cantigas de maldizer</i>) or more covert sarcasm and +ridicule (<i>cantigas d’escarnho</i>), the themes are often scandalous, +the language ribald and unseemly. They were written with +great zest, although without the fiery indignation of the Provençal +and Catalan <i>sirventeses</i>. They are concerned with persons: +the haughty <i>trobador</i> may take a <i>jogral</i> to task for writing verses +that do not rhyme or scan, but even then it is a personal matter +and he rebukes his insolence for daring to raise his thoughts to +<i>altas donas</i> in song. Some of these poems should never have +been written or printed, but many of them give a lively idea of +the society of that time. They laugh merrily or venomously at +the poverty-stricken knight with nothing to eat; at the knight +who set his dogs on those who called near dinner-time; the +<i>jogral</i> who knows as much of poetry as an ass of reading; the +poet who pretended to have gone as a pilgrim to the Holy Land +but never went beyond Montpellier; the physician (Mestre +Nicolas) whose books were more for show than for use (<i>E sab’ os +cadernos ben cantar quen<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> non sabe por elles leer</i>, C. V. 1116); +the Galician unjustifiably proud of his poetical talent (<i>non o +sabia ben</i>, C. V. 914); the <i>jogral</i> who gave up poetry—shaved +off his beard and cut his hair short about his ears—in order to +take holy orders, in hope of a fat living, but was disappointed; +the <i>jogral</i> who played badly and sang worse; the poet who was +the cause of good poetry in others; the gentleman who spent +most of his income on clothes and wore gilt shoes winter and +summer. We read of the excellent capon, kid, and pork provided +by the king for dinner; of the fair <i>malmaridada</i>, married or +rather sold by her parents; of the impoverished lady, one of +those for whom later Nun’ Alvarez provided; of the poet pining +in exile not of love but hunger; of the lame lawyer, the unjust<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span> +judge; the <i>parvenu villão</i>, the knighted tailor, the seers and +diviners (<i>veedeiros</i>, <i>agoreiros</i>, <i>divinhos</i>). These <i>cantigas d’escarnho +e de maldizer</i> were a powerful instrument of satire from which +there was no escape. A hapless <i>infançon</i>, slovenly in his ways, +drew down upon himself the wit of D. Lopo Diaz, who in +a series of eleven songs (C. V. 945-55) ridiculed him and his +creaking saddle till at Christmas he was fain to call a truce. +But the implacable D. Lopo forthwith indited a new song: +‘I won’t deny that I agreed to a truce about the saddle, but—it +didn’t include the mare’,<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> and so no doubt continued till <i>pascoa +florida</i> or <i>la trinité</i>. But the majority of these verses are not so +innocently merry. Many of the poets of the <i>Cancioneiros</i> wrote +in all three kinds: <i>cantigas de amor</i>, <i>de amigo</i>, and <i>de maldizer</i>. +Of <span class="smcap">Joan de Guilhade</span><a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> + (fl. 1250) we have over fifty poems.<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> He +imitated both French and Provençal models, and, having learnt +lightness of touch from them, would appear to have contented +himself with writing <i>cantigas de amigo</i> (besides <i>cantigas de amor</i> +and <i>escarnho</i>) without having recourse to the <i>cossante</i>. There is +life and poetical feeling as well as facility of technique in his +poems.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pero Garcia de Burgos</span> (fl. 1250) is, with Joan de Guilhade, +one of the more voluminous writers of the <i>Cancioneiros</i>. He +shows himself capable of deep feeling in his love songs, but +speaks with two voices, descending to sad depths in his poems +of invective. His contemporary, the <i>segrel</i> <span class="smcap">Pero da Ponte</span>, is +also an accomplished poet of love, in the even flow of his verse +far more accomplished than Pero Garcia, and in his satirical +poems wittier and, as a rule, more moderate. He placed his +poetical gift at the service of kings to sing their praises for hire, +and celebrated San Fernando’s conquest of Seville in 1248; +Seville, of which, he says, ‘none can adequately tell the praises’. +To satire almost exclusively the powerful courtier of King +Dinis’ reign, <span class="smcap">Stevam Guarda</span>, devoted his not inconsiderable +talent, and the <i>segrel</i> <span class="smcap">Pedr’ Amigo de Sevilha</span> (fl. 1250) shone +in the same kind with a great variety of metre as well as in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span> +numerous <i>cantigas de amigo</i>. <span class="smcap">Martin Soarez</span> (first half 13th c.), +born at Riba de Lima, and considered the best <i>trobador</i> of his +time (by those who could not appreciate the charm of the +indigenous poetry), wrote no <i>cossante</i> nor <i>cantiga de amigo</i>, and +in his satirical poems displayed a contemptuous insolence—towards +those whom he regarded as his inferiors in lineage +or talent—which places him in no attractive light. A notable +poet at the Courts of Spain and Portugal was <span class="smcap">Joan Airas</span> of +Santiago de Compostela (fl. 1250), of whom we have over twenty +<i>cantigas de amor</i> and fifty <i>cantigas de amigo</i>. Contemporary +criticism apparently viewed their quantity with disfavour,<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> for +he complains that <i>Dizen que meus cantares non valen ren porque +tan muitos son</i> (C. V. 533). But if his poems lack the variety +of those of King Dinis, which they almost rival in number, they +are nevertheless marked not only by harmony but by many +a touch of real life. Of most of the other singers we have far fewer +poems. Like Meendinho and Estevam Coelho, <span class="smcap">Pero Vyvyães</span> +(first half 13th c.) is known chiefly for a single song: his <i>bailada</i> +(C. V. 336). By <span class="smcap">D. Joan Soarez Coelho</span> (<i>c.</i> 1210-80) there +are two <i>cossantes</i> (C. V. 291, 292) and numerous other poems. +He was prominent at the Court of Afonso III (1248-79) and +in the conquest of Algarve, as was also <span class="smcap">D. Joan de Aboim</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1215-87), whose poems are less numerous but include a dozen +<i>cantigas de amigo</i> and a <i>pastorela</i> (C. V. 278: <i>Cavalgava noutro dia +per hun caminho frances</i>), and <span class="smcap">Fernan Garcia Esgaravunha</span>,<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> +whose <i>cantigas de amor</i> show characteristic life and vigour, and +a good command of metre. There is an engaging grace and spirit +in the <i>cantigas de amigo</i> written in dancing rhythm by <span class="smcap">Fernan +Rodriguez de Calheiros</span> (fl. in or before 1250), who preceded +those soldier poets; deep feeling and melancholy in the <i>cantigas +de amor</i> of <span class="smcap">D. Joan Lopez de Ulhoa</span>, their contemporary. +Neither of these, however, possessed the poetical genius and +versatility of the priest of Santiago, <span class="smcap">Airas Nunez</span> (second half<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span> +13th c.)—the name appears in a marginal note to one of King +Alfonso’s <i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i> (C. M. 223 in the manuscript +j. b. 2)—whose poems show a perfect mastery of rhythm and +a true instinct for beauty. He wrote a <i>pastorela</i> in the manner of +the <i>trouvères</i>, and combined it with some of the most exquisite +specimens of the indigenous poetry.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> The fact that one of these +was by Joan Zorro makes it probable that Nunez’ celebrated +<i>bailada</i> (C. V. 462) is but a development of Zorro’s (C. V. 761), +unless both drew from a common popular source. Another of +his poems (C. V. 468) reads like an anticipatory slice out of +Juan Ruiz’ <i>Libro de Buen Amor</i>. Great importance has been +attached to another (C. V. 466) as a remnant of a <i>cantar de gesta</i>, +but D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos has shown that it +was written to commemorate a contemporary event, probably +in 1289.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> More than any other poet of the <i>Cancioneiros</i>, with +the exception, perhaps, of King Dinis, Nunez anticipated that +<i>doce estylo</i>, the introduction of which cost Sá de Miranda so +many perplexities.</p> + +<p>The <i>Cancioneiros</i> contain poems by high and low, prince and, one +would fain say, peasant, noble <i>trobador</i> and humble <i>jogral</i>, soldiers +and civilians, priests and laymen, singers of Galicia, Portugal, +and Spain, but more especially of Galicia and North Portugal. +As in the case of C. V. 466, the interest of many of the poems +is historical: C. V. 1088, for instance, written by a partisan of +the dethroned King Sancho II; or C. V. 1080, a <i>gesta de maldizer</i> +of fifty-six lines in three rhymes, with the exclamation <i>Eoy!</i> at +the change of the rhyme, which was written by <span class="smcap">D. Afonso +Lopez de Bayan</span> (<i>c.</i> 1220-80), clearly in imitation of the <i>Chanson +de Roland</i>.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> Almost equally prominent, though not from any +historical associations, is the curiously modern C. A. 429 (= C. C. B. +314) among the <i>cantigas de amor</i>. It tells of a girl forced against +her will to enter a convent, and who says to her lover: ‘My +dress may be religious, but God shall not have my heart.’ +(For the metre, cf. C. V. 342.) Its author was the <i>fidalgo</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span> +<span class="smcap">D. Rodrig’ Eanez de Vasconcellos</span>, one of the pre-Dionysian +poets. But indeed no further proofs are needed to show that, +even had King Dinis never existed, the contents of the early +Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i> would have been remarkable for their +variety and beauty. When Alfonso X died his grandson <span class="smcap">Dinis</span> +(1261-1325)<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> had sat for five years on the throne of Portugal. +Plentifully educated by a Frenchman, Ayméric d’Ébrard, +afterwards Bishop of Coimbra, married to a foreign princess, +Isabel of Aragon (the Queen-Saint of Portugal), profoundly +impressed, no doubt, by the world-fame of Alfonso X, to whom +he was sent on a diplomatic mission when not yet in his teens, +he became nevertheless one of the most national of kings. If +he imitated Alfonso X in his love of literature, he showed himself +a far abler and firmer sovereign, being more like a rock +than like the sea, to which the poet compared Alfonso. Far-sighted +in the conception of his plans and vigorous in their +execution, the <i>Rei Lavrador</i>, whom Dante mentions, though not +by name: <i>quel di Portogallo</i> (<i>Paradiso</i> xix), fostered agriculture, +increased his navy, planted pine-forests, fortified his towns, +built castles and convents and churches, and legislated for the +safety of the roads and for the general welfare and security of +his people. Among his great and abiding services to his country +was the foundation of the first Portuguese University in the +year 1290, and in the same spirit he ordered the translation of +many notable books from the Spanish, Latin, and Arabic into +Portuguese prose, including the celebrated works of the Learned +King, so that it is truer of prose than of poetry to say that he +inaugurated a golden age.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Had he written no line of verse his +name must have been for ever honoured in Portugal as the real +founder of that imperishable glory which was fulfilled two +centuries later. But he also excelled as a poet, <i>d’amor trobador</i>. +It had no doubt been part of his education to write conventionally +in the Provençal manner, but his skill in versification, +remarkable even in an age in which Portuguese poetry had +attained exceptional proficiency in technique, would have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span> +availed him, or at least us, little had he not also possessed an +instinct for popular themes, perhaps directly encouraged by +Alfonso X. The <i>Declaratio</i> placed by Guiraut Riquier of Narbonne +on the lips of that king in 1275 marked the coming +asphyxia of Provençal poetry, for it showed the tendency to +take the <i>jogral</i><a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> away from tavern and open air and to cut off +his poetry from the life of the people. It was owing to the +personal encouragement of Dinis that the waning star of both +Provençal and indigenous poetry continued to shine in Portugal +for another half-century. The grandson of Alfonso X was the +last hope of the <i>trobadores</i> and <i>jograes</i> of the Peninsula. From +Leon and Castille and Aragon they came to reap an aftermath +of song and <i>panos</i> at his Court, and after his death remained +silent or unpaid (C. V. 708). The poems of King Dinis are not +only more numerous but far more various than those of any +other <i>trobador</i>, with the exception of Alfonso X, and it may +perhaps be doubted whether they are all the work of his own +hand. In poetry’s old age he might well wish to collect specimens +of various kinds for his <i>Livro de Trovas</i>. But many of the +138 poems<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> that we possess under his name are undoubtedly +his, and display a characteristic force and sincerity as well as +true poetic delicacy and power. Among them are some colourless +<i>cantigas de amor</i> and others more individual in tone, +<i>pastorelas</i> (C. V. 102, 137, 150), <i>cantigas de amigo</i> (more Provençal +than Portuguese in their spirit of vigorous reproach are C. V. 186: +<i>Amigo fals’ e desleal</i>, and C. V, 198: <i>Ai fals’ amigo e sen lealdade</i>), +a jingle worthy of the <i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i> (C. V. 136), +a poem in 8.8.4.8 metre (C. V. 131), <i>atafiindas</i> (e. g. C. V. 130), a +<i>mordobre</i> in <i>querer</i> (C. V. 113, <i>Quix ben, amigos, e quer’ e querrei +Ũa molher que me quis e quer mal E querrá</i>), and <i>cossantes</i> of an +unmistakably popular flavour: <i>Ay flores, ay flores do verde pino</i> +(C. V. 171), two <i>albas</i> (C. V. 170, 172), C. V. 168, 169, with their +refrains <i>louçana</i> and <i>ai madre, moiro d’amor</i>, C. V. 173 with its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span> +quaint charm: <i>Vede-la frol do pinho—Valha Deus</i>, and the +<i>bailada-cossante</i> (C. V. 195: <i>Mia madre velida, Voum’ a la bailia +Do amor</i>). If the king wrote these <i>cossantes</i> he must be reckoned +not only as a musical and skilful versifier but as a great poet. +And certainly, at least, his <i>graciosas e dulces palavras</i> well earned +him the reputation of being not only the best king but the best +poet of his time in the Peninsula.</p> + +<p>It would seem that, unlike his grandfather, who had begun +with profane and ended with religious verse, King Dinis, no +doubt at his grandfather’s bidding, who would be delighted +to find a disciple (<i>Dized’, ai trobadores, A Sennor das Sennores +Por que a non loades?</i>), began writing songs in honour of the +Virgin and sent them to the Castilian king. His book of <i>Louvores +da Virgem Nossa Senhora</i> is said to have been seen in the Escorial +Library and in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo, and it is impossible +altogether to set aside the statements of Duarte Nunez de Leam<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> +and Antonio de Sousa de Macedo, who says that he read religious +poems by King Dinis at the Escorial.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> On the other hand, it +must be remembered that it was the common opinion that +King Dinis had been the first to write Portuguese poetry, and +the temptation to attribute ancient poems to him would be +strong. The possibility of confusion with the <i>Livro de Cantigas</i> +of Alfonso X (to which his grandson may well have contributed +poems)<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> is also obvious. But the statement of Sousa de Macedo, +who was no passing traveller in a hurry, and who had wide +experience of books and libraries,<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> is very precise. No trace or</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span></p> + +<p>memory of the existence of this manuscript exists, however, at +the Escorial Library, nor is to be found in the <i>Catálogo de los +Manuscritos existentes antes del incendio de 1671</i>. The subjects +of King Dinis’ ten<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> satirical poems are trivial, but he had +too much force of character to descend to such vilenesses as +were common among <i>profaçadores</i>. (His concise definition of +a bore: <i>falou muit’ e mal</i> (C. C. B. 411) is worthy of Afonso de +Albuquerque.) Of his illegitimate sons, besides D. Afonso +Sanchez, D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos, long had a reputation +as a poet almost equal to that of his father, owing to the +association of his name with the <i>Cancioneiro</i>; but of his ten +poems six (C. V. 1037-42) are satirical, and the four <i>cantigas +de amor</i> (C. V. 210-13) are perhaps the heaviest and most prosaic +in the collection. It was as a prose-writer and editor of the +<i>Livro de Linhagens</i> that he worthily carried on the literary +tradition of King Dinis.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Antonio de Vasconcellos, <i>Anacephalaeoses, id est Svmma Capita Actorum +Regum Lusitaniae</i> (Antverpiae, 1621), p. 79.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> See also C. V. B., pp. xcv-vi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> An English Crusader writing from Lisbon speaks of <i>inter hos tot linguarum +populos</i> (<i>Crucesignati Anglici Epistola de Expugnatione Olisiponis</i>, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1147).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> <i>Colección de Poesías Castellanas</i> (1779), vol. i, p. lvii. The important +passages of Santillana’s letter have been so often quoted that the reader may +be referred to them, e.g. in the <i>Grundriss</i>, p. 168.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Milá y Fontanals (<i>De los Trobadores</i>, p. 522) lays much stress on the resemblance +between Galician and Provençal.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> It must be remembered that in the early thirteenth century (1213) the +range of the Galician-Portuguese lyric already extended to Navarre (C. V. 937).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Guiraut Riquier and Nat de Mons placed Provençal poems on his lips, +which may be taken as an indication that he also wrote in Provençal. As +proof that he wrote poems in Castilian we have a single <i>cantiga</i> of eight lines +(C. C. B. 363: <i>Señora por amor dios</i>). The other poem of the <i>Cancioneiros</i> +in Castilian (with traces of Galician) is by the victor of Salado, Alfonso XI +(1312-50), King of Castille and Leon: <i>En un tiempo cogi flores</i> (C. V. 209).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Their antiquarian interest was recognized over three centuries ago. +Cf. Argote de Molina, <i>Nobleza de Andalvzia</i> (Seuilla, 1588), f. 151 v.: <i>es +un libro de mucha curiosidad assi por la poesia como por los trages de aquella +edad ̃q se veen en sus pinturas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Some of King Alfonso’s <i>Cantigas</i> were recited in the same way. C. M. +172 implies this in the lines:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Et d’esto cantar fezemos</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que cantassen os iograres</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>And of this we made a song for the <i>joglares</i> to sing.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Their popular origin is borne out by the music. See H. Collet et +L. Villalba, <i>Contribution à l’étude des Cantigas</i> (1911). Cf. also P. Meyer, +<i>Types de quelques chansons de Gautier de Coinci</i> (<i>Romania</i>, vol. xvii (1888), +pp. 429-37): <i>paroles pieuses à des mélodies profanes</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Padre Nobrega came upon a crowd of <i>pobres pedintes peregrinos</i> at Santiago +feasting merrily and having <i>grandes contendas entre si</i> as to which of +them was cleverest at taking people in. The trick of one of them was to +declare that, being captive in Turkey, <i>encommendando-me muito á Senhora ... +achei-me ao outro dia ao romper da alva em terra de Christãos</i> (Simão de Vasconcellos, +<i>Cronica</i>, Lib. I, § 22). Cf. Jeronymo de Mendoça, <i>Jornada de Africa</i>, +1904 ed., ii. 34, and Frei Luis de Sousa, <i>Hist. de S. Domingos</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I</span>. i. 5.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> i. e. besides the Spanish <i>cantiga</i> (C. C. B. 363), C. C. B. 359, which belongs +to the <i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i>, and C. C. B. 372, which consists of a single +line.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> <i>El Rei aia tres jograes en sa casa e non mais.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Riquier’s <i>segriers per totas cortz</i> (King Alfonso X (C. M. 194) speaks of +a <i>jograr andando pelas cortes</i>). See also C. V. 556. The word probably has +no connexion with <i>seguir</i> (to follow). Possibly it was used originally to +differentiate singers of profane songs, <i>cantigas profanas e seculares</i>. Frei João +Alvarez in his <i>Cronica do Infante Santo</i> has ‘obras ecclesiasticas e <i>segrãaes</i>’; +King Duarte counted among <i>os pecados da boca</i> ‘cantar cantigas <i>sagraaes</i>’, +The <i>Cancioneiros</i> show that the <i>segrel</i> was far less common than the <i>jogral</i> +in the thirteenth century. For <i>segre</i> (= <i>saeculum</i>) see <i>infra</i>, p. 93, n. 2.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> For instances see H. R. Lang, <i>The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese +Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères</i> (<i>Modern Language Notes</i> +(April, 1895), pp. 207-31), and C. D. L., pp. xlviii et seq.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> This poet, Fernam Gonçalvez de Seabra or Fernant Gonzalez de Sanabria +(C. V. 338; C. C. B. 330-7; C. A. 210-21, 445-7), apparently obtained some fame by his mystification, unless the object of his devotion was as high-placed +as the Portuguese princess for love of whom, according to legend, D. Joan +Soarez de Paiva died in Galicia. The latter wrote in the first years of +the thirteenth century (C. V. 937, <i>Randglosse</i> xi). They are the only two +Galician-Portuguese poets—besides King Dinis—mentioned in Santillana’s +letter.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> <i>Poetica</i>, ll. 126, 130. Much of the information of this <i>Poetica</i> (printed +in C. C. B.) may be gleaned from the <i>Cancioneiros</i>, but it shows how carefully +the different kinds of poem were distinguished. There were apparently +special names for poems to trick and deceive: <i>de logr’ e d’arteiro</i>, and for festive laughter poems: <i>de risadelha</i> (or <i>refestela</i>?) = <i>de riso e mote</i>. Santillana’s +<i>mansobre</i> is, it seems, a misprint for <i>mordobre</i>. It occurs again in +the <i>Requesta de Ferrant Manuel contra Alfonso Alvarez</i> (<i>Canc. de Baena</i>, +1860 ed., i. 253):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Sin lai, sin deslai, sin cor, sin descor.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sin dobre, mansobre, sensilla o menor.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sin encadenado, dexar o prender.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> e. g. C. V. 300: <i>Por Deus, se ora, se ora chegasse Con el mui leda seria.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> <i>q’coi</i> (C. V. M.), <i>qual cór</i> (C. V. B.). D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos +proposes <i>quiça</i> (cf. C. V. 1006, I. 8).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> <i>Aqueste cantar da egoa que non andou na tregoa</i> (C. V. 956).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Or D. Joan Garcia de Guilhade. See C. A. M. V. ii. 407-15.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> C. V. 28-38, 343-61, 1097-1110; C. A. 235-9; C. C. B. 373-6.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> A large number of <i>cantigas</i> by the same hand would emphasize the +monotony of the kind and provide an unwelcome mirror for contemporary +bards. Of Roy Queimado (fl. 1250) other love-lorn poets said that he was +always dying of love—in verse.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> Soares de Brito in his <i>Theatrum</i> mentions ‘Ferdinandus Garcia <i>Esparavanha</i>, +optimus poeta’ (= <i>bom trovador</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> See p. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> See <i>Randglosse</i> xii. An incidental interest belongs to this poem of +eighteen dodecasyllabic lines from the fact that in C. V. B. it is printed in +thirty-six lines, as a proof of the early predominance of the <i>redondilha</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Cf. the Provençal passage in Milá y Fontanals, <i>De los Trobadores</i>, p. 62.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> He thus overlapped Dante’s life by four years at either end.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> T. A. Craveiro, <i>Compendio</i> (1833), cap. 5: <i>D. Diniz trouxe a idade de +ouro a Portugal</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> A late echo of the early (Alfonso X) legislation against the <i>jogral</i> is to be +found in King Duarte’s <i>Leal Conselheiro</i>, cap. 70: <i>Dos Pecados da Obra</i>. +These include <i>dar aos jograaees</i>. Nunez de Leam translates <i>joglar</i> as <i>truão</i> +(1606).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> C. V. 80-208 (= C. D. L. 1-75, 77-128, 76) and C. C. B. 406-15 (= C. D. L. +129-38). C. V. 116 = C. V. 174.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> <i>Cronica del Rei D. Diniz</i>, 1677 ed., f. 113 v.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> <i>Mandou hum livro delles escrito por sua mão a seu avò ... o qual eu vi na +livraria do Real Convento do Escurial, em folha de papel grosso, de marca pequena, +volume de tres ou quatro dedos de alto, de letra grande, latina, bem legivel, e o que +ly era de Louvores a Nossa Senhora, e outras cousas ao divino</i> (<i>Eva e Ave</i>, 1676 ed., +pp. 128-9). This interesting passage is not included in those quoted in C. A. M. V. +ii. 112-17; it is obviously the source of no. 17. It does not imply that the +poems were exclusively religious. Can the book three or four fingers in height +have been the <i>Canc. da Ajuda</i> (460 millimètres) from which a section of +sacred poems may have been torn? If so the letters <i>Rey Dõ Denis</i> (C. A. M. V. +i. 141) would explain the attribution to King Dinis.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> The language of C. M. and the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i> was of course the +same. Identical phrases occur.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> He twice visited Oxford, he says, in order to see the library, which he +describes—<i>hũa das grandes cousas do mundo</i> (<i>Eva e Ave</i>, 1676 ed., p. 156). +At the Escorial he also examined an original manuscript of St. Augustine +(ibid., p. 150).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> C. C. B. 406-15.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="II">II<br><span class="small">1325-1521</span></h2></div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="II_1">§ 1<br><span class="small"><i>Early Prose</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>With prose a new period opens, since, although there are +Portuguese documents of the late twelfth century<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> and the +Latin chrysalis was in an advanced stage of development even +earlier, prose as a literary instrument does not begin before the +fourteenth century or the end of the thirteenth at the earliest. +The fragments of an early <i>Poetica</i><a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> clearly show how slow and +awkward were still the movements of prose at a time when +poetry had attained an exceedingly graceful expression. The +next two centuries redressed the balance in the favour of prose. +The victory of Aljubarrota (1385) made it possible to carry on +the national work begun by King Dinis—the preparation of +Portugal’s resources for a high destiny. In this constructive +process literature was not forgotten, and indeed its deliberate +encouragement, as though it were an industry or a pine-forest, +may account for the fact that it consisted mainly of prose—chronicles, +numerous translations from Latin, Spanish, and +other languages, works of religious or practical import. The +first kings of the dynasty of Avis, who rendered noble service +to Portuguese literature, were not poets, and in the second half +of the fifteenth century Spanish influence, checked at Aljubarrota, +succeeded by peaceful penetration in recovering all +and more than all that it had lost, till it became common to hear +lyrics of Boscan sung in the streets of Lisbon,<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> and uncommon +for a Portuguese poet to versify in his mother tongue.<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Prose<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span> +was more national. King Dinis had encouraged translation +into Portuguese, and among other works his grandfather King +Alfonso the Learned’s <i>Cronica General</i> was translated by his +order. The only edition that we have, <i>Historia Geral de +Hespanha</i> (1863), is cut short in the reign of King Ramiro (cap. +ccii, p. 192). The first ‘O’ of the preface in the manuscript +contains the king in purple robe and crown of gold, pen in hand, +with a book before him. The style is primitive, often a succession +of short sentences beginning with ‘And’.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> In the convents +brief lives of saints, portions of the Bible, prayers and regulations +were written in Portuguese. Thus we have thirteenth-or +fourteenth-century fragments of the rules of S. Bento, <i>Fragmentos +de uma versão antiga da regra de S. Bento</i>, with its traces of a Latin +original (e. g. <i>os desprezintes Deos</i> = <i>contemnentes Deum</i>); the +<i>Actos dos Apostolos</i>, written in the middle of the fifteenth century +by Frei Bernardo de Alcobaça and Frei Nicolao Vieira, that is, +copied by them from an older manuscript; the eloquent prayers +(<i>Libro de Horas</i>) translated by another Alcobaça monk, Frei +João Claro (†1520?); the <i>Historias abreviadas do Testamento +Velho</i>, printed from a manuscript of the fourteenth century, or +of the thirteenth retouched in the fourteenth. The translation +is close; the style foreshadows that of the <i>Leal Conselheiro</i>. The +importance of these and other fragmentary versions of the +Bible, in which there can rarely be a doubt as to the meaning +of the words, is obvious. Extracts from the <i>Vida de Eufrosina</i> +and the <i>Vida de Maria Egipcia</i>, published in 1882 by Jules +Cornu from the manuscripts formerly in the Monastery of +Alcobaça, now in the Torre do Tombo, show that they were +written in vigorous if primitive prose (14th c.). <i>A Lenda dos +Santos Barlaam e Josaphat</i> is perhaps a little later (end of the +fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century). The <i>Visão de +Tundalo</i>, of which the Latin original, <i>Visio Tundali</i>, was written +by Frei Marcos not long after the date of the vision (1140),<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span> +exists in two Portuguese versions, probably both of the fifteenth +century (Monastery of Alcobaça). The <i>Vida de Santo Aleixo</i> +also exists in two codices belonging to the middle and beginning +of the fifteenth century, and Dr. Esteves Pereira, who published +the latter, considers that the variants point to an earlier +manuscript of the beginning of the fourteenth or end of the +thirteenth century. To about the same period (14th-15th c.) +belong the <i>Lenda de Santo Eloy</i>, the <i>Vida de Santo Amaro</i>, the +<i>Vida de Santa Pelagia</i>, and many similar short devout treatises +and legends which concern literature less than the development +of the Portuguese language. Both literature and philology are +interested in the early fifteenth-century work printed by Dr. +Leite de Vasconcellos from the manuscript in the Vienna <i>Hofbibliothek</i>: +<i>O Livro de Esopo</i>, which consists not of direct translations<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> +from <i>Exopo greguo</i> of Antioch but of <i>estorias ffremosas +de animalias</i>, told in the manner of Aesop, half a century before +William Caxton and Robert Henryson, with great naturalness, +vigour, and brevity.</p> + +<p>The earliest entry of the <i>Cronica Breve do Archivo Nacional</i> is +dated 1391, and both it and the <i>Cronicas Breves e memorias +avulsas de Santa Cruz de Coimbra</i> are laconic annals of the first +kings of Portugal, a few lines covering a whole reign. The <i>Livro da +Noa de Santa Cruz de Coimbra</i> is an extract from the <i>Livro das +Heras</i> of the same convent, and is, as the latter title indicates, +a similar simple chronicle of events by years.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> It begins in Latin, +then Latin and Portuguese entries alternate till 1405. From +1406 to the end (1444) they are exclusively Portuguese. The +<i>Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores</i> (1209-85) is a fifteenth-century +Portuguese translation of a fourteenth-century Latin +chronicle, and has been carefully edited by Dr. J. J. Nunes from +the manuscript in the Lisbon Biblioteca Nacional; the <i>Vida de +D. Tello</i> (15th c.), and the <i>Vida de S. Isabel</i>, the Queen-consort +of King Dinis (earlier 15th c.), are ‘historical’ biographies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span> +which contain more legend and less history than the <i>Cronica +da Fundaçam do Moesteiro de S. Vicente de Lixboa</i> (<i>Cronica +dos Vicentes</i>), a fifteenth-century version from a Latin original, +<i>Indiculum</i>, of the eleventh century. There is far more life if +equal brevity in the <i>Cronica da Conquista do Algarve</i> (<i>Cronica +de como Dom Payo Correa. .. tomou este reino de Algarve aos +Moros</i>)—a rapid, vivid sketch which reads almost like a chapter +out of Fernam Lopez. Here at last was some one with will and +power to make the dry bones live.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> But meanwhile history of +another kind had been written from a very early date. As +a first rough catalogue of names the <i>livros de linhagens</i>, books +of descent, as they were called by their compilers,<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> go back +farther than the chronicles or religious prose, but so far as concerns +their claim to literary form they belong like those to the fourteenth +century. Of the four that have come down to us the +<i>Livro Velho</i> is a jejune family register (11th-14th c.); the second +is a mere fragment of the same kind. The manuscript of the +third (<i>O Nobiliario do Collegio dos Nobres</i>) was bound up with +the <i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i>, and together with the fourth, <i>O Nobiliario +do Conde D. Pedro</i>, represents the lost original of the +<i>Livro de Linhagens</i> of <span class="smcap">D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos</span> (1289-1354). +The <i>Nobiliario do Conde</i> has been shown by Alexandre +Herculano, who printed it from the manuscript in the Torre do +Tombo, to be the work of various authors extending over more +than a century (13th-14th), the Conde de Barcellos being but +one of them. It was in fact compiled like a modern peerage,<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> +and was not intended to be final, new entries being added as +time made them necessary, so that the passage <i>diz O Conde +D. Pedro em seu livro</i> is as natural as the mention of Innocencio +da Silva in a later volume of his great dictionary. But it was +this son of King Dinis who with infinite diligence searched for +documents far and wide, had recourse to the writings of King +Alfonso X and others, and spared no pains to give the work<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span> +an historical as well as a genealogical character. His researches +(<i>Ouue de catar, he says, por gram trabalho por muitas terras +escripturas que fallauam das linhagens</i>) set an excellent example +to Fernam Lopez. Certainly the <i>Livro de Linhagens</i> is a vast +catalogue of names, with at most a brief note after the name, as +‘he was a good priest’ or ‘a very good poet’; but it also gives +succinct stories of the Kings of the Earth from Adam, including +Priam, Alexander, Julius Caesar, and the early kings of Portugal, +and it contains rare but charming intervals, green oases of +legend and anecdote, such as the tale of King Lear with its +happy ending, or the account of King Ramiro going to see his +wife, who was a captive of the Moors.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> Count Pedro, by his +humanity and his generous conception of what a genealogy +should be, really made the book his own. It was naturally consulted +by the early chroniclers, its worth was recognized by the +ablest author of the <i>Monarchia Lusitana</i>,<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> and recently, in the +skilful hands of D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, it has +rendered invaluable service in reconstructing the lives of the +thirteenth-century poets.<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Livro de Linhagens</i> refers not only to King Lear but to +Merlin, King Arthur, Lancelot, and the Isle of Avalon. Many +other allusions, both earlier and later, to the Breton cycle, +the <i>matière de Bretagne</i>, are to be found in early Portuguese +literature: to the lovers Tristan and Iseult, to the <i>cantares de +Cornoalha</i>,<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> to the chivalry of the Knights of the Round Table. +In the fourteenth century many in Portugal were baptized +with the name of Lancelot, Tristan, and Percival; and Nun’ +Alvarez (1360-1431) chose Galahad for his model, and came +as near realizing his ideal as may be given to mortal man. In +Gil Vicente’s time the name Percival had already descended +to the sphere of the peasants: as Passival (i. II) in 1502<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span> +(<i>Auto Pastoril Castelhano</i>) and Pessival (i. 117) in 1534 (<i>Auto de +Mofina Mendes</i>).</p> + +<p>The early Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i> contain many references to +this cycle, and the <i>Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti</i> opens with five +celebrated songs,<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> imitations of Breton <i>lais</i>, with rubrics explaining +their subjects, and mentioning King Arthur and Tristan, +Iseult, Cornwall, Maraot of Ireland, and Lancelot. Whether they +were incorporated in the <i>Cancioneiro</i> from a Portuguese <i>Tristam</i> +earlier than the Spanish version (1343?), or, as is more probable, +directly from the Old-French <i>Historia Tristani</i>, their presence +here is a sufficient witness to the Portuguese fondness for such +themes. It was but natural that a Celtic people living by the +sea, delighting in vague legends and in foreign novelties, should +have felt drawn towards these misty tales of love and wandering +adventure, which carried them west as far as Cornwall and +Ireland, and also East, through the search for the Holy Grail. +It was natural that they should undergo their influence earlier +and more strongly than their more direct and more national +neighbours the Castilians, whose clear, definite descriptions in +the twelfth-century <i>Poema del Cid</i> would send those legends +drifting back to the dim regions of their birth. (Even to-day +connexion with and sympathy for Ireland is far commoner in +Galicia than in any other part of Spain.) Unhappily, most of +the early Portuguese versions of the Breton legends have been +lost. King Duarte in his library possessed <i>Merlim</i>, <i>O Livro de +Tristam</i>, and <i>O Livro de Galaaz</i>. The probability that these +were written in Portuguese, not in Spanish, is increased by the +survival of <i>A Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa Redonda e da +Demanda do Santo Graall</i>, as yet only partially published from +the manuscript (2594) in the Vienna <i>Hofbibliothek</i>. It was written +probably in the fourteenth century, perhaps at the end of the +thirteenth, although the Vienna manuscript is more recent and +belongs to the fifteenth century, in which the work was referred +to by the poet Rodriguez de la Cámara.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> It is a Portuguese +version of the story of the Holy Grail, and, although not a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span> +continuous translation, was evidently written with the French +original (doubtfully ascribed to Robert de Boron,<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> author of +a different work on the same subject) constantly in view. Traces +of French remain in its prose.<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> This was clearly part of a larger +work,<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> perhaps of a whole cycle of works dealing with the search +for the Holy Grail. The only others that we have in print are +the <i>Estorea de Vespeseano</i> and the <i>Livro de Josep ab Arimatia</i>, +the manuscript of which was discovered in the nineteenth +century in the Torre do Tombo. This, in the same way as the +<i>Demanda do Santo Graall</i>, is a later (16th c.) copy of a thirteenth-fourteenth-century +Portuguese translation or adaptation from +the French, and retains in its language signs of French origin. +The incunable <i>Estorea de Vespeseano</i> (Lixboa, 1496) is a work +in twenty-nine short chapters, which only incidentally<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> refers +to the Holy Grail, but recounts vividly the event mentioned in +the <i>Demanda</i><a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>: the destruction of Jerusalem by Vespasian and +Titus. It was also known formerly as <i>Destroyçam de Jerusalem</i>.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> +It is an anonymous translation, made in the middle of the +fifteenth century, not from the French <i>Destruction de Jérusalem</i>, +but from the Spanish <i>Estoria del noble Vespesiano</i> (<i>c.</i> 1485 and +1499). Dr. Esteves Pereira believes that the 1499 Spanish +edition is a retranslation from the Portuguese text originally +translated from the Spanish.</p> + +<p>Tennyson’s revival of the Arthurian legend in England +evoked no corresponding interest in Portugal in the nineteenth +century, and the primitive and touching story as published in +1887 has left Sir Percival in the very middle of an adventure +for over a generation. The descent of the Amadis romances +from the noble ideal of chivalry of King Arthur’s Court is obvious, +but their exact pedigree, the date and nationality of the first +ancestor of the Amadis who is still with us, has been the subject +of some little contention.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span></p> + +<p><i>Amadis de Gaula</i> has indeed been doubly fortunate. The +successor of Lancelot, Galahad, and Tristan as a fearless and +loyal knight, he early won his way in the Peninsula; he was +spared by the priest and barber in the <i>Don Quixote</i> scrutiny, +and now when Vives’ ‘pestiferous books’,<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> those ‘serious +follies’, are no longer read widely, he has received a new span +of immortality as a corpse of Patroclus between the contending +critics. The problem of the date and authorship has become +more fascinating than the book. Champions for Spain and +Portugal come forward armed for the fight: Braunfels, Gayangos, +Baist are met by Theophilo Braga, Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, +Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, while Dr. Henry +Thomas holds the scales. The ground is thick with their +arrows. And beneath them all lies the simple ingenuous story +as retold by Garci Rodriguez de Montalvo in or immediately +after 1492 and published in 1508, still worth reading for +its freshness and for its clear good style, which Braunfels, +following up the praise in Juan de Valdés’ <i>Diálogo de la Lengua</i> +(<i>c.</i> 1535), declared could not be a translation.<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> The argument, +conclusive in the case of the masterpiece of prose that is <i>Palmeirim</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span> +<i>de Inglaterra</i>, loses its force here, since Montalvo himself tells us +that he corrected the work from old originals. Naturally we +are curious to know what these <i>antiguos originales</i> were, but the +question did not arise in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries: +readers did not then concern themselves greatly with the origin +and authorship of a book; they were content to enjoy it. +Evidently <i>Amadis</i> was enjoyed both in Spain and Portugal. +It is mentioned in the middle of the fourteenth century in the +Spanish translation, by Johan Garcia de Castrogeriz, of Egidio +Colonna’s <i>De regimine principum</i>, at the very time, that is, +when the Spanish poet and chronicler, Pero López de Ayala +(1332-1407), was reading <i>Amadis</i> in his youth.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> Half a century +later, in the last quarter of the fourteenth century, a poem by +Pero Ferrus in the <i>Cancionero de Baena</i> refers to <i>Amadis</i> as +written in three books. This is one of the most definite early +references to <i>Amadis</i>, but of course reference to the book by +a Spaniard does not necessarily imply that it was written in +Spanish, and indeed some of the vaguer allusions may refer to +a French or Anglo-French original. The most frequent Spanish +references occur in the <i>Cancionero de Baena</i>, which was compiled +in the middle of the fifteenth century, at a period, that is, which +the last Galician lyrics written in Spain connected with the time +when all eyes were turned to Portuguese as the universal language +of Peninsular lyrics. Because the Portuguese language was used +throughout Spain in lyric poetry, it is sometimes argued as if +the Portuguese had no prose, could only sing. (The more real +division was not between verse and prose but between the +Portuguese lyrical love literature and the Spanish epic battle +literature, and the early romances of chivalry, although written +in prose, belong essentially to the former.) The prose rubrics +of the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i> and the <i>Poetica</i> of the <i>Cancioneiro +Colocci-Brancuti</i> are sufficient to dispel this delusion. Whether +this <i>Poetica</i> be contemporary (13th c.) of the lyrics or later +(14th c.), it offers a striking contrast between the clumsiness of +its prose and the smooth perfection of the poetry for which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span> +it theorizes. Miguel Leite Ferreira’s statement (1598) that +<i>Amadis</i> is contemporary with the lyrics is therefore remarkable. +He says that the archaic (time of King Dinis) language of the +two sonnets—<i>Bom Vasco de Lobeira</i> and <i>Vinha Amor pelo campo +trebelhando</i>—written by his father, Antonio Ferreira (1528-69), +is the same as that in which Vasco de Lobeira wrote <i>Amadis +of Gaul</i>. We know that King Dinis encouraged not only lyric +poetry but also translations into Portuguese prose, but all the +early Portuguese prose works are assigned to the fourteenth, +not the thirteenth century. One of the earliest, the <i>Demanda +do Santo Graall</i>, the language of which bears a close relation to +that of the <i>Cancioneiros</i>, still belongs to the fourteenth century. +Probably the later development of prose misled Leite Ferreira +into making fourteenth-century prose contemporary with thirteenth-century +verse. The Infante whom he here on the strength +of the passage in Montalvo’s <i>Amadis</i> identifies with the son of +King Dinis, not with the earlier Prince Afonso (<i>c.</i> 1265-1312), +may as Infante have expressed dislike of a certain incident (the +treatment of Briolanja) in the already well-known story, and +his preference would be borne in mind when the Portuguese +version was written in his reign (1325-57). If the first Peninsular +version of <i>Amadis</i> was composed in Portuguese in the middle +of the fourteenth century, it may have been eagerly read as +a novelty by López de Ayala. In the fourteenth century most +Spaniards read, a few wrote<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> Portuguese lyrics; and there +seems to be no reason why we should rigorously confine them +to the reading of verse, to the exclusion of Portuguese prose. +There is no means of deciding with certainty whether López de +Ayala and Ferrus read <i>Amadis</i> in Spanish or in Portuguese, but +there are inherent probabilities in favour of Portuguese. No +one without a thesis to support would deny that, generally, the +cycle of the Round Table, to which <i>Amadis</i> is so closely related, +was more congenial to the Portuguese than to the Spanish +temperament, that the geographical position of Portugal facilitated +its introduction, and that, in the particular case of <i>Amadis</i>, +the style and subject of the work, certainly of the first three<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span> +books, are Portuguese rather than Spanish. Melancholy incidents, +sentimental phrases and tears occur on nearly every +page. Some critics even discern traces of Portuguese in the +language.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<p>But if we admit that <i>Amadis</i> was written <i>c.</i> 1350, who was +its author? It is noteworthy that while in Spanish it had been +attributed to many persons, in Portugal tradition has persistently +hovered round the name of Lobeira. Unfortunately the Lobeira +authorship has given far more trouble than that of prince, Jew, +or saint in Spain. Zurara, basing his statement on an earlier +fifteenth-century authority, in a perfectly genuine passage of +his <i>Cronica do Conde D. Pedro de Meneses</i>,<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> written in the middle +of the fifteenth century, ascribes <i>Amadis</i> to Vasco de Lobeira. +In the next century Dr. João de Barros<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> (not the historian) and +Leite Ferreira agree with Zurara.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> There was no reason why +they should say Vasco rather than Pedro or João. According +to Nunez de Leam, Vasco de Lobeira was knighted on the field +of Aljubarrota (1385), according to Fernam Lopez he was already +a knight in 1383.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> If he was not a young but an old knight at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span> +Aljubarrota, it is just possible that he wrote the book thirty-five +years earlier, in the same way that the historian Barros wrote +<i>Clarimundo</i> in his youth.</p> + +<p>If he lived on through the reigns of Pedro I (1357-67) and +Fernando (1376-83), and acquired new distinction in battle in +the reign of the latter, this might account for Zurara’s assertion +that he wrote <i>Amadis</i> in the reign of Fernando. But the chief +obstacle to the authorship of Vasco is the existence in the +<i>Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti</i> (Nos. 230 and 232 <span class="allsmcap">A</span>) of a song by +Joan de Lobeira, <i>Leonoreta, fin roseta</i>, which reappears with slight +variations in Montalvo’s <i>Amadis</i> (Lib. II, cap. xi: <i>este villancico</i>). +It would seem then that Joan, not Vasco, wrote <i>Amadis</i>. Joan de +Lobeira,<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> or Joan Pirez Lobeira, flourished in the second half of +the thirteenth century, and so we have <i>Amadis</i> dating not only +from the reign of King Dinis but from the first half of his +reign. But does the existence of the poem entail that of a prose +romance? The early mention of Tristan, e.g. by Alfonso X, +does not necessarily imply the existence of a thirteenth-century +Peninsular <i>Tristan</i> in prose. May we not accept the poem, +written in the stirring metre, dear to men of action, used by +Alfonso X (C. M. 300), as merely a proof of the popularity of +the story, fondness for an episode perhaps treated in greater +detail in the Anglo-French original than in Montalvo’s version? +Certainly it is in the highest degree improbable that a Spaniard, +writing at the end of the fifteenth century, should extract +a poem from the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i> and insert it in his +prose; but the improbability disappears if in the middle of the +fourteenth century a Portuguese (Vasco de Lobeira), perhaps +drawn to the story by the poem of his ancestor, incorporated it +in his romance. The late Antonio Thomaz Pires in 1904 discovered +at Elvas the will of a João de Lobeira, <i>mercador</i>, who died<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span> +there in 1386, and in Dr. Theophilo Braga’s latest opinion<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> there +were three Portuguese versions of <i>Amadis</i>: that of the father, this +João de Lobeira, written in the time of King Dinis (a long-lived +race these Lobeiras!), that of the son,<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> Vasco, and a third by +Pedro de Lobeira in the first half of the fifteenth century. The +threefold authorship of this family heirloom is even more <i>cruu +de creer</i> than the theory that a single Lobeira—Vasco—wrote +it in the middle of the fourteenth century. A certain note +of disapproval of <i>Amadis</i> as fabulous, shared by Portuguese +and Spanish writers,<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> perhaps indicates a fairly late date: its +irresponsible fiction would be less excusable if it was written +in an age which was beginning to attach serious importance +to <i>nobiliarios</i> and ‘true’ chronicles. Moreover, if the +Portuguese adaptation of an Anglo-French legend had been +even remotely as developed as the form in which we now have +it, the Infante Afonso must have seen at once that the faithfulness +of Amadis was absolutely essential to the story. But +especially the fact that the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i>, familiar +with Tristan and the <i>matière de Bretagne</i>, are silent on the subject +of <i>Amadis</i> is significant.</p> + +<p>In Gottfried Baist’s argument, based on a rigid division +between early lyric poetry (as Portuguese) and early prose (as +Spanish), the Leonoreta lyric, far from being a stumbling-block, +is actually a sign of the Spanish origin of <i>Amadis</i>: as a fragment +(14th c.) of a prose <i>Tristan</i> exists in Spanish, and five Portuguese +Tristan <i>lais</i> figure in the <i>Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti</i>, so the +Leonoreta poem belongs to a Spanish <i>Amadis</i> in prose. But +although the priority and relations of early Portuguese and +Spanish prose works are intricate and have not yet been thoroughly +studied, it is clear that in many cases versions have been more +carefully preserved in conservative Spain, while the Portuguese +through neglect, fire, and earthquake have perished, and also +that the natural tendency and development of prose, in view of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span> +the growing power of Castille and the greater pliancy of the +Portuguese, was from Portuguese to Spanish, not from Spanish +to Portuguese. And in one instance at least we have an early +Portuguese prose work of the first importance, the <i>Demanda do +Santo Graall</i>, which with its gallicisms can by no stretch of +imagination be accounted a version from the Spanish. It is +plainly legitimate to hold that the story of Amadis was first +reduced to book form in the Peninsula in precisely the same way +as was the story of Galahad, i.e. as a fourteenth-century Portuguese +adaptation with the French text in view. Nicholas +d’Herberay des Essarts, we know, claimed to have discovered +fragments of <i>Amadis en langage picard</i>, Jorge Cardoso (1606-69) +declared that Pero Lobeira translated <i>Amadis</i> from the +French,<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> and Bernardo Tasso, whose <i>Amadigi</i> appeared in 1560, +believed (<i>non è dubbio</i>) <i>Amadis</i> to be derived <i>da qualche istoria di +Bretagna</i>. Nor would the Portuguese, for all their familiarity +with the story and topography of the Breton cycle, be likely +to compose original works dealing with Vindilisora (Windsor) +or Bristoya (Bristol). Unhappily, however deep may be our +conviction (a conviction which stands in no need of antedating +Hebrew versions of the 1508 <i>Amadis</i>) that the Peninsular <i>Amadis</i> +was originally Portuguese, it has now ceased to belong to +Portuguese literature; another instance, if we may beg the +question, of the gravitation to Spain. The Portuguese text, of +which a copy, according to Leite Ferreira, existed in the +library of the Duques de Aveiro in the sixteenth century (1598), +and, according to the Conde da Ericeira, in the library of the +Condes de Vimieiro in the seventeenth (1686), is still missing, as +it was in 1726.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Portuguese is then <i>uma lingua coherente, clara, um instrumento perfeito +para a expressão do pensamento, cuja maior plasticidade dependerá apenas +da cultura litteraria</i>, F. Adolpho Coelho, <i>A Lingua Portugueza</i> (1881), p. 87.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> See <i>supra</i>, p. 48.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> See p. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Cf. for the seventeenth century Galhegos’ preface and <i>Mon. Lusit.</i> + V. xvi. 3: <i>achandose neste reino poucos que escrevão versos e não seja na lingua +estranjeira de Castilla</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> e. g. <i>E matou a grande serpente dallagoa de lerne que auja sete cabeças. +E persegujo as pias filhas de finees que lhe aujã odio e o queriã desherdar. +E foy cõ jaasson o que adusse o velloso dourado da ylha de colcos. E destroyu +troya</i>, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Cf. <i>Por este exemplo este doutor nos mostra</i>, or <i>este poeta nos dá ensinamento</i>, +&c. The Fables of Aesop were translated into Portuguese prose by Manuel +Mendez, a schoolmaster at Lagos (Algarve): <i>Vida e Fabulas do Insigne +Fabulador Grego Esopo</i>. Evora, 1603.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> e. g. of an earthquake: <i>Era de mil e quatrocentos e quatro desoito dias do +mez de Junho tremeo a terra ao serão muy rijamente e foi por espaço que +disserom o Pater tres vezes.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> The <i>Cronica Troyana</i>, edited in 1900 by the Spanish scholar and patient +investigator D. Andrés Martínez Salazar, is a fourteenth-century Galician +version of Benoît de Saint-More’s <i>Roman de Troie</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> The name <i>Nobiliario</i> is one of the erudite words which in the sixteenth +century, here as in so many other cases, ousted the indigenous.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Its object was <i>por saberem os homens fidalgos de Portugal de qual linhagem +vem e de quaes coutos, honras, mosteiros e igreias som naturaes</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> His successful wile is similar to the stratagem in <i>Macbeth</i>: <i>e pois que +a nave entrou pela foz cobrío-a de panos verdes em tal guisa que cuidassem que +eram ramos, ca entonce o Douro era cuberto de hũa parte e da outra darvores</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> <i>A escritura de maior utilidade que temos em Espanha</i> (Frei Francisco +Brandão, <i>Mon. Lus.</i> V. xvii. 5).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> i. e. the copy printed in <i>Portug. Mon. Hist.</i> from the only existing manuscript +(= the copy by Gaspar Alvarez de Lousada Machado (1554-1634) in +the Lisbon Torre do Tombo).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> The ‘songs of Cornwall’ are mentioned in C. V. 1007. Cf. 1140.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> See C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, <i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i>, ii. 479-525. +They are called <i>lais</i>, <i>layx</i> (C. C. B. 7, 8).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> <i>En la grand demanda de Santo Greal Se lee.</i> <i>Gral</i> is still a common Portuguese +word (= <i>almofariz</i>, a mortar).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> ruberte de borem is mentioned, 1887 ed., p. 44.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Not to speak of <i>certas</i>, <i>onta</i>, <i>febre</i> (= <i>faible</i>), <i>a voso sciente</i>, which may be +found in other Portuguese works of the fifteenth century, <i>san</i> (p. 136 <i>ad fin.</i>) +apparently = Fr. <i>s’en</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Cf. <i>asi como o conto a ja deuisado</i> (1887 ed., p. 7).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> 1905 ed., p. 95.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> 1887 ed., p. 43: <i>despois uespesiom os eyxerdou e os destruio</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> 1905 ed., pp. 17, 23, 106.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> <i>De Institutione Christianae Feminae</i>, Bk. I, cap. 5: ‘Tum et de pestiferis +libris cuiusmodi sunt in Hispania [= the whole Peninsula], Amadisius, Splandianus, +Florisandus, Tirantus, Tristanus, quarum ineptiarum nullus est +finis; quotidie prodeunt novae: Caelistina laena, nequitiarum parens, +carcer amorum: in Gallia Lancilotus a Lacu, Paris et Vienna, Ponthus et +Sydonia, Petrus Provincialis et Magelona, Melusina, domina inexorabilis: +in hac Belgica Florius et Albus Flos, Leonella et Cana morus, Curias et +Floreta, Pyramus et Thisbe’ (<i>Ioannis Ludovici Vivis Valentini Opera Omnia</i>, +7 vols., Valentiae Edetanorum, 1782-8, iv. 87). A Portuguese <i>Tristan</i> may +have existed, a Portuguese original of <i>Tirant lo Blanch</i> less probably, although +Pedro Juan Martorell, who began it in the Valencian or Lemosin <i>a ii de +Giner de lany 1460</i>, declares that he had not only translated it from English +into Portuguese but (<i>mas encara</i>) from Portuguese into Valencian. He +dedicated it to the <i>molt illustre Princep</i> Ferdinand of Portugal. Very probably +the fame and origin of <i>Amadis</i> accounted for this ‘English’ original, +as mythical as the Hungarian origin of <i>Las Sergas de Esplandian</i>, and for +its alleged translation into Portuguese.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> Braunfels, <i>Versuch</i>: ‘Montalvo hatte, um einer Uebersetzung den +Ruhm des mustergiltigen Styls und des reinsten Kastilianisch zu verschaffen, +ein Geist ersten Rangs sein müssen, was er nicht war.’ Montalvo was probably +not the real author even of the fourth book. The words (in this <i>Prólogo</i> +of his <i>Amadis</i>), <i>que hasta aquí no es memoria de ninguno ser visto</i>, refer not to +the fourth book but to Montalvo’s <i>Sergas de Esplandian</i>, which is conveniently +replaced by dots in T. Braga, <i>Questões</i> (1881), p. 99, and <i>Hist. da Litt. +Port.</i>, i (1909), p. 313, and which the priest in <i>Don Quixote</i> properly consigned +to the flames.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> His connexion with Portugal was not voluntary. It was probably when +he was a prisoner after the battle of Aljubarrota (1385) that he wrote the +<i>Rimado de Palacio</i>, in which (st. 162) <i>Amadis</i> is mentioned.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> For the later writers of Galician (second half 14th c.) see Professor +Lang’s <i>Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano</i> (1902).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> <i>Lua</i> (glove), <i>cedo</i>, &c., of course occur in early Spanish prose. <i>Soledad</i> +certainly occurs in the first three books more frequently than in other Spanish +prose. The Portuguese atmosphere is altogether absent in <i>Las Sergas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Cap. 63: <i>o Livro d’Amadis, como quer que soomente este fosse feito a prazer +de hum homem que se chamava Vasco Lobeira em tempo d’El Rey Dom Fernando, +sendo todalas cousas do dito Liuro fingidas do Autor.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> <i>Libro das Antiguidades</i> (1549), f. 32 v.: <i>E daqui</i> [<i>do Porto</i>] <i>foi natural +uasco lobeira ̃q fez os primʳᵒˢ 4 libros de amadis, obra certo muj subtil e +graciosa e aprouada de todos os gallantes, mas comos</i> [so] <i>estas couzas se secão +em nossas mãos os Castelhanos lhe mudarão a linguoagem e atribuirão a obra assi</i> +[so]. This passage is, however, absent in the earliest manuscript. The +spelling <i>couzas</i> implies a late date for its introduction.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> So did Faria e Sousa, but he, too, had his Lobeira doubts, and after +noting that Vasco de Lobeira was knighted by King João I says: ‘si ya no +es que era otro del mismo nombre. Pero la Escritura de Amadis se tiene por +del tiempo deste Rey don Iuan’ (<i>Fvente de Aganipe</i> (Madrid, 1646), § 10). +The obvious sympathy of the author for the <i>escudero viejo</i> who is knighted +in <i>Amadis</i> (ii. 13, 14) amidst the laughter of the Court ladies is perhaps +significant.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> <i>Cronica de D. Fernando</i>, cap. 177. The year of his death, given as 1403, +is quite uncertain. Soares de Brito in the <i>Theatrum</i> forms no independent +opinion: ‘Vascus de Lobeyra inter Lusitanos Scriptores enumeratur a Faria.... +Floruit tempore Fernandi Regis.’ Antonio Sousa de Macedo, in <i>Flores +de España</i>, also follows Faria: Vasco de Lobeira <i>fué el primero que con gentil +habilidad escribió libros de caballerías</i>. Nicolás Antonio (1617-84), <i>Bib. +Nov.</i>, 1688 ed., ii. 322, says that Vasco de Lobeira <i>vulgo inter cives suos +existimari solet auctor celeberrimi inter famosa scripti</i> Historia de Amadis de Gaula ... <i>cuius laudes nos inter Anonymos curiose collegimus. Ostendere +autem Lusitanos Amadisium hunc Lusitane loquentem, uti Castellani Castellanum +ostendunt, ius et aequum esset in dubia re ne verbis tantum agerent.</i> +The challenge in the last sentence is of interest, as coming in date between +the two statements (by Leite Ferreira and the Conde da Ericeira) asserting +the existence of the Portuguese text.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> There was a Canon of Santiago of this name in 1295, and he may have +come to the Portuguese Court on business concerning certain privileges of the +Chapter which King Dinis confirmed in 1324.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> <i>Hist. da Litt. Port.</i> i (1909).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> In the document the only son mentioned is named Gonçalo.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Zurara, loc. cit., <i>cousas fingidas</i>; López de Ayala, <i>mentiras probadas</i>. +According to D. Francisco de Portugal (<i>Arte de Galantería</i>, p. 146) such +lies could only be written in Spanish (<i>en la Portuguesa no se podía mentir +tanto</i>). Portugal was writing in Spanish.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> <i>Agiologio Lusitano</i>, i (1652), p. 410: <i>E por seu mandado</i> [of the Infante +Pedro, son of João I] <i>trasladou de Frances em a nossa lingua Pero Lobeiro</i> +[so], <i>Tabalião d’Eluas, o liuro de Amadis.</i></p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="II_2">§ 2<br><span class="small"><i>Epic and Later Galician Poetry</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>Some of the poems of the early <i>Cancioneiros</i>, as we have seen, +have an historical character, but they are all written from a +personal point of view. Portuguese history, with its heroic +achievements such as the conquest of Algarve, seems to have +begun just too late to be the subject of great anonymous epics, +or rather the temperament of the Portuguese people eschewed +them. Of five poems, long believed to be the earliest examples +of Portuguese verse but no longer accepted by any sane critic +as genuine, only one belongs to epic poetry. This <i>Poema da +Cava</i> or <i>da Perda de Espanha</i> was an infant prodigy indeed, +since it was supposed to have been written (in <i>oitavas</i>) in the +eighth century. With a discretion passing that of Horace it +kept itself from the world not for nine but nine hundred years, +and was first published in Leitão de Andrada’s <i>Miscellanea</i> +(1629)<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>: <i>O rouço da Cava imprio de tal sanha</i>, &c.</p> + +<p>Of the four other spurious poems, two<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> were alleged to be +love letters of Egas Moniz Coelho, a cousin of the celebrated +Egas Moniz Coelho of the twelfth century; another, published +by Bernardo de Brito,<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> <i>Tinherabos nam tinherabos</i>, has +a real charm as gibberish. Fascination, of a different kind, +attaches also to the fifth:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">No figueiral figueiredo, no figueiral entrei:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Tres niñas encontrara, tres niñas encontrei,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">for if this poem is not genuine, and the fact that it was first +published by Brito<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> at once lays it open to grave suspicion, it is +nevertheless undoubtedly based on popular tradition of a yearly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span> +tribute of maidens to the Moors such as the Greeks paid to the +Minotaur, and must be the echo of some Algarvian song. Its +simple repetitions have a haunting rhythm, but they are perhaps +a little too emphatic. The impression is that its author had +been struck by the repetitions in songs heard on the lips of the +people, perhaps crooned to him in his infancy (cf. <i>Miscellanea</i>, +p. 25: <i>sendo eu muito menino</i>), and worked them up in this +poem. One early epic poem Portugal undoubtedly possessed, +the <i>Poema da Batalha do Salado</i>, by <span class="smcap">Afonso Giraldez</span>, who +himself probably took part in the battle (1340). The subject of +the poem is the same as that of the Spanish <i>Poema de Alfonso +Onceno</i>, but whether its treatment was similar we cannot say, +as only forty lines of the Galician-Portuguese poem survive. +Since the authorship of the Spanish poem is doubtful and its +rhymes run more naturally in Galician than in Spanish, the +theory has arisen, among others, that Rodrigo Yannez, whose +name perhaps denotes a connexion with Galicia, merely translated +the poem of Afonso Giraldez. But against this it is +argued that Yannez or Eanez was a Galician or wrote Galician +lyrics (there are several poets of that name in the <i>Cancioneiro da +Vaticana</i>), and when called upon to compose an epic—for Spain +a late epic—chose Castilian, the traditional language of such +poetry, and in executing his design found that his enthusiasm +had outrun his knowledge of Castilian.<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> It is not strange if so +brilliant a victory inspired two poets independently with its +theme. It is perhaps more extraordinary that both should have +chosen a metre (8 + 8) which has called for remark as showing +the <i>romance</i> through the <i>cantar de gesta</i>.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> Frei Antonio Brandão, +indeed, called the Portuguese poem a <i>romance</i>, a type of poem +which did not exist in the fourteenth century. Since the battle +was fought in Spain it would be considered in Brandão’s day +a proper subject for a <i>romance</i>, but would be noticeable as being +written in Galician. Castilian was throughout the Peninsula +regarded as the fitting medium for the <i>romance</i>, as for its father +the epic, just as, a century earlier, Galician was the universal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span> +language of the lyric.<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Portuguese poets, if they wrote a +<i>romance</i>, would usually do so in Spanish. The best-known +instance is Gil Vicente’s fine poem (<i>muy sentido y galan</i> as the +1720 editor says) of <i>D. Duardos e Flerida</i>, which only belongs +to Portuguese literature through the excellent ‘translation of +the Cavalheiro de Oliveira’, among whose papers Garrett professed +to have found it. Portugal possessed no epic <i>cantares +de gesta</i> of her own, had not therefore the stuff out of which the +<i>romances</i> were formed, and the birth of the <i>romance</i> coincided +with the predominance of Spanish influence in Spain. It is +therefore surprising to find in Portugal a large number of <i>romances</i> +unconnected with Spain, the explanation being that, having +accepted with characteristic enthusiasm the new thing imported +from abroad, the Portuguese turned to congenial themes, of +love, religion, and adventure. Had the <i>romances</i> been elaborated +in the same way as in Spain, we might have expected a large +number of anonymous Portuguese <i>romances</i> dealing with the +Breton cycle, and indeed with early Portuguese history, so rich +in heroic incidents. The fact that this is not the case and the +number of <i>romances</i> collected in Tras-os-Montes alike point to +their Spanish origin, while their frequency in the Azores denotes +how popular they became later in Portugal. In the sixteenth +century their Spanish character was recognized. The poor +<i>escudeiro</i> in <i>Eufrosina</i> is bidden go to Spain to gloss <i>romances</i>, +and in the seventeenth century, as a passage in Mello’s <i>Fidalgo +Aprendiz</i> well shows, they were better liked if written in Spanish. +The partiality for Spanish applied to poetry of other kinds, +and Manuel de Galhegos says (1635) that it is a bold venture +to publish poetry in Portuguese.<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> But it did not as a rule +extend to popular poetry. It is therefore noteworthy that the +nurse in Gil Vicente sings <i>romances</i> in Spanish.<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Dr. Theophilo +Braga, who considers Spanish influence on the <i>romances</i> in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span> +Portugal to have been ‘late and insignificant’,<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> is obliged, in +order to support his argument, to quote not Portuguese but +Spanish <i>romances</i>.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> Nor is it a happy contention that Portuguese +<i>romances</i> were not printed owing to <i>desleixo</i>, since the publication +of Spanish <i>romances</i> at Lisbon cannot be attributed merely +to a craze for things foreign. More persuasive is the theory, +developed by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos,<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> that +many <i>romances</i> in Spanish were the work of Portuguese poets, +especially those related to the Breton cycle, such as <i>Ferido está +Don Tristan</i>, those concerned with the sea, and those of a soft +lyrical character, as <i>Fonte Frida</i> and <i>La Bella Malmaridada</i>. +However that may be, the fact that <i>romances</i> appear on the lips +of the people in Gil Vicente, that is, before the publication of +the <i>romanceros</i>, indicates how rapidly their popularity spread,<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> +and accounts for their numerous progeny in Portugal, collected +in the nineteenth century. True historical <i>romances</i> the Portuguese +did not possess, unless we are to consider that certain lines +which occur in Vicente’s parody of <i>Yo me estaba allá en Coimbra</i>, +in Garcia de Resende’s <i>Trovas</i>, and elsewhere, are echoes of +a Portuguese <i>romance</i> on the death of Inés de Castro.<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> But that +is not to say that they did not possess <i>romances</i>, and many of +these might be almost as old as their Spanish models, although +not derived directly from <i>cantares de gesta</i>. These Portuguese +<i>romances</i> or <i>xacaras</i> (in the Azores <i>estorias</i> and <i>aravias</i>) often +differ from the Spanish in a certain vagueness of outline and +sentimental tone. They are frequently of considerable length. +Many of them are undoubtedly of popular origin and have +a large number of variants in different parts of the country. If<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span> +there are none to compare with <i>Fonte Frida</i> or <i>Conde Arnaldos</i> +(which belong to Castilian literature, whatever the nationality of +their authors), they nevertheless, with a total lack of concentration, +present many natural scenes and incidents of affecting +pathos and an attractive simplicity. One of the best and most +characteristically Portuguese is <i>A Nau Catharineta</i>, and others +almost equally famous are <i>Santa Iria</i>, <i>Conde Nillo</i>, and <i>Brancaflor +e Flores</i>. The second edition of Dr. Theophilo Braga’s <i>Romanceiro</i> +runs to nearly two thousand pages. The first two volumes +contain over 150 <i>romances</i> (together with numerous variants). +Of these 5 belong to the Carolingian, 8 to the Arthurian cycle, +63 are <i>romances sacros</i> or <i>ao divino</i>, 11 treat of the cruel +husband or unfaithful wife. In the third volume are reprinted +<i>romances</i> composed by well-known Portuguese authors of the +sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It must be admitted that +Spain generously repaid to Portugal the loan of the Galician +language for lyrical composition—although in each case it was +the lender’s literature that profited (especially if some of the +most beautiful Spanish <i>romances</i> were the work of Galician or +Portuguese poets). But even after the birth of the <i>romance</i> +Spain continued to cultivate the Galician lyric, until the +second half of the fifteenth century. The last instance is supposed +to be a Galician poem by Gomez Manrique (1412-91), +uncle of the author of <i>Recuerde el alma dormida</i>, No. 65 in the +<i>Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano</i>. This collection, published by +Professor Lang at the suggestion of D. Carolina Michaëlis de +Vasconcellos, contains the meagre crop of Portuguese verse of +the transition period from 1350 to 1450, meagre in quality and +quantity. One name dominates the period. The love and tragic +fate of <span class="smcap">Macias</span> (second half 14th c.), <i>o Namorado, idolo de los +amantes</i>, gave him a renown similar to but far exceeding that +of D. Joan Soarez de Paiva in the preceding century. As the +ideal lover he is met with at every turn in the Portuguese poetry +of the fifteenth century,<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> and later became the subject of Lope +de Vega’s <i>Porfiar hasta morir</i> (1638). Of his story we know +definitely nothing, but some lines in one of his poems, <i>En meu</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span> +<i>cor tenno ta lança</i> and <i>Aquesta lança. .. me ferio</i>, would appear +to have inspired the famous legend which dates from the end of +the fifteenth century. Imprisoned at Arjonilla in Andalucía for +paying court to his <i>sennora</i>, he continued to address her in song +and was killed by the lance that her infuriated husband hurled +through the prison window. In an older version, that of the +Constable D. Pedro in his <i>Satira de felice e infelice vida</i>, he +saved the lady of his heart from drowning, and afterwards, as +he lingered where she had stood, was struck down by the jealous +husband. According to Argote de Molina,<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> both he and the +husband served in the household of D. Enrique de Villena +(1385-1434), who was perhaps only six when Macias died. +Most of the twenty poems ascribed to Macias that survive are +written in Galician, and of many, as <i>Loado sejas amor</i>,<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> the +authorship is doubtful. Clearly his fame would act as a strong +magnet to poems of uncertain origin. The matter is of the less +importance in that these poems, however love-sick, have but +little literary merit. If the Galician <span class="smcap">Juan Rodriguez de la +Cámara</span>, a native, like Macias, of Padron, was the real author of +the <i>romance</i> of <i>Conde Arnaldos</i> (which is improbable), he was +a far greater poet than his friend. Both the lyrics and the +prose of his <i>El Sieruo libre de Amor</i> are in Castilian. Of the other +two fourteenth-century Galician poets mentioned by Santillana, +<span class="smcap">Fernam Casquicio</span> and <span class="smcap">Vasco Perez de Camões</span> (†1386?),<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> +no poems have survived. The latter, a knight well known at +the Court of King Ferdinand and an ancestor of Luis de Camões, +played a leading part in the troubles preceding the battle of +Aljubarrota, He had come to Portugal from Galicia, and his +name appears frequently in the pages of Fernam Lopez (where +it is written Caamoões) till the year 1386. In the middle of the +sixteenth century he is mentioned by Sá de Miranda’s brother-in-law +as a Court poet corresponding to Juan de Mena in Spain. +But there were other poets whose verse was probably not inferior<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span> +to that of Perez de Camões and Casquicio. Besides Macias the +<i>Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano</i> contains the names of sixteen +writers whose poems may not attain high distinction but prove +that the Galician lyric continued to be cultivated by poets in +the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth century in Castille +and Leon, Aragon and Catalonia. The Archdeacon of Toro, +<span class="smcap">Gonçalo Rodriguez</span> (fl. 1385),<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> was one of a group of such +poets; a man with a keen zest of living and capable of vigorous +verse, in which he took a characteristic delight (<i>a minna boa arte +de lindo cantar</i>). In his farewell poem <i>A Deus Amor, a Deus +el Rei</i>, which Cervantes perhaps remembered, he bids good bye +to the <i>trobadores con quen trobei</i>, and in a quaint humorous +testament he mentions a number of friends and relatives, two +of whom, at least, his cousin Pedro de Valcacer or Valcarcel and +Lope de Porto Carreiro, also wrote verse. In the last of the +sixteen stanzas (<i>abbacca</i>) of this <i>testamento</i> the Archdeacon +appoints his namesake Gonçalo Rodriguez de Sousa and Fernan +Rodriguez to be his executors. He may have been alive in 1402, +for a Doctor Gonçalo Rodriguez, Archdeacon of Almazan, is +mentioned as one of the witnesses to the oath taken by the city +of Burgos to the Infante María in that year.<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> In that case he +must have been transferred to Almazan, some 150 miles farther +up the Duero. More chequered was the career of <span class="smcap">Garci Ferrandez +de Gerena</span> (<i>c.</i> 1340-<i>c.</i> 1400). Having married one of +King Juan I’s dancing girls (<i>una juglara</i>) in the belief that she +was rich, he repented when he found <i>que non tenia nada</i>. He +next became a hermit near Gerena, and, this not proving more +congenial than married poverty, he embarked ostensibly for the +Holy Land, but in fact landed at Malaga with his wife and +children. At Granada he turned Moor, satirized the Christian +faith, and deserted his wife for her sister. After such proven +inconstancy we may perhaps doubt the sincerity of his repentance +when he returned to Christianity and Castille at the end<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span> +of the fourteenth century. But for all his weakness and folly +he seems not to have sunk utterly out of the reach of finer +feelings; he sang various episodes of his life, e.g. when he went +to his hermitage (<i>puso se beato</i>), in lyrics of some charm, and +addressed the nightingale in a dialogue, as did his contemporary, +<span class="smcap">Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino</span> (<i>c.</i> 1345-<i>c.</i> 1428). This +Castilian Court poet, born at Villasandino near Burgos and +possessed of property at Illescas, was of a sleeker and more +subservient mind than Garci Ferrandez and prospered accordingly, +<i>en onra e en ben e en alto estado</i>. He wrote to order and +was considered the ‘crown and king of all the <i>poetas e trovadores</i> +who had ever existed in the whole of Spain’. This extravagant +claim of his admirers need not prevent us from recognizing that +there is often real feeling and music in his poems, of which the +<i>Cancionero de Baena</i> has preserved over twenty. He writes in +varying metres with unfailing ease and harmony, rarely sinks +into mere verbal dexterity, and well deserves to be considered +the best of these later Galician poets. Side by side with the +lyric the <i>cantiga d’escarnho</i> continued to flourish. Alfonso +Alvarez (C. G. C. 48) upbraids Garci Ferrandez for renouncing +the Christian faith and leaguing himself with the Devil (<i>gannaste +privança do demo mayor</i>); Pero Velez de Guevara (†1420), +uncle of the Marqués de Santillana, addresses a satiric poem to +an old maid, and an anonymous poet in a vigorous <i>sirventes</i> +attacks degenerate Castille, <i>cativa, mezela Castela</i>, perhaps, as +Professor Lang thinks, immediately after the Portuguese victories +of Trancoso, Aljubarrota, and Valverde in 1385. Five +fragmentary poems belong to the Infante <span class="smcap">D. Pedro</span> (1429-66), +Constable of Portugal. There are, besides his three short +Portuguese poems in the <i>Cancioneiro de Resende</i>, only forty-one +lines in all, for while Galician, already separated from +her twin sister of Portugal, went to sleep—a sleep of nearly four +centuries—in these last accents of her muse preserved in the +<i>Cancionero de Baena</i>, the Infante Pedro turned definitely to +the new forms of lyric appearing in Castille. As a transition +poet he may be mentioned here before his father D. Pedro, +Duke of Coimbra, since his prose works, which would naturally +place him with his father and with D. Duarte, his uncle, belong,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span> +together with most of his poetry (<i>prosas</i> and <i>metros</i>) to Spanish +literature. By stress of circumstance rather than any set +purpose he inaugurated the fashion of writing in Castilian, +a fashion so eagerly taken up by his fellow-countrymen during +the next two centuries. After the tragic death of his father +at Alfarrobeira (1449) he escaped from Portugal, of which his +sister Isabel was queen,<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> spent the next seven years as an exile +in Castille, and after returning to his native land died an exile, +but now as King of Aragon (1464-6). His life of thirty-seven +years was thus as full of wandering adventure as that of any +troubadour of old. To him Santillana addressed his celebrated +letter on the development of poetry, and his own influence on +Portuguese literature was important, for he introduced not only +a new style of poetry, including <i>oitavas de arte maior</i>, but the +habit of classical allusion and allegory. His first work, <i>Satira +de felice e infelice vida</i>, was written in Portuguese before he was +twenty, but re-written by himself in Castilian, the only form +in which it has survived. This firstfruit of his studies was +dedicated to his sister, Queen Isabel, whose death (1455) he +mourned in his <i>Tragedia de la Insigne Reyna Doña Isabel</i> (1457), +a work of deep feeling and some literary merit, first published +by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos 444 years after +Queen Isabel’s death. His longest and most important poem, +in 125 octaves, <i>Coplas del menosprecio e contempto de las cosas +fermosas del mundo</i> (1455), reflects the misfortunes of his life and +the high philosophy they had brought him. Under a false +attribution to his father, the Duke of Coimbra<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> (his Portuguese +poems were also wrongly ascribed to King Peter I of Portugal, +through confusion with the later King Peter, of Aragon), it was +incorporated in the <i>Cancioneiro de Resende</i>, which appeared half +a century after the Constable’s death.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> 1867 ed., p. 333.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> Ibid., pp. 304-7.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> <i>Cronica de Cister</i>, Bk. VI, cap. 1, 1602 ed., f. 372. It has been several +times reprinted: cf. J. F. Barreto, <i>Ortografia</i> (1671), p. 23; Bellermann, <i>Die +alten Liederbücher</i>, p. 5; <i>Grundriss</i>, p. 163.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> <i>Monarchia Lusitana</i>, 1609 ed., ii. 296 (also in <i>Miscellanea</i>, 1867 ed., +pp. 25-6; Bellermann, pp. 3-4).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> See <i>Grundriss</i>, p. 205. D. Ramón Menéndez Pidal supports the suggestion +of Leonese authorship (<i>Revista de Filología Española</i>, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> i (1914), pp. 90-2).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> See J. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, <i>Littérature Espagnole</i>, 1913 ed., p. 64.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> Cf. Rodriguez Lobo, <i>Primavera</i> (1722 ed.), p. 369: <i>tinhão os nossos +guardadores por muyto difficultoso fazeremse em a lingoa Portugueza, porque +a tem por menos engraçada para os romances</i>. Sousa de Macedo says that +<i>Romance he poesia propria de Hespanha</i>, but Hespanha here means Spain +and Portugal and he instances Góngora and Rodriguez Lobo (<i>Eva e Ave</i>, +1676 ed., p. 130).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> See <i>infra</i>, p. 258.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> <i>Obras</i>, 1834 ed., ii. 27.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> <i>Hist. da Litt. Port.</i>, ii (1914), pp. 267-87.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> Ibid., pp. 280-5.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> <i>Estudos sobre o Romanceiro Peninsular. Romances velhos de Portugal</i>, +Madrid, 1907-9.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Lucena (<i>Vida</i>, Bk. III, cap. 3) speaks of <i>romances velhos em que elles</i> +[the natives of India] <i>como nos, por ser o ordinario cantar da gente, guardam +o successo das memorias e cousas antigas</i>. The expression <i>romance velho</i> +in the sixteenth century may mean a <i>romance</i> that has gone out of fashion. +Cf. Vicente, <i>Os Almocreves</i>: <i>Hei os de todos grosar Ainda que sejam velhos.</i> +<i>Antigo</i> may similarly mean ‘antiquated’ rather than ancient. Barros, +<i>Grammatica</i>, 1785 ed., p. 163, mentions <i>rimances antigas</i>. D. Carolina Michaëlis +de Vasconcellos considers that the <i>romances</i> came from Spain to Portugal at +the latest in the third quarter and perhaps in the first half of the fifteenth century.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> See <i>Estudos sobre o Rom. Penins.</i> (the lines are <i>Polos campos do Mondego +Cavaleiros vi somar</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> In later Portuguese his name was often written Mansias. So Moraes +transforms Mlle de Macy’s name into Mansi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> <i>Nobleza de Andalvzia</i> (1588), ii, f. 272 v.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> This and two other Macias poems (<i>Ai que mal aconsellado</i> and <i>Crueldad +e trocamento</i>) are in C. G. C. (Nos. 33, 38, 41) ascribed to Alfonso Alvarez de +Villasandino.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> The <i>Cancionero de Baena</i> contains poems addressed to Vasco <i>Lopez</i> de +Camões, <i>un cavallero de Galizia</i>, and an answering poem by him.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> For the name of this hitherto anonymous poet see <i>The Modern Language +Review</i> (July 1917), pp. 357-8.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Gil Gonzalez Davila, <i>Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Rey Don Henrique +Tercero</i>, &c. (Madrid, 1638), p. 173. The name was a common one. The +Spanish translator of Pero Menino’s <i>Livro de Cetreria</i>, Gonçalo Rodriguez de +Escobar, may have been a relation. There was also a fourteenth-century +poet called Ruiz de Toro.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Another sister, <span class="smcap">D. Philippa de Lencastre</span> (1437-97), lived in retirement +in the convent of Odivellas near Lisbon, and as a dedicatory poem to her +translation of the Gospels wrote the simple, impressive lines beginning</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Non vos sirvo, non vos amo,</i></div> + <div class="verse indent2"><i>Mas desejo vos amar.</i></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> Cf. Ribeiro dos Santos, <i>Obras</i> (MS.), vol. xix, f. 205: <i>A frente de todos os +Poetas deste Seculo apparece como hum Ds</i> [<i>Deus</i>] <i>da Poezia o Infante D. Pedro, +filho do Snr. Rey D. João I.</i> In reality he was not gifted with greater poetical +talent than his brothers.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="II_3">§ 3<br><span class="small"><i>The Chroniclers</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>The father of Portuguese history, <span class="smcap">Fernam Lopez</span> (<i>c.</i> 1380-<i>c.</i> +1460), had grown up with the generation that succeeded +Aljubarrota, and from his earliest years imbibed the national +enthusiasm of the time. He had himself seen Nun’ Alvarez as +a young man and the heroes who had fought in a hundred +fights to free their country from a foreign yoke, and he had +listened to many a tale of Lisbon’s sufferings during the great +siege.<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> Since 1418, at latest, he was employed in the Lisbon +Torre do Tombo (the State Archives), for in that year he was +appointed keeper of the documents (<i>escrituras</i>) there. Sixteen +years later, King Duarte, who as prince encouraged him to +collect materials for the work,<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> entrusted him with the task of +writing the chronicles of the Kings of Portugal (<i>poer em caronycas +as estorias dos reys</i>), and at the same time (March 19, 1434<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>) +assigned him a salary of 14,000 <i>réis</i>. His work at the Torre do +Tombo covered a period of over thirty years. He won and kept +the confidence of three kings, was secretary to João I (<i>escrivam +dos livros</i>) and to the Infante Fernando (<i>escrivam da puridade</i>), +whose will exists in Lopez’ handwriting.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> His son Martinho +accompanied the Infante to Africa as doctor, and died (1443) +in prison soon after the prince. The last document signed by +Lopez as official is dated 1451; in July 1452 he seems to have +resigned his position at least temporarily, and on June 6, 1454, +he was definitely superseded by Zurara as being ‘so old and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span> +weak that he cannot well fulfil the duties of his post’. That +he lived for at least five years more we know from the existence +of a document (July 3, 1459) referring to the pretensions of an +illegitimate son of Martinho which Fernam Lopez rejected.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> +Of the chronicles of the first ten Kings of Portugal written by +Lopez<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> only three survive: the <i>Cronica del Rei Dom Joam de +boa memoria</i>, <i>Cronica del Rei Dom Fernando</i>, and <i>Cronica del +Rei Dom Pedro</i>. The latter is but a brief sketch, and lacks the +unity which the subject-matter gives to the other two. His +chronicles of the seven earlier kings disappeared in the revised +versions of subsequent historians. Although they no doubt +incorporated large slices of his work with little alteration, the +freshness and the style are gone, the good oak hidden beneath +coats of paint. It was a proceeding the more deplorable in that +Lopez had been at great pains to discover and record the truth, +‘the naked truth’.<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> His successor, Zurara, represents him as +‘a notable person’, ‘a man of some learning and great authority’;<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> +he travelled through the whole of Portugal to collect information +and spent much time in visiting churches and convents in search +of papers and inscriptions, while King Duarte had documents +brought from Spain for his use. Whatever sources he utilized, +Latin, Spanish, or Portuguese, he stamped his work with his +own individuality. He himself frequently refers to previous +historians, and often expresses his disapproval of their methods.<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> +He seems to have drawn largely from a Latin work of a certain +Dr. Cristoforus. Keenly alive to the dignity and responsibilities<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span> +of history, he was anxious that his work should be well ordered +and philosophical.<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> He has been called the Portuguese Froissart, +but he combines with Froissart’s picturesqueness moral philosophy, +enthusiasm, and high principles, is in fact a Froissart +with something of Montaigne added, and easily excels Giovanni +Villani or Pero López de Ayala. The latter must descend from +the pedestal given him by Menéndez y Pelayo,<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> since he only +occasionally rises to the height of Fernam Lopez, as in the +account of the murder of the Infante Fradique, which Lopez +copies very closely (although abbreviating it as really foreign to +his history), evidently appreciating such dramatic touches as +the sentence which describes how, as the murdered man advanced +through the palace, ever fewer went in his company. By the +side of the laborious prose and precocious wisdom of King +Duarte this child of genius seems to give free rein to his pen, +but it is his greatness and his title to rank above all contemporary +chroniclers, not only of Portugal but of Europe, that he could +combine this spontaneity with the scruples of an accurate +historian, and be at once careful and impetuous, or, as Goes calls +him, copious and discreet. He assigns speeches of considerable +length to the principal actors, but they contain not mere rhetoric<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> +but arguments such as might well have been used; and the +frequent shorter sayings of humbler persons, often anonymous +and as illuminating as <i>graffiti</i>, have the stamp of truth and +bring the scenes most clearly before us. Indeed, every sentence +is living; his unfailing qualities are rapidity and directness. +Sometimes the sound of galloping horses or the loud murmur +of a throng of men is in his pages. He ever and anon rivets the +reader’s—the listener’s—attention by some captivating phrase, +by his quaintly expressed wisdom, by his personal keenness and +delight in the ‘marvellous deeds of God’ (<i>maravilhas que Deos +faz</i>) or in the actions of his heroes (<i>Oo que fremosa cousa era de +veer!</i>). His chronicles are not only a succession of imperishably<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</span> +vivid scenes—King Pedro dancing through his capital by night, +the escape of Diogo Lopez, the punishment of D. Inés’ murderers, +the siege of Lisbon, the murder of D. Maria Tellez—but +describe fully and with skilful care the character of +the actors, pleasure-loving King Ferdinand, cunning, audacious, +and accomplished Queen Lianor Tellez, wise and noble Queen +Philippa, even morose Juan I, and principally the popular +Mestre d’Avis and his great Constable, Nun’ Alvarez Pereira. +And the Portuguese people is delineated both collectively and +as individuals, in its generous enthusiasm, unreasoning impetuosity, +and atrocious anger. That Lopez paid attention to his +style is proved by his modest disclaimer bidding the reader +expect no <i>fremosura e afeitamento das pallavras</i>, but merely +the facts <i>breve e sãamente contados, em bom e claro estilo</i>. His +style is always clear and natural, the serviceable handmaid of +his subject, admirably assuming the colour and sound of the +events described, and his longest sentences are never obscure. +He wrote his history on a generous scale, for in the rapidity of +his descriptions this inimitable story-teller preserved his leisure. +His last chronicle ended with the expedition to Ceuta (1415). +The kernel of that chronicle had been the illustrious deeds and +character of Nun’ Alvarez, also described in the hitherto anonymous +<i>Coronica do condestabre de purtugal</i>, of which the earliest +edition is dated 1526. Large tracts of this chronicle are +included, with alterations, in Lopez’ Chronicles of King Fernando +and King João I. Dr. Esteves Pereira and Snr. Braamcamp +Freire have now independently come to the conclusion that it +is the work of Lopez, clearly an earlier work<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> written shortly +after the death of Nun’ Alvarez (1431), i. e. before he concluded +the <i>Cronica de D. Fernando</i><a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> and wrote the <i>Cronica de D. +Joam</i>, at which he was working in 1443.<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> We are forced to +accept this view, although of course it is no argument to say +that the conscientious and scrupulous Fernam Lopez could not +be a plagiarist since it was the duty of the official chronicler of +the day to incorporate the best work of other historians. Lopez’<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</span> +authorship is borne out by two passages which at a first glance +seem to refute it. In chapter 55 of the <i>Cronica de D. Joam</i> (1915 +ed., p. 120) he introduces the version given in the <i>Cronica do Condestabre</i> +(cap. 22) with the words ‘now here some say’ (<i>ora aqui +dizem algũs</i>), and then cites <i>huũ outro estoriador, cujo fallamento +nos pareçe mais rrazoado</i>, i. e. he now rejects the version (of <i>algũs</i>) +which he had adopted in his earlier work. In chapter 152 +(1915 ed., p. 281) he similarly quotes what <i>dizem aqui algũs</i> and +then the version of <i>huũ outro compillador destes feitos, de cujos +garfos per mais largo estillo exertamos nesta obra segundo que +compre, rrecomta isto per esta maneira</i>, a manner which is not +that of the <i>Cronica do Condestabre</i>. But indeed the style of the +two works is conclusive. A single age does not produce two +Fernam Lopez any more than it produces two Montaignes or +two Malorys. Those who read the continuation of the <i>Cronica +de D. Joam</i> (i. e. the <i>Cronica da Tomada de Ceuta</i>, completed +in 1450) by <span class="smcap">Gomez Eanez de Zurara</span> (<i>c.</i> 1410-74) find +themselves in a very different atmosphere. We are told<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> that +this soldier, turned historian, acquired his learning late in life, +and he parades it like a new toy. Aristotle, Avicenna, and all +the Scriptures are in his preface; Job, Ovid, Hercules, and +Xenophon, a motley company, mourn the death of Queen +Philippa (cap. 44). Sermons extend over whole chapters, +although, as he is careful to state, the exact words of the preachers +could not be given.<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> Philosophy had been graciously woven +into Lopez’ narrative, but here it stands in solid icebergs +interrupting the story. And if he wishes to say that memory +often fails in old age he must quote St. Jerome; a date +occupies half a page, being calculated in nine or ten eras;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</span><a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> +and the style is sometimes similarly inflated, so that ‘next +morning’ becomes ‘When Night was bringing the end of its +obscurity and the Sun began to strike the Oriental horizon’ +(cap. 92). He also delights in elaborate metaphors.<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> But it +must not be thought that Zurara is all froth and morals: in +between his purple patches and erudite allusions he tells his +story directly and vividly, and, what is more, he has his enthusiasm +and his hero. Nun’ Alvarez has faded into the background, +but in his place appears the intense and fervent spirit +of Prince Henry the Navigator. His partiality for Prince Henry +appears in the <i>Cronica de D. Joam</i>, and in his <i>Cronica do +Descobrimento e Conquista da Guiné</i> it is still more evident.<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> +In this chronicle, written at the request of King Afonso V and +finished in the king’s library in February 1453, he made use of +a lost <i>Historia das Conquistas dos Portugueses</i> by Afonso Cerveira, +and profited by much that he had heard from the Infantes Pedro +and Henrique and other makers of history. For Zurara was +a sincere and painstaking historian,<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> and when the king bade +him record the deeds of the Meneses in Africa (the <i>Cronica do +Conde D. Pedro de Meneses</i> was completed in 1463, and the +<i>Cronica dos Feitos de D. Duarte de Meneses</i> about five years +later) he was not content with the ‘recollections of courtiers’, +but set out for Africa (August 1467) and spent a whole year +there gathering material at first hand. An affectionate letter<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</span><a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> +from King Afonso to the historian in his voluntary exile shows +the pleasant relations existing between the liberal king and his +grateful librarian. He praises him as well learned in the <i>arte +oratoria</i>,<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> and for undertaking of his own free will a journey +which was imposed on others as a punishment, and promises +to look after the interests of his sister while he is away. Zurara +was a Knight of the Order of Christ, with a <i>comenda</i> near Santarem, +owned other property, and suffered himself to be adopted by +a wealthy furrier’s widow, an unusual proceeding for a person +in his station. But if, as this indicates, he had a love of riches +(satisfied by the king’s generosity and this fortunate adoption), +this in no way interfered with his work of collecting and verifying +evidence nor affects the truth of his chronicles. He had +proposed to write that of Afonso V, but the king, wisely considering +that his reign was not yet over, refused his consent,<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> +and this chronicle was reserved for the pen of <span class="smcap">Ruy de Pina</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1440-1523?).<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> Herculano’s ‘crow in peacock’s feathers’ has +been somewhat harshly treated by modern critics. Not he but +the taste and fashion of his time was to blame if he laid desecrating +hands on the invaluable chronicles of Fernam Lopez, and +thus became the ‘author’ of the chronicles of the six kings, +Sancho I to Afonso IV. The mischief is irreparable, but it is +well at least that these chronicles should have been dealt<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</span> +with by Ruy de Pina, and not, for instance, by the uncritical +<span class="smcap">Duarte Galvão</span> (<i>c.</i> 1445-1517); the friend of Afonso de +Albuquerque, who died in the Arabian Sea when on his way as +Ambassador to Ethiopia, and who as <i>Cronista Môr</i> revised the +<i>Cronica de D. Afonso Henriquez</i> (1727). Ruy de Pina has +further been attacked because the people no longer figures, and +the king figures too prominently, in the chronicles for which +he was more directly responsible: <i>Cronica de D. Duarte</i>, <i>Cronica +de D. Afonso V</i>, and <i>Cronica de D. João II</i>. That is to +censure him for faithfully recording the changed times and not +writing as if he were his own grandfather. Pina was no flatterer, +but the chronicle of João II inevitably centred round the king, +and, in spite of its excellence and of the moving incident of +Prince Afonso’s death, is less attractive than those which are +a record of freer, jollier times. Born at Guarda, of a family +originally Aragonese, Pina served as secretary on an embassy to +Castille in 1482 and on two subsequent occasions, and in the +same capacity in a special mission to the Vatican in 1484. He +became secretary (<i>escrivão da nossa camara</i>) to King João II, +and succeeded Lucena as <i>Cronista Môr</i> in 1497. Both King +João II and King Manuel showed their appreciation of his +services, and Barros lent authority to a foolish story that Afonso +de Albuquerque sent him rubies and diamonds from India as +a reminder, in Corrêa’s phrase, to <i>glorificar as cousas de Afonso +de Albuquerque</i>. Ruy de Pina in his chronicles of King Duarte +and Afonso V used material collected by Fernam Lopez and +Zurara, and he in turn left material for the reign of King Manuel +of which Damião de Goes availed himself, while his <i>Cronica +de D. João II</i> was laid under contribution by Garcia de Resende. +It may be doubted whether the <i>Cronica de D. Afonso V</i> contains +much that is not Ruy de Pina’s own. It was poetical justice +that the interest of the story should be transferred from the +Infante Henrique to the Infante Pedro.<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> His death and that of +the Conde de Abranches at Alfarrobeira are told with the most +impressive simplicity, which produces a far greater effect than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</span> +the long <i>exclamação</i> that follows. Lacking Lopez’ genius, but +possessed of an excellent plain style, which only becomes flowery +on occasion, and on his guard against what he calls the <i>vicio +e avorrecimento da proluxidade</i>, Pina relates his story straightforwardly, +almost in the form of annals. He does not attempt +to eke out his matter with rhetoric and has chapters of under +fifty words. The <i>Cronica de D. Afonso V</i> effectively contrasts +the characters of the weak and chivalrous Afonso, who is praised +as man but not as king, and the vigorous practical João II, and +has an inimitable scene of the meeting of the former and Louis XI +at Tours in 1476. The glow of Fernam Lopez is absent, but +Pina none the less deserves to be accounted an able and +impartial historian.</p> + +<p>To the fifteenth century belongs the <i>Cronica do Infante +Santo</i>. It is impossible to read unmoved the clear and unaffected +story of the sufferings and death (1437-43), as a captive of Fez, +of this the most saintly of the sons of King João I and Queen +Philippa. It was written at the bidding of his brother, Prince +Henry the Navigator, with the skill born of a fervent devotion, +by <span class="smcap">Frei João Alvarez</span>, an eyewitness<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> of D. Fernando’s +misfortunes and one of the few of his companions to survive +(till 1470 or later). A curious indication of the writer’s accuracy +in detail is the correct spelling of a Basque name,<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> of the meaning +of which he was probably ignorant.</p> + +<p>The founder of the dynasty of Avis, <span class="smcap">King João I</span> (1365-1433), +found time in his busy reign of forty-eight years to +encourage literature, ardently assisted no doubt by English Queen +Philippa, and was himself an author. His keen practical spirit +turned to Portuguese prose, and while as a poet he confined +himself to a few prayers and psalms, in prose he caused to be +translated the Hours of the Virgin and the greater part of the +New Testament, as well as foreign works such as John Gower’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</span> +<i>Confessio Amantis</i> (<i>c.</i> 1383), and himself wrote a long treatise +on the chase. This <i>Livro da Montaria</i>, which has little but the +title in common with Alfonso XI’s <i>Libro de Montería</i>, lay unpublished +for four centuries, but is now available in a scholarly +edition by Dr. Esteves Pereira from the manuscript in the +Lisbon Biblioteca Nacional. Valuable and interesting in itself, +this book is of great significance in Portuguese literature by +reason of the impulse thus given to Portuguese prose. It is +impossible as yet to estimate the full value of the prose works +that followed: many are lost, others remain in manuscript, as +the <i>Orto do Sposo</i> by Frei Hermenegildo de Tancos, or the <i>Livro +das Aves</i>. But with King João’s son and successor Portuguese +prose came into its kingdom.</p> + +<p>Punctilious and affectionate, gifted with many virtues and +graces, the half-English <span class="smcap">King Duarte</span> (1391-1438), <i>o Eloquente</i>, +shared the high ideals of all the sons of João I. Liable to fits +of melancholy, and of less active disposition than his brothers +Henrique and Pedro, he proved himself not less gallant in action +than they at the taking of Ceuta in 1415, and had even earlier +been entrusted by his father with affairs of State. His scruples +as philosopher-or rather student-king during his unhappy reign +of five years may have hampered his decisions, but his love of +truth made the saying <i>palavra de rei</i> proverbial. The corroding +cares of State prevented him from giving all the time he would +have wished to literary studies, but he was a methodical collector +of books<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> and papers written by himself and others, and his great +work, <i>Leal Conselheiro</i> (<i>c.</i> 1430), consisted of such a collection on +moral philosophy and practical conduct, addressed to his wife, +Queen Lianor. It contains 102 chapters, often stray papers, +sometimes translated from other authors.<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Besides a detailed +consideration of virtues and vices which are treated with an +Aristotelian precision, and always with preference for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</span> +Portuguese as opposed to the latinized word, it has chapters +on the art of translation, food, chapel services, and other subjects.<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> +The book reveals a character of rare charm, combining humility +with a clear instinct for what was right, humanity with common +sense. His literary genius was akin to that of his father; he +scarcely possessed poetical talent, although he translated in +verse the Latin hymn <i>Juste Judex</i>, and possessed in his library +a <i>Livro das Trovas del Rei</i>, in all probability a collection of the +poems of others. Wit and originality he also lacked. But as +a prose-writer he ranks among the greatest Portuguese authors, +and in style was indeed something of an innovator, using words +with an exactness and scrupulous nicety hitherto unknown in +Portugal. He gave the matter long and serious consideration, +and the directness of his style corresponds to his sincerity of +thought. His clear, concise sentences and careful choice of words +show a true artist of unerring instinct in prose.<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> King Duarte +wished to be read as Sainte-Beuve recommended that one should +read the <i>Caractères</i> of La Bruyère: <i>peu et souvent</i> (<i>pouco ... +tornando algũas vezes</i>). The first part of the precept has been +followed, but unhappily for Portuguese prose the second has +been neglected. In his youth the king was noted for his horsemanship, +and his <i>Livro da Ensinança de bem cavalgar toda sella</i> +is a practical treatise based on his personal experience (<i>nom +screvo do que ouvi</i>, as he says) begun when he was prince, laid +aside after his accession, and left unfinished at his death. It is +remarkable, like the <i>Leal Conselheiro</i>, for the excellence of its +style and the manly, thoughtful character of its author. But +for his premature death, King Duarte might have done for +Portuguese prose what Alfonso X and Don Juan Manuel had +done for Castilian. An excellent translator himself, he encouraged +translations into Portuguese, in Portugal and Spain; the Bishop +of Burgos, Don Alonso de Cartagena, translated Cicero for him,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</span> +and the Dean of Santiago Aristotle. More active than King +Duarte, more literary than his younger brother Prince Henry +the Navigator (1394-1460), <span class="smcap">D. Pedro</span> (1392-1449), created +Duke of Coimbra after the capture of Ceuta in 1415, became +almost a legendary figure owing to his extensive travels (1424-8)—<i>andou +as sete partes do mundo</i>—and his equally exaggerated +reputation as a poet, through confusion with his son the Constable. +Regent from 1438 to 1448, he resigned when the young +king, his nephew and son-in-law, Afonso V, came of age. His +enemies succeeded in effecting his banishment from Court. +Civil strife followed, and D. Pedro fell in a preliminary skirmish +at Alfarrobeira in May 1449. Had he been granted a peaceful +old age he would probably occupy a more important place in +Portuguese literature. Apart from the historical value of his +letters, his chief claim to be remembered literarily consists in +the translations from the Latin, principally from Cicero, undertaken +under his supervision or by himself personally, as the +<i>De Officiis</i>, which was dedicated to King Duarte and is still +unpublished. The <i>Trauctado da Uirtuosa Benfeyturia</i> was +originally a translation by the prince of Seneca’s <i>De Beneficiis</i>. +Except the dedication to King Duarte (between 1430 and 1433), +the work as it stands in six books is properly not D. Pedro’s, +since he had not leisure for the corrections and additions which +he wished to make, and accordingly handed over his translation +and the original to his confessor, Frei João Verba, who made +the necessary alterations,<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> and expanded the book from a literal +translation to a paraphrase of the <i>De Beneficiis</i>. The reader +who does not bear this in mind might be startled to find references +in a work of Seneca’s to St. Thomas, Nun’ Alvarez, the +noble knight Abraham, or the virtuous knight Cid Ruy Diaz. +The work lacks King Duarte’s gift of style which set the <i>Leal +Conselheiro</i> high above contemporary prose.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lopo de Almeida</span>, + created first Count of Abrantes in 1472,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</span><a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> +accompanied D. Lianor, daughter of King Duarte, on her +marriage to the Emperor Frederick III in 1451. In four letters +written to King Afonso V from Italy (February to May 1452) +he displays a keen eye for colour and much directness in description, +so that the Emperor bargaining miserly over the price of +damask or the two wealthy Italian dukes so sorrily horsed (<i>em +sima de senhos rocins magros</i>) remain in the memory, and the +letters are more original than most of the Portuguese prose of +the century.</p> + +<p>One of the most important early prose works is the <i>Boosco +Delleytoso</i> (1515). It consists of 153 short chapters,<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> and is +dedicated (on the verso of the frontispiece portraying the +‘delightful wood’) to Queen Lianor, widow of King João II. +It is a homily in praise of the hermit’s life of solitude and against +worldly joys and traffics, and is marked by a pleasant quaintness, +an intense and excellent style, a fervent humanity and love +of Nature. The hermit’s independent and healthy life<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> is contrasted +with that of the merchant in cities.<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> In chapter I the +repentant sinner is introduced in ‘a very thick wood of very +fair trees in which many birds sang very sweetly’ near ‘a very +fair field full of many herbs and scented flowers’—<i>frolles de boo +odor</i>. He prays to be delivered from this darkness of death, +and a very fair youth appears ‘clothed in clothes of gleaming +fire and his face shone as the sun when it rises in the season of +great heat’. His ‘glorious guide’, <i>grorioso guyador</i>, leads him +to a <i>dona sabedor</i> and to <i>dom francisco solitario</i>, who in a <i>fremoso +fallamento</i> praises the solitary life and condemns those who are +puffed up with the conceit of learning, in itself ‘a very fair<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</span> +thing’. He tells of the lives of saintly hermits; St. Bernard, +St. Thomas Aquinas, Dom Seneca, Dom Cicero, <i>a mui comfortosa +donzella</i>, and others exhort the sinner to leave the world, +and he ends by relating his frequent raptures until his soul is +carried to the <i>terra perduravil</i>. In its main subject, praise of +the solitary life, the book recalls the title of the treatise ascribed +to D. Philippa de Lencastre: <i>Tratado da Vida Solitaria</i>, +a translation or adaptation from the Latin of Laurentius Justinianus.<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> +The latter’s <i>De Vita Solitaria</i> is, however, quite +different from the <i>Boosco deleytoso</i>, which was probably composed +before the birth of D. Philippa (1437).</p> + +<p>Another remarkable early work is the anonymous <i>Corte +Imperial</i> (14th or early 15th c.), the language of which often +bears traces of a Latin original.<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> Many of its sentences are +veritable <i>dobres</i> and <i>mordobres</i> in prose,<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> and to a superficial +reader will have little meaning; but in fact this mystic treatise +is closely reasoned. It may have some connexion with similar +works by Juda Levi, Ramon Lull, and Don Juan Manuel. In +a <i>corte</i> or parliament the Church Militant, in the person of +a ‘glorious Catholic Queen’ argues with Gentile, Moor, and Jew +on the nature of God and the Trinity. The Gentiles and Moors +gradually accept her doctrines, but the Jewish rabbis prove +more contumacious. Saints and angels and all the company of +heaven discourse sweet music in the intervals of the discussion. +One of the best known of the many other important translations +of this time was the <i>Flos Sanctorum</i> (1513),<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> which begins<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> + with +extracts from the Gospels and has a savour of the Bible about +its prose. There were many later versions of the Gospel story, +as <i>A Paxã de Jesu Christo Nosso Deos e Senhor</i>, &c. (1551);<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</span> +<i>Tratado en que se comprende breue e deuotamente a Vida, Paixão +e Resurreição</i>, &c. (1553); <i>Traatado em q̃ se contẽ a paixam de +x̃po</i>, &c. (1589?). But the earliest and most splendid, an +incunable of which Portugal has reason to be proud on account +of its beautiful print, is the <i>Vita Christi</i> (Lixboa, 1495), translated +<i>em lingoa materna e portugues linguagem</i> from the original +of Ludolph von Sachsen by the Cistercian monk Frei Bernardo +de Alcobaça (†1478?), at the bidding of Queen Isabel, sister of +the Constable D. Pedro, in the middle of the fifteenth century +(1445).</p> + +<p>Another notable translation for the same queen is the <i>Espelho +de Christina</i> (1518),<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> from the French of Christine de Pisan: <i>Livre +des trois vertus pour l’enseignement des princesses</i> (1497). The +Portuguese manuscript, translated from the French manuscript +nearly half a century before the latter appeared in print,<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> was +published at the bidding of Queen Lianor (wife of João II), +who so keenly encouraged Portuguese art, language, and literature. +Her squire Valentim Fernandez’ version of Marco Polo, +<i>Marco Paulo</i>, was published at Lisbon in 1502. The <i>Espelho +de Prefeyçam</i> (1533) was translated from the Latin by the +Canons of Santa Cruz, Coimbra, and edited by Bras de Barros +(<i>c.</i> 1500-59), Bishop of Leiria and cousin of the historian João +de Barros. A Portuguese version of a scriptural work entitled +<i>Sacramental</i>, originally written in Spanish by Clemente Sanchez +de Vercial, was published apparently in 1488 (it would thus be +one of the earliest books printed in Portugal), and was +reprinted at Lisbon in 1502.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Lopez himself was probably of humble birth. It appears from a document +presented by Dr. Pedro de Azevedo at a meeting of the <i>Sociedade Portuguesa +de Estudos Historicos</i> in July 1916 that his wife’s niece was married to a shoe-maker.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> Zurara, <i>Cron. D. Joam</i>, cap. 2.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> i.e. eighty-nine years before the first English translation of Froissart +was published. Needless to say, no English translation of Lopez exists.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> A facsimile of a page of this lengthy document is given in Snr. Braamcamp +Freire’s excellent edition of the <i>Primeira Parte da Crónica de D. Joam I</i> +(1915).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> See A. Braamcamp Freire, ibid., pp. xl-xlii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> <i>Fez todas as chronicas dos Reis té seu tempo, começando do Conde dom +Henrique, como prova Damião de Goes</i> (Gaspar Estaço, <i>Varias Antigvidades +de Portugal</i> (1625), cap. 21, § 1); cf. Goes, <i>Cron. de D. Manuel</i>, iv. 38.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> <i>Nosso desejo foi em esta obra escrever verdade—nuamente—a nua verdade</i> +(<i>Cr. D. Joam</i>, <i>Prologo</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> Zurara, <i>Cr. D. Joam</i>, cap. 2. Cf. Lopez’ preface to his <i>Cr. D. Joam</i>: +<i>Oo com quamto cuidado e diligemçia vimos gramdes vollumes de livros, de desvairadas +linguageẽs e terras; e isso meesmo pubricas escprituras de muitos cartarios +e outros logares nas quaaes depois de longas vegilias e gramdes trabalhos mais +çertidom aver nom podemos da contheuda em esta obra</i> (1915 ed., p. 2).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> Usually he does this without naming the offender, but he refutes the +<i>razões</i> of Martim Afonso de Mello, a person well known at the Court of King +João I and author of a technical book on the art of war, <i>Da Guerra</i> (see +Zurara, <i>Cr. D. Joam</i>, cap. 99). Mello refused the governorship of captured +Ceuta in 1415. A work on a similar subject, <i>Tratado da Milicia</i>, is ascribed +to Zurara’s friend and patron. King Afonso V (Barbosa Machado, i. 19).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> <i>Cr. del Rei D. Fern.</i>, cap. 2: <i>a ordenança de nossa obra</i>; <i>Cr. D. Joam</i>, +1915 ed., p. 51: <i>Certo he que quaaesquer estorias muito melhor se entemdem +e nembram se som perfeitamente e hem hordenadas</i>; <i>Cr. del Rei D. Fern.</i>, cap. +139: <i>guardando a regra do philosopho</i> [of cause and effect].</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> <i>Antología</i>, iv, p. xx: <i>Nada hay semejante en las literaturas extranjeras +antes de fin del siglo xv.</i> The words apply more accurately to Fernam Lopez.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> <i>Leixados os compostos e afeitados razoamentos</i> (<i>Cr. D. Joam</i>, <i>Prologo</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> The references in cap. 76 and 80 to events of 1451 and 1461 are evidently +later additions.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> Cf. <i>Cr. do Cond.</i>, cap. 14 and 15, with <i>Cr. del Rei Fern.</i>, cap. 166.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> A. Braamcamp Freire, <i>Cr. de D. Joam</i> (1915), <i>Introdução</i>, p. xxi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> By Matheus de Pisano (whom some have considered the son of Christine +de Pisan). He wrote in Latin: <i>De Bello Septensi</i> (<i>Ined. de Hist. Port.</i>, +vol. i, 1790), Portuguese tr. Roberto Correia Pinto: <i>Livro da Guerra de +Ceuta</i> (1916).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> <i>Não seja porem algum de tam simples conhecimento que presuma que este +é o teor propria</i>, &c. (cap. 95).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> But he can also be picturesque in expressing time (like Lopez, who for +‘early morning’ says, ‘at the time when people were coming from Mass’), +e.g. <i>Cr. D. Joam</i>, cap. 102 <i>ad fin.</i>: Ceuta had been captured so swiftly +that ‘many had left the corn of their fields stored in their granaries and +returned in time for the vintage’. The whole description of the expedition +against Ceuta and the attack and sack of the city are extremely clear.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Cf. Goes, <i>Cr. D. Manuel</i>: <i>escrevia com razoamentos prolixos e cheos de +metaforicas figuras que no estilo historico não tem lugar</i>; <i>Cr. do Princ. +D. Joam</i>, cap. 17: <i>com a superflua abundancia e copia de palavras poeticas +e metaforicas que usou em todalas cousas que screveo</i>. His style is less involved +than is often said. Some of his sentences may contain as many as 500 words +and yet be perfectly plain and straightforward, whereas Mallarmé could be +obscure in five words.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> Cf. cap. 2: <i>Oo tu principe pouco menos que devinal!</i> and <i>Tua gloria, teus +louvores, tua fama enchem assi as minhas orelhas e ocupam a minha vista que +nom sei a qual parte acuda primeiro.</i> This chronicle has the same plethora of +learned quotations. Chapter 1 quotes St. Thomas, Solomon, Tully, the Book +of Esther, and introduces Afonso V, King Duarte, the French duke Jean de +Lançon, the Cid, Nun’ Alvarez, Moses, Fabricius, Joshua, and King Ramiro.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> He re-wrote the <i>Cronica do Conde D. Pedro de Meneses</i> twice. João de +Barros, who was inclined to slight earlier and contemporary historians, +acknowledges his great debt to Zurara. Damião de Goes regards him less +favourably.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> November 22, 1467 (<i>Coll. Liv. Ined.</i> iii. 3-5). There is also an affectionate +letter from King Pedro of Aragon to Zurara, dated June 11, 1466, or 1460.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> Zurara, on the other hand, with feigned diffidence represents himself +as ‘a poor scholar’, ‘a man almost entirely ignorant and without any knowledge’, +and if he has any learning it is but the crumbs from King Afonso’s +table (<i>Cr. D. Pedro</i>, cap. 2). He can rise to real eloquence, as in the +beginning of cap. 25 of the <i>Cr. da Guiné</i>: <i>Oo tu cellestrial padre, que com +tua poderosa maão, sem movimento de tu devynal essencia, governas toda a infiinda +companhya da tua sancta cidade</i>, &c., or sober down into a Tacitean +phrase such as that of cap. 26, describing the fate of natives of Africa brought +to Portugal: <i>morriam, empero xraãos</i> (they died, but Christians). He has +a misleading trick of saying ‘The author says—<i>diz o autor</i>’, meaning himself.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> <i>Nunca me em ello quis leixar obrar segundo meu desejo</i> (<i>Cr. D. Pedro</i>, +cap. 1).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> His son Fernam de Pina became <i>Cronista Môr</i> in 1523. The immediate +successor of Zurara as <i>Cronista Môr</i> was <span class="smcap">Vasco Fernandez de Lucena</span>, +whose life must have coincided almost exactly with the sixteenth century. +He represented King Duarte at the Council of Basel in 1435, and according +to Barbosa Machado, who calls him <i>um dos varões mais famosos da sua idade +assim na profundidade da litteratura como na eloquencia da frase</i>, he was +still living in 1499. Unfortunately none of his works have survived. His +manuscript translation of Cicero’s <i>De Senectute</i> and other works were destroyed +in the Lisbon earthquake (1755).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> Much later, in the first third of the seventeenth century, <span class="smcap">Caspar Diaz +de Landim</span> wrote a <i>copiosa relação</i> from a point of view unfavourable to +D. Pedro and dedicated it to the Duke of Braganza: <i>O Infante D. Pedro, +Chronica Inedita</i>, 3 vols. (1893-4).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> <i>Tudo o contheudo no siguiente trautado eu o uy e ouuy</i> (1911 ed., p. 2).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> 1911 ed., p. 117: Ichoa (= Blind). The fact that no other name is given +shows that then as now Basques were known by their nicknames. The same +name figures in ‘Pierre Loti’s’ <i>Ramuntcho</i> (1897): Itchoua. In the sixteenth +century Martim Ichoa and João de Ychoa appear among the <i>moradores</i> of +King Manuel’s household (1518). The substantive <i>ichó</i> (= <i>armadilha</i>), derived +from <i>ostiolum</i>, is used by Diogo Fernandez Ferreira (<i>Arte da Caça</i>) and Garcia +de Resende (<i>Cron. João II</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> The extremely interesting list of his important library has been published +in <i>Provas Genealogicas</i>, i. 544, in the 1842 ed. of <i>Leal Conselheiro</i>, and edited +by Dr. T. Braga in <i>Historia da Univ. de Coimbra</i>, i. 209. It contained <i>O Acypreste +de Fysa</i> (= the Archpriest of Hita) and <i>O Amante</i>, i. e. the translation by +Robert Payne, Canon of Lisbon, of Gower’s <i>Confessio Amantis</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> p. 9, <i>Fiz tralladar em el alguus capitullos doutros livros</i>: the <i>Vita Christi</i>, +St. Thomas Aquinas, Diogo Afonso Mangancha on Prudence, Cicero, <i>De +Officiis</i>, St. Gregory.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> It contains papers written at various times (between 1428 and 1438). +The date 1435 occurs p. 474. Cf. p. 169, King João I (†1433), <i>cuja alma +Deos aja</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> His modern editor, José Ignacio Roquette (1801-70), comments (p. 37) +on the passage <i>he bem de lavrar e criarem</i> as a great grammatical <i>discordancia</i> +and <i>erro</i>, but it is by no means certain that King Duarte did not omit one +of the personal infinitives deliberately, for the sake of euphony, as the <i>-mente</i> +is omitted in the case of two or more adverbs.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> <i>Corregendo e acrecentando o que entendeo ser compridoiro acabou o liuro +adeante scripto.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> Damião de Goes (<i>Cr. do Pr. D. Joam</i>, cap. 88) says 1476. His father Diogo +Fernandez was <i>Reposteiro Môr</i> at the Court of King Duarte, and his +mother a half-sister of the Archbishop of Braga. One of his sons was the +famous and unfortunate Viceroy of India (1505-9), D. Francisco de Almeida.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> Seventy-four black-letter double column folios, unnumbered, of fifty lines +each. The colophon runs: <i>Acabouse do</i> [so] <i>emprimir este lyuro chamado +boosco delleytoso solitario p. Hermã de cãpos bombardeiro del Rey nosso Sẽhor +cõ graça & preuilegio de sua alteza em ha muy nobrem</i> [so] <i>& sempre leal çidad</i> +[so] <i>de lixboa cõ muy grande dilligencia. Ano da encarnaçã de nosso Saluador +& Redentor jhesu x̃po. De mil & quinientos & quinze a vinte quatro de +Mayo</i> (<i>Bib. Nacional de Lisboa</i>, Res. 176 <span class="allsmcap">A</span> [lacking f. 1]). Nicolás Antonio +thus refers to the work (<i>Bib. Nova</i>, ii. 402): <i>Anonymus, Lusitanus, scripsit +& nuncupavit Serenissimae Eleonorae Reginae Ioanis II Portugalliae Regis +Coniugi librum ita inscriptum. Bosco deleitoso. Olisipone 1515.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> He can do <i>ho que lhe praz</i>; at sunrise he goes up <i>alguũ outeiro de boo +& saaom aar</i> far from the <i>delleytaçoões do mundo</i>, <i>arroydo do segre</i> and <i>os +auollimentos & trasfegos das çidades</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> The <i>malauẽturado negociador que ̃qr seer rico tostemẽte</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> See <i>Grundriss</i>, p. 249, and <i>Divi Lavrentii Ivstiniani Protopatriarchae +Veneti opera Omnia</i> (Coloniae, 1616), pp. 728-70: <i>De Vita Solitaria</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Cf. 1910 ed., pp. 1, 4. The writer claims to be only a compiler: <i>começo +este livro nom como autor e achador das cousas em elle contheudas mas como +simprez aiuntador dellas em huũ vellume</i>. It has been attributed to the +Infante D. Pedro and to João I.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> e.g. p. 85: <i>Ca per entender entende o entendedor e per entender é entendido +o entendido e o entendedor entende que elle mesmo é Deos.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> The title is simply <i>Ho Flos Sctõrȝ em lingoajẽ ̃porgueˢ</i>. The colophon says +that it <i>se chama ystorea lombarda pero comuũmente se chama flos sanctorum</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> <i>Aqui se começa ha payxam do eterno Principe christo Jhesu nosso Senhor +& saluador segundo os sanctos quatro euangelistas.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> The only known copy exists in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. The +colophon (in Spanish) gives the alternative title (<i>das tres virtudes</i>). The +French original was also called <i>Trésor de la Cité des Dames</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, <i>Lições de Philologia Portuguesa</i>, p. 137.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="II_4">§ 4<br><span class="small"><i>The Cancioneiro Geral</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>The silence that falls on Portuguese poetry after the early +<i>Cancioneiros</i> lasts for over a century, scarcely interrupted by +the twilight murmurings of the later Galician poets, and is only +broken for us by the publication of the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> five +years before the death of King Manuel. The native <i>trovas</i> had +no doubt continued to be written by many poets in a country +where poetry is scarcely rarer than prose, far commoner than +good prose. But no one had cared to preserve them in a collection +corresponding to the <i>Cancionero de Baena</i> in Spain. When +Portuguese poetry again emerges into the clear light of day Spanish +influence is in full swing and behind it looms that of Italian poetry, +the natural continuation of one side of the <i>Cancioneiro da Vaticana</i>. +No Spanish poet now writes in Portuguese, many Portuguese +in Spanish. Popular poetry and royal troubadours have +alike disappeared, leaving a narrow circle of Court rhymesters. +It is to one of these that we owe the collection which embraces +the poetry of the day, from the middle of the fifteenth century +to the actual year of publication, 1516. Stout, good-natured +<span class="smcap">Garcia de Resende</span> (<i>c.</i> 1470-1536), a favourite alike with king +and courtiers, often the butt of the Court poets’ wit—he is +a tunny, a barrel, a wineskin, a melon in August—belonged to +an old family which in the sixteenth century distinguished itself +in literature. Born at Evora and brought up in the palace as +page and then as secretary of King João II, he had every opportunity +of observing the events which he so graphically describes +in his <i>Vida de Dom João II</i> (1545).<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> Talented and many-sided, +Resende continued in high favour during the succeeding reigns: +in 1498 as secretary he accompanied King Manuel to Castille +and Aragon, and in 1514 was chosen for the much coveted post<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</span> +of secretary to Tristão da Cunha’s mission to Rome with wonderful +presents for Pope Leo X. Resende not only drew and wrote +verses but was a musician and an accomplished singer: <i>de tudo +intende</i> laughed his friend Gil Vicente. Perhaps it only required +the stress of adversity to inspire to greatness this blunted, prosperous +courtier—<i>fidalgo da casa del Rei</i>. He was not a great +poet, although he excelled the Court poets of the fifteenth +century. As historian he has been unjustly condemned. If in his +Chronicle of João II he made use of Ruy de Pina’s manuscript +chronicle, first published in 1792, it must be remembered that +it was customary for the official historians to regard their predecessors +as existing mainly for purposes of plagiarism. Herculano +called Resende’s chronicle a poor bundle of anecdotes,<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> and no +doubt Resende was not a Herculano nor a Fernam Lopez but +a more limited Court chronicler. He is none the less delightful +because he deals not in tendencies and abstractions but in concrete +details and persons, Court persons. With an artist’s eye +for the picturesque he makes his readers see the event described, +and his chronicle is throughout singularly vivid and dramatic. +He is certainly an attractive writer, and perhaps he is also +instructive. The incident, for instance, of the Duke of Braganza +being kept waiting while a scaffold of the latest Paris pattern is +being erected for his execution (1483), which a grander historian +might have omitted, is possibly not without its significance and +shows <i>francesismo</i> in action four centuries before Eça de Queiroz. +Besides various minor works in prose Resende composed, not +without misgiving,<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> a long survey of the events of his day in some +300 <i>decimas</i>: <i>Miscellania e Variedade de Historias</i>, which throws +curious and valuable light on the times. His literary work was +prompted by a real desire to serve his country. His delicate +appreciation of the past appears in his remarkable and charming +verses on the death of Inés de Castro; and wishing in so far as +lay in his power to remedy the Portuguese neglect which had +allowed so many poems and records and <i>gentilezas</i> to perish, he +collected what he could of past and present poets and published<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</span> +them in one great volume which he dedicated to the Infante João: +<i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> (1516), often known as the <i>Cancioneiro de +Resende</i> to distinguish it from the Spanish <i>Cancionero General</i> +(1511). Resende wrote to the poets of his acquaintance requesting +them in verse to send him their poems, and they sent him answers, +also in verse, accompanying their poems.<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> The receipt of these +he would acknowledge as editor, promising, still in verse, to have +them printed. Politeness no doubt induced him to include more +than his judgement warranted, for his own poems are superior +to those of most of his contemporaries. A large number of the +<i>Cancioneiro’s</i> poems—some 1,000 poems by between 100 and 200 +poets—should scarcely have been included, for, however well +they might answer their purpose as occasional verse, they were +not intended as a possession for ever, and massed together produce +an effect of dull and endless triviality. These love poems +can indeed be as monotonous, the satiric poems as coarse, licentious, +and irreverent, as those of the <i>Cancioneiro da Vaticana</i>. +One of the poets, D. João Manuel, like King Alfonso X of old, +does beseech his colleagues to cease singing of Cupid and Macias +and turn to religious subjects. But it was not Garcia de Resende’s +purpose to include religious verse. Poems recording great deeds +and occasions he would gladly have printed in larger number, but, +as he (among others) complained in his preface, it was characteristic +of the Portuguese not to record their deeds in literary form. +Satiric verses he included in plenty, satire being one of the +recognized functions of the poet’s art: <i>per trouas sam castigados</i>.<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> +But if we turn to the poems of his collection we are amazed by +the pettiness of the subjects, and our amazement grows when +we remember that this was the period in the world’s whole +history most calculated to awe and inspire men’s minds with the +thought of vast new horizons. While Columbus was discovering +America, Bartholomeu Diaz rounding the Cape of Good Hope,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</span> +Vasco da Gama sailing to India, or Afonso de Albuquerque +making desperate appeals for men and money to enable him to +maintain his brilliant conquests, the Court poets were versifying +on an incorrectly addressed letter, a lock of hair, a dingy head-dress, +a very lean and aged mule, the sad fate of a lady marrying +away from the Court in Beira, a quarrel between a tenor and +soprano, a courtier’s velvet cap or hat of blue silk, a button +more or less on a coat, the length of spurs, fashions in sleeves: +themes, as José Agostinho de Macedo might say, ‘prodigiously +frivolous’. When news reached Lisbon of the tragic death of +D. Francisco de Almeida and of the defeat of Afonso de +Albuquerque<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> and the Marshal D. Fernando de Coutinho before +Calicut, with the death of the latter, Bras da Costa wrote to +Garcia de Resende that at this rate he would prefer to have no +pepper, and Resende answered that for his part he certainly had +no intention of embarking. But, as a rule, such events received +not even so trivial a comment, and no doubt the poets felt that +the verse which served to pass the time at the <i>serões</i> was inadequate +to any great occasion. But the <i>trovador segundo as +trovas de aquelle tempo</i><a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> had little idea of what subjects were +suitable or unsuitable to poetry. A typical instance of the +themes in which they delighted is an event which seems to have +produced a greater impression than the discovery of new worlds: +the return from Castille of a gentleman of the Portuguese Court +wearing a large velvet cap. For over 300 lines of verse this cap +is bandied to and fro by the witty poets. It must weigh four +hundredweight, says one. Another advises him to lock it up +<i>em arcaaz</i> until he can turn it into a doublet; another bids him +sell it in the Jews’ quarter. Small wonder, chimes in a fourth, +that no galleys come now with velvet from Venice.<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> ‘I would +not wear it at a <i>serão</i>, not for a million,’ says another. ‘A Samson +could not wear it all one summer,’ is the comment of a sixth. +Another remarks that he would rather read Lucan (or Lucian)<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</span> +(<i>antes leria por luçam</i>) in the heat of the day than wear it. +‘He will need a cart to bring it to the <i>serão</i>,’ says yet another. +The wit, it will be seen, is not brilliant, although it may have +effectively nipped this budding Castilian fashion and enlivened +an evening. But there were duller contests. For score on score of +pages the rival merits of sighing and of loving in silence are discussed +by poet after poet (<i>O Cuidar e Sospirar</i>). Such a subject +once started tended to accumulate verses like a snowball. But +the <i>Cancioneiro</i> also contains poems on serious topics, although +they are rarer, as well as delicate, airy nothings (<i>sutiles nadas</i>) +like Vimioso’s <i>vilancetes</i>.<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> There are two poems on the death of +King João II, there is Luis Anriquez’ lamentation on the death of +the Infante Afonso (1491), that of Luis de Azevedo on the death +of the Infante Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, at Alfarrobeira, and a +few poets, like Resende himself, stand out from the rest. Besides +the elaborate Spanish poem by that noble prince the Constable +D. Pedro we have several long poems dealing with high matters +of the soul or the State. The sixty-one interesting stanzas by +the querulous, satirical, intolerant <span class="smcap">Alvaro de Brito Pestana</span> +treat of the condition of the city of Lisbon and the decay of +morals. The correspondent of Gomez Manrique and contemporary +of his nephew Jorge, in the metre of whose famous <i>Coplas</i> +he wrote, he was present at the battle of Alfarrobeira. His +<i>trovas</i> on the death of Prince Afonso, with the recurrent <i>choremos +perda tamanha</i>, are wooden and artificial and his sixteen alliterative +verses scarcely belong to literature, but at least he chose +themes which were not concerned with passing Court fashions. +The few simple lines written as he lay dying show him at his +best.<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> His friend and distant relative <span class="smcap">Fernam da Silveira</span>, +<i>o Coudel Môr</i>, is concerned with more mundane matters. A man +of noble birth and high character, he was held in great honour +by Afonso V and João II. The latter, a keen judge of men, had +implicit confidence in the justice of this upright magistrate, who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</span> +was also a soldier, a poet, and a finished courtier. He deals with +affairs of State, writes an account in <i>trovas</i> of six syllables of +the <i>Cortes</i> held by the king at Montemôr in 1477 and a short +poem, on the appointment of various bishops in 1485. Or he sends +a poem to his nephew Garcia de Mello with detailed instructions +as to how he should dress and behave at Court. His <i>trovas</i> are +thoroughly Portuguese, vigorous, concise, and picturesque. He is +less at home in the <i>trovas de poesia</i> (i. e. <i>de arte mayor</i>) written on a +journey from Évora to Thomar, but he could skilfully turn a short +love poem, and for a wager of capons for Easter (with Álvaro de +Brito) wrote a stanza containing as many rhymes as it has words. +In fine he belonged to his age, but his poetry bears the impress of +his strong character and his love of Portuguese ways. On the +other hand, the younger brother of the Conde de Cantanhede, +<span class="smcap">D. João de Meneses</span> (†1514), wrote indifferently in Portuguese +or Spanish. He fought for many years in Africa, although his +slight love poems, fluent and harmonious, give no sign of a life +of action, and died in the expedition against Azamor.<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> Another +soldier, courtier, and poet marked out by birth and ability was +<span class="smcap">D. João Manuel</span> (<i>c.</i> 1460-99), son of the Bishop of Guarda. +Legitimized in 1475 and brought up at Court with the prince +Manuel, he continued to be a favourite after the latter’s accession, +became Lord High Chamberlain, and was sent to the Court of +Castille in 1499 to arrange the marriage of the king with the +daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. In Spanish octaves he had +written a lament on the death of Prince Afonso, which both in +feeling and technique excels the verses of Álvaro de Brito on the +same subject. Towards the end of his poem he introduces the +saying of St. Augustine that ‘our soul exists not where it lives +but where it loves’, which in the following century was quoted +by two writers so different as Ferreira de Vasconcellos and Frei +Heitor Pinto and soon became a commonplace. In other works +he shows a high seriousness, sometimes a sententious strain, +combined with a very real poetical talent. His death during his +mission to Castille was a loss for the Court and for Portuguese +poetry. By another writer, <span class="smcap">Fernam da Silveira</span> (†1489), we have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</span> +but a few poems, the principal of which is a lament for his own +death, in the metre of Manrique, which he places on the lips of +various ladies of the Court. His death was tragic, for, having +succeeded his father as secretary to King João II, he took part +in the ill-fated conspiracy of the Duke of Viseu. After lying +hidden in the house of a friend he fled in disguise to Castille and +thence to France, but, although he thus succeeded in prolonging +his life for five years, the king’s justice relentlessly pursued and +he was stabbed to death at Avignon. A favourite of João II, +especially before his accession, was <span class="smcap">Nuno Pereira</span> (fl. 1485), +<i>homem galante, cortesão e bom trovador</i>, who married the daughter +of the <i>Coudel Môr</i> and valiantly sustained the part of <i>Cuidar</i> +against his relative Jorge da Silveira’s <i>Sospirar</i> in the great +literary tournament of the courtiers. Later, after serving as +Governor (<i>Alcaide</i>) of the town of Portel, he retired to live in +the country, and presents a happy picture of himself in the midst +of harvesters and pruners. He finds, he says, more pleasure +in his vines, in the chase, in digging and watering his garden, +than in being a favourite at Court. He had not always thought +thus, for when the lady he was courting married a rival he could +devise no worse fate for her than to bid her go and die among +the chestnut groves of Beira. He had, indeed, made a name for +himself by his courtly satire, which he turned to good use in +ridiculing those who came back from Castille with a supercilious +disdain for everything Portuguese. It is pleasant to find him +bidding them not speak their ‘insipid Castilian’ in his presence. +<span class="smcap">Diogo Brandam</span> (†1530) of Oporto wrote an elaborate poem in +octaves on the death of King João II. He also used the octosyllabic +metre with breaks of single lines (<i>quebrados</i>) of four +syllables, so familiar in Gil Vicente’s plays, and in his <i>Fingimento +de Amores</i> (27 verses of 8 octosyllabic lines), under Spanish-Italian +influence, he touches a richer, more generous vein of +poetry: the poet-lover descends into the region of Proserpine, +the dominion of Pluto, and sees the torments of Love’s followers. +His <i>vilancete</i> to the Virgin is in the same metre with the difference +that the verses have seven lines only (<i>abbaacc</i>). The spirit of +Jorge de Manrique is absent from the stanzas written in the metre +of his <i>Coplas</i> by <span class="smcap">Luis Anriquez</span> on the fatal accident which ended<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</span> +the life of Prince Afonso in his teens. His lamentation on the +death of King João II is written in octaves, as that of Diogo +Brandam, which they resemble. Both poets invoke Death: +<i>Ó morte que matas quem é prosperado</i> (Brandam); <i>Ó morte que +matas sem tempo e sazam</i> (Anriquez). Other historical poems +by Anriquez in the same metre are the verses written on the +occasion of the transference of the remains of João II and thirty-five +stanzas addressed to James, Duke of Braganza, when he +left Lisbon with his fleet to attack Azamor in 1513. If we turn +from these somewhat heavy pieces to Anriquez’ other poems +we find a hymn in praise of the Virgin, written more in the +manner of Alfonso X, and various love <i>cantigas</i>. The nephew +of D. João de Meneses, Joam rroiz de saa, that is, <span class="smcap">Joam +Rodriguez de Sá e Meneses</span> (1465?-1576), studied in Italy +as a disciple of Angelo Poliziano (†1594) and died a centenarian. +He wrote a poem in <i>decimas</i> describing the arms of +the noble families of Portugal, and translated into <i>trovas</i> three +long letters from the Latin which by their spirit of <i>saudade</i> +appealed to Portuguese taste: Penelope to Ulysses, Laodamia +to Protesilaus, and Dido to Aeneas. He was also versed in the +Greek language, and for his noble character and courtly ways +as well as for his learning and poetical talent was venerated by +the younger generation into which he lived: Antonio Ferreira +salutes him as the ‘ancient sire of the muses of this land’. +The ‘most discreet’ <span class="smcap">D. Francisco de Portugal</span>, first Conde +de Vimioso (†1549), although he did not live to be a centenarian, +also survived most of the poets of João II’s reign and died towards +the end of that of João III. Son of the Bishop of Evora and great-grandson +of the first Duke of Braganza, he was created a count +by King Manuel in 1515, and was equally renowned as soldier, +statesman, courtier, and poet, ‘wise and prudent in peace and +war’. His <i>Sentenças</i> (1605), over one hundred of which are rhymed +quatrains, were published by his grandson D. Anrique de Portugal. +Some of these moral sayings have considerable subtlety, +and they reveal a fine character and insight into the character +of others.<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> Most of his poems, in Spanish and Portuguese,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</span> +preserved in the <i>Cancioneiro</i> are brief <i>cantigas</i> which prove him +to have been a skillful versifier and a typical Court poet. On the +other hand, a feeling for Nature, a constant command of metre, +and a certain passionate sadness mark out an earlier poet, +<span class="smcap">Duarte de Brito</span> (fl. 1490), the friend of D. João de Meneses, +from most of the other writers in Resende’s song-book. The +<i>redondilha</i> in his hands is no wooden toy but a living, moving +instrument. His most celebrated poem, <i>em que conta o que a ele +& a outro lhaconteçeo com huũ rrousinol & muitas outras cousas +que vio</i>, is written after the fashion of Diogo Brandam’s <i>Fingimento +de Amores</i> and Garci Sanchez de Badajoz’ <i>Infierno de +Amor</i>, in imitation of the Marqués de Santillana’s <i>El Infierno +de los Enamorados</i>; but there is real feeling in these eighty verses +of eleven lines (of which the eighth and eleventh are of four, the +rest of eight syllables). The Italian influence, working through +Spanish, was already present in Portuguese poetry in the fifteenth +century, although Brito writes exclusively in <i>redondilhas</i>, as +indeed does the introducer of the new style, Sá de Miranda, in +the few and short poems which he contributed to the <i>Cancioneiro</i> +immediately before its publication. Duarte de Brito did +not condescend to those artificial devices which give us in this +<i>Cancioneiro</i> a poem of sixty lines all ending in <i>dos</i>, alliterative +stanzas, and other verbal tricks. The real business of the <i>serões</i>, +so far as poetry was concerned, was <i>ouvir e glosar motes</i>. These +<i>glosas</i> and the similar <i>cantigas</i> and <i>esparsas</i>, short poems of fixed +form, often written with skill and spontaneous charm, were merely +one of the necessary accomplishments of a courtier. Such a view +of poetry could scarcely give rise to great poets, and these versifiers +indeed styled themselves <i>trovadores</i>, reserving the name of +poet for those who wrote, often but clumsily, in <i>versos de arte +mayor, de muita poesia</i>. But, worse still, the poets of the <i>Cancioneiro</i> +were often scarcely Portuguese.<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> Many wrote in Spanish, +and Spanish influence is to be found at every turn: that of Juan +de Mena, Gomez and Jorge Manrique, Rodriguez de la Cámara, +Macias, Santillana. Unlike Macias, who is but a name, Santillana<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</span> +is not mentioned, but his influence is constantly felt. On the +other hand, King Dinis, unexpectedly introduced once as a poet +by Pedro Homem (fl. 1490)—<i>invoco el rei dom Denis Da licença +Daretusa</i>—is nowhere imitated. By method, subject, and foreign +imitation, this Court poetry was thus inevitably artificial and +uninspired. Perhaps in the whole <i>Cancioneiro</i> the only poem +marked by authentic fire is that of the obscure <span class="smcap">Francisco de +Sousa</span>—the few lines beginning <i>Ó montes erguidos, Deixai-vos cair</i>. +The contributions of Sá de Miranda, as those of three other famous +poets, give no sign of the coming greatness of the contributor. +The names of the other three are Bernardim Ribeiro, Cristovam +Falcão, and the prince of all these poets, here the humblest of +Cinderellas, Gil Vicente.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> <i>Historiadores Portugueses</i> in <i>Opusculos</i> (1907), ii. 27. The author of the +<i>Theatrum</i> has a similar verdict: <i>Scripsit Chronicam Ioannis II ut quidem +potuit sed longe impar regis et rerum magnitudinis.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> <i>Sem letras e sem saber</i>, he says modestly, <i>me fui nisto meter.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> The book has as many titles as editions, that of 1545 being <i>Lyuro das +Obras de Garcia de Resẽde que trata da vida e grãdissimas virtudes</i>, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Or he would seek to obtain them through a friend as in the case of <i>o Cancioneiro +do abade frei Martinho</i> of Alcobaça. It is improbable that Resende, +who valued friendship above good poetry, altered the manuscripts he received, +in spite of Francisco de Sousa’s permission: <i>as quaes podeys enmendar</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> <i>Prologo.</i> ‘Had you forgotten that <i>trovas</i> are still written in Portugal?’ +asks Nuno Pereira of one of his victims; and of a dress it is said that it +would be <i>certo de leuar Trouas de riso e mote</i>. Cf. the phrase <i>dar causa a +trovadores</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> Or Albuquerque would be mentioned in a game of <i>Porque’s</i> (why’s) +common among the <i>praguentos da India</i>: <i>Porque Afonso d’Albuquerque +Dá pareas a el rey de Fez?</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Zurara, <i>Cr. de D. Joam</i>, cap. 29.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> The <i>Cancioneiro</i> contains many references to Venice. The <i>pimenta de +Veneza</i> mentioned in one of the poems must have sounded strange to Portuguese +readers in 1516.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> e. g. <i>Meu bem, sem vos ver Se vivo um dia, Viver nam queria. Caland’ +e sofrendo Meu mal sem medida, Mil mortes na vida Sinto nam vos vendo, +E pois que vivendo Moiro toda via, Viver nam queria.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> <i>La t’arreda Satanas, Cristo Jesu a ti chamo, A ti amo, Tu Senhor me +salvarás. O sinal da cruz espante Minha torpe tentaçam, Com devaçam +Espero dir adiante.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> One of his poems has the heading: <i>Outro vilançete seu estãdo em Azamor +antes ̃q se fynasse</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> e.g. <i>A culpa de quem se ama doe mais & perdoase mais asinha, Nam pede +louvor quem o merece, Da fee nace a rezam da fee</i>, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos goes so far as to call the Portuguese +<i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> a mere supplement or second part of the Spanish +<i>Cancionero General</i> (<i>Estudos sobre o Romanceiro</i>, p. 303).</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="III">III<br><span class="small">The Sixteenth Century [1502-80]</span></h2></div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="III_1">§ 1<br><span class="small"><i>Gil Vicente</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>In Portugal a splendid dawn ushered in the sixteenth century. +The discovery of the sea route to India, while it gave an impulse +to science and literature, also increased religious fervour, since +the Portuguese who contended against the Moors in India were +but carrying on the work of their ancestors five centuries earlier +in Portugal. Old-fashioned Portugal thus only gradually welcomed +the Renaissance and stood firm against the Reformation. +But in the reign of João III (1521-57) the University of Coimbra +came to be one of the best-known universities in Europe. André de +Gouvêa (†1548), whom Montaigne called ‘sans comparaison le +plus grand principal de France’,<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> and Diogo de Teive returned +from the Collège de Sainte-Barbe to inaugurate its studies, and +many of its chairs were offered to distinguished Portuguese and +foreign scholars, such as Ayres Barbosa (†1540) and George +Buchanan (1506-82), as well as to Portuguese humanists such as +Antonio de Gouvêa and Achilles Estaço (†1581). Nicholas +Cleynarts or Nicolaus Clenardus (1493 or 1494-1542), Professor +of Greek and Hebrew at Louvain, came to Portugal from +Salamanca as tutor to the Infante Henrique in 1533, and from +Portugal wrote some of his wittiest letters.<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> He found Coimbra +a second Athens, and few great Portuguese writers of the century +had not spent some years there or at the University before it was +transferred to Coimbra from Lisbon in 1537. King João III and +especially his son, the young prince João (1537-54), Cardinal +Henrique (1512-80), and the many-sided Infante Luis (1506-55), +<i>favorecedor de toda habilidad</i>, himself a poet of no mean order<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</span><a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> +and pupil of Pedro Nunez, eagerly patronized letters; the household +of the accomplished Infanta Maria (1521-77) became the +‘home of the Muses’<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>; learned Luisa Sigea (†1560), of French +origin, but born at Toledo and brought up in Portugal, wrote +a Latin poem in praise of <i>Syntra</i>; her sister Angela, Joana Vaz, +and Publia Hortensia de Castro were likewise noted for their +learning, and D. Lianor de Noronha (1488-1563), daughter +of Fernando, Marques de Villareal, did good service to +Portuguese prose by her encouragement of translations. But +Portuguese literature lost something by its latinization, and +it is pleasant to turn back half a century to a time when it was +humbler and more national. The ‘very prosperous’ Manuel I, +Lord of the Ocean,<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> Lord of the East,<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> had been seven years king, +Vasco da Gama had returned triumphantly from Calicut (1497-9), +Cabral had discovered Brazil for Portugal (1500), Afonso de +Albuquerque (†1515) stood on the threshold of his career of +conquests and glory, the Portuguese Empire was advancing +from North Africa to China,<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> the gold and spices were beginning +to arrive in plenty from the East, and hope of honour and riches +was drawing nobleman and peasant to Lisbon, when <span class="smcap">Gil +Vicente</span> (<i>c.</i> 1465-1536?) introduced the drama into his</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent16">dear, dear land,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Dear for its reputation through the world.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Dressed as a herdsman on the night of June 7, 1502, he congratulated +the queen on the birth of the Infante, later King +João III (born during the night of June 6), in a Spanish monologue +of 114 lines. This speech gives promise of two qualities +apparent in his later work: extreme naturalness (the embarrassed +peasant wonders open-mouthed at the grand palace and his +thoughts turn at once to his village) and love of Nature (mountain +and meadow are aflower for joy of the new prince born). But,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</span> +it may reasonably be asked, where is the drama? It consists +principally in the <i>vaqueiro</i>, who is restless as one of the wicked +in a Basque <i>pastorale</i>. He rushes into the queen’s chamber, +has a look at its luxuries, turns to address the queen, declares +that he is in a hurry and must be going, leaps in gladness, and +finally introduces some thirty courtiers in herdsman’s dress who +offer gifts of milk, eggs, cheese, and honey. There is little in this +simple piece—the <i>Visitaçam</i>, or <i>Monologo do Vaqueiro</i>—to foreshadow +the sovereign genius,<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> the Plautus, the Shakespeare<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> of +Portugal that was Gil Vicente. His life is wrapped in obscurity, +and the known existence of half a dozen contemporary Gil Vicentes +makes research a risky operation. There was a page +(1475) and an <i>escudeiro</i> (1482) of King João II, an official at +Santarem, a Santarem carpenter (†1500), there was a Gil Vicente +in India in 1512,<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> and a Gil Vicente goldsmith at Lisbon. We +know that the poet spoke of himself as near death (<i>visinho da +morte</i>) in 1531, although apparently in good health. This would +seem to place his birth a few years before 1470.<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> Unfortunately +the <i>Auto da Festa</i>, in which he says that he is over sixty, is +undated. As, however, it was written before the <i>Templo de +Apolo</i> (1526) we may place it probably about 1525. We are +thus brought back to about the same date (<i>c.</i> 1465). Almost certainly +he was not of exalted parentage.<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> Indeed, he would appear +to have been slighted for his humble birth, and sarcastically spoke<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</span> +of himself as the son of a pack-saddler and born at Pederneira +(Estremadura).<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> He may have been the son of Luis Vicente or +of Martim Vicente, ‘said to have been a silversmith of Guimarães’ +(Minho).<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> The frequent mention of the province of Beira is, +however, noticeable in his plays. If it were only that his peasants +use words such as <i>nega</i>, <i>nego</i>, which according to the grammarian +Fernam d’Oliveira were peculiar to Beira (in 1536),<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> it might pass +for a dramatic device, since Oliveira remarks that old-fashioned +words will not be out of place if we assign them to an old man of +Beira or a peasant.<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> Indeed, the grammarian seems to have had +Gil Vicente especially in view (he mentions him in another connexion) +since three of the six words that he notes—<i>abem</i>, <i>acajuso</i>, +<i>algorrem</i>—occur in three successive lines of the <i>Barca do Purgatorio</i>, +and another, <i>samicas</i>, is as great a favourite with Vicente +as at first was <i>soncas</i>,<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> derived from Enzina. But it is impossible +to explain all the references to Beira by the supposition that <i>beirão</i> +is equivalent to rustic and Beira to Boeotia, for Beira and the +Serra da Estrella intrude constantly and indeed pervade his work. +He shows personal knowledge of the country between Manteigas +and Fundão, and we may suspect that it was in order to connect +‘Portuguese Fame desired of all nations’ with Beira ‘our +province’ rather than with rusticity that he makes her keep +ducks as a <i>mocinha da Beira</i>. We do not know when Vicente +came to Lisbon, nor whether, as José de Cabedo de Vasconcellos, +another (17th c.) genealogist, would have us believe, he became<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</span> +the tutor (<i>mestre de rhetorica</i>) of King Manuel, then Duke of +Beja. Of his life at Lisbon our information is almost as +meagre. We know, of course, that he accompanied the Court +to Evora, Coimbra, Thomar, Almeirim, and other towns to +set up and act in his plays, that besides acting in his plays +he wrote songs for them and music for the songs. We know +that he received considerable gifts in money and in kind +both from King Manuel and from João III, in whose reign +he complains of being penniless and neglected. Some hold that +he married his first wife, Branca Bezerra, in 1512, that he owned +the <i>Quinta do Mosteiro</i> near Torres Vedras (a supposition no +longer tenable), that the name of his second wife was Melicia +Rodriguez, but we have no certainty as to this, nor as to the +number of his children. The accomplished Paula became musician +and lady-in-waiting to the Infanta Maria before the death of her +father, whom she helped—runs the legend—in the composition +of his plays,<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> as she helped her brother Luis in editing them in +1562. From a document concerning another brother, Belchior, +we know that Gil Vicente (<i>seu pae que Deus haja</i>) died before +April 16, 1540. There is some reason to believe that he died in +the year of his last play (1536) or early in 1537. From his assertion +that the mere collection of his works was a great burden to +his old age<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> we might judge him to have been very old, but he +may have been worn out with labour in many fields and his health +had not always been good. He suffered from fever and plague, +which brought him to death’s door in 1525, and he had grown +stout with advancing age. An incident at Santarem on the +occasion of the great earthquake of 1531, so vividly described by +Garcia de Resende, shows him in a very attractive light, for +by his personal prestige and eloquent words he succeeded in restraining +the monks and quieting the half-maddened populace, +and thus saved the ‘new Christians’ from ill-treatment or +massacre.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</span></p> + +<p>We know a little more about him if we identify him with +Gil Vicente, the goldsmith of Queen Lianor (1458-1525), sister +of King Manuel and widow of King João II, whose most famous +work is the beautiful Belem monstrance, wrought of the first +tribute of gold from the East (from Quiloa or Kilwa).<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> The +probabilities in favour of identity are so convincing that we are +bound to assume it unless an insuperable obstacle presents itself. +Our faith in manuscript documents and genealogies is not increased +by the fact that one investigator, the Visconde Sanches +de Baena (1822-1909), emerges with the triumphant conclusion +that the two Gil Vicentes were uncle and nephew, while another, +Dr. Theophilo Braga, declares that they are cousins. Perhaps +we may be permitted to believe in neither and to restore Gil +Vicente to himself. For indeed this was a singular instance of +cousinly love. The goldsmith wrote verses; the poet takes +a remarkable interest in the goldsmith’s art.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> The goldsmith +is appointed inspector (<i>vedor</i>) of all works in gold and silver at +the convent of Thomar, the Lisbon Hospital of All Saints, and +Belem. The poet is particularly fond of referring to Thomar,<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> +and in its convent in 1523 staged his <i>Farsa de Inés Pereira</i> (who +lived at Thomar with her first husband), while at the Hospital of +All Saints was played the <i>Barca do Purgatorio</i> in 1518. The goldsmith +was in the service of the widow of João II, Queen Lianor, +who mentions two of his chalices in her will; the poet at the +request of the same Queen Lianor wrote verses, probably in 1509, +in a poetical contest about a gold chain and was encouraged by +her to write his early plays.<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> The goldsmith was <i>Mestre da<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</span> +Balança</i> from 1513 to 1517; the poet goes out of his way +to refer to <i>os da Moeda</i>, familiarly but not as one of them, in +1521. He henceforth devoted himself more ardently to the +literary side of his genius, speaks of himself as Gil Vicente who +writes <i>autos</i> for the king, and with an occasional sigh<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> that +he can no longer afford to stage his plays as splendidly as of old +(in King Manuel’s reign) produces them with increasing frequency. +‘Had Gil Vicente been a goldsmith and a goldsmith of such skill,’ +said the late Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo (1856-1912), ‘it +would have been impossible for him to leave no trace of it in his +dramatic works and for all the contemporary writers who speak +of him to have kept complete silence as to his artistic talent.’<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> +But his work is essentially that of an artist (Menéndez y Pelayo +himself well calls him an <i>alma de artista</i>)<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>: involuntarily one +likens his sketches to some rough terra-cotta figure of Tanagra +or sculpture in early Gothic, and his lyrics are clear-cut gems, +a thing very rare in Portuguese literature. Intensely Portuguese +in his lyrism and his satire, he is almost un-Portuguese in the +extreme plasticity of his genius. Concrete, definite images +spring from his brain in contrast to the vaguer effusions of most +Portuguese poets. And if Queen Lianor’s goldsmith, like the +troubadour <i>ourives</i> Elias Cairel, or, to come to the fifteenth century, +like Diogo Fernandez and Afonso Valente of the <i>Cancioneiro de +Resende</i>,<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> set himself to write verses, this would call for no comment. +Every one wrote verses. Had a celebrated poet—say the +Gil Vicente of 1520—wrought the <i>custodia</i> his contemporaries +might have recorded the fact, but Gil Vicente was not a famous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</span> +poet when the <i>custodia</i> was begun in 1503. Stress was therefore +naturally laid on the plays of Gil Vicente the goldsmith, not on +the art of Gil Vicente the poet. The historian Barros refers in +1540 to Gil Vicente <i>comico</i>,<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> and since 1517 he had certainly been +more <i>comico</i> than <i>ourives</i>. But the <i>comico</i> who was dramatist +and lyric poet, musician, actor, preacher in prose and verse, +may also have been a goldsmith. His versatility was that of +Damião de Goes a little later or of his own contemporary Garcia de +Resende, with genius added. The fact that the official document +in which <i>Gil Vicente lavrador da Rainha Lianor</i> is appointed to +his post in the Lisbon <i>Casa da Moeda</i> (Feb. 4, 1513<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>) has above +it a contemporary note <i>Gil Vᵗᵉ trouador mestre da balãça</i> should +in itself be conclusive evidence that the poet was the goldsmith +of the queen. This modest but intimate position at Court +accords well with what we know of the poet and with the production +of his plays. The offerings at the end of the <i>Visitaçam</i> seem +to have suggested to Queen Lianor the idea of its repetition on +Christmas morning, but Gil Vicente, considering its matter inappropriate, +wrote a new play with parts for six shepherds. This +<i>Auto Pastoril Castelhano</i> is four times as long as the <i>Visitaçam</i>. +The shepherds pass the time in dance and song, games, riddles, +and various conversation (the dowry of the bride of one of them +is catalogued in the manner of Enzina<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> and the Archpriest of +Hita). To them the Angels announce the birth of the Redeemer, +and they go to sing and dance before <i>aquel garzon</i>. The principal +part, that of the mystic shepherd Gil Terron, ‘inclined to the life +contemplative’, well read (<i>letrudo</i>) in the Bible, with some +knowledge of metaphysics and perhaps of the <i>Corte Imperial</i>, +devoted to Nature and the <i>sierras benditas</i>, was evidently played +by Gil Vicente himself. A fortnight later, for the Day of Kings, +he had ready the <i>Auto dos Reis Magos</i> (1503), again at the request +of Queen Lianor, who had ‘been very pleased’ with what +Vicente himself called a <i>pobre cousa</i>. This brief interval of time +limited the length of the new play. Its action is as slight. A +shepherd enters who has lost his way to Bethlehem. He meets<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</span> +another shepherd and then a hermit, whom they ply with irreverent +problems. To them enters a knight of Araby, and finally +the three kings, singing a <i>vilancete</i>. The <i>Auto da Sibila Cassandra</i> +has been assigned to the same year, but is probably a later +play (1513?). Nearly twice as long as the <i>Auto Pastoril Castelhano</i>, +it combines the ordinary scenic display—<i>todo o apparato</i>—of +a Christmas <i>representação</i> with a presentment of the early +prophecies now to be fulfilled, and introduces Solomon, Isaiah, +Abraham, and Moses, who describes the creation of the world. +The play includes a profane theme, since Cassandra in her mystic +aversion from marriage realistically portrays the sad life of +married women in Portugal. Although Cassandra appears as +a shepherdess and her aunt Peresica as a peasant, they speak +a purer, more flowing Castilian than the <i>toscos, rusticos pastores</i> +of the preceding <i>autos</i>, and the play is remarkable for the beauty +of its lyrics—<i>Dicen que me case yo</i>, <i>Sañosa está la niña</i>, <i>Muy +graciosa es la doncella</i>, and <i>A la guerra</i>. For the Corpus Christi +procession of 1504 was provided, at short notice from Queen +Lianor, the <i>Auto de S. Martinho</i>. The subject of this piece, merely +ten dodecasyllabic <i>oitavas</i> followed by a solemn <i>prosa</i>, is that +of El Greco’s marvellous picture—St. Martin dividing his cloak +with a beggar, whom Vicente treats with characteristic sympathy +and insight:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">¿Criante rocío, qué te hice yo<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que las hiervecitas floreces por Mayo</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Y sobre mis carnes no echas un sayo?</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The <i>Auto dos Quatro Tempos</i>, of uncertain date, acted before the +Court in the Lisbon palace of Alcaçova on Christmas morning +in or after 1511, opens with a mystic ode on the Nativity and +a <i>vilancete</i> (<i>A ti dino de adorar</i>) and proceeds rapidly with +snatches of song in a splendid rivalry between the four seasons. +The praises of Spring are sung with a delightful freshness, as +are Winter’s rages, while Summer in a straw hat appears sallow +and fever-stricken. Jupiter comes with countless classical allusions +and David with much Latin, and they all worship together<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</span> +the new-born King. Very different is the <i>Auto da Alma</i>, written +for Queen Lianor and acted in King Manuel’s Lisbon palace +of Ribeira on the night of Good Friday, 1518 (Snr. Braamcamp +Freire’s plausible suggestion in place of the commonly +accepted 1508). It represents the eternal strife between the soul +and sin. The soul, slowly journeying in the company of its +guardian angel, is alternately tempted by Satan with the delights +of the world, with fine dresses and jewels, and exhorted by the +Angel, till it arrives at the Church, the Innkeeper of Souls, and +confesses its guilt, imploring protection (<i>Ach neige, du schmerzenreiche!</i>). +Then, while Satan in a restless fury of disappointment +makes a last effort to secure his victim, the ransomed soul +is fortified with celestial fare served by St. Augustine and other +<i>doutores</i>. The whole theme, to which the language rises fully +adequate, is treated with great delicacy and with a mystic +fervour.</p> + +<p>In 1505 King Manuel and his Court in his Lisbon palace had +witnessed the first of those <i>farsas</i> in which Gil Vicente has +sketched for all time Portuguese life in the first third of the +sixteenth century. It rapidly became popular and went from +hand to hand as a <i>folha volante</i>, receiving from the people the +name of <i>Quem tem farelos?</i> i.e. the first three words of the play. +The plots of the twelve <i>farsas</i> written from 1505 to 1531 are so +slight that only one calls for detailed notice, the <i>Farsa de Inés +Pereira</i><a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> (1523), which in its carefully defined characters and +developed story more closely resembles a modern comedy. It +tells how the hapless Inés, having rejected a plain suitor for +a more romantic lover, a poor but deceptive <i>escudeiro</i> presented +to her by two Jewish marriage agents, learns by bitter experience +the truth of the old proverb that ‘an ass that carries me is better +than a horse that throws me’. But the types and persons in +all these farces are etched with so much realism and humour that +they bite into the memory and rank with the living malicious +sketches of <i>Lazarillo de Tormes</i>. Who can forget the famished +escudeiro Aires Rosado with his book of songs (<i>cancioneiro</i>) and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</span> +guitar, continuing to sing beneath the window of his love while +the curses of her mother fall thick as snowflakes on his head,<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> +or the lady of his affections, vain and idle Isabel, or his servant +(<i>moço</i>) Apariço who draws so cruel a picture of his master, or +that other penniless <i>escudeiro</i> who considers himself ‘the very +palace’ and calls up his <i>moço</i> Fernando at midnight to light +the lamp and hold the inkstand while he writes down his latest +verses?<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Equally well sketched is the splendid poverty-plagued +<i>fidalgo</i> who walks abroad accompanied by six pages, but cannot +pay his chaplain or his goldsmith; his ill-used, servile, +ambitious chaplain<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>; the witch Genebra Pereira mixing the +hanged man’s ear, the heart of a black cat, and other grim +ingredients: <i>Alguidar, alguidar, que feito foste ao luar</i><a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>; the +household of the Jewish tailor who delights in songs of battles-at-a-distance +and is filled with pride when the <i>Regedor</i> salutes +him in the street<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>; M. Diafoirus’ lineal ancestors Mestres Anrique, +Felipe, Fernando, and Torres<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a>; the sporting priest<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>; + the unfaithful +wife of the Portuguese who has embarked for India with +Tristão da Cunha; the vainglorious, grandiloquent Spaniard who +takes the opportunity to pay his court to her.<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> They are all +drawn from life with a master hand, even the more insignificant +figures, the girl keeping ducks, the <i>moços</i>, the gipsy horse-dealers,<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> +the old man amorous,<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> the carriers faring leisurely along with +their mules, the braggart who disables six of his fourteen imaginary +opponents, the Frenchman and Italian with their stock phrases +<i>Par ma foi</i>, <i>la belle France</i>, <i>tutti quanti</i>,<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> + the wily and impudent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</span> +negro, the poor <i>ratinho</i><a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> Gonçalo, who loses his hare and capons +and his clothes as well, the page of peasant birth ambitious to +become a <i>cavaleiro fidalgo</i>, the roguish and pretentious palace +pages. Side by side with these farces Vicente continued to +write religious <i>autos</i> as well as comedies and tragicomedies. +The difference between these various pieces is less of kind than +of the occasion on which they were produced, the <i>obras de devação</i> +on Christmas morning or other solemn day,<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> the <i>farsas de +folgar, comedias</i>, &c., at the evening parties—those famous +<i>serões</i> of King Manuel’s reign to which the courtiers thronged at +dusk, and which Sá de Miranda remembered with regret.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> All +provide us with realistic sketches since the background is filled +with the common people, the real hero of Gil Vicente’s plays as it +is of Fernam Lopez’ chronicles. Thus the <i>Auto da Mofina Mendes</i> +(Christmas, 1534), besides its heavenly <i>gloria</i> with the Virgin, +Gabriel, Prudence, Poverty, Humility, and Faith, has a very +life-like peasant scene in which Mofina Mendes, personifying +Misfortune, represents a Portuguese version of <i>Pierrette et son pot +au lait</i>. The <i>Auto Pastoril Portugues</i> (Christmas, 1523) is +a similar scene of peasant life, relating the cross-currents of +the shepherds’ loves and the finding of an image of the Virgin +on the hills. The <i>Auto da Feira</i>, acted before King João at Lisbon +in 1527, is a more elaborate Christmas play. Mercury, Time, +Rome, and the Devil attend a fair, and this furnishes opportunity +for a vigorous attack upon the Church of Rome, with her indulgences +for others and her self-indulgence, who has not the kings +of the Earth but herself to blame if she is rushing on ruin, ruin +that will be inevitable unless she mends her ways. But +to the fair also come the peasants Denis and Amancio, as dissatisfied +with their wives as their wives are dissatisfied with them +(their conversation is most voluble and natural), and market-girls, +basket on head, come down singing from the hills. Another<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</span> +Christmas play, the <i>Auto da Fé</i>, was acted in the royal chapel at +Almeirim in 1510, and consists of a simple conversation between +Faith and two shepherds. The <i>Breve Summario da Historia +de Deos</i><a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> (1527) and the <i>Auto da Cananea</i> (written for the +Abbess of Odivellas in 1534) are both based on the Bible; +the former, which contains the <i>vilancete</i> sung by Abel (<i>Adorae +montanhas</i>), outlines the story of the Fall, of Job, and of the +New Testament to the Crucifixion, sometimes in passages of +great beauty. The latter develops the episode of the woman +of Canaan (Matt. xv. 21-8). The great trilogy of <i>Barcas</i>, +which ranks among Vicente’s most important works, is of earlier +date. The first part, <i>Auto da Barca do Inferno</i>, was acted +before Queen Maria <i>pera consolação</i> as she lay on her death-bed +in 1517, the second, <i>Auto da Barca do Purgatorio</i>, at Christmas of +the following year in Lisbon, and the <i>Auto da Barca da Gloria</i> +at Almeirim in 1519. The plot, again, is of the simplest: the +Devil, combining the parts of Charon and Rhadamanthus, ferry-man +and judge, invites Death’s victims to show cause why they +should not enter his boat; and the interest is in the light thus +thrown upon the earthly behaviour of nobleman, judge, advocate, +usurer, fool, love-lorn friar, the cheating market-woman, the +cobbler who throve by deceiving the people, the peasant who +skimped his tithes, the little shepherdess who had seen God +‘often and often’, of Count, King,<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> and Emperor, Bishop, +Cardinal, and Pope. The first part ends with a noble invocation +to the knights who had died fighting in Africa, and the +second begins with the mystic jewelled <i>romance</i>: <i>Remando vam +remadores</i>.</p> + +<p>The comedies and tragicomedies vary greatly. The <i>Comedia +de Rubena</i> (1521) is, like <i>A Winter’s Tale</i>, quite without unity of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</span> +time or place (for this primitive humanist, although he might +mention Plato, did not ‘reverence the Stagirite’), but is divided +into three acts (called scenes) as in a modern play. Cismena, like +Perdita born in the first scene, is conveyed by fairies to Crete, +where she is wooed and won by the Prince of Syria. The <i>Comedia +do Viuvo</i> (1514) is much more compact and has a delicate charm. +Don Rosvel, a prince in disguise, serves in the house of a widower +at Burgos for love of his daughters. (He is in love with both, but +his brother in search of him arrives and marries the second.) +On the other hand, the <i>Comedia sobre a divisa da cidade de Coimbra</i>, +acted before King João III in his ever-loyal city of Coimbra in +1527, is a lengthy, far-fetched explanation of the city’s arms, +and the <i>Floresta de Enganos</i> (played before the king at Evora in +1536) is a succession of scenes of pure farce—the deceit practised +upon a merchant, the ludicrous predicament to which love +reduced the grave old judge who had taken his degree in +Paris—with a more serious theme, a Portuguese version of the +story of Psyche and Eros. Of the ‘tragicomedies’ two, <i>Dom +Duardos</i> (1525?) and <i>Amadis de Gaula</i> (1533), dramatize +romances of chivalry: <i>Primaleon</i>, that ‘<i>dulce & aplacible +historia</i> translated from the Greek’,<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> and <i>Amadis</i>.<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> + The work +is done with skill, for Vicente succeeds here as always in being +natural, and in this twilight atmosphere of garden flowers and +romance keeps his realism.<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> Both plays contain passages of great +lyrical beauty, and <i>Dom Duardos</i> ends with the <i>romance</i> beginning +<i>Pelo mes era de Abril</i>. Thus in his latter age he successfully adapted +himself to pastures new. In his letter dedicating <i>Dom Duardos</i> +to King João III he wrote: ‘Since, excellent Prince and most +powerful King, the comedies, farces and moralities which I wrote +for (<i>en servicio de</i>) the Queen your Aunt were low figures<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</span> +which there was no fitting rhetoric to satisfy the delicate spirit +of your Highness, I realized that I must crowd more sail on to my +poor bark.’ For us the words have a tinge of irony, and however +much some readers may admire the hushed rapture of these +idyllic scenes we miss the merry author of the <i>farsas</i>, and gladly +turn to the <i>Romagem de Aggravados</i> (1533) in which Vicente +proves that his hand had lost none of its cunning. ‘This tragicomedy +is a satire’ says the rubric, and it introduces us to the +inimitable Frei Paço, the mincing courtier-priest with gloves, +gilt sword, and velvet cap (one of Sá de Miranda’s <i>clerigos perfumados</i>), +to the discontented peasant who brings his son to be +made a priest, the talkative fish-wives, the hypocrite Frei Narciso +scheming to be made a bishop, and awkward Giralda, the peasant +Aparicianes’ daughter, whom Frei Paço instructs so competently +in Court manners. This long play was written for a special +occasion, the birth of the Infante Felipe. Gil Vicente for many +years, as poet laureate, had celebrated great events at Court. +When the Duke of Braganza was about to leave with the expedition +against Azamor in 1513 he wrote the eloquent <i>Exhortaçam +da Guerra</i>, which is introduced by a necromancer priest and ends +with a rousing call to war (<i>soiça</i>):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Avante avante, senhores,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Pois que com grandes favores</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Todo o ceo vos favorece;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">El Rey de Fez esmorece</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E Marrocos dá clamores.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>When King Manuel’s daughter, the princess Beatrice, married +the Duke of Savoy in 1521 Vicente wrote the <i>Cortes de Jupiter</i>, +in which the Providence of God bids Jupiter, King of the Elements, +speed her on her voyage, and the courtiers and inhabitants +of Lisbon accompany her ship, swimming, to the mouth of the +Tagus. The <i>Fragoa de Amor</i> (1525) was written on the occasion of +the betrothal of King João and Queen Catherina (who replaced +Queen Lianor as Vicente’s protector and patron). Into the forge, +to the sound of singing, goes a negro, and then Justice in the form +of a bent old woman who is forced to disgorge all her bribes and +reappears upright and fair. A similar play, <i>Nao de Amor</i> (1527), +in which courtiers caulk a miniature ship on the stage, was played<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</span> +before their Majesties in Lisbon two years later. The <i>Templo +de Apolo</i> (1526) was acted when another daughter of King Manuel +left Lisbon to become the wife of the Emperor Charles V. The +author introduces the play and excuses its deficiencies on the +plea that he has been seriously ill with fever. He then relates +the dream of fair women—<i>las hermosas que son muertas</i>—that he +had seen in his sickness. Apollo then enters, and after declaring +that he would have made the world otherwise mounts the pulpit +and preaches a mock sermon. The world, Fame, Victory, come +to his temple and bear witness to the greatness of the Emperor +Charles V. A Portuguese peasant also comes and has more +difficulty in obtaining admittance. The author called the play +an <i>obra doliente</i>, and it was propped up by a passage from the +earlier <i>Auto da Festa</i> (1525?), edited by the Conde de Sabugosa +from the unique copy in his possession. Its figures are Truth, +two gipsies, a fool, and seven peasants. Their speech is markedly +<i>beirão</i> and the old woman closely resembles the <i>velha</i> of the tragicomedy +<i>Triunfo do Inverno</i>, written to celebrate the birth of +Princess Isabel in 1529, as the <i>Auto da Lusitania</i> celebrated that +of Prince Manuel in 1532 and the <i>Tragicomedia Pastoril da Serra +da Estrella</i> that of Princess Maria in 1527. The latter is a whole-hearted +play of the Serra with a <i>cossante</i>, a <i>baile de terreiro</i> and +<i>chacota</i>, and continual fragments of song: one of the most +Portuguese of Vicente’s plays. The <i>Triunfo do Inverno</i> contains +some most effective scenes and a bewildering wealth of +lyrics: before one is finished another has begun, and the whole +long play goes forward at a gallop. The first triumph of Winter +is on the hills, the Serra da Estrella (<i>serra nevada</i>); the second, on +the sea, affords a telling satire against the pilots on India-bound +ships. The pilot here begins by stating that the storm will be +nothing, then he says that he is not to blame for Winter’s conduct, +finally he falls to imploring the Virgin and St. George and +St. Nicholas; and but for his incompetence the ship might have +been lying safe at Cochin. The second part of the tragicomedy +is the Triumph of Spring in the Serra de Sintra. Spring enters in +a lyrical profusion singing</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Del rosal vengo, mi madre,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Vengo del rosale,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</span></p> +<p class="p0">breaks off into <i>Afuera, afuera nublados</i>, and resumes his song:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">A riberas de aquel rio</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Viera estar rosal florido,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Vengo del rosale.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Enough has perhaps been said to suggest the variety of these +plays, the glow of colour that pervades them, and to show how +far their author, although his genius was never fully realized in +his <i>autos</i>, had travelled from the first glimmerings of the drama +in Portugal and from his first model, Enzina. Rudiments of +dramatic art existed in the Middle Ages in the ceremonies provided +by an essentially dramatic Church and in the mummeries +and mimicking <i>jograes</i> that delighted the people. Bonamis and +his companion furnished some kind of extremely primitive +play (<i>arremedillum</i>) for King Sancho I, and they were probably +only the most successful of hundreds of wandering mimics and +players. Mimicry and scenic display<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> were the principal ingredients +of the <i>momos</i> in which Rui de Sousa excelled<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> and the +<i>entremeses</i> for which Portugal was famous: they scarcely belonged +to literature, although they might include a song and +prose <i>breve</i> such as the Conde do Vimioso’s, printed in the +<i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>. Religious processions and Christmas, Epiphany, +Passion, or Easter scenes<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> gave further scope for dramatic +display, as also popular ceremonies such as that in which ‘Emperors’ +and ‘Kings’—figures similar, no doubt, to those still to +be seen in Spanish processions (e. g. at Valencia)—were carried +in triumph to the churches, accompanied by <i>jograes</i> who invaded +the pulpit and preached profane sermons containing ‘many +iniquities and abominations’, even while mass was in progress. +The popular tendencies darkly suggested in the <i>Constituições</i> +are manifest in Vicente’s plays—the Christmas <i>representações</i>, +the preaching of burlesque sermons, parodies of the mass, profane +litanies, parodies and paraphrases of the Lord’s Prayer. +Like the <i>Clercs de la Bazoche</i> in France, he represents the drama<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</span> +breaking its ecclesiastical fetters. It was, however, from Spain +that the idea of his <i>autos</i> first came to him, as the direct imitations +of Juan del Enzina (1469?-1529?) in Vicente’s early pieces and the +explicit statement of Garcia de Resende in his <i>Miscellania</i> prove: +he speaks of the <i>representações</i> of very eloquent style and new +devices invented in Portugal by Gil Vicente, and adds the +qualifying clause that credit for the invention of the <i>pastoril</i> +belongs to Enzina. But the wine of Vicente’s genius soon +burst the old bottles, and when his plays ceased to be confined to +the <i>pastoril</i> he naturally turned elsewhere for suggestion. He +himself towards the end of his life called his religious plays +<i>moralidades</i>, and the real name of the play popularly known as +the <i>Farsa da Mofina Mendes</i> was <i>Os Mysterios da Virgem</i>.<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> The +introduction of Lucifer as <i>Maioral do Inferno</i> and Belial as his +<i>meirinho</i><a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> may have been derived from French <i>mystères</i>; the +conception of his <i>Barcas</i> certainly owed more to the <i>Danse +macabre</i> (probably through the Spanish fifteenth-century <i>Danza +de la Muerte</i>) than to Dante. The burlesque <i>testamento</i> of Maria +Parda<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> is one of a long list of such wills (of which an example is +the mule’s testament in the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>),<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> but in some of its +expressions appears to be copied from the <i>Testament de Pathelin</i>. +His knowledge of French was perhaps more fluent than accurate, +like his Latin which, albeit copious, did not claim to be ‘pure +Tully’. But there are many references to France in his plays, +as there are in the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>, and, although the <i>enselada</i> +from France with which the <i>Auto da Fé</i> ends (i. 75) and the +French song (i. 92) <i>Ay de la noble ville de Paris</i><a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> were no doubt +some fashionable courtier’s latest acquisition, Vicente in literary<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</span> +matters probably shared the curiosity of the Court as to what +was going on beyond the frontiers of Portugal. The great +majority of his songs are, however, plainly indigenous. His +knowledge of Italian certainly enabled him to read Italian plays +and poems. We know that he was a great reader—he mentions +‘the written works that I have seen, in verse and prose, rich in +style and matter’. In Spanish he did not confine himself to +Enzina. He read romances of chivalry, imitated the <i>romances</i> +with supreme success, mentions Diego de San Pedro’s <i>La Carcel +de Amor</i>, had read the <i>autos</i> of Lucas Fernandez, the <i>comedias</i> +of Bartolomé de Torres Naharro probably, and without doubt +the Archpriest of Hita’s <i>Libro de Buen Amor</i>, possessed by +King Duarte, and the <i>Celestina</i>. Indeed, for some time past +barriers between the two literatures had scarcely existed and +Vicente enriched both. Celestina would have spoken many +proverbs had she foreseen that he would allow two men (<i>judeos +casamenteiros</i>) to take the bread out of her mouth, but he copies +her in his Brigida Vaz, Branca Gil, the formidable Anna Diaz, +and the <i>beata alcoviteira</i> of the <i>Comedia de Rubena</i>, although he +may also have had in mind the <i>moller mui vil</i> of King Alfonso X’s +<i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i> (No. 64), with the spirit of which—their +fondness for popular types and satire—Vicente had more in +common than with the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>, compiled by his friend +Resende. With this collection he was naturally familiar, and must +have heard many of its songs before it was published in 1516. A +line here and there in Vicente seems to be an echo of the <i>Cancioneiro</i>,<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> +although the fact that it mentions some of his types +(as in the <i>Arrenegos</i><a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> of Gregorio Afonso) merely means that he +drew from the life around him. His satire of doctors and priests, +although essentially popular and mediaeval—both are present +in the <i>Cantigas de Santa Maria</i>—was also due to his personal +observation: that is to say, he gave realistic expression to +a satire of which the motive was literary (since satire directed +against priests had long been one of the chief resources of comic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</span> +writers in France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal).<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> The type of the +poor <i>fidalgo</i> or famishing <i>escudeiro</i> on which Vicente dwells so +fondly—we have the latter as Aires Rosado in <i>Quem tem farelos?</i> +and anonymous in the <i>Farsa de Inés Pereira</i> and <i>O Juiz da Beira</i><a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>—is +another instance of literary tradition combined with observation +at first hand. Of the priest-satire Vicente was the last free +exponent in Portugal. That of the poor gentleman was even +older and survived him. It dates from Roman times. The +<i>amethystinatus</i> of Spanish Martial<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> reappears in the <i>Cancioneiro +da Vaticana</i>, in the Archpriest of Hita’s Don Furon, in the +<i>lindos fidalgos que viven lazerados</i> of Alfonso Alvarez de Villasandino, +in the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>, and just before Vicente’s death is +wittily described, as the <i>raphanophagus purpuratus</i>, by Clenardus,<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> +and less urbanely in <i>Lazarillo de Tormes</i>. With no Inquisition +to crush him he continued to starve in literature—for instance, +in the anonymous later sixteenth-century play <i>Auto do Escudeiro +Surdo</i> he and his <i>moço</i> come on the scene in thoroughly Vicentian +guise: <i>a vossa fome de pam ... meio tostão gasto quinze dias ha</i><a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>—as +he starves in the real life of the Peninsula to-day.<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> In a sense +Gil Vicente no doubt borrowed widely; he was no sorcerer to +make bricks without straw, and straw, like poets, is not manufactured: +it has to be gathered in. But the <i>homens de bom saber</i> +who, as we know from the rubric to the <i>Farsa de Inés Pereira</i>, +doubted his originality must have been very superficial as well +as envious critics, for the bricks were essentially his own. Indeed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</span> +every page of his <i>autos</i> is hall-marked as his, <i>ca non alheo</i>, and he +could say with King Alfonso X:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Mais se o m’eu melhoro faço ben</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E non sõo per aquesto ladron.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Besides the <i>Auto da Festa</i> we have 42 plays<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>: 12 <i>farsas</i>, 16 <i>obras +de devaçam</i>, 4 <i>comedias</i>, 10 <i>tragicomedias</i>. Some of them were +staged with much pomp and <i>grande aparato de musica</i> in the +spacious times of King Manuel, but they lose little in being merely +read. They contain a few scenes of dramatic insight and power, +a few touches of real comedy, but above all we value them for +their types and characters, the insight they afford us into man +and that particular period of man’s history, and for the lyrics +and lyrical passages, fragments of heaven-born poetry thrown +out tantalizingly at random as the dramatist passes rapidly, +carelessly on. We do not possess all Vicente’s plays. A farce +which in a poem to the Conde de Vimioso (?1525) he says that he +had in hand, <i>A Caça dos Segredos</i>, was perhaps never finished, or +perhaps it was produced seven years later as the <i>Auto da Lusitania</i> +(1532). Others were probably lost as <i>folhas volantes</i> before +the edition of 1562 could collect them. Three at least, the <i>Auto da +Aderencia do Paço</i>, <i>Auto da Vida do Paço</i>, and <i>Jubileu de Amor</i> or +<i>Amores</i>, were suppressed.<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> The latter, in Spanish and Portuguese, +was probably the cause of the loss of the two other plays, for, +having ventured far away from the natural piety of Portugal, it +was acted in Brussels on December 21, 1531, in the house of the +Portuguese Ambassador, D. Pedro de Mascarenhas, and in the +mind of the Nuncio, Cardinal Aleandro, who was among those +invited, this ‘manifest satire against Rome’ caused such commotion +that, as he wrote, he ‘seemed to be in mid-Saxony listening +to Luther<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> or in the horrors of the sack of Rome’.<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> + Yet in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</span> +1533 impenitent, the incorrigible Vicente is pillorying the Court +priest, Frei Paço. The fact is that in Portugal no one could +suspect the sheep-dog, who had for so long and so mordantly +kept watch over the Court flock, of turning wolf and encouraging +the <i>seitas</i> and <i>cismas</i> against which Alvaro de Brito had already +inveighed. He was himself deeply, mystically religious and +perhaps cared the less for creeds and dogmas. His mystic +philosophy appears as early as 1502. Yet they do him a poor +service who represent him as a profound theologian, a great +philosopher, an authoritative philologist. His plays show us +a man lovable and human, tolerant of opinions, intolerant of +abuses,<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> a man of many gifts, with a passionate devotion to his +country. We have only to turn to the ringing <i>Exhortaçam da +Guerra</i> or the <i>Auto da Fama</i>. The whole of the latter is written +in a glow of pride and patriotism at Portugal’s vast, increasing +empire and the victories of Albuquerque:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ormuz, Quiloa, Mombaça,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sofala, Cochim, Melinde.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Clearly the words to him are a sweet music.<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> From one point +of view Gil Vicente’s position exactly tallied with Herculano’s +description of the <i>bobo</i>. He was a Court jester, expected to render +the idle courtiers <i>muy ledos</i>. To this purpose he was compelled +to saddle his plays with passages which for us have lost their +savour and significance but almost every line of which must have +elicited a smile or a shout of laughter at the <i>serões</i>. We may +instance <i>O Clerigo da Beira</i>, which ends with the signs and planets +under which various courtiers were born, the <i>Tragicomedia da +divisa da cidade de Coimbra</i>, with the origins of various noble<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</span> +families, the malicious <i>catalogue raisonné</i> of courtiers in the +<i>Cortes de Jupiter</i>, Branca Gil’s comical litany in <i>O Velho da Horta</i>, +the sixty-four puzzle verses of the <i>Auto das Fadas</i>. But Vicente +frequently had a deeper purpose than to enliven a fashionable +gathering. The abuse of indulgences, the corruption of the clergy,<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> +the subjection of married women, the danger of appointing +ignorant men to the responsible position of pilot, the mingling of +the classes—it was not so, he remarks, in Germany or Flanders, +France or Venice—the increasing tendency to shun honest labour +in order to occupy a position however humble at Court,<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> the +ignorance and presumption of the peasants, the false display and +false ambitions, the thousand new lies and deceits, the decay of +piety, the growth of luxury and corresponding diminution in +gaiety—these were matters which he sought not only to portray +but to correct, with much earnestness in his <i>iocis levibus</i>. But +to the end of his life he was never able to learn that religion +and virtue must be melancholy. In the introduction to the +<i>Triunfo do Inverno</i> (1529) he complains of the loss of the joyous +dances and songs of Portugal and the disappearance in the last +twenty years of the <i>gaiteiro</i> and his cheerful piping. He himself +drew his inspiration from the people, from Nature, and from the +Scriptures, with which he had no superficial acquaintance. In his +love of Nature and his wide curiosity he studied children and +birds, plants and flowers, astronomy and witchcraft—those myriad +forms of sorcery in Portugal, some of which have fortunately +survived in the prohibitory decrees of the Church. He included +in his plays or alluded to many of the traditions, the songs and +dances of old Portugal—the ancient <i>cossantes</i>, the <i>bailes de +terreiro</i>, <i>bailos vilãos</i>,<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> <i>bailes da Beira</i>, <i>chacotas</i>, <i>folias</i>, + <i>alvoradas</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</span> +<i>janeiras, lampas de S. João</i>.<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> For he stood at the parting of the +ways. Desirous and capable of playing many parts, tinged unawares +by the new spirit of the Renaissance, but at the same time +keenly national, he linked the Middle Ages with the new learning +and the old traditions of Portugal with her ever-widening +dominions, for which he showed the wise enthusiasm of a true +imperialist. But behind the new glitter and luxury of Lisbon he +constantly saw the growing misery of the people of Portugal +for which all the splendour of King Manuel’s reign had been but +a terrible storm<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>; and his latter sadness was perhaps less personal +than patriotic. He had done what he could, far more than had +been required of him. He had been expected to delight a Court +audience, and had mingled warning and instruction with amusement; +and when, having lived and laughed and loved, he went +his way, he was not only spared by a crowning grace from the +wrath that was to come but left to his countrymen an heirloom +more enduring than brass, more precious than all the gold of +India, with a breath of that true Portugal in its simplicity, its +mirth and jollity, the disappearance of which he had deplored. +Portuguese literature was never so national again. A period of +splendid achievement followed, but alike in subject and language +it was too often a honeyed sweetness containing in itself the seeds +of decay, and if for the time it swept away all memory of Gil +Vicente, for us it only emphasizes his qualities by the contrast. +In his directness, his close contact with the people,<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> his humanity, +his quick observation, keen satire, love of laughter and malicious +humour, in his unsurpassed lyrical gift and his natural delight in +words, to be used not at haphazard but weighed and set cunningly +as precious stones in the hands of an <i>ourives</i>, this great lyrical +poet and charmingly incorrect playwright clearly foreshadowed +dramatists so different as Calderón, Lope de Vega, Shakespeare,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</span> +and Molière. Yet we look in vain for a Vicentian school of great +dramatists in Portugal. His fame had reached Brussels and +thence Rome, and Erasmus is credited with having wished to +learn Portuguese in order to read Vicente’s plays. Shakespeare, +who was twenty-two when the second edition of Vicente’s plays +appeared and who almost certainly read Spanish, may also have +been tempted. It would have been strange if Erasmus had not +heard of Vicente through his friend André de Resende, who in +his Latin poem <i>Genethliacon</i> declared that had not the comic poet +Gil Vicente, actor and author, written in the vulgar tongue he +would have rivalled Menander and excelled Plautus and Terence. +In Portugal the number of plays written in the sixteenth century +was large,<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> but none can be placed on a level with those of Vicente. +One cannot say that he influenced Camões or Ferreira de Vasconcellos +deeply, although they had evidently read him. In Spain +Cervantes, who read everything, <i>aunque sean los papeles rotos de +las calles</i>, had read his plays (the <i>Farsa dos Fisicos</i>, <i>O Juiz da +Beira</i>, the <i>Comedia de Rubena</i> among others), Lope de Vega +likewise, Calderón possibly. Lope de Rueda probably derived +the idea of his <i>paso Las Aceitunas</i> from the <i>Auto da Mofina +Mendes</i>. Yet it is almost with amazement, if we forget +the crowded history of Portugal and Portuguese literature in the +sixteenth century, the introduction of the Inquisition, and the +great changes in the language, that we find a Portuguese, Sousa de +Macedo, a century after Vicente’s death, speaking of him as one +‘whose style was celebrated of old’,<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> and a Spaniard, Nicolás +Antonio, declaring that his works were written in prose and knowing +nothing of a collected edition.<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> It was with reasonable misgivings<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</span> +that Vicente just before his death wrote: <i>Livro meu, que +esperas tu?</i>; ‘my book, what is in store for you?’ We know +that it remained in manuscript for a quarter of a century, that +a second edition in 1586 was so handled by the Censorship that +it contains but thirty-five mutilated plays, and that for two and +a half centuries no new edition was printed.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> <i>Essais</i>, 1. XXV.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> <i>Nicolai Clenardi Episiolarum libri duo.</i> Antuerpiae, 1561.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Several fine sonnets have been ascribed to him (cf. <i>Fenix Renascida</i>, +iii. 252, <i>Horas breves</i>, and, with more reason, iii. 253. <i>Á redea solta corre o pensamento</i>), +as was also Gil Vicente’s <i>Dom Duardos</i> and a manuscript <i>Tratado +dos modos, proporções e medidas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Duarte Nunez de Leam, <i>Descripção</i>, 2ᵃ ed. (1785), cap. 80: <i>Da habilidade +das molheres portuguesas para as letras e artes liberaes.</i> Severim de Faria speaks +of her <i>sancto desejo de saber</i>. The author of <i>Dos priuilegios & praerogatiuas +q̃ ho genero femenino tem</i> (1557) says (p. 9): <i>se pode estranhar esta hidade +na qual as molheres não se aplicam aas letras e sciencias coma faziam as antigas +Romanas e Gregas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Gil Vicente, <i>Obras</i> (1834), ii. 414.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> Ibid. iii. 350.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Cf. João Rodriguez de Sá e Meneses in the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>: <i>De Çeita atee +os Chijs</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> M. Menéndez y Pelayo, <i>Antología</i>, vol. vii, p. clxiii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> A. Herculano, <i>Historia da Inquisição</i>, 3ᵃ ed. (1879), i. 238. Cf. Camillo +Castello Branco, <i>A Viuva do Enforcado</i>, <i>ad init.</i> No one of course thinks of +comparing Gil Vicente with Shakespeare, but one may perhaps say that he +resembles what Shakespeare might have been had he been born in the fifteenth +century. The shipwreck in the <i>Triunfo do Inverno</i> recalls the opening +scene of <i>The Tempest</i>, as the mad friar recalls poor Tom, and the magnificent +fidalgo Falstaff. In the <i>Farsa de Inés</i> Pereira Inés, without being a shrew, +is tamed by her husband, who says:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Se eu digo: Esto é novello</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Vos aveis de confirmalo.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> In 1513 Afonso de Albuquerque writes of ‘the son of Gil Vicente’ in India.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> It is customary in Portugal to fix the date of his birth in 1470 owing +to the statement of the judge in the <i>Floresta de Enganos</i> (1536) that he—the +judge—was already sixty-six. It is a method which might lead to comical +results if further pressed in the case of Vicente or other dramatists. Was +Mello seventy-three when he wrote the <i>Fidalgo Aprendiz</i>?</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> ‘A gentleman of good family’ (Ticknor); <i>hijo de ilustres padres</i> (Barrera y +Leirado); <i>na qualidade nobilissimo</i> (Pedro de Poyares).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> iii. 275. Pederneira is mentioned again in ii. 390 and iii. 205.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> The authority is Cristovam Alão de Moraes in his manuscript <i>Pedatura +Lusitana</i> (1667) (No. 441 in the Public Library of Oporto). This genealogist, +says Castello Branco, <i>era ás vezes ignorante e outras vezes mal intencionado</i>. +He does not say that Martim Vicente exercised his alleged profession of silversmith +at Guimarães, or that Gil was born there. What more probable than for +Guimarães, proud of its poetical traditions, to invent a silversmith father +for the famous poet-goldsmith? Pedro de Poyares, <i>Tractado em louvor da +villa de Barcellos</i> (1672), says that Gil Vicente, <i>em tempo de D. João o terceiro +poeta celebre, foi natural de Barcellos e andam algumas cousas suas impressas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> <i>Grammatica</i>, ed. 1871, p. 118.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Ibid., p. 81. See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, <i>Gil Vicente e a Linguagem Popular</i>, +1902. Feo, <i>Trattados Quadragesimais</i> (1619), f. 10, mentions the <i>somsonete de +pronunciação</i> of the <i>ratinhos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> <i>Soncas</i> occurs no less than seven times in the brief <i>Auto Pastoril Castelhano</i>. +It occurs twice in the first twenty-eight lines of one of Enzina’s eclogues +(<i>Cancionero de todas las obras</i> (Çaragoça, 1516), f. lxxviii, and again f. lxxviii +verso and lxxx).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> A. dos Reis, <i>Enthusiasmus Poeticus</i> (<i>Corpus Ill. Poet. Lus.</i>, tom. viii, pp. +18-19): <i>Quem iuvisse ferunt velut olim Polla maritum</i>. Manuel Tavares, +<i>Portugal illustrado pelo sexo feminino</i> (1734), calls her a <i>discretissima mulher</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> <i>Com muita pena de minha velhice.</i> Ruy de Pina calls a man <i>mui velho</i> +whose father (King João I) would have been but ninety-one in that year +(<i>Cr. de Afonso V</i>, cap. 105). Cf. Jorge Ferreira, <i>Ulysippo</i>, iii. 3: <i>velho se pode +chamar pois vai aos cincoenta anos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> See Barros, <i>Asia</i>, 1. vi. 7. Beckford has glowing praise for ‘this gold +custodium of exquisite workmanship’: ‘Nothing could be more beautiful +as a specimen of elaborate Gothic sculpture than this complicated enamelled +mass of flying buttresses and fretted pinnacles’ (<i>Italy, with Sketches of Spain +and Portugal</i>, Paris, 1834).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> Reference to gold, jewels, sapphires, pearls, rubies is frequent in his plays. +The goldsmith in the <i>Farsa das Almocreves</i> uses the technical word <i>bastiães</i> +which occurs in the <i>Livro Vermelho</i> of Afonso V: <i>E porque alguns Ouriueses +tem ora feita algũa prata dourada e de bastiães</i>. It occurs, however, in the +<i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> (<i>galantes bastiães</i>), in Resende’s <i>Miscellania</i> (<i>bestiães</i>), and +other writers.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Cf. i. 127, 130; ii. 391, 488; iii. 151, 379.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> An unfortunate interpolation by the 1834 editors in the rubric of the +<i>Auto da Sibila Cassandra</i> was largely responsible for the belief that his +patroness was not Queen Lianor but King Manuel’s mother D. Beatriz.</p> + +<p>Yet the rubric of the <i>Auto dos Quatro Tempos</i> says clearly that <i>a sobredita +senhora</i> is King Manuel’s sister.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> <i>Mas ja não auto bofé Como os autos que fazia Quando elle tinha com que</i> +(<i>Auto Pastoril Portugues</i>, i. 129).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> <i>Antología</i>, vii, p. clxvi. It should be said that Dr. Theophilo Braga, the +late General Brito Rebello, and the late Dr. F. A. Coelho agree with Menéndez +y Pelayo. Dr. Theophilo Braga even declares that he can prove an alibi. +D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos opposed identity in 1894, and has +not definitely expressed herself in its favour since. On the other hand, +Snr. Braamcamp Freire is a convinced supporter of identifying poet and +goldsmith.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> <i>Antología</i>, vii, p. clxxvi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> And later Jeronimo Corrêa (†1660) at Lisbon, author of <i>Daphne e Apollo</i> +(Lisboa, 1624) and other prosaic verses, Xavier de Novaes (1820-69) at Oporto, +and others. Perhaps the gold-beater of Seville, Lope de Rueda (1510?-65), +whose <i>pasos</i> are akin to Vicente’s <i>farsas</i>, was fired by his example and success.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> <i>Dialogo em lovvor de nossa linguagem</i>, 1785 ed., p. 222.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Registers of the Chancellery of King Manuel (vol. xlii, f. 20 v.) in the +Torre do Tombo, Lisbon.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Cf. <i>Cancionero</i>, f. lxxxvi v.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> An effective instance of a line shortened by emotion. The long pause +on <i>tardas</i> in <i>Oo morte que tardas, quien te detien?</i> is equally impressive, but +the 1562 ed. has <i>de quien</i> and Vicente may have written <i>Oo morte que tardas, +di ¿quien te detien?</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> <i>Auto de Inés Pereira</i> in the 1562 ed. So <i>Auto dos Almocreves</i>. It will, +however, be convenient to call them <i>farsas</i>, since <i>auto</i> is a more general +term applicable to all the plays.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> <i>Quem tem farelos?</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> <i>O Juiz da Beira</i>, a continuation suggested by the success of the <i>Farsa +de Inés Pereira</i> and acted at Almeirim in 1525.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> <i>Farsa dos Almocreves</i> (or <i>do Fidalgo Pobre</i>) acted at Coimbra (1525). +It is curious to compare the sterner type of chaplain denounced in <i>Don +Quixote</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> <i>Auto das Fadas</i> (1511).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> <i>Auto da Lusitania</i> (1532) acted in honour of the birth of Prince Manuel +(1531).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> <i>Farsa dos Fisicos</i> (1512).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> <i>O Clerigo da Beira</i> (1529?).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> <i>Auto da India</i> (1509).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> <i>Farsa das Ciganas</i> (or, in the 1562 edition. <i>Auto de hũas ciganas</i>), a very +slight sketch acted in a <i>seram</i> before the king at Evora (1521).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> <i>O Velho da Horta</i> (1513).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> <i>Auto da Fama</i> (Lisbon). Its date has been given as 1510, but internal +evidence shows that it is later, probably 1515 or 1516 (although perhaps +prior to the knowledge of Albuquerque’s death in India (December 16, 1515) +since so splendid a paean in honour of the Portuguese victories would be out +of place afterwards).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> = labourer from Beira. He figures in comedy as the slow-witted (or +malicious) clod-hopper, to the delight of an urban audience.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> In the palace (at Lisbon, Almeirim, Evora) or in convents (Enxobregas, +Thomar, Odivellas), once (as part of a procession) in a church (<i>Auto de +S. Martinho</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Os momos, os serões de Portugal</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Tam fallados no mundo, onde são idos,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E as graças temperadas do seu sal?</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> This play is written in lines of 10, 11, or 12 syllables with a break +of a line of 5 or 6 syllables after every four lines. Most of Gil Vicente’s +plays are in octosyllabic <i>redondilhas</i> with or without breaks of a line of +four syllables, as in the poems of Duarte de Brito and others in the +<i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>. Lightness, grace, and ease mark this metre in Vicente’s +hands.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> This splendour-loving king bears an unmistakable resemblance to King +Manuel, before whom the play was acted, but in no other instance does +Vicente allow his satire to touch the king or royal family: <i>cumpre attentar +como poemos as mãos</i> (<i>Cortes de Jupiter</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> 1598 ed. (colophon). The date of the first edition is 1512.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> Montalvo’s <i>Amadis</i> clearly. Vicente, who invariably suits his language +to his subject, would have written in Portuguese had the text before him +been Portuguese. If Montalvo’s <i>Amadis</i> became fashionable in Portugal +this was characteristic of the Portuguese, who would welcome foreign books +while they despised and neglected their own.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> When Flerida meets D. Duardos disguised as a gardener she supposes +that his ordinary fare is garlic.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> For the words <i>quanto en caso de amores</i> the Censorship is evidently responsible.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> Cf. Zurara, <i>Cronica de D. João I</i>, 1899 ed., i. 116: <i>Alli houve momos +de tão desvairadas maneiras que a vista delles fazia mui grande prazer</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>, 1910 ed., i. 326.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> The Portuguese in the East in the sixteenth century maintained these +customs. We read of Christmas <i>autos</i> in India and a <i>representaçam dos Reis</i> +in Ethiopia. Cf. the Good Friday <i>centurios</i> in Barros, <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> i. 5.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> i. 103. The word was of course not new in the Peninsula. Cf. the +thirteenth(?)-century <i>El Misterio de los Reyes Magos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> <i>Breve Summario da Historia de Deos</i> (i. 309).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> In the <i>Pranto de Maria Parda</i> ‘because she saw so few branches on the +taverns in the streets of Lisbon and wine so dear and she could not live +without it’.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> <i>Do macho rruço de Luys Freyre estando pera morrer.</i> See also Dr. H. R. +Lang, C. G. C., pp. 174-8, note on the will of the Archdeacon of Toro; and +the extract from a manuscript <i>testamento burlesco</i> in J. Leite de Vasconcellos, +<i>De Campolide a Melrose</i> (1915).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> As neither of them is printed in his plays we cannot say whether they +were two or one and the same, or whether the French of his song was more +intelligible than the version preserved in Barbieri’s <i>Cancionero Musical</i> +(No. 429).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> For instance, the following lines and phrases of the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>: +<i>Hirmee a tierras estrañas</i>, <i>Oo morte porque tardais</i>, <i>Vos soes o mesmo paço</i>, +<i>E outras cousas que calo</i>, <i>O eco pelos vales</i>. The Portuguese fifteenth-century +poet by whom he was most influenced was probably Duarte de Brito.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> They were published separately in the following century: Lisboa, 1649.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Many writers note the large number of priests. The north of Portugal +is <i>chea de muitos sacerdotes</i> says Dr. João de Barros in his <i>Libro de Antiguidades</i>, +&c., a book full of curious information collected by the author when he was +a magistrate (<i>ouvidor</i>) at Braga, and written in 1549. [A different work, +<i>Compendio e Summario de Antiguidades</i>, &c., variously attributed to Ruy +de Pina and to Mestre Antonio, surgeon to King João II, appeared in 1606.] +Gil Vicente was never in India, otherwise he would certainly have borne +witness to the devotion and courage of monks and priests in the East and +on the dangerous voyages to and from India.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> The anonymity may have been intentional, to emphasize the fact that +there was no personal allusion to any of the poor <i>escudeiros</i> who thronged +the capital and Court.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> <i>Ep.</i> ii. 57.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Letter from Evora, March 26, 1535.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> In the same play reappears Vicente’s Spaniard: <i>Castelhano muy fanfarrão</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> According to the <i>Arte de Furtar</i>, <i>decimas</i> and sonnets were written on +the subject of a poor <i>fidalgo</i> who was in the habit of sending his <i>moço</i> to two +shoemakers for a shoe on trial from each, since they would not trust him with +a pair.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> If the <i>Dialogo da Resurreiçam</i> be counted separately we have forty-four in all.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Index of 1551. See C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, <i>Notas Vicentinas</i>, +i (1912), p. 31. But here again the <i>Auto da Vida do Paço</i> might be the +<i>Romagem de Aggravados</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Cf. Barros, prefatory letter to <i>Ropica Pnefma</i> (May 25, 1531): <i>falam +tam solto como se estivessem em Alemanha nas rixas de Luthero</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> <i>Notas Vicentinas</i>, p. 21, where the letter is given in the original Italian +and in Portuguese. The Legate had lent a cardinal’s hat for the occasion, +little realizing that it was to be worn by one of the actors in such a play +(a witness to the realism with which Vicente’s plays were staged).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> His tolerant spirit, expressed in his letter to the King in 1531, was +remarkable in an age not very remote from the day when Duarte de Brito +wrote to Anton de Montoro (<i>c.</i> 1405-80) that he would have been burnt +had he written in Portugal the blasphemous lines addressed to Queen Isabella +of Spain:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Si no pariera Sanctana</div> + <div class="verse indent0">hasta ser nacida vos,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">de vos el hijo de Dios,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">rescibiera carne humana.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> As indeed they were to Milton: ‘Mombasa and Quiloa and Melind’. +On the other hand, Garcia de Resende in one of the <i>decimas</i> of his <i>Miscellania</i> +has twenty-six names: <i>Tem Ceita</i>, <i>Tanger</i>, <i>Arzilla</i>, &c., ordered rather for +the rhyme than for harmony.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> He does not attack them without exception. There is much good sense +in the <i>clerigo</i> of Beira, and true charity in the <i>frade</i> of the <i>Comedia do Viuvo</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent16">os lavradores</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Fazem os filhos paçãos,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Cedo não ha de haver villãos:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Todos d’ El Rei, todos d’ El Rei (<i>Farsa dos Almocreves</i>).</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Cf. the <i>balho vylam ou mourisco</i> which cost Abul his gold chain in the +<i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>, and Lopo de Almeida’s third letter, from Naples: <i>Mandaram +bailar meu sobrinho com Beatriz Lopez o baylo mourisco e despois o vilão</i>. +A century after Vicente the shepherds’ dances are but a memory: <i>as danças +e bailios antigamente tão usados entre os pastores</i> (Faria e Sousa, <i>Europa Portuguesa</i>, +vol. iii, pt. 4).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Cf. <i>Ulysippo</i>, iii. 6: <i>aquellas mayas que punhão, aquellas lampas, aquellas +alvoradas</i>, and D. Francisco de Portugal, <i>Prisoens e Solturas de hũa Alma</i>: +<i>Ines</i> [of Almada] <i>moça de cantaro, a gabadinha dos ganhõis do lugar, requestada +da velanao dos barbeiros, a cuja porta nunca faltou Mayo florido em dia de +Santiago nem ramos verdes com perinhas no de S. João a que os praticos daquella +noute chamão lampas.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> <i>Á morte d’ El Rei D. Manoel.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> His occasional coarseness is popular, rustic, and as a rule contrasts favourably +with that of the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> For a list containing about a hundred see T. Braga, <i>Eschola de Gil +Vicente</i>, p. 545, or the <i>Diccionario Universal</i>, vol. i (1882), p. 1884, s.v. +<i>Auto</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> <i>Flores de España</i>, cap. 5.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> <i>Bib. Nova</i>, ii. 158. Elsewhere he speaks of him as <i>poetae comoediarum +suo tempore celebratissimi</i>, and in the Appendix says: <i>cuius comoedias Lusitani +admodum celebrant</i>. But after the sixteenth century Vicente was little +more than a name. Faria e Sousa could say that his plays had been esteemed +[<i>con</i>] <i>poquísima causa</i> (the accidental omission of the <i>con</i> led to the invention +<i>poquísima cosa</i>); and a learned Coimbra professor, Frei Luis de Sotomaior, +caught reading <i>as semsaborias de Gil Vicente, que em seus tempos foi mui +celebrado</i>, felt bound to be apologetic: <i>Aurum colligo ex stercore</i> (Francisco +Soares Toscano, <i>Parallelos de Principes</i> (Evora, 1623), f. 159).</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="III_2">§ 2<br><span class="small"><i>Lyric and Bucolic Poetry</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>The romantic story of Macias had not been given literary +form, but it exercised a wide influence over the Portuguese poets +of the sixteenth century. Together perhaps with Diego de San +Pedro’s <i>Carcel de Amor</i>, the Spanish version of Boccaccio’s +<i>Fiammetta</i>, and especially Rodriguez de la Cámara’s <i>El siervo +libre de Amor</i> (containing the <i>Estoria de los dos amadores Ardanlier +e Liesa</i>), it must have been in the mind of <span class="smcap">Bernardim Ribeiro</span> +(1482-1552) when he wrote that ‘gentle tale of love and languishment’ +the book of <i>Saudades</i>, which is always known (like the +first farce of Gil Vicente) from its first three words as <i>Menina e +moça</i>. Yet it is not really an imitative work, being, indeed, remarkable +for its unaffected sincerity, as the expression of a personal +experience. Its passionate truth continues to delight many +readers.<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> Almost all our information about Ribeiro’s life is +derived from his writings, which are in part evidently autobiographical, +and it shrinks or expands according to the degree +of the critic’s wariness or ingenuity. His birthplace is declared +to have been the quaint Alentejan village of Torrão. A passage +in the eclogue <i>Jano e Franco</i> says that Jano fled thence at the +time of the great famine. The unhappy frequency of famines +makes the date doubtful, but if the year of Ribeiro’s birth be +correctly stated in an official document of May 6, 1642, as 1482, +we may suppose—since Jano was twenty-one—that he left his +native Alentejo for Lisbon in 1503. It is possible that he studied +law and took his degree at the University (at Lisbon) a few years +later (1507-11?),<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> and became secretary to King João III in 1524. +As a <i>cavalleiro fidalgo</i> he had his place at Court, as poet he contributed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</span> +to the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> (1516). A hopeless passion drove +him from the Court, drove him perhaps to Italy, and finally +deprived him of his reason, so that his last years were spent in the +Lisbon Hospital de Todos os Santos.<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> Successive generations +have busied themselves over the object of his passion. The +romantic tradition that it was the Princess Beatriz, twenty-two +years his junior, the daughter of King Manuel for whose marriage +to the Duke of Savoy in 1521 Gil Vicente wrote the <i>Cortes de +Jupiter</i>, is now definitely discarded. That it was Queen Juana +la Loca of Castille no one except Varnhagen has ever imagined. +But literary critics continue to be tempted by the transparent +anagrams of Ribeiro’s novel (adopted evidently in order to make +the story unintelligible to all except the inner circle of the Court). +Dr. Theophilo Braga has an ingeniously fabricated theory that +Aonia was Ribeiro’s cousin, Joana Tavares Zagalo. Lamentor +at least can scarcely have been King Manuel, since he sends +his daughter to the king’s Court. The scenery appears to be +a combination of that of the Serra de Sintra near Lisbon +with that of Alentejo. The story opens with an introductory +chapter in which a young girl (<i>menina e moça</i>), who has taken +refuge in the <i>serra</i> far from all human society, announces her +intention of writing down what she had seen and heard in a small +book (<i>livrinho</i>), not for the happy to read but for the sad, or rather +for none at all, seeing that of him for whom alone it is intended +she has had no news since his and her misfortune bore him away +to far-distant lands. Thus we have the thirteenth-century <i>amiga</i> +mourning for her lover. <i>Ai Deus! e u é?</i> Presently, as she +shelters from the noonday <i>calma</i> beneath trees that overhang +a gently flowing stream, a nightingale pours forth its song, and +then dying with its song falls with a shower of leaves and is borne +away songless by the silent stream.<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> She is still bewailing its +fate when another, older but equally sad, lady (<i>dona</i>) appears, +and the <i>menina</i> becomes an almost silent listener to the end of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</span> +book while the <i>dona</i> unfolds the tale which is its true subject, the +history of two friends Narbindel and Bastião. But it begins +with the love adventure of Lamentor and Belisa. It is only in the +ninth chapter that the knight Narbindel arrives and falls in love +with Belisa’s sister Aonia, adopting a shepherd’s life in order to +be near her palace. It is in fact a romance of chivalry in pastoral +garb. But Ribeiro might have introduced the pastoral romance +without changing the fantastic features. It is in his singular +combination of passion and realism that his true originality +consists. His power of giving vivid expression to tranquil +scenes—the whole of the first part has something of the quiet +intensity of a background by Correggio, as well as his ‘softer +outline’, and although there is no explicit indication of colour it is +clearly felt by the reader—and his gentle love of Nature, or rather +his love of Nature in its gentler aspects, cast over the book a +strange charm. The softly flowing streams, the trees and birds +and delicious shade, beautiful dawns, the birds seeking their nests +at evening, the flowers <i>que a seu prazer se estendem</i>, the <i>mateiros</i> +going out to cut brushwood, the shepherds asleep round their fire +at night, are described with great naturalness and truth, often with +familiar words and colloquial phrases. The reason of the extreme +intricacy of the plot was not the wish to conceal the author’s love +story in a labyrinthine maze<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> in order to exercise the ingenuity of +nineteenth-century professors, but to be true to life. In life events +are not rounded and distinct but merge into and react on one +another in an endless ravelled skein: <i>Das tristezas não se pode +contar nada ordenadamente porque desordenadamente acontecem +ellas</i> (cap. 1). Ribeiro thus anticipates by four centuries the +theory enunciated in Spain by Azorín that a novel, like life, +should have no plot,<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> and his book has a certain modernity. We +may refuse him the name of novelist, but many a novelist might +envy his lifelike portrayal of scenes and sentiments. It has been +doubted whether he wrote the second part of the story. It +consists of fifty-eight short chapters, and opens with a new episode, +the love of Avalor for Arima, daughter of Lamentor (cap. 1-24),<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</span> +and it is even more bewildering in its confusion than is Part I. +The scenes are less idyllic, the tone more that of a conventional +romance of chivalry, yet the realism is maintained. It is on +no hippogriff that Avalor goes to the rescue of the distressed +maiden: in fact, he had set out on his adventure in a rowing-boat +and his hands blistered. If later there are mortal combats with +wicked knights, with a bear, with giants, there are also scenes, +as in chapters 9, 12, 23—of an impassioned <i>saudade</i>,<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> of dove +and nightingale—which could only have been written by the +author of Part I.<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> His own story, still related by the <i>dona</i>, is only +resumed in chapter 26, or rather 32, since the intervening chapters +deal with events prior to those with which Part I begins. Bimnarder, +now again Narbindel—the name Bernardim was also +spelt Bernaldim—after Aonia’s marriage lives with an old hermit +and his nephew, Godivo, and passes his time in tears and contemplation, +as in Part I. But he is discovered by his faithful squire, +and meets Aonia, and the lovers are killed by the jealous husband +(cap. 48). The last chapters are concerned with the happier +love story of Romabisa and Tasbião.</p> + +<p>Narbindel, the second of the two knights, the two friends +<i>de que é a nossa historia</i>,<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> dies: therefore Bernardim Ribeiro +cannot have written the second part. But it is rather a nice +point; one may imagine that Ribeiro’s delight in so tragic +an episode would compensate him amply for the obvious +anachronism, and after all it is the <i>dona</i> who tells the story.<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> +The inconsistencies of detail need not concern us overmuch. +That Belisa has a mother in Part I and is ‘brought up without +a mother’ in Part II, that the Castle of Lamentor exists in +Part II at a time when, according to Part I, it was not yet begun, +that the name of Aonia’s husband is in Part I Fileno, and in +Part II Orphileno, are just such contradictions as an alien<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</span> +continuer would most studiously have avoided, and we all know +what happened to Sancho’s ass in a far less intricate story. Or +they may be explained by the fact that Ribeiro had not revised +his tale before it was printed, or by corrections made in copies of +the original manuscript.<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> Perhaps on the whole we may conclude +that Ribeiro, like Cervantes, by an exception wrote a valuable +second part, but, unlike Cervantes, was unable to maintain +it altogether on a level with the first. The mingling of rapt passion +and colloquialisms is with Ribeiro not the inability of a poet to express +himself but a deliberate mannerism, and is present in the five +eclogues with which he introduced pastoral poetry. By his quiet +resolution to be natural he thus became doubly an innovator, in +poetry and prose. That he was a true poet is proved by the +<i>romances</i> in his novel: <i>Pensando vos estou, filha</i> (Pt. I, cap. 21) +and <i>Pola ribeira de um rio</i> (Pt. II, cap. 11).<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> The eclogues may +not excel those poems, but in their directness, primitive freshness, +and grace they form a group apart, entirely distinct from their +numerous eclogue progeny. One eclogue only, the celebrated +<i>Trovas de Crisfal</i>, resembles them. The resemblance is remarkable +and cannot fail to strike the most careless reader. Before +Snr. Delfim Guimarães began his spirited campaign in favour of +identification, the similarity had been recorded by D. Carolina +Michaëlis de Vasconcellos in the <i>Grundriss</i><a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>: the extraordinary<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</span> +similarity of these <i>Trovas</i> to the poetry of Ribeiro and to +nothing else in Portuguese literature. In this poem of some 900 +lines written in octosyllabic <i>decimas</i>, like Ribeiro’s eclogues, we +have that romantic, passionate <i>saudade</i> and sentimental grief, the +mystic visions, the simplicity, the ingenuous conceits, wistfully +humorous, the sententious reflections, the elliptical concision, the +real shepherds, the familiar language, the love of Nature which +are peculiarly Ribeiro’s. Tradition assigns the <i>Trovas</i> to <span class="smcap">Cristovam +Falcão</span> (<i>c.</i> 1512-53?),<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> who was born at Portalegre, in +Alentejo, was made a <i>moço fidalgo</i> in 1527, and is supposed to +have fallen in love with and secretly married D. Maria Brandão +(i.e. the Maria of the <i>Trovas</i>), whom her parents confined as +a punishment in the convent of Lorvão. At the risk of being +dubbed incorrigibly <i>simplicista</i> one must confess that the simultaneous +appearance of these two poets from Alentejo, not <i>fertil +en poetas</i>, taxes one’s belief to the utmost. May not the secret +marriage deduced from the <i>Trovas</i> have been described by +Ribeiro in his keen sympathy for his friend’s position, so like his +own? The contention is not that Cristovam Falcão did not exist—there +were several—or did not fall in love with Maria Brandão—<i>a +do Crisfal</i>—or did not marry her, but that he did not write +verses in the style familiar to us as that of Ribeiro.<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> It is remarkable +that the very critics who represent Ribeiro in his <i>novela</i> as +hiding like a cuttle-fish in his own ink change their method when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</span> +they come to the eclogues and accept every name and allusion +with the greatest literalness, as though it were a poet’s duty to +wear his heart in his verses. It is idle to adduce the fact that +Cristovam Falcão wrote ungrammatical letters (so did Keats), +or to devise far-fetched interpretations (such as <i>Crisma falso</i>) +for the word Crisfal. What more probable than that Ribeiro +and Falcão, born in the same province, became friends at Court, +and that Ribeiro introduced his friend in one of his poems as +he is supposed to have introduced Sá de Miranda in another, and +as Miranda introduces Ribeiro (<i>Canta Ribero los males de amor</i>)? +If in his favourite manner he added a little mystification in the +word Crisfal, what more characteristic? The very form of the +poem, in which first the <i>Autor</i> and then Crisfal speaks (<i>Falla +Crisfal</i>) suggests this, as does the title: <i>Trovas de um pastor per +nome Crisfal</i>, compared with the definite <i>Trovas de dous pastores</i> +... <i>Feitas por Bernaldim Ribeiro</i>.<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> It is not difficult to explain +the printing of the <i>Trovas</i> together with the works of Ribeiro +and the hesitancy of the early editions in ascribing them, on +hearsay, to Cristovam Falcão; but the word Crisfal caught the +fancy, and those who learnt that it stood for Cristovam Falcão +would inevitably confuse the explanation of the anagram with +the authorship of the poem. One of those who did so was Gaspar +Fructuoso (or Antonio Cordeiro), and the tradition which had +begun so shakily with a <i>dizem ser</i> gained strength with the years. +Presumably the editor of the 1559 edition knew what was to be +known on the subject, yet he speaks with a quavering uncertainty: +it is only much later that the ascription to Cristovam Falcão +becomes a fixed belief.<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> The eighth <i>Decada</i> of Diogo do Couto +was not published till 1673, i. e. over half a century after the death +of its author. The explanatory sentence <i>aquelle que fez aquellas +antigas e nomeadas</i> (or <i>namoradas</i>) <i>trovas de Crisfal</i><a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> may well be, +and probably is, a later interpolation. But although a few<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</span> +scholars definitely hold that Ribeiro wrote this poem, <i>grammatici +certant</i> and, should tradition prove too strong, we have to accept +a second writer who claims an undying place in Portuguese literature +owing to the marvellous success with which, divesting his +muse of any qualities of its own, he identified himself with a poet +who is the most characteristically Portuguese, but also the most +individual of impassioned singers: Bernardim Ribeiro.</p> + +<p>A kind of continuation of the story of <i>Crisfal</i> (who is now +enchanted within the fountain of his own tears) appeared at the +end of the century in a small collection of poems entitled <i>Sylvia +de Lisardo</i> (1597). It contains forty-one sonnets (of which one +only is in Spanish), three eclogues in <i>tercetos</i> and <i>oitavas</i>, and +various <i>romances</i> (in Spanish) and shorter poems, and has been +ascribed, without sufficient reason, to the historian Frei Bernardo +de Brito. These poems must remain anonymous, and they throw +no light on the <i>Crisfal</i> problem, but in their true poetical feeling +and power of expression they deserved their popularity<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> in the +first half of the seventeenth century.</p> + +<p>It is not certain but it is probable that Ribeiro went to Italy, +and his Italian travels may have coincided with those of his +life-long friend, the champion of humanism in Portugal, <span class="smcap">Francisco +de Sá de Miranda</span> (<i>c.</i> 1485-1558), the most famous of all +the Portuguese poets with the exception of Camões and Gil +Vicente. As a lyric poet far inferior to either of them, his great +influence was due partly to his character, partly to his introduction +of the new school of poetry, the <i>versos de medida nova</i>, or +<i>de arte maior</i>, replacing the national <i>trovas de medida velha</i> (octosyllabic +<i>redondilhas</i>) by the Italian hendecasyllabics: Petrarca’s +sonnets and canzoni, Dante’s <i>terza rima</i> (<i>tercetos</i>), and the <i>octava +rima</i> of Poliziano and Ariosto. The exact date of Miranda’s +birth is still uncertain, but if he was the eldest of five sons of +the Coimbra Canon, Gonçalo Mendez de Sá, who were legitimized +in 1490, he must have been born about the year 1485. Yet one +would willingly make him younger. His life in Minho certainly +sounds too active for a man of fifty: perhaps <i>c.</i> 1490 would be +nearer the mark. He studied at the University at Lisbon and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</span> +early frequented the Court. He soon won distinction as a +scholar and was a Doctor of Law when he contributed several +poems to Garcia de Resende’s <i>Cancioneiro</i> (1516). His journey +to Italy a few years later, in 1521, may have been due merely to +the natural desire of a scholar to see Rome or there may have been +other motives, a love affair of his own or his friendship with +Bernardim Ribeiro. He was distantly related to the great Italian +family of Colonna (as he was to Garci Lasso) and in Italy perhaps +met the celebrated Vittoria Colonna (1492-1547), Marchesa di +Pescara, besides probably most of the other distinguished Italians +of the time, Lattanzio Tolomei, Sannazzaro, Cardinal Bembo, +Giovanni Rucellai, Ariosto. During five years he saw the principal +cities of Italy and Sicily and returned to Portugal in 1526 (or +earlier, possibly after three years, in 1524) with a deep knowledge +of Italian literature and the firm resolve to acclimatize in +his country the metres in which the Italians had written things so +divine. If he had seen at Rome the <i>Cancioneiro</i> of thirteenth-century +Portuguese poets<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> he must have realized that the metres +were not so foreign as many might think; if he met Boscán on +his homeward journey his determination to become innovator or +restorer<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> would be strengthened. King João III was on the throne, +and we are told in Miranda’s earliest biography (1614), which is +attributed with some probability to D. Gonçalo Coutinho, that +he became ‘one of the most esteemed courtiers of his time’. He +was an enthusiastic believer in monarchy and in the divinity +that doth hedge a king, but was less enamoured of the growing +corruption and luxury at Court: probably he was himself more +esteemed by the king than by the courtiers, and after the poetry<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</span> +of Italy he could scarcely share their taste for the trivial verses +of the <i>Cancioneiro Geral</i> nor could they see how a compliment +could be turned more neatly than in the old <i>esparsas</i> and <i>vilancetes</i>. +During these years he wrote his first play, <i>Os Estranjeiros</i>, the +eclogue <i>Alexo</i> with <i>oitavas</i> in Portuguese, and the <i>Fabula do Mondego</i>, +perhaps in order to show his superiority over Gil Vicente.</p> + +<p>There was an obvious antagonism between the laughing +and the weeping reformer (for both protested vigorously in their +different ways against the growing materialism of the day), +between the learned, philosophical and the natural, human poet, +and Vicente’s humour probably appeared to Sá de Miranda as +unintelligible and undignified as Miranda’s hendecasyllabic +poems may have appeared melancholy-thin and artificial to +Vicente: <i>et ce n’est point ainsi que parle la Nature</i>. But the line +in the introduction of the <i>Fabula do Mondego</i> in which Miranda +speaks of the king’s condescension,</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Al canto pastoril ya hecho osado,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">probably refers to some previous effort of his own rather than +to the work of Vicente, and Miranda was in Italy when Gil Vicente +was taunted by certain <i>homems de bom saber</i> and turned the tables +on them in the <i>Farsa de Inés Pereira</i>. The <i>Fabula do Mondego</i> +is a cold, stilted production of 600 lines in Petrarcan stanzas, +the subject of which was partly derived from Angelo Ambrogini +(Poliziano). In 1532 the King gave Miranda a <i>commenda</i> (benefice) +of the Order of Christ on the banks of the Neiva in Minho, and +having acquired the neighbouring estate of Tapada (<i>quinta da +Tapada</i>) he left the Court and retired to it not many months later. +Miranda’s love of Nature was very deep, from his boyhood at +Coimbra he had preferred the country to life in cities, and probably +no other incentive was required, although it is thought that he +may have been too zealous in support of Bernardim Ribeiro and +that a passage in <i>Alexo</i> (1532?) offended the powerful favourite, +the Conde da Castanheira. Whatever the cause of his withdrawal, +literature must call it blessed, for his new life in the +country suited his temperament; the independence of character +shown in his fine letter (one of the most famous poems in the +Portuguese language) addressed to King João III developed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</span> +and close contact with the country and the peasants gave his +poetry that indigenous flavour and peculiar charm which have +fascinated all readers of the eclogue <i>Basto</i>, that individual stamp +in which the Court poetry was infallibly lacking. He had already +written his best work—for this eclogue and the letters show the +real Miranda, pointed, original, racy of the soil—and written it in +<i>quintilhas</i>, when in 1536 he married Briolanja, the sister of his +old friend, now his neighbour at Crasto, Manuel Machado de +Azevedo. Some miles away, at the straggling little village of +Cabeceiras de Basto, he had other intimate friends, the Pereiras, +and the gift, by one of these two brothers, Antonio Nunalvarez +Pereira, of a manuscript of Garci Lasso de la Vega’s poems shortly +before Miranda’s marriage revived his enthusiasm for the alien +metres. He turned again to the hendecasyllable and wrote the +eclogues <i>Andrés</i> (1535), <i>Celia</i>, and <i>Nemoroso</i> (1537), the latter in +memory of the tragic death of Garci Lasso in the preceding year. +He returned to the <i>quintilha</i> later, employing it with flowing ease +in <i>A Egipciaca Santa Maria</i> (or <i>Santa Maria Egipciaca</i>), which +was probably written between 1544 and 1554, when he was +educating his two sons with <i>amor encoberto e moderado</i> (<i>A Egipciaca</i>, +p. 3), and nearer the former than the latter date. Its +vigour and the promise of more<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> after 721 <i>quintilhas</i> preclude +the date (1556-8) assigned to it by its first editor, even without +the statement of the 1614 biographer that Miranda wrote scarcely +anything after his wife’s death in 1555; but it may have been +written even earlier, before 1544. And still through all these +various poems, despite their undeniable value and incidental +beauties, it is the man, his life and character, that interest us. +The wild yet green and peaceful scenery of Minho accorded well +with his <i>alma soberana</i>, at once active and contemplative, disciplined +and independent. At first hunting the wolf and boar +occupied his leisure—we see him out with his dogs Hunter, +Swallowfoot, &c., in crimson dawn and breathless noonday—and +gave him a hundred opportunities for quiet observation of Nature, +the streams, especially the birds, and the peasants. The poems +written soon after his arrival still retain the freshness of these<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</span> +impressions. His evenings were spent with his friends at Cabeceiras—true +<i>noctes cenaeque deum</i>—or in the more formal society +at Crasto or with music—he played the viola—or his favourite +authors, Homer in Greek, or Horace, the Bible, the Italians, or +Garci Lasso and Boscán. Later gardening<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> and the education +of his sons and entertainment of visitors took the place of his +favourite wolf-hunting. As his fame and influence spread, Diogo +Bernardez (whose recollections of Miranda were recorded in the +1614 life) was not the only disciple who came to see him in his +retreat, and he corresponded in verse with most of the poets of +the time, Andrade Caminha, Montemôr, Ferreira, D. Manuel +de Portugal, Bernardez. Cardinal Henrique was a steadfast +admirer of his work, and the young Prince João asked for a copy: +<i>lhas mandou pedir</i>. This wide recognition after the first coldness<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> +was some measure of comfort for the many sorrows of his last +years, the death of his eldest son Gonçalo, killed in his teens +in Africa (1553), of his wife (1555), of that promising precocious +Prince João (1537-54) to whom he had thrice sent a collection +of his poems, the departure of his brother, Mem, to become one +of the most notable Governors of Brazil (1557). In the latter +year King João died, leaving an infant heir to a distracted kingdom, +and Miranda’s death followed a few months later. In +a sense this philosopher was the most un-Portuguese of poets, for +he had no facility in verse. He went on hammering his lines, +altering, erasing, compressing in a divine discontent. He had +a lofty conception of the poet’s art—to express the noblest +sentiment in the best and fewest words—five versions of <i>Alexo</i>, +twelve of <i>Basto</i>, attest his untiring zeal and his ‘art to blot’. The +elliptical abruptness of his native <i>quintilhas</i>, by which they have +something in common with those of Ribeiro, are not their least +charm, and gives an effective emphasis to his sententious philosophy.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</span> +In introducing the new measures<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> he used the Castilian +language as being the most natural and suitable until, but only +until, they should be thoroughly acclimatized. He wrote Castilian +not fluently—that was not his gift—but correctly, with +only occasional <i>lusitanismos</i>. His best work, however, was +written in Portuguese: in the new poetry with which his name +is for ever associated he is only the forerunner of the work of +Diogo Bernardez and Camões,<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> the founder of a school to which +Portuguese literature owes some of its chief glories. In Portuguese +he wrote his comedies and, about half a century before +Samuel Daniel’s <i>Cleopatra</i> (1592), a tragedy <i>Cleopatra</i>, of which we +only possess a few lines.<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> The poem on the life and conversion of +St. Mary of Egypt<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> (a favourite theme a few centuries earlier, as +in the Spanish <i>Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaqua</i> (13th c.?), the +fourteenth-century <i>Vida de Maria Egipcia</i>, and the French <i>Vie de +Sainte Marie l’Égyptienne</i>) is stamped with the author’s sententious +wisdom and love of discipline. It contains quaint plays on +words (<i>Ide ao mar que por amar</i>, p. 169), <i>tours de force</i> such as the +three <i>quintilhas</i> of <i>esdruxulos</i> (pp. 179-80), and rises to wonderful +lyric beauty in the saint’s farewell to Earth (<i>Vou para um jardim +de flores</i>, pp. 166-9). He intended the poem to be ‘rare, unique +and excellent’ and to some extent he achieved his aim. In much +of his work the diction is rough and halting, but the greatness +of the man nevertheless extends to his poetry. Perhaps the best +example of this is the melancholy grandeur of the sonnet, technically +so imperfect, <i>O sol é grande</i>. Force of character made him +not only a laborious but a successful craftsman. When he died, +honoured and admired by all the best intellects in the country, +the position of the new school was assured and he had been able<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</span> +to hail with joy the support of younger writers: <i>Venid buenos +zagales!</i> Foremost in time among these poets of <i>el verso largo</i> was +<span class="smcap">D. Manuel de Portugal</span><a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> (1520?-1606), son of the first Conde +de Vimioso and of D. Joana de Vilhena, cousin of King Manuel. +He outlived all his fellow-poets, welcomed the appearance of +<i>Os Lusiadas</i>, and in 1580 took the side of the Prior D. Antonio. +His <i>Obras</i> (1605) consist of seventeen books of poems, mostly +of a religious character and written in Spanish—books 9 and +15 contain some Portuguese poems, and among them the fine +mystic sonnet <i>Apetece minha alma</i> (Bk. ix, f. 199 v.).</p> + +<p>Among those who welcomed and acclimatized the new style +none was a more talented or truer poet than <span class="smcap">Diogo Bernardez</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1530-<i>c.</i> 1600),<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> who confessed that he owed everything to +Sá de Miranda and Antonio Ferreira.<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> Born of a distinguished +family<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> at Ponte da Barca on the river Lima, he would ride +over to visit Sá de Miranda or send him letters in verse, and +he mourned his death in sonnet, letter, and eclogue with unaffected +grief. He himself continued to sing by the banks of +his beloved Lima, endeared to him all the more by disillusion +at Lisbon and captivity in Africa. In a letter to Miranda he +alludes to an apparently unhappy love affair at Lisbon. Later +the retirement of his poet brother, Frei Agostinho, into a convent, +the deaths of Miranda and Ferreira, the great plague +of 1569, and the misfortunes of his country were all deeply +felt by his affectionate nature. In 1576 he went as secretary +of Embassy to Madrid, but otherwise he seems to have +been disappointed in hopes of lucrative employment, and he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</span> +was always ready to exchange the mud of the streets and the +‘bought meals’ of Lisbon, with its penurious, importunate <i>moços</i>,<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> +for the dewy golden dawns, the hills and streams of Minho, <i>entre +simples e humildes lavradores</i> (<i>Carta</i> 27). In 1578, however, he who +had lamented that no Maecenas encouraged those eager to sing +the deeds of Portuguese heroes was chosen to accompany as +official poet<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> the Portuguese expedition which ended disastrously +in <i>aquelle funeral e turvo dia</i>—the battle of Alcacer Kebir. It +was not till 1581 that Bernardez returned from captivity. +Whether he was ransomed by King Philip, or by the Trinitarians +or Jesuits, or by himself or his friends, is not known. After his +return and his marriage he frequently laments his poverty: not, +he says, that he wishes to be the Pope in Rome, but merely to +have enough to eat (<i>Carta</i> 31). Yet apparently he had no cause to +regret the change of dynasty so far as his personal fortunes were +concerned. Whereas he had merely held the post of <i>servidor de +toalha</i> at the palace under King Sebastian, he was now (1582) +appointed a knight of the Order of Christ with a pension of +20,000 <i>réis</i> and was granted 500 <i>cruzados</i> (‘in property and +goods’) in the same year. In 1593 his yearly pension was 40,000 +<i>réis</i>, of which one-half was to revert to his wife and children. +Either these moneys remained unpaid or the new <i>cavaleiro +fidalgo’s</i> ideas had changed greatly since he had sung of the joys +of rustic poverty and the vanity of riches. Bernardez found his +inspiration in the Portuguese and Spanish poets of the new school +(<i>cantigas strangeiras</i>, <i>strañas</i>),<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> and through them in the great +Italians. Dante’s name does not occur in his letters, written in +<i>tercetos</i>,<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> but Tasso—<i>o meu Tasso</i>—-Ariosto, Petrarca, and others +are mentioned.<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> In form and sound some of his <i>canções</i> are not +unworthy of Petrarca, but they are more homely and bucolic,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</span> +have more <i>saudade</i> and less definite images, no concrete pictures +like that of <i>la stanca vecchierella pellegrina</i> of the fourth <i>Canzone</i>. +His second source of inspiration was his native Minho and the +transparent waters and <i>fresca praia</i> of the Lima. He was never +happier than when wandering <i>lungo l’amate rive</i>, and this gives +a pleasant reality to his eclogues. His muse, <i>a bosques dada +e a fontes cristalinas</i>, sings not only of the conventional ‘roses and +lilies’ but of honeysuckle, of cherries red in May, grapes heavy +with dew, golden apples, nuts, acorns, the trout so plentiful that +they can be caught with the hand, hares, partridges, doves, the +thrush and the nightingale, and mentions oak, ash, elm, poplar, +beech, hazel, chestnut, and arbutus. These eclogues, written +in various metres, sometimes with <i>leixapren</i> or internal rhyme, +are collected in <i>O Lima</i> (1596), which also contains his letters. +His other works are sonnets, elegies, odes in <i>Rimas Varias</i>, <i>Flores +do Lima</i> (1596), and a third small volume <i>Varias Rimas ao Bom +Jesus</i> (1594) which includes elegies and odes to the Virgin written +during his captivity, a long <i>Historia de Santa Ursula</i> in octaves, +and other devotional verse of much fervour and his wonted perfection +of technique. If, read in the mass, his poems produce +the impression of a cloying sweetness, it must be remembered +that never before had Portuguese poetry risen to so harmonious +a music. Faria e Sousa accused him of plagiarizing Camões, but +in the case of a writer whose accepted poems, the <i>dulcissima +carmina Limae</i>, are of such excellence the accusation cannot be +seriously entertained. Neither he nor Camões was a great +original poet, but in both the command of the new style was +such that their poems were often confused by collectors. A +passage in one of Bernardez’ letters (5, l. 6) seems to imply +that his poetry was not appreciated at Lisbon. It was too +genuine and clear to suit the clever Court rhymesters. But he +had his followers, who would send him their poems to be corrected, +or rather, praised, and later Lope de Vega recognized +him as his master in the eclogue in preference to Garci Lasso.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Francisco Galvão</span> (<i>c.</i> 1563-1635?), equerry to the Duke of +Braganza, was a true poet if he wrote the sonnet <i>A Nosso Senhor</i> +ascribed to him by his editor, Antonio Lourenço Caminha, in +<i>Poesias ineditas dos nossos insignes poetas Pedro da Costa Perestrello,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</span> +coevo do grande Luis de Camões, e Francisco Galvão</i> (1791): +<i>Ó tu de puro amor Deos fonte pura</i>. Innocencio da Silva vigorously +doubts the authenticity of these poems, which are mostly +of a religious character or concerned with Horace’s theme of the +golden mean, as that of the <i>Obras ineditas de Aires Telles de +Meneses</i> (1792) published by the same editor, who professed to +have faithfully copied them from the <i>antigos originaes</i> of the time +of João II. Bernardez’ brother Frei <span class="smcap">Agostinho da Cruz</span> (1540-1619), +born at Ponte da Barca, entered as a novice the Convent +of Santa Cruz in the Serra de Sintra in 1560, and took the vows +a year later. In 1605 he obtained permission to live as a hermit +in the Serra da Arrabida, where he cultivated <i>saudade</i> and the +muses, although his poems were no longer profane, as when in +his youth as Agostinho Pimenta he haunted with his brother +Diogo the banks of the Lima. These early verses he burnt: +<i>Queimei, como vergonha me pedia, Chorando par haver tão mal +cantado</i>. The eclogues, elegies, letters, sonnets, and odes that +survive prove that <i>mal</i> is here a moral, not an aesthetic adverb, +and that he shared his brother’s love of Nature and in no mean +degree his power of expressing it in soft, harmonious verse.</p> + +<p>That gift was denied to <span class="smcap">Antonio Ferreira</span> (1528-69), who +combined enthusiasm for the new style—<i>a lira nova</i>—and for +classical antiquity with a rooted antipathy against the use of +a foreign language or foreign subjects. His uneventful life as +judge, courtier, and poet was cut short by the plague of 1569. +His poetry is not that of a poet but of the Coimbra law student +who had become a busy magistrate.<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> It is thus at its best +when it does not attempt to be lyrical, for instance in his +excellent letters in <i>tercetos</i>. His odes are closely modelled on +those of Horace (<i>o meu Horacio</i>). Nor did he claim originality: +indeed, his plan of introducing certain new forms was a little too +deliberate for a great poet,<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> and his best sonnet is a translation +from Petrarca. For bucolic poetry neither the grave doctor’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</span> +style nor his inclinations were well suited. Not only is the +smooth flow of the verse which charms us in Diogo Bernardez +here absent but the metre often actually halts,<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> and throughout +his work we have sincerity, lofty aims, a stiff unbending severity, +but not poetical genius. Ferreira was a true patriot, and it was +his boast and is his enduring fame that he devoted himself to +exalt the Portuguese language.<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> It was most fortunate for +Portuguese literature that at this time of changing taste a poet of +Ferreira’s great influence should have forsworn foreign intrusions +in the language with the exception of Latin (in the introduction of +which, however, his characteristic restraint forbade excess), and +left both in prose and verse abiding monuments of pure Portuguese. +This was the more remarkable in a poet who disdained +the old popular metres (<i>a antiga trova deixo ao povo</i>) and had no +thought apparently for popular customs or traditions. His +<i>Poemas Lusitanos</i>, published posthumously, contain over a hundred +sonnets, besides his odes, eclogues, elegies, epigrams (which +are but fragments of sonnets), and letters, and he also wrote +a <i>Historia de Santa Comba</i> in fifty-seven <i>oitavas</i>.</p> + +<p>The work of <span class="smcap">Pero de Andrade Caminha</span> (1520?-89), an +industrious writer of verse rather than a poet, is as cold and +unmusically artificial as Ferreira’s in its form, while it lacks +Ferreira’s high thought and ideals and his love for his native +language. One may imagine that it was through friendship with +Ferreira—who scolds him for writing in Spanish—that he became +one of the set of Miranda and Bernardez. Camões he must +have known,<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> and indeed refers to him satirically in his epigrams: +he seems to have actively disliked so wayward a genius, +a man so unfitted to be a Court official. Caminha himself was the +son of João Caminha, Chamberlain of the Duchess Isabel of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</span> +Braganza, and of Philippa de Sousa of Oporto, where (or at +Lisbon) the poet may have been born. After studying at the +University, either at Lisbon, or after its transference to Coimbra +in 1537, he entered the household of the Infante Duarte. In +1576 the poet retired to the palace of the Braganzas at Villa +Viçosa and died there thirteen years later. During the last ten +years of his life he held a <i>tença</i> of two hundred milreis besides +other sources of income (he was Alcaide Môr of Celorico de +Basto, as his father had been of Villa Viçosa), so that his lot +compares handsomely with that of Camões. He had planned +an edition of his works in nine books, but only a few occasional +poems were published during his lifetime. He wrote short +poems in all the usual kinds, but, although trusted and honoured +by the princes he served, he entirely lacked Camões’ divine +<i>furia</i> and had no compensating sympathy or insight or lyrical +charm. What would not Camões have made of his chanty, +<i>cantiga para çalamear</i>!<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a></p> + +<p>In perfect contrast to the laboured verses of Andrade Caminha +is the spontaneous flow of the lines to the river Leça beginning +<i>Ó rio Leça</i>, by which the Conde de Mattosinhos, <span class="smcap">Francisco +de Sá de Meneses</span> (1515?-84), is chiefly remembered. They +place him at once among the principal poets of the century. +He succeeded the Conde de Vimioso as Camareiro Môr of +Prince João, held the same post in the first years of King +Sebastian’s reign, and subsequently under King Henrique, who +created him Count of Mattosinhos in return for his services as +Governor of Portugal (during the absence of King Sebastian) +and on other occasions. After the death of the Portuguese +king he retired to Oporto, and no doubt spent the remaining +summers at Mattosinhos near the gentle stream which he had +immortalized.</p> + +<p>The Portuguese poems of <span class="smcap">André Falcão de Resende</span> +(1527?-98), born at Evora, nephew of the antiquarian André +and of the poet Garcia de Resende, were first published at +Coimbra in an incomplete volume <i>Poesias</i> [1865], and consist +of the <i>Microcosmographia</i> and some spirited anti-Drake ballads +and good sonnets (e.g. <i>Ó fragil bem</i>, <i>Ó breve gosto humano</i>) and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</span> +satires. <span class="smcap">Balthasar de Estaço</span> (born in 1570), Canon of Viseu, +and his brother the antiquarian <span class="smcap">Gaspar de Estaço</span>, Canon of +Guimarães and author of <i>Varias Antiguidades de Portugal</i> (1625), +were both born at Evora. The former’s <i>Sonetos, Eglogas e ovtras +rimas</i> (1604), published, according to the preface, in the author’s +mature age but written in the green, contain some religious +sonnets of high merit.</p> + +<p>A far more celebrated writer than these minor poets was +<span class="smcap">Jorge de Montemôr</span> (<i>c.</i> 1520-61), or <i>hispanice</i> Montemayor, who +was early driven by poverty from Montemôr o Velho (where he +was born between 1518 and 1528) a few years after Mendez +Pinto. Fortunately the latter did not relate his travels in +Chinese, but Montemôr, with the exception of a few brief passages<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> +in his <i>Diana</i>, wrote exclusively in Spanish. In Spain his musical +talent gave him a livelihood, and as musician and singer of the +Royal Chapel he remained at the Court till 1552, when he accompanied +the Infanta Juana as <i>aposentador</i> on the occasion of her +marriage with that promising patron of letters, the Infante João. +But even before the prince’s death in 1554 Montemôr returned +to Spain. In 1555 he may have gone in the train of Philip II to +England, and subsequently served as a soldier in Holland and +Italy till a duel, perhaps in a love affair, at Turin ended his days +in 1561.<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> Despite his brief and restless life Montemôr, who +showed in <i>Las obras de George de Montemayor</i> (1554) that he was +no mean poet, found time to write one of the most famous books +in literature. The date of its publication—it was dedicated to +Prince João and Princess Juana—is uncertain, but it was probably +an early work. In spirit, since not in the letter, it belongs to +Portugal. Its gentle, easy style (Menéndez y Pelayo calls it <i>tersa, +suave, melódica, expresiva</i>), the sentimental love and melancholy, +the introduction of bucolic scenes, the references to Portugal—<i>cristalino</i> +applied to the Mondego is no conventional epithet, +as only those who have seen its transparent waters can fully<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</span> +realize—mark the <i>Diana</i> as the work of a Portuguese. Its fame +soon overleapt the borders of the Peninsula. In Spain it had a +numerous progeny, to which Cervantes refused the grace somewhat +grudgingly given to Montemôr’s work as ‘the first in its +kind’. In Portugal this, the eldest child of Bernardim Ribeiro’s +<i>Menina e moça</i>, had to wait over half a century before it found +a worthy successor in the <i>Lusitania Transformada</i>.</p> + +<p>Little certain is known of the life of <span class="smcap">Fernam Alvarez do +Oriente</span> (<i>c.</i> 1540-<i>c.</i> 1595?). Born at Goa, he served in the +East, and may have fought in the battle of Alcacer Kebir. His +resemblance to Moraes in temperament and adventures perhaps +gave rise to the assertion that he wrote the fifth and sixth parts +of <i>Palmeirim de Inglaterra</i>. The scene of his <i>Lvsitania Transformada</i> +(1617) is partly in Portugal (the banks of the river +Nabão and the seven hills of Thomar) and partly in India (<i>no +nosso Oriente</i>). Like Montemôr’s <i>Diana</i>, it is divided into <i>prosas</i> +and poems, and it is modelled on the <i>Arcadia</i> of Jacopo Sannazzaro +(1458-1530)—the mountains of Arcadia transformed into +Lusitania<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>—which, however, each of its three books equals in +length. The prose setting, although devoid of thought, is mellifluous +and clear, and the poems, which contain reminiscences +of Camões, rival in the harmony and transparent flow of the verse +that ‘prince of the poets of our time’, as Alvarez calls him. Some +critics have even ventured to attribute the work to Camões, as +though his genius were so poor that he must needs fall to quoting +himself in whole lines, as is here the case. But Alvarez had +certainly caught some measure of Camões’ skill and of <i>il soave +stilo e ’l dolce canto</i> of Sannazzaro and Petrarca. He is, moreover, +less vague<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> than many writers of eclogues, and in singing his +own love story describes what his eyes have seen. It was, however, +an aberration to favour the <i>verso esdruxulo</i> (Ariosto’s +<i>sdruccioli</i>) (cf. Sannazzaro’s <i>Arcadia</i>, Ecl. 1, 6, 8, 9, 12), a truly +Manueline adornment which other Portuguese poets unfortunately +copied as a new artifice.<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</span></p> + +<p>As a poet Manuel de Faria e Sousa, who was something more +than a pedant of pedants, deserves a place among the multitude +of Portuguese writers of eclogues, since of the twenty long eclogues +contained in his <i>Fvente de Aganipe y Rimas Varias</i> (7 pts., 1624-7) +the first twelve are in his native tongue. They show no originality +but have occasional passages of quiet beauty. Nos. 7 and 8 are +both entitled ‘rustic’ and purpose to represent peasants of +Minho. They are so overcharged with archaisms and rustic +words and expressions (<i>samicas</i> and <i>namja</i> of course occur, and +<i>grolea</i> (glory), <i>marmolea</i> (memory), the form <i>suidade</i>, &c.) that +they would probably have been Greek to the peasants. As +a critic Lope de Vega called Faria the prince of commentators, +on the strength of his learned and copious editions of the +Lusiads and lyrics of Camões, for whom he had a genuine +devotion. Time has lent an interest, if not validity, to his +literary criticisms. In poetry he was as prolific as in prose: he +boasted, in the age of Lope de Vega, that he had written more +blank verse than any other poet and that his printed sonnets +exceeded those of Lope by 300.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Eloi de Sá Sottomaior</span> (or Souto Maior), the author of +<i>Jardim do Ceo</i> (1607) and <i>Ribeiras do Mondego</i> (1623), is generally +perhaps more familiar with the Saints than with the Muses, but +some of his poems are not without merit. The latter work, in +prose and verse, has no originality, although the author was +careful to state that he had composed it before the <i>Primavera</i> +of <span class="smcap">Francisco Rodriguez Lobo</span> (<i>c.</i> 1580-1622), who in strains +not less sweetly harmonious than the Lima poems of Bernardez +sang the little stream of Lis that runs so gaily through his native +Leiria. He went to study at Coimbra in 1593, took his degree +there in 1602, returned to Leiria and before 1604 was in the +service of Theodosio, Duke of Braganza, at Villa Viçosa. He was +drowned in his prime in the Tagus coming from Santarem to +Lisbon. He was alive in 1621, but, as Dr. Ricardo Jorge has +shown in his able biography, died before the end of 1622. The +fact of his drowning is well established, otherwise the tradition +might have been attributed to passages in his works in which he +seems to foretell such a fate. An extraordinarily prolific writer, +his fame rests chiefly on his three pastoral works of mingled prose<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</span> +and verse: <i>A Primavera</i> (1601) and its second and third parts +<i>O Pastor Peregrino</i> (1608) and <i>O Desenganado</i> (1614). Rodriguez +Lobo somewhere speaks disparagingly of books ‘long as leagues +in Alentejo’, but length and monotony are not absent from his +own pastorals. Look into them where you will, beautiful descriptions, +showing deep love of Nature, will present themselves, and +delightful verse and harmonious prose, excellent in its component +parts although allowed to trail in the construction of the sentences. +But the reader who attempts more than a desultory acquaintance +is soon overcome by a feeling of satiety, for the <i>Primavera</i> in its +<i>brandura sem fim</i> and the complete absence of thought is like a +stream choked by water-lilies: lovely, but tiring to the swimmer.</p> + +<p>Through all these love-lorn shepherd scenes runs a vague +thread of autobiography. The passion of Bernardim Ribeiro is +replaced by a suaver melancholy. The poet leaves the Lis for +Coimbra and then goes to Lisbon and thence to distant lands, +where he wanders as a pilgrim till he is shipwrecked at the +mouth of the Lis and returns to his home to find Lisea given to +another. It is divided into <i>florestas</i>. In the opening <i>florestas</i> the +quiet streams, the green woods and pastures, are charmingly described; +later the scene is transferred to the <i>campos do Mondego</i> +and the <i>praias do Tejo</i>. A breath of the sea is welcome in <i>O +Desenganado</i>, but the story soon returns to shepherd life and its +series of natural but rather insipid incidents.</p> + +<p>Had Rodriguez Lobo written not better but less, his pastoral +romances would probably be far more widely read. But his +finest work is of a different kind, a long dialogue, <i>Corte na +Aldea e Noites de Inverno</i> (1619), between a <i>fidalgo</i>, D. Julio, +and four friends in the long winter evenings near Lisbon. +Suggested by Baldassare Castiglione’s famous <i>Il Cortigiano</i>, which +had been popularized in Spain by Boscán’s excellent translation +(1534), this work, for which Gracián prophesied immortality, is +full of the most varied interest. The prose, excellent as is all that +of this champion of the Portuguese language, <i>jardineiro da lingua +portuguesa</i> (which his countrymen, he complained, patch and +patch like a beggar’s cloak), is here more vigorous and compact +in its construction without losing its harmonious rhythm, attractive +as the conversations which it records. Besides the beautiful<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</span> +verses lavishly scattered through his prose works, Rodriguez Lobo +wrote a long epic on Nun’ Alvarez in twenty cantos of <i>oitavas</i>: +<i>O Condestabre de Portugal D. Nuno Alvarez Pereira</i> (1610),<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> +a volume of <i>Eglogas</i> (1605), in which he is a recognized master, +a volume of <i>Romances</i> (1596) written, with two exceptions, in +Spanish,<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> and, perhaps, a Christmas play entitled <i>Auto del +Nascimiento de Christo y Edicto del Emperador Avgvsto Cesar</i>, +published in 1676. It is written in <i>redondilhas</i> in Spanish and +Portuguese.<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> This <i>auto</i> is followed by an <i>Entremes do Poeta</i> in +Portuguese. A poet, an obdurate Gongorist (<i>Do Gongora tive +sempre opinadas preferencias</i>), recites a sonnet to a lady: <i>Celicola +substancia procreada</i>, which she does not understand, and a <i>ratinho</i>, +also at a loss (<i>he para mim cousa grega</i>), advises him to give +over his jargon for a more natural language:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Gerigonças no fallar,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que amor nam he contrafeito.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>But Rodriguez Lobo has no need of such attributions to justify +his great and enduring fame.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> Cf. H. Lopes de Mendonça, <i>O Salto Mortal</i>, Act iii: <i>Tanto gostaes d’este +livro: É por ser triste?—É por ser verdadeiro.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Eclogue 5 (<i>a qual dizem ser do mesmo autor</i>), which is undoubtedly by +Ribeiro, refers to Coimbra in the lines: <i>É lembrarme os sinceiraes De Coimbra +que me mata</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> As in the case of Gil Vicente, we are vexed with homonyms—a notary, +an admiral, &c. Dr. Theophilo Braga, skilfully dovetailing hypotheses, +develops his biography fully. <i>Casi todo lo que de él se ha escrito son fábulas +sin fundamento alguno</i>, wrote Menéndez y Pelayo in 1905.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> Fray Luis de Leon may have remembered this passage in <i>De los Nombres +de Cristo</i>, Bk. 3 (1917 ed., t. 1, p. 198; <i>Bib. Aut. Esp.</i>, t. 37, p. 182).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> <i>Nossos amores contados por um modo que os não entenderá ninguem</i>, +Garrett, <i>Um Auto de Gil Vicente</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> <i>La Voluntad</i>, Barcelona, 1902. Camillo Castello Branco held similar views.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> The word cannot be translated exactly, but corresponds to the Greek +πόθος, Latin <i>desiderium</i>, Catalan <i>anyoranza</i>, Galician <i>morriña</i>, German +<i>Sehnsucht</i>, Russian тоска (pron. <i>taská</i>). It is the ‘passion for which I can +find no name’ (Gissing, <i>The Private Papers of Henry Ryecroft</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> Menéndez y Pelayo’s strict division between the ‘subjective’ pt. 1 and +pt. 2 as <i>externa y de aventuras</i> is thus somewhat arbitrary.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Pt. 1, cap. 9; pt. 2, cap. 25.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> In pt. 2, cap. 9, this is forgotten: <i>outras</i> [<i>cousas</i>] <i>que não são escritas neste +livro</i>, a slip which throws no light on the authorship.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> It was characteristic of the hot-house air in which Portuguese literature +existed that the first publication of a book often consisted in its circulation +(<i>correr</i>) in manuscript from courtier to courtier, a special licence being obtained +for this apart from the licence to print. Those to whom it appealed made +copies. The earliest known edition of <i>Menina e moça</i> is of 1557-8: <i>Primeira +& segũda parte do liuro chamado as Saudades de Bernaldim Ribeiro com todas +suas obras. Treladado de seu propria original. Nouamente impresso.</i> 1557 +(Euora. The date of the colophon is January 30, 1558). An introductory +note <i>Aos lectores</i> says: <i>Foram tantos os traduzidores deste liuro & os pareceres +em elle tam diuersos que nam he de marauilhar que na primeira impressam desta +historia se achassem tantas cousas em contrario de como foram pello auctor delle +escriptas ... foy causa de andar este liuro tam vicioso ... conueo tirarse a limpo +do propria original</i>, &c., &c.). The edition of 1554, quoted by Brunet, was +probably the first in spite of the words <i>com summa diligencia emendada</i> +(i.e. corrections of the manuscript). The phrase <i>de nouo</i> tells more against +than in favour of an earlier edition (= rather ‘new’ than ‘anew’).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Ribeiro, so far as we know, wrote no line of Spanish. Boscán’s <i>romance +Justa fué mi perdición</i> and the <i>romance Ó Belerma</i> have been wrongly ascribed +to him.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> p. 287: ... <i>so ganz persönlichem Stil, dass sie mit keinem anderen Dichter +vor oder nach ihnen, wohl aber untereinander zu verwechseln wären</i>; and p. 292: Bernardim Ribeiro writes <i>ganz im Stile des Falcão</i>. Cf. F. Bouterwek, <i>History +of Spanish and Portuguese Literature</i>, Eng. tr. 1823, ii. 39: ‘A long eclogue +by this writer, which forms an appendix to the works of Ribeyro, so completely +partakes of the character of the poems which it accompanies that +were it not for the separate title it might be mistaken for the production of +Ribeyro himself. It therefore proves that Ribeyro’s poetic fancies, his +romantic mysticism not excepted, were by no means individual.’</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> According to Dr. Theophilo Braga, he was born in 1515; married in +1529 Maria Brandão (aged eleven); was profoundly influenced by Ribeiro’s +<i>Trovas de dous pastores</i> (1536) but did not plagiarize it in the <i>Trovas de Crisfal</i> +(1536-41), similar passages being due to the <i>situação quasi similar</i> (i.e. <i>quasi +identica</i>) of the two friends; went to Italy on a diplomatic mission in 1541; +spent the year 1543 in Rome and returned to Portugal in the winter of 1543-4; +was factor of the fortress of Arguim from 1545 to 1548; and died in 1577.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> The whole question at issue is whether the <i>de</i> of <i>Trovas de Crisfal</i> = +‘by’ or ‘about’ (cf. <i>O Livro das Trovas d’ El Rei</i> = rather ‘belonging to’ +than ‘by’ the king), and protests against <i>a illusão de pretender identificar +em um mesmo poeta o apaixonado de Aonia e o de Maria</i> (<i>Obras</i>, 1915 ed., +p. 10) or <i>o intuito de converterem Christovam Falcão em um mytho</i> (ibid., p. 42) +are beside the point.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> That one of the figures is identical in the woodcuts of these two <i>folhas +volantes</i> is not significant: it appears also in an anonymous edition of the +<i>Pranto de Maria Parda</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> In the 1559 ed. the words <i>hũa muy nomeada e agradauel Egloga chamada +Crisfal ... que dizem ser de Cristouam Falcam, ho que parece alludir ho nome +da mesma Egloga</i> may legitimately be held to imply merely that some persons, +misled by the anagram, attributed the poem to Falcão.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> <i>Decada</i> 8, cap. 34 (1786 ed., p. 322).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> The <i>licença</i> of the 1632 edition says, <i>Este livrinho ... muitas vezes se imprimio</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Cf. 1885 ed., No. 109:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Eu digo os Provençais que inda se sente</div> + <div class="verse indent0">O som das brandas rimas que entoaram.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Cf. Boscán ap. Menéndez y Pelayo, <i>Antología</i>, tom. xiii (<i>Juan Boscán</i>), p. 165: +<i>En tiempo de Dante y un poco antes florecieron los Proenzales, cuyas obras +por culpa de los tiempos andan en pocas manos.</i> Menéndez y Pelayo also +(ibid., p. 174) gives a reference by Faria e Sousa to King Dinis: <i>El rey don +Dionis de Portugal nació primero que el Dante tres ó quatro años y escrivió +mucho deste propio género endecasílabo, coma consta de los manuscritos.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> Cf. 1885 ed., No. 112:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent18">¿Como se perdieron</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Entre nos el cantar, como el tañer</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que tanto nombre a los pasados dieron?</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Adeus leitor a mais ver,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Porque ainda haveis de ver mais (<i>A Egipciaca</i>, p. 181).</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> He must often have repeated Nuno Pereira’s lines, which may have +influenced him when he read them in the <i>Cancioneiro Geral: Privar em cas da +Rainha Deos vollo deixe fazer, E a mi hũa vinha E regar hũa almoinha Em que +tenho mor prazer ... Lavro, cavo quanta posso ... O gingrar de meu caseiro</i>, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> His complaint in the second elegy (1885 ed., No. 147, l. 17) shows how far +he was in advance of his age in Portugal: <i>Um vilancete brando ou seja +um chiste, Letras ás invenções, motes ás damas, Hũa pregunta escura, esparsa +triste, Tudo bom, quem o nega? Mas porque, Se alguem descobre mais, se +lhe resiste?</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Often he combines several in the same poem. Thus the long (533 lines) +eclogue on the death of Garci Lasso (<i>Nemoroso</i>) begins in <i>tercetos</i>, proceeds +with <i>rima encadeada</i> (internal rhyme), and ends with Petrarcan stanzas.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> Cf. the sonnet (1885 ed., No. 126) <i>Esprito que voaste</i> with <i>Alma minha gentil</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> The autograph manuscript of this and of other poems, discovered in the +Lisbon Biblioteca Nacional by Snr. Delfim Guimarães in 1908, has been +reproduced in facsimile by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos in the +<i>Boletim</i> of the Lisbon <i>Ac. das Sciencias</i>, vol. v (1912), pp. 187-220. See <i>infra</i>, +p. 164.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> Leonel da Costa, the translator of Virgil and Terence, later wrote a poem +in seven cantos of <i>redondilhas</i> on the same subject: <i>A Conversão miraculosa +da felice egypcia penitente Santa Maria</i> (1627).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> Faria e Sousa even makes him the first Portuguese poet to write hendecasyllabics, +setting aside those of Sá de Miranda as unreadable: <i>son incapaces +de ser leidos!</i> (<i>Varias Rimas</i>, pt. ii, p. 162).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> He was <i>Moço da camara</i> in 1566. He was appointed a knight of the +Order of Christ in 1582. He married apparently after his return from Africa in +1581. He was alive in 1596 (although in one of his poems he refers to a premature +old age) and dead in 1605. On the other hand, he was apparently over +twenty-five in 1558. It is thought that the right of passing on his official +posts to his children (<i>sobrevivencia</i>), granted to his father in 1532, may indicate +the date of the birth of the eldest of his eleven children: Diogo Bernardez +(who did not, like some of his brothers, use his father’s second name, Pimenta).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> <i>Carta</i> 12: <i>Confesso dever tudo áquella rara Doutrina tua</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> The succeeding generation was also distinguished, one of the poet’s +nephews becoming Bishop of Angra, another Governor of Angola, a third +Professor at Coimbra University.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> Bernardez’ letters in verse contain many such references to everyday life, +e. g. the Lisbon negress selling fried fish in the <i>Betesga</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> A confident sonnet by him in this capacity is extant: <i>Pois armarse por +Christo não duvida Sebastião.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> <i>O doce estillo teu tomo por guia</i> and <i>Escrevo, leio e risco</i> he writes to +Miranda, but his muse was far more spontaneous than Miranda’s, and it +appears from another passage (in <i>Elegia</i> 5) that his alterations were less +of style than of matter.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> <i>Carta</i> 32 is an exception, and consists of seventy-two <i>oitavas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> He introduces Italian lines (<i>Cartas</i> 23, 27, 30) and wrote a sonnet in +Italian.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> Cf. <i>Carta</i> 4: <i>Foge inda o dia ao muito diligente</i>, although whether this is +due to his work or to the number of his friends is not clear.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> <i>Com cujo</i> [Miranda’s] <i>exemplo meu pai, que entam estaua nos estudos, pretendeo +com a variedade destes sens manifestar como a lingua Portugueza assi +em copia de palauras como em grauidade de estylo a nenhuma he inferior</i> (Miguel +Leite Ferreira, Preface to <i>Poemas Lvsitanos</i>, 1598).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> To take an example not from the eclogues but from one of his sonnets, +the words</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent24">da guerra</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Nossa livres viveis em paz e em gloria</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">correspond but ill to their peaceful sense.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> Cf. <i>Carta</i> 2. Bernardez (in an elegy on Ferreira’s death addressed to +Andrade Caminha) records that among all Ferreira’s verses not a line was +written in a foreign tongue: <i>um só nunca lhe deu em lingua alhea</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> Thirteen times the same subject is treated by Camões and Caminha, +sometimes exclusively by them (C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos, <i>Pero de Andrade +Caminha</i> (1901), p. 55).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> <i>Obras</i>, ed. Priebsch, p. 361.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> All that he wrote in Portuguese is contained in two pages (389-91) of +Garcia Peres’ <i>Catálogo</i> (1890).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> Fray Bartolomé Ponce, <i>Primera Parte de la Clara Diana a lo divino</i> +(1582?): <i>Me dijeron como un muy amigo suyo le habia muerto por ciertos +zelos ó amores</i> (quoted by Ticknor, iii. 536, and by T. Braga (omitting +<i>ciertos</i>), <i>Bernardim Ribeiro</i> (1872), p. 80).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> <i>Argumento desta obra.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> e.g.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">No mato o rosmaninho, a branca esteva,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">No campo o lirio azul que o chão cubria.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> <i>Que estes se chamem poetas!</i> rightly exclaims Frei Lucas de Santa Catharina +(<i>Seram Politico</i> (1704), p. 146) of those who revel in the use of <i>esdruxulos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> The whole of Canto XIV is given to a vigorous account of the battle of +Aljubarrota, already described more vividly in fewer stanzas by Camões. +Another poem in <i>oitavas</i> by Rodriguez Lobo, <i>Historia da Arvore Triste</i>, was +published in <i>Fenix Renascida</i>, vol. iv.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> In Spanish also are the fifty-six <i>romances</i> which make up the poem +<i>La Jornada</i>, &c. (1623), written on the coming of Philip III to Portugal +in 1619. In the eclogues, written chiefly in <i>redondilhas</i>, he sings with spontaneous +charm <i>as praticas humildes e os cuidados Não por arte fingidos e enfeitados</i> +of the <i>rusticos vaqueiros</i>, as he says in the prefatory sonnet. Many of +the words are pleasantly indigenous: <i>milho</i>, <i>boroa</i>, <i>salgueiraes</i>, <i>rafeiro</i>, +<i>charneca</i>, <i>chocalho</i>, <i>abegões</i>, <i>ovelheiros</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> For instance, when the Angel has announced in Spanish <i>las alegres nuevas</i>, +the goatherd, <i>ratinho</i>, Mendo, says: <i>A din Rey, a din Rey ay! Que estou +amorrinhentado, Acudame algum Cristom ou Sancristom.</i> Laureano, the +shepherd, speaks Portuguese and Spanish, and Silvia says: <i>Porque o que +sinto quisera Dizelo em bom Portugues.</i> An <i>Auto e Colloquio do Nascimento de +Christo</i> (1646) attributed to Francisco Lopes was reprinted in 1676.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="III_3">§ 3<br><span class="small"><i>The Drama</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>After Gil Vicente’s death the <i>autos</i> continued to flourish in +number if not in excellence, and evidently answered to a very +real popular demand. It was in vain that the Jesuits produced +their Latin plays and that serious poets of high reputation +sought to wean the affections of the people from the <i>auto</i> to +the classical drama.<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> This opposition of the educated did, +however, conduce to the swift deterioration of the <i>auto</i>, although +some of those of a religious character, chiefly the Nativity +plays, still succeeded in reflecting a part of the charm that +characterized the Vicentian drama. To Gil Vicente’s lifetime +probably belongs the <i>Obra famosissima tirada da Sancta Escriptura +chamada da Geração humana, onde se representam sentenças +muy catolicas & proueitosas pera todo christã: Feita por huũ +famoso autor</i> (1536?). Indeed, the verse runs so easily, the +peasants are so natural, that one might almost suspect him of +having had a hand in its composition. But the metre (8 8 4 8 8 4) +is more monotonous than he would have used throughout. +The <i>dramatis personae</i> are angels, peasants,<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> Adam, Justice, +Reason, Malice, two devils, a priest, four saints and doctors of +the Church, a Levite, the Church, the Heavenly Samaritan. +Adam in a scene closely resembling that of the <i>Auto da Alma</i> +is tempted by Malice. Justice intervenes, and finally the +Samaritan leads him to the <i>estalagem</i> of Holy Mother Church.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</span> +The <i>Auto de ds [Deus] padre & justiça & mia [Misericordia]</i> +belongs to the same period. It is written in octosyllabic verse +and contains a similar medley of peasants, prophets, and abstract +virtues. In the first part the angels in Portuguese announce +to the Virgin the birth of Christ, and in the second part the +peasants, who speak Spanish, go to offer rustic gifts to <i>el muy +chiquito donzel</i>. Another early and anonymous play is the <i>Auto +do Dia do Juizo</i>, included in the <i>Index</i> of 1559, which for its +subject closely follows Gil Vicente’s <i>Auto da Barca do Inferno</i>. +A peasant, a false and lying notary, a market-woman who had +offered weekly bread and wax to Santa Catharina but had ’robbed +the poor people’, a butcher, a miller who had mixed bran in +his sacks of flour, are introduced in turn and duly consigned +by Lucifer to Hell.</p> + +<p>If we only knew the quondam Franciscan monk <span class="smcap">Antonio +Ribeiro Chiado</span> (<i>c.</i> 1520?-91) and his contemporary and rival, +the mulatto servant of the Bishop of Evora, by their mutual +abuse, we could form no very high opinion of their character +or their wit. In bitter <i>quintilhas</i> Chiado reviles the latter for +his dark complexion; <span class="smcap">Afonso Alvarez</span> answers by upbraiding +<i>nonno Chiado</i> as the son of a cobbler and a market-woman +and for the habits which had made the cloister seem so +dismal a place to Frei Antonio do Espirito Santo. Fortunately +some of the plays of both of them survive, and we are better +able to judge of their merits. The mulatto, who was a valued +member of his master’s household and prides himself that +Chiado has nothing worse to throw in his face than the colour +of his skin, was certainly Chiado’s inferior in wit and talent. +Both imitate Gil Vicente without having a vestige of his lyrical +genius or greater skill in devising a plot. Alvarez preferred +religious subjects. In his <i>Auto de Santo Antonio</i> St. Anthony +restores to life the drowned son of two peasants, who are +imitated from Vicente’s <i>Auto da Feira</i>.<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> The only other of his +plays that we have is the <i>Auto de Santa Barbara</i>, but we know +that he also wrote an <i>Auto de S. Vicente Martyr</i> and an <i>Auto +de Santiago Apostolo</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</span></p> + +<p>Chiado’s plays and witty sayings, <i>avisos para guardar</i> and +<i>parvoices</i>, appear to have made him extremely popular in +Lisbon, Camões recognized his talent, and Lisbon’s most famous +street still bears his name in common speech. His boisterous +life at Lisbon after leaving his convent may have given him his +name Chiado (cf. the <i>chiar</i> of ox-carts), but it existed as a surname +earlier. His <i>Pratica de Oito Figuras</i> (1543?), <i>Auto das +Regateiras</i> (1568 or 1569), and <i>Pratica dos Compadres</i> (1572), +are the work of an accomplished wit who was intimately +acquainted with the farces of Gil Vicente and, in the last two, +with the prose plays of Jorge Ferreira. Many of Vicente’s types +are present, but all in a town atmosphere, in which cards take +the place of the rustic dances and lyric yields to epigram, the +natural genius of Vicente to a laboured smartness. We have +the <i>clerigo de vintem</i>, the <i>ratinho</i> from Beira, the vain <i>pação</i>, the +poor <i>fidalgo</i> or <i>escudeiro</i>, the negro with his pidgin Portuguese, +the witch, the ill-tempered <i>velha</i>, the <i>trovador</i> chaplain, the +ambitious priest, the corrupt judge. The scenes are even +more disconnected and less dramatic, and the ingenious <i>redondilhas</i> +necessarily seem artificial because their author so often +challenges comparison with the more genuine skill of his master, +Gil Vicente. Chiado’s <i>Auto de Gonçalo Chambão</i> was reprinted +several times in the seventeenth century, but is now unknown. +Of his <i>Auto da Natural Invençam</i> (<i>c.</i> 1550) a single copy survives, +in the library of the Conde de Sabugosa, whose edition (1917) is +of exceptional interest. The play, as reminiscent of Vicente as +are the other plays of Chiado, describes the acting of an <i>auto</i> +in a private house in the reign of João III, and bears witness to +the frequency of such representations at Lisbon and to their +extraordinary popularity.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Balthasar Diaz</span>, a blind poet (or <i>jogral</i>) of Madeira, in the +first half of the sixteenth century wrote plays which have +retained their popularity. He versified at great length traditions +of chivalry and of mediaeval saints. We do not possess +his <i>Trovas</i> written on the death of D. João de Castro (1548), +and many of his plays, <i>Auto da Paixam de Christo</i>, <i>Auto de El +Rei Salomão</i>, <i>Auto da Feira da Ladra</i>, have become rare or +unknown. One of the best of them, the <i>Auto de Santo Aleixo</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</span> +perhaps owes its survival to its subject, akin to the popular +theme of a prince in disguise. The rich and noble Aleixo +wanders in rags to the Holy Land. The Devil, who tempts +him in the form of a wayfarer, declares that now—the eternal +querulous ‘now’ of the poets—only the rich are honoured and +learning is neglected. Later the Devil becomes a courtier and +again tempts St. Aleixo, who is defended by an angel. The +<i>Auto de Santa Catherina</i> is a long devout play of which the +persons are St. Catherine, her mother, her page, the Emperor +Maxentius, a hermit, three <i>doutores</i>, Christ, the Virgin, angels. +The saint, who receives news of her mother’s death with admirable +equanimity, suffers martyrdom at the end of the play with +equal fortitude. Diaz also dramatized the story of the Marques +de Mantua. Although devoid of dramatic or lyric talent, he is +sometimes interesting. Women, whose dresses and fashions are +contrasted in the <i>Auto de Santo Aleixo</i> with the hard toil of the +men, are represented in the <i>Auto da Malicia das Mulheres</i> as +treating their husbands ‘like negroes’. We do not know +whether Diaz spoke from experience, his life is very obscure; +but he may have spent his last years in Beira if the passage in +his <i>O Conselho para bem casar</i>:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent4">estou nesta Beira</div> + <div class="verse indent0">tão remoto de trovar (1680 ed., p. 2)</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">be not merely a reference to Boeotia, any place far from +Lisbon.</p> + +<p>Traces of Vicente and the <i>Celestina</i><a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> are apparent in <span class="smcap">Anrique +Lopez’</span> <i>Cena Policiana</i> or <i>O Estvdante</i>, in which a <i>fidalgo</i> and +a student<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> figure. The poor <i>escudeiro</i> and his fasting <i>moço</i> +are prominent in <span class="smcap">Jorge Pinto’s</span> <i>Auto de Rodrigo e Mendo</i>. +Spanish romances are quoted with great frequency, and Vicente’s +<i>En el mes era de Abril</i> is parodied by the <i>moços</i>.<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> Indeed, their +knowledge of literature was become embarrassing since, when +his master’s guest, invited to a dinner which did not exist,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</span> +recites some verses that he has made, Rodrigo has already read +them in Boscán and heard them sung in the street.<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a></p> + +<p>The exact dates of <span class="smcap">Antonio Prestes</span>, of Torres Novas, are +unknown, but seven of his plays, after having been acted at +Lisbon and published in <i>folhas volantes</i>, were first collected by +Afonso Lopez half a century after Gil Vicente’s death in the +<i>Primeira Parte dos Avtos e Comedias Portuguesas</i>, &c. (1588). The +<i>Auto da Ave Maria</i>, written between 1563 and 1587, is an allegorical +play in which Reason is vanquished by Sensuality; Heraclitus +mourns over her fall while Democritus laughs. A knight +in league with the Devil<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> robs in turn an almoner, a <i>ratinho</i>, +and Fast, but his pious habit of saying an <i>Ave Maria</i> causes +St. Michael to rescue him from the Devil and reconcile him with +Reason. Of the profane plays, that with the most definite plot +is the <i>Auto dos Dous Irmãos</i>, in which an old man, after refusing +to see his sons who have married without his permission, divides +all his money between them and is then neglected by both: he +is sent from one to the other like King Lear. But the story is +feebly worked out here as in the other plays. Their action is +mostly that of a puppet show. Sometimes the <i>moço</i>, who always +plays a prominent part, seems to be the only link in the plot, as +Duarte in the <i>Autos dos Cantarinhos</i>. These <i>moços</i>, who show the +author’s acquaintance with Gil Vicente<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> + and <i>Lazarillo de Tormes</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</span><a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> +are quite unlike either Lazarillo or Apariço. They are certainly +hungry, but they combine starvation with laziness, presumption +and abundant learning. The names of Petrarca and Seneca +are on their lips; they read <i>Palmeirim</i> and quote romances +of chivalry and Spanish <i>romances</i> glibly.<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> Indeed, the chief +interest of these artificial plays is the light thrown on the times: +the position of women, the bribery of judges and lawyers, the +aping of foreign manners, the mixed styles of architecture. They +contain no poetry, little drama, and their wit is seldom natural. +Like Prestes, <span class="smcap">Jeronimo Ribeiro</span>, perhaps a brother of Chiado, +was born apparently at Torres Novas. Only one of his plays +was published: the <i>Auto do Fisico</i>, written in the last third of +the sixteenth century. It has some farcical Vicentian scenes, +the inevitable hits against the doctors and lawyers—the <i>moço</i> +dresses up as a <i>doutor</i> to receive a simple fisherman from Alfama—and +is generally more popular and natural than Prestes’ plays.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Simão Machado</span> (<i>c.</i> 1570-<i>c.</i> 1640), who as a Franciscan monk—Frei +Boaventura—ended his life at Barcelona, was also born +at Torres Novas. His plays—<i>Comedias portvgvesas</i> (1601?)—are +two: <i>Comedia de Dio</i> and <i>Comedia da Pastora Alfea</i>. They +are written in Spanish and Portuguese indiscriminately despite +Gonçalo’s admonition <i>palrar como Pertigues</i>.<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> The author +explains that, well aware of his countrymen’s love of what is +foreign, he uses Castilian to save his plays from the neglect often +bestowed in Portugal upon works written in Portuguese. His +verse is ordinarily the <i>redondilha</i>, although Nuno da Cunha +in the first part of <i>O Cerco de Dio</i> makes a speech in <i>oitavas</i>. +He has lyrical facility and his peasant scenes are full of life, +for instance, the dialogue between the cowherd Gil Cabaço and +Tomé the goatherd in <i>Alfea</i>.</p> + +<p>The Gospel story was dramatized by <span class="smcap">Frei Francisco Vaz</span> +of Guimarães in a long <i>Auto da Paixão</i>. The oldest edition +we have is dated 1559, and it has been often reprinted, with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</span> +thirty rough woodcuts. Some of these are very spirited, as that +of the cock crowing after St. Peter’s denial, or that of Judas +hanging himself. After a long introductory speech in <i>versos de +arte maior</i> the play proceeds in <i>redondilhas</i> (over 2,000 lines). +Religious subjects have always been favourites with the Portuguese, +especially those affording scope for lavish scenic display, +not only those of martyred saints, as the <i>Auto de Santa Genoveva</i>, +but those based on the New Testament, as the later play <i>Acto +figurado da degolação dos Innocentes</i> (1784) in seven scenes.<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a></p> + +<p>Two plays, the <i>Auto da Donzella da Torre</i> and <i>Auto de Dom +André</i>, are attributed to Gil Vicente’s grandson, <span class="smcap">Gil Vicente +de Almeida</span>. The latter, written before 1559, in which a peasant +brings his unlettered son (<i>nem nunca falei Gramatica</i>) to Court, +and a <i>ratinho</i>, on becoming a page, promises himself to learn +to sing and play on the guitar within a month, has a Vicentian +character.</p> + +<p>To the beginning of the seventeenth century also belongs the +<i>Pratica de Tres Pastores</i> (1626), a Christmas play by <span class="smcap">Frei +Antonio da Estrella</span>, who may perhaps be identified with +Frei Antonio de Lisboa, author of the lost <i>Auto dos Dous Ladrões</i> +(1603). The three shepherds, Rodrigo, Loirenço, and Sylvestre, +are awakened by an angel singing <i>cousas de preço</i>. They agree +that the song echoing over the hills is no earth-born music but +<i>algum Charubim ou Anjo ou Charafim</i>, and presently they go +to Bethlehem to offer their rustic gifts. The author has caught +the charm and spontaneity of the earlier Christmas <i>autos</i>. +Another seventeenth-century <i>auto</i> of the same kind is the +<i>Colloquio do Nascimento do Menino Jesus</i> by the Lisbon +bookseller, <span class="smcap">Francisco Lopez</span>. The scene and conversation of +the three shepherds, Gil, Silvestre, and Paschoal, with their +<i>assorda ou migas de alho</i> in the cold night—<i>mas como queima +o rocio</i>, says Gil—are very naturally drawn. An echo of the +satirical side of Gil Vicente’s genius is to be found in the <i>Auto +das Padeiras chamado da Fome</i> (1638),<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> in which the various frauds<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</span> +of the bakeresses, sardine-sellers, market-women, pastry-cooks, +and tavern-keepers of Lisbon are shown up by the devils Palurdam +and Calcamar, as in the <i>Barca do Purgatorio</i>. There is +nothing of Vicente in the <i>Auto novo da Barca da Morte</i> (1732) +by a Lisbon author who wrote under the name of Diogo da Costa +(Innocencio da Silva, ii. 153, believed that his real name was +André da Luz). It consists of a single scene crowded with +classical allusions. Death has deprived Midas of his gold, +Alexander of his victories, Aristotle of his learning. The actors +here are a rich miser, a poor man, a youth, an old man, and +Death, whose boat Time steers. The title of the <i>Auto novo +e curioso da Forneira de Aljubarrota</i> (1815), also attributed to +Diogo da Costa, is misleading, since it is a prose narrative +of the experiences of that <i>valorosa matrona</i>, who, dressed as +an <i>almocreve</i>, comes to Lisbon with her two <i>bestinhas</i> laden with +wine.</p> + +<p>Of the twenty-five plays contained in the <i>Musa entretenida +de varios entremeses</i> (1658) edited by Manuel Coelho Rebello, +No. 17 (<i>Castigos de vn Castelhano</i>) is in Spanish and Portuguese, +six are in Portuguese,<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> all the rest in Spanish. Popular plays +continued to be written long after the introduction of the +classical drama and in spite of the antagonism of the priests. +They were often composed in a variety of metres, as the <i>Acto +de Sᵗᵃ Genoveva, Princesa de Barbante</i> (1735) by Balthasar +Luis da Fonseca, if its verse can be called metre,<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> or the <i>Comedia +famosa intitulada A Melhor Dita de Amor</i> (1745) by Rodrigo +Antonio de Almeida,<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> which opens with a sonnet and proceeds +in <i>redondilhas</i>, hendecasyllables, and prose.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</span></p> + +<p>In the Christmas plays and peasant scenes some of Gil Vicente’s +poetry had lingered; the plays of more fashionable authors +caught no gleam of his lyrism, but sketched types and satirized +manners successfully, none more so than Mello’s <i>Auto do Fidalgo +Aprendiz</i>, written, it must be remembered, before <i>Le Bourgeois +Gentilhomme</i> (1670). Both kinds, consciously or unconsciously, +were derived from Vicente’s genius as manifested in his plays +for the Court and of the people.</p> + +<p>During Gil Vicente’s lifetime, perhaps, Sá de Miranda had written +the two plays, <i>Os Estrangeiros</i> (<i>c.</i> 1528) and <i>Os Vilhalpandos</i> +(1538?),<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> with which he introduced classical comedy into Portugal +(nearly a quarter of a century before its introduction into France +and England). <i>Os Estrangeiros</i> was a novelty<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> in more ways +than one, for it was written in prose. Both plays were, as the +author admitted, imitated from Plautus and Terence and also +from Ariosto, whose comedies were composed in the first third of +the century. <i>Os Estrangeiros</i> was, he further observed in a brief +introductory letter to the Cardinal Henrique, rustic and clumsy.<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> +Its only claim to be called rustic, in character as apart from +treatment, consists in a few allusions to popular customs. We +would have had it more indigenous. The scene is Palermo, +the plot, <i>à la</i> Plautus, consists of the difficulties and differences +between father and son, and there is the <i>aio</i>, the vainglorious +soldier Briobris, <i>nas armas um Roldão</i>, and the <i>truão</i> who plays +the part of <i>gracioso</i>. The action advances in long soliloquies +to the final reconciliation between father and son. The character +of <i>Os Vilhalpandos</i>, which Mello called ‘a mirror of courtly +wit’, is similar, with the difference that Fame instead of Comedy +speaks the prologue and the action between son, father, and +courtesan is placed in Rome. Both the plays were acted before +Cardinal Henrique and printed by his command. As if to mark +his initiative in every field, Miranda also composed a classical +tragedy entitled <i>Cleopatra</i> (<i>c.</i> 1550), the title of which is of +interest as preceding the plays of Shakespeare and Samuel<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</span> +Daniel (1562-1619). The twelve octosyllabic lines (<i>abcabcdefdef</i>) +that survive (from a chorus?) give no idea of its character, but +it probably followed closely the <i>Sofonisba</i> (1515) of Gian Giorgio +Trissino (1478-1550). A Spanish version of Sophocles’ <i>Electra</i> +by Hernan Perez de Oliva appeared in 1528, and in 1536 Anrique +Ayres Victoria had translated this into Portuguese octosyllabic +verse: <i>A Vingança de Agamemnon</i>. The date of the first +edition is unknown; the second appeared in 1555. Nor do we +know when <i>Cleopatra</i> was written,<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> although it must have been +prior to Antonio Ferreira’s classical tragedy acted at Coimbra, +<i>Inés de Castro</i> (<i>c.</i> 1557), which has hitherto been considered +the first of its kind in Portugal. Written when the author was +about thirty, that is, about the time of Miranda’s death, it copied +the form of Greek tragedies and, the better to acclimatize this, +a thoroughly national subject was chosen—the death of Inés—whereas +Miranda had gone to Rome and Egypt. As might be +expected from Ferreira’s other work the conception was executed +with the careful skill of a conscientious craftsman. The drama +has unity, the style is purest Portuguese, the chorus sometimes +soars into poetry, as in the celebrated passage <i>Quando amor +naceo</i>. That the same high language is spoken throughout, +that, as has often been observed, scenes of dramatic opportunity—a +meeting between D. Pedro and his father or Inés—are +omitted, merely shows that Ferreira had no dramatic instinct. +Perhaps the only dramatic passage—and even so it is of more +psychological than dramatic interest—is that in Act III: <i>Inés.</i> +‘Ah, woe is me! what ill, what fearful ill dost thou announce?’ +<i>Chorus.</i> ‘It is thy death.’ <i>Inés.</i> ‘<i>Is my lord dead?</i>’ Nevertheless, +the play was a remarkable achievement, carried out without +faltering and with a sustained loftiness worthy of its subject. +No one any longer believes that Ferreira copied from the <i>Nise +lastimosa</i> by Geronimo Bermudez, published under the pseudonym +Antonio da Silva eight years after Ferreira’s death. This is +a slightly expanded Spanish translation, closely following the +1587 edition<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> of <i>Inés de Castro</i>, which differs considerably from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</span> +that of 1598. The <i>Nise laureada</i> which accompanied it is +perfectly insignificant. Like Miranda, Ferreira wrote, besides +one tragedy, two comedies, <i>Bristo</i> and <i>O Cioso</i>. There are +indications that he had in mind Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ +<i>Eufrosina</i> as well as Miranda’s comedies. Bristo soliloquizing +is the counterpart of Philtra, and in his dedication of <i>Bristo</i> +to Prince João he acknowledges his debt to previous plays.<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> +In this comedy, written during some vacation days at Coimbra +University, the action is very primitive, but the braggart +Annibal and the charlatan Montalvão account for some farcical +scenes. His later play, <i>O Cioso</i> (the jealous husband is also +handled by Gil Vicente and Prestes), belongs to a higher plane, +i. e. to comedy rather than farce, although <i>Bristo</i> is not entirely +devoid of character-drawing. <i>Bristo</i> was ‘made public’ +(<i>publicada</i>) before 1554, but neither play was published till +1622. Both are remarkable for the correctness and concise +vigour of their prose.</p> + + +<p>The three plays of Camões, written perhaps between the +years 1544 and 1549 during his first stay at Lisbon, belong +entirely neither to the classical drama nor to the more ancient +<i>autos</i>, but combine elements of both. They are written in +<i>redondilhas</i>, mostly <i>quintilhas</i>. The third, <i>El Rei Seleuco</i> (1549?), +is slighter even than a Vicentian farce. It has a curious prologue +scene (<i>Vorspiel auf dem Theater</i>) in prose. The versification is +easy, but its chief interest is the important part it may have +played in its author’s life. The earliest in date, <i>Filodemo</i>, +although it lacks Vicente’s savour of the soil, has a graceful +charm and faintly recalls the <i>Comedia do Viuvo</i>. Filodemo, +orphan son of a Danish princess and a Portuguese <i>fidalgo</i>, is in +love with Dionysa, daughter of his father’s brother, whose son +Venadoro is in love with Filodemo’s sister Florimena. Their +relationship is unknown, but the discovery of their true birth +smoothes the path of love and ends the play. <i>Os Amphitriões</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</span> +in Portuguese and Spanish,<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> is based on the <i>Amphitruo</i> of Plautus. +The predicaments resulting from the appearance of Jupiter as +Amphitrião’s double and Mercury as the double of Sosia are +<p class="poetry"> +deftly and humorously worked out in delightfully spontaneous verse.</p> + + +<p>For those so fastidious as to be satisfied neither by the popular +<i>autos</i> nor the staid classical plays, yet another kind was provided +in the shape of Celestina comedies in prose. Of the life of their +author we know scarcely more than that he was very well +known in his day. Judging by literary merit only, one might +assign the verses written by Jorge de Vasconcellos in the <i>Cancioneiro +Geral</i> to <span class="smcap">Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcellos</span> (<i>c.</i> 1515-63?), +since the poems, alike in the new and the old style, interspersed +in his works do not prove him to have possessed high +poetical talent. It is as a dramatist and still more as a writer +of Portuguese prose that the distinguished courtier of King +João III’s reign<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>—deserves a higher place in Portuguese literature +than his ungrateful countrymen have habitually accorded him. +But the dates forbid the identification of the dramatist with the +earlier poet, who was also a notable courtier since he is specially +mentioned in Vicente’s <i>Cortes de Jupiter</i> (ii. 404). One of the +few definite facts known to us concerning Jorge Ferreira is that +affirmed in the preface of his <i>Eufrosina</i>: that this play was the +first fruit of his genius, written in his youth.<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> The exact date of +<i>Eufrosina</i> is unknown, but it was written after the University +had been finally established at Coimbra in 1537—the date of +the letter from India (December 20, 1526<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a>) is clearly a misprint +since mention is made of the siege of Diu (1538). Ferreira de +Vasconcellos evidently studied law at the University. If he was +born, not at Coimbra but at Lisbon, he may have begun his +studies in the capital. At the time of Prince Duarte’s death +(1540) he was in his service, as <i>moço da camara</i>, and he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</span> +continued as a Court official, first, perhaps, in the service of the +heir to the throne, Prince João, who died on January 2, 1554, +and then in that of King Sebastião. In 1563 he was succeeded +as Secretary (<i>escrivão do Tesouro</i>) by Luis Vicente, probably son +of the poet Gil. The document<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> which nominates his successor +by no means implies his death, since, as Menéndez y Pelayo<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a> +observed, his name is unaccompanied by the formula <i>que Deus +perdoe</i> or <i>aja</i>. But it is strange, if he did not die till 1585, the +date given by Barbosa Machado, that nothing more is heard +of him after 1563 (we are told that his son died at the battle +of Alcacer Kebir), and that his son-in-law called <i>Aulegrafia</i>, +written before the death of Prince Luis (1555), his swan-song.<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> +Apart from manuscript treatises which were never published, Jorge +Ferreira is the author of four works in prose, the three plays, +<i>Eufrosina</i>, <i>Ulysippo</i>, <i>Aulegrafia</i>, and the <i>Memorial da Segunda +Tavola Redonda</i>. The latter is an involved romance of chivalry<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> +which describes the adventures of the Knight of the Crystal +Arms, emulator of the Knights of the Round Table and Amadis +of Gaul. Each chapter commences with a brief sententious +reflection, from which the reader is plunged into mortal combats +of knights, centaurs, giants, and dragons. It begins by giving an +account of King Arthur, his disappearance, and the prosperous +reign of Sagramor. It ends with a vivid description of the tournament +(August 5, 1552) at Enxobregas (= Xabregas) in which the +ill-fated Prince João was the principal figure. Barbosa Machado +included among Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ works <i>Triunfos de +Sagramor em que se tratão os feitos dos Cavalleiros da Segunda +Tavola Redonda</i> (Coimbra, 1554). A passage in the <i>Memorial</i><a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> +may have led to the belief that this was a second part of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</span> +<i>Memorial</i>, of which the first known edition is that of Coimbra, +1567, but from the preface<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> it appears that the <i>Memorial</i> <i>is</i> the +<i>Triunfos</i>. The title <i>Triunfos de Sagramor</i> may have been given to +an earlier edition,<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> or it may have been the title of the second +half of the work. The author himself declares that his story +had been ‘presented’ to Prince João.<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> The editor of <i>Ulysippo</i> +in 1618 says that the <i>Memorial</i> had been printed at least twice +during the author’s lifetime.<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> Yet it is difficult not to suspect +that the date 1554 was a confusion with the year of the death +of the prince to whom the work was dedicated. The same +uncertainty, as we have seen, prevails as to the date of the +first edition of the author’s masterpiece <i>Eufrosina</i>. (He published +his plays anonymously, partly perhaps for the same +reason that made him insist that his characters represented no +definite persons but types.) The earliest edition that we have +is that of Evora, 1561, that of Coimbra, 1560, having disappeared, +if it ever existed.<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> The words on the title-page, <i>de nouo reuista +& em partes acrecentada</i>, need not imply more than that, as we +know, the manuscript had circulated among his friends: <i>por +muitas mãos deuassa e falsa</i>. As a novelty, <i>invençam noua +nesta terra</i>, <i>Eufrosina</i> with its proverbs and its ingenious thoughts +and phrases was appreciated in Portugal, whose inhabitants +were justifiably proud now to possess a <i>Celestina</i> of their own, +a <i>Celestina</i> with less action and rhetoric but more thought and +sentiment.<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> Quevedo was loud in its praises, Lope de Vega<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</span> +perhaps quoted it,<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> its influence on the style of Mello and other +Portuguese writers is clear. It was a legitimate success and +its modern neglect is all the more deplorable because in this play +the Portuguese language, the richness, concision, and grace of +which are exalted in the preface, appears in its purest, raciest +form. The author’s vocabulary is immense, his sentences +admirably vigorous and clear. After heading the E’s in the +<i>Index</i> of 1581 (<i>Evphrosina</i> simply, without author) it was +reprinted by the poet Rodriguez Lobo in 1616, in a slightly +modified form, shorn, that is, of some of the coarser passages +and of all reference to the Scriptures.<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> The style is not the +only merit of <i>Eufrosina</i>. Despite the lack of proportion in some +of the scenes, in which Jorge Ferreira proves himself to have +been, like Richardson, ‘a sorry pruner’ (four scenes out of the +thirty-nine constitute a quarter of the play), there is a certain +unity in this story of the love of the poor courtier Zelotipo de +Abreu for Eufrosina, proud and beautiful daughter of the rich +<i>fidalgo</i> D. Carlos, Senhor das Povoas, in the little ancient +university town above the green waters and willows of Mondego. +The numerous other persons are strictly subordinate, and both +scenes and characters are skilfully drawn. The artificial construction, +the convention by which emotion finds vent in a string +of classical allusions, scarcely mar the exceedingly natural +presentment of many of the scenes. Charming, for instance, is +that in which Eufrosina and her companion and friend Silvia +de Sousa, Zelotipo’s cousin, watch from the terrace of their +house the river’s gentle flow and along its bank the citizens and +students taking the air in the cool of the evening. The play +contains as many characters as a modern novel. There is +Cariofilo, a gay good-hearted Don Juan; his friend, the more +serious Zelotipo, type of the Portuguese lover, the <i>galante contemplativo</i>; +D. Carlos, quick to anger but easily appeased; the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</span> +pedantic, unscrupulous Dr. Carrasco, whose conversation with +D. Carlos gives scope for a vigorous attack on the legal profession; +Silvia, who sacrifices her love and gives up to Eufrosina +her cousin’s verses that she had so carefully kept; the <i>moços</i> +Andrade and Cotrim, greedy, timid, and talkative; the gentleman +of Coimbra, Philotimo, a wise and kindly man of the world. +Other phases of Coimbra life are shown in the <i>moças de rio</i> +and <i>de cantaro</i>, who fetch water or wash clothes in the Mondego +and metaphorically toss in a blanket Galindo, the rich D. +Tristão’s agent from Lisbon; in the love-lorn student with his +Latin, the morose and jealous workman Duarte, proud of his +position as <i>official</i>, the resolute goldsmith and his languid +daughter Polinia, the old servant Andresa and the merry +servant girl Vitoria, and, most prominent of all, Philtra +the <i>alcoviteira</i>, deploring the wickedness and degeneracy of +the world and full of wise saws—the play contains many +hundreds. Eufrosina herself is first described by the lover—brow +of Diana, lips of Venus, limbs of Pallas, clear green eyes<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> +of Juno, quietly mirthful; then by his servant Andrade—the +fairest thing that ever he thought to see, fan in hand, the +sleeves of her dress like a ship at full sail<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>—so that we have +an effective impression of her beauty. Besides Coimbra life we +obtain glimpses of that of the Court at Lisbon and Almeirim in +a letter from the courtier Crisandor, of India in a very real and +interesting letter from Silvia’s brother, even of Cotrim’s native +village. That the unity was not sacrificed to these many by-scenes +says much for the author’s skill. This praise cannot be given +to his second play written some ten years after the first, <i>Ulysippo</i> +(1547?), for here the reader loses his way among the many +courses of true love. There are twenty-one <i>dramatis personae</i>, +but the principal interest is in the sketch of Constança d’Ornellas, +the hypocritical <i>beata</i>,<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> or, rather, that is the most original<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</span> +part, since in the play as a whole there is a certain monotony +after <i>Eufrosina</i>, and many of the proverbs are the same.<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> +Excellent as the earlier play in its terse and idiomatic prose,<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> +full of interest in the insight it gives into the customs and life +of the people, its chief fault is the intricacy, or absence, of plot +which makes it difficult reading, and of course it would naturally +please less on its first appearance as being no longer a new thing. +The author, who knew how the Portuguese prized <i>novidades</i>, +appears to have been conscious of this, since his third play, +<i>Aulegrafia</i>, written perhaps in 1555,<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> and first published in 1619, +was developed on somewhat different lines. It is concerned, +as its name implies, exclusively with the Court, and the people +and popular proverbs are in abeyance. In its fifty scenes we +are introduced to typical Court ladies, noble <i>fidalgos</i>, poor +gentlemen and their servants, one of whom considers it <i>mais +fidalgo nam saber ler</i>. The play is by its author termed ‘a long +treatise on Court manners’,<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> and as such it is admirable and full +of interest, however negligible it may be as drama. Its style, +moreover, even excels in atticism Ferreira’s other works. The +most remarkable character is that of the young (<i>menina e moça</i>) +and very wily aunt of Filomela. She is twice described in detail +(f. 46 and f. 153 v.), and we perceive that Philtra of the people, +the middle-class Constança d’Ornellas, and the aristocratic +Aulegrafia are really three persons and one spirit. In <i>Ulysippo</i> +one of the lesser personages was the Spanish <i>Sevilhana</i> (mentioned +also in <i>Eufrosina</i>), and here a boastful Spanish adventurer is +introduced in the person of Agrimonte de Guzman, who disdains +to speak Portuguese. The scene of both the later plays is +Lisbon. The author drew from his experience here, as previously<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</span> +at Coimbra, and often describes to the life the persons that he +had met. Scarcely any other writer gives us so intimate an idea +of the times—of this the latter heyday of Portugal’s greatness—or +of the gallant, lovesick, dreaming Portuguese, who considers +love as much a monopoly of his country as the ivory and spices +of India.<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> The disapproval of the popular drama is frequent in religious writers. +In the seventeenth century Antonio Vieira declared that <i>uma das felicidades +que se contava entre as do tempo presente era acabarem-se as comedias em +Portugal</i>. Feo earlier, in common with many others, had similarly denounced +the romances of chivalry <i>pelos quaes o Demonio comvosco fala; livraria do +diabo</i> (<i>Tratt. Qvad.</i> (1619), ff. 156, 157).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> One of them, João, <i>lavrador</i>, says: <i>Vimos ver se he assi ou nam De hũa +arremedaçam Que s’a ca d’arremedar.... Ora nos dizei se he assi Que fazem +ho ayto cá.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> e. g. Branca Janes says of her husband:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">He hum grão comedor,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Destruidor da fazenda, &c.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> Cf. <i>este leo ja Celestina</i> (<i>Primeira Parte dos Avtos</i>, &c. (1587), +f. 44).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> The student’s song on f. 44 v. and f. 46, <i>Polifema mi postema Grande mal +he querer bem</i>, parodies Lobeira’s <i>Leonoreta fin roseta</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> Ibid., f. 49.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> <i>Primeira Parte dos Avtos</i>, f. 57:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Ro.</i> Senhor, se me dá licença,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Ja eu aquela trova li.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Os.</i> Qual trova leste? <i>Ro.</i> Essa sua,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">Como a disse nua e crua.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Os.</i> E onde a leste, vilão?</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Ro.</i> Cuido, señor, que em Boscão,</div> + <div class="verse indent2">E canta-se pela rua.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a> The Devil speaks both Portuguese and Spanish. All the other characters +in Prestes’ plays, with the exception of an enchanted Moor, speak Portuguese. +On the other hand, there are frequent Spanish words and quotations. The +word <i>algorrem</i> occurs twice in these plays, but the attempt to retain the old +style of peasant conversation is but half-hearted.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> Duarte in the <i>Auto dos Cantarinhos</i> sleeps on an <i>arca</i> (chest) like the +<i>moço</i> in <i>O Juiz da Beira</i>. There are other echoes of Vicente, as the words +<i>quem tem farelos?</i> (1871 ed., p. 65), the reference to <i>Flerida e Dom Duardos</i> +(p. 485), the line <i>Que má cousa são vilãos</i> (p. 420), the peasant who, like Mofina +Mendes, builds up his future on the strength of an apple of gold, which proves +to be a coal (pp. 407-8).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> <i>Auto do Mouro Encantado</i> (p. 347). Unless there was an earlier edition +of <i>Lazarillo de Tormes</i>, this play must therefore have been written after 1554. +Prestes’ <i>Auto do Procurador</i> was written before 1557.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> p. 262. For a corresponding knowledge of <i>Amadis de Gaula</i>, &c., among +English servants see Dr. Henry Thomas, <i>The Palmerin Romances</i>, London, +1916, pp. 38-40.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> <i>Alfea</i> (ed. 1631), p. 59. The wonderful spelling is due to the printer +(e.g. <i>sesse</i> = cease) as well as to the peasants (e.g. <i>monteplica</i> = multiply, +<i>pialdrade</i> = piety).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> <i>Composto por A. D. S. R.</i> There is an earlier <i>Acto Sacramental da Jornada +do Menino Deus para o Egypto</i> (1746).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> It contains a dispute between Maize and Rye, after the very popular +fashion of the contention between Winter and Spring in Vicente’s <i>Auto dos +Quatro Tempos</i>, and the poetical contrasts common in the Middle Ages and in the East, and still in vogue among the <i>improvisatori</i> of Basque villages, +between wine and water, boots and sandals, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> i.e. No. 3: <i>De hvm almotacel borracho</i>; No. 5: <i>Dos conselhos de hvm letrado</i> +(a <i>ratinho</i> figures in this, as a <i>ratiño</i> figures in No. 17); No. 6: <i>Do negro mais +bem mandado</i> (the <i>escudeiro’s moço</i> is here a negro who speaks in broken +Portuguese, e.g. Zesu); No. 11: <i>Dous cegos enganados</i>; No. 13: <i>Das padeiras +de Lisboa</i> (besides the bakeresses there is a <i>meleiro</i> (honey-seller), an <i>alheiro</i> +with his <i>braços</i> of leeks, an <i>azeiteiro</i>, &c.), and No. 25. The titles of these +plays sufficiently show their homely character.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> Of its author we only know that he was <i>Ulysbonense</i>. The play had +many editions: 1747, 1758, 1789, 1853.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> A priest of the same name wrote political and religious pamphlets in the +middle of the nineteenth century.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> The <i>affronta de Dio</i> is mentioned. It may have been written in the same +year as Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ <i>Eufrosina</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> In a letter sent with <i>Os Vilhalpandos</i> to the Infante Duarte he says +that <i>ninguem que eu saiba</i> had so written in Portuguese.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> <i>A comedia qual he tal va, aldeaã e mal atauiada.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> A passage in <i>Aulegrafia</i> (1555?) describes the dramatic death of Antony +as a new thing: <i>parece-me que o estou vendo</i> (f. 129).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> <i>Tragedia mvy sentida e elegante de Dona Inés de Castro ... Agora nouamente acrescentada</i> + (31 ff. unnumbered). The one who published <i>first</i> was +the most likely to be the thief. <i>Saudade</i> is translated <i>soledad</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> <i>Nesta Universidade ... onde pouco antes se viram outras que a todas as dos +antigas ou levam ou não dam ventagem.</i> <i>Bristo</i> was written <i>por só seu desenfadamento +em certos dias de ferias e ainda esses furtados ao estudo</i>. It is +a <i>comedia mixta, a mor parte della motoria</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> In <i>El Rei Seleuco</i> the doctor and in <i>Filodemo</i> the shepherd and <i>bobo</i> speak +Spanish.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> <i>Homem fidalgo mᵗᵒ cortezão & discretto</i> (Rangel Macedo, manuscript <i>Nobiliario</i>, +in Lisbon <i>Bib. Nac.</i>); <i>aquelle galante e elegante cortesão Portugues</i> +(<i>licença</i> of 1618 ed. of <i>Ulysippo</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> <i>As primicias do meu rustico engenho, que he a Comedia Eufrosina, e foi +ho primeiro fruito que delle colhi, inda bem tenrro.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> <i>Eufrosina</i>, ii. 5.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> Discovered by General Brito Rebello in the Torre do Tombo and printed +in his <i>Gil Vicente</i> (1902), p. 114.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> <i>Orígenes de la Novela</i>, vol. iii, p. ccxxx.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> Sousa de Macedo, in <i>Eva e Ave</i> (1676 ed., p. 131), says that he lived in the +reign of King João and in the beginning of that of King Sebastian, which +confirms the date 1563 as that of his death.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> Some of its heroes have geographical names, as King Tenarife of the +Canary Islands and the Spanish Moor Juzquibel, who now survives in the name +of the mountain that falls to the sea above Fuenterrabía. The author shows +considerable knowledge of the Basque country, and we may perhaps infer that +he was at the French Court and studied the Basque provinces on the way.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> 1867 ed., p. 21: <i>como se vee ao diante no triumpho del rey Sagramor</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> <i>Nesta trasladação do triumpho del Rey Sagramor</i>, ibid., p. viii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> A vague tradition placed the 1554 edition in the Lisbon Torre do Tombo, +but inquiries in 1916 proved that nothing is known of it there.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> <i>Ao esclarecido Principe ja apresentada</i>, ibid., p. vii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> <i>A primeira parte da Tabola redonda que pera a terceira impressão emendou +o Autor em sua vida</i> (<i>Aduertencia ao leitor</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> Nicolás Antonio, whose information as to Portuguese books was often +far from accurate, says that there were several editions before that of 1616, +probably an erroneous deduction from the 1561 title-page. The late Menéndez +y Pelayo, who also made many slips in dealing with Portuguese literature, +declared that the 1560 edition was in the British Museum, which, however, +only possesses a (mutilated) copy of the edition of Evora, 1561 (lacking the +colophon with the date). Of the 1561 edition several copies exist, that of the +Torre do Tombo, that in the library of the late Snr. Francisco Van Zeller at +Lisbon, and that of the British Museum.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a> João de Barros, <i>Dialogo em lovvor da nossa lingvagem</i> (1540), wrote that +the Portuguese language <i>parece nam consintir em si hũa tal obra como +Celestina</i> (1785 ed., p. 222).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> <i>La Filomena</i>, 1621 ed., p. 188. The quotation, if direct, was from the +1561 edition, not that of 1616, in which part of the sentence quoted is omitted, +as in the Spanish translation first published ten years later, in 1631.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> They were considered out of place in a comedy. The Catalogue of 1581 +condemns <i>todos os mais tratados onde se aplicam, vsurpam & torcem as autoridades +& sentenças da sancta escriptura a sentidos profanos, graças, escarnios, +fabulas, vaidades, lisonjarias, detracções, superstições, encantações & semelhantes +cousas</i>. The rules were carried out most mechanically.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> Green eyes are beloved by Portuguese writers for their rarity or from an +early mistaken rendering of the French <i>vair</i> (e.g. Sylvia in the sixteenth, +Joaninha in the nineteenth century). The <i>glosadores</i> inclined to them on +account of the second person of the infinitive ‘to see’: <i>verdes</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> In Arraez, <i>Dialogos</i> (1604), f. 311 v. fashionable women <i>parecem ... +velas de nao inchadas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> In the first edition she had been called a <i>beata</i>. In that of 1618 she +became merely a widow woman, <i>dona viuva</i>, but the editor defeated the censor’s intentions by noting the change in the preface and declaring that +but for this she remained exactly the same as before.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> Here the doctors, not the lawyers, are <i>conjurados contra o mundo</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> Cf. the brief but eloquent praises of wine and of love.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> One might be inclined to place it later were not the Infante Luis (†November +27, 1555) still alive.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> <i>Um largo discurso da cortesania vulgar</i>, f. 178 v. Cf. f. 5: <i>pretende +mostraruos ao olho o rascunho da vida cortesaã</i>. On f. 5 v. it is called <i>esta selada</i> +<i>Portuguesa</i>. The courtiers spend all the time they can spare from the pursuit +of love in discussing the rival merits of the <i>romance velho</i> and new-fangled +sonnet, of Boscán and Garci Lasso, of Spanish and Portuguese, a line of +a Latin poet, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> <i>O amor é portugues</i> (<i>Aulegrafia</i>, f. 38 v.).</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="III_4">§ 4<br><span class="small"><i>Luis de Camões</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>The plays of <span class="smcap">Luis de Camões</span> (1524?-80) are in a sense typical +of his genius, for they show him combining two great currents of +poetry, the old indigenous and the classic new. A generation had +sprung up accustomed to wide horizons and heroic deeds, and +poets and historians regretted that there was no Homer or Virgil +to describe them adequately. Camões was not a Homer nor +a Virgil, but he was a more universal poet than Portugal had yet +produced, and by reason of his marvellous power of expression +he triumphantly completed the revolution which Sá de Miranda +had tentatively begun. In a sense he was not a great original poet, +but in his style he was excelled by no Latin poet of the Renaissance. +The eager researches of modern scholars have succeeded +in piercing the obscurity that enveloped his life, although many +gaps and doubtful points remain. Four or five generations had +gone by since his ancestor Vasco Perez had passed out of the +pages of history,<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> and some of the intervening members of the +family had also won distinction, but Camões’ father, Simão Vaz de +Camões, was a poor captain of good position (<i>cavaleiro fidalgo</i>) +who was shipwrecked near Goa and died there soon after the poet +was born in 1524. Through his grandmother, Guiomar Vaz da +Gama, he was distantly related to the celebrated Gamas of Algarve. +His mother, Anna de Sá e Macedo, belonged to a well-known +family of Santarem.<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> Whether he was born at Lisbon or Coimbra<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</span> +is still uncertain. His great-grandfather had settled at Coimbra. +That Camões studied there scarcely admits of doubt. He +alludes to it in his poems, and nowhere else in Portugal could he +have received his thorough classical education. In the year +1542 or 1543 he went to Lisbon. The exact dates of events in +his life during the next ten years are difficult to determine, +but the events themselves are clear enough. His birth and talents +assured him a ready welcome in the capital. Whether he became +tutor to D. Antonio de Noronha, son of the Conde de Linhares (the +Portuguese ambassador whom Moraes accompanied to Paris), or +not, he soon had many friends and was probably received at +Court. Referring later to this time he is said to have spoken of +himself as <i>cheo de muitos favores</i>, and in this popularity he wrote +a large number of his exquisite <i>redondilhas</i> and also sonnets, +odes, eclogues, and the three <i>autos</i>. But Camões had fallen +passionately in love with a lady-in-waiting of the queen, Catherina +de Athaide.<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> Tradition has it that he first saw her in church on +a Good Friday (1544?). We may surmise that Natercia’s parents +objected to the suit of the penniless <i>cavaleiro fidalgo</i>, and that +Camões pressed his suit on them with more vehemence than +discretion. He was banished from Court, and spent six months +in the Ribatejo (Santarem) and two years in military service in +North Africa (Ceuta). He admits that he had been in the wrong, +but not seriously so, and hints that envy had played its part in his +downfall. It is probable that his play <i>El Rei Seleuco</i> had given +a handle to the enemies that his growing reputation as a poet +had made. It must be confessed that its subject was tactless, +for in the play the king gives up his bride to his son, which +could easily be interpreted as a reflection on the conduct of the +late King Manuel, who had married his son’s bride. The two +years in Africa passed slowly. In a letter (<i>Esta vae com a candea +na mão</i>) he describes sadness eating away his heart as a moth +a garment, and it was with his thoughts in Lisbon that he took +part from time to time in skirmishes against the Moors, in one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</span> +of which he lost his right eye. Hard blows, scanty provisions, +and no chance of enriching oneself as in India were the features +of military service in North Africa, and when Camões returned +to Lisbon his prospects contrasted sharply with those which +had been his when he first came from the University a few +years before. He was now nearly thirty,<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> disfigured by the loss +of an eye and embittered by the turn his fortunes had taken. +He no longer looked on life from the inside, gazing contentedly +at the show from the windows of privilege, but was himself in +the arena. For the school of Sá de Miranda he had probably +never felt much sympathy, considering it too severe and artificial. +He wished to live and enjoy, and although the patronage of +literary Prince João may have encouraged him to hope for +better times, he meanwhile set himself to sample life as best +he might, associating with rowdy companions (<i>valentões</i>), who +brought out the Cariofilo side of his character at the expense +of the contemplative Zelotipo. Whether he had intended to +embark for India in 1550, or this be a pure invention on the +part of Faria e Sousa, it is certain that he was still in Lisbon on +June 16, 1552. On that day the Corpus Christi procession +passed through the principal streets. In the crowded Rocio +Camões was drawn into a quarrel with a Court official, Gonçalo +Borges, and wounded him with a sword-cut on the head. For +nearly nine months Camões lay in prison, and then, Borges +having recovered and bearing no malice, he was pardoned<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> +(March 7, 1553) and released, but only on the understanding +that he would leave Portugal to serve the king in India. Before +the end of the month he had embarked in the ship <i>S. Bento</i>. +Hitherto he had hoped against hope for an improvement in his +lot; now he went, he says, as one who leaves this world for the +next, and with the words <i>Ingrata patria, non possidebis ossa mea</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</span><a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> +turned his back on the calumnies and intrigues of Lisbon. In +one of his finest elegies<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> he described the voyage, a storm off +the Cape of Good Hope, and the arrival at Goa in September +1553. The voyage was full of interest to him, and he made good +use of it, becoming what Humboldt called him—a great painter +of the sea<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>—but so far as comfort was concerned he fared probably +much as would a modern emigrant. His disillusion at Goa is +poignantly described in a letter<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> written soon after his arrival. +He found it ‘the stepmother of all honest men’, money the only +god and passport, and he sends a note of warning to <i>aventureiros</i> +in Portugal eager to make their fortune in India. We know +from the bitter pages of Couto and Corrêa how difficult it was +for a private soldier to thrive there, and the position of a <i>reinol</i> +newly arrived from Portugal was precarious. Camões joined +a few weeks later (November 1553) in a punitive expedition +along the coast of Malabar against the King of Chembe, and in +1554 probably accompanied D. Fernando de Meneses in a +second expedition to Monte Felix or Guardafui (Ras ef Fil), the +Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. After his three years’ service +(1553-6) he continued to live at Goa. He had found time to +write poetry, and sent home a sonnet and an eclogue on the +death of his friend D. Antonio de Noronha. His play <i>Filodemo</i> +was acted, probably in the winter of 1555, before the popular +Governor Francisco Barreto, who provided him with the post +of <i>Provedor Môr dos Defuntos e Ausentes</i> (i. e. trustee for the +property of dead or absent Portuguese) at Macao. Whether +his satiric verses had anything to do with the appointment we +do not know—some have maintained that the Portuguese of +Goa appreciated his poetical powers best at a distance—but it +is more probable that his appointment was a favour, since every +post in India was eagerly coveted, and it was a kinder action to +give him a comparatively humble one at once than the reversion +to a more lucrative office, filled thrice or even ten times over +by the deplorable system of ‘successions’.<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> He set sail in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</span> +spring of 1556, and after touching at Malacca, arrived at the +Molucca Islands, the most lawless region in India. Camões +himself, according to Storck, was wounded about this time, but +in a fight at sea, not in one of the chronic broils at Ternate or +Tidore. In 1557 or 1558 he reached Macao, but two years later +he was relieved of his post owing to a quarrel with the settlers, +whose part was taken by the captain of the silver and silk ship +passing from Goa to China. On his authority Camões was sent +to Goa, protesting against <i>o injusto mando</i>, which was a common +fate of officials in India. He was shipwrecked off the coast of +Tongking, lost all his possessions, and arrived penniless and +perhaps in debt at Goa in 1560 or 1561. To these four or five +chequered years are ascribed the wonderful <i>quintilhas</i>, the most +beautiful in the language, <i>Sobolos rios que vam</i>, which may owe +something to Vicente’s admirable paraphrase of Psalm l, the +<i>canção Com força desusada</i>, the <i>oitavas Como nos vossos</i>, and the +completion of the first six books of the <i>Lusiads</i>. Soon after his +return he was probably imprisoned for debt, but was released, +probably at the instance of the Viceroy, D. Francisco Coutinho, +Conde de Redondo, to whom Camões addressed his first printed +poem, the ode in Orta’s <i>Coloquios</i> (1563). Camões’ thoughts +must have now more than ever turned homeward. Fortune had +danced tantalizingly before him, holding out hopes which broke +as glass in his hands whenever he attempted to seize them.<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> +Of his life between 1564 and 1567 we know nothing. He did +not occupy the post of factor of Chaul, the reversion to which +indeed he may perhaps only have received after his return to +Portugal. He was eager to get home. In 1567 he accompanied +Pedro Barreto to Mozambique, glad to get even so far on the return +voyage. There poverty and illness delayed him till 1569, when +through the generosity and in the company of some friends, +among whom was the historian Couto, he was able to embark +for Portugal. They reached Lisbon in April, 1570.<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> Sixteen<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</span> +years had passed. The popular, impulsive, talented youth +returned middle-aged, poverty-stricken, and unknown. Antonio +de Noronha and many others of his friends were dead. Catherina +de Athaide had died in 1556 (although she may have continued to +receive Camões’ rapt devotion as the dead Beatrice that of Dante), +Prince João, hope and patron of poets, two years earlier. The +plague, to which nearly half the city’s population had succumbed, +had only recently abated, and Camões may have witnessed the +thanksgiving procession in Lisbon on April 20, 1570. Modern +critics have even denied him the only consolation which probably +remained to him in the <i>patria esquiva a quem se mal aproveitou</i><a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>, +but there seems no reason to reject the tradition that +his mother was alive; in fact she survived him and continued +to receive the pension of 15,000 <i>réis</i><a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> granted him from 1572 till +his death on Friday, June 10, 1580. It was a sum barely sufficient +to support life, and it was not always regularly paid, so that he +is reported to have been in the habit of saying that he would +prefer to his pension a whip for the responsible officials (<i>almoxarifes</i>). +Tradition, to the indignation of reasonable historians, +loves to represent a faithful Javanese slave, who had accompanied +Camões to Europe, begging for his master in the streets +of Lisbon. Camões did not go with King Sebastian to Africa. +He may have been already ill when the expedition set out in +June 1578—the plague soon began again to ravage Lisbon, and +long years of suffering and disappointment must have sapped +his strength. Two years later his life of heroic endurance, in +patience of the <i>juizos incognitos de Deos</i>,<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> ended. He was +perhaps buried in a common grave with other victims of the +plague.<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> Long absence had served to strengthen his love for +his <i>patria ditosa amada</i>, and the news from Africa left him no +heart to battle against disease, content, as he wrote to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</span> +Captain-General of Lamego, to die with his country, with +which his name has ever since been intimately linked. Couto +and Mariz agree that he brought <i>Os Lusiadas</i> with him virtually +complete on his return to Portugal. It was published through +the influence of the poet D. Manuel de Portugal in 1572. Camões +has often been called the prince of heroic poets, but it is noteworthy +that Faria e Sousa in 1685 says that ‘all have hitherto, +especially in Spain, considered him greater as a lyric than as +an heroic poet’.<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> <i>Os Lusiadas</i> rather than an epic is a great +lyrical hymn in praise of Portugal, with splendid episodes such +as the descriptions of the death of Inés, the battle of Aljubarrota, +the storm, Adamastor, the Island of Venus. Apart from the +style, its originality consists in the skill with which in a poem +but half the length of Tasso’s <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i> and a fifth +of Ariosto’s <i>Orlando Furioso</i> the poet works in the entire history +of his country. It is this which gives unity to his ten cantos of +<i>oitavas</i>, this and the wonderfully transparent flow of the verse, +which carries the reader over many weaknesses and inequalities +of detail. It is a nobler poem than the crowded garden of +flowers in a high wind that is the <i>Orlando Furioso</i>, and at once +more human and intense than the <i>Gerusalemme Liberata</i>. Camões, +with a wonderful memory and intimate knowledge of the legends +of Greece and Rome, read everything, and we find him gathering +his material from all sides<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> like a bird in spring, from a Latin +treatise of the antiquarian Resende, from the historians Duarte +Galvão, Pina, Lopez, Barros, or Castanheda, or literally translating<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</span> +lines of Virgil, as in his shorter poems he imitated Petrarca, +Garci Lasso, and Boscán. Tasso used the <i>mot juste</i> when in +a sonnet addressed to Camões he called him <i>dotto e buon Luigi</i>.<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> +If, as seems probable, he had early wished to sing the deeds of +the Portuguese, the first volumes of Castanheda and Barros +must have been an incentive as powerful as the destiny which +made him personally acquainted with the scenes of Gama’s +voyage and of the Portuguese victories in the East. It seems +probable that cantos iii and iv, containing the early history of +Portugal, were already written, and that around them he wove +the epic grandeur revealed in the histories of the discovery of +India. The poem opens with an invocation to the nymphs of the +Tagus and to King Sebastian, and then, in a wonderful stanza +of the sea (<i>Já no largo oceano navegavam</i>, i. 19), Gama’s ships +are shown in mid-voyage. The gods of Olympus take sides, +and Venus protects the daring adventurers in seas never crossed +before, while Mars stirs up the natives of Mozambique and of +Mombaça to treachery (i-ii). In contrast to the natives farther +south, the King of Melinde receives them with loyal friendship, +and Gama rewards him by relating the history of Portugal +(iii-iv). He then continues his voyage, and after weathering +a terrible storm brewed by Bacchus, arrives at Calicut (v-vi). +After a visit to the Samori (the King of Calicut), the Catual (the +Governor) accompanies Gama on board, and Paulo da Gama +explains to him the warlike deeds of the Portuguese embroidered +on the silken banners of the ships (vii-viii). On the return +voyage they are entertained by Tethys and her nymphs in the +island of Venus, supposed to be one of the Azores (ix-x), and the +poem ends with a second invocation to King Sebastian (x. 145-56). +Thus the time of the poem occupies a little over two years +(July 1497-September 1499). Into this the previous four +centuries had been ingeniously worked, but in order to include +the sixteenth century fresh devices were adopted, by which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</span> +Jupiter (canto ii), Adamastor (v), and Tethys (x) foretell the +future. Almost every land and city connected with Portuguese +history finds a place in the poem. Small wonder that it was well +received by the Portuguese, combining as it did intense patriotism +with hundreds of exotic names. The extraordinary number of +12,000 copies is said to have been printed within a quarter of +a century of Camões’ death,<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> and by 1624 the sale had increased +to 20,000 and his fame had spread throughout the world. It +would have been still stranger if the <i>murmuradores maldizentes</i> +had been silent. As early as 1641 we find a critic, João Soares +de Brito (1611-64), defending Camões against the charges of +plagiarizing Virgil and of improbabilities of time and place.<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> +Not every one apparently was of the opinion of the Conde de +Idanha, who considered that the only fault of the <i>Lusiads</i> was +that it was too long to learn by heart and too short to be able +to go on reading it for ever. Montesquieu found in it something +of ‘the fascination of the Odyssey and the magnificence of the +Aeneid’, and Voltaire, while objecting to its <i>merveilleux absurde</i>, +adds: ‘Mais la poésie du style et l’imagination dans l’expression +l’ont soutenu, de même que les beautés de l’exécution ont +placé Paul Véronèse parmi les grands peintres.’</p> + +<p>In 1820 appeared José Agostinho de Macedo’s <i>Censura dos +Lusiadas</i>, in which he noted with some asperity Camões’ <i>erros +crassissimos</i>. Prosaic lines, hyperbole, the use of the supernatural, +lack of proportion,<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> absence of unity, and historical improbabilities +are the main heads of his indictment, and he quotes +Racine as to Camões’ ‘icy style’. He also has much petty +detailed criticism, for he finds in Camões a <i>notavel falta de +grammatica</i>. And Macedo was certainly right. Most of the +faults he attributes to Camões do exist in the <i>Lusiads</i>. Macedo +himself could write more correctly. When he says that the line +<i>Somos hum dos da ilha, lhe tornou</i> (i. 53) is unpoetical (<i>não tem +tintura de poesia</i>), we agree; it is sheer prose. We can add other +instances: the line <i>as que elle para si na cruz tomou</i> (i. 7) is as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</span> +unmusical as the rhyming of <i>Heliogabalo</i>, <i>Sardanapalo</i> (iii. 92), +or <i>impossibil</i>, <i>terribil</i> (iv. 54). Only Macedo forgot that genius +is justified of its children, and that these details are all merged in +the incomparable style, imaginative power, and lofty theme of the +poem. If a man is unable to feel the heat of the sun for its spots, +we will vainly try to warm or enlighten him, but it is not pedantic +grammarians such as Macedo<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> who could obscure the fame of +Camões. That could only be done by those whom Macedo calls +<i>os idolatras camoneanos</i>. Lope de Vega<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> effusively professed to +place the <i>Lusiads</i> above the <i>Aeneid</i> and the <i>Iliad</i>, and Camões’ +fellow-countrymen have eagerly followed suit. He has also +suffered much at the hands of translators. Since the <i>Lusiads</i> is +clearly not the equal of the <i>Iliad</i> or the <i>Odyssey</i>, it may be worth +while to consider by what reasons Camões really is one of the +world’s greatest poets. There is celestial music in much that he +wrote, in incidents of the <i>Lusiads</i> such as the death of Inés de +Castro,<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> in his eclogues and <i>canções</i> and elegies, in many of the +sonnets, and in the <i>redondilhas</i>, most of all perhaps in the seventy-three +heavenly <i>quintilhas</i> beginning <i>Sobolos rios que vam</i>. But +other Portuguese poets have been musical; Diogo Bernardez in +this respect vies with Camões: Camões excels them all in the +vigour and transparent clearness that accompany his music. But +his principal excellence is that, still without losing the music of +his <i>versos deleitosos</i>, he can think in verse<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a>—the thought in some +of his elegies and <i>oitavas</i> is remarkable—and describe with +scientific precision, as in the account of the <i>tromba</i> (<i>Lus.</i> v.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</span> +19-22). Like Milton, he could transform an atlas into a fair +harmony of names. His influence on the Portuguese language +has been very great. Whether it was wholly for good may be +open to doubt—a doubt mentioned by one of his earliest biographers, +Severim de Faria, in 1624. The <i>Lusiads</i>, he says, +‘greatly enriched the Portuguese language by ingeniously +introducing many new words and expressions which then came +into common use, although some severe critics have censured +him for this, considering the use of latinized forms a defect in +his poem’.<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> An inch farther than he went in this direction, or +in that of <i>furia grande e sonorosa</i>, and <i>estilo grandiloquo</i>, would +have been an inch too far, and subsequent writers did not always +observe his restraint, the sobriety due to his classical education. +But his poem certainly helped to fix the language, and he +cannot be blamed for the excesses of his followers, or for a change +which had begun before his time.<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a></p> + +<p>Couto records the theft of the <i>Parnaso</i> in which Camões was +collecting his lyrics with a view to publishing them. He must +have written many more lyrics than we possess, but even so the +number existing is not small. Successive editors have added to +them from time to time, and often clumsily. Faria e Sousa, +a century after Camões’ death, declared that he had added 200, +and, while upbraiding Diogo Bernardez for his <i>robos</i>, was himself +the thief. Camões might have been somewhat surprised to find +in the first edition of his lyrics (1595) two poems which had +been in print in the <i>Cancioneiro de Resende</i> eight years before +he was born. This 1595 edition contained but 65 sonnets, but +their number grew to 108 (1598), 140 (1616), 229 (1668), 296 +(1685), 352 (1860), 354 (1873). D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos +has already contributed much towards a critical +edition, and it is to be hoped that before long it may be possible<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</span> +to read the genuine lyrics of Camões in a complete edition by +themselves.<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> That would certainly cause him to be more widely +read abroad. It is perhaps inevitable that a comparison should +arise between Camões and Petrarca (although it must be remembered +that they are separated by two centuries), yet he +would be an extremely bold or extremely ignorant critic who +should place the one of them above the other. In genius they +were equal, but a different atmosphere acted on their genius, +the artistic atmosphere of Italy and the natural atmosphere of +Portugal. Petrarca was the more scholarly writer, so that if he +perhaps never attains to the rapturous heights occasionally +reached by Camões, he also keeps himself from the blemishes +which sometimes disfigure Camões’ work. Camões’ life was far +more varied, many-coloured as an Alentejan <i>manta</i>,<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> and this +is reflected in his poems. Intensely human, he is swayed by +many moods, while Petrarca is merged in the narrower flame of +his love. Petrarca excels him in the sonnet, for although many +of those by Camões are beautiful, and nearly all contain some +beautiful passage, he was not really at his ease in this scanty +plot of ground. His genius required a larger canvas for its +expression. The following lines from his long and magnificent +<i>canção Vinde cá</i> are worth quoting because they triumphantly +display many of the noblest characteristics of his poetry:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">No mais, canção, no mais, que irei fallando,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sem o sentir, mil annos; e se acaso</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Te culparem de larga e de pesada,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Não pode ser, lhe dize, limitada</div> + <div class="verse indent0">A agoa do mar em tão pequeno vaso.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Nem eu delicadezas vou cantando</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Co’ gosto do louvor, mas explicando</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Puras verdades ja por mi passadas:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Oxalá foram fabulas sonhadas!</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Here we see the force and precision, the amazing ease and +rapidity, the crystalline transparency, the sad <i>saudade</i>, and above +all the deep sincerity that mark so much of his work. Both<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</span> +Petrarca and Camões are representative of their country, the +latter not only in his poems, in which almost every Portuguese +hero is included, but in his character and his life. In his wit and +melancholy, his love of Nature, his passionate devotion, his +persistency and endurance, his independence and sensitive pride, +in his lyrical gift and power of expression, in his courage and +ardent patriotism, he is the personification and ideal of the +Portuguese nation.</p> + +<p>Many of Camões’ friends were also lyric poets, but their +poems have mostly vanished. One of them, Luis Franco Corrêa, +compiled a <i>cancioneiro</i> of contemporary poems which still exists +in manuscript. A few later poets, chiefly pastoral, have already +been mentioned, but after Camões’ death the star of lyric poetry +waned and set, and the only compensation was a brilliant +noonday in the realm of prose. Camões was a learned poet, but +he also plunged both hands in the songs and traditions of the +people. The later poets withdrew themselves more and more +from this perennial spring of poetical images and expression, till +at last in the ripeness of time Almeida Garrett turned to it +again for inspiration, even Bocage, devoted admirer of Camões +though he was, having neglected this side of his genius, as was +inevitable in the eighteenth century.</p> + +<p>Epic poetry scarcely fared better than the lyric, despite +a hundred honest efforts to eclipse the <i>Lusiads</i>. A favourite +legend of Portuguese and other folk-lore tells how the step-daughter +comes from the fairies’ dwelling speaking flowers for +words or with a star on her forehead, but her envious half-sister, +who then visits the fairies, returns uttering mud and toads or +with an ass’s head. If the epic poems of those who emulated the +fame of Camões are something better than mud they nevertheless +fail for the most part lamentably in that inspiration +which Portuguese history might have been expected to give.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Alguns (misera gente) inutilmente</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Compõem grandes Iliadas,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">wrote Diniz da Cruz (<i>O Hyssope</i>, canto 1). The epic-fever had +not abated even in the beginning of the nineteenth century. +The Madeira poet Francisco de Paula Medina e Vasconcellos<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1770-1824) alone wrote two: <i>Zargueida</i> (1806), <i>Georgeida</i> +(1819); and José Agostinho de Macedo in his <i>Motim Literario</i> +imagines himself at the mercy of a poet with an epic in sixty +cantos entitled <i>Napoleada</i>, and himself became the mock-hero +of one in nine: <i>Agostinheida</i> (Londres, 1817), written by his +unfortunate opponent Nuno Alvares Pereira Pato Moniz (1781-1827). +The strange poet of Setubal, Thomaz Antonio de +Santos e Silva (1751-1816), published a <i>Braziliada</i> in twelve +cantos in 1815. Of the earlier epics Camillo Castello Branco +wrote sarcastically: ‘They contain impenetrable mysteries of +dullness and inspire a sacred awe, but they are the conventional +glory of our literary history, untouched and intangible.’<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a></p> + +<p>Of the two long epic poems of <span class="smcap">Jeronimo Corte Real</span> (<i>c.</i> 1530-1590?): +<i>Svcesso do Segvndo Cerco de Div</i> (1574) and <i>Naufragio, +e Lastimoso Svcesso da Perdiçam de Manoel de Sousa de Sepulveda</i>, +&c. (1594), we may perhaps say that they are excellent prose. +He dwells more than once upon the inconstancy of fortune, and +this may be something more than a platitude. Of his life little +is known. He is by some believed to have been born in the +Azores in 1533. A document in the possession of the Visconde +de Esperança shows that he died before May 12, 1590. He may +have been a musician as well as a poet and a painter. It is +probable, but not certain, that he accompanied King Sebastian +to Alcacer Kebir and was taken prisoner. Faria e Sousa says +that he was too old to go. After varied service by land and sea +he wrote these poems when living in retirement on his estate +near Evora, and his own experiences stood him in good stead +for his descriptions, which are often not without life and vigour, +as the account of the battle in canto 18 of the <i>Segundo Cerco +de Diu</i>, or of the storm in canto 7 of the <i>Naufragio</i>. The former +poem records the famous defence of Diu by D. João de Mascarenhas +and its relief by D. João de Castro (1546), in whose +mouth is placed a long and tedious speech. The last two cantos +(21, 22) are tacked on to the main theme and occupy more +than a quarter of the whole. They tell from paintings the deeds +of past captains and prophesy future events and the ‘golden +reign’ of King Sebastian. The prophetic vision, although it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</span> +included a generation beyond the nominal date of the poem +(1546), did not extend to the battle of Alcacer Kebir (1578). +The hendecasyllables of the blank verse have an exceedingly +monotonous fall and the lines merge prosaically into one another.<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> +The use of adjectives is excessive, and generally there is an +inclination to multiply words without adding to the force of +the picture.<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> The same plethora of epithets, elaborate similes, +and slow awkward development of the story mark the seventeen +cantos—some 10,000 lines of blank verse, with some tercets and +<i>oitavas</i>—which constitute the <i>Naufragio</i>. In cantos 13 and 14 a +learned man tells from sculptures the history of the Portuguese +kings, from Afonso I to Sebastian. The remaining cantos have a +more lively interest, ending with the death of D. Lianor in canto +17, but the poet could not resist the temptation to round off +with an anticlimax, in which Phoebus, Proteus, and Pan make +lamentation. His short <i>Auto dos Quatro Novissimos do Homem</i> +(1768) in blank verse is written with some intensity, but the +style is the same.<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> His <i>Austriada</i>, composed to commemorate +Don John of Austria’s <i>felicissima victoria</i><a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> of Lepanto, consists +of fifteen cantos in Spanish blank verse.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Luis Pereira Brandão</span>, born at Oporto about 1540, was +present at Alcacer Kebir, and after his release from captivity +is said to have worn mourning for the rest of his life. That later +generations might also suffer, his epic <i>Elegiada</i> (1588)—in spite of +his professed <i>temor de ser prolixo</i>—was published in eighteen cantos. +Beginning with the early years of King Sebastian, it recounts +the king’s dreams and ambitions, his first expedition to Africa, +and the later disastrous adventure. Not even the story of +D. Lianor de Sousa (canto 6) nor the excessively detailed description +of the battle of Alcacer Kebir (canto 17) rouses the poet +from his implacable dullness. The defects of his style have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</span> +perhaps been exaggerated, but it is certainly inferior to that of +Andrade, with whom he shares the inability to distinguish +a poem from a history. The introduction of contemporary +events in India (cantos 6, 10, 14), however legitimate in a history, +is singularly out of place in an epic.</p> + +<p>If the author of the history of King João III’s reign, <span class="smcap">Francisco +de Andrade</span> (<i>c.</i> 1535-1614), brother of the great Frei +Thomé de Jesus, regarded his epic <i>O Primeiro Cerco ... de Diu</i> +(1589) merely as a supplementary chapter of that history, we +can only regret that he did not write it in prose. It is a straightforward +account, in excellent Portuguese, of the first siege of +Diu (1538), but <i>oitava</i> follows prosaic <i>oitava</i> with a relentless +wooden tread, maintaining the same level of mediocrity throughout +and rendering it unreadable as poetry. The author begins +by imploring divine favour that his song may be adequate to +his subject (i. 1-3). It is only when he has passed his two-thousandth +stanza that he expresses some diffidence as to +whether his ‘fragile bark’ was well equipped for so long a +voyage, but he consoles himself, if not his reader, with the +sincere conviction that his rude verse cannot detract from the +greatness of the deeds which he describes (xx. 1-6).</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> <i>Seu quarto avò foi um Gallego nobre</i> (Diogo Camacho, <i>Jornada ás Cortes +do Parnaso</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> Dr. Wilhelm Storck, the author of the most elaborate life of Camões in +existence, considered that the words <i>quando vim da materna sepultura</i> in one +of Camões’ poems could only mean that his mother (Anna de Macedo) died +at his birth, and that he was survived by Anna de Sá, his stepmother. It may +have been so, but there is not a scrap of evidence in favour of the theory +nor were the words <i>materna sepultura</i> anything more than a conventional +phrase. Cf. Antonio Feo, <i>Trattados Quadragesimais</i> (1609), pt. 1, f. 2: <i>Como +Nazianzeno diz ... e tumulo prosiliens ad tumulum iterum contendo, em nacendo +saimos de hũa sepultura que foi as entranhas da mãi e morrendo entramos +noutra.</i> So Pinto, <i>Imagem</i>, pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 342 v.: <i>tornar nu ao ventre de sua mãi, o qual é a sepultura da terra</i>, and Bernardes, <i>Nov. Flor.</i> i. 122: +<i>A terra e nossa mãe, de cujo tenebroso ventre que é a sepultura</i>, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> She may have been a distant relation of the poet’s: the name was a common +one, but Camões was connected with the Gamas, and the wife and granddaughter +of the first Conde de Vidigueira were both named Catherina de Athaide.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> According to Dr. Storck he was banished in 1549, and in the same year, +after the sentence of banishment had been commuted to service in Africa, left +Portugal, returning to Lisbon in the autumn of 1551. Others believe that +he was in Lisbon again in 1550 and that his two years in Africa must be +placed between 1546 and 1549.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> The important document containing his pardon is printed in Juromenha’s +edition of his works, i. 166-7.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> This quotation is assigned to various other persons, as to Nuno da Cunha +when arranging that he should be buried at sea.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> <i>O poeta Simonides fallando.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> Cf. <i>Lus.</i> i. 19, 43; ii. 20, 67; v. 19-22; vi. 70-9.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a> <i>Desejei tanto.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> Couto, in the <i>Dialogo do Soldado Pratico</i>, remarks that if a man is given +a post at the age of twenty he only receives it at the age of sixty (p. 99). +The soldier, who wishes <i>ter logo em tres annos vinte mil cruzados</i>, suggests, among other posts for himself, that of <i>Provedor dos Defuntos: porque com +qualquer destes ficarei mui bem remediado</i>. To which the <i>Desembargador</i> +objects: <i>he necessario que quem houver de servir esses cargos seja letrado e visto +em ambos os Direitos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a> <i>Vinde cá.</i> It is advisable to give the first words of his poems without +the number until there is a definitive edition of his works.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> It is uncertain whether Camões’ ship was the <i>Santa Clara</i> or the <i>Fe</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> Barros, <i>Decada</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> ix. 1.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> It is about the sum (apart from any grant of <i>pimenta</i>) which a common +soldier on active service might earn in India (see Barros, <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> viii. 3: 1,200 +× 12 = 14,400); <i>environ huit cents livres de notre monnoie d’aujourd’hui</i> +(Voltaire). It would scarcely correspond to more than £50 of to-day.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> <i>Lus.</i> <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> 45.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> Prophetically he had echoed (<i>Lus.</i> <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> 23) the complaint of the historians +of India: <i>Morrer nos hospitaes em pobres leitos Os que ao Rei e á lei servem +de muro</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> <i>Todos hasta oy, y principalmente en Castilla, tuvieron siempre a mi Maestre +por mayor en estes Poemas que en el Heroyco</i> (<i>Varias Rimas</i>, Prólogo, 2 vols., +1685, 1689). Cf. the praise of his <i>versos pequenos</i> in Severim de Faria, <i>Vida</i>, +p. 121.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> See the important work by Dr. Rodrigues: <i>As Fontes dos Lusiadas</i> (1904-1913). +Cf. Camões’ <i>Vão os annos decendo</i> (x. 9) and <i>Leal Conselheiro</i> (cap. 1, +p. 18), where the words are used in the same connexion. With Virgil he was +obviously acquainted at first hand, with Homer perhaps in the translation +of the Florentine scholar Lorenzo Valla (1405-57). In <i>As Fontes dos Lusiadas</i> +is also discussed the origin of the word Lusiads, as by D. Carolina Michaëlis +de Vasconcellos in <i>O Instituto</i>, vol. lii (1905), pp. 241-50: <i>Lucius Andreas +Resendius Inventor da palavra Lusiadas</i>. It was one of the Latin words +acclimatized by Camões. It occurs in a Latin poem by André de Resende, +<i>Vicentius Levita et Martyr</i> (1545), and in his <i>Encomium Erasmi</i> written, but +not published, in 1531; in a Latin poem by Jorge Coelho, perhaps written +in 1526 but touched up before its publication in 1536; and is twice used by +Manuel da Costa (in and about 1537).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> The word is undoubtedly <i>dotto</i> in the facsimile of the text given in Antonio +de Portugal de Faria, <i>Torquato Tasso a Luiz de Camões</i> (Leorne, 1898) although +there, as always, it has been transcribed as <i>colto</i>. Diogo Bernardez calls +Tasso <i>culto</i>, perhaps mistaking the reference in Garci Lasso, whose <i>culto Taso</i> +is not Torquato but Bernardo. Lope de Vega called Camões <i>divino</i> and +reserved <i>docto</i> for Corte Real.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> His works are <i>ja muitas vezes impressas</i> in 1594. In 1631 Alvaro Ferreira +de Vera speaks of twelve Portuguese editions (<i>Breves Lovvores</i>, f. 87).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> <i>Apologia em qve defende</i>, &c. (1641).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> The instance he gives is the long story of <i>Magriço e os Doze de Inglaterra</i> +(vi), which he admits is in itself very fine.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> One of the best instances of his pedantry is his comment on the +lines <i>E tu, nobre Lisboa, que no mundo Facilmente das outras es princesa</i>. The +ordinary reader is content to understand ‘cities’ after <i>outras</i>. But no, says +Macedo, you can only understand Lisbons. Princess of all the other Lisbons!</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> <i>Laurel de Apolo: Postrando Eneidas y venciendo Iliadas.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> Even here some of the lines are a literal translation of Virgil, but if we +compare</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Para o ceo crystallino alevantando</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Com lagrimas os olhos piadosos,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Os olhos, porque as mãos, &c.,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">with the passage</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ad coelum tendens, &c.,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">it is not at all clear that the picture of the older poet is more beautiful than +that of <i>il lusiade Maro</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> He is thus an exception to Macedo’s axiom in the <i>Motim Literario</i> that +Portuguese poets (most of whom, it must be admitted, are, like Byron, +children in thought) either have <i>versos sem cousas</i> or <i>cousas sem versos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> <i>Discursos politicos varios</i> (1624), f. 117: <i>& com esta obra ficou enriquecida +grandemente a lingua Portuguesa; porque lhe deu muitos termos nouos & +palauras bem achadas que depois ficárão perfeitamente introducidas. Posto +que nesta parte não deixárão algũs escrupulosos de o condenar, julgandolhe por +defeito as palauras alatinadas que vsou no seu poema.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> Cf. Fr. Manuel do Sepulchro, <i>Reflexão Espiritual</i> (1669): <i>Não ha duvida +que maior mudança fez a lingua Portuguesa nos primeiros vinte annos do +reinado de D. Manuel que em cento e cincoenta annos dahi para ca</i>. Barros, +however, in his <i>Dialogo em lovvor</i> (1540), says latinization had not yet begun: +<i>se o nos usáramos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> The authorship of the fine sonnets <i>Horas breves do meu contentamento</i> +(attributed to Camões, Bernardez, the Infante Luis, &c.) and <i>Formoso Tejo +meu, quam differente</i> (attributed to Camões, Rodriguez Lobo, &c.) is still +under dispute.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> <i>Filodemo</i>, v. 3.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> <i>Os Ratos da Inquisição</i>, Preface, p. 97.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> e. g. <i>D. Alvaro de Castro e D. Francisco De Meneses</i>, or <i>hum grave Prudente +capitam</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> e. g. <i>valor, esforço e valentia; mar sereno e calmo; abundosa e larga vea; +a dura defensa rigurosa; açoutando e batendo</i>. The line often consists of three +adjectives and a noun.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> Between Corte Real’s <i>cruel molesto duro mortal frio</i> and Dante’s <i>eterna +maladetta fredda e greve</i> (<i>Inf.</i> vi) is all the difference between a heap of loose +stones and a shrine. The conception of the <i>Auto</i>, especially the third <i>novissimo</i>, +<i>que he o Inferno</i>, was no doubt derived from Dante.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> These are the first words of the original title of the poem (1578).</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="III_5">§ 5<br><span class="small"><i>The Historians</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>It was a proud saying of a Portuguese <i>seiscentista</i> that the +Portuguese discoveries silenced all other histories.<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> Certainly this +was so in the case of the history of Portugal, which was neglected +while writer after writer recorded the history of the Portuguese in +India. Nor need we quarrel with a vogue which has preserved +for us so many striking pictures in which East and West clash +without meeting, new countries are continually opening to our +view, and heroism and adventure go hand in hand. Sometimes +the pages of these historians seem all aglow with precious stones, +emeralds from Peru, turquoises from Persia, rubies, cat’s-eyes, +chrysolites, amethysts, beryls, and sapphires from Ceylon, or +scented with the opium of Cairo, the saffron of Cannanore, the +camphor of Borneo, sandalwood from Timor, pepper from Malabar, +cloves from the Moluccas. Blood and sea-spray mingle +with the silks from China and ivory from Sofala, and among the +crowd of rapacious governors and unscrupulous adventurers +move a few figures of a simple austerity and devotion to duty, +Albuquerque, Galvão, Castro, St. Francis Xavier.</p> + +<p>Little is known of <span class="smcap">Alvaro Velho</span> except that he was one of +the immortals (unless he was the <i>degredado</i> (convict) from whose +<i>caderno</i> Couto derived his account of the discovery) who accompanied +Vasco da Gama on his first voyage. To him is attributed +the simple, clear narrative contained in the log or <i>Roteiro da +Viagem de Vasco da Gama em 1497</i>, filled with a primitive wonder, +which pointed the way to the historians of India. Indeed, it provided +material for the first book of a writer who may perhaps be +called the first<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> historian of the discoveries ‘enterprised by the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</span> +Portingales’. <span class="smcap">Fernam Lopez de Castanheda</span> (<i>c.</i> 1500-59) +was born at Santarem, and in 1528 accompanied his father, +appointed Judge at Goa, to India. For the next ten years he +diligently and not without many risks and discomforts consulted +documents and inscriptions in various parts of the country with +a view to writing a history of the discovery and conquest of India, +making himself personally acquainted with the ground and with +many of those who had played a part in the half-century (1498-1548) +under review. After his return to Portugal he continued +his life-work with the same devotion for twenty years, during +which poverty constrained him to accept the post of bedel at +Coimbra University. When he died, worn out by his <i>continuas +vigilias</i>, his history was complete, but only seven books had +been published: <i>Historia do Descobrimento e Conqvista da India</i> +(1551-4). He had at least the satisfaction to know that a part +had already been translated into French and Italian. The eighth +book, bringing the history down to 1538, was published by his +children in 1561, but books nine and ten never appeared. This +history of forty years, which has less regard to style than to sincerity +and the truth of the facts, is written in great detail. It is +a scrupulous and trustworthy record of high interest describing +not only the deeds of the Portuguese, ‘of much greater price than +gold or silver’, ‘more valiant than those of Greek or Roman’, +but the many lands in which they occurred. The narrative can +rise to great pathos, as in the account of Afonso de Albuquerque’s +death (iii. 154), and is often extremely vivid.<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> The interest +necessarily diminishes after 1515, and the seventh book is largely +concerned with dismal contentions between Portuguese officials. +But the great events and persons, the capture of Goa or Diu, +the characters of Gama or Albuquerque, Duarte Pacheco Pereira +or Antonio Galvão, stand out the more clearly from the deliberate +absence of rhetoric.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lourenço de Caceres</span>, in his <i>Doutrina</i> addressed to the +Infante Luis in twenty short chapters on the parts of a good +prince, showed that he could write excellent prose. His death in +1531 prevented him from undertaking a more ambitious work,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</span> +which was accordingly entrusted to his nephew <span class="smcap">João de Barros</span> +(1496?-1570).<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> But much earlier and a generation before Lopez +de Castanheda’s work began to appear, the most famous of the +Portuguese historians had resolved to chronicle the discovery +of India. Born probably at Viseu, the son of Lopo de Barros, he +came of ancient Minhoto stock and was brought up in the palace +of King Manuel. When the Infante João received a separate +establishment Barros became his page (<i>moço da guardaroupa</i>). +It was in this capacity, <i>por cima das arcas da vossa guardaroupa</i>, +that with the active encouragement of the prince he wrote his +first work, <i>Cronica do Emperador Clarimundo</i> (1520). It is a +long romance of chivalry crowded with actors and events, +and contains affecting, even passionate episodes. But the most +remarkable feature of this work, written in eight months when +the author was little over twenty, is its inexhaustible flow of clear, +smooth, vigorous prose, entirely free from awkwardness or hesitation. +One may also note that he regarded it merely as a parergon, +a preparation for his history, <i>afim de apurar o estilo</i>, that despite +its length he assures his readers that he omits all details in order +to avoid prolixity, that much of its geography is real—all his +works prove the truth of Couto’s assertion that he was <i>doutissimo +na geografia</i>—and that each chapter ends with a brief moral. +King Manuel, to whom he read some chapters, encouraged +him to persevere in his intention to write the history of India, +but the king’s death in 1521 delayed the project. In the +following year Barros, who meanwhile had married Maria, +daughter of Diogo de Almeida of Leiria, is said to have gone +out as Captain of the Fortress of S. Jorge da Mina (although +probably he never left Portugal) and later became Treasurer +of the <i>Casa da India</i> (1525-8), and its Factor in 1532, a post +which he retained for thirty-five years. Although he lost a +large sum of money in an unfortunate venture in Brazil, this +was partly made good by the king’s munificence, and when in +1568, the year after his resignation, he retired to his <i>quinta</i> near +Pombal <i>sibi ut viveret</i> he went as a <i>fidalgo</i> of the king’s household<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</span> +and with a pension over twenty-five times as large as that of +Camões.<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> In old age he is described as of a fine presence, although +thin and not tall, with pale complexion, keen eyes, aquiline nose, +long white beard, grave, pleasant, and fluent in conversation. +Before beginning his history he wrote several brief treatises of +great interest and importance, <i>Ropica Pnefma</i> (1532), a dialogue +written at his country house in 1531 in which Time, Understanding, +Will, and Reason discuss their spiritual wares (<i>mercadoria +espiritual</i>), and incidentally the new heresies; three short +works on the Portuguese language, a <i>Dialogo da Viçiosa Vergonha</i> +(1540), and a <i>Dialogo sobre preceptos moraes</i> (1540) in which he +reduced Aristotle’s <i>Ethics</i> to a game for the benefit of two of his +ten children and of the Infanta Maria. He also wrote two excellent +<i>Panegyricos</i> (of the Infanta Maria and King João III) which +were first published by Severim de Faria in his <i>Noticias de Portugal</i> +in 1655. As a historian he chose Livy for his pattern both in +style and system. The first <i>Decada</i> of his <i>Asia</i> appeared in 1552, +the second in 1553, and the third ten years later (1563). Their +success was immediate, especially abroad—in Portugal, like +other historians of recent events, he was accused of partiality +and unfairness<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>—copies soon became extremely rare, the first two +Decads were translated into Italian before the third appeared, +and Pope Pius IV is said to have placed Barros’ portrait (or bust) +next to the statue of Ptolemy.<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> Barros had prepared himself +very thoroughly for his task. His work as Factor seems to have +been exacting—he says that it was only by giving up holidays +and half the night and all the time spent by other men in sleeping +the <i>sesta</i>, or walking about the city, or going into the country, +playing, shooting, fishing, dining, that he was able to attend to +his literary labours. Yet he read everything, pored over maps +and chronicles and documents from the East, and even bought<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</span> +a Chinese slave to translate for him. With this enthusiasm, his +unfailing sense of order and proportion, and his clear and copious +style he necessarily produced a work of permanent value. His +manner is lofty, even pompous, worthy of the great events +described. If his history is less vivid and interesting than Castanheda’s, +that is because he wrote not as an eyewitness<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> or actor +in them but as Court historian. He was a true Augustan, and the +great edifice that this Portuguese Livy planned and partly built +was of eighteenth-century architecture. He was fond of comparing +his work to a building in which each stone has its appointed +place. The material to his hand must be moulded to suit the +symmetry of the whole—Albuquerque had never in his life used +so many relative sentences as are attributed to him by Barros +(<span class="allsmcap">II.</span> v. 9)—and with a pedantic love of definitions and systematic +subdivisions we find him measuring out the proportions of +his stately structure, while picturesque details are deliberately +omitted.<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> The merits of his style have been exaggerated. It is +never confused or slovenly, but is for use rather than beauty; +its ingredients are pure and energetic but the construction is inartistic +and monotonous.<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> It is rather in the forcible, crisp +sentences of his shorter treatises than in the <i>Asia</i> that Barros +displays his mastery of style. His great narrative of epic deeds +is interrupted by interesting special chapters or digressions on +trade, geography, Eastern cities and customs, locusts, chess, the +Mohammedan religion, sword-fish, palm-trees, and monsoons. It +was planned in four <i>Decadas</i> and forty books, to embrace 120 +years to 1539, but the fourth was not written and the third<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</span> +ends with the death of D. Henrique de Meneses (1526). Probably +he did not find the dispute as to the Governorship of India +a very congenial subject, especially as the feud was resumed in +Portugal. Material and notes were however ready, and these +were worked up into a lengthy fourth <i>Decada</i> by João Baptista +Lavanha (†1625) in 1615, which covers the same ground as, but is +quite distinct from, the fourth Decad of Couto. The <i>Asia</i> was +only a block of a vaster whole. <i>Europa</i>, <i>Africa</i>, and <i>Santa Cruz</i> +were to treat respectively of Portugal from the Roman Conquest +and Portuguese history in North Africa and Brazil, while Geography +and Commerce were to be the subjects of separate works, +the first of which (in Latin) was partly written.</p> + +<p>Inseparably connected with the name of Barros is that of +<span class="smcap">Diogo do Couto</span> (1542-1616), who continued his <i>Asia</i>, writing +<i>Decadas</i> 4-12. He was born at Lisbon, and at the age of ten +entered the service (<i>guardaroupa</i>) of the Infante Luis, who sent +him to study at the College of the Jesuits and then with his son, +D. Antonio, under Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres, afterwards +Archbishop of Braga, at S. Domingos, Bemfica. When thirteen +he was present at the death of his talented patron Prince Luis, +and remained in the palace as page to the king till the king’s +death two years later.<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> Couto then went to seek his fortune in +India, and there as soldier, trader, official (in 1571 he was in charge +of the stores at Goa),<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> and historian he spent the best part of the +following half-century, his last visit to Portugal being in 1569-71. +At the bidding of Philip II (I of Portugal), who appointed him +<i>Cronista Môr</i> of India, he undertook the completion of Barros’ +<i>Asia</i>. Probably he needed little inducement—his was the pen of +a ready writer, and the composition of his history was, he tells +us, a pleasure to him in spite of frequent discouragement. He +had received a classical education; as a boy in the palace he had +listened to stories of India<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> and had been no doubt deeply impressed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</span> +by the vivid account of the Sepulveda shipwreck.<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> In +India he won general respect. At Goa he married the sister of +Frei Adeodato da Trindade (1565-1605), who in Lisbon saw some +of his <i>Decadas</i> through the press; he became Keeper of the Indian +Archives (Torre do Tombo) and more than once made a speech on +behalf of the City Councillors, as at the inauguration of the portrait +of Vasco da Gama in the Town Hall in the centenary year +of the discovery of India, before Gama’s grandson, then Viceroy, +and a gathering of noblemen and captains. Couto knew every +one—we find him conversing with Viceroy, Archbishop, natives, +Moorish prisoners, rich merchants from Cambay or the Ambassador +of the Grand Mogul. This personal acquaintance with +the scenes, events, and persons gives a lively dramatic air to +his work. The sententious generalities of the majestic Barros +are replaced by bitter protests and practical suggestions. He is +a critic of abuses rather than of persons.<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> He writes from the +point of view of the common soldier, as one who had seen both +sides of the tapestry of which Barros smoothly ignored the +snarls and thread-ends. He displays a hatred of <i>semjustiças</i>, +treachery, and ‘the insatiable greed of men’, with a fine zest in +descriptions of battles, but he has not Barros’ skill in proportion +and the grand style.<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> He can, however, write excellent prose, +and he gives more of graphic detail<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> and individual sayings and +anecdotes than his predecessor. Nor is he by any means an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</span> +ignorant chronicler. A poet<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> and the friend of poets, he read +Dante and Petrarca and Ariosto, was old-fashioned enough to +admire Juan de Mena, consulted the works of ancient and modern +historians, travellers, and geographers, and was deeply interested +in the customs and religions of the East. The inequality of his +<i>Decadas</i> is in part explained by their history, which constitutes +a curious chapter in the <i>fata</i> of manuscripts. He first wrote +<i>Decada</i> <span class="allsmcap">X</span>, which is the longest and most resembles those of +Barros: this was only sent to Portugal in 1600 and was not +immediately published, apparently because the period, 1580-8, +was too recent. It remained in manuscript till 1788. Meanwhile +Couto, working with extraordinary speed, sent home the fourth +and fifth <i>Decadas</i> in 1597, the sixth in 1599, and the seventh in +1601. Noting the fact that the last two books (9 and 10) of +Castanheda’s history had been suppressed by royal order as being +excessively fond of truth (<i>porque fallava nelles verdades</i>), he +remarks that, should this happen to a volume of his, another +would be forthcoming to take its place. Friends and enemies, +indeed the very elements, took up the challenge, but fortunately +Couto’s spirit and independence continued to the year of his death. +The fourth <i>Decada</i> was at once printed, but the text of the fifth +was tampered with and its publication delayed, the sixth was +destroyed by fire when ready for publication and recast by Frei +Adeodato, the seventh was captured at sea by the English and +re-written in 1603 by Couto and sent home in the same year, the +eighth and ninth, finished in 1614, were stolen from him in manuscript +during a severe illness. This was a crushing blow, but he +partially reconstructed them <i>a modo de epilogo</i> and, writing in old +age from memory, dwelt, to our gain, on personal recollections: +his literary bent appears—his friend Camões, Cristovam Falcão,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</span> +and Garcia de Resende are mentioned. Finally <i>Decada</i> +xi (1588-97), which, writing to King Philip III in January +1616, he says ‘survived this shipwreck’, has disappeared and +<i>Decada</i> xii is incomplete, although the first five books bring the +history to the end of the century (1599). His successor in the +Goa Archives, Antonio Bocarro, took up the history at the year +1612, in a work which was published in 1876: <i>Decada 13ᵃ da +Historia da India</i>. The manuscript of his <i>Dialogo do Soldado Pratico +na India</i> (written before the fourth <i>Decada</i>) was also stolen. +The indomitable Couto re-wrote it and both versions have survived. +They were not published till 1790, the title given to the +earlier version being <i>Dialogo do soldado pratico portugues</i>. With its +<i>verdades chans</i>, this dialogue between an old soldier of India, an +ex-Governor, and a judge forms a most valuable and interesting +indictment of the decadence of Portuguese rule in India, where +the thief and rogue escaped scot-free, while the occasional honest +man was liable to suffer for their sins, and the sleek soldier in +velvet with gold ribbons on his hat had taken the place of the +bearded <i>conquistadores</i> (<i>Dialogo</i>, pp. 91-2).</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gaspar Corrêa</span> (<i>c.</i> 1495-<i>c.</i> 1565) claims, like Fernam Lopez de +Castanheda and Barros, to have been the first historian of the +Portuguese in the East.<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> He went to India sixteen years before +Lopez de Castanheda and no doubt soon began<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> to take notes +and collect material, but he was still working at his history in +1561 and 1563, and his <i>Lendas da India</i> were not published till +the nineteenth century. In the year 1506 Corrêa entered the +king’s service as <i>moço da camara</i>,<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> and six years later went to +India, where he became one of the six or seven secretaries of +Afonso de Albuquerque.<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> They were young men carefully +chosen by the Governor from among those who had been brought<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</span> +up in the palace and to whom he felt he could entrust his secrets.<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> +Theirs was no humdrum or sedentary post, for they had to +accompany the Governor on foot or on horseback, in peace and +war, ever ready with ink and paper. Thus Corrêa had occasion +vividly to describe Aden in 1513, and helped with his own hands +to build the fortress of Ormuz in 1515. After Albuquerque’s +death Corrêa seems to have continued to fight and write. In +1526 he was appointed to the factory of Sofala,<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> and in the +following year the <i>moço da camara</i> has become a <i>cavaleiro</i> and is +employed at the customs house at Cochin.<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> He cannot have +remained much longer at Cochin than at Sofala, since he signed +his name in the book of <i>moradias</i> at Lisbon in 1529, and in 1530-1, +in a ship provided by himself (<i>em um meu catur</i>), went with the +Governor of India’s fleet to the attack of Diu. Later he was +commissioned by the Viceroy, D. João de Castro, to furnish +lifesize drawings<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> of all the Governors of India, so that he must +then have been living at Goa. The ever-growing abuses in India +and the scanty reward given to his fifty years of service and +honourable wounds<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> embittered his last years, and if his spoken +comments were as incisive as the indictment of the Governors +and Captains contained in the <i>Lendas</i><a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> he must have made +enemies in high positions: it seems, at least, that his murder +one night at Malacca went unpunished, as if to prove the truth +of his frequent complaint that no one ever was punished in +India. At the time of his death he may still have been at +work, as in 1561 and 1563, on the revision of his <i>Lendas</i> or +<i>Cronica dos Feytos da India</i>,<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> + originally completed in 1551.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</span><a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> +The first three books relate the events from 1497 to 1538; the +last carries the history down to 1550. The account of the +discovery is based on the narrative of one, and the recollections +of others, of Vasco da Gama’s companions, and the subsequent +events are drawn largely from Corrêa’s own experience. +He spared no trouble to obtain first-hand information, from aged +officials, Moors, natives, captives, a Christian galley-slave, or +a woman from Malabar, distrusting mere hearsay. He lays +frequent stress on his personal evidence.<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> Without necessarily +establishing the trustworthiness of his work on every point, this +method had the advantage of rendering it singularly vivid, and it +contains many a brilliantly coloured picture of the East. In +many respects he is the most remarkable of the historians of +India. It was not for nothing that he had written down some +of Albuquerque’s letters to King Manuel.<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> If Albuquerque’s +words are still striking when read after four centuries, we may +imagine their effect on the boy still in his teens to whom +he dictated them. <i>Tinha grande oratoria</i>, says Corrêa, and +many years afterwards some of the phrases remained in his +memory.<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> He no doubt learnt from Albuquerque his direct, +vigorous style, his love of concrete details, his regard for +truth. His account of the sack of Malacca—the rifled chests +of gold coins and brocades of Mecca and cloth of gold, the +narrow dusty streets in shadow in the midday <i>calma</i>—must, +one thinks, be that of an eyewitness; yet Corrêa was not in +India at the time. The explanation is that it was largely the +account of Albuquerque.<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a></p> + +<p>Corrêa writes in even greater detail than Lopez de Castanheda. +There is no trace of literary leanings in his work; he is sparing +of descriptions as interrupting the story.<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> Whole pages have +scarcely an adjective, and this gives his narrative clearness and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</span> +rapidity, yet he is careless of style. It has been called redundant +and verbose, but that is true mainly of the prefaces, which show +that Corrêa in a library might have developed into a rhetorical +Zurara of <i>boas oratorias</i>. It is, however, no longer the fashion to +sneer at this ‘simple and half barbarous chronicler’, this ‘soldier +adventurer in whose artless words appears his lack of culture’.<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> +His <i>Lendas</i> are infinitely preferable to the sleek periods of +Barros and often as reliable, being legendary in little beyond +their title, as understood by the ignorant (for the word <i>lenda</i> +meant not legend but record or log). They have a harsh flavour +of religious fervour and of lust for gold<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> and an intense atmosphere +of the East—<i>sangre e incenso, cravo e escravaria</i>, St. +James fighting for the Christians, St. Thomas transformed into +a peacock, all in a region of horror and enchantment. Corrêa +was aware that it was dangerous to write history in India +(iii. 9)—<i>periculosae plenum opus aleae</i>—but although he had +no intention of immediately publishing it<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> he evidently expected +some recognition of his work. The appearance of Lopez de +Castanheda’s <i>Historia</i> and Barros’ <i>Decadas</i> must have been a +blow almost as cruel as the daggers of his assassins a few years +later.</p> + +<p>The events of India from 1506-15, chronicled by Castanheda +and Barros, necessarily centred round the great figure of Afonso +de Albuquerque, and they were recorded afresh by his illegitimate +son <span class="smcap">Bras de Albuquerque</span> (1500-80), whom the dying Governor +recommended to the king in his last letter. King Manuel +in belated gratitude bestowed his favour on this son and bade +him assume the name of Afonso in memory of his father. His +<i>Commentarios de Afonso de Alboquerque</i> (1557) were revised by +the author in a second edition (1576) four years before his death. +They are written in unassuming but straightforward style and +furnish a very clear and moderate account based on letters<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</span> +written by Albuquerque to King Manuel.<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> The author seems +to have realized that Albuquerque’s words and deeds speak +sufficiently for themselves, but the reflection produced is somewhat +pale.</p> + +<p>The gallant and chivalrous apostle of the Moluccas, <span class="smcap">Antonio +Galvam</span> (<i>c.</i> 1490?-1557), ‘as rich in valour and knowledge as +poor in fortune’,<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> printed nothing in his lifetime but his manuscripts +were handed over after his death to Damião de Goes as +<i>Cronista Môr</i>.<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> We have only a brief treatise by him published +posthumously. Copious in matter rather than in length, for it has +but eighty small folios in spite of its lengthy title, this <i>Tratado</i> +(1563), or, if we adopt the briefer title from the colophon, this +<i>Lyvro dos Descobrimentos das Antilhas & India</i>, is remarkable for +the curious observation shown and its vivid, concise style of a man +of action. Written in the form of annals, it begins with the +Flood, and on f. 12 we are still in the age of Merlin; but the most +valuable part consists in the writer’s direct experience—he tells +of buffaloes, cows and hens ‘of flesh black as this ink’, of mocking +parrots, fires made of earth ‘as in Flanders’. Goes, who had +certainly handled the manuscript, may have added this comparison; +he evidently interpolated the account of his own travels +(ff. 58 v.-59 v.). The life of Galvam gives a further interest to this +rare book, for, a man of noble and disinterested character, himself +a prince by election, he has always been regarded as a stock +instance of the ingratitude of princes. Born in the East, the son +of Albuquerque’s old friend, the historian Duarte Galvam, he won +fame by his courage and martial qualities, both as soldier and +skilful mariner. After subduing the Molucca Islands he, as their +Governor (Captain), spent his energies and income in missionary +zeal and in developing agriculture. On the expiry of his term +as Governor (1536-40) he refused the position of Raja of Ternate,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</span> +which the grateful natives besought him to accept. He arrived +penniless in Portugal and penniless died seventeen years later in +the Lisbon hospital.</p> + +<p>Besides the general histories many briefer records of separate +regions or events were written, and these are often of great value +as the accounts of men who had seen and taken part in what they +describe.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lopo de Sousa Coutinho</span> (?1515-77), father of Frei Luis de +Sousa and one of the captains in the heroic siege of Diu (1538)—he +is said to have died by accidentally running himself through +with his sword when dismounting from his horse—wrote a striking +account of the siege, especially of its last incidents, in his +<i>Livro Primeiro do Cerco de Diu</i> (1556). The siege of Mazagam +(1562) was similarly described in clear, vigorous prose by <span class="smcap">Agostinho +Gavy de Mendonça</span>: <i>Historia do famoso cerco qve o +Xarife pos á fortaleza de Mazagam</i> (1607). <span class="smcap">Jorge de Lemos</span>, of +Goa, wrote a careful <i>Historia dos Cercos ... de Malaca</i> (1585), +and <span class="smcap">Antonio Castilho</span>, the distinguished son of the celebrated +architect João, published a <i>Commentario do Cerco de Goa e Chaul +no anno MDLXX</i> (1572). Events in the Moluccas were briefly +recorded in an <i>Informaçam das cousas de Maluco</i> (1569) by +<span class="smcap">Gabriel de Rabello</span>, who went out as factor of Tidore in 1566.</p> + +<p>The anonymous gentleman of Elvas who wrote the <i>Relaçam +verdadeira</i> (1557) of Soto’s discovery of Florida was a keen observer +and related what he saw in direct language. His publisher, +André de Burgos, in a short preface washes his hands of the style +as insufficiently polished (<i>limado</i>).</p> + +<p>The deeds of D. Cristovam da Gama, his conquest of a hundred +leagues of territory in Ethiopia, his defeat, torture, and beheadal, +are recounted with the vivid details of an eyewitness by <span class="smcap">Miguel +de Castanhoso</span>, of Santarem, who accompanied him on his +fatal expedition. This <i>Historia</i> (1564) was published by João da +Barreira, who dedicated it to D. Cristovam’s nephew, D. Francisco +de Portugal.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Manuel de Abreu Mousinho</span> wrote in Spanish a brief account +of the conquest of Pegu by Salvador Ribeiro de Sousa, of which +a Portuguese version appeared in the 1711 edition of Mendez +Pinto’s travels: <i>Breve discurso em que se contem a conquista do<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</span> +reyno de Pegu</i>, nearly a century after the original edition, <i>Breve +Discvrso en qve se cventa</i>, &c. (1617). The <i>Jornada do Maranhão +feita por Jeronymo de Albuquerque em 1614</i> is ascribed to +<span class="smcap">Diogo de Campos Moreno</span>, who took part in that <i>conquista</i>. +It was published in the <i>Collecção de Noticias para a Historia e +Geographia das Nações Ultramarinas</i>.<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> The second volume of +this collection contains several re-translations of <i>Navegações</i> +(by Thomé Lopez and anonymous Portuguese pilots) surviving +in Italian in Ramusio. It would require a separate volume to +give an account of all the sixteenth-and seventeenth-century +narratives of newly conquered countries written in Portuguese +and often immediately translated into many European languages, +e.g. the <i>Novo Descobrimento do Grão Cathayo</i> (1626) by the Jesuit +<span class="smcap">Antonio de Andrade</span> (<i>c.</i> 1580-1634), or the <i>Relaçam</i> of the +Jesuit <span class="smcap">Alvaro Semmedo</span> (1585?-1658) written in Portuguese but +published in the Spanish translation of Faria e Sousa: <i>Imperio +de la China</i> (1642). However unliterary, they are often so vividly +written as to be literature in the best sense.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pedro de Magalhães de Gandavo</span>, of Braga, whose <i>Regras</i> +(1574) ran into three editions before the end of the century, described +Brazil and its discovery in two short works: <i>Historia da +prouincia Sãcta Cruz</i> (1576) and <i>Tratado da terra do Brazil</i> first +published in 1826 in the <i>Collecção de Noticias</i>. This collection +also prints works of the following century, such as the <i>Fatalidade +historica da Ilha de Ceilão</i><a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> by Captain <span class="smcap">João Ribeiro</span>, who had +served the king as a soldier for eighteen years in the <i>preciosa +ilha de Ceilão</i>. His manuscript, written in 1685, was translated +and published in French (1701) 135 years before it was printed in +Portuguese. Gandavo’s <i>Historia</i> (48 ff.), his first work (<i>premicias</i>), +was introduced by <i>tercetos</i> and a sonnet of Luis de Camões, who +speaks of his <i>claro estilo</i>, and <i>engenho curioso</i>. The author himself +in a prefatory letter says that he writes as an eyewitness, content +with a ‘plain and easy style’ without seeking <i>epithetos exquisitos</i>.</p> + +<p>The Jesuit <span class="smcap">Balthasar Tellez</span><a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> (1595-1675) won considerable +fame as an historian and prose-writer in his <i>Cronica da Companhia<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</span> +de Iesus</i> (2 pts., 1645, 1647) in which he forswears what he +calls the artifices and liberties of ordinary <i>seiscentista</i> prose. He +also edited the work of the Jesuit missionary <span class="smcap">Manuel de Almeida</span> +(1580-1646), recasting it in an abbreviated form: <i>Historia +Geral da Ethiopia a Alta ov Preste Ioam</i> (1660), for which Tellez’ +friend, Mello, provided a prefatory letter. Almeida, born at +Viseu, had gone to India in 1601 and in 1622 was sent to Ethiopia, +where he became the head of the mission. He died at Goa after +a life of much hard work and various adventure. In writing his +history of Ethiopia he made use of the <i>Historia da Ethiopia</i> of +an earlier (1603-19) head of the mission, <span class="smcap">Pedro Paez</span> (1564-1622), +who had started for Ethiopia in 1595 but was captured by the +Turks and only ransomed in 1602. Although a Spaniard by birth +(born at Olmeda), Paez wrote in Portuguese. A third Jesuit +missionary, <span class="smcap">Manuel Barradas</span>, born in 1572 at Monforte, who +went to India in 1612, was also a prisoner of the Turks for over +a year at Aden. In 1624 he went to <i>Ethiope, terre maldite</i>, and +remained there some ten years. Of his three treatises the +most important is that entitled <i>Do Reyno de Tygrê e seus mandos +em Ethiopia</i>. The modern editor of these works, P. Camillo +Beccari, considers that their authors’ simple style caused their +treatises to be regarded rather as the material of history than in +themselves history,<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> but their value for us is in this very simplicity +and in the detailed observation which bring the country +and its inhabitants clearly before us. Scarcely less important, as +material for history and as human documents, are the <i>Cartas</i> +from Jesuits in China and Japan, especially the collection of +82 letters (Coimbra, 1570), and that of 206 letters (Evora, +1598). The Jesuit <span class="smcap">Fernam Cardim</span> at about the same time +rendered a like service to Brazil in his <i>Narrativa epistolar</i>, +edited in 1847 by F. A. de Varnhagen. A more important work +on Brazil was that of <span class="smcap">Gabriel Soarez de Sousa</span> (<i>c.</i> 1540-92)—the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</span> +<i>Tratado descriptivo do Brasil em 1587</i>, which its modern +editor, F. A. de Varnhagen, described in a moment of enthusiasm +as ‘the most admirable of all the works of the Portuguese +<i>quinhentistas</i>’. Two other works of interest, half history, +half travels, are the <i>Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frey +Aleixo de Meneses</i> (1606) by <span class="smcap">Antonio de Gouvea</span>, Bishop of +Cyrene (<i>c.</i> 1565-1628), in three parts, describing the archbishop’s +life and visits in his diocese; and the <i>Discvrso da Iornada de +D. Gonçalo Covtinho á villa de Mazagam e sev governo nella</i> (1629). +The writer—the admirer of Camões and alleged author of the 1614 +life of Sá de Miranda—who, as he says, had grown white in the +council-chamber, lived on till 1634. He here relates with much +directness his voyage and four years’ Governorship (1623-7).</p> + +<p>The <i>Saudades da Terra</i> (1873) of <span class="smcap">Gaspar Fructuoso</span> (1522-91), +who was born at S. Miguel in the Azores, was written in 1590 and +waited three centuries in manuscript for an editor. Both its +title and the ‘preamble’, in which Truth says that she will write +of nothing but sadness, are misleading, since the book is an +account—in good, straightforward style after the manner of +Castanheda and other historians—of the discovery and subsequent +conditions of various islands, especially of Madeira and the +lives of its Governors. <span class="smcap">Antonio Cordeiro</span> (1641-1722), Jesuit, +of Angra, wrote at the age of seventy-six an uncritical but +interesting work entitled <i>Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal +sujeitas no Oceano Occidental</i> (1717), based partly on Fructuoso’s +manuscript.</p> + +<p>It was only as it were by an afterthought that the historians +turned to consider the history of Portugal as apart from separate +chronicles of the kings or episodes of Eastern conquest. The +historical scheme of João de Barros was too vast to be executed +by one man and the European part was never written. André +de Resende likewise failed to carry out his project of a history +of Portugal. <span class="smcap">Pedro de Mariz</span> (<i>c.</i> 1550-1615), son of the Coimbra +printer, Antonio, in the last four of his <i>Dialogos de Varia Historia</i> +(1594) between a Portuguese and an Italian, embraces the whole +history of Portugal, but these dialogues, although industriously +written in good plain style, were eclipsed by the appearance +three years later of the first part of the <i>Monarchia Lusitana</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</span> +(1597). Its author, a young Cistercian monk of Alcobaça, <span class="smcap">Frei +Bernardo de Brito</span> (1569-1617), in the world Balthasar de +Brito de Andrade, at once became known as one of the best +writers of his time, and he is still reckoned among the masters +of Portuguese prose. His style, clear, restrained, copious, proved +that the mantle of Barros had fallen upon worthy shoulders. +But, despite his rich vein of humanity, as a historian he is far +inferior to Barros and even more uncritical than Mariz. The +value of evidence seems to have weighed with him little when it +was a question of exalting his language, literature, religion, or +country, and he used and incorporated documents entirely +worthless. Whether he deliberately manufactured spurious +documents to serve his purposes cannot be known, but he seems +at least to have quoted authorities which had never existed.<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a></p> + +<p>In a word he failed to make good use of the incomparable +material which the library of Alcobaça afforded. His was a misdirected +erudition, and we would willingly exchange the knowledge +of where Adam lies buried, or on what day the world began, +or how Gorgoris, King of Lusitania, who died 1227 years after +the Flood, invented honey, for accurate details of more recent +Portuguese history. Yet he had the diligence and enthusiasm +of the true historian and made use, sometimes a skilful use,<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> of +coins and inscriptions. His brief <i>Geographia antiga da Lusytania</i> +also appeared in 1597, and in the same year the Cistercian Order +appointed him its chronicler. Thus he interrupted his main +work—the second part of the <i>Monarchia Lusitana</i> was only +published in 1609—in order to write the <i>Primeira Parte da +Cronica de Cister</i> (1602).<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> This, in many ways his best work, +runs to nearly a thousand pages, and treats of the saints of the +Order and especially of the life of the charming St. Bernard,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</span> +with contemporary events in Portugal.<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> It was to be followed +by two other parts, but Brito’s early death at his native Almeida +on his way back to Alcobaça from Spain, a year after he had +been appointed <i>Cronista Môr</i> (1616), left his work unfinished. +He is remembered as a fine stylist, a poet who wrote history +rather than as a great historian. Mariana, the Latin original of +whose <i>Historia de España</i> (1592) he knew and quoted, is by comparison +almost a scientific writer—at least he is not, like Brito, +pseudo-scientific.</p> + +<p>The two parts of the <i>Monarchia Lusitana</i> written by Brito +ended with the beginning of the Portuguese monarchy. Parts +3 and 4, by <span class="smcap">Frei Antonio Brandão</span> (1584-1637), to whose +sincerity and skill Herculano paid tribute, appeared in 1632 +and carried it down to the year 1279. Brandão had spent nearly +ten years collecting and sifting documentary evidence for his +work and is a far better historian than Brito, although in style +he is not his equal. His nephew <span class="smcap">Frei Francisco Brandão</span> +(1601-80), <i>vir modestus, diligens et eruditus</i>, succeeded Frei +Antonio as <i>Cronista Môr</i> and wrote Parts 5 and 6 (1650), +describing the reign of King Dinis. The style was less well +maintained in Part 7 (1633) by <span class="smcap">Frei Raphael de Jesus</span> (1614-93). +Part 8 (1727), the last to be published, was added by <span class="smcap">Frei +Manuel dos Santos</span> (1672-1740) over a century after the publication +of the first Part, but only brought the history to the battle +of Aljubarrota (1385). Santos’ Part 7 as well as Parts 9 and 10 +remained in manuscript. His prose is worthy of a work which +is a monument of the language, not of the history of Portugal. +Perhaps the truest epitaph of this history as a whole—after +allowance has been made for Brito’s style and the excellent work +of Antonio Brandão—is a severe sentence from the preface of +the author of Part 7: ‘There are histories whose tomes are +tombs.’</p> + +<p>It could hardly, perhaps, be expected that the historians of the +reigns of King Manuel and King João III should pass over +events in the East as already fully related, and in Damião de<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</span> +Goes’ <i>Cronica do Felicissimo Rey Dom Emanvel</i> and Francisco +de Andrade’s <i>Cronica de Dom João III</i> (1613), although they +lose much by compression, they still occupy a disproportionate +space. Andrade wrote most correct prose, even in his +poems, and the style of his history is excellent, but neither +of these works gives any adequate account of the internal history +of Portugal, any more than does that of Frei Luis de Sousa on +João III’s reign, in which there should have been more scope for +originality. The same prominence is given to India in the history +of <span class="smcap">Jeronimo Osorio</span> (1506-80), Bishop of Silves, <i>De Rebvs +Emmanvelis Regis Lvsitaniae</i> (1571), written in Latin in order +to spread the knowledge of these events <i>per omnes reipublicae +Christianae regiones</i>.<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> Osorio, whose father, like Lopez de Castanheda’s, +had been a judge (<i>ouvidor</i>) in India, was born at Lisbon, +but studied abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, and Bologna. After +occupying the Chair of Scripture at Coimbra for a brief +space, he went to Lisbon and became secretary to the Infante +Luis. In 1560 he was made Archdeacon of Evora and four years +later Bishop of Silves. (The see was removed to Faro three years +before his death and his title is sometimes given as Bishop of +Algarve.) A few remarkable letters in Portuguese, in one of which +(1567) he attempted to convert Queen Elizabeth, show that he +was skilled in the use of his native tongue; his countrymen +delighted to call him the Portuguese Cicero. According to +Sousa de Macedo ‘many people came from England, Germany +and other parts with the sole object of seeing him’.<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> In England +certainly his book was highly prized, and both Dryden and Pope +praised Gibbs’ translation, although Francis Bacon noted the +diffuseness of Osorio’s style: <i>luxurians et diluta</i>, certainly not +a just verdict on the style as a whole; we have but to think of the +concise sketches of Albuquerque (<i>De Rebus</i>, p. 380) and King +Manuel (p. 478). Osorio acknowledged his ample debt to the +chronicle of Goes, which he describes as written ‘with incredible +felicity’. <span class="smcap">Frei Bernardo da Cruz</span>, who accompanied King +Sebastian to Africa in 1578 as chaplain, in his <i>Cronica de El Rei +D. Sebastião</i> wrote the history of his life and reign and happily<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</span> +describes him as ‘a young king without experience or fear’. The +<i>Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique</i> (1840) completed the +history of the house of Avis. It chronicles in fifty-four diminutive +chapters the eighteen months’ reign of the <i>pouco mimoso e severo</i> +Cardinal King Henry. It was written in 1586,<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> and, although +anonymous, is ascribed with some probability to the Jesuit Padre +<span class="smcap">Alvaro Lobo</span> (1551-1608).</p> + +<p>The <i>Jornada de Africa</i> (1607) by <span class="smcap">Jeronimo de Mendoça</span>, of +Oporto, is divided into three parts, describing the expedition +and the battle of Alcacer Kebir, the ransoms and escapes of the +captives, and the death of Christian martyrs in Africa. Its +object was to refute certain statements in Conestaggio’s recent +work <i>Dell’unione del regno di Portogallo alla corona di Castiglia</i>, +but Mendoça had fought at Alcacer Kebir and had been taken +prisoner; he thus writes as an eyewitness, and his excellent style +and power of description give more than a controversial value +and interest to his book and make it matter for regret that this +short history was apparently his only work.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Miguel de Moura</span> (1538-1600), secretary to five kings and +one of the three Governors of Portugal in 1593, set an example +too rarely followed by those who have played an important +part in Portuguese history by composing a brief autobiography: +<i>Vida de Miguel de Moura</i>. It was written on the eve of St. Peter’s +Day, 1594, except a few pages which were added in the year +before the author’s death. Incidentally it has the distinction of +containing one of the longest sentences ever written (114 lines—1840 +ed., pp. 126-9).</p> + +<p>The painstaking and talented <span class="smcap">Duarte Nunez de Leam</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1530-1608), born at Evora, son of the Professor of Medicine +João Nunez, besides genealogical and legal works, <i>Leis extravagantes</i> +(1560, 1569), wrote two valuable treatises on the Portuguese +language and an interesting <i>Descripção do Reino de Portugal</i> +(1610), which he finished in 1599. He also found time to spare from +his duties as a magistrate to recast the chronicles of the Kings of +Portugal. The <i>Cronicas dos Reis de Portugal</i> (1600) contain +those from Count Henry to King Fernando, and the <i>Cronicas +del Rey Dom Ioam de gloriosa memoria</i> those of Kings<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</span> +João I, Duarte, and Afonso V. Shorn of the individuality +of the early chroniclers, they yet retain much of interest, and +Nunez de Leam would be accorded a higher place as historian +were it not for our knowledge of the inestimable value of the +originals which he edited and ‘improved’. Two generations +earlier Cristovam Rodriguez Azinheiro (or Acenheiro), born in +1474 (he tells us that he was sixty-one in May 1535), had treated +the early chronicles in the same way, but only succeeded in retaining +all that was jejune without preserving their picturesqueness +in his <i>Cronicas dos Senhores Reis de Portugal</i>.<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a></p> + +<p>More interesting personally than as historian, the humanist +<span class="smcap">Damião de Goes</span> (1502-74<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a>) was one of the most accomplished +men of his time,<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> and, thanks partly to his trial before the +Inquisition, partly to the not unpleasant egotism with which he +chronicled autobiographical details, not only in his <i>Genealogia</i><a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> +but in many of his other works, we know more of his life than we +know of most contemporary writers. Traveller and diplomatist, +scholar, singer, musician, he was a man of many friends during +his lifetime, and the tragic circumstances of his last years have +won him fresh sympathizers after his death. Born at Alenquer +and brought up at the Court of King Manuel, he became page to +the king in 1518, and five years later was appointed secretary +at the Portuguese Factory at Antwerp. In 1529 he was sent on +a diplomatic mission to Poland, and in this and the following +years, on similar missions or for his own pleasure, ‘saw and conversed +with all the kings, princes, nobles and peoples of Christendom’.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</span><a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> +He made the acquaintance of Montaigne’s <i>aubergistes +allemands, ‘glorieux, colères et ivrognes’</i>, turned aside to visit +Luther and Melanchthon at Wittenberg,<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> and was for several +months the guest of Erasmus at Freiburg. In Italy he lived with +Cardinal Sadoletto at Padua (1534-8) and met Cardinal Bembo +and other celebrated men of the day. At Louvain, too, <i>mihi +intime carum et iucundum</i>, as throughout Europe, he had many +devoted friends. A senator of Antwerp welcomed him in Latin +verse on his return from his Scythian travels,<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> Luis Vives addressed +affectionate letters to <i>mi Damiane</i>, Albrecht Dürer +painted his portrait, Glareanus in his <i>Dodecachordon</i> included +music of his composition.<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></p> + +<p>In 1542 he was on his way to Holland with his Flemish wife +when he heard that Louvain was threatened by a French force +commanded by Longueval and <i>meus ille in Academiam Louvaniensem +fatalis amor</i> took him back to share its perils. He played +a principal part in the defence, and finally remained a prisoner +in the enemy’s hands, <i>quasi piacularis hostia</i>, as he says.<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> His +imprisonment in France lasted nine months, and after paying +a ransom of 6,000 ducats he went back to Louvain. The Emperor +Charles V rewarded him for his services with a splendid coat of +arms. In 1545, after twenty-one years of European travel, he +returned with his wife and children<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> to Portugal, and three +years later was entrusted with Fernam Lopez’ old post, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</span> +Keepership of the Archives. He lived in the Paços d’Alcaçova +with a certain magnificence, keeping open house for all foreigners, +one of whom records that already in 1565 <i>il se faict fort vieulx</i>. +Six years later, on April 4, 1571, he was arrested by the Inquisition +and spent twenty months in prison.</p> + +<p>It was, perhaps, inevitable that he should have incurred +suspicion, nor is it necessary to explain his trial by the enmity of +certain persons at Court due to passages in his works. His life had +been out of keeping with the <i>gravedades de Hespanha</i>, and the +charges against him were numerous and varied. He had eaten and +drunken with heretics, he had read strange books, the sound of +songs not understanded of the people and organ music had issued +from his house at Lisbon, he had omitted to observe fasts, he had +called the Pope a tyrant, he set no store by papal indulgences or +auricular confession. Even the testimony of his grand-niece is +recorded, to the effect that her mother had said of Goes, her +husband’s uncle, that he had no more belief in God than in a stone +wall (she seems to have had Berkeleian tendencies). As usual +it is less the proceedings of the Inquisition than the bad faith +of the witnesses that arouse disgust. The poet Andrade Caminha, +who apparently came forward of his own accord—we are not +told that he was <i>chamado</i>—admitted that certain words of Goes +which he now denounced had not seemed so serious to him before +he knew that Goes was in the prison of the Inquisition. Goes had +already been denounced to the Inquisition in 1545 and 1550, +and his book <i>Fides, Religio Moresque Aethiopum</i> (Lovanii, 1540) +had been condemned in Portugal in 1541. He was examined +frequently in 1571 and 1572, was left for three months without +news of his family, and complained of being old, weak, and ill, and +that his body had become covered with a kind of leprosy (July 14, +1572). His sentence (October 16, 1572) pronounced him to have +incurred, as a Lutheran heretic, excommunication, confiscation +of all his property, and the life-long confinement of his person. +He was transferred to the famous monastery of Batalha in +December, but his death (January 30, 1574) occurred in his own +house. His return and his death probably explain one another. +He was growing very old in 1565 and we must suppose that his +recent experiences had not made him younger. His last request—to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</span> +die among his family—was apparently granted, and the +further explanations (that he fell forward into the fire, that he +died of an apoplexy, was killed by order of the Inquisition, was +beaten to death by the lackeys of the Conde da Castanheira, +or murdered and robbed by his own servants) are superfluous. +His works consist of several brief Latin treatises crowded with +interesting facts (especially his <i>Hispania</i>); and in Portuguese +the <i>Cronica do Principe Dom Ioam</i> (1567) and <i>Cronica do +Felicissimo Rey Dom Emanvel</i>, 4 pt. (1566, 1567). He also found +time to translate Cicero’s <i>De Senectute</i>: <i>Livro ... da Velhice</i>, +(Veneza, 1534). He had not the imagination of an historian, and +unless events have passed before his eyes, or happen to interest +him personally, he can be bald and meagre as an annalist. But +in any matter which touches him closely, as the expulsion and the +cruel treatment of the Jews, or the massacre of new Christians, or +the account of Ethiopia, he broadens out into moving and +detailed description. The result is that this long Chronicle of King +Manuel is a number of excellent separate treatises rather than +a history with unity and a sense of proportion. It is the work +of a scholar who likes to describe directly, from his own experience. +The <i>Cronica do Principe</i> was written some months before +that of King Manuel. The latter was a difficult undertaking,<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> +for many persons concerned were still alive, and subjects such +as the expulsion of the Jews needed delicate handling. For +thirty-one years it had hung fire in the hands of previous +chroniclers when in 1558 Cardinal Henrique entrusted it to +Damião de Goes. After eight years the four parts were ready for +press,<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> but the difficulties were not yet over, for certain chapters +met with strong disapproval at Court<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> and had to be altered, so +that two editions of the first part appeared in 1566 (the first being +apparently submitted as a proof and not for sale), but the publication +of the work as a whole was not completed before 1567.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</span></p> + +<p>Scarcely less celebrated than Goes, the archaeologist <span class="smcap">Lucio +André de Resende</span> (1493?-1573),<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> friend of Goes, Clenardus, +and Erasmus, left the Dominican convent of Bemfica, in which he +was a novice, in order to study abroad, at Salamanca, Paris, and +Louvain. ‘Tall, with very large eyes, curling hair, rather dark +complexion but of a cheerful, open countenance’, living in his +house (<i>as casas de Resende</i>) at Evora among his books and coins, +statues and inscriptions—his small garden hedged with <i>marmores +antigos</i> as, according to Brito, too often were peasants’ vine-yards—he +exercised a considerable influence on the writers of +his time<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> and was held in high esteem by the Emperor Charles V +and by King João III. The principal of his own works were +written in Latin, but besides his <i>De Antiquitatibus Lusitaniae</i> +(1593), which was edited by Mendez de Vasconcellos with the +addition of a fifth book from notes left by the author, he composed +in Portuguese a ‘brief but learned’ <i>Historia da Antiguidade +da Cidade de Evora</i> (1553). In his <i>Vida do Infante Dom Duarte</i> +(1789)<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> he did not write the ‘very copious history’ which Paiva +de Andrade<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> said the subject required. He did better, for this +sketch of a few pages is a little masterpiece in which the vignettes, +for instance, of the boatman and his figs, or the meal in the mill, +must ever retain their vividness and charm. Resende had been +the prince’s tutor and writes of what he saw; he shows that he +could decipher a person’s character as keenly as a Latin inscription. +Resende’s legitimate successor in archaeology, <span class="smcap">Manuel +Severim de Faria</span> (1583-1655), scarcely belongs to the sixteenth +century although he wrote verses in 1598 and 1599. He succeeded +his uncle as Canon (1608) and Precentor (1609) of Evora +Cathedral and resigned in favour of his nephew Manuel de Faria +Severim as Canon in 1633 and Precentor in 1642. Living in ancient<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</span> +Evora when the memory of Resende was still fresh, this antiquary +of the pale face and blue eyes, ‘store-house of all the +treasures of the past’,<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> with his medals and statues and choice +library of rare books, soon rivalled Resende’s fame. His most +important works are <i>Discursos varios politicos</i> (1624) containing +four essays and the lives of Barros, Camões, and Couto, and +<i>Noticias de Portugal</i> (1655).</p> + +<p>A less attractive personality is that of <span class="smcap">Manuel de Faria e +Sousa</span> (1590-1649), born near Pombeiro (Minho), a most accomplished, +industrious, but untrustworthy author who wrote mainly +in Spanish. His <i>Epitome de las Historias Portuguesas</i> was +published in 1628 at Madrid, where he spent the greater part +of his life, and where he died. He seems to have retained a real +affection for his native country, but he was not a man of independent +character and bestowed his flatteries as his interest +required. After the Restoration of 1640 he stayed on at the +Spanish Court, and there appears to be some doubt whether it +was João IV, his nominal master, or Philip IV of Spain that he +served best. His long historical works, <i>Europa Portuguesa</i>, +<i>Asia Portuguesa</i>, <i>Africa Portuguesa</i>, appeared posthumously, +between 1666 and 1681. He is most pleasant when he is not trying +to ‘make’ history but is simply describing, as in his account +of the various provinces of Portugal.<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> In his own not over-modest +verdict in Part 4 of the same volume, <i>De las primazias deste +Reyno</i>, he was <i>el primero que supo historiar con más acierto</i>. +Faria e Sousa was enthusiastic but unscrupulous and he has +been severely handled by the critics. With posterity he +has fallen between two stools, since the Spanish are only +moderately interested in his subject, Portugal, and the Portuguese +consider him to belong to Spanish literature.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> Antonio Vieira, <i>Historia do Futuro</i> (1718), p. 24: <i>esta historia era o +silencio de todas as historias</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> <i>O primeiro Portugues que na nossa lingoa as [façanhas] resuscitei.</i> João +de Barros, in his preface, makes a similar claim: <i>foi o primeiro</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> Cf. vi. 37, 38; vii. 77, 78; or vi. 100, where the ships bristling with the +enemy’s arrows are likened to porcupines.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> 1496, the generally accepted year of his birth, is the calculation of Severim +de Faria, followed by Barbosa Machado, Nicolás Antonio, &c. As he retired +at the end of 1567 it is difficult not to suspect (from his love of method and +the decimal system) that he was born in 1497—the year of Vasco da Gama’s +expedition.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> 400,000 <i>réis</i>. He also obtained the privilege of trading with India free +from all taxes so as to clear a profit of 1,600,000 <i>réis</i>. Innocencio da Silva +adds ‘yearly’ to this sum, mentioned by Severim de Faria. In any case +Barros’ complaints of his poverty seem misplaced.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> Faria e Sousa (<i>Varias Rimas</i>, pt. 2 (1689), p. 165), says that neither +Lopez de Castanheda nor Barros was widely read, one of the reasons being +the length of their histories.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a> According to Pero de Magalhães de Gandavo (<i>Dialogo em defensam da +lingua portvgvesa</i>) Barros ‘is in Venice preferred to Ptolemy’.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> His account of the fleet leaving Lisbon (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> v. 1) <i>is</i> that of an eyewitness.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> <i>Mais trabalhamos no substancial da historia que no ampliar as miudezas +que enfadam e não deleitam</i> (<span class="allsmcap">I.</span> vii. 8). Cf. <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> v. 10 (1778 ed., p. 465); <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> ix. 9 +(p. 426); <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> x. 5 (p. 489). Yet the vivid light thrown by the details recorded +in other writers, such as the ‘bushel of sapphires’ sent to Albuquerque by +one of the native kings, or the open boat drifting with a few Portuguese +long dead and a heap of silver beside them, is of undeniable value. Goes +inserts details, but is too late a writer to do so without apology, like Corrêa +and Lopez de Castanheda: <i>pode parecer a algũa pessoa</i> [e. g. his friend Barros] +<i>que em historia grave nam eram necessarias estas miudezas</i> (<i>Cron. do Pr. D. Joam</i>, +cap. cii).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> e.g. the following mortar of conjunctions between the stones on p. 335 of +<i>Decada</i> <span class="allsmcap">II</span> (1777 ed.) opened at hazard: <i>nas quaes ... que ... que ... qual ... +que ... como ... que ... que ... o qual ... cujos ... que ... que ... que ... +posto que ... como ... porque ... que</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> <i>E sendo eu moço servindo a El Rey D. João na guardaroupa</i> (<i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> iii. 8). +In <i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> viii. 1 he speaks of having served João III for two years as <i>moço +da camara</i> (1555-7). In the same passage he embarks for India in 1559 aged +<i>fifteen</i>. In <i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> ix. 12 (1783 ed. p. 396) he is eighteen (April 1560).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> According to the Governor, Francisco Barreto, he was more at home +with arms than with prices (<i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IX.</span> 20, 1786 ed., p. 160). Another passage +in the <i>Decadas</i> proves him to have been an excellent horseman.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> Cf. <i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> iii. 8 (1778 ed. p. 234).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> He himself describes with great detail and pathos the wrecks of the ships +<i>N. Senhora da Barca</i> (<span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> viii. 1), <i>Garça</i> (<span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> viii. 12), <i>S. Paulo</i> (<span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> ix. 16), +<i>Santiago</i> (<span class="allsmcap">X.</span> vii. 1), as well as that of Sepulveda (<i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> ix. 21, 22). In his +account of the loss of the <i>S. Thomé</i> (which was printed in the <i>Historia Tragico-Maritima</i>, +in the <i>Vida de D. Paulo de Lima</i>, and no doubt in the lost eleventh +<i>Decada</i>), the separation of D. Joana de Mendoça from her child is one of the +most tantalizing and touching incidents ever penned.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> <i>Não particularizo ninguem</i> (<i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">XII.</span> i. 7).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> What he lacks in <i>gravidade</i> (cf. <i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> x. 14)—he is quite ready to admit +that he writes <i>toscamente</i> (<span class="allsmcap">VII.</span> iii. 3), <i>singelamente, sem ornamento de palavras</i> +(<span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> ii. 3), <i>simplesmente, sem ornamento nem artificio de palavras</i> (<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> v. 6)—he +makes good by directness as an eyewitness, <i>de mais perto</i> (<span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> i. 7; cf. <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> x. +4 <i>ad init.</i>). When he had not himself been present he preferred the accounts of +those who had, as Sousa Coutinho’s description of the siege of Diu (<i>Commentarios</i>) +<i>em estilo excellente e grave, e foi o melhor de todos, porque escreveo +como testemunha de vista</i>, <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> iii. 2) or Miguel de Castanhoso’s <i>copioso tratado</i> +(<span class="allsmcap">V.</span> viii. 7). Among the traces of his close touch with reality are the popular +<i>romances</i>, <i>cantigas</i>, <i>adagios</i>, which Barros would have deemed beneath the +dignity of history.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> + As the fleets grew, long catalogues of the captains’ names were perhaps inevitable. They are certainly out of place in a biography, but Couto’s +<i>Vida de D. Paulo de Lima Pereira</i> (1765) is really a collection of those passages +from the <i>Decadas</i> which bear on the life of Couto’s old friend, a <i>fidalgo muito +pera tudo</i>. As far as chapter 32 it is told in words similar to or identical with +those of <i>Decada</i> <span class="allsmcap">X.</span> Chapter 32 corresponds with the beginning of the lost +<i>Decada</i> <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> His biographer, Manuel Severim de Faria, says that he left (in manuscript) +‘a large volume of elegies, eclogues, songs, sonnets and glosses’ +(Barbosa Machado calls them <i>Poesias Varias</i>), and that he wrote a commentary +on the first five books of the <i>Lusiads</i>. <i>Carminibus quoque pangendis non +infeliciter vacavit</i>, says N. Antonio.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> <i>Lendas</i>, iii. 7: <i>nom ouve alguem que tomasse por gloria escrever e cronizar +o descobrimento da India</i>. In an earlier passage (i. 3) he refers to narratives +of travellers such as that of Duarte Barbosa.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> He says (<i>Lendas</i>, ii. 5): <i>quando comecei esta ocupação de escrever as cousas +da India erão ellas tão gostosas, per suas bondades, que dava muito contentamento +ouvilas recontar</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> <i>Lenda</i>, iii. 438.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> <i>Fui hum dos seus escrivães que com elle andei tres annos</i> (ii. 46). Elsewhere +(i. 2) he says that he went to India <i>moço de pouca idade</i> sixteen years after +the discovery of India. 1512 was fourteen years after the actual discovery +(1498), but might be counted the sixteenth year from 1497.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> <i>Homens da criação d’El Rei</i>, says Corrêa with some pride, <i>de que confiasse +seus segredos</i> (ii. 46).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> Lima Felner, <i>Noticia preliminar</i> (<i>Lendas</i>, i, p. xi).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> Ibid.; but Corrêa says (<i>Lendas</i>, ii. 891) that he held this post at Cochin +(<i>almoxarife do almazem da Ribeira</i>) in 1525.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> <i>Por ter entendimento em debuxar.</i> The portraits, drawn by Corrêa and +painted by ‘a native painter’ so cleverly that you could recognize the +originals (iv. 597), as well as Corrêa’s very curious drawings of Aden and other +cities, are reproduced in the 1858-66 edition of the <i>Lendas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> <i>Passa de cincoenta annos</i> [i.e. 1512-63] <i>que ando no rodizio d’este serviço, +aleijado de feridas com que irei á cova sem satisfação.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> Cf. ii. 608, 752; iii. 437; iv. 338, 537-8, 567-8, 665, 669, 730-1.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> He so styles his work in the preface of <i>Lenda</i> iv.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> He is writing, he says, in 1561 (<i>Lendas</i>, i. 265); 1561 again (i. 995: <i>não +cessando este trabalho até este anno</i>); 1563 (iii. 438); 1550 (iv. 25); 1551 (iv. 732).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> The value of that evidence varies. For instance, he assures us (iii. 689) +that he saw with his own eyes a native 300 years old and his son of 200; yet +there is something suspicious in the roundness of the figures.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> <i>Escrevia com elle as cartas pera El Rei</i> (ii. 172).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> Albuquerque in one of his letters (No. 95) says that in Portugal a man is +hanged for stealing Alentejan <i>mantas</i>. Corrêa repeats this phrase twice +(<i>Lendas</i>, ii. 752; iv. 731).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> Cf. ii. 247: <i>Eu ouvi dizer a Afonso d’Albuquerque</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> <i>Neste meu trabalho não tomei sentido senão escrever os feitos dos Portugueses +e nada das terras</i> (iii. 66). Cf. i. 651, 815; ii. 222.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a> Latino Coelho, <i>Fernão de Magalhães</i> in <i>Archivo Pittoresco</i>, vi. (1863), p. 170 +et seq.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> Corrêa himself seems to have been rather unsuccessful than scrupulous +in amassing money. He tells without a hint of embarrassment (ii. 432) how +he took the white and gold scarf (<i>rumal</i>) of the murdered Resnordim (or +Rais Ahmad) and sold it for 20 <i>xarafins</i> (about £7), and (iii. 281) helped to dispose +of stolen goods in 1528 at Cochin.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> <i>Protestando d’em meus dias esta lenda nom mostrar a nenhum</i> (i. 3).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> <i>Que colligi dos proprios originaes.</i> The work is a history of events in India, +not a biography of Albuquerque, the first forty years of whose life are represented +only by half a dozen sentences (1774 ed., iv. 255).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> <i>Aquelle tão pouco venturoso como sciente & valeroso Antonio Galvão</i> (João +Pinto Ribeyro, <i>Preferencia das Letras ás Armas</i>, 1645). In his youth in +India he won the regard of that keen judge of men, Afonso de Albuquerque, +who could see in him nothing to find fault with except his excessive generosity.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> <i>Tratado. Prologo</i> [3 ff.]. <i>Em este tractado con noue ou dez liuros das +cousas de Maluco & da India que me o Cardeal mandou dar a Damiam de Goes.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> Vol. i, No. 4.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> Vol. v, No. 1 (1836).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> The name would seem to have been really Tillison, i.e. son of John Tilly, +who married a granddaughter of Moraes, the author of <i>Palmeirim</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> He speaks of their <i>lingua alquanto negletta e lo stile molto semplice, +naturale e piano, la qual cosa deveva apparire un’ anomalia a confronto della +lingua purgata con cui si scriveva allora in Portogallo</i> (<i>Contenuto della storia +del Patriarca Alfonso Mendez</i>, p. 115). This work was written in Latin in +1651 by <span class="smcap">Afonso Mendez</span> (1579-1656), born at Moura, who became Patriarch +of Ethiopia in 1623. This splendid edition (<i>Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores</i>) +also contains three volumes of <i>Relationes et Epistolae Variorum</i> (Romae, +1910-12).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> Nicolás Antonio dwells more than once on the invisibility of Brito’s +authorities (<i>Bib. Vet.</i> i. 65, 453; ii. 374): <i>Nos de invisis hactenus censere +abstinemus</i>. Antonio Brandão, Brito’s successor, he says, <i>nullum horum +vidit librorum quos Brittus olim historiae suae Atlantes iactaverat; nihil +autem horum librorum (quod mirum si ibi asservabantur) vidit</i>. Soares (<i>Theatrum</i>) +remarks epigrammatically: <i>fama est eloquentiam minus desiderari quam +fidem</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> From a comparison of inscriptions he notes the similarity between the +Etruscan and ‘our ancient’ (Iberian?) letters. The Iberians may have +originally gone East from Tuscany.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> His <i>Elogios dos Reis de Portugal</i> appeared in 1603.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> ff. 248 v.-249 v. give a very curious description of Ireland: <i>tam remota +de nossa conversação e metida debaixo do Polo Arctico</i>. Brito had not inherited +Barros’ knowledge of geography and confuses Ireland with Iceland, but is +far richer in fables, as these pages delightfully prove.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> To Spanish readers they were presented later by Faria e Sousa in his <i>Asia</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> <i>Flores de España</i> (1631), f. 248. Arias Montano refers to him as a close +friend (<i>Doc. inéd.</i> t. xli. p. 386).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> See <i>Cronica</i>, p. 46.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> Ten chronicles from Afonso I to João III. He says (1824 ed., p. 12): +<i>Estam em este presente vollume recopiladas, sumadas, abreviadas, todas as +lembranças dos Reys de Portugal das caroniquas velhas e novas sent mudar +sustancia da verdade.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> <i>Dise ̃q hee de jdade de setenta anos, hos faz ẽ este feuʳᵒ ̃q vẽ</i> (Examination +before the Inquisition, April 19, 1571). The name appears as Goes, Gooes, +Goiz, Guoes, Guoez, Guoiz, Goyos. Goes is a small village some twenty +miles north-east of Coimbra. The name also occurs in the Basses-Pyrénées. +See P. A. de Azevedo, <i>Alguns nomes do departamento dos Baixos Pirineos que +teem correspondencia em Portugal</i> (<i>Boletim da Ac. das Sciencias de Lisboa</i>, +viii (1915), pp. 280-1). It may be one more trace of the former occupation of +the whole Peninsula by the Iberians (= high, on the height, as in Goyetche, +&c.).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> See Marqués de Montebello, <i>Vida de Manoel Machado de Azevedo</i> (1660), +p. 3, ap. J. de Vasconcellos, <i>Os Musicos Portugueses</i>, i. 268.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> ff. 269 v.-71. The original manuscript disappeared, but a copy (that of +the Marqueses de Castello Rodrigo) is in the Biblioteca Nacional at Lisbon.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> Antonio Galvam, <i>Tratado</i>, f. 59 v. He visited the Courts of Charles V, +François I, Henry VIII, and Pope Paul III. Nicolás Antonio says of him +(<i>Bib. Nova</i>): <i>morum quippe suavitate atque elegantia, ergaque doctos liberalitate +insinuabat se in cuiusque animum qui Musarum commercio frueretur, facile +atque alte</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> He arrived on Palm Sunday, 1531, and learning that Luther was preaching +at once left the inn to hear him, but could only understand the Latin quotations. +Next day he had dinner (<i>jantar</i>) with Luther and Melanchthon and +afterwards returned to Luther’s house, where the latter’s wife regaled them +with a dessert of nuts and apples. Thence he went to Melanchthon’s house +and found his wife spinning, shabbily dressed.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Venisti nimium usque et usque et usque</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Expectate tuis.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> Lib. III, pp. 264, 265: <i>Aliud Aeolij Modi exemplũ authore D. Damiano +à Goes Lusitano</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> He had gone with others to negotiate terms and, when barely half an hour +was allowed to refer the terms to the Senate, remained in the enemy’s camp +in order to create a delay by conversing with Longueval. Meanwhile relief +had been received and the Senate refused the terms.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> In his trial he says that three of them became monks: <i>meteo tres filhos frades</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> Cf. <i>Prologo</i>: <i>em que muitos, como em cousa desesperada, se nam atreveram +poer a mão</i>. One of these ‘many’ was Goes’ rival, the eloquent Bishop +Antonio Pinheiro.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> The fourth part was approved on January 2, 1566.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> For the grounds of this disapproval see <i>Crítica contemporanea á Chronica +de D. Manuel</i>, 1914, ed. Edgar Prestage from a manuscript in the British +Museum. Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos and Mr. G. J. C. Henriques have +dealt very ably with many interesting points of Goes’ life and works.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> His friend Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos (1523-99), Canon of Evora, +says that he died in 1575 <i>aet.</i> 80 (so the <i>Theatrum</i>: <i>obiit octogenarius A.C.</i> +1575). Probably the 5 is an error or misprint for 3, and the 80 correct.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> Luis de Sousa (<i>Hist. S. Dom.</i>, Pt. I, Bk. i, cap. 2) praises his <i>juizo e curiosidade +de bom antiquario</i>, and there are many similar passages in other writers. +Resende furnished Barros, as Severim de Faria later furnished Brito, with +materials and advice.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> In a similar though more elaborate work (88 ff.) Frei Nicolau Diaz (†1596) +told the life and death of Princess Joana (†May 1490): <i>Vida da Serenissima +Princesa Dona Joana, Filha del Rey Dom Afonso o Quinto de Portugal</i> (1585).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> <i>Casamento Perfeyto</i>, 2ᵃ ed. (1726), p. 61.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> <i>Monarchia Lusitana</i>, Pt. V, Bk. xvii, cap. 5. Bernardo de Brito also +praises him, and Frei Antonio Brandão acknowledges his debt to him. Faria +e Sousa says that he received from him <i>cantidad de papeles</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> <i>Europa Portuguesa</i>, vol. iii, pt. 3. Portugal, he says, is a perpetual +Spring, and he speaks of the women who earn their living by selling roses and +other flowers in Lisbon, of the almonds of Algarve, the excellent honey, &c., +&c. Vol. i covers the period from the Flood to the foundation of Portugal; +vol. ii goes down to 1557; vol. iii to Philip II of Spain.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="III_6">§ 6<br><span class="small"><i>Quinhentista Prose</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>Had latinization and the Renaissance come to Portugal in +a quiet age it is not pleasant to think what havoc they might +have wrought on Portuguese prose in the unreal atmosphere +of the study. Fortunately they found Portugal in turmoil. +Stirring incidents and adventures were continually occurring +which needed no heightening of rhetoric or Latin pomp of +polysyllables. A scientific spirit of accuracy was abroad, and +the missionaries and adventurers, travellers, mariners, merchants, +officials, and soldiers who recorded their experiences +wrote as men of action, with life and directness.</p> + +<p>Few stories are more intense and affecting than those told by +the Portuguese survivors of shipwreck in the sixteenth and +seventeenth centuries. Twelve of these appeared in the original +collection edited by <span class="smcap">Bernardo Gomes de Brito</span> (born in +1688): <i>Historia Tragico-Maritima</i> (2 vols., 1735, 6).<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> The earliest +and most celebrated is the <i>Relaçam da mui notavel perda do galeão +grande S. João</i> [June 24, 1552], an anonymous narrative based +on the account of a survivor, Alvaro Fernandez, probably the +ship’s mate, which tells of the death of D. Lianor de Sepulveda +and her husband with a simple pathos and dramatic power +unattained by the many poets who later treated the same theme. +But the accounts of the wreck of the <i>S. Bento</i> (1554), the <i>Conceição</i> +(1555), the <i>S. Paulo</i> (1561), of D. Jorge de Albuquerque (1565),<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</span> +and others, are scarcely less moving. The ships, of 1,000 tons, +as the <i>Aguia</i>, ‘the largest vessel that had hitherto sailed to +India’ (1558), and under, often with rotten rudder, or the whole +ship rotten, <i>sepulturas dos homens</i>, with few boats, careless and +ignorant pilots, badly careened, overloaded, overcrowded, ill-supplied +with worm-eaten biscuit, ‘poisonous’ wine, and +insufficient water, seemed to invite destruction. Between 1582 +and 1602 alone thirty-eight ships were lost. The sea was not the +only enemy: corsairs off the coast of Portugal, French, Dutch, +and English, Lutheran heretics who threw overboard beads +and missals, or a Turkish fleet ‘in sight of Ericeira’, exacted +their toll when all other dangers had been successfully overcome. +The story is told immediately after the event, sometimes almost +in the form of a diary or log, or years later, by survivors or +based on the account of survivors, and it varies according as +the narrator is the captain of the ship, a landsman with a dislike +of sailors, a plain soldier, a Jesuit priest, a Franciscan monk, +a distinguished Lisbon chemist (Henrique Diaz in i. 6), or +a famous historian (ii. 3 by Diogo do Couto,<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> ii. 4 by João Baptista +Lavanha<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>). All or most of their accounts are masterpieces of +vivid phraseology. We follow as in a novel their adventures +as the sea ‘breaks into flower—<i>quebrando em frol</i>’, as they are +stranded on a desert island, boarded in sight of home, entrapped +by savages, devoured by wild beasts, tottering, <i>arrimados em paos</i>, +exhausted by thirst and hunger, or prostrated by heat, in +comparison with which the <i>calmas</i> of Alentejo ‘are but as +Norwegian cold’: toils and perils borne with heroic courage, +told with the simplicity of heroes, without <i>adorno de palavras +nem linguagem floreada</i>.</p> + +<p>Many books of travel were the natural consequence of the +discovery of India. The historian João de Barros’ passion for +knowledge, especially geographical knowledge, was the first cause<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> +of the learned and instructive <i>Chorographia</i> (1561) of his nephew<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</span> +Gaspar Barreiros (†1574), a description of the places through +which he passed on his way to Rome in 1545 to thank the Pope +on behalf of the Infante Henrique, <i>Cardinalem amplissimum</i>, +for his cardinal’s hat. But this work (edited by his brother, +Lopo Barreiros) was an exception. Most of the travel books +were concerned with the far East.</p> + +<p>The <i>Livro em que da relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente</i> (1516) +by <span class="smcap">Duarte Barbosa</span> of Lisbon, brother-in-law of Fernam de +Magalhães, exists in a Portuguese manuscript in the Public +Library of Oporto, but was first published in Portuguese in +1821 as a translation from the Italian <i>Libro di Odoardo +Barbosa Portoghese</i>, itself a translation from a copy at Seville. +The author had spent the greater part of his youth in India, +and his work contains vivid and accurate notes on Eastern +lands and cities, especially Malabar.</p> + +<p>One of the causes that most moved Portugal to curiosity +and acted as an incentive to discovery were the vague rumours +of the existence of a mighty Christian prince, the half-mythical +Prester John, Negus of Abyssinia. The priest <span class="smcap">Francisco +Alvarez</span> (<i>c.</i> 1470?-<i>c.</i> 1540) set out with Duarte Galvam, first +Portuguese Ambassador to Abyssinia, in 1515, but Galvam’s +death delayed the mission, and it was not till 1520 that Alvarez +and the new ambassador, D. Rodrigo de Lima, reached the +Court of Prester John. They remained for six years in the +country, and during this time Alvarez recorded in straightforward +notes every detail of the country and its inhabitants +with minuteness and accuracy. He considered himself old<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> +in 1520; he was certainly active: he shoots hares and pheasants, +washes unsuccessfully for gold, looks after his slaves, his nine +mules, his fourteen cows, and organizes a procession against +locusts. On their return, in Alvarez’ friend Antonio Galvam’s +ship, to Lisbon, bringing ‘the length of Prester John’s foot’, +he was eagerly questioned by king, prelates, and courtiers—the +whole Court trooped out along the road from Coimbra to +meet them—and when he published his fascinating diary of +travel, <i>Verdadeira Informaçam das terras do Preste Joam</i> +(1540), it was soon translated into almost every language of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</span> +Europe.<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> <span class="smcap">Frei Gaspar da Cruz</span> of Evora, missionary in China, +returned to Portugal in 1569, and in the same year began his +<i>Tractado em que se cõtam muito por estẽso as cousas da China</i> +(1570). He calls it a <i>singella narraçam</i>, but it contains valuable +information about China, nor did the author neglect his style. +The Dominican <span class="smcap">Frei João dos Santos</span> (<i>c.</i> 1550-<i>c.</i> 1625?)<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> +was born at Evora about the middle of the sixteenth century, +and went out to East Africa and India as a missionary in 1586. +He returned to Lisbon in August 1600 and nine years later +published his <i>Ethiopia Oriental</i> (1609), an attractive, curious +account, written in a clear and easy style, of the natives, their +land and customs. It is to be feared that some of the settlers +sadly abused his credulity, as in the case of the <i>mercador’s</i> tale +of the native sorcerer or the man 380 years old, but this does +not by any means impair the interest of his book. More individual +and vivid is the <i>Itinerario</i> (1560) of <span class="smcap">Antonio Tenreiro</span>, who in +brief, staccato sentences describes minutely what he saw (the +<i>rosaes</i> of red, white, and yellow roses in May near Damascus, +the red roses of Shiraz, the fair, white Gurgis, complexioned like +Englishmen) during his travels from Ormuz to the Caspian +Sea and in Palestine and Egypt, and his overland journey +from Ormuz to Portugal (1529) in which, alone with an +Arab guide, he spent twenty-two days in crossing the desert. +A similar land journey, a generation later, is described with an +equal wealth of curious detail in the <i>Itinerario</i> (1565) of Mestre +<span class="smcap">Martim Afonso</span>, surgeon to the Viceroy, Conde de Redondo,<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> +while the Franciscan <span class="smcap">Frei Pantaleam de Aveiro</span> in his +<i>Itinerario da Terra Santa</i>, &c. (1593) described his journey to the +Holy Land. Not less adventurous were the travels of another<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</span> +Franciscan, <span class="smcap">Frei Gaspar de S. Bernardino</span>, who related them +with greater parade of erudition in a clear, elegant style in his +<i>Itinerario da India por terra</i> (1611), the promised second part +of which was unhappily not finished or at least not published. +Half a century later the Jesuit <span class="smcap">Manuel Godinho</span> (<i>c.</i> 1630-1712),<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> +in the <i>Relaçam do novo caminho que fez por terra e mar</i> +(1665), gave a remarkable account, in a style not untouched by +the <i>culteranismo</i> of the time, of his return journey in 1663 from +Baçaim. But various and arresting as are the books of Portuguese +travellers, they are all eclipsed by the wonderful <i>Peregrinaçam</i> +(1614) of <span class="smcap">Fernam Mendez Pinto</span> (<i>c.</i> 1510-83). This prince +of travellers and adventurers was born at Montemôr o Velho. +His parents were of humble station, and at the time of King +Manuel’s death (1521) he was brought by an uncle to Lisbon +in order to earn his living. Although he remained in Portugal +for sixteen years, in the service first of a lady of Lisbon +and later of D. João de Lencastre,<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> lord of Montemôr o +Velho, at Setubal, he was but just in his teens when, crossing +in a boat from Alfama, he was captured off Cezimbra +by a French corsair as a foretaste of pleasures to come. In +March 1537 he set out for India and his odyssey began in earnest. +He had no sooner reached Diu than he re-embarked on an +expedition to the Straits of Mecca. His hope was to make +a rich prize and become <i>muito rico em pouco tempo</i>. He +went next with three others on a mission to Ethiopia, and on +the return voyage he was captured by the Turks, placed in +a subterranean dungeon, and then sold to a Greek renegade, +whom he describes as ‘the most inhuman and cruel dog of an +enemy ever seen’. Fortunately after three months the Greek +sold him for 12,000 <i>réis</i> to a Jew, who brought him to Ormuz. +After spending little over a fortnight there he embarked with +a cargo of horses for Goa, and later was wounded in a fight with +the Turks. He next proceeded to Malacca, and was sent thence +on a mission to the King of the Batas, by whom he was made +welcome ‘as rain to our rice crops’. After accompanying the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</span> +king on a campaign he returned to Malacca, losing his cargo of +tin and benjamin on the way. His next mission was to the +King of Aaru. He returned to Malacca a slave, as his ship was +wrecked, and after fearful sufferings he, the only survivor, was +bought cheap by a poor Moorish trader. A trading expedition +to Pão and Lugor ended as disastrously: after a fight with +Moors he succeeded in swimming wounded to land, but returned +penniless to Patane. In despair he joined the freebooting +Antonio de Faria, and they preyed on Chinese junks till their +ship was weighed down with silver and silk, damask and porcelain. +Faria and his men are represented fighting, torturing, +murdering, plundering, playing at dice on deck for pieces of silk, +praying a litany, and promising rich and good spoil to Our Lady +of the Hill at Malacca. After being shipwrecked they joined +a Chinese pirate and again built up their fortunes. They weathered +a storm by throwing overboard twelve cases of silver, sacked +a Chinese city, were received in honour at Liampo (Ningpo), +but again inordinate greed for gold proved their ruin, and, after a +daring attempt to plunder the rich tombs of the Emperors of China +in the island of Calemplui, they were finally stranded in China +and arrested as vagabonds. After six weeks in the crowded +prison at Nanking the Portuguese were taken to Peking and +thence deported to Quansi (Kansu), where they were freed by +the timely attack of the King of Tartary. He sent them to +Cochin-China, but on the way they entered the service of a Chinese +pirate. When they reached Japan only three Portuguese survived, +the first Europeans, Mendez Pinto claims, to set foot +there. When he brought news of this land to Liampo a trading +expedition was hastily equipped and set out in defiance of times +and seasons. Few of those who embarked in the nine junks +ever saw land again. Mendez Pinto eventually reached Malacca +(1544). Pedro de Faria later sent him on a mission to the King +of Martavão. Martavão was, however, sacked soon after his +arrival, and he was carried a prisoner to Pegu. He escaped by +night and after many adventures returned to Goa. He immediately +set out again ‘to challenge fortune in China and Japan’. +After accompanying the King of Sunda on a war expedition +he was again wrecked and spent thirteen days on a raft. Of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</span> +eleven survivors three were eaten by crocodiles and the rest +sold as slaves. Released by the King of Calapa, Mendez Pinto +served under the King of Siam and returned to Pegu and thence +to Malacca. Once more he set out for Japan, and this time his +voyage prospered and he came back with a fair profit. At +Malacca he was eagerly questioned by St. Francis Xavier (1506-52) +as to the conditions in Japan. He seems to have been infected +with the saint’s enthusiasm, as were most of those who met +him, and after his death he perhaps gave up a considerable +fortune in order to return as missionary and ambassador to +Japan. Before leaving Goa (April 1554) with St. Francis +Xavier’s successor, Padre Belchior, he had been received into +the Company of Jesus. After many hardships they landed in +China in July 1556. In the spring of 1558, a few weeks after +returning to Goa, Mendez Pinto sailed for home and arrived at +Lisbon on September 22. The Lisbon officials dallied with his +pretensions to reward for his services. During his wanderings +in India, Ethiopia, China, Japan, Tartary, and Arabia he had +persevered through captivities, battles, and shipwrecks, but +four or five years of official evasions broke his spirit, and he retired +to live in poverty at Almada. Philip II, stirred to interest in +this legendary figure, granted him two bushels of wheat in +January 1583, and in July of the same year he died. He had +long before left the Company of Jesus, either of his own free +will or expelled, perhaps on suspicion of Jewish descent.<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> His +name was erased from the Company’s records and letters. Of +his twenty-one years of trader, envoy, pirate, and missionary +in the far East he wrote for his children a narrative of breathless +interest, and, speaking generally, it bears the stamp of +truth. We gather that he was brave and adventurous, despite +a natural timidity, of a consuming curiosity which often got +the better of his fears, pious, temperate, apt to be carried away +by fugitive enthusiasms, but persistent, gay, and optimistic +in defeat and disappointment. He appears not to have been particularly +vain. He does not disguise some of his less creditable +actions, and he certainly does not exaggerate his services in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</span> +Japan.<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> He may possibly have been one of the three Portuguese +who discovered it in 1542: their names are given by Couto (V. viii. +12) as Mota, Zeimoto and Peixoto. Gifted with keen imagination, +he could exaggerate<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> when expediency required, but he knew that +in the account of his travels exaggeration was not expedient, and +he was constantly on guard against the notorious scepticism of his +fellow-countrymen.<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> He may have heightened the colour occasionally, +but as a rule he writes with restraint, although with +delight in a good story and skill in bringing out the dramatic side +of events. It is one of the charms of his work that it is very definite +in dates and figures, but this also, through inevitable errors and +misprints, afforded a handle to the pedantry of critics. The fatal +similarity of Mendez and mendacity gave rise to the play on his +name: <i>Fernam, mentes? Minto</i> (‘Fernam, do you lie?—I lie’), +and Congreve, in <i>Love for Love</i>, by calling him ‘a liar of the first +magnitude’ clinched the matter in England. But comparatively +early a reaction set in,<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> and modern travellers have unequivocally +confirmed the more favourable verdict and corroborated his +detailed descriptions of Eastern countries. The mystery of the +East, the heavy scent of its cities, its fervent rites and immemorial +customs, as well as the magic of adventure, haunt his +pages. A hundred pictures refuse to fade from the memory,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</span> +whether they are of silk-laden Chinese junks or jars of gold dust, +vivid descriptions of shipwreck (the hiss and swell of the waves +are in his rich sea-Latin) or the awful pathos of the Queen of +Martavão’s death, the sketch of a supercilious Chinese mandarin +or of St. Francis Xavier tramping through Japan.</p> + +<p>Five years after Mendez Pinto’s return to Portugal a book +scarcely less strange than his <i>Peregrinaçam</i>, of atmosphere as +oriental and of interest as absorbing although more scientific, was +printed at Goa. Its author, <span class="smcap">Garcia da Orta</span><a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> (<i>c.</i> 1495-<i>c.</i> 1570), +born at Elvas, the son, perhaps, of Jorge da Orta, owner of a shop +(<i>temdeiro</i>) in that town, studied medicine for ten years (1515-25) +at Salamanca and Alcalá, and in 1526 began to practise as a doctor +at Castello de Vide. From 1532 to 1534 he was Professor at the +University of Lisbon, and in March 1534 sailed with his friend and +patron, the insatiable Governor Martim Afonso de Sousa,<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> to India +as king’s physician. The East cast its spell over his curious +and inquiring mind; he remained under twelve or more Governors +and died at a good old age, probably at Goa. There, on the +veranda of his beautiful garden, in this land of <i>bellissimi giardini</i>,<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> +served affectionately by many slaves, and with the books of +his well-stocked library ready to his hand,<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> he would regale his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</span> +guests with strange fruits—all the <i>maneiras á gula</i> of India—and +with still stranger knowledge. His knowledge was based +on personal observation, for although he respected Galen and +Dioscorides as the princes of medicine and was possessed of great +erudition, he was not disposed to bow blindly to the authority of +any writer, Arab or Greek, least of all to Scholasticism, he went +to Nature and in his <i>Coloquios dos Simples</i> (1563) recorded what +he had seen and heard, the truth without rhetoric, setting +aside the <i>mil fabulas</i> of Pliny and Herodotus. These fifty-nine +dialogues, arranged in alphabetical order, pay more regard to +facts than to style. They are full of varied information and give +us a most pleasant insight into the writer’s character, strong, +humorous, obstinate, and into his life at Goa. From a scientific +point of view they are of great importance: not only did they +provide the first description of cholera<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> and of many unknown +plants, but after three and a half centuries they retain their +scientific interest and value. Begun many years earlier in +Latin,<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> they were published in the author’s old age, with an +introductory ode by his friend, the poet Camões. Unhappily +they became known to Europe chiefly in a garbled Latin version +by Charles de l’Écluse (Clusius)—a fifth edition appeared in +1605—from which the Italian and French translations were +made. It was not until the nineteenth century that the skilful +and eager care of the Conde de Ficalho enabled a larger number +of those who read Portuguese to appreciate Orta at his true +worth.</p> + +<p>Born at Alcacer do Sal, the celebrated scientist <span class="smcap">Pedro Nunez</span> +(1492?-1577?), whose name lives in the instrument of his +invention, the <i>nonius</i>,<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> was Cosmographer to Kings João III<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</span> +and Sebastian and Professor of Mathematics at the University +of Coimbra (1544-62). Prince Luis and D. João de Castro +were his pupils. He wrote indifferently in Latin, Spanish, or +Portuguese, declared that as science treats of concrete things +it can be expressed in any language however barbarous,<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> and, +in order to secure for it a wider public, translated into Portuguese +the Latin treatise (<i>libellus</i>) <i>De Sphaera</i> by John of Halifax +(Joannes de Sacro Bosco): <i>Tratado da Sphera</i> (1537),<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> and into +Spanish his own <i>Libro de Algebra en arithmetica & geometria</i> +(1567), originally written in Portuguese and addressed to his +pupil and friend the Cardinal-King Henrique. His other works, +including the <i>De Crepusculis</i> (1542), were written in Latin.</p> + +<p>The Homeric hero <span class="smcap">Duarte Pacheco Pereira</span> (1465?-1533?), +about whose life, apart from the hundred days at +Cochin (1504) and a fight off Finisterre (1509) with the French +pirate Mondragon, singularly little is known,<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> on his return +from India in 1505 wrote a work entitled <i>Esmeraldo de Situ +Orbis</i> [1505-6?]. This curious and important survey of the +coast of Africa, the work of one more accustomed to wield +sword than pen, but sometimes as picturesque and interesting +as Duarte Barbosa, was to have consisted of five books, but only +three and a part of the fourth were written. It remained in +manuscript for nearly four centuries.</p> + +<p>The three <i>Roteiros</i> (logs)<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> written by the famous Viceroy<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</span> +<span class="smcap">D. João de Castro</span> (1500-48) on his voyages (1) from Lisbon +to Goa in 1538, (2) from Goa to Diu, 1538-9, (3) from Goa to +the Red Sea in 1541, are decked out with no literary graces. +He wrote, he said, for seamen, not for ladies and gallants. +Yet the scientific curiosity and enthusiasm of this keen-eyed, +broad-minded observer give his descriptions force and truth, the +same practical lucidity that marks his letters, which according +to his friend Prince Luis contained <i>todas as cousas necessarias +e nenhũas superfluas</i>, and they were early prized in Spain as +<i>harto notables, muy curiosos</i>.<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> The third <i>Roteiro</i> would seem +to have been originally written in Latin, and perhaps translated +by Castro at his beloved Sintra home. The manuscript was +bought by Sir Walter Raleigh, and it appeared in English in 1625, +208 years before it was published in Portuguese.</p> + +<p>Greater historical interest attaches to the letters of an earlier +Governor, <span class="smcap">Afonso de Albuquerque</span> (1461-1515). That grim +conqueror of the East might have smiled somewhat sardonically +to be numbered among Portugal’s writers. He merely said what +he had to say, and there was an end of it, would be his comment. +But it is precisely this directness—the powerful grasp of reality +and the horror of useless rhetoric—which gives excellence to +the prose of his <i>Cartas</i>. These incomparable reports, written to +King Manuel in moments snatched from his many occupations as +Governor of India (1509-15), sometimes rise to a biblical grandeur +and eloquence, as in the splendid passage beginning <i>Goa é vossa; +Onor, o rei dele paga-vos pareas</i>. Perhaps, after all, he was +not wholly unconscious of his art, and certainly the source of +it is clear: as Osorio<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> notices, he was a devoted student of the +Bible. In more familiar mood he can give a vivid sketch in +a few emphatic words, as when he describes the judge, ‘a little +man dressed in a cloak of coarse cloth with a crooked stick<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</span> +under his arm’, or the impostors who will practise ‘a thousand +wiles and deceits for one ruby’.</p> + +<p>To turn to lesser men, <span class="smcap">Fernam Rodriguez Lobo Soropita</span> +(born <i>c.</i> 1560), a distinguished Lisbon advocate and the first +editor of the <i>Rythmas</i> (1595) of Camões, was a poet celebrated +for his wit in his day. That of his letters is perhaps a little forced, +and the obscurity of the allusions now interferes with our enjoyment. +The interest of the extracts from a manuscript in the +British Museum written by <span class="smcap">Francisco Rodriguez Silveira</span> +(1558-<i>c.</i> 1635) in 1608, published under the title <i>Memorias de um +Soldado da India</i> (1877), consists both in the record of his thirteen +years’ service in India (1585-98) and in the account during the +succeeding ten years of Portugal and especially Beira, the +condition of the roads, the land, the peasants, and the sway of +the local <i>caciques</i>—thief, Turk, Pasha, tyrant, he calls them—and +his indignation gives a pleasant vigour to his prose. The +<i>Arte da Caça da Altanaria</i> (1616) of <span class="smcap">Diogo Fernandez Ferreira</span> +(born <i>c.</i> 1550), page of the Pretender D. Antonio, is a work +of great interest. The writer evidently delights in his theme +and has a real love of birds, the migratory habits of which he +describes in Part 6; and he treats ‘of swallows and of the swallow-grass +which restores sight’, of the food made of sugar, saffron, +and almonds for nightingales, and other alluring topics. +Among the rare and curious books of the time we may notice +that on the prerogatives of women, <i>Dos priuilegios & prœrogatiuas +q ho genero femenino tẽ por dereito comũ & ordenações do Reyno +mais que ho genero masculino</i> (1557), by <span class="smcap">Ruy Gonçalvez</span>, Professor +of Law at Coimbra in 1539 and subsequently Court Advocate +at Lisbon.</p> + +<p>Two writers especially attract attention even in the feast +of interest which Portuguese prose in this century offers so +abundantly. The son of a distinguished Dutch illuminator +and painter settled in Portugal, Antonio de Hollanda, who +painted Charles V at Toledo and may have illuminated the +Book of Hours of Queen Lianor, <span class="smcap">Francisco de Hollanda</span> +(1518-84), born in Lisbon, painter, illuminator, and architect, +in his short treatises <i>Da fabrica que fallece á cidade de Lisboa</i> and +<i>Da sciencia do desenho</i>, showed an enthusiasm for his subject<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</span> +almost out of place in the Portugal of the second half of the +sixteenth century. Indeed, he nearly ran into trouble with the +Inquisition by seeming to make painting ‘divine’, but prudently +altered the passage. His curious and celebrated treatise <i>Da +Pintvra Antigva</i> (1548) is written in a style which may be rather +rejoiced in than imitated, for, as he tells us, he was more at +home with the brush than with the pen, but it is full of ingenious +and original remarks. The first part deals in forty-four brief +chapters with painting generally, and opens with a fine passage +describing the work of God as the greatest of all painters. The +second part contains the <i>Quatro dialogos</i>, in the first three of +which he records the conversations of Vittoria Colonna, Michelangelo, +Lattanzio Tolomei, and himself in the church of +St. Sylvester or in a garden overlooking Rome; conversations +which, despite their Portuguese dress, bear the stamp of truth +and will retain their fascination so long as interest in art endures. +Francisco worked first in the household of the Infante Fernando +and then in that of the Archbishop of Evora. In 1537 he set +out on a journey to Rome by land (Valladolid, Barcelona, +Provence), and in Italy remained from 1538 to 1547. His +friendship with Michelangelo continued after his return to +Portugal, as a letter from Hollanda to Michelangelo in 1553 +proves. The last part of his life he spent in the country between +Lisbon and Sintra among the Portuguese whom he had called +<i>desmusicos</i>, and despite his comfortable circumstances—he +received a pension of 100,000 <i>réis</i> from Philip II—he must often +have looked back with regret to the fullness of those nine years +in Italy. But his countrymen, thanks largely to the scholarly +researches and studies of Dr. Joaquim de Vasconcellos, are now +fully alive to his merits. And, indeed, even in the sixteenth +century a passage in Frei Heitor Pinto’s <i>Imagem da Vida +Christam</i> sets him side by side with the great Italian.<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> <span class="smcap">Philipe +Nunez</span>, who professed as a Dominican in 1591, wrote on painting +in the next century: <i>Arte poetica e da pintura e symmetria</i> +(1615). A work on music by <span class="smcap">Antonio Fernandez</span> of about +the same date, <i>Arte de Mvsica de canto dorgam e canto cham</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</span> +(1626), consists of three treatises which do not profess to be +original. <span class="smcap">Manuel Nunez da Silva</span> wrote on the same subject +in his <i>Arte Minima</i> (1685).</p> + +<p>In the preface (1570) to his <i>Regra Geral</i>, written in 1565, <span class="smcap">Gonçalo +Fernandez Trancoso</span><a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> (<i>c.</i> 1515-<i>c.</i> 1590) professed not to +have sufficient literary skill even for this simple calendar of movable +feasts. Yet in the previous year (1569), in which at Lisbon +he lost both wife and children in the great plague (a beloved +daughter of twenty-four, a student son, and a choir-boy grandson), +in order to distract his mind from these sorrows,<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> he wrote +a remarkable work, unique of its kind in Portuguese literature; +or at least he wrote then the first two books, which appeared +under the title <i>Contos e historias de proveito e exemplo</i> (1575).<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> +A third part was published posthumously in 1596. The number +and kind of the editions in the seventeenth and eighteenth +centuries testify to its popularity, but since the eighteenth +century no new edition has been printed and the book has fallen +into a strange neglect.<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> Trancoso did not claim originality: he +merely collected stories from what he had heard or read.<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> +The stories, only thirty-eight in number, are very various. +The subjects of many of them resemble those of Franco Sacchetti’s +<i>Novelle</i> or Giovanni Francesco Straparola’s <i>Le xiii Piacevoli +Notti</i>, and some are directly imitated from Boccaccio’s <i>Il +Decamerone</i> or Giovanni Battista Giraldi’s <i>Gli Ecatommiti</i> or from +Matteo Bandello (†1565).<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> But often they are traditions so widespread +that they occur in many authors and languages, as that +(ii. 7) which corresponds to Straparola’s third <i>Notte</i> and of +which Dr. F. A. Coelho recorded twenty-one other foreign +versions, besides four popular variants in Portuguese; or +i. 17, in which the cunning answers to difficult questions are +similar to those in Sacchetti, No. 4 (<i>Mestre Bernabò signor di +Milano</i>), and Dr. Braga’s <i>Contos tradicionaes do povo portuguez</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</span> +No. 71 (<i>Frei Joam Sem Cuidados</i>). Others are apparently of +oriental origin, as the judge’s verdict, worthy of Sancho Panza +(i. 15), or the king and the barber (iii. 3). But the subject and +place (Lisbon, Oporto, Evora, Coimbra, &c.) of most, although +not of the longest, of these tales are Portuguese.<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> Some are +trifling anecdotes which acquire a charm and vividness through +their popular character and the author’s simple details of +description, as the picture of the peasant family near Oporto +sitting round the fire after their supper of maize-bread and chestnuts +(i. 10). The author is not content that we should draw +our own moral, but this scarcely spoils the reader’s pleasure in +these malicious and ingenious tales.</p> + +<p>Despite inroads of the exotic and all the chances and +changes of life and literature in this century, the Portuguese +maintained their interest in the romances of chivalry, in which +indeed they saw a reflection of their own prowess in the +East. Dull as <i>Clarimundo</i> may now seem, it made a great +impression in its day, and was eagerly read, from Lisbon to +the Moluccas.<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> Even as late as 1589 Bishop Arraez considers +it necessary to say that a prince should have better +ways of spending his time than <i>ler por Clarimundo</i>,<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> while +Rodriguez Lobo, thirty years later, brackets it with <i>Amadis</i> +and <i>Palmeirim</i>.<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> Many a young page and <i>escudeiro</i> must +have aspired not only to pore over the <i>cronicas</i> but to +write one of his own.<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> The facility of a Barros is, however, +given to few, and both Jorge Ferreira’s <i>Memorial</i> and Moraes’ +<i>Palmeirim de Inglaterra</i> were written later in life. <span class="smcap">Francisco +de Moraes</span> (<i>c.</i> 1500-72),<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> a well-known courtier in the reign of +King João III, whose Treasurer he was, and a <i>Comendador</i> of +the Order of Christ, in 1540 accompanied the Portuguese +Ambassador, D. Francisco de Noronha, to Paris as Secretary,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</span> +and at the French Court he fell passionately in love with one +of the ladies-in-waiting of Queen Leonor (sister of the Emperor +Charles V and widow of King Manuel of Portugal) named +Claude Blosset de Torcy. His love was not returned: there +was a great discrepancy of age between them, his knowledge of +French was very slight, and his passion robbed him of wit and +reason. If the Duc de Châtillon was favoured, or if the English +Ambassador gave Mademoiselle de Torcy his arm, Moraes would +flare up in jealousy, and when in the presence of the queen the +elderly lover went down on his knees <i>la belle Torcy</i> (to whom +Clément Marot had addressed one of his <i>Étrennes</i> and who +eventually married the Baron de Fontaines) prayed him not to +continue to make her as well as himself ridiculous. Moraes, +after leaving France in 1543, or early in 1544, recovered from +his passion and married in Portugal. Of his subsequent life +little is known; he appears to have returned to France, and in +1572 he was murdered at the entrance of the Rocio, the central +square of Evora. His <i>Cronica de Palmeirim de Inglaterra</i>, +written in France or Portugal or both, was probably published +in 1544, but the earliest existing Portuguese edition is that of +Evora, 1567, which contains the dedication to the Infanta +Maria, written over twenty years earlier (1544). Chiefly remarkable +for the excellence of its style, <i>Palmeirim</i> will always retain its +place in Portuguese literature as a masterpiece of prose, musically +soft, yet clear and vigorous. Cervantes considered it worthy to +be preserved in a golden casket like the works of Homer,<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> but +few of its readers will now differ from the more modern and +moderate opinion of Menéndez y Pelayo that ‘it requires a real +effort’ to read the whole of it. The effort required to read +the miserable Spanish translation of 1547-8 is infinitely +greater. The fact that this translation is of earlier date than any +surviving Portuguese edition gave rise to the theory that Moraes +had translated his work from the Spanish. No competent critic +now believes this; any doubts that may have lingered were +dispelled wittily and for ever in Mr. Purser’s able essay (1904).<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</span> +The Spanish version, with its painful efforts to avoid <i>lusitanismos</i> +and its palpable mistranslations (such as <i>suavidad</i> or <i>alegria</i> +for <i>saudade</i>), shows less knowledge of the sea, of Ireland,<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> and of +Portugal. Moreover, the preference of the author of <i>Palmeirim</i> +for Portugal is obvious, and the passage in which ladies of the +French Court are introduced corresponds to Moraes’ <i>Descvlpa +de hvns amores</i>,<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> first published with the <i>Dialogos</i> in 1624. Moraes +himself would probably not have been greatly troubled by the +impudent claim set up for Luis Hurtado and Miguel Ferrer. +To have made a masterpiece out of their book would have been +an achievement as great as to have made it out of old French +and English legends in Paris. <i>Palmeirim’s</i> predecessors, <i>Palmerin +de Oliva</i> (1511), <i>Primaleon</i> (1512), and <i>Platir</i> (1533), were +probably all genuinely Spanish, although some doubts have +been raised as to the first of the line, <i>Palmerin de Oliva</i> +attributed to a cryptic lady, a <i>femina docta</i> called Agustobrica.<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> +Its successors were as genuinely Portuguese: to Moraes’ parts +1 and 2 <span class="smcap">Diogo Fernandez</span> added parts 3 and 4 (1587), concerned +with the deeds of Palmeirim’s son, <i>Dom Duardos</i>,<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> and <span class="smcap">Balthasar +Gonçalvez Lobato</span> parts 5 and 6 (1602), in which are told those +of his grandson, <i>Dom Clarisol de Bretanha</i>. Three brief but +very lively and natural <i>Dialogos</i> (1624) show that Moraes was +not only an excellent stylist but a keen observer. The <i>fidalgo</i> +and <i>escudeiro</i>, the lawyer and the love-lorn <i>moço</i>, are all clearly +and wittily presented.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> For a full list see Innocencio da Silva, <i>Dicc. Bibliog.</i> i. 377, and <i>Grundriss</i>, +p. 339. Five volumes were announced by Barbosa Machado as ready for +press. The modern editors, besides eleven wrecks of the sixteenth, eight of +the seventeenth, and two of the eighteenth, have included three of the nineteenth +century. Some of the original chap-books survive, with a fine woodcut +of a tossing galleon on the title-page: <i>Historia da mui notavel perda do galeam +grande S. Joam</i> (1554?); <i>Relaçam do lastimozo navfragio da nao Conceiçam +chamada Algaravia a Nova</i> (1555); <i>Naufragio da nao Santo Alberto</i> (1597); +<i>Memoravel relaçam da perda da nao Conceiçam</i> (1627). The <i>Relaçam da viagem +do galeão São Lovrenço e sua perdição</i> (1651) is by the Jesuit Antonio Francisco +Cardim (1596-1659); the <i>Relaçam sumaria da viagem que fez Fernão d’Alvarez +Cabral</i>, by Manuel Mesquita Perestrello, is an account of the wreck of the fine +ship <i>S. Bento</i>, which had taken Camões to India.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> In this <i>Relaçam do naufragio da nao S. Thomé</i>, written in 1611, twenty-two +years after the event, he refers several times to his <i>Decadas</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> <i>Naufragio da nao S. Alberto</i> (1593). It is a summary of a <i>largo cartapacio</i> +of the pilot.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> <i>pedirme meu tio Ioam de Barros que lhe screuesse muito particularmente todos +os lugares deste meu caminho.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> <i>Verd. Inf.</i>, p. 110: <i>nam era pera velhos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> This seems to have aroused the resentment of Barros (<i>Asia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> iv. 3). +The author, he says, had no learning. In <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> iii. 4 he again refers to him +slightingly as ‘a certain Francisco Alvarez’. Barros as grammarian similarly +ignored Oliveira.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> Barbosa Machado says, <i>ultimamente em o Convento de Goa, para onde +tinha passado no anno de 1622 falleceu com saudade</i>, &c. Innocencio da +Silva read this with a comma after <i>passado</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> Afonso de Albuquerque mentions another surgeon Mestre Afonso in +India in his time, i.e. half a century earlier. The value of the <i>Itinerario</i> +consists in its having been written as a diary on the journey, and its author, +perhaps thinking of Mendez Pinto, says <i>hee hũu grande descuido de homens +que fazem semelhantes viagens e as nom escreuem ... porque a memoria nom +pode ser capaz de tamanha cousa e tantas particularidades</i> (p. 82).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a> According to Barbosa Machado he entered the Jesuit College as a novice +in 1645 and died in 1712 <i>aet.</i> 78. Godinho also wrote a life of Frei Antonio +das Chagas.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> He was the son of D. Jorge, illegitimate son of João II., and was created +Duke of Aveiro.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> See the important works by Colonel Cristovam Ayres, <i>Fernão Mendes +Pinto</i>, 1904; <i>Fernão Mendes Pinto e o Japão</i>, 1906.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> His work did not appear till 1614 and it is uncertain to what extent it +was edited by the historian Francisco de Andrade. It is thought that the +account of his services as missionary in Japan may have been excised owing +to the hostility of the Jesuits.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> Cap. 223: <i>eu respondi acrecentando em muitas cousas que me perguntava +por me parecer que era assim necessario á reputação da nação portuguesa</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> Cf. caps. 14, 70, 88, 114, 126, 198, 204. The complaint is echoed by +almost every Portuguese traveller of the day. Bishop Osorio refers to the +<i>fidei faciendae difficultas</i>; even the truthful and exact Francisco Alvarez +fears his readers’ disbelief.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> Cf. Faria e Sousa (<i>laudari a laudato!</i>): <i>Yo le tengo por muy verdadero</i>; +A. de Sousa Macedo, <i>Eva e Ave</i>, ii. 55, 1676 ed., p. 495: <i>El Rey Catholico +D. Philippe II, quando veio a Portugal, gostava de ouvir a Fernão Mendes, em +cujas peregrinaçoens & sucessos que dellas escreveo mostrou o tempo com a experiencia +a verdade que se lhe disputava antes que ouvesse tantas noticias +d’aquellas partes</i>; Soares, <i>Theatrum</i>: <i>diu apud Lusitanos fidem non meruit +donec rerum qui secuti sunt eventus et aliorum scripta nihil Ferdinandum a vero +discrepasse confirmarunt</i>; Manuel Bernardes, <i>Nova Floresta</i>, i (1706), p. 124: +<i>as Relações do nosso Fernão Mendez Pinto que não merecem tão pouco credito +como alguns lhe dão</i>. ‘Either never man had better memory or he was the +most solemn liar that ever put pen to paper’ is the verdict of José Agostinho +de Macedo (<i>Motim Literario</i>, 1841 ed., ii. 17).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> In France he was known as du Jardin. Familiarly this great botanist +seems to have been called Herbs. A copy of the first edition of the <i>Coloquios</i> +has <span class="smcap">Gracia Dorta o Ervas</span> on the back of the binding. This might be an +ignorant mistake for <span class="smcap">D’Elvas</span>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> The Governor’s brother, Pero Lopez de Sousa, wrote a <i>Diario da Navegação</i> +(1530-2) first published at Lisbon in 1839. The soldier in Couto’s +<i>Dialogo</i> says, <i>não vai tão mal negociado hir por Fysico môr pois todos os que +este cargo serviram tiraram nos seus tres annos sete ou oito mil cruzados</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> <i>Libro di Odoardo Barbosa Portoghese.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> He must have spent many a half-hour in the corner bookshop in Goa +mentioned by Couto (<i>Dec.</i> <span class="allsmcap">VI.</span> v. 8, 1781 ed., p. 400): <i>o canto onde pousa +um livreiro</i>—unless this is a misprint for <i>luveiro</i>, as the neighbouring <i>sirgueiro</i> +seems to indicate. The growth of Portuguese literature in the East would +furnish matter for a curious essay. Great folios like the <i>Cancioneiro de +Resende</i> (see Lopez de Castanheda, v. 12, and Barros, <i>Asia</i>, <span class="allsmcap">III.</span> iii. 4, for the +strange use made of it in India) and the <i>Flos Sanctorum</i> were taken out, and +it is improbable that they were brought back when every square inch was +required for pepper. Thousands of precious volumes must have gone down in +shipwrecks, others—profane books and <i>autos</i>—were thrown overboard at +the bidding of the priests. For the fate of a case of Hebrew Bibles (<i>briuias</i>) +see Corrêa, <i>Lendas da India</i>, i. 656-7. <i>Amadis de Gaula</i> was apparently +in India in 1519 (Lopez de Castanheda, v. 16). A most interesting list of +books ready to be sent to the Negus of Abyssinia in 1515 is given in Sousa +Viterbo’s <i>A Livraria Real</i> (1901), p. 8.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> Unless Corrêa’s description (<i>Lendas</i>, iv. 288-9) is earlier. Other events +recorded by Corrêa which must have closely affected Orta are the fate of +a bachelor of medicine strangled and burnt by the Inquisition at Goa in 1543 +(iv. 292) and the outbreak of small-pox, from which 8,000 children died there +in three months in 1545 (iv. 447). The <i>Dialogo da perfeyçam & partes que +sam necessarias ao bom medico</i> (1562), with the exception of the dedicatory +letter to King Sebastian and the title, is written in Spanish (25 ff.). +Apparently <span class="smcap">Afonso de Miranda</span> found it in Latin among the books of his +son Jeronimo (who had studied at Coimbra and Salamanca) and translated it.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> <i>Composto</i>, he says (<i>Coloquios</i>, i. 5). Dimas Bosque (ib. i. 11) says <i>começado</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> Thus he contributed to the fact, which he notices in the <i>Tratado da carta +de marear</i>, that the Portuguese sea enterprises were based on careful preparation. +The <i>nonius</i> was perfected in the following century by Vernier.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> <i>Tratado da Sphera</i>, Preface.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> This volume contains also two brief treatises by Nunez in Portuguese: +<i>Tratado ... sobre certas duuidas da nauegação</i>, answering certain questions +put to him by Martim Afonso de Sousa, and <i>Tratado ... em defensam da carta +de marear</i>, addressed to the Infante Luis. The <i>De Sphaera</i> of Joannes de +Sacro Bosco was printed with a preface by Philip Melanchthon in 1538. Arraez, +in his <i>Dialogos</i>, 1604 ed., f. 56, says: <i>sei algo da Sphera porque quando Pero +Nunez a lia a certos homens principais eu me achava presente</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> He himself says that he was born in the excellent city of Lisbon (<i>Esmeraldo</i>, +iv. 6), and he was one of the captains sent out by João II to continue +the discovery of the West Coast of Africa. In 1520-2 he was Governor of +the fortress of S. Jorge da Mina, but his last years were spent in poverty.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> Other works of a similar nature, <i>livros das rotas</i> or <i>derrotas</i>, are printed in +<i>Libro de Marinharia</i>. <i>Tratado da Aguia de Marear</i> [1514] <i>de João de Lisboa</i> +[†1526]. <i>Copiado e coordenado por J. I. Brito Rebello</i>, 1903. Cf. also +G. Pereira, <i>Roteiros Portuguezes da viagem de Lisboa á India nos seculos +xvi e xvii</i>, 1898; H. Lopes de Mendonça, <i>Estudos sobre navios portuguezes +nos seculos xv e xvi</i>, 1892, and <i>O Padre Fernando Oliveira e a sua obra +nautica</i>, 1898 (pp. 147-221 contain <i>O Liuro da fabrica das naos</i>, of which, says the preface, <i>ninguem escreveo ateegora</i>); and Sousa Viterbo, <i>Trabalhos +nauticos dos portuguezes nos seculos xvi e xvii</i> (<i>Historia e Memorias da Ac. das +Sciencias</i>, tom. vii (1898), <i>mem.</i> 3; tom. viii (1900), <i>mem.</i> 1). Diogo de Sá’s <i>De +Navigatione</i> was published in Paris in 1549; the <i>Arte Practica de Navegar</i> +(1699) by the <i>Cosmographo Môr</i> Manuel Pimentel (1650-1719) appeared a +century and a half later and had several editions in the eighteenth century.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> Fr. Antonio de San Roman, <i>Historia General de la India Oriental</i>, Valladolid, +1603.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> <i>De Rebvs Emmanvelis</i> (1571), p. 380: <i>Non erat alienus a literis, & cum +otium erat lectione sacrarum praecipue literarum oblectabatur.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> Pt. 1, 1572 ed., f. 224: <i>não feyto por mão do nosso Olãda nẽ do vosso Michaël +Angelo mas por meu bayxo ingenho</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> Or Gonçalo Fernandez of Trancoso (Beira). His name has no connexion +with the phrase <i>contar historias a trancos</i> (<i>de coq à l’âne</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> Preface addressed to the Queen in Pt. 1. His object was <i>prender +a imaginação em ferros</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> Timoneda’s <i>El Patrañuelo</i> appeared in the following year.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> See, however, Dr. Agostinho de Campos’ selections (1921).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> <i>O que aprendi, ouui ou li</i> (1624 ed.); <i>o que aprendi, vi ou li</i> (1734 ed.).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> See Menéndez y Pelayo, <i>Orígenes de la Novela</i>, tom. ii (1907), p. lxxxvii et +seq.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> The alternation of the indigenous and the exotic may be seen in the +spelling of the same name as Piro (= Pero, Pedro, Peter) and Pyrrho (Pyrrhus) +in iii. 8.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> <i>Ropica Pnefma</i>, 1869 ed., p. 2.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> <i>Dialogos</i>, 1604 ed., f. 157. A third edition of <i>Clarimundo</i> (1601) had +appeared before the second edition of the <i>Dialogos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> <i>Corte na Aldea</i> (1619), <i>Dialogo</i> 1 (1722 ed., p. 5).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> Moraes, <i>Dialogo</i> 1 (1852 ed., p. 11).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> Barbosa Machado seems to have considered him much under seventy +at the time of his death in 1572.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> The tradition, mentioned by Cervantes, that it was written by a learned +and witty king of Portugal is clearly traceable to that other tradition that +King João III as Infante had been joint-author of <i>Clarimundo</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> Mount Brandon, Smerwick (and The Three Sisters) of the ‘pleasant’ +but ‘densely wooded’ coast of Kerry, are Greek to the Spanish translator +and become San Cebrian (Cyprian) and San Maurique.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> The title continues: <i>que tinha com hũa dama francesa da raynha dona +Leanor per nome Torsi, sendo Portugues, pela quai fez a historia das damas +francesas no seu Palmeirim</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> It is scarcely possible that the author (Francisco Vazquez?) considered +that Burgos, as his birthplace—his mother—had a part in the work.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> From being merely the legend above, the mounted knight on the title-page +<i>Dom Duardos de Bretanha</i> became the title of the book.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="III_7">§ 7.<br><span class="small"><i>Religious and Mystic Writers</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>Amador Arraez in one of his dialogues defines mysticism +thus: ‘There is a theology called mystic, as being hidden and +unintelligible to those who have no part in it. It is attained by +much love and few books and with much meditation and purity +of heart, which alone suffices for its exercise, and consists +mainly in the noblest part of our will inflamed in the love of +God, its full and perfect good.’<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> ‘Our will inflamed’: perhaps +these words explain the excellence of the style, the intensity +and directness, of the writers in this mystic theology. Style, so +shy and elusive to Flaubert and his disciples, came unsought to +the religious writers of the sixteenth century, because they +wrote not with an eye on verbal artifices but out of the fullness +of the heart, ‘self-gathered for an outbreak’; and their works +can still be read with pleasure by priest and pagan. Mysticism, +inherent in the character of the Portuguese, runs through a great +part of their literature; we find it, for instance, in the merry +poetry of Gil Vicente or in the precious accents of Soror Violante +do Ceo. Strength of character, aloofness, rapt enthusiasm, +singleness of purpose: these are the qualities of mysticism at +its best, and if it also manifests itself in vagueness and confusion, +this was not so with the great mystic and religious +writers of the golden age of Portuguese literature. To them +mysticism was not a cloudy goodness or an abstract perception-dulling +humanity, not a mist but a pillar of fire, in the light of +which the facts and details of reality stood out the more clearly. +But if the intensity of many of the mystics has its natural +complement in the fervour and directness of their prose, this was +not always the case, and it was not only in profane works that +the Portuguese language fell into the pitfalls of <i>culteranismo</i>. +All the more remarkable is the purity, the exquisite taste, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</span> +simplicity and charm of some of the later, seventeenth century, +prose. The secret of this prose lay in fact in <i>culteranismo</i> itself, +the points and conceits of which were based on a recognition of +the value of words. All the <i>seiscentistas</i> set to playing with +words as with unset stones of price. The more critical or +inspired writers joined in the game but selected the genuine +stones, leaving the rest to those who did not care to distinguish +between gems and coloured glass.</p> + +<p>A faint vein of mysticism is to be found in the work of <span class="smcap">Frei +Heitor Pinto</span> (<i>c.</i> 1528-1584?), who was born at the high-lying +little town of Covilhan and professed in the famous Convento dos +Jeronimos at Belem in 1543. After taking the degree of Doctor of +Theology at Siguenza he in 1567 competed for a Chair at Salamanca +University, but came into collision with Fray Luis de Leon, and +in a bitter contest between the Hieronymite and Augustinian +Orders Pinto was defeated. He returned to Portugal, became +Professor of the new Chair of Scripture at Coimbra University +in 1576, Rector of the University and Provincial of his Order.<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> +After the death of the Cardinal-King he appears vehemently +to have espoused the cause of the Prior of Crato. King Philip +accordingly invited Pinto to accompany him to Spain—he was +one of the fifty excluded from the amnesty of 1581—and scandal +added that the king had him poisoned there in 1584. Pinto +was an eminent divine, a man of wide learning, a master of +Portuguese prose, and he appears to have inspired his pupils +with affection; but King Philip could scarcely have considered +him worth poisoning, especially when removed from his sphere +of influence. No doubt he went to Spain with extreme reluctance—on +other occasions of his busy life when the affairs of +his Order drove him to France and Italy he had sighed in tears +(in spite of his interest in travel, his love of Nature, and especially +his antiquarian curiosity<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>) for his quiet cell at Belem, ‘where +he had lived many years in great content’. Perhaps too he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</span> +had not forgotten his defeat at Salamanca. ‘King Philip’, he +now said sturdily, ‘may put me into Castille but never Castille +into me.’ Pinto wrote commentaries on various books of the +Old Testament, which were published in Latin, but his principal +work consists in the dialogues, <i>a maneira dos de Platão</i>, of his +<i>Imagem da Vida Christam</i> (1563), followed by the <i>Segunda Parte +dos Dialogos</i> (1572). The first part has six dialogues, the subjects +being true philosophy, religion, justice, tribulation, the +solitary life,<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> and remembrance of death. The five of the second +part treat of tranquillity of life, discreet ignorance, true friendship, +causes,<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> and true and spurious possessions. It is impossible +to read a page of these dialogues and not be struck by the +extraordinary fascination of their style. It is concise and direct +without ever losing its harmony. Perhaps its best testimonial +is that its magic survives the innumerable quotations, although +one may regret that the work was not written, like the <i>Trabalhos +de Jesus</i>, in a dungeon instead of in a well-stocked library.<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> +Apart from the proof it affords of the exceptional capacity of +the Portuguese language for combining softness and vigour, +the work contains much ingenious thought, charming descriptions, +and elaborate similes. Some twenty editions in various +languages before the end of the century show how keenly it +was appreciated. It was certainly not without influence on the +<i>Dialogos</i> (1589) of the energetic and austere Bishop of Portalegre, +<span class="smcap">Amador Arraez</span> (<i>c.</i> 1530-1600), who spent his boyhood at Beja +and professed as a Carmelite at Lisbon a year after Frei Thomé +de Jesus and two years after Frei Heitor Pinto had professed in +the same city. Like the former he studied theology at Coimbra.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</span><a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> +Cardinal Henrique, when Archbishop of Evora, chose Arraez to +be his suffragan, and in 1578 appointed him to the see of Tripoli. +Three years later he was made Bishop of Portalegre by Philip II. +He resigned in 1596, and spent the last four years of his life in +retirement, in the college of his Order at Coimbra. A few weeks +before his death he wrote the prefatory letter for the revised +edition of his great work.<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> It consists of ten long dialogues +between the sick and dying Antiocho and doctor, priest, lawyer, +or friends. The longest, over a quarter of the whole, is a mystic +life of the Virgin, and of the others some are purely religious, as +<i>Da Paciencia e Fortaleza Christam</i>, some historical or political +(<i>Da Gloria e Triunfo dos Lusitanos</i>; <i>Das Condições e Partes do +Bom Principe</i>). That on the Jews (<i>Da Gente Judaica</i>) is marred +by a spirit of bitter intolerance; on the other hand there is an +outspoken protest against slavery. The whole of this interesting +miscellany, which incidentally discusses a very large number +of subjects,<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> is tinged with mystic philosophy, and at the same +time shows a keen sense of reality. In style as in degree of +mysticism it stands midway between Pinto’s <i>Imagem</i> and the +<i>Trabalhos de Jesus</i>. It is evident that its composition, although +less artificial than that of the <i>Imagem</i>, has been the subject of +much care, and the author declares in his preface that while +adopting a ‘common, ordinary style’, to the exclusion of forced +tricks and elegances, he has striven after clearness and harmony +(the two postulates of his contemporary, Fray Luis de Leon). +The result is a treasury of excellent prose, in which the harmonious +flow of the sentences in nowise interferes with precision +and restraint, that grave brevity which Arraez notes as one +of the principal qualities of Portuguese. It can rise to great +eloquence (as in the lament of Olympio) without ever becoming +rhetorical or turgid.</p> + +<p>The prose of Pinto and Arraez was a very conscious art, that +of the still greater <span class="smcap">Frei Thomé de Jesus</span> (1529?-82) was the +man, and the man merged in mysticism, without thought of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</span> +style. He was the son of Fernam Alvarez de Andrade, Treasurer +to King João III, and of Isabel de Paiva. One of his brothers +was the celebrated preacher Diogo de Paiva de Andrade +(1528-75), another the historian Francisco de Andrade; a +third, Frei Cosme da Presentação, distinguished himself in +philosophy and theology, but died at the age of thirty-six at +Bologna, while the work of a nephew (son of Francisco de +Andrade), Diogo de Paiva de Andrade (1576-1660), <i>Casamento +perfeito</i> (1636), is counted a classic of Portuguese prose. His +sister D. Violante married the second Conde de Linhares. As a +boy at the Augustinian Collegio de Nossa Senhora da Graça at +Coimbra he is said to have been all but drowned while swimming +in the Mondego. He professed at the Lisbon convent of the same +Order in 1544, went to Coimbra to study theology, and then +became master of novices at the Lisbon convent.<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> Here in 1574 +he planned a reform of the Order, but when all was ready for +the secession of the new <i>Recoletos</i> an intrigue put an end to +the scheme, which a kindred spirit, Fray Luis de Leon, later +carried into effect. Frei Thomé was permitted to retire to the +convent of Penafirme by the sea, near Torres Vedras, where he +might hope to indulge his love of quiet and solitude. He was, +however, appointed prior of the convent and Visitor of his Order, +and in 1578 was chosen by King Sebastian to accompany him +to Africa. At the battle of Alcacer Kebir, as he held aloft a +crucifix or tended the wounded, he was speared by a Moor and +taken prisoner to Mequinez. Here he was loaded with chains +and placed in a dungeon, and as the slave of a marabout received +‘less bread than blows’. The Portuguese Ambassador, D. Francisco +da Costa, intervened, and he was removed to Morocco. +Frei Thomé had borne all his sufferings with the most heroic +fortitude, and now, broken in health but not in spirit, he refused +to lodge at the ambassador’s and asked to be placed in the +common prison. During a captivity of nearly four years, +regardless of his own fate,<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> with unflagging devotion he ministered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</span> +to the numerous Christian prisoners, and was occupied to the +last with their needs. Costa, who shared the general respect +and affection for this saint and hero, visited him as he lay +dying (April 17, 1582). <i>Vattene in pace, alma beata e bella!</i> +It was during his captivity that he composed the work that has +given him the lasting fame earned by his life and character, +writing furtively in the scant light that filtered through the +cracks of the prison door.<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> These fifty <i>Trabalhos de Jesus</i> +(2 pts., 1602, 9) embrace the whole life of Christ, and deserve, +more than Renan’s <i>Vie de Christ</i>, to be called a gracious fifth +Gospel. Each <i>trabalho</i> is, moreover, followed by a spiritual +exercise, and these constitute a Portuguese <i>De Imitatione Christi</i>. +Rarely, if ever, has such glow and fervour been set in print: +none but the very dull could be left cold by these transports of +passionate devotion. The prose wrestles and throbs in an +agony of grief or rapture, of mysticism carried to the extreme +limit where all power of articulate expression ends.<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> Frei +Thomé de Jesus is a master of Portuguese prose not by any +arts or graces but through the white heat of his intensity. No +book shows more clearly that style must always be a secondary +consideration, that if there be a burning conviction excellence +of style follows. It could evidently only have been written by +one who had greatly suffered, indeed by one who still suffered, +one who expressed in these fervid accents of heavenly communion +an oblivion of self and an energy habitually employed +in eager earthly service of his fellow men. In a prefatory letter +(November 8, 1581) addressed to the Portuguese people he +declared his intention of publishing as it stood this masterpiece +of mystic ecstasy, which he believed to have been written by +divine inspiration.<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a></p> + +<p>Another celebrated treatise of a mystic character is the <i>Voz do</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</span> +<i>Amado</i> (1579) by the learned Canon <span class="smcap">D. Hilariam Brandão</span> +(†1585). The religious works of this century are very numerous. +We may mention the anonymous <i>Regras e Cautelas de proueito +espiritual</i> (1542), which is written in biblical prose and deals +with the fifteen perfections or excellences of charity and kindred +subjects; the dialogues <i>Desengano de Perdidos em dialogo entre +dous peregrinos, hũ christão e hũ turco</i> (Goa, 1573) by the first +Archbishop of Goa, <span class="smcap">D. Gaspar de Leão</span> (†1576), and the <i>Dialogo +espiritual: Colloquio de um religioso com um peregrino</i> (1578) by +<span class="smcap">Frei Alvaro de Torres</span> [Vedras] (fl. 1550), who was drowned +in the Tagus when on the way to his convent at Belem.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">D. Joana da Gama</span> (†1568), a nun of noble birth who directed +a small community founded by herself at Evora, a few miles +from her native Viana, published a short collection of moral +sentences in alphabetical order, followed by a few poems (<i>trovas</i>): +<i>Ditos da Freyra</i> (1555). She insists, perhaps a little too emphatically +for conviction, on her lack of intelligence and ability, +and says that these sayings were written down for herself alone +and that she purposely avoids subtleties (<i>ditos sotijs</i>), but her +aphorisms contain some shrewd personal observation. Fact +and legend have combined to weave an atmosphere of romance +about the life of Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, better known as +<span class="smcap">Frei Luis de Sousa</span> (1555?-1632). A descendant of the second +Conde de Marialva, he early entered or was about to enter the +Order of Knights Hospitallers at Malta, but was captured by the +Moors in much the same way and at about the same time (1575) as +was Cervantes. He was taken to Algiers, and may have known +Cervantes there, or the statement that he became Cervantes’ +friend may have been an inference from the latter’s mention of +him in <i>Los Trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda</i>; they may have +met in Lisbon in 1590, or at Madrid. Sousa Coutinho returned +to Portugal in 1578, and some years later married D. Magdalena +de Vilhena, widow of D. João de Portugal, one of all the +peerage that fell with King Sebastian at Alcacer Kebir. Sousa +Coutinho, at the invitation of his brother in Panama, is said to +have gone thither in the hope of making a fortune, but the date +is not clear. His unbending patriotism was immortalized when +as Governor of Almada in 1599 he burnt down his house rather<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</span> +than receive as guests the Spanish Governors of Portugal. The +prospect of riches at Panama may have seemed especially +alluring after this rash act. He appears to have lived quietly in +Portugal for some years before 1613, when both he and his +wife entered a convent. Their act has been variously explained +as due to melancholy disposition or to the early death of their +daughter, D. Anna de Noronha. Probably after her death the +example of their friend the Conde de Vimioso and the conviction +that the only abiding pleasure is the renunciation of all +the rest were prevalent factors in their decision. The legend, +however, related by Frei Antonio da Encarnação and dramatized +two centuries later by Garrett, records that D. João de Portugal, +D. Magdalena de Vilhena’s first husband, had been not killed +but taken prisoner in Africa, and after many years’ captivity +he reappears as an aged pilgrim and bitterly reveals his identity. +In the convent of Bemfica, where he had professed in September +1614, Frei Luis de Sousa was consulted on various matters by +the Duke of Braganza and others who valued his fine character +and clear judgement, but he did not live to see the Restoration. +He was entrusted by his Order with the revision of works left +by another Dominican, <span class="smcap">Frei Luis de Cacegas</span> (<i>c.</i> 1540-1610). +These he re-wrote, giving them a lasting value by virtue of his +style. The first part of the <i>Historia de S. Domingos</i>, ‘a new +kind of chronicle’ as he calls it in his preface addressed to the +king, appeared in 1623, but the second (1662) and third (1678) +parts were not published in his lifetime. A fourth part (1733) +was added by <span class="smcap">Frei Lucas de Santa Catharina</span> (1660-1740), +who among other works wrote a curious miscellany of verse and +prose, romance and literary criticism, entitled <i>Seram politico</i> +(1704). In the biography of the saintly and strong-willed Archbishop +of Braga, <i>Vida de D. Fr. Bertolomeu dos Martyres</i> (1619), +the excellence of Sousa’s style is even more apparent, for it has +here no trace of rhetoric and the pictures stand out with the more +effect for the economy with which they are drawn—the dearth of +adjectives is noticeable. The archbishop’s visits to his diocese +give occasion for charming, homely glimpses of Minho. Neither +of these books is the work of a critical historian (in the <i>Vida</i>, +for instance, winds and waves obey the archbishop), but the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</span> +latter, especially, is in matter and manner one of the masterpieces +of Portuguese literature, a <i>livro divino</i>, as a modern +Portuguese writer called it.<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> The <i>Annaes de El Rei Dom João Terceiro</i>, +written at the bidding of Philip IV, was published in +1844 by Herculano, who described the work as little more than +a series of notes, except in the Indian sections, which summarize +Barros. It is as a stylist, not as a historian, that Frei +Luis de Sousa will always be read, and read with delight.<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> The +subject of his biography, <span class="smcap">Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres</span> +(1514-90), wrote in Portuguese a simple <i>Catecismo da Dovtrina +Christam</i> (Braga, 1564), resembling the Portuguese work of his +friend Fray Luis de Granada (1504-88): <i>Compendio de Doctrina +Christãa</i> (Lixboa, 1559).</p> + +<p>The <i>Historia da Vida do Padre Francisco Xavier</i> (1600), by +the Jesuit <span class="smcap">João de Lucena</span> (1550-1600), born at Trancoso, +who made his mark as an eloquent preacher and Professor of +Philosophy in the University of Evora, is also one of the classics +of the Portuguese language. It receives a glowing fervour +from the author’s evident delight in his subject—the life of the +famous Basque missionary in whose arms D. João de Castro +died. His command of clear, fluent, vigorous prose, his skilful +use of words and abundant power of description, enable him to +convey this enthusiasm to his readers. Part of the matter of his +book was derived from Fernam Mendez Pinto, but the style is +his own.</p> + +<p>Like Frei Luis de Sousa, <span class="smcap">Frei Manuel da Esperança</span> (1586-1670) +became the historian of his Order in the <i>Historia Seraphica +da Ordem dos Frades Menores</i> (2 pts., 1656, 66). We know from +remarks in the second part that he paid the greatest attention +to its composition, for which he had prepared himself by reading +<i>hũa multidão notavel</i> of books on that and kindred subjects. +Similar excellence of style marks the later work of the Jesuit<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</span> +<span class="smcap">Francisco de Sousa</span> (1628?-1713), <i>O Oriente conquistado</i> +(2 vols., 1710), in which he chronicles the history of the Company +in the East.</p> + +<p>The most celebrated Portuguese preacher of his time,<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> Frei +Thomé de Jesus’ brother, <span class="smcap">Diogo de Paiva de Andrade</span> +(1528-75), represented Portugal at the Council of Trent in +1561. His eloquent <i>Sermões</i> (1603, 4, 15) were published +posthumously in three parts. His mantle fell upon <span class="smcap">Francisco +Fernandez Galvão</span> (1554-1610), the prose of whose <i>Sermões</i> +(3 vols., 1611, 13, 16) is admirably restrained and pure. Less +sonorous than the periods of Paiva de Andrade, the <i>Trattados</i> [<i>sic</i>] +<i>Quadragesimais e da Paschoa</i> (1609) and <i>Tratados das Festas +e Vidas dos Santos</i> (2 pts., 1612, 15) of the Dominican <span class="smcap">Frei +Antonio Feo</span> (1573-1627) perhaps gain rather than lose by +being read, not heard. In the clearness and precision of their +prose they are scarcely inferior to the remarkable <i>Sermões</i> +(3 pts., 1617, 18, 25) of the Augustinian <span class="smcap">Frei Philipe da +Luz</span> (1574-1633), confessor to the Duke of Braganza (afterwards +King João IV), in whose palace at Villa Viçosa he died. +He, too, writes <i>sem grandes eloquencias</i>; he is as precise as Feo +in his use of words, and his vocabulary is as extensive. Purity, +concision, clearness, and harmony give him, together with Feo, +Ceita, and Veiga, a high place in Portuguese prose.</p> + +<p>The sermons for which the Dominican <span class="smcap">Frei Pedro Calvo</span> +(born <i>c.</i> 1550) was celebrated were published in <i>Homilias de +Quaresma</i> (2 pts., 1627, 9), and at the repeated request of a +friend he wrote his <i>Defensam das Lagrimas dos ivstos persegvidos</i> +(1618) to prove that ‘tears shed in time of trouble do not lessen +merit’. The <i>Sermões</i> (1618) and <i>Considerações</i> (1619, 20, 33) +of <span class="smcap">Frei Thomas da Veiga</span> (1578-1638), like his father a Professor +of Coimbra University, are written in a style of great excellence, +as, although a trifle more redundant<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a> and latinized, is that of +his contemporary, like him a Franciscan, <span class="smcap">Frei João da Ceita<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</span></span> +(1578-1633), whose prose has a natural grace and harmony, if +it is less pure and indigenous than that of Luz. His best +known works are the <i>Quadragena de Sermoens</i> (1619) and +<i>Quadragena Segunda</i> (1625). Two more volumes of <i>Sermões</i> +(1634, 5) appeared after his death. Two slightly later writers +were <span class="smcap">Frei Cristovam de Lisboa</span> (†1652), brother of Manuel +Severim de Faria, and <span class="smcap">Frei Cristovam de Almeida</span> +(1620-79), Bishop of Martyria. The former, author of <i>Jardim +da Sagrada Escriptura</i> (1653) and <i>Consolaçam de Afflictos +e Allivio de Lastimados</i> (1742), in the preface to his <i>Santoral +de Varios Sermões</i> (1638) deplores the new fashion of certain +preachers who hide their meaning under their eloquence. He +is himself sometimes inclined to be florid. Bishop Almeida +attained a reputation for great eloquence even in the days of +Antonio Vieira.<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> His <i>Sermões</i> (1673, 80, 86) are simpler than +those of Vieira, but for the reader their prose lacks the quiet +precision of Ceita, Veiga, or Luz, whose sermons may be considered +one of the sources from which a greater master of Portuguese, +Manuel Bernardes, derived his magic. The Jesuit +<span class="smcap">Luis Alvarez</span> (1615?-1709?), who was born a few years after +Vieira, and lived on into the eighteenth century, also had +a great reputation as a preacher. The fire is absent from the +printed page, but his works, <i>Sermões da Quaresma</i> (3 pts., 1688, +94, 99), <i>Amor Sagrado</i> (1673), and <i>Ceo de graça, inferno custoso</i> +1692), are notable for the purity of their prose.</p> + +<p>The religious works of the seventeenth, as of the sixteenth century +are very various in subject and treatment. <span class="smcap">Frei João Cardoso</span> +(†1655), author of <i>Ruth Peregrina</i> (2 pts., 1628, 54), also wrote +a lengthy commentary on the 113th Psalm in twenty-one discourses: +<i>Jornada Dalma Libertada</i> (1626). Ten years earlier +a Jew, <span class="smcap">João Baptista d’Este</span>, had published in excellent +Portuguese a translation of the Psalms: <i>Consolaçam Christam +e Lvz para o Povo Hebreo</i> (1616). His title was suggested by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</span> +that of a far more remarkable book by another Jew, <span class="smcap">Samuel +Usque</span> (fl. 1540), <i>Consolaçam ás Tribulaçoens de Israel</i>, written +probably between 1540 and 1550<a id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> and first printed at Ferrara by +Abraham ben Usque in 1553. The author was the son of Spanish +Jews who had taken refuge in Portugal, where he was born, +probably at the end of the fifteenth century.<a id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> His famous work +is an account of the sufferings of the Jewish race. In three +dialogues Jacob (<i>Ycabo</i>), Nahum (<i>Numeo</i>), and Zachariah +(<i>Zicareo</i>) converse as shepherds. Israel, in person, relates his +sorrows down to the fall of Jerusalem, an event which is described +in detail, and so on to the persecutions in European countries +(<i>novas gentes</i>), and at the end of each dialogue the prophets +administer their comfort. The book closes with a chorus of +rapturous psalms in biblical prose, rejoicing at the coming end +of Israel’s tribulations and calling for vengeance on their enemies, +and thus finishes on a note of joyful faith and courageous +hope, without an inkling of charity. The first dialogue, which +condenses Old Testament history, has a rhythmical, luxuriant +style, rich in Oriental imagery, but later, where Roman history +is the authority, or in the tragic account of the persecution of +Jews in Portugal<a id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> under João II and the two succeeding kings, +the style is shorn of rhetoric. Nor is there a trace of false +ornament in a long passage of wonderful eloquence, Israel’s +final complaint and invocation to sky and earth, waters and +mortal creatures. The agony and awful glow of indignation at +these recent events had a restraining influence on the style, +which loses nothing by this simplicity. Quieter descriptions are +those of the shepherd’s life and of the chase in the first, and of +spring and evening in the third part.</p> + +<p>The Jesuit <span class="smcap">Diogo Monteiro</span> (1561-1634), when towards the +end of his life he published his <i>Arte de Orar</i> (1631), promised, +should his ‘great occupations’ allow, to print very soon the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</span> +second volume dealing with the divine attributes. This did not +appear in that generation: <i>Meditações dos attribvtos divinos</i> +(Roma, 1671). The <i>Arte de Orar</i> contains twenty-nine treatises +(604 ff.). Its subjects are various (of the virtue of magnificence; +of the esteem in which singing is held by God, &c.), +and they are presented with fervour and clear concision, and +especially with a complete absence of oratorical effect. Quintilian +takes part in one of the six dialogues which compose +the <i>Peregrinaçam Christam</i> (1620) by <span class="smcap">Tristão Barbosa de +Carvalho</span> (†1632); he is on a pilgrimage from Lisbon to the +tomb of Saint Isabel at Coimbra, but he expresses himself in +excellent Portuguese, modelled perhaps on that of Arraez. +The prose of the <i>Retrato de Prvdentes, Espelho de Ignorantes</i> +(1664) by the Jesuit <span class="smcap">Francisco Aires</span> (1597-1664) often rises +to eloquence, notably in the fervent prayers. His <i>Theatro dos +Trivmphos Divinos contra os Desprimores Hvmanos</i> (1658) is of +a more practical character. The Franciscan <span class="smcap">Frei Manuel dos +Anjos</span> (1595-1653) laid no claim to originality in his <i>Politica +predicavel e doutrina moral do bom governo do mundo</i> (1693), +written in a clear and correct but slightly redundant<a id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> style.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Frei Luis dos Anjos</span> (<i>c.</i> 1570-1625) in his <i>Iardim de Portugal</i> +(1626) gathered edifying anecdotes of saintly women from +various writers, and set them down in good Portuguese prose. +The Franciscan <span class="smcap">Frei Pedro de Santo Antonio</span> (<i>c.</i> 1570-1641) +in his <i>Iardim Spiritual, tirado dos Sanctos e Varoens +spiritvaes</i> (1632) contented himself with translation of his +authorities, adding, he modestly says, ‘some things of my own +of not much importance’. He carefully avoided interlarding +his Portuguese with Latin, his object being <i>fazer prato a todos</i>. +Even more humble is the work of the Cistercian <span class="smcap">Frei Fradique +Espinola</span> (<i>c.</i> 1630-1708), who compiled in his <i>Escola Decurial</i> +(12 pts., 1696-1721) an encyclopaedia of themes so various as +the fate of King Sebastian, the duties of women, and the habits +of storks. Although it lacks the literary pretensions of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</span> +<i>Divertimento erudito</i> by the Augustinian <span class="smcap">Frei João Pacheco</span> +(1677-?1747), it contains some curious matter. A similar +miscellany of anecdotes and precepts was written by João +Baptista de Castro in the eighteenth century: <i>Hora de Recreio +nas ferias de maiores estudos</i> (2 pts., 1742, 3).</p> + +<p>The life of the ardent <span class="smcap">Frei Antonio das Chagas</span> (1631-82) +abounded in contrasts. Born at Vidigueira, of an old Alentejan +family, Antonio da Fonseca Soares began his career as a soldier +in 1650; a duel (arising out of one of his many love affairs), in +which he killed his man, drove him to Brazil, and it was only +after several years of distinguished service<a id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> that he returned to +Portugal, perhaps in 1657. In 1661 he attained the rank of +captain, but in the following year abandoned his military career, +and in 1663 professed in the Franciscan convent at Evora, +exchanging the composition of gongoric verse for a voluminous +correspondence in prose, and his unregenerate days of dissipation +for a glowing and saintly asceticism. (<i>Trocando as galas em +burel e os caprichos em cilicios</i> are the words with which he veils +the real sincerity of his conversion.) Preferring the humbler +but strenuous duties of missionary in Portugal and Spain to +the bishopric of Lamego, he founded the missionary convent of +Varatojo, and died there twenty years after his novitiate. +During those years he built up and exercised a powerful spiritual +influence throughout Portugal, and it continued after his death. +Few of his poems survive, since he committed the greater part +of his profane verse to the flames, but some of his <i>romances</i> +may still be read. It is, however, as a prose-writer, +especially in his <i>Cartas Espirituaes</i> (2 pts., 1684, 7), that he +holds a foremost place in Portuguese literature. There is less +affectation in these more familiar letters than in his <i>Sermões +genuinos</i> (1690) or his <i>Obras Espirituaes</i> (1684). The very titles +of some of his shorter treatises, <i>Vozes do Ceo e Tremores da Terra, +Espelho do Espelho</i>, show that he had not even now altogether +escaped the false taste of the time, and artificial flowers of +speech, plays on words, laboured metaphors and antitheses +appear in his prose. But if it has not the simple severity of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</span> +a Bernardes, it possesses so persuasive, so passionate an energy, +and is of so clear a fervour and harmony that its eloquence is +felt to be genuine.</p> + +<p>The Jesuit <span class="smcap">Frei João da Fonseca</span> (1632-1701), in the preface +to one of his works, <i>Sylva Moral e Historica</i> (1696), which may +have given Bernardes the idea of his <i>Nova Floresta</i>, rejects +affected periods and new phrases, and there is no false rhetoric +in his <i>Espelho de Penitentes</i> (1687), <i>Satisfaçam de Aggravos</i> +(1700), which takes the form of dialogues between a hermit +and a soldier, and other devotional works. Another Jesuit, +<span class="smcap">Alexandre de Gusmão</span> (1629-1724), although born at Lisbon, +spent most (eighty-five years) of his long life in Brazil. He +wrote, among other works, <i>Rosa de Nazareth nas Montanhas +de Hebron</i> (1715), compiled from various histories of the +Company of Jesus, and <i>Historia do Predestinado Peregrino e seu +Irmão Precito</i> (1682). The latter is an allegory in six books +which lacks the human interest of Bunyan’s <i>Pilgrim’s Progress</i>, +which it preceded. It describes the journey of two brothers, +<i>Predestinado</i> and <i>Precito</i>, out of Egypt to Jerusalem (Heaven) +and Babylon (Hell). The style is simpler and more direct than +might be inferred from the inflated title, and often has an +effective if studied eloquence.<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a></p> + +<p>Vieira dying is reported to have said that the Portuguese +language was safe in the keeping of Padre Manuel Bernardes. +The aged Jesuit, who maintained his interest in literature to the +end, may have received Bernardes’ <i>Luz e Calor</i><a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> (1696) in the +last year of his life, and the <i>Exercicios Espirituaes</i> (2 vols., 1686) +had appeared ten years earlier. Other works, <i>Sermões e Praticas</i> +(1711),<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> <i>Nova Floresta</i> (5 vols., 1706-28), <i>Os Ultimos Fins do +Homem</i> (1727), <i>Varios Tratados</i> (2 vols., 1737), were soon +forthcoming to justify the prophecy. <span class="smcap">Manuel Bernardes</span> +(1644-1710), the son of João Antunes and Maria Bernardes, +was born at Lisbon, studied law and philosophy at Coimbra<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</span> +University, and at the age of thirty entered the Lisbon Oratory, +where he spent thirty-six years. That was all his life, yet +through his books this modest, humorous, austere priest has +exercised a profound influence not only, as Barbosa Machado +declares, in guiding souls to Heaven, but in moulding and protecting +the Portuguese language. His style is marked in an +equal degree by grace and concision, intensity and restraint, +smoothness and vigour.<a id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> With him the florid cloak, in which +many recent writers had wrapped Portuguese, falls away, +leaving the pith and kernel of the language; the conceits of +the <i>culteranos</i> disappear, and the most striking effects are +attained without apparent artifice. In his hands the pinchbeck +and tinsel are transmuted into delicate pieces of ivory. The +charm of his style is difficult to analyse, but it may be remarked +that his vocabulary is inexhaustible, his precision unfailing, that +he is not afraid to employ the commonest words, and that the +construction of his sentences is of a transparent simplicity, as +bare of rhetoric as is the poetry of João de Deus. His reputation +as a lord of language has survived every test. His works +are not merely the <i>deliciae</i> of a few distant scholars but an +acknowledged glory of the nation, praised by that literary +iconoclast Macedo, and quoted as an authority in the Republican +Parliament of 1915. The most popular of his works are <i>Luz +e Calor</i>, and especially the <i>Nova Floresta</i>, in which moral and +familiar anecdote go quaintly hand in hand, but if one must +choose between excellence and excellence his masterpiece is +the <i>Exercicios Espirituaes</i>, in which thought and expression +often rise to sublime heights. One may perhaps compare him +with Fray Juan de los Ángeles (†1609). His simple doctrines +spring from the heart and, winged by shrewd knowledge of men, +touch the heart of his readers. One of his more immediate +followers was Padre <span class="smcap">Manuel Consciencia</span> (<i>c.</i> 1669-1739), author +of a large number of works on moral and religious subjects, +the best known of which is <i>A Mocidade enganada e desenganada</i> +(6 vols., 1729-38).</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> <i>Dial.</i> x. 4.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> The dates given by Barbosa Machado are Rector 1565, Provincial 1571.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> He introduces himself as a theologian in his dialogues, and one may infer +several facts concerning his life, e. g. that he had been in Rome (<i>Imagem</i>, +Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 351 v.), Montserrat (f. 88), Marseilles (f. 88), Savoy (f. 295), +Madrid (f. 190), that he kept a diary (f. 190), that he was <i>curioso de antigualhas</i> +(f. 352).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> Macedo, quoted by Innocencio da Silva (iii. 176), alleged this to be +a ‘faithful translation’ from Petrarca. Why Petrarca (1304-74) should +praise Belem Convent and Coimbra University, refer to the recent death +(1557) of King João III, or speak of ‘our’ Francisco de Hollanda we are not +told. Pinto in a later dialogue, <i>Da Tranquillidade da Vida</i>, refers to Petrarca’s +<i>Vita Solitaria</i> (Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 47 v.).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> Since 1590 is implied as the date of this dialogue on f. 290 of the 1593 +edition it must be emphasized that the <i>Segunda Parte</i> appeared originally +in 1572.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> Pt. 2, 1593 ed., f. 366 v.: <i>eu revolvo os livros ... com grandes trabalhos +& vigilias</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> Cf. <i>Dialogos</i>, 1604 ed., f. 346: <i>Coimbra, onde gastei a flor de minha +adolescencia.</i> (This edition really has but 344 ff. since f. 29 follows f. 22.)</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> <i>Dialogos de Dom Frey Amador Arraiz</i>, Coimbra, 1604. The idea of the +work belonged to his brother, Jeronimo Arraez, who did not live to complete +what he had begun.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> The same variety occurs in <i>Poderes de Amor em geral e horas de conversaçam +particular</i> (1657), by Frei Cristovam Godinho (<i>c.</i> 1600-71) of Evora.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> He wrote the life of the prior, Frei Luis de Montoia, whose <i>Vida de Christo</i> +he completed.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> <i>Tendo elle sua mãi e irmãos muito ricos e a Condessa de Linhares sua irmãa, +todos offerecidos a pagar o grosso resgate que os Mouros pediam, por saberem +a qualidade de sua pessoa</i> (<i>Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique</i>, p. 38).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> See his prefatory letter in the <i>Trabalhos</i>. Cf. Antonio, <i>Bib. Nova</i>, ii. 307. +Barbosa Machado speaks of <i>hũa horrivel masmorra</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> Cf. p. 39 (1666 ed.): <i>Ó, ó, ó amor; ó, ó, ó amor, cale a lingua e o entendimento, +dilatai-vos vos por toda esta alma</i>, &c.; or p. 54: <i>Ah, ah, ah bondade; +ah, ah amor sem lei, sem regra, sem medida, adoro-te, louvo-te, desejo-te, por ti +suspiro.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> He also wrote <i>Oratorio sacra de soliloquios do amor divino</i> (1628) and various +works in Latin. Manuel Godinho refers to his <i>Estimulo das Missões</i> (<i>Relação</i>, +1842 ed., p. 47).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> C. Castello Branco, <i>Estrellas propicias</i>, 2ᵃ ed., p. 204. Its only fault, +artistically, is the detailed description of the commemoration festivities, +which come as an anticlimax.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> Other works of the period are similarly read rather for their style than +as history, as the <i>Historia Ecclesiastica da Igreja de Lisboa</i> (1642) and the +<i>Historia Ecclesiastica dos Arcebispos de Braga</i> (2 pts., 1634, 1635) by <span class="smcap">D. Rodrigo +da Cunha</span> (1577-1643), the Archbishop of Lisbon who had an active share +in the liberation of Portugal from the yoke of Spain in 1640.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> Another renowned Court preacher was <span class="smcap">D. Antonio Pinheiro</span> (†1582?), +Bishop of Miranda, whose works were collected by Sousa Farinha: <i>Collecção +das obras portuguesas do sabio Bispo de Miranda e de Leiria</i>, 2 vols., 1785, 6.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> e. g. <i>officio e dignidade, gritos e brados, boca e lingoa, cuidão e imaginão</i>. +Macedo (<i>O Couto</i>, p. 82) rightly calls Ceita <i>um dos principaes textos em lingua +portugueza</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571" class="label">[571]</a> Other noted preachers were the Jesuits <span class="smcap">Francisco do Amaral</span> (1593-1647), +who published the first (and only) volume of his <i>Sermões</i> (1641) in the +year in which Vieira came to Portugal, and <span class="smcap">Francisco de Mendonça</span> (1573-1626), +a master of clear and vigorous prose in his two volumes of <i>Sermões</i> +(1636, 9); and the Trinitarian <span class="smcap">Baltasar Paez</span> (1570-1638), whose <i>Sermões +de Quaresma</i> (2 pts., 1631, 3), <i>Sermões da Semana Santa</i> (1630), <i>Marial de +Sermões</i> (1649), may still be read with profit.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572" class="label">[572]</a> <i>Ha poucos annos que he arribado</i> (the Inquisition in Portugal), Pt. 3, 1908 +ed., f. xxxii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573" class="label">[573]</a> See p. 5 of <i>Prologo</i>: Portuguese is <i>a lingoa que mamei</i>, but his <i>passados</i> +are from Castile.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574" class="label">[574]</a> The inhabitants of the Peninsula are <i>astutos e maliciosos</i>, Spain is ‘a hypocritical +and cruel wolf’, the Portuguese are <i>fortes e quasi barbaros</i>, the English +<i>maliciosos</i>, the Italians, since the book was to appear in their country, merely +‘warlike and ungrateful’.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575" class="label">[575]</a> If, for instance, the bracketed words in the following sentence (p. 3, § 5) +be omitted it gains in vigour and loses little in the sense: <i>Este poder se não +deo aos Reys para extorsoens</i> [<i>& violencias</i>] <i>mas para amparar</i> [<i>& defender</i>] +<i>os vassallos porque até o propria Deos parece que tem as mãos atadas a rigores</i> +[<i>& castigos</i>] <i>& livres a clemencias</i> [<i>& misericordias</i>].</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576" class="label">[576]</a> He had been fortunate, for, says Antonio Vieira in 1640, <i>não ha guerra +no mundo onde se morra tão frequentemente como na do Brazil</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577" class="label">[577]</a> e. g. in the following passage (p. 47), in which Calderon and João de +Deus join hands: ‘The world and its glory is a passing comedy, a farce that +ends in laughter, a shadow that disappears, a thinning mist, a fading flower, +a blinding smoke, a dream that is not true.’</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578" class="label">[578]</a> <i>Estimulos de amor divino</i> (1758) is an extract from this, as the <i>Tratado +breve da oraçam mental</i> (5th ed., 1757) is extracted from the <i>Exercicios Espirituaes</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579" class="label">[579]</a> Pt. 2 appeared in 1733.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580" class="label">[580]</a> He often deliberately links a soft and a hard word, as <i>caça e cão</i>, <i>candores +da celestial graça</i>, <i>licita a guerra</i>. Thus his style becomes <i>crespo sem aspereza</i>.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="IV">IV<br><span class="small">1580-1706</span></h2></div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="IV_1"><i>The Seiscentistas</i></h3> +</div> + + +<p>Philip II entered his new capital under triumphal arches +on June 29, 1581, and the subjection of Portugal to Spain +during the next sixty years in part accounts for the fact that +nowhere was the decadence of literature in the seventeenth +century more marked than at Lisbon. For Spain in her sturdy +independence and reaction from rigid classicism had led the way +in those precious affectations which invaded the literatures of +Europe, and the universal malady, gongorism with its Lylyan +conceits and cultured style, now found a ready welcome in +Portugal. The literary style which corresponded to the Churriguerresque +in architecture naturally proved congenial to the +land of the <i>estilo manuelino</i>. King Philip was glad to conciliate +and provide for Portuguese men of letters,<a id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a> but if in the preceding +centuries many of them wrote in Spanish, that tendency was +now necessarily strengthened. Another cause of decadence was +no doubt the Inquisition, although its influence in this respect +has been greatly exaggerated. It required no immense tact on +the part of an author to prevent his works from being placed on +the Index. An examination, for instance, of the differences +between the 1616 edition of <i>Eufrosina</i> and the condemned +1561 edition shows that the parts excised were chiefly coarse +passages or unsuitable references to the Bible (this was also +the charge against the letters of Clenardus). That remarkable +mathematician, Pedro Nunez, pays a tribute to the enlightened +patronage of letters by Cardinal Henrique, the most ardent +promoter of the Inquisition in Portugal: <i>qui cum nullum</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</span> +<i>tempus intermittat quin semper aut animarum saluti prospiciat +aut optimos quosque auctores evolvat aut literatorum hominum +colloquia audiat</i>.<a id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a></p> + +<p>No literary figure in Portugal of the seventeenth century, +few in the Peninsula,<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> can rank with <span class="smcap">D. Francisco Manuel de +Mello</span> (1608-66). Born at Lisbon,<a id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> he belonged to the highest +Portuguese nobility and began both his military and literary +career in his seventeenth year. He wrote in Spanish, although, +in verse at least, he felt it to be a hindrance,<a id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> and it was not till +he was over forty that he published a work in Portuguese: +<i>Carta de Guia de Casados</i> (1651).<a id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> Few men have accomplished +more, and towards the end of his life he could say with pride +that it would be difficult to find an idle hour in it. He was +shipwrecked near St. Jean de Luz in 1627 and fought in the +battle of the Downs in 1639. He was sent with the Conde de +Linhares to quell the Evora insurrection in 1637, and took part in +the campaign against revolted Catalonia (1640), which he described +in his <i>Guerra de Cataluña</i><a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a> (1645), written <i>em varias fortunas</i> and +recognized as a classic of Spanish literature. A man frankly +outspoken like Mello must have made many enemies, enemies +dangerous in a time of natural distrust. During the Catalan +campaign he was sent under arrest to Madrid, apparently on +suspicion of favouring the cause of an independent Portugal,<a id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> +and a little later, when he was in the service of the King of Portugal, +the suspicion as to his loyalty recurred. On November 19, +1644, he was arrested at Lisbon on a different charge. It appears +that a servant dismissed by Mello revenged himself by implicating +his former master in a murder that he had committed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</span> +(of a man as obscure as himself). Whether he did this of his +own initiative or at the bidding of Mello’s enemies is uncertain, +but they saw to it that Mello once in prison should not be soon +released. They might, probably did, assure the king that this +was the best place for one ‘devoted to the cause of Castile’. +There are other theories to account for Mello’s long imprisonment, +the most romantic of which—that he and the king were +rivals in the affections of the Condessa de Villa Nova, and, meeting +disguised and by accident at the entrance of her house, +drew their swords, the king recognizing Mello by his voice—is +now generally abandoned. Although no evidence of Mello’s +participation in the murder was forthcoming, he was condemned +to be deported for life to Africa, for which Brazil was later +substituted. It was only in 1655, after eleven years of more +or less<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a> strict confinement, that he sailed for Brazil. João IV +died in 1656 and two years later Mello returned to Portugal: +he was formally pardoned<a id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> and spent the last years of his life +in important diplomatic missions to London, Rome, and Paris. +The unfaltering courage and gaiety with which he faced his +adventures and misfortunes win our admiration, but his life +can strike no one as literary. Yet it is probable that but for his +long imprisonment he would never have found leisure to write +many of his best works, and prosperity might have dimmed his +insight and dulled his style—that style (influenced no doubt by +Quevedo and Gracián) which is hard and clear as the glitter of +steel or the silver chiming of a clock, with <i>concinnitas quaedam +venusta et felix verborum</i>.<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> Even when full of points and conceits +it retains its clearness and trenchancy, and in his more familiar +works he is unrivalled, as the <i>Carta de Guia de Casados</i>, in which, +<i>innuptus ipse</i>, he brings freshness and originality to the theme +already treated in Fray Luis de Leon’s <i>La Perfecta Casada</i> (1583), +Diogo Paiva de Andrade’s sensible but less caustic <i>Casamento +Perfeito</i> (1631), and Dr. João de Barros’ <i>Espelho de Casados</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</span> +(1540),<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> or the pithy and delightful <i>Cartas Familiares</i>, of which +five centuries—a mere fragment—were published at Rome in +1664, with a rapier-thrust of his wit and a maxim of good sense +on every page, preserving for us some vestige of what Frei +Manuel Godinho described as his ‘admirable conversation’ when +he met him at Marseilles in 1633.<a id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> The <i>Epanaphoras de varia +Historia Portugueza</i> (1660) are unequal and often excessively +detailed.<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> Three of the five are, however, the accounts of an +eyewitness and as such are full of interest: the <i>Alteraçoens +de Evora</i> (i), the <i>Naufragio da Armada Portuguesa em França</i> (ii), +and the <i>Conflito do Canal de Inglaterra</i> (iv).<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a></p> + +<p>Mello’s knowledge of men was as wide as his knowledge of +books, and both appear to great advantage in his <i>Apologos +Dialogaes</i> (1721). An individualist in religion<a id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> + and politics,<a id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a> +an acute thinker and a keen student of men and manners, he +found no dullness in life even at its worst and no solitude, for, +if alone, his fancy instilled wit and wisdom into clocks<a id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> and +coins<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> and fountains.<a id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a> The first three <i>Apologos</i> + contain incisive +portraits in which types and persons are sharply etched in +a few lines: the poor <i>escudeiro</i>, the <i>beata</i>, the Lisbon market-woman, +the litigious <i>ratinho</i>, the <i>fidalgo</i> from the provinces,<a id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> +the ambitious priest, the shabby grammarian,, the worldly +monk, political place-hunter, <i>miles gloriosus</i>, or melancholy +author, a tinselled nobody boiling down the good sayings of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</span> +past writers. The fourth <i>Apologo</i> entitled <i>Hospital das Lettras</i> +(1657) is devoted more especially to literary criticism; Mello +with Quevedo, Justus Lipsius, and Traiano Boccalini (who died +when Mello was five) makes a notable scrutiny of Spanish and +Portuguese literature. As a literary critic Mello is excellent +within limits. Himself an artificial writer, although as it were +naturally artificial, bred at Court, versed in social and political +affairs, he considered that the proper study of mankind was man, +and, like Henry Fielding a century later, admired ‘the wondrous +power of art in improving Nature’.<a id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> For him the country and +Nature, the bucolic poetry and prose of Fernam Alvarez do +Oriente, the ingenuous narratives of the early chroniclers, had +no charm; he preferred Rodrigo Mendez Silva’s <i>Vida y hechos +del gran Condestable</i> (Madrid, 1640) to the <i>Cronica do Condestabre</i>.<a id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> +But all that was vernacular and indigenous attracted +him, as is proved in his letters, in his lively farce <i>Auto do Fidalgo +Aprendiz</i> (1676), and in the <i>Feira dos Anexins</i>, which is a long +string of popular maxims and of those plays upon words in +which Mello delighted. His poetry—<i>Las Tres Musas del Melodino</i> +(1649), <i>Obras Metricas</i> (1665)—is marred by the conceits which +in his prose often serve effectively to point a moral or drive +home an argument. It is far too clever. When in a poem +‘On the death of a great lady’ we find the line <i>contigo o +sepultara a sepultura</i> we do not know whether to laugh or +weep, but we suspect the sincerity of the author’s grief, +and although he wrote some excellent <i>quintilhas</i>, most of his +poems, which are, as might be expected, always vigorous, are +too sharp and thin, stalks without flowers, the very skeletons of +poetry. It is to his prose in its wit and grace, its shrewd thought, +its revelation of a sincere and lofty but unassuming character, its +directness,<a id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> its <i>bom portugues velho e relho</i>, that he owes his +place among the greatest writers of the Peninsula.</p> + +<p>The taste in poetry in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</span> +is seen in two collections, partly Spanish, partly Portuguese: +<i>Fenix Renascida</i> (5 vols., 1716-28) and <i>Eccos que o Clarim da +Fama dá</i> (2 vols., 1761, 2). The latter is sufficiently characterized +by its title, too long to quote in full. As to the former +the Phoenix seems to have given real pleasure to contemporary +readers, but for us the bird and song are flown and only the +ashes remain, from which a sixteenth-century poem such as the +sonnet <i>Horas breves</i> stands out conspicuously. The subjects +are often as trivial as those of the <i>Cancioneiro</i> published two +centuries earlier and more domestic: to a cousin sewing, to an overdressed +man, to a large mouth, a sonnet to two market-women +fighting, another to the prancing horse of the Conde de Sabugal, +on a present of roses, two long <i>romances</i> on a goldfinch killed by a +cat, verses sent with a gift of handkerchiefs or eggs or melons, +or to thank for sugar-plums—the <i>Fenix</i> rarely soars above such +themes. The magistrate <span class="smcap">Antonio Barbosa Bacellar</span> (1610-63) +figures largely, with glosses on poems by Camões, a <i>romance</i> +<i>A umas saudades</i>, a satirical poem <i>A umas beatas</i>. His <i>romances +varios</i> are mostly in Spanish, but a few of his sonnets in Portuguese +have some merit. The fifth volume opens (pp. 1-37) +with a far more elaborate satire by <span class="smcap">Diogo Camacho</span> (or Diogo +de Sousa): <i>Jornada que Diogo Camacho fez ás Cortes do Parnaso</i>, +the best burlesque poem of the century, in which the author did +not spare contemporary Lisbon poets.<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a> The poems of <span class="smcap">Jeronimo +Bahia</span> likewise cover many pages. He it is who bewails at +length the sad fate of a goldfinch. In <i>oitavas</i> he wrote a <i>Fabula +de Polyfemo a Galatea</i>,<a id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> and in octosyllabic <i>redondilhas</i> jocular +accounts of journeys from Lisbon to Coimbra and from Lisbon +into Alentejo (on a very lean mule) which are sometimes amusing. +His sonnet <i>Fallando com Deos</i> shows a deeper nature, and the +collection contains other religious verse, notably that of Violante +Montesino, better known as <span class="smcap">Soror Violante do Ceo</span> (1601-93). +Here,<a id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> as in her <i>Rythmas varias</i> (Rouen, 1646) and <i>Parnaso<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</span> +Lusitano de divinos e humanos versos</i> (2 vols., 1733), this nun, +who spent over sixty years in the Dominican Convento da Rosa +at Lisbon, and who from an early age was known for her skill +upon the harp and in poetry—admiring contemporaries called +her the tenth Muse—showed that she could write with simple +fervour, as in the Portuguese <i>deprecações devotas</i> of the <i>Meditações +da Missa</i> (1689) or her Spanish <i>villancicos</i>. But she could also +be the most gongorical of writers, her very real native talent +being too often spoilt by the taste of the time.<a id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> <span class="smcap">Bernarda +Ferreira de Lacerda</span> (1595-1644), another <i>femina incomparabilis</i>, +like Soror Violante and Dercylis considered the tenth +Muse and fourth Grace, wrote almost exclusively in Spanish, +nor can her <i>Soledades de Buçaco</i> (1634) or her epic <i>Hespaña +Libertada</i> (2 pts., 1618, 73) be considered a heavy loss to +Portuguese literature. <span class="smcap">Soror Maria Magdalena Euphemia da +Gloria</span> (1672-? <i>c.</i> 1760), in the world Leonarda Gil da Gama, in +<i>Brados do Desengano</i> (1739), <i>Orbe Celeste</i> (1742), and <i>Reino de +Babylonia</i> (1749), rarely descends from the high-flown style indicated +in these titles. On the other hand, the Franciscan nun of +Lisbon, <span class="smcap">Soror Maria do Ceo</span> (1658-1753), or Maria de Eça, in +<i>A Preciosa</i> (2 pts., 1731, 3) and <i>Enganos do Bosque, Desenganos +do Rio</i> (1741), among much verse of the same kind has some +poems of real charm and an almost rustic simplicity.</p> + +<p>By reason of a certain intensity and a vigorous style <span class="smcap">D. Francisco +Child Rolim de Moura</span> (1572-1640), Lord of the towns of +Azambuja and Montargil, although more versed in arms than +in letters, wrote in <i>Os Novissimos do Homem</i> (1623) a poem quite +as readable as the longer epics of his contemporaries, despite its +duller subject (man’s first disobedience and all our woe). The four +cantos in <i>oitavas</i> are headed Death, Judgement, Hell, Paradise.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</span><a id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> +Of the life of <span class="smcap">Manuel da Veiga Tagarro</span> we know little or +nothing, but his volume of eclogues and odes, <i>Lavra de Anfriso</i> +(1627), stands conspicuous in the seventeenth century for its +simplicity and true lyrical vein. There is nothing original in +these four eclogues, but the verse is of a harmonious softness. +In the odes he succeeds in combining fervent thought with +a classical restraint of expression. He aimed high; Horace, +Lope de Vega, and Luis de Leon seem to have been his models. +Some measure of the latter’s deliberate tranquillity he occasionally +attained. The works of the ‘discreet and accomplished’, +keen-eyed and graceful <span class="smcap">D. Francisco de Portugal</span> (1585-1632) +appeared posthumously<a id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a>: <i>Divinos e humanos versos</i> (1652) +and (without separate title-page) <i>Prisões e solturas de hũa alma</i>, +consisting of mystic poems mostly in Spanish in a setting of +Portuguese prose, and, in Spanish, <i>Arte de Galanteria</i> (1670), of +which a second edition was published in 1682. Lope de Vega +praised the ‘elegant verses’ of the <i>Gigantomachia</i> (1628) written +by <span class="smcap">Manuel de Galhegos</span> (1597-1665). That he could write +good Portuguese poetry the author showed in the 732 verses of +his <i>Templo da Memoria</i> (1635), in the preface of which he declares +that it had become a rash act to publish poems written in +Portuguese but quotes the example of Pereira de Castro and +of Góngora as having used the language of everyday life and +plebeian words without indignity.</p> + +<p>The later epics testified to the perseverance of their authors +rather than to their poetical talent. They are perhaps less +guilty than the critics, who should have discouraged the kind +and recognized that the <i>Lusiads</i> were only an accident in Portuguese +literature, the accident of the genius of Camões. As +a rule the epic spirit of the Portuguese expressed itself better +in prose. <span class="smcap">Gabriel Pereira de Castro</span> (1571?-1632) forestalled +Sousa de Macedo in his choice of a subject. His <i>Vlyssea, +ov Lysboa Edificada, Poema heroyco</i> (1636) was published posthumously +by his brother Luis, and perhaps the most remarkable +thing about it is that it should have run through six editions. +The structure of the poem, in ten cantos of <i>oitavas</i>, is closely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</span> +modelled on that of the <i>Lusiads</i>, and the gods of Olympus duly +take a part in the story. He sings, he says boldly, to his country, +to the world and to eternity, but his sails flap sadly for lack of +inspiration and enthusiasm, and his daring <i>enjambements</i><a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a> do not +compensate for the dullness of theme and treatment. If, for +instance, we compare his storm<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> with that of the <i>Lusiads</i> +(vi. 70-91) it must be confessed that the former has much the +air of a commotion in a duckpond. Ulysses on his way to +Lisbon visits (canto 4) the infernal regions, is astonished to meet +kings there, and (canto 6) relates the siege and fall of Troy.</p> + +<p>The life of <span class="smcap">Bras Garcia de Mascarenhas</span> (1596-1656) was +more interesting than his verses. He was born at Avó, near the +Serra da Estrella, and his adventures began early, for he was +arrested on account of a love affair (1616) and made a daring +escape from Coimbra prison after wounding his jailer. His +careful biographer, Dr. Antonio de Vasconcellos, has shown that +there is no record of his having studied at Coimbra University. +Subsequently he travelled and fought in Brazil (1623-32), Italy, +France, Flanders, and Spain, and in 1641, as captain, raised +and commanded a body of horse known as the Company of +Lions. As Governor of Alfaiates, the ‘key of Beira’, he was +wrongfully accused of having a treasonable understanding +with Spain and imprisoned at Sabugal, some ten miles from +Alfaiates (1642). He obtained a book (the <i>Flos Sanctorum</i>), +flour, and scissors and cut out a letter in verse to King João IV, +who restored him to his governorship and gave him the habit +of Avis. His long epic <i>Viriato Tragico</i> (1699) contains some +forcible descriptions and has a pleasantly patriotic and indigenous +atmosphere—one feels that he is singing <i>os patrios montes</i> as +much as the hero—but in style it differs little from prose. Tedious +geographical descriptions, dry catalogues of names, a whole +stanza (vii. 39) composed exclusively of nouns, another (iv. 63) +of proper names, incline the reader less to praise than sleep,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</span> +from which he is only gently stirred when the sun is called +<i>a solar embaixadora</i>. In the prevailing fashion of the time the +author works in lines of Camões, Sá de Miranda, Garci Lasso, +Ariosto, and other poets. While the work was still in manuscript +another poet, and perhaps a relation, Andre da Silva +Mascarenhas, helped himself liberally to its stanzas (they +number 2,287) for his epic <i>A Destruição de Hespanha</i> (1671). +He could have given no better proof of the poverty of his genius. +<span class="smcap">Francisco de Sá de Meneses</span> (<i>c.</i> 1600-1664?), although +less true a poet than his cousin and namesake the Conde de +Mattosinhos, won a far wider fame by his epic poem <i>Malaca +Conqvistada</i> (1634), in which he recounts <i>a heroica historia dos +feitos de Albuquerque</i>. The reader who accompanies his frail +bark<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> through twelve cantos of <i>oitavas</i> feels that he has well +earned the fall of Malacca at the end. For although the author +is not incapable of vigorous and succinct description he too often +decks out the pure gold of Camões’ style<a id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> with periphrases and +Manueline ornaments which delay the action. The sun is ‘the +lover of Clytie’ or ‘the rubicund son of Latona’. He stops to +tell us that a diamond won by Albuquerque had been ‘cut by +skilled hand in Milan’, and some of his more elaborate similes +are not without charm. Canto 7 tells of the future deeds of +the Portuguese in India. The gods interfere less than in the +<i>Lusiads</i> (Asmodeus plays a part in canto 6), but the general +effect is that of a great theme badly handled. After the death +of his wife, the author spent the last twenty years of his life +(from 1641) in the Dominican convent of Bemfica as Frei Francisco +de Jesus.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Antonio de Sousa de Macedo</span> (1606-82), <i>moço fidalgo</i> of +Philip IV and later Secretary of Embassy and Minister (<i>Residente</i>) +in London (1642-6) and Secretary of State to the weak +and unlettered Afonso VI, wrote at the age of twenty-two <i>Flores +de España, Excelencias de Portugal</i> (1631). This historical work +of considerable interest and importance was written in Spanish +por ser mais universal, but he returned to Portuguese presently in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</span> +a curious prose miscellany, <i>Eva e Ave</i> (1676), and in the epic poem +<i>Vlyssippo</i> (1640) in fourteen cantos of <i>oitavas</i>. He seems to have +felt that interest could not easily be sustained by the subject, +the foundation of Lisbon by Ulysses. Accordingly, following +the example of Camões, he inset various episodes. Canto 6 +summarizes the events of the <i>Iliad</i> and the <i>Odyssey</i>, canto 10 +describes a tapestry adorned with future Portuguese victories, +in canto 11 the Delphic Sibyl foretells the deeds of Portugal’s +kings, down to Sebastian, in canto 12 the wise Chiron prophesies +of her <i>famosos varões</i>. The style is correct, but the poem as +a whole is commonplace. <span class="smcap">Vasco Mousinho de Quevedo</span>, of +Setubal, although no records of his life remain, won high fame +by his epic poem in <i>oitavas</i> (twelve cantos) <i>Afonso Africano</i> +(1611), in which ‘the marvellous prowess of King Afonso V +in Africa’ is described. The poem, admired by Almeida Garrett, +is particularly wearisome because it is largely allegorical. The +king conquering Arzila represents the strong man subduing the +city of his own soul, the Moors are the spirits of the damned, +and seven of their knights representing the seven deadly sins +are defeated by seven Christian knights who stand for the +virtues.</p> + +<p>The poverty of profane prose, compared with its flourishing +condition in the preceding century, is also remarkable. A few +historians of the seventeenth century have already been mentioned. +The literary academies, of which the most famous were +the <i>Academia dos Generosos</i> (1649-68) and the <i>Academia dos +Singulares</i> (1663-5),<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> existed rather for the interchange of wit +and complimentary or satiric verses than for the encouragement of +historical and scientific research. The Conde da Ericeira’s <i>Portugal +Restaurado</i> and Freire de Andrade’s Life bear no comparison +with works of the <i>Quinhentistas</i>. Yet it was the second golden +age of Portuguese prose, as the names of Manuel Bernardes and +Vieira prove. The latter’s letters, with those of Frei Antonio +das Chagas and Mello, are in three different kinds—the political, +religious, and familiar—the most notable written in the century.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</span> +<span class="smcap">Gaspar Pires de Rebello</span> in the preface to his <i>Infortvnios +tragicos da Constante Florinda</i> (1625) excuses himself for its +publication on the ground that ‘not spiritual and divine books +only benefit our intelligence’. The book, which records the love +of Arnaldo and Florinda, of Zaragoza, shows the modern novel +growing through <i>Don Quixote</i> out of the <i>Celestina</i> plays and the +romances of chivalry, but has little other interest. A second part +was published in 1633, and <i>Novellas Exemplares</i>, six stories +by the same author, in 1650. Numerous other works appeared +with more or less alluring or sensational titles but contents disappointingly +dull. <span class="smcap">Mattheus de Ribeiro</span> (<i>c.</i> 1620-95), in his +<i>Alivio de Tristes e Consolação de Queixosos</i> (1672, 4), shows +greater skill than Pires de Rebello in the invention of the +story, but it is marred by the diffuse and pedantic style—April +becomes an ‘academy in which Flora was opening the doors +for the study of flowers’. The pastoral novel ended in sad +contortions with the <i>Desmayos de Mayo em sombras de Mondego</i> +(1635) by <span class="smcap">Diogo Ferreira de Figueiroa</span> (1604-74). Its title +and the three involved sentences which cover the first three +pages (ff. 10, 11) convey an adequate idea of its character and +contents.</p> + +<p>Of several prose works written by <span class="smcap">Martim Afonso de +Miranda</span>, of Lisbon, in the first third of the century, the most +important is <i>Tempo de Agora</i> (2 pts., 1622, 4). It contains +seven dialogues dealing with truth and falsehood, the evils of +idleness, temperance, friendship, justice, the evils of dice and +cards, and precepts for princes. Much of their matter is interesting +and the comments incisive, especially as to the prevailing +luxury in food and dress. They tell of the infinite number of +curiously bound books at Lisbon, of the soldiers unpaid, ‘eating +at the doors of convents’, of the delight in foreign fashions, and +the craze for ‘diabolical’ books from Italy to the exclusion of +<i>livros de historias</i> and books in Portuguese. The anonymous +<i>Primor e honra da vida soldadesca no Estado da India</i> (1630), +edited by the Augustinian <span class="smcap">Frei Antonio Freire</span> (<i>c.</i> 1570-1634), +is a different work from Geronimo Ximenez de Urrea’s <i>Diálogo +de la verdadera honra militar</i> (1566), which it resembles slightly in +title. It is divided into four parts and contains various episodes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</span> +of the Portuguese in the East and some curious information. +<span class="smcap">Miguel Leitão de Andrade</span> (1555-1632) went straight from +Coimbra University to Africa with King Sebastian. After the +battle of Alcacer Kebir he succeeded in escaping from captivity, +followed the cause of the Prior of Crato, and was imprisoned +under Philip II. In his book, in twenty dialogues, <i>Miscellanea +do Sitio de N. Sᵃ da Lvz do Pedrogão Grande</i> (1629), he disclaims +any purpose of writing history. It reveals an inquiring and +observant but uncritical mind, interested in fossils, inscriptions, +astrology, the early history of Portugal, etymology, heraldry, and +the ‘infinite wonderful secrets of Nature daily being revealed’. +It contains a graphic account of his escape from Fez, but on the +whole, in spite of attractive passages and interesting details, +scarcely merits its great reputation. <i>Do Sitio de Lisboa</i> (1608), +which Mello praises as <i>aquelle elegantissimo livro</i>, by the author +of <i>Arte Militar</i> (1612), <span class="smcap">Luis Mendes de Vasconcellos</span>, is +written in the form of a dialogue between a philosopher, a +soldier, and a politician, and deserves its place among the +minor classics of Portuguese literature.</p> + +<p>The famous love letters of the Portuguese nun <span class="smcap">Marianna Alcoforado</span> +(1640-1723), which bring a breath of life and nature +into the stilted writing of that day, only belong to Portuguese +literature in the sense that Osorio’s history belongs to it—by +translation. They first appeared in indifferent French (<i>Lettres +Portvgaises</i>, Paris, 1669) and were not retranslated, or, if we accept +the theory that the nun originally wrote them in French<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a>—French +<i>suranné et dénué d’élégance</i>—translated into Portuguese for a +century and a half: <i>Cartas de uma Religiosa Portugueza</i> (1819).<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> +Meanwhile, even before their obscure author died in the remote<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</span> +and beautiful city of Beja, they had been translated into English +and Italian and had received over fifty French editions. Colonel +(later Marshal) Noël Bouton, Comte de Saint-Léger, afterwards +Marquis de Chamilly (1636-1715), accompanied the French +troops sent to help Portugal against Spain, and was in Portugal +from 1665 to 1667. Marianna Alcoforado, belonging to an old +Alentejan family, was a nun in the convent of Nossa Senhora +da Conceição at Beja. Her five letters, written between the end +of 1667 and the middle of 1668 after her desertion, in their artlessness, +contradictions, and disorder, vibrate with emotion. +They are a succession of intense cries like the popular quatrain:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Por te amar deixei a Deus:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ve lá que gloria perdi!</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E agora vejo-me só,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sem Deus, sem gloria, sem ti.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Sometimes, it is true, a trace of French reason seems to mingle +with the ingenuous Portuguese sentiment, and it is almost +incredible, although of course not impossible, since <i>omnia vincit +amor</i>, that the nun should have written certain passages. From +these and not on the amazing assumption of Rousseau that +a mere woman could not write so passionately—he was ready +to wager that the letters were the work of a man<a id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a>—one may +suspect that the lover, who did not scruple to hand over the +letters to a publisher (unless he was merely guilty of showing +them to his friends), sank a little lower and edited them, adding +a phrase here and there more peculiarly pleasing to his vanity.<a id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> +In that case the nun actually wrote these letters, full of passion +and despair, and perhaps in French, to her French lover; but +we only read them as they were touched up for publication by +another hand.</p> + +<p>A work which has nothing in common with these fervent +love letters except an enigmatic origin is the <i>Arte de Furtar</i>, +which in part at least probably belongs to the seventeenth<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</span> +century. It is a curious and amusing treatise on the noble +art of thieving in all kinds, private and official, civil and military. +Its anecdotes are racy if not original. Two of the happiest +incidents (in caps. 6 and 41) are copied without acknowledgement +from <i>Lazarillo de Tormes</i>.<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> The author seems to have had +misgivings that he had presented his subject in too favourable +a light, for he ends by assuring his reader thieves that many +tons of worldly glory are not worth an ounce of eternal blessedness, +and promises them before long another ‘more liberal +treatise on the art of acquiring true glory’. These tardy +qualms did not save his book from the Index. The first edition, +purporting to be printed at Amsterdam, bears the date 1652<a id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a> +and attributes the work to Antonio Vieira. That attribution +may be set aside. Were there no other reasons for its rejection +it would suffice to read the book or even its title in order to +be convinced that it is not from the <i>veneravel penna</i> of that +great statesman and preacher. He might dabble in Bandarra +prophecies, but would scarcely have sunk to the picaresque +familiarities of the <i>Arte de Furtar</i> or occupy himself with the sad +habits of innkeepers, the long stitches of tailors, or the price +of straw. It has also been attributed, without adequate ground, +to Thomé Pinheiro da Veiga (1570?-1656), the author of a lively +account of the festivities at the Spanish Court and description +of Valladolid in 1605, entitled <i>Fastigimia</i> (it mentions Don +Quixote and Sancho (p. 119) but says nothing of Cervantes), +and to João Pinto Ribeiro (<i>c.</i> 1590-1649), the magistrate who +played a notable part in the Restoration of 1640 and wrote +various short treatises such as <i>Preferencia das Letras ás Armas</i> +(1645); and even less plausibly to <span class="smcap">Duarte Ribeiro de Macedo</span> +(1618?-80), statesman and diplomatist, an indifferent poet +but an excellent writer of prose and a careful although not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</span> +original historian. His halting verses and his treatises were +collected in his <i>Obras</i> (2 vols., 1743). Of the latter the <i>Summa +Politica</i> has been shown by Snr. Solidonio Leite<a id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> to be copied +almost word for word from the work of identical title by +<span class="smcap">D. Sebastião Cesar de Meneses</span> (†1672), Bishop of Oporto and +Archbishop of Braga. Both author and book were too well +known for Ribeiro de Macedo to claim it as his own. He seems +merely to have translated it from the original Latin published +at Amsterdam in 1650, a year after the first Portuguese edition. +The work is remarkable for acute thought and clear and concise +expression. A work of a similar character is the well-written <i>Arte +de Reinar</i> (1643) by <span class="smcap">P. Antonio Carvalho de Parada</span> (1595-1655). +The <i>Tratado Analytico</i> (1715), by <span class="smcap">Manuel Rodriguez Leitão</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1620-91), a controversial treatise written to prove the right +of Portugal to appoint bishops, is also the work of a good +stylist. Some would say the same of one of the best-known +books of the seventeenth century, the <i>Vida de Dom João de +Castro</i> (1651), by <span class="smcap">Jacinto Freire de Andrade</span> (1597-1657). +The author, born at Beja, was suspected at Madrid of nationalist +inclinations, and retired to his cure in the diocese of Viseu; after +the Restoration he refused the bishopric of Viseu. His book +has often been regarded as a model of Portuguese prose. Pompous +and emphatic,<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> it may be described as inflated Tacitus, or +rather a mixture of Tacitean phrases, conceits, and rhetorical +affectation. But if as a whole it is more akin to Castro’s garish +triumph at Goa than to the scientific spirit of his letters, it +scarcely deserves the severe strictures which followed excessive +praise<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a>: it might even become excellent if judiciously pruned +of antitheses and artifice.<a id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> The second Conde da Ericeira,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</span> +<span class="smcap">D. Fernando de Meneses</span> (1614-99), wrote a <i>Historia de +Tangere</i> (1732) and the <i>Vida e Acçoens d’El Rei D. João I</i> (1677), +which ends with an elaborate parallel between Julius Caesar +and the Master of Avis. Equally clear but far more artificial is +the style of the third Count, <span class="smcap">D. Luis de Meneses</span> (1632-90), in +the best-known historical work of the century in Portuguese: +<i>Historia de Portugal Restaurado</i> (2 pts., 1679, 98). Its author +ended his life by leaping from an upper window into the garden +of his palace on a May morning in a fit of melancholy.</p> + +<p>The great prose-writer of the century, <span class="smcap">Antonio Vieira</span> (1608-97), +was born in the same year and city as D. Francisco Manuel +de Mello and spent a life as unquiet. He was not literary in the +same sense as Mello, but he has always been considered one of +the great classics of the Portuguese language. He was the son +of Cristovam Vieira Ravasco, <i>escrivão das devassas</i> at Lisbon, +but at the age of seven he accompanied his parents to Brazil +(1615) and began his education in the Jesuit college at Bahia. +In 1623, by his own ardent wish, long opposed by his parents, +he became a Jesuit novice and professed in the following year. +Before he was thirty he was Professor of Theology in the Bahia +college and a celebrated preacher, the sermons in which he encouraged +the citizens of Bahia in the war against the Dutch being +especially eloquent. In 1641 he was chosen with Padre Simão de +Vasconcellos to accompany D. Fernando de Mascarenhas, son of +the viceroy, to Europe in order to congratulate King João IV on +his accession. Vieira preached in the Royal Chapel on New +Year’s Day, 1642. Both his sermons and his conversation greatly +impressed the king, and from 1641 to the end of the reign +(1656) his influence was great although not unchallenged. They +were critical years in Portugal’s foreign policy, and Vieira, who +refused a bishopric but was appointed Court preacher, was +entrusted with several important missions—to Paris and The +Hague (February-July 1646), London, Paris, and The Hague +(1647-8), and Rome (1650). In 1652 he returned to Brazil +as a missionary in Maranhão, and during two years roused the +bitter hostility of the settlers by his protection of the slaves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</span> +or rather by his opposition to slavery. In 1655 he again left +Lisbon for Maranhão,<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> and during five arduous years showed +unfailing courage and energy in dealing with natives and settlers. +The latter in 1661 attacked the mission-house and arrested +and expelled the Jesuits. At home King João, Vieira’s friend, +was dead. Differences arose between the Queen Regent +supported by Vieira, and her son, and one of the first acts of the +latter on taking power into his own hands was to banish Vieira +to Oporto and later to Coimbra. Here in the spring of 1665<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> +he wrote that curious work <i>Historia do Futuro</i> (1718), which +was to interpret Portugal’s destiny by the light of old prophecies, +but of which only the introduction (<i>livro anteprimeiro</i>) was +printed. An even stranger book, in which he had paid serious +attention politically to the prophecies of Bandarra, was +denounced in 1663, and in October 1665 Vieira was consigned +to the prison of the Inquisition at Coimbra. His sentence +was not read till 1667 (December 24), and it condemned +him to seclusion in a college or convent of his Order and to +perpetual silence in matters of religion. The deposition of +King Afonso VI (1667) and the accession of his brother Pedro II +altered Vieira’s prospects, and his eloquent voice was again +heard in the pulpit. After preaching before the Court in Lent +1669 he proceeded to Rome on business of the Company and spent +six years there. He preached several times in Italian, and +Queen Christina of Sweden, who had settled in Rome in 1655, +offered him the post of preacher and confessor, which he refused. +In August 1675 he returned to Lisbon, where he was coldly +received by the Prince Regent, and in 1681 retired to Brazil. +In the same year he was burnt in effigy by the mob at Coimbra. +A special brief given to him by the Pope secured his person from +the attacks of the Inquisition. But even at Bahia he was not +free from troubles and intrigues. His activity continued +to the end of his long life. In 1688 he preached in Bahia +Cathedral, and was Visitor of the Province of Brazil from +1688 to 1691. Even in 1695 we find him, although feeble and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</span> +broken, writing letters and eager to finish his <i>Clavis Prophetica</i><a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a> +(or <i>Prophetarum</i>), which now lies in manuscript in the +Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris and elsewhere. Seventy +years earlier he had been entrusted by the Jesuits with the +composition of the annual Latin letters of the Company. +Vieira’s vein of caustic satire no doubt made him numerous +enemies and increased the difficulties which his advocacy of +the Jews and slaves and his fearless stand against injustice +and oppression were certain to produce. Ambitious and fond +of power, he could devote himself to causes which entailed a life +of toil and poverty. An energetic if unsuccessful diplomatist, an +ingenious thinker, a statesman of far-reaching views, he was also a +fantastic dreamer, but his dreams and restlessness rarely affected +the sanity of his judgement. The works of this great writer and +extraordinary man are an inexhaustible mine of pure and vigorous +prose, at its best in his numerous <i>Cartas</i>, written in <i>selecta +et propria dictio, nusquam verbis indulgens sed rebus inhaerens</i>. +A Portuguese critic, Dias Gomes, notes his ’sustained elegance’, +and we may sometimes sigh for an interval of Mello’s familiarity +or Frei Luis de Sousa’s charm. In his famous <i>Sermões</i> he +bowed intermittently to the taste of the time for conceit and +artifice. He condemned the practice in a celebrated sermon, +but indeed a certain humorous quaintness was not foreign to his +temperament, and in the obscurity, at least, of the <i>cultos</i> he never +indulged. When inspired by patriotism or indignation his words +soar beyond cold reason and colder conceits to a fiery eloquence. +Among writers whom he influenced was the Benedictine <span class="smcap">Frei +João dos Prazeres</span> (1648-1709), of whose principal work, +<i>O Principe dos Patriarchas S. Bento</i>, or <i>Empresas de S. Bento</i>, +only the first two volumes were published. Closer imitators +of Vieira were <span class="smcap">Frei Francisco de Santa Maria</span> (1653-1713), +author of <i>O Ceo Aberto na Terra</i> (1697) and many sermons, +and the Jesuit preacher <span class="smcap">Antonio de Sá</span> (1620-78), whose +<i>Sermões Varios</i> appeared in 1750.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581" class="label">[581]</a> Bernardo de Brito, no lover of Spain, bears witness to <i>o favor e benevolencia +com que trata os homens doutos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582" class="label">[582]</a> <i>De Crepusculis</i>, Preface. Martim Afonso de Miranda later (<i>Tempo de +Agora</i>, <i>prologo</i> to Pt. 2, 1624) writes of <i>a pouca curiosidade que hoje ha acerca +da lição dos liuros, como tambem o risco a que se expõem os que escreuem</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583" class="label">[583]</a> Menéndez y Pelayo set Mello above all except his friend Quevedo.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584" class="label">[584]</a> Mr. Edgar Prestage discovered his baptismal certificate and established +the date (1608) beyond doubt, though it is still often given as 1611. On his +mother’s side Mello was great-grandson of the historian Duarte Nunez de Leam.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585" class="label">[585]</a> Prefatory letter to <i>Las tres Mvsas del Melodino</i> (1649): <i>el lenguaje +estrangero tan poco es favorable al que compone</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586" class="label">[586]</a> He was writing it in January 1650.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587" class="label">[587]</a> <i>Historia de los movimientos y separacion de Cataluña y de la guerra</i>, &c. +Lisboa, 1645.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588" class="label">[588]</a> On his release after four months of imprisonment the Count-Duke Olivares +said to him: <i>Ea, caballero, ha sido un erro, pero erro con causa.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589" class="label">[589]</a> The first five years were, in his own words, rigorous. In 1650 he was +removed from the <i>Torre Velha</i> to the Lisbon <i>Castello</i>, and thenceforth enjoyed +greater liberty. He had been transferred from the Torre de Belem to the <i>Torre +Velha</i> on the left bank of the Tagus in 1646.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590" class="label">[590]</a> The document was discovered by Dr. Braga and published in his <i>Os +Seiscentistas</i> (1916), p. 339.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591" class="label">[591]</a> <i>Approbatio of Cartas</i>, Roma, 1664.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592" class="label">[592]</a> A copy of this rare and curious work exists in the Lisbon Biblioteca +Nacional (<i>Res.</i> 264 v.). It contains 71 ff. divided into four parts. The author, +in his apophthegms on the character of women, quotes the classics widely, +and refers to the Uthopia [so] of Sir Thomas More and to <i>Celestina</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593" class="label">[593]</a> <i>Relaçam</i>, 1842 ed., p. 233.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594" class="label">[594]</a> His digressions are methodical: <i>por este modo de historiar (que é aquelle +que eu desejo ler) pretendo escrever sempre</i> (<i>Epan.</i> ii). In <i>Epan.</i> i he says: +<i>Refiro, pode ser com demasia, todos os accidentes deste negocio.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595" class="label">[595]</a> He re-wrote this <i>Epanaphora</i> twice, the first two versions having been lost.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596" class="label">[596]</a> Cf. <i>Visita das Fontes</i> (<i>Ap. Dial.</i> 3), 1900 ed., p. 89: <i>cada qual desde +o logar em que está acha uma linha muito junto de si que é o caminho por onde +pode ir a Deus</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597" class="label">[597]</a> Cf. <i>Hospital das Lettras</i> (<i>Ap. Dial.</i> 4), 1900 ed., p. 114: <i>por falta de +cuidar cada um em se aproveitar deste mundo o que delle lhe toca, o lançam todos +a perder todos juntos do modo que vemos</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598" class="label">[598]</a> <i>Relogios Fallantes</i> (<i>Ap. Dial.</i> 1).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599" class="label">[599]</a> <i>Escriptorio Avarento</i> (<i>Ap. Dial.</i> 2).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600" class="label">[600]</a> <i>Visita das Fontes</i> (<i>Ap. Dial.</i> 3).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601" class="label">[601]</a> Cf. the backwoodsman described by Couto as <i>algum fidalgo criado lá +na Beira que nunca vio o Rei</i> (<i>Dialogo do Sold. Prat.</i>, p. 31).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602" class="label">[602]</a> Cf. <i>Aulegrafia</i> (1619), f. 85 v.: <i>emendar a Natureza</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603" class="label">[603]</a> Edgar Prestage, <i>Esboço</i>, pp. 128-9.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604" class="label">[604]</a> Like another equally brilliant soldier historian, Napier, he rarely spells +a foreign word aright. Cf. <i>Epanaphoras</i>, p. 204: <i>A este nome</i> Milord <i>corresponde +no estado feminil o nome</i> Léde. Falmouth, where he had actually been, +becomes Valmud, the Isle of Wight Huyt, Whitehall Huythal, the Earl of +Northumberland Notaborlan (Brito has Northũbria).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605" class="label">[605]</a> A more personal and picaresque satirist was <span class="smcap">D. Thomas de Noronha</span> +(†1651), whose works were collected by Dr. Mendes dos Remedios in his +<i>Subsidios</i>, vol. ii: <i>Poesias Ineditas de D. Thomás de Noronha</i> (Coimbra, 1899). +The satiric poem <i>Os Ratos da Inquisição</i> by <span class="smcap">Antonio Serrão de Castro</span> +(1610-85) was first published by Castello Branco in 1883.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606" class="label">[606]</a> Vol. iii contains a poem by Jacinto Freire de Andrade with the same title.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607" class="label">[607]</a> <i>Fenix Ren.</i> ii. 406; iii. 225; v. 376.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608" class="label">[608]</a> Hers is the deplorable pun of a superior superior:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Que se Prior sois agora</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sempre fostes suprior.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609" class="label">[609]</a> The real title of the first (1623) edition is <i>Dos Novissimos de Dom Francisco +Rolim de Moura</i>. Adam is conducted by his son Abel through Hell and comforted +by a vision of Paradise. As he is the first man and only Abel has +died, he must forgo Dante’s pleasure in meeting his personal enemies there, +but there is something perhaps even more awful in the thought of the emptiness +of these <i>infinitos logares</i> (iii. 48). Virgil’s <i>Facilis descensus</i>, &c., is +translated in two lines of great badness: <i>Onde descer he cousa tão factivel +Quanto tornar atraz tem de impossivel</i> (iii. 36).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610" class="label">[610]</a> <i>Nihil tamen eo vivente excussum nisi Solitudines (hoc est Saudades)</i>, says +the <i>Theatrum</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611" class="label">[611]</a> e.g. (x. 126):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Hũa montanha e serra inhabitada</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Se erguia ao ar, em cuja corpulenta</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Espalda....</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612" class="label">[612]</a> ii. 30-49:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Do undoso leito, donde repousava</div> + <div class="verse indent0">O mar, &c.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613" class="label">[613]</a> xii. 79: <i>Sou fragil lenho.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614" class="label">[614]</a> In the storm in canto 2 (<i>Eis que o ceo de improuiso se escurece</i>) he seems +to have realized that Camões’ description could not be improved upon.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615" class="label">[615]</a> Numerous other academies of the same kind came into being in this and +the first half of the next century. Most of their members now belong to the +(Brazilian) <i>Academia dos Esquecidos</i>—the Forgotten.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616" class="label">[616]</a> The slip in the second letter by which in the French version not the +Beja Mertola Gate but Mertola itself is seen from the convent, does not favour +this theory, which recently has been sustained by the Conde de Sabugosa. +This passage is held to be a convincing proof, were such proof needed, of the +genuineness of the letters. It is rather a proof of the reality of the love +intrigue than of the nun’s authorship. If Chamilly, for the edification of his +vanity, were fabricating such a letter, what more likely than that he should +wish to add his note of local colour and remembered vaguely the word Mertola +in connexion with the view from the convent terrace? What he could scarcely +have invented or expressed is the real depth of feeling.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617" class="label">[617]</a> Seven spurious letters, and subsequently others, were added in many of +the editions. Filinto Elysio translated the twelve.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618" class="label">[618]</a> <i>Je parierais tout au monde que les Lettres portugaises ont été écrites par un +homme.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619" class="label">[619]</a> e.g. ‘You told me frankly that you were in love with a lady in your own +country’ (letter 2). ‘Were you not ever the first to leave for the front, the +last to return?’ (5). ‘My passion increases every instant’ (4). ‘I do not +repent having adored you. I am glad that you betrayed me’ (3).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620" class="label">[620]</a> Ed. H. Butler Clarke (1897), pp. 17-18 and 65-7.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621" class="label">[621]</a> The 1652 edition speaks of <i>coroneis</i> (p. 277) who, it has been argued, were +called <i>mestres de campo</i> till 1708 (Goes, however, in his <i>Cron. de D. Manuel</i>, +1619 ed., f. 213, has <i>os fez todos quatro coroneis de mil homens</i>; cf. Gil Vicente, +i. 234: <i>Corregedor, coronel</i>); it refers (p. 393) to João IV as still alive +(†1656): <i>Que Deos guarde e prospere</i>. It would appear to have been written +at two periods, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, unless the +passages implying the earlier date are as deliberately misleading as the 1652 +title-page.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622" class="label">[622]</a> <i>Classicos Esquecidos</i> (Rio de Janeiro, 1915). Duarte de Macedo in his +dedicatory letter says: ‘I have taken this <i>Summa Politica</i> from the Latin +and Italian languages.’ ‘I do not offer it as my own, because I restore it +to your Highness as yours’, so that he had armed himself against such +charges of plagiarism.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623" class="label">[623]</a> It loses nothing in Sir Peter Wyche’s translation. Cf. the account of +Castro’s first arrival at Goa: ‘When the entry was to be, the two Governours +were in a Faluque with gilded Oars, and an awning of divers-coloured silks; +the Castles and Ships entertain’d ’em with the horrour of reiterated shootings, +the Vivas and expectation of the common people did without any cunning +flatter the new Government, &c.’</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624" class="label">[624]</a> <i>Cada clausula he filha da eloquencia mats sublime</i>, &c. (Barbosa Machado).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625" class="label">[625]</a> e.g. 1759 ed., p. 342: <i>cujas ruinas serião de sua fama os elogios maiores</i> + would be straightened out from Latin into Portuguese: <i>serião os maiores +elogios de sua fama</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626" class="label">[626]</a> On his homeward voyage in 1654 he had suffered from a violent storm, +and was only saved by a Dutch pirate who landed the passengers of the +Portuguese ship at the Ilha Graciosa without their belongings.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627" class="label">[627]</a> <i>Historia do Futuro</i> (1718), p. 93.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628" class="label">[628]</a> See letters from Bahia, July 22, 1695.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="V">V<br><span class="small">1706-1816</span></h2></div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="IV_2"><i>The Eighteenth Century</i></h3> +</div> + + +<p>The eighteenth century did not kill literature in Portugal any +more than in other countries, but poetry had lost its lyrism, and +under the influence of French and English writers assumed +a scientific, philosophical, or utilitarian character. No mighty +genius arose in Portuguese literature at the bidding of João V +(1706-50), but the king’s lavish patronage gave an impulse, and +he founded the <i>Academia Real de Historia</i> in 1720. A crop of +scholars and poets followed in the second half of the century, +so that it was not without some unfairness that Giuseppe +Baretti wrote of the Portuguese in 1760 that <i>di letteratura +non hanno punto fama d’essere soverchio ghiotti ... quel poco +que scrivono, sia in prosa sia in verso, è tutto panciuto e pettoruto</i>.<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> +It was the age of Arcadias: the famous <i>Arcadia Ulyssiponense</i><a id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> +(1756-74) and the <i>Nova Arcadia</i> founded in 1790 +(i. e. precisely a century after the Italian <i>Arcadia</i>). All the +poets of the century belonged to one or other of these societies +or made their mark as <i>dissidentes</i> from them. One of the founders +of the <i>Nova Arcadia</i>, <span class="smcap">Francisco Joaquim Bingre</span> (1763-1856), +lived on into the middle of the nineteenth century, and a few +of his poems were collected under the title <i>O Moribundo Cysne +do Vouga</i> (1850). A typical eighteenth-century poet is <span class="smcap">D. Francisco +Xavier de Meneses</span> (1673-1743), fourth Conde da Ericeira, +who in turning to literature was but following the traditions +of his family. A staunch defender of pure Portuguese against +those who, he said, disfigure and corrupt the language by the +introduction of foreign words and phrases, he wrote a large<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</span> +number of works in prose and in verse. The best known of +them is his <i>Henriqueida</i> (1741), a heroic poem on the conquest +of Portugal by Count Henry in twelve long cantos of prosaic +<i>oitavas</i>. It may contain lines more inspiring than these:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">E a contramina fabricou Roberto,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Da mina conhecendo o lugar certo,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">but they do not really differ greatly from the rest of the poem. +The large quantity of poetry still written at the beginning of +the century had met with severe criticism in Frei Lucas de +Santa Catharina’s <i>Seram Politico</i>. He slyly calls the <i>egloga +campestre</i> ‘<i>poesia ervada</i>’. The objects of the <i>Arcadia</i> of 1756 +were to free Portuguese literature from foreign influences and +restore the purity of the language. If to some extent it merely +substituted French or Italian influence for Spanish, its cry was +also back to the classics and to the Portuguese <i>quinhentistas</i>. +As to the language its services were invaluable, for at a time +when French influence was great in Portugal and in the rest of +Europe it checked the use of gallicisms; as to literature the +attempt to write poetry on an ordered plan was perhaps foredoomed +to failure: it plodded along in an artificial atmosphere +of Roman gods and antiquities, and became hidebound in +imitation of the Horatian ode.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pedro Antonio Corrêa Garção</span> (1724-72), one of the first +members and most prominent poets of the <i>Arcadia</i>, did good +service in his determined efforts to deliver his country’s literature +from foreign imitations and the false affectation of the time, +and to revert to the classics, Greek, Roman, and Portuguese. +He even prophesied that Gil Vicente’s day would come. His +master was Horace, <i>grande Horacio</i>, and his Horatian odes, if +they show no remarkable lyrical gift, have a dry native flavour +in the purity of their language. He was also successful in +reviving the cultivation of blank verse. There is a fine sound +in some of the sonnets in which he sings Marilia, Lydia, Belisa, +Maria, Nise, writes to a friend to ask for a doubloon or for +Spanish tobacco, sends birthday congratulations or laughs at +a bald priest: the themes are mostly of this level. His satirical +vein is marked in his two short comedies in blank verse, <i>Theatro<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</span> +Novo</i>, a skit on the drama then in vogue, and <i>Assemblêa ou +Partida</i>, in which certain Lisbon types are ridiculed and which +contains the famous and much overpraised <i>Cantata de Dido</i>. +Corrêa Garção’s days ended tragically in prison. The motive of +his arrest is not clear. Tradition wavers between a love intrigue +and political reasons,<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> and declares that the Marques de Pombal, +whom he had offended, signed the order for his release on the very +day of the poet’s death after eighteen months of imprisonment.</p> + +<p>Pombal was effusively praised by <span class="smcap">Domingos dos Reis Quita</span> +(1728-70), a Lisbon hairdresser who wrote bucolic poetry +melodiously, but with perhaps even less originality than we +have learnt to expect in that kind since the time when Virgil +mistranslated Theocritus. The influence of Bernardez and +Camões is clear,<a id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> in many passages too clear, and he had undoubtedly +caught something of their skill and harmony in +technique. But his poems leave the impression that he had no +real feeling for the rustic life which they describe; no doubt +he was more at home with the scissors than with the faithful +Melampus or the nymphs and shepherd’s pipe. When he is relating +an event, such as the earthquake of 1755, which touched him +nearly, his ready flow of verse deserts him, in spite of his skill +in improvisation,<a id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> although the sonnet written on the same +occasion, <i>Por castigar, Senhor</i>, stands out with a certain majesty +from most of his other sonnets, which are mere slices of eclogue. +If his mellifluous idylls show no individuality, his return to the +classic poets of Portugal was, as with other Arcadian poets, +a welcome change from the Spanish influence, the <i>mao uso</i>, as +he calls it, of ‘rude strangers from the Manzanares’ (Eclogue 6). +His tragedies and pastoral drama <i>Licore</i> are not more original.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</span> +One of his tragedies, <i>Inés de Castro</i>, suggested that of João +Baptista Gomes (†1813), <i>Nova Castro</i>, which had a great vogue +in its day but is now scarcely more remembered than <i>Osmia</i> +(1788), a tragedy of which the blank verse has vigour, although +it is often scarcely distinguishable from prose. This play, +published anonymously, was long attributed to Antonio de +Araujo de Azevedo (1754-1817), but its real author was D. +Theresa de Mello Breyner, Condessa de Vimieiro, who married +her cousin, the fourth Count, in 1767.</p> + +<p>It was a cruel kindness to edit the works of <span class="smcap">Antonio Diniz +da Cruz e Silva</span> (1731-99) in six volumes, for, despite the fame of +his high-flown Pindaric odes, his three centuries of sonnets and his +other lyrics are not of conspicuous merit and are often imitative. +Having nothing to say, <i>Elpino Nonacriense</i>, like too many of +the Arcadian poets, said it at inordinate length. <i>Que enorme +confusão!</i> he exclaims in an elegy on the Lisbon earthquake, +and most of his poems are on a like plane of thought and expression. +The son of a <i>Sargento Môr</i>,<a id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> he was born at Lisbon, and +after studying law at Coimbra was appointed a judge at Castello +de Vide. With Manuel Nicolau Esteves Negrão (†1824) and +Theotonio Gomes de Carvalho (†1800) he founded the <i>Arcadia +Ulyssiponense</i>, of which he drew up the statutes in September +1756. The first aim of these early Arcadians was, as we have +noticed, to break the shackles of Spanish influence and <i>gongorismo</i>, +which was, indeed, on the wane in the land of its birth. +Diniz da Cruz’ own poems were written in good idiomatic +Portuguese. In <i>O Hyssope</i> he satirizes with telling vigour the +use of gallicisms, and his comedy <i>O Falso Heroismo</i> is thoroughly +Portuguese in subject and treatment. From 1764 to 1774 he +was stationed at Elvas, and here a quarrel between the bishop, +D. Lourenço de Lancastre, and the dean, D. José Carlos de Lara, +furnished him with the subject of his celebrated mock-heroic +poem <i>O Hyssope</i>. The legend runs that he was summoned to +read his satire to the all-powerful Pombal in the presence of the +infuriated bishop, and that the poem proved too much for the +gravity of the minister, who appointed him a judge at Rio de<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</span> +Janeiro (1776). Thence he was transferred to Oporto (1787), +but in 1790 was again appointed to Rio de Janeiro, and showed +himself merciless in sentencing the Brazilian poets Claudio +Manuel da Costa, Gonzaga, and Ignacio José de Alvarengo +Peixoto (1748-93), accused of conspiring to secure the independence +of their country. <i>O Hyssope</i> was first published in +1802, three years after the author’s death. The idea of the +poem was derived from Boileau’s <i>Le Lutrin</i>. Boileau would +have been horrified by its eight cantos of slovenly and monotonous +blank verse, which often scarcely rises above prose; +but as a satire on the times and in its grotesque portraiture of +prelate and lawyer and notary it is sometimes irresistibly comic. +The mock-heroic <i>Benteida</i>, written by <span class="smcap">Alexandre Antonio +de Lima</span> of Lisbon (1699-<i>c.</i> 1760?) and published fifty years +before <i>O Hyssope</i>, consisted of three cantos of <i>oitavas</i>. Two +editions appeared in 1752, published at ‘Constantinople’ as +written by ‘Andronio Meliante Laxaed’. Pedro de Azevedo +Tojal (†1742) had used the same metre for his <i>Foguetario</i> (1729). +The burlesque poem <i>O Reino da Estupidez</i> (1819), written in +four cantos of easily-flowing blank verse by the Brazilians +Francisco de Mello Franco (1757-1823) and José Bonifacio de +Andrade e Silva (1763-1838), is professedly an imitation of +<i>aquelle activo e discreto Diniz na Hyssopaïda</i>, only the butt here is +not the Chapter of Elvas but the professors of Coimbra University.</p> + +<p>Like the less celebrated poet son of an Alentejan painter, +<span class="smcap">José Anastasio da Cunha</span> (1744-87), artillery officer, mathematician, +Professor of Geometry at Coimbra, who translated +Pope and Voltaire and had milk in his tea and buttered +toast on a fast-day, <span class="smcap">Francisco Manuel do Nascimento</span> +(1734-1819), better known as <i>Filinto Elysio</i>,<a id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> was denounced +to the Inquisition. His thrilling escape in the year of +Cunha’s condemnation for apostasy and heresy (1778) brought +him almost as much fame as his poems. The son of a Lisbon +lighterman and a humble <i>varina</i>,<a id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> he was accused of not believing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</span> +in the Flood and of throwing ridicule on the doctrine of original +sin, and by another witness of being simply an atheist. He +succeeded in locking up in his own rooms the official sent to arrest +him early on the 4th of July, hid for eleven days in Lisbon, +and then, disguised as a poor man carrying a load of oranges, +escaped on a boat bound for Havre. Had this persecution come +earlier, the disquieting atmosphere of Paris, into which he was +now transplanted and where, except for a few years at The +Hague, he lived for the rest of his life, might have given some +originality to his talent. But his mind and poetic style were +already fixed, and through every political disturbance he continued +his steady flow of Horatian odes and similar artificial +verse. He wrote for seventy years (Lamartine notes the <i>précoces +faveurs</i> of his muse), and at the age of sixty-four calculated that +he had already composed 730,000 lines, probably too modest an +estimate. He received by royal decree an amnesty and the +restoration of his property, but never returned to Portugal. +His influence on younger Portuguese poets was nevertheless +great. Bocage, when his verses were praised by the older +poet, exclaimed:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Filinto, o gran cantor, prezou meus versos</div> + <div class="verse indent0">... Posteridade, és minha!</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>His influence was bad and good. It encouraged a dry and +artificial classicism, but also careful versification in pure Portuguese. +Although the poems of Lamartine’s <i>divin Manuel</i> are +no longer even by his countrymen held to be divine, they may +be read with satisfaction by virtue of their indigenous expressions +and a hundred and one allusions to popular traditions. +It was by these characteristics that he expressed his revolt from +the <i>Arcadia</i>. Half a long life spent in Paris was unable to imbue +Filinto with the <i>mimo de fallar luso-gallico</i>, against which he +vigorously protested to the end. This purity of style gives +excellence to the many translations which he was obliged to +write for a bare livelihood, and his native land is present even +in his closest imitations of Horace (Falernian becomes <i>louro +Carcavellos</i>). Unfortunately his contemporaries and successors +were not always so discreet.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</span></p> + +<p>The genial satirist <span class="smcap">Nicolau Tolentino</span> (1741-1811), son of +a Lisbon advocate, after studying law at Coimbra spent some +years teaching rhetoric to the raw youth (<i>bisonhos rapazes</i>) of +Lisbon. He was perpetually discontented with his lot or ready +to profess himself so. ‘Long years have I already spent in +begging,’ he says candidly, ‘and shall perhaps pass my whole +life in the same way.’ He harps on his poverty; the kitchen, +he complains, is the coolest room in his house. In 1781 he +obtained a comfortable post in the civil service, his poems were +printed for him in two volumes twenty years later, he would +receive a pheasant from one friend, a Sunday dinner of turkey +from another, he acknowledges a thousand benefits, and still +begs on. Before he had had time to grow rich the habit had +become incurable. His was no lyrical gift, but he imitated with +success the <i>quintilhas</i> of Sá de Miranda,<a id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> in which much of his +work is composed (<i>O Bilhar</i> is in <i>oitavas</i>). He writes naturally; +his style is thoroughly Portuguese, often prosaic. His satire, +repressed for personal reasons rather than from any failure of wit +or talent, reducible to silence by the gift of a pheasant, lacks independence +and thought, but sheds a gentle light on the manners +of the time—on the travelled coxcomb who returns to Portugal +affecting almost to have forgotten Portuguese, or the rich nun +who knows by heart whole volumes of the <i>Fenix Renascida</i>—and +one or two of his entertaining sonnets are likely to endure. +The <i>Obras Poeticas</i> of the <span class="smcap">Marquesa de Alorna</span> (1750-1839), +in Arcadia <i>Alcippe</i>, are now more often praised than read, but +her poetry is scarcely inferior to that of many even more celebrated +writers of the time. As a child she defied the anger +of the Marques de Pombal. She was detained with her sister +Maria and her mother D. Leonor de Almeida in the convent of +Chellas from the age of eight till the death of King José (1777). +Two years later she married the Count of Oeynhausen, who +became minister at Vienna in 1780. After his death in 1793 +she lived partly in England, but spent the last twenty-five years +of her life in the neighbourhood of Lisbon, and exercised considerable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</span> +influence on young writers—not Garrett but Bocage, +and especially Herculano—and thus with Macedo formed a link +between the poets of the <i>Arcadia</i> and the nineteenth century. +Her works contain over 2,000 pages of verse. There are sonnets +and odes, eclogues, elegies, epistles, translations or paraphrases +of Homer, Horace, Claudian (<i>De raptu Proserpinae</i>), Pope +(<i>Essay on Criticism</i>), Wieland, Thomson’s <i>Seasons</i>, Goldsmith, +Gray, Lamartine, and the Psalms. There is a long poem on botany +which notices more than a hundred kinds of scented geranium, +and indeed the range of her subjects is very wide, from May +fireflies to the ‘barbarous climate’ of England, from Leibniz +to the ascent of Robertson in a balloon. Classical allusions are +everywhere; she even drags in Cocytus in a sonnet on the +death of her infant son. At the same time we have a constant +sense of high ideals and love of liberty.</p> + +<p>The compositions of the ‘pale, limber, odd-looking young +man’, which ‘thrilled and agitated’ William Beckford in 1787, +now scarcely move us, vanished the fire and glow which <span class="smcap">Bocage</span> +(1765-1805) brought to his improvisations. For the reader they +are for the most part <i>carboni spenti</i>. His parents were a Portuguese +judge and the daughter of a French vice-admiral in the +Portuguese Navy, and he enlisted in an infantry regiment in +the town of his birth, Setubal, in 1779. Ten years later he +deserted at Damão, and after wandering in China reached +Macao and thence Goa, which he still found a stepmother to +poets, and Lisbon. Here he continued to live a dissipated life, +till in 1797 his revolutionary opinions and his poem <i>A Pavorosa +Illusão da Eternidade</i> brought him first to the Limoeiro and +then for a few months to the prison of the Inquisition. His +unstable romantic spirit was influenced as much by the French +Revolution during the latter years of his life as by the wish in +his youth to become a second Camões, but he wrote an elegy on +the execution of Queen Marie Antoinette, which he described as +‘a crime from Hell’. He supported life during his last years +principally by translation. He was himself his chief enemy, +and he was also the victim of the critics who applauded his +improvisations until he no longer distinguished between poetry +and prose, sense and absurdity. No better Portuguese pendant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</span> +to the celebrated line of blank verse ‘A Mr. Wilkinson, a clergyman’ +will be found than that in one of Bocage’s elegies: <i>Carpido +objecto meu, carpido objecto</i>. The undoubted talent of <i>Elmano +Sadino</i>, as he was in Arcadia, was thus frittered away in occasional +verse in which his fecund gift of satire found expression, and +a great poet was lost to Portuguese literature. His impromptu +sallies against rival poets, such as Macedo, brought him contemporary +fame, but in some of his poems, especially the sonnets, +we have proof of a possibility of greater things. No doubt his +work is disfigured by pompous phrases<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> and hollow classical +allusions. He did not always rise above the bad taste of the +period; he was unable to concentrate his talent or separate +prosaic from poetical subjects. Thus he sang of an ascent in +a <i>balão aerostatico</i> in 1794, and saw in the <i>vil mosquito</i> a proof +of the existence of God. But his was nevertheless a very real +and above all a very Portuguese inspiration,<a id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> and some of his +sonnets have force and grandeur and hover on the fringes of +beauty, especially when they voice his unaffected enthusiasm +for Portugal’s past greatness and heroes.</p> + +<p>One of the foremost poets of the <i>Nova Arcadia</i> was <span class="smcap">Belchior +Manuel Curvo Semedo</span> (1766-1838), two volumes of whose +<i>Composições Poeticas</i> appeared in 1803. A crowd of secondary +lights revolved round the great planets of the two <i>Arcadias</i>. The +poems of <i>Alfeno Cynthio</i>, <span class="smcap">Domingos Maximiano Torres</span> (1748-1810), +are not without vigour (<i>Versos</i>, 1791). Their unfortunate +author died a political prisoner at Trafaria. The gay and lively +Abbade of Jazente, <span class="smcap">Paulino Antonio Cabral</span><a id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> (1719-89), was +the son of an Oporto doctor, and was parish priest at Jazente +(near Amarante) from 1753 to 1784. His poems are still read for +their pleasant satire, but he was careless of literary fame. Some +of the sonnets of both these writers deserve not to be forgotten.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</span> +<span class="smcap">João Xavier de Mattos</span> (†1789), a fourth edition of whose <i>Rimas</i> +appeared in the year after his death, is now remembered chiefly +for some of his sonnets, as that beginning <i>Poz-se o sol</i>, with its +melancholy charm. He was a true but not a great or original poet. +Born at Oporto, the son of a Brazilian father and a Portuguese +mother, <span class="smcap">Thomas Antonio Gonzaga</span> (1744-1807?) was a judge +at Bahia when he was accused of taking part in the Republican +conspiracy of Minas Geraes (1789), and after three years’ imprisonment +was deported (1792) to Mozambique, where he died +several years after his sentence had expired. Some of his +Horatian and Anacreontic <i>lyras</i> in many metres, addressed to +Marilia and collected under the title <i>A Marilia de Dirceo</i> (<i>Dirceo</i> +being his Arcadian name), are graceful lyrics of an idyllic character. +Of the other poets implicated in the conspiracy, <span class="smcap">Claudio +Manuel da Costa</span> (1729-69), who was found dead in his prison +cell, was an Arcadian poet of the Italian school, and shows +a gentle love of Nature in his sonnets. Of the hundred sonnets +printed in his <i>Obras</i> (1768) some are in Italian. The eclogues +number twenty. In Brazil at this time, as earlier in Portugal, +patriotism if not poetry suggested epics. <span class="smcap">José Basilio da +Gama</span> (1740-95), who spent the greater part of his life in Portugal +and died at Lisbon, wrote <i>O Uraguay</i> (1769) in five cantos +of prosaic blank verse—an account of the struggle between +Portuguese and Indians. <span class="smcap">José de Santa Rita Durão</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1720-84), Doctor in Theology (Coimbra), composed an epic +entitled <i>Caramurú</i> (1781) on the discovery of Bahia in the +sixteenth century by Diogo Alvarez Corrêa. This poem in ten +cantos of <i>oitavas</i> is inferior to <i>O Uraguay</i>, but it contains some +interesting notes on the country and the customs of Brazil.<a id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a></p> + +<p>If a great poet lurked in Bocage, he had certainly never +existed in Bocage’s contemporary and rival in Arcadia, <span class="smcap">José +Agostinho de Macedo</span> (1761-1831), who lived to be confronted +by an even more formidable adversary in his old age, Almeida +Garrett. (In one of his fierce political letters he prays that +either he or Garrett may be sent to the galleys.) Born at Beja, +he took the vows as an Augustinian monk at Lisbon in 1778.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</span> +The future champion of law and order provoked the displeasure +of his superiors at Lisbon, Evora, Coimbra, Braga, Torres +Vedras, by his pranks and mutinies, his boisterous and dissipated +life. Methodical theft of books was one of his minor +failings. At last after fourteen years, his Order, tired of transferring +and imprisoning, formally expelled the delinquent in +1792. He, however, obtained recognition as a secular priest, +won fame as a preacher, and for the next forty years wrote in +verse and prose with an amazing copiousness.<a id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> He is said to +have composed a hundred Anacreontic odes in three days: +<i>Lyra Anacreontica</i> (1819). During the last three years of his +life, after he had, as he said, capitulated to the doctors, he +continued to write, although in great pain. His financial +circumstances did not require this effort. His works had brought +him considerable sums, he had become Court preacher and +chronicler, and had many friends in high places, including +Dom Miguel himself. His vanity was soothed, the unfrocked +Augustinian had won the regard of princes. But to this learned<a id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> +and splenetic priest virulent denunciation of his literary and +political opponents had become a necessity, and he was at +work on the twenty-seventh number of his periodical <i>O Desengano</i> +a fortnight before his death. He was spared the mortification +of seeing his enemies triumph in 1832. His character was not +amiable, and a large part of his life was unedifying, but there is +something fine in his unfailing energy, for by sheer energy he +imposed himself, and his self-conceit was so colossal as to be +virtually innocuous, while his real horror of revolution, a horror +based on experience, was expressed with persistency and courage. +He seems to have been quite honest in the belief that the poems +of Homer, which he could not read in the original, were worthless,<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> +and that his own <i>O Oriente</i> was a great epic. His utilitarian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</span> +conception of literature was inevitably fatal to his verse. He +wished to extend the boundaries of poetry.<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> He wrote a long +poem—four cantos of blank verse—on <i>Newton</i> (1813), recast +and increased to 3,560 lines under the title <i>Viagem Extatica +ao Templo da Sabedoria</i> (1830), because Newton had conferred +greater benefits on humanity than many a great conqueror (yet +so may a dentist). He composed a long poem, <i>Gama</i> (1811), +re-written as <i>O Oriente</i> (1814),<a id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> to show how Camões should have +written <i>Os Lusiadas</i>. His poem is no doubt more correct; it +observes all the rules, but unfortunately it lacks genius and is +as dull and turgid as Macedo’s other verse. A good word for +the sea in Portuguese is <i>mar</i>; the poets often call it <i>oceano</i>, +Camões had ventured to name it <i>o falso argento</i>, <i>o liquido estanho</i>, +<i>o fundo aquoso</i>, <i>o humido elemento</i>; with Macedo it becomes +<i>o tumido elemento</i> (or perhaps he adopted the phrase from +<i>Caramurú</i>, in which it occurs). We can scarcely blame Bocage +for labelling him <i>tumido versista</i>.<a id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> Among his other philosophical +poems are <i>Contemplação da Natureza</i> (1801), <i>A Meditação</i> (1813), +<i>A Natureza</i> (1846), and <i>A Creação</i> (1865), now not more often +read than his many odes and other verse. The most scandalous +of his satires is <i>Os Burros</i> (1827), in blank verse, in which he +lavishly and outrageously insults nearly all the writers of the +time, and which may have been suggested by Juan Pablo +Forner’s <i>El Asno Erudito</i> (1782). Like his poems, his dramatic +works usually have some ulterior object; their purpose is not +less practical than his pamphlets against <i>Os Sebastianistas</i> (1810) +or <i>Os Jesuitas</i> (1830): behind Ezelino and Beatriz in his tragedy +<i>Branca de Rossi</i> (1819) loom Napoleon and Joséphine, and the +prose comedy <i>A Impostura Castigada</i> (1822) is an attack upon +the doctors. The fact is that Macedo was essentially not a poet +or a dramatist or a philosopher, but a forcible and eloquent +pamphleteer. His philosophical letters and treatises, <i>A Verdade</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</span> +(1814), <i>O Homem</i> (1815), <i>Demonstração da Existencia de Deos</i> +(1816), <i>Cartas filosoficas a Attico</i> (1815), are at their best not +when he is developing a train of scientific thought but when +he is arguing <i>ad hominem</i>; and his literary criticism in <i>Motim +Literario</i> (1811) is primarily personal. As a critic militant he +has his merits, and he is pleasantly patriotic in denouncing the +glamour of <i>missangas estranjeiras</i>. But it is in his political +periodicals, pamphlets, and letters, <i>Cartas</i> (1821), <i>Cartas</i> (1827), +<i>Tripa virada</i> (1823), <i>Tripa por uma vez</i> (1823), <i>A Besta Esfolhada</i> +(1828-31), <i>O Desengano</i> (September 1830-September 1831), that +he puts forth all his spice and venom. Ponderous and angry +like a lesser Samuel Johnson, he bullies and crushes his opponents +in the raciest vernacular. He may be unscrupulous in argument, +but his idiomatic and vigorous prose will always be read with +pleasure.</p> + +<p>Macedo’s dramatic works were neither better nor worse than +those of other playwrights of the time. It was the professed +object of <span class="smcap">Manuel de Figueiredo</span> (1725-1801) to ‘write plays +morally and dramatically correct’. The effect of this didacticism +in the fourteen volumes of his <i>Theatro</i> (1804-15) is disastrous. +He wrote in prose and verse, but the plays in ordinary prose +are to be preferred, since in the others, like M. Jourdain, +he made <i>de la prose sans le savoir</i>. He wrote comedies, and +tragedies in which he is involuntarily comic. Even in <i>Ignez</i> +he keeps the even tenor of his dullness, and he warns the reader +in a preface that his Inés is not to be considered beautiful since +she was probably over thirty, and that her and Pedro’s passion +had had time to cool.<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> There is more life in the plays written +in a medley of prose and verse by <span class="smcap">Antonio José da Silva</span> +(1705-39), whom Southey considered ‘the best of their dramatic +writers’, but it is doubtful whether they would have received +any attention in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries had it +not been for the tragedy of their author’s life. He was born at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</span> +Rio de Janeiro, the son of Portuguese Jews, his mother had been +arrested by order of the Inquisition as early as 1712, and the +whole family came to Lisbon, where the father practised successfully +as a lawyer. In 1726 his mother was re-arrested, and this +time Antonio José with her. He was released after suffering +torture and publicly abjuring Jewish doctrines in an <i>auto da fé</i>. +Eleven years later, after studying at Coimbra and following his +father’s profession in Lisbon, he was again arrested, with his +wife—he had married his cousin despite the dangerous fact that +her mother had been burnt and she herself imprisoned by the +Inquisition—and on October 18, 1739, he was first strangled and +then burnt in an <i>auto da fé</i> at Lisbon. For some years (1733-8) +before his death the people of Lisbon had admired the plays of +‘the Jew’, as they called him, at the <i>Theatro do Bairro Alto</i>. +Of the eight plays that have survived in print it must be said +that they are for the most part very purposeless and ineffective. +He attracted his audience sometimes by wit, more often by sheer +farcical absurdity; the constant plays on words, the meaningless +snatches of verse interpolated, do not increase the interest, which +flags on every page because the author has not the slightest power +of concentration. The action at least is quick and varied; it +shows Silva’s inventive talent and explains the popularity of his +<i>galhofeiras comedias</i>,<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> however much it may weary the reader. +His plays with classical subjects are especially cold and dull, +<i>A Ninfa Syringa ou Amores de Pan e Syringa</i>,<a id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a> <i>Os Encantos de +Medea</i>,<a id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> <i>Esopaida</i>,<a id="FNanchor_651a" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> <i>Amphitrião</i>,<a id="FNanchor_651b" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> + <i>As Variedades de Proteo</i>,<a id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> +<i>Laberinto de Creta</i>.<a id="FNanchor_652a" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> His best play, <i>Guerras do Alecrim e +Mangerona</i> (1737), contains some elements of character-drawing +and describes the devices of the starving gentlemen +D. Gilvaz and D. Fuas to obtain rich wives at the expense +of miserly father and country cousin. The action consists in +a bewildering succession of disguises, the scene (Pt. ii, Sc. 5) in +which Gilvaz and Fuas doctor their stolid rival and ridicule the +medical profession has humour but shows the usual inability +to end before the reader’s patience has been long exhausted.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</span> +In the <i>Vida do Grande D. Quixote de la Mancha</i> (1733) Silva +made bold to dramatize <i>Don Quixote</i> in a series of scenes not +over-skilfully connected. Of his own invention there is a comical +scene (Pt. i, Sc. 8), in which Don Quixote is harassed by doubts +as to whether the enchanters have not transformed Dulcinea into +Sancho Panza: he begins to see a certain likeness; but most +of the scenes are directly copied and here become signally insipid, +as that of Sancho’s judgements (ii. 4), or that of the lion (i. 5), +which is as far removed from Cervantes as the sorry lions of the +Alhambra at Granada from those in Trafalgar Square. The +drama of <span class="smcap">Nicolau Luis</span>, whose life is obscure but whose name +was possibly Nicolau Luis da Silva, belongs to the <i>literatura +de cordel</i>, popular plays imitated and often directly translated +from the Spanish and Italian and acted with great applause in +the eighteenth century at Lisbon. Most of them were published +without the author’s name, and although it is believed that he +wrote over one-third of the numerous <i>comedias de cordel</i> of the +century<a id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> only a few, as <i>O Capitão Belisario</i> (1781) and <i>O Conde +Alarcos</i> (1788), can be definitely assigned to him, a fact which +incidentally bears witness to his lack of individuality. His best-known +tragedy is <i>D. Ignez de Castro</i> (1772), an imitation of <i>Reinar +después de morir</i> by Luis Velez de Guevara (1579-1644).</p> + +<p>In prose it was not an age of great writers, but of research +and learning. The Lisbon <i>Academia Real das Sciencias</i>,<a id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> founded +by the Duque de Lafões, met for the first time in 1780, and was +not slow in inaugurating the work which has won for it the +gratitude of all who care for the language or literature of Portugal. +<span class="smcap">D. Antonio Caetano de Sousa</span> (1674-1759) had published his +valuable <i>Provas da Historia Genealogica</i> (1739-48) in seven +volumes, and the learned <i>curé</i> of Santo Adrião de Sever, <span class="smcap">Diogo +Barbosa Machado</span> (1682-1772), had spent a long life in +bibliographical study and compiled his indispensable and +magnificent <i>Bibliotheca Lusitana</i> (1741-59) with a generous inaccuracy +which is attractive in the minute pedantry of a later age. +The scarcely less famous <i>Vocabulario Portuguez</i> of <span class="smcap">Raphael<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</span></span> +<span class="smcap">Bluteau</span> (1638-1734), who was born of French parents in London +but spent over fifty years in Portugal, began to appear in 1712. +The work of research was now carried on, among others by +<span class="smcap">Francisco José Freire</span> (1719-73); <span class="smcap">Frei Joaquim de Santa +Rosa de Viterbo</span> (1744-1822); the librarian <span class="smcap">Antonio Ribeiro +dos Santos</span> (1745-1818); <span class="smcap">D. Francisco Alexandre Lobo</span> +(1763-1844), Bishop of Viseu; <span class="smcap">Cardinal Saraiva</span> (1766-1845), +Patriarch of Lisbon; and <span class="smcap">Frei Fortunato de S. Boaventura</span> +(1778-1844). Critics of poetry were <span class="smcap">Luis Antonio Verney</span> +(1713-92), Archdeacon of Evora, ‘El Barbadiño’, whose criticisms +in his <i>Verdadeiro Methodo de Estudar</i> (2 vols., 1746) are +severe, even harsh; <span class="smcap">Francisco Dias Gomes</span> (1745-95), whom +Herculano called <i>o nosso celebre critico</i>, and who was indeed a +better critic than poet, as may be seen in the notes and poems +of his <i>Obras Poeticas</i> (1799); and <span class="smcap">Miguel de Couto Guerreiro</span> +(<i>c.</i> 1720-93), who showed good sense in the twenty-six rhymed +rules of his <i>Tratado da Versificaçam Portugueza</i> (1784).</p> + +<p>The best-known work of the learned son of a Lisbon blacksmith +who became the first Bishop of Beja and Archbishop +of Evora, <span class="smcap">Manuel do Cenaculo Villas-Boas</span> (1724-1814), +is his <i>Cuidados Litterarios</i> (1791). <span class="smcap">Theodoro de Almeida</span> +(1722-1804), an erudite and voluminous writer, one of the +original members of the Academy of Sciences, was more +ambitious. In <i>O Feliz Independente do Mundo e da Fortuna</i> in +twenty-four books (3 vols., 1779), he took Fénelon’s <i>Télémaque</i> +for his model and sought to combine the gall of instruction +with the honey of entertainment. He wrote it first (<i>uma +boa parte</i>) in rhyme, then turned to blank verse, but, still +dissatisfied, finally adopted prose, taking care, however, he says, +that it should not degenerate into a novel. The book had a wide +vogue, but is quite unreadable. One may be thankful that it +was not written in verse like that of his <i>Lisboa Destruida</i> (1803), +an account of the earthquake of 1755, with sundry moralizings +in six cantos of <i>oitavas</i>, of which a Portuguese critic has said that +the author, in an excess of Christian humility, resolved to mortify +his pride of learning by making himself ridiculous to posterity in +verse. A flickering interest enlivens the <i>Cartas Familiares</i> (1741, 2) +of <span class="smcap">Francisco Xavier de Oliveira</span> (1702-83). Their subjects<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</span> +are various: love, literature, witchcraft, and even the relation of +a man’s character to the ribbon on his hat. The author gave +up a diplomatic career, perhaps on account of his Protestant +tendencies, and went to Holland (1740) and England (1744), +where he publicly abjured Roman Catholicism (1746). After the +Lisbon earthquake of 1755 he addressed a pamphlet in French +to the King of Portugal, exhorting him to mend his ways; to +become Protestant with all his subjects and abolish the Inquisition. +He was duly burnt in effigy at Lisbon (1761), but died +quietly at Hackney twenty-two years later. The letters of +<span class="smcap">Alexandre de Gusmão</span> (1695-1753), born at Santos in +Brazil, have not been collected; those of the remarkable Portuguese +Jew of Penamacor, <span class="smcap">Antonio Nunes Ribeiro Sanches</span> +(1699-1783), physician to the Empress Catherine II of Russia, +<i>Cartas sobre a Educação da Mocidade</i>, appeared in 1760 at Cologne. +The <i>Cartas Curiosas</i> (1878) of the Abbade <span class="smcap">Antonio da Costa</span> +(1714-<i>c.</i> 1780) consist of thirteen letters written from Rome and +Vienna from 1750 to 1780, mainly on the subject of music. +The century was not rich in memoirs. The <i>Miscellaneas</i> of +<span class="smcap">D. João de S. Joseph Queiroz</span> (1711-64) contain some +interesting and amusing anecdotes. He speaks of the <i>Memorias +Genealogicas</i> of Alão de Moraes and of the general discredit of +genealogists, and attributes Mello’s imprisonment to his polite +acquiescence in the suggestions of the Condessa de Villa Nova, +made at the instigation of King João IV: <i>para lisongea-la disse +que seguiria o partido de Castella</i>. But without seeing the manuscript +it is impossible not to suspect that there is as much of +Camillo Castello Branco as of the Bishop of Grão-Para in the +<i>Memorias</i> (1868), which he was the first to publish.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629" class="label">[629]</a> <i>Lettere Familiari</i>, No. 30.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630" class="label">[630]</a> Or <i>Arcadia Lusitana</i>. For a list of its members see T. Braga, <i>A Arcadia +Lusitana</i> (1899), pp. 210-29; for its statutes, ibid., pp. 189-205.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631" class="label">[631]</a> Debt might seem a more probable cause, were it not for the apparent +rigour of his confinement.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632" class="label">[632]</a> <i>A sua alma conversava com Bernardes e Ferreira</i>, says his friend Tolentino, +who advises another <i>cabelleireiro</i> poet to cease writing verses, since <i>vale mais +que cem sonetos a peior penteadura</i>. The <i>Arte de Furtar</i> mentions a barber +who sank still lower, since he left his profession in order to cut purses. The +modern writer Antonio Francisco Barata (1836-1910) likewise began life as +a poor hairdresser at Coimbra.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633" class="label">[633]</a> Cf. <i>Ecloga</i> 1. Dorindo to Alcino (<i>Alcino Mycenio</i> was Quita’s Arcadian +name):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">E tu és dos pastores mais famosos</div> + <div class="verse indent0">No cantar de improviso o verso brando.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634" class="label">[634]</a> i. e. the military governor of a district, with rank next to that of <i>Capitão +Môr</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635" class="label">[635]</a> This Arcadian name was given to him by the Marquesa de Alorna, +although he did not properly belong to the <i>Arcadia</i>, being, like Tolentino, +one of the <i>dissidentes</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636" class="label">[636]</a> = fishwife; literally ‘woman of Ovar’, a small sea-town between Aveiro +and Oporto.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637" class="label">[637]</a> Sá do Miranda, he says, <i>em quem das doces quintilhas Sómente a rima +aprendi.... Falta-me arte e natureza, Mas pude delle imitar A verdadeira singeleza.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638" class="label">[638]</a> The sky is <i>a estellifera morada</i> (the starry abode), birds <i>o plumoso aereo +bando</i>, bees <i>mordazes enxames voadores</i>, &c.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639" class="label">[639]</a> Menéndez y Pelayo (<i>Antología</i>, tom. xiii (1908), p. 377) calls him <i>el poeta +de más condiciones nativas que ha producido Portugal después de Camoens</i>, +‘the most indigenous Portuguese poet since Camões’, and elsewhere gives the +highest praise to his sonnets.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640" class="label">[640]</a> His modern editor, Visconde (Julio) de Castilho, has shown that the +additional surname de Vasconcellos was bestowed on him gratuitously.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641" class="label">[641]</a> The <i>Couvade</i> (ii. 62) is also described by Henrique Diaz, <i>Naufragio da +Nao S. Paulo</i>, 1904 ed., p. 25, and Pero de Magalhães Gandavo, <i>Historia da +Provincia Sancta Cruz</i> (1576), cap. 10.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642" class="label">[642]</a> His works in the <i>Dicc. Bibliog.</i> go from J. 2163 to J. 2475. Many are, +however, single odes, sermons, &c. Other eighteenth-century sermons +worth reading are those of the learned Franciscan Frei Sebastião de Santo +Antonio: <i>Sermões</i>, 2 vols. (1779, 84).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643" class="label">[643]</a> Superficially, at least, more than Manuel Caetano de Sousa (1658-1734) +he deserves to be called a <i>varão encyclopedico</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644" class="label">[644]</a> He admires Cicero—not only as philosopher and orator but as a ‘sublime +poet’! (<i>O Homem</i> (1815), p. 98)—and Seneca, calls Petrarca immortal, Tasso +incomparable, and is generous in his appreciation of English writers. At about the same time John Keats, as Petrarca five centuries earlier, was also +reading Homer in translation, but in a somewhat different spirit.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645" class="label">[645]</a> <i>Newton, Proemio.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646" class="label">[646]</a> In the second edition (1827) he says that this poem, in twelve cantos and +about 1,000 <i>oitavas</i>, written with ‘more fire and a purer light’ than those of +Camões, had cost him ‘nine years of assiduous application’.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647" class="label">[647]</a> Macedo called Bocage <i>fanfarrão glosador</i>, and much abuse of the same +kind varied the monotony of <i>elogio mutuo</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648" class="label">[648]</a> Such woodenness was unlikely to appreciate El Greco’s pictures. In the +preface to his <i>Agriparia</i> (<i>Theatro</i>, vol. v, 1804) he speaks of <i>a extravagancia +do vaidoso Domenico</i>, herein following Faria e Sousa, who calls Theotocopuli +the Góngora of painters and adds: <i>Pero vale más una llaneza del Ticiano +que todas sus extravagancias juntas por mas que ingeniosas</i> (<i>Fuente de Aganipe +Prólogo</i>, § 37).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649" class="label">[649]</a> Arnaldo Gama, <i>Um motim ha cem annos</i>, 3ᵃ ed. (1896), p. 35.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650" class="label">[650]</a> <i>Theatro Comico Portuguez</i>, 4 vols. (1759-90), vol. iii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651" class="label">[651]</a> Ibid., vol. i.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652" class="label">[652]</a> Ibid., vol. ii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653" class="label">[653]</a> Innocencio da Silva, <i>Dicc. Bibliog.</i> vi. 275-85; xvii. 91-3, gives 217 titles.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654" class="label">[654]</a> Now <i>Academia das Sciencias de Lisboa</i>, but it is found convenient to +retain the original title in order to distinguish it from a more recent (private) +institution, the <i>Academia das Sciencias de Portugal</i>.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="VI">VI<br><span class="small">1816-1910</span></h2></div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="VI_1">§ 1<br><span class="small"><i>The Romantic School</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>In Portugal the first quarter of the nineteenth century was +filled with violence and unrest. The French invasion and years +of fighting on Portuguese soil were followed by a series of revolutions +and civil wars. It seemed as if a more general earthquake +had come to complete the ruin of 1755, against which Lisbon had +so finely re-acted. The historian who attempts to record the +conflicts between Miguelists and Constitutionalists, and the +miserable political intrigues which accompanied the ultimate +victory of the latter, must waver disconsolately between tragedy +and farce. But horrible and pitiful as were many of these events, +they succeeded in awakening what had seemed a dead nation +to a new life. The introduction of the parliamentary system +called into being eloquent orators, and, more valuable than much +eloquence, the conviction sprang up, partly under foreign influence, +partly through love of the soil, deepened by persecution +and banishment, that literature might have a closer relation to +earth and life than a philological Filintian ode. Returning +exiles brought fresh ideas into the country, and the two men +who dominated Portuguese literature in the first half of the +century had both learnt much from their enforced sojourn +abroad. <span class="smcap">Almeida Garrett</span> (1799-1854), one of the strangest +and most picturesque figures in literature, was born at Oporto, +but spent his boyhood in the Azores (Ilha Terceira), where his +uncles, especially the Bishop of Angra, gave him a classical +education and destined him for the priesthood. He, however, +preferred to study law at Coimbra (1816-21). Here politics were +in the air and he soon made himself conspicuous as a Liberal. +The fall of the Constitution drove him into exile (1823) in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</span> +England (near Edgbaston and in London), and France (Havre +and Paris), and for the next thirty years politics remained one +of his ruling passions. His first great opportunity for rhetorical +display was his defence in the law-courts against the charge of +impiety incurred by the publication of his poem <i>O Retrato de +Venus</i> (1821), although even before going to Coimbra he is said to +have preached to a church full of people. He was able to return +to Portugal in 1826, and edited <i>O Chronista</i> and <i>O Portuguez</i>, +which evoked Macedo’s wrath and ended in Garrett’s imprisonment. +When Dom Miguel returned from Brazil and, instead of +‘signing the paper’ (the famous <i>Carta</i> of 1826), had himself +declared absolute king (1828) Garrett again became an exile, +chiefly in London, and did not return to his country till July +1832, when he landed as a private soldier at Mindello, one of +the famous 7,500 who fought for King Pedro and his daughter, +Maria da Gloria. His zeal and outspokenness rendering him +an uncomfortable colleague at Lisbon, he fared rather badly in +the ignoble scramble for office which followed the triumph of the +cause. He was sent first on a mission to London and then as +<i>chargé d’affaires</i> to Brussels (1834-6). The diplomatic service +was in many ways congenial to his character, but his enemies +made the mistake of slighting and neglecting him, and, refusing +the post of Minister at Copenhagen, he returned to Portugal and +helped to bring about the Revolution of September 1836. But +his life is the whole history of the time: enough to say that for +the next fifteen years his activities in politics and literature were +unceasing. In a hundred ways he showed his versatility and +energy. He served on many commissions, was appointed +Inspector of Theatres (1836), <i>Cronista Môr</i> (1838), elected +deputy (1837), raised to the House of Peers (1852). As journalist, +founder and editor of several short-lived newspapers, as +a stylist and master of prose, his country’s chief lyric poet in the +first half of the nineteenth century (coming as a fire to light the +dry sticks of the eighteenth-century poetry) and greatest dramatist +since the sixteenth; as politician and one of the most eloquent +of all Portugal’s orators, an enthusiastic if unscientific folk-lorist,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</span><a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a> +a novelist, critic, diplomatist, soldier, jurist and judge, Garrett +played many parts and with success. This patriot who did not +despair of his country, this marvellous dandy who seemed to +bestow as much thought on the cut of a coat as on the fashioning +of a constitution, and who refused to grow old, preferring to incur +ridicule as a <i>velho namorado</i> (his love intrigues ended only with +his life and he wrote his most passionate lyrics when he was +over fifty), this artist in life and literature, lover of old furniture +and old traditions, this lovable, ridiculous, human Garrett, whom +his countrymen called divine, can still alternately charm and +repel us as he scandalized and fascinated his contemporaries. His +motives were often curiously mixed. His immeasurable peacock +vanity as well as his generosity prompted him to champion weak +causes and assist obscure persons. A man of high ideals and an +essential honesty, he only rarely deviated into truth in matters +concerning himself. When past fifty he was still ‘forty-six’ and +he wrote an anonymous autobiography and filled it with his own +praise. He often gave his time and talent ungrudgingly to the +service of the State and then cried out that his disinterestedness +went unrewarded. Fond of money but fonder of show and honours, +he died almost poor but a viscount. Although of scarcely more +than plebeian birth he liked to believe that the name Garrett, +which he only assumed in 1818, was the Irish for Gerald and that +he was descended from Garrt, first Earl of Desmond,<a id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> and through +the Geraldines from Troy.<a id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a> At the mercy of many moods, easily +angered but never vindictive, capable occasionally of half-unconscious +duplicity but never of hypocrisy, he remained to +the last changing and sensitive as a child. His faults were +mostly on the surface and injured principally himself, offering<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</span> +a hundred points of attack to critics incapable of understanding +his greatness. That he did not play a more fruitfully effective +part in politics was less his fault than that of the politics of the +day; but the twofold incentive of serving his country by useful +legislation and of a personal triumph in the Chamber prevented +this ingenuous victim of political intrigue from ever devoting +himself exclusively to literature. In politics he was an opportunist +in the best sense of the word and a Liberal who detested +the art of the demagogue. His few months as Minister in 1852 +gave no scope for his real power of organization and of stimulating +others. In the life and literature of his country he was a great +civilizing and renovating force. He taught his countrymen to +read and what to read, and, having freed them from the trammels +of pseudo-classicism, did his utmost to prevent them from merely +exchanging pedantry for insipidity. +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;"><i>Adozinda</i>, based on the <i>romance</i> <i>Sylvaninha</i> and originally published in London</span><br> +in 1828 and reviewed in the <i>Foreign Quarterly Review</i>, October 1832) or by +others, e. g. Balthasar Diaz’ <i>O Marques de Mantua</i>, or popular <i>romances</i> revised +and polished by their collector. His own compositions (vol. i) often have great +charm, as <i>Miragaia</i>, <i>Rosalinda</i>, <i>Bernal Francez</i>.]</p> + +<p>His early verses, many of the poems published or reprinted in +<i>Lyrica de João Minimo</i> (1829), <i>Flores sem Fructo</i> (1845), and +<i>Fabulas e Contos</i> (1853), were written under the influence of Filinto +Elysio and the eighteenth century, but, fired by romanticism +during his first exile in France, he introduced it into Portugal in +his epic poems <i>Camões</i> (1825) and <i>Dona Branca</i> (1826),<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> in which +prosaic passages alternate with others of fervent poetic beauty +and glimpses of popular customs which in themselves spell poetry +in Portugal. But Garrett was no super-romantic, in fact he +deprecated ‘the extravagances and exaggerations of the ephemeral +romanticism which is now coming to an end in Europe’.<a id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> +At Brussels he learnt German, and the poetry, and especially +the plays, of Goethe cast a steadying influence over his work. +Garrett had early been attracted towards the theatre. His +<i>Merope</i>, in its subject derived from Alfieri, and <i>Catão</i> (1821) +were both written in his student days. Neither of them can be +called dramatic. In vain a glow of liberty<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a> and rhetoric strives<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</span> +to melt the ice of <i>Catão</i>: its parliamentary debates still leave +the reader cold. When fifteen years later, in the tercentenary +year of Vicente’s last comedy, he was able definitely to undertake +his favourite scheme of providing Portugal with a national drama, +he found difficulties. He had to provide not only theatre, actors, +and audience, but also the plays. He succeeded in instilling his +keenness into some of his more lethargic countrymen, but, not +content with translating from the French, Italian, or Spanish, +himself wrote a series of plays to pave the way. His themes, +unlike those of his earlier efforts, were now entirely national: the +legendary love of the poet Bernardim Ribeiro for the daughter +of King Manuel in <i>Um Auto de Gil Vicente</i> (1838);<a id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> the patriotism +of the Condessa de Athouguia in arming her two sons on the +morning of December 1, 1640, to throw off the Spanish yoke, in +<i>Dona Philippa de Vilhena</i> (1840); an early incident in the life of +one of the most chivalrous soldiers that the world has seen, the +Constable Nun’ Alvarez, in <i>O Alfageme de Santarem</i> (1842); the fall +of Pombal in <i>A Sobrinha do Marquez</i> (1848);<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> two famous episodes +in the life of Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, the first of which, the +setting fire to his palace rather than entertain the Spanish +Governors, preserves the national atmosphere, in <i>Frei Luiz de +Sousa</i> (1844). These plays, with the exception perhaps of the +hastily improvised <i>D. Philippa de Vilhena</i>, are all remarkable, +although their merit is unequal. The characters, and especially +the epoch in which they are presented, lend their chief interest +to the first and third. The fifth, overpraised by some critics but +praised by all—Menéndez y Pelayo called it ‘incomparable’—<i>Frei +Luiz de Sousa</i>, far excels the others by reason of the concentration +of interest and the really dramatic character of the plot +(or at least of the anagnorisis of Act II) and by its intensity and +deliberately simple execution. The intensity may be almost +too unrelieved, but the conception of the play showed a fine +dramatic instinct. Like most of Garrett’s work it was composed +in a white heat, and the effect is enhanced by its excellently clear +and restrained style, which brings out every shade and symptom +of tragedy without distracting the attention by any extraneous +ornaments. But all these plays are written in admirable prose.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</span> +Indeed, a value is given even to Garrett’s slighter pieces—<i>Tio +Simplicio</i> (1844), <i>Fallar Verdade a Mentir</i> (1845)<a id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a>—apart from +their indigenous character, by his pliant, transparent, glowing +prose, to which perhaps even more than to his poetry he owes +his foremost place in Portuguese literature. Although essentially +a poet, his poems of enduring worth are a mere handful of beautiful +episodes and graceful lyrics—in <i>Folhas Cahidas</i> (1853) and +vol. 1 (1843) of his <i>Romanceiro</i>—but his prose stamps with individuality +works so diverse as his historical novel <i>O Arco de Santa +Anna</i> (2 vols., 1845, 51),<a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> his charming miscellaneous <i>Viagens +na minha terra</i> (1846) with its famous episode of Joaninha of the +nightingales, his treatises <i>Da Educação</i> (1829), <i>Portugal na balança +da Europa</i> (1830), <i>Bosquejo da Litteratura Portuguesa</i> (1826), as well +as his plays. All his work was thoroughly national, and when he +died a group of younger writers was at hand ready to continue it.</p> + +<p>Garrett intended as <i>Cronista Môr</i> to write the history of his +own time. More serious historians existed in the Canon of Evora, +<span class="smcap">Antonio Caetano do Amaral</span> (1747-1819); his fellow-academician +the Canon <span class="smcap">João Pedro Ribeiro</span> (†1839); <span class="smcap">Luz +Soriano</span> (1802-99), author of a <i>Historia da Guerra Civil</i> (1866-90) +in seventeen volumes; the <span class="smcap">Visconde de Santarem</span> (1791-1856), +whose able and persistent researches were of inestimable service +to the history and incidentally to the literature of his country; +and the patient investigator <span class="smcap">Cunha Rivara</span> (1809-79).</p> + +<p>While scientific research work was accumulating the bones of +history a creator arose in the person of <span class="smcap">Alexandre Herculano</span> +(1810-77). He had emigrated to France and England in 1831, lived +for a time at Rennes, and from the Azores in 1832 with Garrett +accompanied the Liberal army to Oporto as a private soldier. +In the following year he obtained work as a librarian. His <i>A Voz +do Propheta</i> (1836) (Castilho in this year translated Lamennais’ +<i>Paroles d’un Croyant</i>), written in the impressive style of a Hebrew +prophet, although it appeared anonymously, brought its author +fame, and in 1839 the King Consort D. Fernando appointed him +librarian of the Royal Library of Ajuda. The salary was not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</span> +large, under £200 a year, but the post gave him the two necessaries +of literary work, quiet and books. From that year to 1867 his +life was taken up with his work, with which politics only occasionally +interfered. He edited <i>O Panorama</i> from 1837 to 1844 +and joined in founding <i>O Paiz</i>. Although he was elected deputy to +the Cortes in 1840 he rarely attended the sittings. His friendship +with D. Fernando and King Pedro V continued unbroken till their +death. In 1867 with characteristic abruptness he left Lisbon and +literature and gave his last ten years almost entirely to agriculture +on the estate of Val de Lobos, near Santarem.<a id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> The call +of the land was combined with disgust at the politics of the +capital and probably a natural disinclination to a sedentary +mode of life. His retirement was greeted as a betrayal, and +attacks formerly directed against his historical work were now +directed against him for abandoning it. But since he had no +intention of continuing his history, his literary work was really +ended. It has three main aspects, poetry, the historical novel, +and history. From the prosaic height of forty-six he informed +Soares de Passos in a letter that he had been a poet till he was +twenty-five. Some of the poems of <i>A Harpa do Crente</i> (1838),<a id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> +especially <i>A Tempestade</i> and <i>A Cruz Mutilada</i>, rise to noble +heights by reason of a fine conviction and a rugged grandeur, as of +blocks of granite. Herculano had returned to Portugal imbued +with profound admiration for the historical novels of Sir Walter +Scott, ‘immortal Scott’ as he called him, and Victor Hugo, and +in his remarkable stories and sketches contributed to <i>O Panorama</i> +and published as <i>Lendas e Narrativas</i> (1851), as well as in +the more elaborate <i>O Monasticon</i>, consisting of two separate +parts <i>Eurico o Presbytero</i> (1844) and <i>O Monge de Cister</i> (1848), he +wrote romance based upon scrupulous historical research. A +slight leaning towards melodrama is as a rule successfully withstood, +and his intense and powerful style enchains the attention. +<i>Eurico</i> is really a splendid prose poem,<a id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a> in which the eighth-century<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</span> +priest Eurico is Herculano brooding over the degeneracy +of Portugal in the nineteenth century. His glowing patriotism +unifies the action and raises the style to an impassioned eloquence. +The Middle Ages were well suited to him in their mixture of +passion and ingenuousness and their scope for violent contrasts +of evil and virtue, light and shadow. Most of the <i>Lendas e +Narrativas</i> and <i>O Bobo</i> belong to that period, and his <i>Historia de +Portugal</i> (4 vols., 1846-53) ends with the year 1279. That he +should have stopped there when the character and achievements +of King Dinis must have offered him a powerful incentive to proceed +shows how deeply he had felt the controversial attacks levelled +at his work; but with the Renaissance and the subsequent history +of Portugal he was too intensely national to have great sympathy. +As a historian he has been compared with Hallam, Thierry, and +Niebuhr, and he stands any such comparison well. A passion +for truth drove him to the original sources and documents, and, +since <i>alle Gelehrsamkeit ist noch kein Urteil</i>, he brought the same +patience and impartial sincerity to their interpretation. The +results obtained he imposed on thousands of readers by his +impressive and living style.<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a> In his case the style was the man. +Beneath coldness or roughness he concealed an affectionate, +impetuous nature, a hatred of meanness and injustice. In his +personal relations austere and difficult, sometimes no doubt +unfair and undiscerning in the severity of his judgements, he +was a perfect contrast to Almeida Garrett, compared with +whom he was as granite to chalk or as the rock to the stream +that flows past it. His strong will was fortunately directed by the +Marquesa de Alorna in his youth to the thoroughness of German +writers. Thoroughness marked all his work. When the Academy +of Sciences entrusted him with the task of collecting documents +on the early history of Portugal he threw himself into the labour +with a fervour which produced the splendid <i>Portvgaliae Monvmenta +Historica</i>, a series of historical works and documents of the first +importance which began to appear in 1856. From 1867 to 1877 +he undertook agriculture not as an amateur’s pastime but as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</span> +the work of his life, with the result that he achieved another +great success scarcely inferior to his success as a writer. The +same thoroughness is evident in the Cyclopean fragment of his +history and in his shorter writings, the <i>Opusculos</i> (1873-76). +His <i>Da Origem e Estabelecimento da Inquisição em Portugal</i> +(3 vols., 1854-9), a deeply interesting account of the negotiations +and intrigues at the Vatican, in ceasing to be dispassionate may +suffer as a purely historical work, but its vigour brooks no +denial and its literary excellence is acknowledged even by those +who dispute its fairness. Great as scholar and man, too great to +be always understood during his life, his memory received a tribute +from men so different as Döllinger and Núñez del Arce, and it is +probable that his reputation will only increase with time.</p> + +<p>In the historical novel Herculano had many followers. <span class="smcap">Antonio +de Oliveira Marreca</span> (1805-89) wrote two laborious fragments +in <i>O Panorama: Manoel Sousa de Sepulveda</i> (1843) and <i>O Conde +Soberano de Castella</i> (1844, 53). <span class="smcap">João de Andrade Corvo</span> (1824-90), +poet and dramatist,<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> author of a novel of contemporary +politics, <i>O Sentimentalismo</i> (1871), which contains excellent descriptions +of Bussaco, wrote a long historical novel, <i>Um Anno na Corte</i> +(1850), in which interest in the actors at the Court of Afonso VI, +in incidents such as a bullfight or a boarhunt, in witchcraft or the +Inquisition, is skilfully maintained. His style in its sober restraint +is superior to that of <span class="smcap">Arnaldo da Gama</span> (1828-69), whose historical +episodes of the French invasion of 1809 (<i>O Sargento Môr +de Villar</i> and <i>O Segredo do Abbade</i>), or of Oporto in the fifteenth +century in <i>A Ultima Dona de S. Nicolau</i>, or in the eighteenth in +<i>Um Motim ha cem annos</i> (1861), are of considerable interest despite +their author’s excessive fondness for Latin quotations. Perhaps +the influence of Camillo Castello Branco may be traced in his +novel <i>O Genio do Mal</i> (4 vols., 1857). <span class="smcap">Guilhermino Augusto +de Barros</span> (1835-1900) is the author of a novel of the fifteenth +century, <i>O Castello de Monsanto</i> (2 vols., 1879), of great length +and dullness. Its chief interest is for the student of the Portuguese +language, owing to its large vocabulary. <span class="smcap">Bernardino Pereira +Pinheiro</span> (born in 1837) in <i>Sombras e Luz</i> (1863) described +scenes from the reign of King Manuel, and drew a strange portrait<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</span> +of King João III in <i>Amores de um Visionario</i> (2 vols., 1874). But +the mantle of Herculano, as historical novelist, fell especially +upon <span class="smcap">Luiz Augusto Rebello da Silva</span> (1822-71), politician and +journalist. His <i>Rausso por Homizio</i>, a short novel of the time of +King Sancho II, written with the exaggeration of extreme youth, +appeared in the <i>Revista Universal Lisbonense</i> (1842-3), followed by +<i>Odio Velho não cansa</i> (reign of Sancho I), with similar defects, in 1848. +In the same (the first) volume of <i>A Epocha</i> appeared his short <i>conto</i> +entitled <i>A Ultima Corrida de Touros em Salvaterra</i>, which won and +has retained popularity by its skilful presentment of a stirring and +pathetic episode in the reign of José I (1750-77). Four years later +Rebello da Silva published his principal novel, <i>A Mocidade de D. +João V</i> (1852). In its somewhat tedious descriptions the reader +soon loses the thread of the story, but is entertained by the quick +dialogue and almost clownish humour of the separate scenes. +<i>Lagrimas e Thesouros</i><a id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a> (1863) may interest English readers from +the fact that its principal character is William Beckford, but it +has not the great merits of the preceding novel. The author was +already at work on his unfinished <i>Historia de Portugal nos seculos +XVII e XVIII</i> (5 vols., 1860-71). In this, as in his <i>Fastos da Igreja</i> +(1854-5) and <i>Varões Illustres</i> (1870), his defects fall away, while +his real skill as a historian, his intensity, and his excellent style +remain; indeed, an added intensity gives his style a new vigour +and simplicity. His <i>Historia</i>, although less rigorously scientific +and far less methodically ordered than that of his master Herculano, +has value as history as well as literature. Rebello da Silva +wrote too much, but his work generally improved with the years +and might have resulted in a real masterpiece had he not died +before attaining the age of fifty.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the novel had entered on a new and intensely +modern phase in the hands of a slightly younger contemporary. +The life of <span class="smcap">Camillo Castello Branco</span> (1825-90), whose numerous +novels have been and still are read enthusiastically in +Portugal, had about it an element of improbability which is +reflected in his works and made it possible to combine their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</span> +apparent sincerity with a peculiar unreality. Born at Lisbon +but left an orphan at the age of eight, and brought up by a sister, +wife of a doctor, in a small village of Tras-os-Montes,<a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> a widower +in his teens, then a boisterous Oporto medical student, twice imprisoned +for love affairs and finally guilty of abducting an heiress +as a bride for his son, his whole life was spent in a whirlwind, +actual or imaginary, a tragicomedy which, stricken with blindness, +he ended by suicide. He read and wrote in the same tempestuous +fashion. The sentimental atmosphere of his novels is +relieved systematically by outbursts of cynicism and sarcasm. +When he began to write romanticism was in full swing, but his +last twenty years were spent under what was to him the vexing +and tantalizing shadow of the new realism. His first story, <i>Maria +não me mates, que sou tua mãe!</i> (1848),<a id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> was sentimental and +sensational, and something of these qualities remained in the +greater part of his work. His first more elaborate novel <i>Anathema</i> +(1851), in which the story is interrupted by lengthy musings and +moralizings, he himself described as ‘a kind of literary crab’, +and most of his novels are somewhat lop-sided: he confessed +that his discursiveness was incurable. It is the more hysterical +among his works, such as <i>Amor de Perdição</i> (1862)—its character +is well described by the title of the Italian version, <i>Amor sfrenato</i>—or +<i>Amor de Salvação</i> (1864) and those which combine this +character with a chain of amazing coincidences, as <i>Os Mysterios de +Lisboa</i> (1854) and <i>O Livro Negro do Padre Diniz</i> (1855), which were +read most avidly in Portugal. He himself favoured the quieter +<i>Romance de um Homem Rico</i> (1861) and <i>Livro de Consolação</i> (1872). +We may prefer the attic flavour of the humorous sketch of a +country gentleman (born in the year of Waterloo) at Lisbon, in +<i>A Queda d’um Anjo</i> (1866), which somehow recalls the best work +of Pedro Antonio de Alarcón. Castello Branco had a true vein of +comedy, and although a great part of the work of this specialist +in hysterics has an air of unreality, he is many-sided and yields +frequent surprises. The true Camillo appears only intermittently<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</span> +in his novels, and charms with a simplicity of style and description +worthy of Frei Luis de Sousa, as in some of his <i>Novellas do Minho</i> +(12 vols., 1875-7), the country-house in <i>Coração, Cabeça e Estomago</i> +(1862), the Tras-os-Montes <i>fidalgo</i>‘s house in <i>Os Mysterios +de Lisboa</i>, the village priest in <i>A Sereia</i> (1865), Padre João in +<i>Doze Casamentos Felizes</i> (1861), the farrier in <i>Amor de Perdição</i>, +the charcoal-burners in <i>O Santo da Montanha</i> (1865). Then (as +if with the question: what will the Chiado, what will the Lisbon +critics say?) he pulls himself up, lashes himself with sarcasms, +and plunges into his improbabilities and passions. A poet and +a learned and ingenious if unscholarly critic, he saw and described +the charm of the villages of North Portugal, but he +satirized with peculiar venom the <i>bourgeois</i> life and the enriched +<i>brazileiros</i> of Oporto, as in <i>A Filha do Arcediago</i> (1855), <i>A Neta +do Arcediago</i> (1856), <i>A Douda do Candal</i> (1867), <i>Os Brilhantes do +Brazileiro</i> (1869), <i>Memorias de Guilherme do Amaral</i> (1863), and +<i>Um Homem de Brios</i> (1856),<a id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> the last two being continuations of +<i>Onde está a Felicidade?</i> (1856). This last work has a broader +historical setting, and many of his novels are really historical +episodes,<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> some of which bear a strong resemblance to Pérez +Galdós’ <i>Episodios Nacionales</i>. Especially is this the case +with the latter part of <i>As Tres Irmãs</i> (1862) and with <i>A Bruxa +de Monte Cordova</i> (1867), both written before the appearance of +the first <i>Episodio Nacional</i>. In <i>Eusebio Macario</i> and <i>A Corja</i> he +set his hand to the naturalistic novel, and in <i>A Brazileira de +Prazins</i> (1882) modified this method to suit his favourite phantasy +of extremes, in which the angel and martyr are contrasted +with the romantic Don Juan or vulgar <i>brazileiro</i> or narrow-minded +Minho noble. Apart from their historical interest and +occasional charming glimpses of life and literature, his books +are invaluable for their style, and he is the author of many +masterly passages rather than of any masterpiece. He sometimes—here, +as in all else, leaving moderation to the <i>bourgeois</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</span> +<i>épaté</i>—allows himself to be carried away by his immense vocabulary, +but often, indeed usually, his language is a flawless marble, +a rich quarry of the purest, most vernacular Portuguese, derived +from the Portuguese religious and mystic writers of the +sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.<a id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> Absorbed in his work +night after night till the first songs of birds announced the dawn, +writing in or after a paroxysm of grief or excitement in his own +life, he first lived, then swiftly set on paper, the incidents of his +novels—<i>Amor de Perdição</i> was written in a fortnight. Their plot +may be ill constructed, the delineation of characters shallow, +Balzac <i>manqué</i>, the episodes far-fetched and melodramatic, but +they corresponded, if not to life, to the life of their author and +thereby attained intensity of style and a certain unity of action. +Yet he was always greatly concerned with schools and tendencies +(he imitated Émile Zola in <i>Eusebio Macario</i>, although +he declared the realistic school to be the perversion of Nature, +Émile Souvestre in <i>As Tres Irmãs</i>, Octave Feuillet in <i>Romance +de um Homem Rico</i>), sure of his genius but not of the channels +into which he should direct it, at his best perhaps in brief essays +and sketches from which his high-flown romanticism is absent, +as in the studies of the lives of criminals in <i>Memorias do Carcere</i> +(2 vols., 1862) and his many scattered reminiscences of life in +Minho, the valley of the Tamega, and Oporto. With his sensitive +restless temperament, his imagination, his satire and sadness (of +tears rather than <i>saudade</i>, for which the action in his stories is too +rapid), his intolerant hatred of tyranny and intolerance, his essential +interest not in things nor even characters but in life and passion, +and his unfailing power of expression, he may well be called ‘the +[modern] Portuguese genius personified’.<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> His life is a strange +contrast to the almost idyllic serenity of that of <span class="smcap">Antonio +Feliciano de Castilho</span> (1800-75), whose admirable persistency +as poet and translator during a period of nearly sixty years—he +had been blind from the age of six—enabled him to attain an +extraordinary pre-eminence in Portuguese poetry after Garrett +and other poets had been broken like crystals while he remained<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</span> +as a tile upon the housetop. A romantic with a natural leaning +to perfection of form, he always retained something of the +Arcadian school, and like the Arcadians sought his inspiration +in Bernardim Ribeiro and other bucolic <i>quinhentistas</i>. Unsympathetic +critics incapable of appreciating Castilho’s masterly +style may feel that in the twenty-one letters of the <i>Cartas de +Echo e Narciso</i> (1821), in <i>A Primavera</i> (1822)<a id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> and <i>Amor e +Melancholia ou a Novissima Heloisa</i> (1828) he combined the +classical school’s dearth of thought with the diffuseness of the +romantics. But his <i>quadras</i> (<i>A Visão</i>, <i>O São João</i>, <i>A Noite do +Cemiterio</i>) and his blank verse are alike so easy and natural, his +style so harmonious and pure that, despite the lack of observation +and originality in these long poems, they have not even to-day +lost their place in Portuguese literature. In their soft, vague +melancholy and gentle grace they were even more popular than +his romantic poems, <i>A Noite do Castello</i> (1836)<a id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> and <i>Os Ciumes +do Bardo</i> (1838), and influenced many younger writers. Like +Garrett he taught them to seek the subjects of their verse in +the popular traditions of their own land. Indeed, so great was +his bent for the national in literature that his numerous translations +(from the French and English, Latin and Greek, to which, +with an occasional aftermath of poems such as <i>Outono</i> (1862), +his later years were devoted) are often remarkable rather for their +excellent Portuguese versification than for faithfulness to the +originals, and the <i>Faust</i> of Goethe, whose powerful directness +was unintelligible to his translator, especially as he only read the +poem in a French version, became translated indeed.</p> + +<p>The most prominent or the least insipid of the numerous group +of romantic and ultra-romantic poets, a generation younger than +Garrett and Castilho, who published their verses in <i>O Trovador</i> +(1848)<a id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> and <i>O Novo Trovador</i> + (1856), were <span class="smcap">Luiz Augusto Palmeirim<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</span></span> +(1825-93), whose <i>Poesias</i> appeared in 1851, and <span class="smcap">João de +Lemos</span> (1819-89), some of whose poems (one of the best known +is <i>A Lua de Londres</i>) in <i>Flores e Amores</i> (1858), <i>Religião e Patria</i> +(1859), and especially <i>Canções da Tarde</i> (1875), have a delicacy +of rhythm and are more scholarly than those of most of the +romantic poets. The three volumes form the <i>Cancioneiro de +João de Lemos</i>. <span class="smcap">José da Silva Mendes Leal</span> (1818-86), +author of <i>Historia da Guerra no Oriente</i> (1855), and, like Palmeirim, +a successful dramatist, in <i>Os Dois Renegados</i> (1839) +and <i>O Homem da Mascara Negra</i> (1843), and also a novelist (<i>O que +foram os Portugueses</i>), as a poet is at his best in patriotic, military, +or funeral odes: <i>O Pavilhão Negro</i> (1859), <i>Ave Cesar</i>, <i>Gloria e +Martyrio</i> (perhaps suggested by Tennyson’s <i>Ode on the Death of +the Duke of Wellington</i>), <i>Napoleão no Kremlin</i> (1865), <i>Indiannas</i>, in +which his sonorous verse has a certain grandeur. His <i>Canticos</i> +(1858) contain among others a good translation of <i>El Pirata</i> of +Espronceda, whose influence is evident in the ode to Vasco da +Gama, which forms the first part of <i>Indiannas</i>. <span class="smcap">Antonio Augusto +Soares de Passos</span> (1826-60), son of an Oporto chemist, studied +at Coimbra and published a volume of sentimental romantic +poems in 1856 (<i>Poesias</i>). The most remarkable is the noble if +a little too grandiloquent ode entitled <i>O Firmamento</i>, which far +excels the poems of death, pale moonlight, autumn regrets, and +vanished dreams of this excellent translator of Ossian. After his +death a fellow-student, Dr. Lourenço de Almeida e Medeiros, +accused him of having stolen <i>O Firmamento</i> and other poems. +He had himself, he said, written the melancholy ballad <i>O Noivado +do Sepulchro</i> in February 1853, but unfortunately for his contention +it had appeared over Soares de Passos’ signature eight +months earlier in <i>O Bardo</i>. A miscellaneous writer, like so +many of his contemporaries, <span class="smcap">Francisco Gomes de Amorim</span> +(1827-92) achieved popularity with his plays, published two +volumes of sentimental poems, <i>Cantos Matutinos</i> (1858) and +<i>Ephemeros</i> (1866), of which perhaps <i>O Desterrado</i> is now alone +remembered, and several pleasantly indigenous stories of his +native Avelomar (Minho) collected in <i>Fruitos de Vario Sabor</i> +(1876), with an attractive sketch of the priest, Padre Manuel, +<i>Muita parra e pouca uva</i> (1878), and <i>As Duas Fiandeiras</i> (1881).<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</span> +He played the sedulous Boswell to Almeida Garrett during the +last three years of the latter’s life, and the result was one of +the few interesting biographies in the modern literature of the +Peninsula: <i>Garrett, Memorias Biographicas</i> (3 vols., 1881-8). +Among the host of pale moon-singers following in the wake of +Castilho it is a relief to find a satirist, <span class="smcap">Faustino Xavier de +Novaes</span> (1822-64), who in his <i>Poesias</i> (1855), <i>Novas Poesias</i> (1858), +and <i>Poesias Postumas</i> (1877), preferred to take Tolentino for his +model. He ridiculed the <i>janota com pouco dinheiro, com fumos +de grande</i> and other types of his native Oporto, where for some +time he worked as a goldsmith. Later he emigrated to Rio de +Janeiro, but there found ‘everything except literature well paid’.</p> + +<p>Two of the romantic poets lived on into the twentieth century, +one even survived the Monarchy. <span class="smcap">Thomaz Ribeiro</span> (1831-1901), +born at Parada de Gonta in the district of Tondella (Beira), +advocate, journalist, playwright, historian, politician, deputy, +minister, peer of the realm, won enduring fame with his long +romantic poem <i>D. Jayme</i> (1862), which opens with fifteen striking +stanzas addressed to Portugal. In this introductory ode he +rises on the wings of ardent patriotism and sturdy faith in +Portugal to a fine achievement in verse. Less rhetorical, the +rest of the poem (or series of poems in varying metre) would have +gained by reduction to half its length, but is sometimes not +without charm in its meanderings. Yet it is a kind of inspired +rhetoric and natural grandiloquence that best characterize +Ribeiro, and when his inspiration falters it leaves but a hollow +and metallic shell of verse. We will expect no delicate shades +from a lyric poet who calls the sky <i>o celico espectaculo</i>. Subsequent +volumes—<i>Sons que passam</i> (1867), which contains poems +written as early as 1854, <i>A Delfina do Mal</i> (1868), <i>Vesperas</i> (1880), +<i>Dissonancias</i> (1890), <i>O Mensageiro de Fez</i> (1899)—maintained, but +did not increase, his reputation as a poet. The chief work of +<span class="smcap">Raimundo Antonio de Bulhão Pato</span> (1829-1912), a Portuguese +born at Bilbao, was <i>Paquita</i>, which he began to publish in 1866, +and to the completion of which he devoted nearly forty years of +loving care. It is a facetious romantic poem of sixteen cantos, +mostly in verses of six lines (<i>ababcb</i> or <i>ababca</i>), intended to be in +the manner of Byron but more akin to Antonio de Trueba, whose<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</span> +verses are imitated in <i>Flores Agrestes</i> (1870). The modern reader, +after readily agreeing with Herculano that the poem has its +faults, will perhaps be disposed to inquire further if it has any +merits; but, although its subject is often unpoetical and trivial, +the versification is easy and occasionally excellent. Bulhão Pato +published other volumes of gentle album poetry, as <i>Poesias</i> (1850), +<i>Versos</i> (1862), <i>Canções da Tarde</i> (1866), and <i>Hoje: Satyras, Canções +e Idyllios</i> (1888), besides sketches and recollections in prose. +Nearly fifty years before his death the romantic school in Portugal +had received a severe shock, and the fact that long romantic +poems continued to appear is proof how deep its roots had +penetrated.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655" class="label">[655]</a> His <i>Romanceiro</i> published in 3 vols. (1843, 51) contains poems of national +themes drawn from popular songs and traditions, written by himself (as</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656" class="label">[656]</a> The name of the first Earl of Desmond (cr. 1328) was Maurice fitzThomas +(†135) not Gerald, Gerod, Gerott, Garrett, or Garrt (see Lord Walter +FitzGerald, <i>Notes on the FitzGeralds of Ireland</i>). The forms Garret and Gareth +existed in Catalonia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, e. g. the Catalan +poet Bernardo Garret, born at Barcelona, who wrote in Italian and became +known as Chariteo (<i>c.</i> 1450-<i>c.</i> 1512).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657" class="label">[657]</a> Amorim, <i>Memorias</i>, i. 28.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658" class="label">[658]</a> Of <i>O Magriço</i>, a still longer epic, only fragments remain; it went down in +manuscript in the <i>Amelia</i>, sunk by the Miguelists off the Portuguese coast.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659" class="label">[659]</a> Preface to 4th ed. (1845) of <i>Catão</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660" class="label">[660]</a> The ‘tyranny’ of the day was that of General Beresford. Some scenes of +<i>Catão</i> (derived from the <i>Cato</i> (1713) of Addison), of which a Portuguese version by +Manuel de Figueiredo (<i>Theatro</i>, vol. viii) had appeared in Garrett’s boyhood, +were directed against this English despot. A few years later Garrett learned +to enjoy English society, as his Anglophobe biographer, Amorim, admits.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661" class="label">[661]</a> Published in 1841.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662" class="label">[662]</a> Written ten years earlier.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663" class="label">[663]</a> These two plays were published in vol. vii of his <i>Obras</i> (1847) with +<i>D. Philippa de Vilhena</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664" class="label">[664]</a> A contemporary novel, <i>Helena</i> (1871), remained unfinished at his death.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665" class="label">[665]</a> It was, however, no sudden decision. As early as 1851 he wrote, in a letter +to Garrett, ‘... <i>me ver entre quatro serras com algumas geiras de terra proprias, +umas botas grossas e um chapeu de Braga, bello ideal de todas as minhas ambições +mundanas</i>’.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666" class="label">[666]</a> The second edition with additional poems was entitled <i>Poesias</i> (1850).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667" class="label">[667]</a> <i>Cronica, poema, lenda ou o que quer que seja</i>, he says.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668" class="label">[668]</a> The late Dr. Gonçalvez Viana considered Herculano ‘the most vernacular, +scrupulous and perfect writer of the nineteenth century’ (<i>Palestras Filolójicas</i>, +1910, p. 116).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669" class="label">[669]</a> <i>O Alliciador</i> (1859), <i>O Astrologo</i> (1860).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670" class="label">[670]</a> The last novel to appear in Rebello da Silva’s lifetime was <i>A Casa +dos Phantasmas</i> (1865). <i>De Noite todos os gatos são pardos</i> was published +posthumously.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671" class="label">[671]</a> After Camillo, as he is always called in Portugal, had been created Visconde +de Corrêa Botelho in 1885, his descent was traced back to Fruela, son of +Pelayo.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672" class="label">[672]</a> That is, a year before the novel <i>Memorias de um Doudo</i> (1849) by +Antonio Pedro Lopes de Mendonça (1826-65).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673" class="label">[673]</a> Cf. also <i>Carlota Angela</i> (1858), <i>O que fazem mulheres</i> (1858), <i>Annos de +Prosa</i> (1863), <i>O Sangue</i> (1868), <i>Estrellas Propicias</i> (1863), <i>Estrellas Funestas</i> +(1869).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674" class="label">[674]</a> e. g. <i>Lagrimas Abençoadas</i> (1857), <i>Carlota Angela</i> (1858), <i>O Santo da Montanha</i> +(1865), <i>A Engeitada</i> (1866), <i>O Judeu</i> (2 vols., 1866), <i>O Regicida</i> (1874), +<i>A Filha do Regicida</i> (1875).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675" class="label">[675]</a> That it is not impeccable such a phrase as <i>confortar o palacio</i> (<i>O Livro +Negro do Padre Diniz</i>, 1896 ed., p. 135) well shows.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676" class="label">[676]</a> M. A. Vaz de Carvalho, <i>Serões no Campo</i> (1877), p. 171.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677" class="label">[677]</a> Part 2 is entitled <i>A Festa de Maio</i> (two cantos).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678" class="label">[678]</a> Written in 1830.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679" class="label">[679]</a> This ‘collection of contemporary poems’ contains verses of considerable +merit. Of some 200 poems by twenty-one poets twenty-eight are by João +de Lemos, thirty by José Freire de Serpa Pimentel (1814-70), second Visconde +de Gouvêa, author of <i>Solaos</i> (1839), thirty-four by Antonio Xavier Rodrigues +Cordeiro (1819-1900), and thirty-six by Augusto José Gonçalves Lima (1823-67), +who reprinted his contributions in <i>Murmurios</i> (1851). A similar collection +of verse was <i>A Grinalda</i> (Porto, 1857).</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</span></p> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="VI_2">§ 2<br><span class="small"><i>The Reaction and After</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>It was in 1865 that Castilho, the acknowledged high-priest +of literary aspirants, wrote a long letter which was published +as introduction (pp. 181-243) to Pinheiro Chagas’ <i>O Poema +da Mocidade</i> (1865), in which he deprecated the pretentious +affectations of the younger poets. For while Castilho was +dispensing his patronage to the acolytes of romanticism a new +school of writers had grown up at Coimbra, who refused to +know Joseph. They turned to Germany as well as to France, +professed to replace sentiment by science, and in the name of +philosophy chafed unphilosophically at the old commonplaces +and unrealities. Castilho stood not only for romanticism but +for the classical style of the eighteenth century, and in some +respects the secession from his school may be described as the +revolt of the Philistine against Filinto. Anthero de Quental +now voiced the cause against the aged Castilho’s preface in an +article entitled <i>Bom Senso e Bom Gosto</i> (1865). For the next +few months it rained pamphlets.<a id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> Snr. Julio de Castilho, subsequently +second Visconde de Castilho (1840-1919), and author of +many well-known works, including the drama <i>D. Ignez de Castro</i> +(1875) and the eight volumes of <i>Lisboa Antiga</i> (1879-90), took +up the cudgels on behalf of his father. The high principles at +stake, good sense and good taste, were sometimes forgotten in +personal bitterness; a duel was even fought between Quental +and Ramalho Ortigão, in which both the poet and his critic were +happily spared to literature.</p> + +<p>But romanticism in Portugal has nine lives, and raised its head at +intervals during the second half of the century. In the domain of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</span> +history <span class="smcap">Joaquim Pedro de Oliveira Martins</span> (1845-94) always +remained more than half a romantic. His life explains the character +of his historical writings. Born at Lisbon, obliged to work for a +living when he was barely fifteen, he succeeded at the same time +in educating himself, supported his mother and her younger +children, married before he was twenty-five, had published +a dozen works before he was forty, was elected deputy for +Viana do Castello in 1886, became Minister of Finance in 1892, +and died in his fiftieth year. A career so meteoric could scarcely +give scope for that scrupulous research, that careful sifting of +evidence which modern ideas associate with the work of the +historian; and Oliveira Martins as historian embraced not only +the whole of Portuguese but the whole of Iberian history, and +that of Greece and Rome to boot. But even had he had more +time, the result would only have been more subjects treated, +not a different treatment. His whole idea of history was coloured +with romance, his work impetuous and personal as that of a lyric +poet. His first book, the historical novel <i>Phebus Moniz</i> (1867), +passed almost unnoticed. After several pamphlets, appeared +his first historical work, <i>O Hellenismo e a Civilisação Christã</i> +(1878), and then in marvellous rapidity the <i>Historia da Civilisação +Iberica</i> (1879), <i>Historia de Portugal</i> (1879), <i>Elementos de Anthropologia</i> +(1880), <i>Portugal Contemporaneo</i> (1881), and a further +succession of historical works ending with the <i>Historia da +Republica Romana</i> (1885). Although politics now occupied much +of his time he continued to publish, and wisely emphasized the +biographical side of his work, of which <i>Os Filhos de D. João I</i> +(1891) and <i>A Vida de Nun’ Alvares</i> (1893) are not the least +valuable part. <i>O Principe Perfeito</i> (1896), dealing with King +João II, appeared posthumously and incomplete. A master of +psychology and impressionistic character-sketching, all his work +is a gallery of pictures—and especially of portraits—from Afonso +Henriquez to Herculano, which reveal the artist as well as his +subjects. His style, nervous, coloured, insinuating, is a swift and +supple implement for his exceptional power of skilfully summarizing +a person or a period. He is capable of vulgarity (as +in the account of Queen Philippa and the frequent use of colloquialisms +perfectly unbefitting the dignity of history) but not of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</span> +dullness. He uses and abuses epigram and metaphor, and is not +free from the pompous rhetorical antitheses of Victor Hugo (e.g. +<i>De Cid transformou-se em Wallenstein</i>), till the reader suspects +him of being ready at all times to sacrifice truth to a phrase. Yet +it is surprising, considering the circumstances of his life and the +extent of his work, how often he bases his history, if not on +documents, on the work of reliable earlier historians, Portuguese +and foreign. If he fills in the gaps with pure romance or an +uncritical use of texts (for instance, in <i>A Vida de Nun’ Alvares</i> +he incorporates as authentic those charming ‘letters of Nun’ +Alvarez’ which a mere glance at their style shows to be apocryphal) +these are but the poet’s arabesques, the main structure is +often sound enough. Were there no other history of Portugal it +might be necessary to consider his work not only fascinating but +dangerous, nor would <i>Portugal Contemporaneo</i> alone convey an +impartial or complete idea of Portuguese history in the first two-thirds +of the nineteenth century. We may deny him the title +of great historian, we cannot deny him a foremost place in the +literature of the century as a writer of brilliant intellect and +feverish energy and a powerful re-constructor of characters and +scenes in their picturesqueness and their passions.</p> + +<p>The work of <span class="smcap">Manuel Pinheiro Chagas</span> (1842-95), poet, playwright, +critic, novelist, historian, was even more abundant and +for the most part of a more popular character and more commonplace. +He is also more Portuguese, and his works deserve to be +read if only for their pure and easily flowing style. Many of his +novels are historical. <i>A Corte de D. João V</i> (1867) has an account +of an <i>outeiro</i><a id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> in which figures the <i>Camões do Rocio</i> as the poet +Caetano José da Silva Souto-Maior (<i>c.</i> 1695-1739) was called. +The subject of the earlier novel <i>Tristezas á beira-mar</i> (1866) is that +which Amorim in his <i>A Abnegação</i> derived from an English novel, +but is here more naturally treated. <i>A Mascara Velha</i> (continued +in <i>O Juramento da Duqueza</i>) appeared in 1873. <i>As Duas Flores +de Sangue</i> (1875) is concerned with revolution in France and at +Naples. <i>A Flor Secca</i> (1866) treats of more everyday scenes and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</span> +contains some amusing if rather obvious character-sketches, as +the old servant Maria do Rosario (a rustic Juliana), or the devout +and vixenish old maid D. Antonia. His <i>Novelas Historicas</i> (1869) +contains six historical tales dealing with Afonso I, Nun’ Alvarez, +Prince Henry the Navigator, King Sebastian, Pombal, and the +French Revolution. His <i>Historia de Portugal</i> (8 vols., 1867), +begun on a plan originally laid down by Ferdinand Denis, +contains lengthy and frequent quotations from previous historians +but is coloured by later political ideas. The two shorter +works <i>Historia alegre de Portugal</i> (1880) and <i>Portugueses illustres</i> +(1869) are admirably suited for their purpose—to interest the +people in the history and heroes of their country.</p> + +<p>The chief work of the able and industrious critic and historian +<span class="smcap">José Maria Latino Coelho</span> (1825-91) was his <i>Historia Politica +e Militar de Portugal desde os fins do seculo XVIII até 1814</i> (3 vols., +1874-91). <span class="smcap">Antonio Costa Lobo</span> (1840-1913), editor of the +instructive <i>Memorias de um Soldado da India</i>, in his <i>Historia da +Sociedade em Portugal no seculo XV</i> (1904) began a meticulous and +well thought-out study of an earlier period of Portuguese history. +<span class="smcap">José Ramos Coelho</span> (1832-1914) is chiefly known for his elaborate +romantic biography of the brother of King João V: <i>Historia do +Infante D. Duarte</i> (2 vols., 1889, 90). Dr. <span class="smcap">Henrique da Gama +Barros</span> (born in 1833) in the invaluable <i>Historia da Administração +Publica em Portugal nos seculos XII a XV</i> (3 vols., 1885, 96, 1914) +has collected an abundance of concrete, carefully verified details, +and thrown a searching light on the early history of Portugal.<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a></p> + +<p>In literary criticism as well as in historical research the +nineteenth century worthily continued the traditions of the +eighteenth. <span class="smcap">Francisco Marques de Sousa Viterbo</span> (1845-1910) +after first appearing in print as a poet in <i>O Anjo do Pudor</i> (1870) +rendered excellent service in both those fields; the best-known +work of <span class="smcap">Luciano Cordeiro</span> (1844-1900) is his study <i>Soror +Marianna</i> (1890); <span class="smcap">Zophimo Consiglieri Pedroso</span> (1851-1910) +and <span class="smcap">Antonio Thomaz Pires</span> (†1913) were celebrated for their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</span> +studies in folk-lore<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a>; the <span class="smcap">Visconde de Juromenha</span> (1807-87) +for his edition of the works of Camões; the <span class="smcap">Conde de Ficalho</span> +(1837-1903) for several remarkable studies and his edition of +Garcia da Orta; <span class="smcap">Annibal Fernandes Thomaz</span> (1840-1912) +as a bibliographer; <span class="smcap">Augusto Epiphanio da Silva Dias</span> +(1841-1916) as scholar and critic; <span class="smcap">José Pereira de Sampaio</span> +(1857-1915), who used the pseudonym <i>Bruno</i>, as a critic; +<span class="smcap">Aniceto dos Reis Gonçalvez Viana</span> (1840-1914) and <span class="smcap">Julio +Moreira</span> (1854-1911) as philologists; <span class="smcap">Luiz Garrido</span> (1841-82) +as critic and classical scholar in his <i>Ensaios historicos e criticos</i> +(1871) and <i>Estudos de historia e litteratura</i> (1879). After the +death of the diligent and enthusiastic but sadly unmethodical +bibliographer <span class="smcap">Innocencio da Silva</span> (1810-76), his celebrated +<i>Diccionario Bibliographico Portuguez</i> was carried on by <span class="smcap">Brito +Aranha</span> (1833-1914), and the task of continuing it is now entrusted +to Snr. <span class="smcap">Gomes de Brito</span>. To the eminent folk-lorist <span class="smcap">Francisco +Adolpho Coelho</span> (1847-1919) the language, literature, and folklore +are indebted for many works of permanent value. Notable +among living scholars, apart from D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos +and Mr. Edgar Prestage, who both write in Portuguese, +are Colonel <span class="smcap">Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira</span>, whose editions +of early works are invaluable; Dr. <span class="smcap">José Joaquim Nunes</span>, +who has devoted his careful scholarship to the early poetry and +prose; the Camões scholar, Dr. <span class="smcap">José Maria Rodrigues</span>; +Snr. <span class="smcap">Pedro de Azevedo</span>, archaeologist and historian; +Snr. <span class="smcap">David Lopes</span>, a scholar equally versed in literature and +history; Snr. <span class="smcap">Candido de Figueiredo</span> (born in 1846), enthusiastic +student and exponent of the Portuguese language; while +Dr. <span class="smcap">Fidelino de Figueiredo</span> has a wide and growing reputation +as critic and as editor of the <i>Revista de Historia</i>. Snr. <span class="smcap">Anselmo +Braamcamp Freire</span> (born in 1849), founder and editor of the +<i>Archivo Historico Portugues</i> and a most sagacious critic and keen +investigator, is the author of attractive and important historical +studies and editions, which have become more frequent since he +has been able to spare more time from public affairs. Dr. <span class="smcap">José +Leite de Vasconcellos</span> (born in 1858) has a European reputation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</span> +as archaeologist, folk-lorist, philologist, and founder and +editor of the <i>Revista Lusitana</i>. Ethnology, numismatics, and +poetry are among his other subjects, and he maintains the renown +of the Portuguese as polyglots, since he writes in Portuguese, +Spanish, French, Latin, and Galician. His untiring enthusiasm +for all that is popular or genuinely Portuguese is reflected in his +numerous books and pamphlets, and he happily infects younger +scholars. The gift and training of exact scholarship were denied to +Dr. <span class="smcap">Theophilo Braga</span> (born in 1843), but his exceptional ardour, +industry, and ingenuity have been of inestimable value to Portuguese +literature, which will always venerate his name even though +his works perish. More than thirty years ago they numbered over +sixty, and that was, as it were, only a beginning. His volumes +of verse, <i>Folhas Verdes</i> (1859), <i>Visão dos Tempos</i> (1864), <i>Tempestades +Sonoras</i> (1864), <i>Ondina do Lago</i> (1866), <i>Torrentes</i> (1869), +<i>Miragens Seculares</i> (1884), which was intended to succeed where +Victor Hugo’s <i>Légende des Siècles</i> had failed through lack of a +<i>plano fundamental</i>, have been variously judged, some regarding +them as real works of genius, others as a step removed from the +sublime; his works on the Portuguese people are always full of +interesting matter. His important <i>Historia da Litteratura Portuguesa</i> +was to have been completed in thirty-two volumes, but his +energies have been spent in many directions, and he has further +written works of history, including that of Coimbra University +in four volumes, positivist philosophy, and sociology, as well as +short stories and plays.</p> + +<p>The Portuguese novelists in the nineteenth century showed an +increasing tendency to write plays, while authors whose reputation +belonged more exclusively to the drama rarely rose above +mediocrity. The success of Garrett’s plays was bound to fire +a crowd of dramatists. Gomes de Amorim’s <i>Ghigi</i> (1852), on +a fifteenth-century theme, was followed by plays with a +thesis, such as <i>A Viuva</i> (1852), <i>Odio de Raça</i> (1854), written +on the slavery question at Garrett’s request, and <i>Figados de +Tigre</i> (1857), which entitles itself a parody of melodramas. +Having emigrated as a boy to Brazil, he was able to use his +knowledge of South America, sometimes with more zeal than +discretion, as in <i>O Cedro Vermelho</i>, an exotic play in five acts and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</span> +seventy-nine scenes, which the unfamiliar dresses and hybrid +dialogue helped to make popular at Lisbon.<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a></p> + +<p>The notable success of more recent playwrights has perhaps +developed in proportion as the drama has ceased to be drama +in order to become a series of isolated scenes, a novel or <i>conto</i> +in green-room attire. They are at their happiest when they +abandon formal drama for the lighter <i>revista</i>. Pathos is theirs +and a deft handling of social themes; they can reproduce the +peasant or <i>bourgeois</i> or noble as a class in thought and action and +external conditions. Some of them possess technical skill, choose +indigenous subjects and an atmosphere of chastened romanticism. +But individual psychology and dramatic action are scarcely to be +found. A reader with the patience to peruse the hundreds of plays +acted and published in Lisbon during the last fifty years would be +rewarded by many delicate half-tones, polished and impeccable +verse, excellent prose, admirable sentiments, and poignant scenes, +but could with difficulty afterwards recall a striking character or +situation. <span class="smcap">Fernando Caldeira</span> (1841-94) was a poet, and +his plays, <i>O Sapatinho de Setim, A Mantilha de Renda</i> (1880), +<i>Nadadoras, A Madrugada</i> (1894), are read less for the plot than +for his carefully limned verse. His volume of poems, <i>Mocidades</i>, +appeared in 1882. <span class="smcap">Antonio Ennes</span> (1848-1901), journalist, +librarian, politician, diplomatist, Minister of Marine, showed +command of pathos and humour as well as of style in his plays +<i>O Saltimbanco</i> (1885), the tragedy of the noble devotion of a +mountebank, Falla-Só, descendant of Jean Valjean, for his +daughter, who has been brought up in ignorance of her birth, +<i>Os Lazaristas</i> (1875), and <i>Os Engeitados</i> (1876), which insists +throughout on its thesis, the wickedness and cruelty of +exposing children, but has some good scenes and living +characters, and the notable one-act piece <i>Um Divorcio</i> (1877). +The principal play of <span class="smcap">Maximiliano de Azevedo</span> (1850-1911), +author of many light and commonplace comedies, as <i>Por Força</i> +(1900), was the drama <i>Ignez de Castro</i> (1894). The scene in +which Inés, full of foreboding, takes leave of Pedro before he +goes hunting, and that at the end of Act IV, in which Pedro returns +to find Inés, in the words of their little son, <i>ali a dormir</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</span> +are effective. A fifth act six years later [1361] comes as an +anti-climax. <i>O Auto dos Esquecidos</i> (1898) is the work not of a +dramatist but of a poet, <span class="smcap">José de Sousa Monteiro</span> (1846-1909), +whose poems were published under the title <i>Poemas: Mysticos, +Antigos, Modernos</i> (1883). The <i>auto</i>, written in the old <i>redondilhas</i> +of which another modern poet has sung the praises, +necessarily suffers by comparison with plays in which Gil Vicente +touched upon the subject—the humbler forgotten heroes of the +Portuguese discoveries—but it has its own charm and pathos.</p> + +<p>But the most noteworthy of the dramatists of the latter part +of the century was <span class="smcap">D. João da Camara</span> (1852-1908), son of the +first Marques and eighth Conde da Ribeira Grande and grandson +of the third Duque de Lafões. He early began writing for the +stage one-act pieces such as <i>Nobreza</i> (1873). His work is various, +for it includes elaborate historical dramas in heroic couplets, as +<i>Affonso VI</i> (1890), in which the king is treated with a sympathy +denied to Cardinal Henrique in <i>Alcacer-Kibir</i> (1891), slight pieces +in verse, as <i>O Poeta e a Saudade</i> or the <i>Auto do Menino Jesus</i> +(1903); and prose plays of contemporary Lisbon society: <i>O +Pantano</i> (a series of scenes of madness and murder), <i>A Rosa +Engeitada</i>, <i>A Toutinegra Real</i>, <i>A Triste Viuvinha</i>, <i>Casamento e +Mortalha</i>. In these he is lifelike and natural, but many may +prefer him in his more fanciful pieces, portraying the old Canon +who lives up under the roof of Lisbon Cathedral, in <i>Meia Noite</i> +(1900), or the <i>prior</i> and other rustic worthies of Alentejo, in <i>Os +Velhos</i> (1893), or the ancient mariner of <i>O Beijo do Infante</i> (1898). +The mad José of <i>O Pantano</i>, the scatterbrained Clytemnestra in +<i>A Toutinegra Real</i>, the <i>parvenu</i> Arroiolos and select Dona Placida +in <i>A Rosa Engeitada</i> give little idea of the essential mellow +humanity of his work, enhanced by a prose style carefully chosen +and at times slightly archaic. Snr. Abel Botelho is more +peculiarly concerned with the novel, and his plays <i>Germano</i> (1886), +<i>Os Vencidos da Vida</i> (1892), <i>Jucunda</i> (1895) derive their interest +from the description of certain phases of Lisbon life which could +have been presented equally well in novel form. <span class="smcap">Marcellino +Mesquita</span> (1856-1919), doctor and deputy, wrote historical +dramas, <i>O Regente</i> [1440] in prose, <i>Leonor Telles</i> (1889, published in +1893) in verse, <i>O Sonho da India</i> (1898) (scenes from the discoveries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</span> +of Gama and ten other famous Portuguese navigators), and +<i>Pedro O Cruel</i> (1916). If these historical tragedies are somewhat +ponderous, he has a lighter touch in the <i>redondilhas</i> of <i>Margarida +do Monte</i> (1910) and in the charming sketch <i>Peraltas e Secias</i>, +and displays psychological insight in prose plays dealing with +more modern problems: the comedy <i>Perola</i> (1889), <i>Os Castros</i> +(1893), <i>O Velho Thema</i> (1896), <i>Sempre Noiva</i> (1900), <i>Almas +Doentes</i> (1905), which treats of hereditary madness and suicide, +and in the moving tragedy <i>Envelhecer</i> (1909), although it is +perhaps out of keeping with the finely portrayed character +of Eduardo de Mello that he should so end who had endured +so nobly. His prose style has great merit (a few words +require excision, e. g. <i>restaurante</i>, <i>rewolver</i>, <i>desconforto</i>), and +he wrote many shorter problem pieces or episodes in prose: +<i>Fim de Penitencia</i> (1895), <i>O Auto do Busto</i> (1899), <i>O Tio +Pedro</i> (1902), <i>A Noite do Calvario, A Mentira</i> (in which a wife +lies to her husband by the life of their child, who dies). The +monotony of the rhymed couplets in <i>Leonor Telles</i> is intensified +in the work of Snr. <span class="smcap">Henrique Lopes de Mendonça</span> (born in +1856). His verse is more declamatory, the use of strained <i>esdruxulo</i> +endings is carried so far that it becomes a mannerism and +the verse often resembles a hurdle-race, the line running on +smoothly to the obstacle at its end (<i>thalamo</i>—<i>cala-m’o</i>; <i>silencio</i>—<i>recompense-o</i>; +<i>phantasma</i>—<i>faz-m’a</i>). This no doubt helps to +increase the effect of hollow resonance. Nor is there a compensating +skill in psychology. There is nothing subtle, for instance, in +the characters of <i>O Duque de Vizeu</i> (1886): the cruel João II, the +timid Manuel, the high-minded Duke, and self-sacrificing Margarida. +<i>A Morta</i> (1891) deals with Pedro I’s justice and <i>saudade</i> +for the dead Inés. <i>Affonso d’Albuquerque</i> (1898) has a tempting +subject (handled previously by Costa Lobo in his play—also in +verse—<i>Affonso d’Albuquerque</i>, 1886), but it is embarrassing to +find the most unrhetorical of heroes, will of iron but not as here +tongue of gold, solemnly haranguing in couplet after couplet, +(although here, as in the other plays, the atmosphere of Portugal’s +spacious days is well maintained):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">E em psalmos de christão se ha de mudar o cantico</div> + <div class="verse indent0">De Brahma, confundindo o Indico no Atlantico.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>It is perhaps a relief to turn to the prose plays, <i>O Azebre</i> (1909,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</span> +written in 1904), the interest of which centres in the artist Fidelio, +<i>Nó Cego</i> (1904), dealing with divorce, and especially to <i>O Salto +Mortal</i>, which treats of more homely peasant affairs, and to the +admirably natural fishermen’s scenes and dialogues enacted at +Ericeira in the second half of the nineteenth century, in <i>Amor Louco</i> +(1899). The author succeeds in giving a more definite picture +of a whole community here than of any of his individual heroes in +high places. <i>A Herança</i> (1913) also has the lives of fishermen for +its subject. An equally slight but charming one-act piece in verse +is <i>Saudade</i> (1916), while the dramatist’s power of evoking past +scenes is shown in the glowing historical tales of <i>Sangue Português</i> +(1920), <i>Gente Namorada</i> (1921), and <i>Lanças n’Africa</i> (1921).</p> + +<p>The most conspicuous among slightly younger dramatists is +Snr. <span class="smcap">Julio Dantas</span> (born in 1876), who published a first volume +of poems, <i>Nada</i>, in 1896. He is gifted with wit, lightness of touch, +an excellent style, and a sense of atmosphere, which enables him +to bring a pleasant archaic flavour to reconstructions of the past +and observe the true spirit of history in periods the most diverse. +His malleable talent is equally at its ease in <i>O que morreu de amor</i> +(1899) and <i>Viriato Tragico</i> (1900); in Spain of the seventeenth +century: <i>Don Ramón de Capichuela</i> (1911); contemporary Lisbon: +<i>Crucificados</i> (1902), <i>Mater Dolorosa</i> (1908), <i>O Reposteiro +Verde</i> (1912); the Inquisition-clouded Portugal of the seventeenth +century: <i>Santa Inquisição</i> (1910), or its lighter side, with +the <i>bonbon</i> marquis: <i>D. Beltrão de Figueiroa</i> (1902); the gentle, +romantic Portugal of the middle of the nineteenth century: +<i>Um Serão nas Laranjeiras</i> (1904), or the bull-fighting Portugal of +the same period: <i>A Severa</i> (1901) with the gallant Marques +de Marialva and the beautiful and magnanimous gipsy of the +Mouraria. The filigree of his elaborate stage directions is skilfully +used to enhance the effect,<a id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> and some of his scenes are +exquisite, especially the simple, very charming, and tragic one-act +comedy <i>Rosas de todo o anno</i> (1907). If the characters are usually +sacrificed to their setting, here and there a slight sketch stands +out, as that of the cynical old cardinal who delights in the mental +torture of others, in <i>Santa Inquisição</i>, the attractive bishop of <i>Soror +Mariana</i> (1915), or the characters in <i>A Ceia dos Cardeais</i> (1902).<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</span> +<span class="smcap">Ernesto Biester</span> (1829-80) in the middle of last century +wrote lively comedies of contemporary Lisbon life. The comedies +of <span class="smcap">Gervasio Lobato</span> (1850-95), as <i>Os Grotescos</i>, <i>A Condessa +Heloïsa</i> (1878), <i>O Festim de Balthazar</i> (1892), <i>O Commissario de +Policia</i>, <i>Sua Excellencia</i>, and many others, are natural, farcical +scenes of high spirits and real good humour and good feeling. +More literary and charming is the work of Snr. <span class="smcap">Eduardo Schwalbach</span>, +whose <i>O Dia de Juizo</i> (1915) and <i>Poema de Amor</i> (1916) came +to crown a long series of plays and <i>revistas</i>. There are touches +of real comedy in the lightly sketched scenes and characters of +Snr. <span class="smcap">Augusto de Castro’s</span> <i>Caminho perdido</i> (1906), <i>Amor á Antiga</i> +(1907), <i>As nossas amantes</i> (1912), <i>A Culpa</i> (1918), as in his slight, +attractive essays <i>Fumo do Meu Cigarro</i> (1916), <i>Fantoches e Manequins</i> +(1917), and <i>Conversar</i> (1920); thought and character in +Snr. <span class="smcap">Augusto Lacerda’s</span> <i>O Vicio</i> (1888), <i>Casados Solteiros</i> (1893), +<i>Terra Mater</i> (1904), <i>A Duvida</i> (1906), <i>Os Novos Apostolos</i> (1918). +In Snr. <span class="smcap">Bento Mantua’s</span> <i>O Alcool</i> (1909) and <i>Novo Altar</i> (1911) +the problem may be a little too much in evidence, but in his prose +plays <i>Má Sina</i> (1906) and <i>Gente Moça</i> (1910) the human interest +is insistent. <i>Má Sina</i>, apart from the author’s weakness for +strained coincidences, is a story of peasant life very naturally +told. A young playwright of promise is Snr. <span class="smcap">Vasco de Mendonça +Alves</span>, author of <i>Promessa</i> (1910) and <i>Filhos</i> (1910). The subject +of <i>Filhos</i> is unpleasant if not original (it is that of Eça de Queiroz’ +<i>Os Maias</i> and Ennes’ <i>Os Engeitados</i>), but is treated with dignity +and in a good prose style. Snr. <span class="smcap">Jaime Cortesão</span>, hitherto +known rather as a poet, has turned to the drama in <i>Egas Moniz</i> +(1918).</p> + +<p>The novelists of the second half of the century were numerous +and, as a rule, too dependent upon foreign models, chiefly French. +<span class="smcap">Joaquim Guilherme Gomes Coelho</span> (1839-71) neither by date +nor inclination belonged to one or other of the two schools +between which lies his brief ten years’ activity. His talent developed +early. As a medical student at his native Oporto he +published poems and several stories, originally printed in the +<i>Jornal do Porto</i> and later collected with the title <i>Serões de Provincia</i> +(1870), and at the age of twenty-one, under the pseudonym +<span class="smcap">Julio Diniz</span>, he wrote the novel which brought him immediate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</span> +fame and is still sometimes preferred to his later works: <i>Uma +Familia Ingleza</i> (1868). In these scenes of the life of Oporto he +drew with the most elaborate analysis the relations between +English and Portuguese which he had had frequent opportunities +of observing in that city. Portuguese critics hint that what to +superficial readers has seemed the tediousness of his novels is +due to the influence of Dickens and other English novelists who +revel in detail, and it is interesting that Gomes Coelho’s maternal +grandmother was an Englishwoman, Maria, daughter of Thomas +Potter. But it is a mistake to call his work tedious; the deliberate +dullness of his novels has an excitement of its own, ‘’tis a good +dullness’. The reader, tired with sensational plots and strained +incidents, follows not only with relief but with growing absorption +the homely daisy-chain of his stories, in which not the tiniest +link in the development of the action or thought, especially the +latter, is omitted. The interest never flags and never disappoints, +leading gently on with carefully measured steps; the approval +of virtue and disapproval of wickedness only occasionally becomes +obtrusive and insipid. Julio Diniz confessed to a preference +for <i>bourgeois</i> types, but his real interest was in the country, +and <i>As Pupillas do Senhor Reitor</i><a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> (1866), a village chronicle +suggested by Herculano’s <i>O Parocho de Aldea</i>, is by many +held to be his best work. The characters are delineated with +the same delicate charm as that of Jenny in his earlier +novel, and there is a background of curious observation—<i>esfolhadas</i> +(husking the maize), <i>espadeladas</i> (braking flax), +<i>ripadas</i> (dressing the flax), <i>fiadas</i> (gatherings of women to spin +at the winter <i>lareira</i> in the faint light of a lamp hanging on the +smoke-blackened wall), the men at cards in the tavern, the +old country doctor going his rounds on horseback, the solemn +greetings <i>Guarde-o Deus, Louvado seja nosso Senhor Jesu Christo</i>. +If he sometimes sees the peasants as he would have them be rather +than as they are, if his realism is subdued and gentle, his descriptions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</span> +are at least truer than those of the naturalistic school. In +<i>A Morgadinha dos Canaviaes</i> (1868), another village chronicle +of Minho, the winter life of the peasantry is described, the +<i>consoada</i> preceding ‘cock-crow mass’ on Christmas Eve, the +<i>auto</i> represented on a rough stage in the village on the Day of +Kings, together with the inevitable missionaries, <i>beata</i>, enriched +‘Brazilian’, and electioneering intrigues. Some critics have seen a +falling off in his last novel, <i>Os Fidalgos da Casa Mourisca</i> (1871), +written in the winter of 1869-70 at Madeira, whither he went +in vain quest of health, but it is perfectly on a level with his +previous work. There may be a slight tendency to exaggerate +some of the characters, as there was in <i>A Morgadinha</i>, the contrast +between Jorge and Mauricio may be too crude, the last +scenes may be touched with melodrama, the style may have +traces of the <i>francesismo</i> which Castilho noticed in his first novel, +the execution may be excessively minute—these were not new +defects in his works. On the other hand, the ruined <i>fidalgo</i> +D. Luiz, his chaplain and agent Frei Januario, who scents a Liberal +doctrine leagues away, the large-hearted peasants Anna do Vedor +and Thomé da Povoa, are as interesting as Tio Vicente the +herbalist or any of his previous characters, and the charming +and accurate descriptions of the country that he loved so well +show him at his best. This demure chronicler of quiet scenes, this +specialist in the obvious, in his <i>romances lentos</i>, as he calls them—a +Portuguese blend of Jane Austen, Enrique Gil, and Fernán +Caballero: his delicacy is essentially feminine—achieved an +originality which so often eludes those who most furiously +pursue it. His <i>Poesias</i> (1873), partly consisting of poems interspersed +in his novels, have a quiet, intimate charm. A curious +originality had been attained earlier by a young naval lieutenant, +<span class="smcap">Francisco Maria Bordallo</span> (1821-61). When he published +<i>Eugenio</i> (1846) at Rio de Janeiro, and a second edition at Lisbon +in 1854, it was claimed that this sea novel (<i>romance maritimo</i>) +was the first of its kind to be written in Portuguese; but his use +of naval technical terms and descriptions of the sea is perhaps +too deliberate. His <i>Quadros maritimos</i> appeared in <i>O Panorama</i> +in 1854.</p> + +<p>Few authors are more interesting to the critic (owing to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</span> +courageous and persistent development of his art) than <span class="smcap">José +Maria de Eça de Queiroz</span> (1843-1900), a far more robust writer +than Julio Diniz and the greatest Portuguese novelist of the +realistic school. Born at Villa do Conde, the son of a magistrate, +he was duly sent to study law at Coimbra, and after taking +his degree contributed in 1866 and 1867 a series of <i>feuilletons</i> +to the <i>Gazeta de Portugal</i>. These <i>folhetins</i>, reprinted in <i>Prosas +Barbaras</i> (1903), are remarkable because they show beside a love +of the gruesome and fantastic (<i>O Milhafre</i>, <i>O Senhor Diabo</i>, +<i>Memorias de uma Forca</i>) at least one story (<i>Entre a neve</i>) of +a perfect simplicity, such as the author is sometimes supposed +to have attained only towards the end of his life. His partiality +for the exotic was fostered by travels in Egypt and Palestine +in 1869 and manifested itself in <i>A Morte de Jesus</i>, <i>Adão +e Eva no Paraiso</i>, and <i>A Perfeição</i>, as well as in <i>A Reliquia</i> and +in part of <i>A Correspondencia de Fradique Mendes</i>. In 1873 he +went to Havana as Portuguese Consul, and twenty-six years +as Consul at Newcastle-on-Tyne (1874-6), Bristol (1876-88), +and Paris (1888-1900), where he died, enabled him to see his +own country in a new light. His prose lost its exuberance, his +taste became more severe, his extravagant fancy, so strangely +combined with realism in many of his works, was merged +in natural descriptions of his native land. He regained his +own soul without losing that peculiar mockery with which +he veiled a kindly, sensitive temperament, and which agreeably +stamps the greater part of his writings. But indeed the +introducer of the naturalistic novel into Portugal only played +with materialism, which in his hands was always unreal: legendary +and romantic, as in <i>Frei Genebro</i>, <i>S. Christovam</i>, <i>O Tesoiro</i>; +deliberately false and artificial, as <i>A Civilisação</i>; a macabre +fantasy, as <i>O Defunto</i>; or half-intentional caricature, as <i>O Primo +Basilio</i> and <i>Os Maias</i>. What more chimerical than <i>A Reliquia</i> or +more elusive than <i>O Suave Milagre</i>, or more fanciful than <i>O Mandarim</i> +(1879), in which without himself knowing China the author +makes his readers know it! All through his life he was as it were +groping through Manueline for a purer Gothic; the pity was that +his education from the first should have thrown him into contact +with French models—so that his very language too often reads like<span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</span> +translated French—instead of directing him to a truer realism +(such as that of his nearer neighbour Pereda), to which he turned +in his last works, and in which he might have written regional +masterpieces had he not died at a moment when his art apparently +had lost nothing of its vigour. More probably, however, his still +unsatisfied craving for perfection would have sought relief in +mysticism. His first novel was a sensational story written in collaboration +with Ramalho Ortigão: <i>O Mysterio da Estrada de Cintra</i> +(1870), originally published in the <i>Diario de Noticias</i> (July 24-September +27, 1870). It was, however, <i>O Crime do Padre Amaro</i> +(1876), in which he grafted the naturalistic novel on the quiet little +town of Leiria, and the two notable if unpleasant Lisbon stories <i>O +Primo Basilio</i> (1878) and <i>Os Maias</i> (1880), that marked him out as +the most powerful writer of the time in Portugal. But he was still +feeling his way. <i>A Reliquia</i> (1887) is as different from <i>Os Maias</i> +as it is from the remarkable and charming letters of <i>A Correspondencia +de Fradique Mendes</i> (1891) and his last two novels, +<i>A Illustre Casa de Ramires</i> (1900), most Portuguese of his works, +and <i>A Cidade e as Serras</i> (1901). The three fragments in <i>Ultimas +Paginas</i> (1912) were probably written earlier. There are samples +of all his phases in his <i>Contos</i> (1902), and the short story gave +scope for his powers of observation and insight without calling +for an elaborate plot, in which he often failed. <i>A Cidade e as +Serras</i>, after developing the earlier story <i>A Civilisação</i>, is but +a fascinating succession of country scenes. All Eça de Queiroz’ +characters are caricatures, some more so, others less, but they are +nevertheless true to a certain degree, that is to say, they are good +caricatures, and living, and this is so especially in these later +novels, which show how great a regionalist writer was lost in him +through the influence of French schools. Yet no one can deny +that his works have an originality of their own as well as power +and personal charm, and all contain some striking character-sketches +or delightful descriptions that are not easily forgotten.</p> + +<p>The dullness of the naturalistic novels of <span class="smcap">Julio Lourenço +Pinto</span> (1842-1907) is not relieved by Eça de Queiroz’ pleasant +irony and definite characterization. These ‘scenes of contemporary +life’, while they display a praiseworthy restraint, give the +idea rather of exercises in imitation of a French exemplar or of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</span> +one of Eça de Queiroz’ early novels than of living stories. Their +style is slovenly, the development of the plot prolix and monotonous. +A certain interest attaches to <i>Margarida</i> (1879)—although +even here the author is too methodical in detailing the +past lives of the four protagonists, the nonentity Luiz, the +aspiring Adelina (a Portuguese Madame Bovary), Fernando, and +Margarida, after they have been duly presented in the opening +pages—and to the descriptions of a fair, a bull-fight, a flood, or +provincial politics in <i>Vida Atribulada</i> (1880), <i>O Senhor Deputado</i> +(1882), <i>Esboços do Natural</i> (1882), and <i>O Homem Indispensavel</i> +(1884). Snr. <span class="smcap">Jaime de Magalhães Lima</span> (born in 1857) in <i>O +Transviado</i> (1899), <i>Na Paz do Senhor</i> (1903), and <i>O Reino da Saudade</i> +(1904), has written novels <i>à thèse</i> which are quite as interesting as +naturalistic novels and more natural, but his art, especially in the +presentation of contemporary politics, is a little too photographic. +Snr. <span class="smcap">Luiz de Magalhães</span> (born in 1859), author of several +volumes of verse, wrote a single novel, <i>O Brasileiro Soares</i> (1886). +It would offer little new in theme or treatment to distinguish it +from other naturalistic novels were it not for the author’s success +in drawing in Joaquim Soares a natural and attractive portrait +of the Portuguese returned rich from Brazil (the <i>Brasileiro</i>). +None of these novelists can rival the reputation of <span class="smcap">Francisco +Teixeira de Queiroz</span> (1848-1919). He became prominent as +a novelist of the realistic school over forty years ago when under +the pseudonym of <span class="smcap">Bento Moreno</span> he inaugurated the series +of his <i>Comedia do Campo</i> (8 vols.), of which the last volume +is <i>Ao Sol e á Chuva</i> (1916), followed by a second series: +<i>Comedia Burgueza</i> (7 vols.), which began with <i>Os Noivos</i> +(1879). The obvious defects of his work—its laborious realism, +its insistence on medical or physical details, its vain load of +pedantry<a id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a>—need not obscure its real merits. The careful style +has occasional lapses, the psychology is thin, the conversations +commonplace. His art, like a winter sunshine, fails to penetrate. +Yet even in the <i>Comedia Burgueza</i>, where the interest must +depend on the psychology, he succeeds in <i>D. Agostinho</i> and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</span> +<i>A Morte de D. Agostinho</i> (1895) in giving individuality to that +strange rickety figure of the old <i>fidalgo</i> in his ruined Lisbon +<i>palacio</i>. And in the Minho scenes of the <i>Comedia do Campo</i> his +scrupulous descriptions obtain their full effects. In the <i>romaria</i> +(pilgrimage), the <i>cantadeira</i> (improvisator), the <i>diligencia</i> with its +load of priests (in <i>Amor Divino</i>), the girl shepherdess, the <i>abbade</i> +fond of hunting wolves and boars, the old women spinning, the +lawsuit of centuries over the fruit of an orange-tree, the sexton +Coruja and his dog Coisa (in <i>Vingança do morto</i> and <i>O Enterro de +um Cão</i>), and especially some old familiar country-house, with +Dona Maria and her preserves and <i>receios infernaes</i>, in <i>Amor +Divino</i> and <i>Amores, Amores</i> (1897), Minho and the Minhotos are +presented with naturalness and skill. Many of these scenes are +from the short stories of <i>Contos</i>, <i>Novos Contos</i> (1887), <i>A Nossa +Gente</i> (1900),<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> and <i>A Cantadeira</i> (1913),<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> + some of which have +been collected in an attractive volume, <i>Arvoredos</i> (1895).</p> + +<p>Snr. <span class="smcap">Manuel da Silva Gayo</span> (born in 1860), poet and novelist, +wrote in <i>Peccado Antigo</i> (1893) a short <i>novela</i> as it calls itself, +or rather a <i>conto</i>, remarkable for its combination of colour and +restraint. It describes country scenes and customs in a style +that may not be spontaneous but is well subservient to the +matter in hand, and has a vigour, purity, and concision too +often lacking in modern Portuguese prose. Some of his early +stories were collected in <i>A Dama de Ribadalva</i> (1904). In his +later novels this style is not maintained. We will not quarrel +with its abruptness in <i>Ultimos Crentes</i> (1904), a remarkable +story of nineteenth-century <i>Sebastianistas</i> in a fishing village +to the extreme north of Estremadura, but it is more slovenly in +<i>Os Torturados</i> (1911), in which a certain originality of thought +seems to have damaged the form in which it was expressed. +There is a welcome Spanish directness in the work of the able +journalist Snr. <span class="smcap">Carlos Malheiro Dias</span> (deputy for Vianna do +Castello in 1903-5) in his novels <i>O Filho das Hervas</i> (1900), +<i>Os Telles de Albergaria</i> (1901), and <i>A Paixão de Maria do Ceo</i> +(1902). Frankly sensational in <i>O Grande Cagliostro</i> (1905), he displays +his gift for the short story in <i>A Vencida</i> (1907), a volume +of dramatic tales, of which <i>A Consoada</i> is especially effective.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</span> +Snr. <span class="smcap">João Grave</span> (born in 1872) carefully elaborates his prose +in <i>A Eterna Mentira</i> (1904) and <i>Jornada Romantica</i> (1913). +It turns to marble in the musings of the marble faun in <i>O Ultimo +Fauno</i> (1906), but loses this unreality in studies of the poor in +country, <i>Gente Pobre</i> (1912), and town, <i>Os Famintos</i> (1903), a +tragic story of a workman’s family at Oporto. More recently he +has treated historical themes with success in <i>Parsifal</i> (1919) and +<i>A Vida e Paixão da Infanta</i> (1921). In the historical novel +Snr. <span class="smcap">Francisco de Rocha Martins</span> has won a special place by +picturesque works such as <i>Os Tavoras</i> (1917). He has an eye for +dramatic episodes and has composed many a living picture of +the past.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Abel Botelho</span> (1856-1917), a colonel in the Army, and for some +years Minister of the Portuguese Republic at Buenos Aires, author +of a volume of verse, <i>Lyra Insubmissa</i> (1885), showed an intermittent +power of description in seven stories of his native Beira, +collected under the title <i>Mulheres da Beira</i> (1898). In his series of +novels published under the heading <i>Pathologia Social: O Barão +de Lavos</i> (1891), <i>O Livro de Alda</i> (1898), <i>Fatal Dilemma</i> (1907), +<i>Prospera Fortuna</i> (1910), he would seem to have laboured under +a misapprehension, believing apparently that the introduction +of physiology into literature might prove him an original writer.<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> +Sainte-Beuve may speak of the <i>saletés splendides</i> of Rabelais, +a great stylist like Signor Gabriele d’ Annunzio, except when his +art fails, may redeem if he does not justify any theme. But +Abel Botelho’s style in these wearisome novels can only be +described as worthy of their matter. They are a welter of shapeless +sentences, long abstract terms, French words, gallicisms, +expressions such as <i>pathognomonico</i>, <i>autopsiação</i>, <i>neuro-arthritico</i>, +<i>a etiologia dos hystero-traumatismos</i>. This may be magnificent +pathology, but it is not art or literature. <i>As Farpas</i> had come to +an end some years before these novels began to appear, otherwise<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</span> +their defects might have been pilloried by an adept in ridicule +who in contemporary literature occupies a place apart. As critic +<span class="smcap">José Duarte Ramalho Ortigão</span> (1836-1915) took his share in +the controversy of 1865, as a traveller he wrote a vivid, witty, +and charming account of Holland, with malicious side-reflections +on Portugal: <i>A Hollanda</i> (1883). Between these two dates +a series of papers, <i>As Farpas</i> (1871-87), originally suggested by +Alphonse Karr’s <i>Les Guêpes</i> and begun in collaboration with his +friend Eça de Queiroz, had made him famous. His clear and +pointed style was an excellent instrument for the barbed shafts +of his satire and irony and, having discovered how powerful +a weapon he possessed, he wielded it to right purpose. With +abundant good sense he ridiculed and undermined the foibles +and follies of Lisbon life, obstinately determined to bring health +to the minds and the bodies of his fellow-countrymen and succeeding +by his wit where a more sedate reformer might have +failed. The range of subjects covered was very wide—the interest +of many of them necessarily ephemeral—and his skill in brief +character-sketches is remarkable. But although Ramalho +Ortigão will always be remembered as the author of <i>As Farpas</i> +it is perhaps <i>A Hollanda</i> that will be read. The former work +was imitated by Fialho de Almeida in <i>Os Gatos</i> (1889-94), which +achieved popularity in Lisbon. His is a more lumbering wit: the +rapier of Ramalho Ortigão is exchanged for bludgeon or umbrella. +But <i>Os Gatos</i>, despite much that is vulgar and much that is dull, +contains some good literary criticism and successful descriptions, +of places rather than of persons. A battling critic was +<span class="smcap">Manuel José da Silva Pinto</span> (1848-1911) in <i>Combates e +Criticas</i> (1882), <i>Frente a frente</i> (1909), and <i>Na procella</i> (1909). +Equally vigorous and pure was the style of <span class="smcap">Joaquim de +Senna Freitas</span> (1840-1913) in <i>Per agoa e terra</i> (1903) and <i>A Voz +do Semeador</i> (1908), as likewise that of <span class="smcap">Francisco Silveira +Da Mota</span> in <i>Viagens na Galliza</i> (1889). The literature of travel +is not extensive. Oliveira Martins published in the <i>Jornal do +Commercio</i> of Rio de Janeiro in 1892 his <i>A Inglaterra de hoje</i> +(1893); Eça de Queiroz showed a deeper acquaintance with England +in his <i>Cartas de Inglaterra</i> (1905). Snr. <span class="smcap">Wenceslau José de +Sousa Moraes</span> (born in 1854), sometimes called the Portuguese<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</span> +Pierre Loti, has skilfully described China and Japan in <i>Traços +do Extremo Oriente</i> (1905), <i>Paisagens da China e do Japão</i> (1906), +and <i>Cartas do Japão</i> (three series, 1904-7). In a letter in +French at the end of his <i>Traços</i> he says: <i>J’ai dit ce que je +pensais, naïvement, au gré de mes souvenirs.</i></p> + +<p>Snr. <span class="smcap">Manuel Teixeira Gomes</span>, versatile and gifted, traveller, +diplomatist (Portuguese Minister at the Court of St. James), and +author, is essentially an artist. With a clear, coloured, liquid +style he excels in painting the blue seas, transparent air, and sun-burnt +soil of Algarve in <i>Agosto Azul</i> (1904). His pagan and +unconventional art has the power of impressing incidents on the +mind, as of giving sharp relief to fantastic persons such as the +Canon and his three witless sisters in <i>Gente Singular</i> (1909), +the Danish literary lady in <i>Inventario de Junho</i> (1899), or the +avaricious Dona Maria and the inane Minister of <i>Sabina Freire</i> +(1905). This ‘comedy in three acts’ contains sufficient shrewdness, +humour, and clever characterization for a long novel instead of a +short play. The tiny volumes <i>Tristia</i> (1893) and <i>Alem</i> (1895) by +Snr. <span class="smcap">Antero de Figueiredo</span> (born in 1867) were notable for their +style, and in other works, <i>Partindo da Terra</i> (1897), the passionate +letters of <i>Doida de Amor</i> (1910), the novel <i>Comicos</i> (1908), and the +fascinating historical studies <i>D. Pedro e D. Inês</i> (1913) and <i>Leonor +Teles, Flor de Altura</i> (1916), his prose maintains a restraint and +charm which place him among the best stylists of the day. One +of the noblest qualities of this prose is its precision, the scrupulous +use of the right word, common or archaic. It is the more +disconcerting to find good Portuguese words such as <i>estação</i>, +<i>hospedaria</i>, <i>comodo</i>, <i>bondade</i> ousted by <i>gare</i>, <i>hôtel</i>, <i>confortavel</i>, +<i>bonomia</i>. But these are only occasional blemishes in a style +of rare distinction. It can paint a whole scene in a brief +sentence, as <i>os milheiraes amarellecem-se caladamente</i>. This power +of description gives excellence to his <i>Recordações e Viagens</i> +(1905), whether the recollections be of Minho or of <i>uma aldeia +espiritual</i> in Italy. It is really as a writer of short sketches and +essays that he excels. In <i>Senhora do Amparo</i> (1920) and especially +in the seventeen sketches of <i>Jornadas de Portugal</i> (1918) skill in +the choice of indigenous words gives a forcible and original +poetry to glowing descriptions redolent of the soil.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho</span> (1847-1921) collaborated +with her husband, the poet Gonçalves Crespo, in +<i>Contos para os nossos filhos</i>, and in <i>Serões no Campo</i> (1877), three +stories, in one of which, <i>A Engeitada</i>, one may perhaps see +reminiscences of Julio Diniz’ <i>A Casa Mourisca</i>, and <i>Contos e +Phantasias</i> (1880) treated slight themes with a delicate charm. +But she is less well known as writer of <i>contos</i> or as poet, in <i>Vozes +do Ermo</i> (1876), than as the author of a notable historical biography, +<i>Vida do Duque de Palmella</i> (1898-1903), and of critical +essays on Portuguese and foreign literatures. In the latter the +English predominates, but French, German, and Italian, as in +<i>Arabescos</i> (1880), are not forgotten. The sane judgement, sympathy, +and insight of <i>Alguns homens do meu tempo</i> (1889), <i>Figuras +de Hoje e de Hontem</i> (1902), <i>Cerebros e Corações</i> (1903), <i>No Meu +Cantinho</i> (1909), <i>Coisas de Agora</i> (1913), and other volumes have +been appreciated by countless readers in Portugal and Brazil. +A writer who likewise combines literary and historical criticism +with original work in verse (<i>Poemetos</i>, 1882) and prose is the +<span class="smcap">Conde de Sabugosa</span> (born in 1854), skilful and delicate reconstructor +of the past in <i>Embrechados</i> (1908), <i>Donas de Tempos +Idos</i> (1912), <i>Gente d’Algo</i> (1915), <i>Neves de Antanho</i> (1919), and +<i>A Rainha D. Leonor</i> (1921), who collaborated with another +stylist, the <span class="smcap">Conde de Arnoso</span><a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> (1856-1911), author of <i>Azulejos</i> +(1886), in the volume of <i>contos</i> entitled <i>De braço dado</i> (1894). +His historical portraits are full of life and charm, painted in the +warm colours of knowledge and emotion.</p> + +<p>If we except D. Maria Amalia Vaz de Carvalho, the literary +achievement of women in Portugal in recent years has not been +remarkable. Like <span class="smcap">D. Claudia de Campos</span>, author of the novels +<i>Elle</i> (1898) and <i>A Esfinge</i> and short stories, <span class="smcap">D. Alice Pestana</span> +(<i>Caiel</i>) has cultivated with success both the novel, as in <i>Desgarrada</i> +(1902), and the <i>conto</i>, as in <i>De Longe</i> (1904), which contains +stories of familiar life written with sincerity and truth. If +<span class="smcap">D. Anna de Castro Osorio’s</span> <i>Ambições</i> (1903) gives the impression +rather of a series of scenes than of a long novel, in her +short stories <i>Infelizes</i> (1898)—especially <i>A Terra</i>—and <i>Quatro +Novelas</i> (1908) she ably describes common family life in town<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</span> +or country, or (in <i>A Sacrificada</i>) the lives, past and present, of +aged nuns in a dwindling convent. <span class="smcap">D. Virginia de Castro +e Almeida</span> has written two novels concerning the development +of the soil in Alentejo: <i>Terra Bemdita</i> (1907) and <i>Trabalho +Bemdito</i> (1908).<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> They are frankly novels with a thesis to +prove, but contain so much vigour and zest of living that they +stand out from other more futile or anaemic novels of +contemporary Portugal.</p> + +<p>The growing prominence of the <i>conto</i> is felt in the work of +Castello Branco, Eça de Queiroz, Teixeira de Queiroz, Snr. +Jaime de Magalhães Lima (<i>Via Redemptora</i>, 1905, <i>Apostolos +da Terra</i>, 1906, <i>Vozes do Meu Lar</i>, 1912), and many other +novelists. <span class="smcap">Julio Cesar Machado</span> (1835-90) showed talent in +<i>Contos ao luar</i> (1861), <i>Scenas da minha terra</i> (1862), <i>Quadros do +campo e da cidade</i> (1868), <i>Á Lareira</i> (1872). His skill in the +description of rustic scenes would have been more convincing +had he not thought it necessary to introduce touches of extraneous +elegance and humour into his very real love of the +country, so that the patent leather boot is ever appearing among +the <i>tamancos</i> in these light humorous sketches and romantic tales. +As slight but perhaps more natural are the <i>Contos do Tio Joaquim</i> +(1861) by <span class="smcap">Rodrigo Paganino</span> (1835-63); the pleasant stories +of village life, <i>Contos</i> (1874) and <i>Serões de Inverno</i> (1880), written +by <span class="smcap">Carlos Lopes</span> (born in 1842) under the pseudonym <span class="smcap">Pedro +Ivo</span>; and <i>Contos</i> (1894) and <i>Azul e Negro</i><a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a> (1897) by Afonso +Botelho. The poet <span class="smcap">Augusto Sarmento</span> (born in 1835) also wrote +stories of village life, <i>Contos do Soalheiro</i> (1876), but stories +<i>à thèse</i>, treating of emigration and other <i>minhoto</i> evils, among +which he includes <i>beatas</i>, witches, and <i>brasileiros de torna-viagem</i>. +A writer of <i>contos</i> as disappointing as Machado is <span class="smcap">Alberto +Braga</span> (1851-1911). He has a sense of style and technique, and +some of his tales, especially <i>O Engeitado</i>, are pathetic, but after +reading his <i>Contos da minha lavra</i> (1879), <i>Contos de aldeia</i>, +<i>Contos Escolhidos</i> (1892), <i>Novos Contos</i>, one has the perhaps<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</span> +somewhat unfair impression that they are mainly concerned with +<i>viscondessas</i> and canaries. The learned Conde de Ficalho +in <i>Uma Eleição Perdida</i> (1888) evidently relates his own experiences, +and this and the five accompanying <i>contos</i> contain some +charming descriptions of Alentejo, of the <i>reisinho cacique</i> Lopes, +Paschoal the <i>passarinheiro</i>, the gossips of the village <i>botica</i>, the +girls carrying <i>bilhas</i>, the scent of rosemary in morning dew. The +same province supplies the background of the work of <span class="smcap">José +Valentim Fialho de Almeida</span> (1857-1912). Born at Villa de +Frades, the son of a village schoolmaster, he spent seven years +sadly against the grain as chemist’s assistant before he was able +to turn more exclusively to literature. No recent writer has had +a greater vogue in Portugal. One must account for this by the +fact that in the somewhat nerveless literature of the day he +showed a virile and often brutal colour and energy. A few +descriptions of Alentejo gave interest to his <i>Contos</i> (1881) and +<i>A Cidade do Vicio</i> (1882), an interest strengthened in <i>O Paiz das +Uvas</i> (1893). This collection of naturalistic stories of great +variety and very unequal merit is, indeed, redeemed by the +author’s love for his native province. He sometimes obtains +powerful effects when his subject is the wide spaces, the night +silences, or the summer drought and midday zinc-coloured sky +of Alentejo. The shepherdess with her distaff, the village crier, +the small proprietor, the harvesters with their week’s provision +of coarse bread, goat’s cheese, and olives, toiling in a temperature +of 122 degrees, appear in his stories. His art is wholly external. +One need not have complained of his lack of psychology had he +been able to express what he saw in good Portuguese prose. But if +we turn to his style we find uncouth constructions, the constant +use of French words, and worse still, French words disguised +as Portuguese: <i>deboche</i>, <i>coquettemente</i>, <i>crayonar</i>. This is the +more pity because, had he written in Portuguese, he might have +left robust pictures of the Alentejan peasant’s life in its grim +reality which would have been read with pleasure. A sober and +fastidious style, sometimes recalling that of the Spanish essayist +Azorín, marks the <i>Contos</i> (1900) of the dramatist D. João da Camara. +The clear etching of the blind man and his grandson going +through the streets on Christmas Eve in <i>As Estrellas do Cego</i> and,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</span> +especially, the poignant sketch of the ruined old scholar <i>fidalgo</i> in +<i>O Paquete</i> show admirably what a skilful craftsman can make of +the slightest of themes. This is true to an even greater degree of +the best of all the Portuguese <i>contistas</i>, <span class="smcap">José Francisco de Trindade +Coelho</span> (1861-1908). His <i>contos</i> collected under the title <i>Os +Meus Amores</i> (1891), natural and deeply felt scenes of peasant +life, are all marked by an exceptional delicacy of style and by +a most alluring freshness and simplicity. The tinkling of the +bells of flocks, the thin blue smoke above the roofs, the evening +mists, the flight of doves are in these pages. And the peasants +are treated with the same sympathetic insight as their surroundings, +the women singing at their work in the fields, the olive-gatherers +at supper in the great farm kitchen; vintage and harvest, +tragedy and idyll. The sympathy is extended to the animals, +donkey (<i>Sultão</i>), goat (<i>Mãe</i>), and hen (<i>A Choca</i>). The <i>saudade</i> of +peasant soldiers for the land in <i>Terra-Mater</i> gives an opportunity +for describing the life of the peasants with its hardy toil and many +simple pleasures. In <i>Á Lareira</i>, the longest of these stories, +a rustic <i>serão</i> of peasants <i>ao borralho</i> is pleasantly drawn out +with quatrains, riddles, anecdotes, fairy-tales, only interrupted +by the ringing of the angelus for the saying of prayer on +prayer. Two little masterpieces stand somewhat apart from +the rest: <i>Abyssus Abyssum</i>, the tragic story of two small boys, +brothers, rowing to overtake the evening star, and <i>Idyllio Rustico</i>, +which with its two ingenuous little shepherds and their flocks of +sheep in the lonely places might almost be a chapter from Don +Ramón María del Valle Inclán’s <i>Flor de Santidad</i> (1904). <i>Os +Meus Amores</i> shows realism at its best, that is to say, hand in +hand with idealism. The author is not so enamoured of his +delightful style that he does not make the peasants speak their +natural language, and although he realizes keenly and expresses +the poetry of their life, he never sacrifices truth to this perception +any more than to the strange and essentially false propensities +of the naturalistic school, nor refines his descriptions to a rose-colour +insipidity. A good scent of the earth and of wild flowers +pervades these realistic descriptions. On such lines, if this book +influences younger writers, it might lead the way to many a delightful +novel of the <i>parfum du terroir</i> of Portugal. Snr. <span class="smcap">Julio<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</span> +Brandão</span> (born in 1870), equally distinguished in prose and +verse, is the author of <i>Maria do Ceo</i> (1902), mystic love letters +in a chiselled style, only with the mystic writers of old the style +flowed naturally from an inner fervour, here it has evidently been +the chief consideration. If the effort is apparent it is sometimes +very successful, and in <i>Perfis Suaves</i> (1903) and <i>Figuras de Barro</i> +(1910), fantastic stories and fascinating fairy-tales, he occasionally +achieves simplicity. Equally studied is the prose of Snr. +<span class="smcap">Justino de Montalvão’s</span> <i>Os Destinos</i> (1904), twelve stories, of +which <i>Conto dos Reis</i> relates the death of a peasant child as +voices outside sing <i>São chegados os tres Reis</i>. The <span class="smcap">Visconde de +Villa-Moura</span> (born in 1877) has shown in the five <i>contos</i> of +<i>Doentes da Belleza</i> (1913), as in <i>Bohemios</i> (1914), that his sensitive +plastic style is excellently suited to the short story. Snr. <span class="smcap">Antonio +Patricio’s</span> <i>Serão Inquieto</i> (1910) contains two poignant <i>contos</i>: +<i>O Precoce</i> and <i>O Veiga</i>. <i>Os Pobres</i> by Snr. <span class="smcap">Raul Brandão</span> +(born in 1869) is a succession of scenes, a striking analysis of suffering +as exhibited in various strange types of the poor and of its +beauty and necessity in the philosophy of Gabiru. Snr. <span class="smcap">Severo +Portela</span> displays a tortured style in <i>Os Condemnados</i> (1906) +and <i>Agua Corrente</i> (1909); smoother but equally artificial is +that of Snr. <span class="smcap">Henrique de Vasconcellos</span> in <i>Contos Novos</i> +(1903) and <i>Circe</i> (1908), the former of which contains the +slight sketch <i>O Caminheiro</i>. <i>Excentricos</i> is the title of a volume +containing some notable stories by Snr. <span class="smcap">Alberto de Sousa +Costa</span>. The large number of <i>contos</i> is a sign of the times, +corresponding to the favour shown towards the brief <i>revista</i> +in the drama and the host of sonnets which now replace the long +romantic poems of the past.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Anthero de Quental</span><a id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> (1842-91), the Coimbra student who +waved the banner of revolt against a too complacent romanticism +in 1865, was that rare thing in Portuguese literature, a poet who +thinks. Powerfully influenced by German philosophy and literature, +his was a tortured spirit, and when in his sincerity he +attempted to translate his philosophy into action the result was +too often failure. Born at Ponta Delgada in the Azores, he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</span> +studied law at Coimbra from 1858 to 1864, became a socialist, +worked for some time as a compositor in Paris, in spite of his +independent means; then, after a visit to the United States of +America, settled at Lisbon for some years and figured as an +active socialist. Weary and ill, he retired in 1882 to the quieter +town in the north, Villa do Conde, but he could not escape from +his own turbulent thoughts and nine years later he shot himself +in a square of his native town. If his life was ineffectual in its +series of broken, noble impulses, there is nothing vague or uncertain +about the splendid sonnets of <i>Odes Modernas</i> (1865) and +<i>Sonetos</i> (1881). They are the effect, often perfectly tranquil, of +a previous agony of thought, like brimmed furrows reflecting +clear skies after rain. His search was for truth, not for words +to express it, far less for words to describe his own sensations. +Indeed, he was far from considering poetry as an end in itself and +destroyed more of his poems than his friends published. In his +autobiographical letter addressed to Dr. Storck in 1887 he states +that his poetry was written <i>involuntariamente</i>. That is to say, +after much thought on the great problems of existence verse +came to him unrhetorical and spontaneous, as it did to João de +Deus without any thought whatever:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Já sossega depois de tanta luta,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Já me descansa em paz o coraçam.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>Quental’s poems owe their strength and intensity to the fact that +they had passed through the fire of <i>tanta luta</i>.</p> + +<p>Totally different from Quental’s was the genius of <span class="smcap">João de +Deus</span> (1830-96), the most natural Portuguese poet of the nineteenth +century. Born at Messines in Algarve, he studied law at +Coimbra, became a journalist, but did not come to live permanently +at Lisbon until he was elected to represent Silves in the +Chamber of Deputies in 1868. It is significant that many of his +most perfect lyrics were contributed to provincial journals. +They are written in the simple language of a peasant composing +a quatrain. He sought his inspiration not in books or any of the +rival schools of poetry but in his native soil and popular speech, +and through him Portuguese poetry was renovated. His first published +work, <i>A Lata</i> (Coimbra, 1860), in <i>oitavas</i>, gives no measure<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</span> +of his genius, but some of his best poems, such as <i>A Vida</i>, were +widely known before <i>Flores do Campo</i> (1868) appeared, followed +by <i>Ramo de Flores</i> (1875), <i>Folhas Soltas</i> (1876), and finally the +collected edition, <i>Campo de Flores</i> (1893). His last years were +spent in advertising and perfecting his special method for teaching +children to read. If ever poet was born, not made, it was +João de Deus. He is at his best when he does not attempt +thought or philosophy or even give rein to his satire. His verse, +clear and light as a leaf, a cloud, a stream—its favourite metaphors—and +entirely free from rhetorical effects, has a most +spontaneous charm. Despite occasional defects, the use of lukewarm +or unpoetical words, <i>objectos</i>, <i>chaile</i>, <i>affavel</i>, <i>bussola</i>, or +such rhymes as <i>gotta</i>—<i>dou-t-a</i>, his work, which lacks the fire that +more spacious times might have elicited, abounds in exquisite +love lyrics. The popular inspiration is also evident in the <i>Peninsulares</i> +(1870) of <span class="smcap">José Simões Dias</span> (1844-99), many of whose +poems are a mere string of <i>quadras</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Guilherme Braga</span> (1843-76), who wrote vigorous political +verse against ‘Jesuit reactionaries’ and the like in <i>Os Falsos +Apostolos</i> (1871) and <i>O Bispo</i> (1874), proved himself a talented +poet in <i>Heras e Violetas</i> (1869), although even here are to be found +words and expressions frequently out of tune. Like <span class="smcap">Alexandre +da Conceição</span> (1842-89), whose best-known volume of verses, +<i>Alvoradas</i> (1866), belongs to the romantic school, <span class="smcap">Guilherme de +Azevedo</span> (1846-82) began with romantic verse in imitation of +Garrett in <i>Apparições</i> (1861), wavered in <i>Raçõdiaes da Noite</i> +(1871), and succumbed to the new school in <i>A Alma Nova</i> (1874). +<span class="smcap">João Penha</span> (1839-1919) in <i>Rimas</i> (1882) and <i>Novas Rimas</i> (1905) +shows a command of metre and harmony worthy of something +better than his commonplace themes. Gonçalves Crespo heard +in his verse ‘the plaining music of a guitar of Andalucía’, but +Penha never cared to be serious. <span class="smcap">Cesario Verde</span> (1855-86) +was a Lisbon poet who in verse written between 1873 and +1883, <i>O Livro de Cesario Verde</i> (1886), showed a most promising +gift of presenting reality in phrases limpidly clear without +straining after effect. Another poet who died almost as young +left a far more definite achievement, although his poems are +scarcely more numerous than those of Verde. Few Portuguese<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</span> +writers have, indeed, published less than <span class="smcap">Antonio Candido +Gonçalves Crespo</span> (1846-83), a Portuguese born at Rio de +Janeiro. He studied at Coimbra University, and became a distinguished +journalist and a colonial member of the Portuguese +Parliament from 1879 to 1881. Two tiny volumes of lyrics, <i>Miniaturas</i> +(1870) and <i>Nocturnos</i> (1882), comprise his whole work, but +his restraint and his fastidiously chiselled verse place him at the +head of the Portuguese Parnassians. Portuguese in his hands +becomes a pliant medium crystallizing round an emotion, <i>longes +de saudade</i>, or, more frequently, round a concrete image, a parting +at sunset (<i>Mater dolorosa</i>) or a village in a summer noontide (<i>Na +Aldeia</i>). The latter sonnet recalls a few lines of Leopardi’s +<i>Il Sabato del Villaggio</i>, and in one respect, the perfection of form +with which he describes quite ordinary scenes, the Portuguese +poet need not fear the comparison. An old woman spinning, +children at play, a peasant’s song in the fields, an orange-grove +at dawn musical with birds—these are incidental pictures in his +poems, and by his combination of a vague dreaming temperament +with a delicate, definite artistic sense they receive a new significance. +An earlier Brazilian poet, <span class="smcap">Antonio Gonçalves Dias</span> +(1823-64), author of <i>Primeiros Cantos</i> (1846), <i>Segundos Cantos +e Sextilhas de Frei Antão</i> (1848), and <i>Ultimos Cantos</i> (1851), +made a name for himself by his <i>sextilhas</i>.</p> + +<p>It might be said of that marvellous poet Victor Hugo that he +is not for exportation: the tendency has been for those who lack +his genius to take shelter in his defects. Since one of his earliest +followers, <span class="smcap">Claudio José Nunes</span> (1831-75), published <i>Scenas Contemporaneas</i> +(1873) his influence has been very marked in Portugal +and manifests itself in the grandiloquence, over-emphasis, and +love of antithesis of much of Snr. <span class="smcap">Abilio Manuel Guerra Junqueiro’s</span> +work. The greatest of Portugal’s living poets was born +at Freixo de Espada á Cinta in 1850 and was thus a small child +when Hugo’s poems <i>Les Contemplations</i> (1856) and <i>La Légende des +Siècles</i> (1859) appeared. After studying law at Coimbra he was +returned to Parliament in 1878. Enthusiastically revolutionary +until 1910, he became Portuguese Minister at Berne in the following +year, but retired from the service of the Republic in 1914. His first +verses were published at the age of fourteen, <i>Duas paginas dos<span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</span> +quatorze annos</i> (1864), and before he was twenty he had written +<i>Mysticae Nuptiae</i> (1866), <i>Vozes sem Echo</i> (1867), and <i>Baptismo do +Amor</i> (1868), with a preface by Camillo Castello Branco. But it was +<i>A Morte de Dom João</i> (1874), a poem or series of poems in which +Don Juan and Jehovah are attacked impartially, that brought him +resounding success, a success followed up and increased by <i>A +Velhice do Padre Eterno</i> (1885) and, under the influence of the +political crisis of 1890, <i>Finis Patriae</i> (1890) and the play <i>Patria</i>, +in which his eager and vigorous patriotism found vent. In all these, +as in the quieter volume <i>A Musa em Ferias</i> (1879), there is true +poetry (as well as unfailing sincerity and passionate sympathy +for the oppressed), but it has to be looked for. A weird ghostliness +in <i>Finis Patriae</i> and in the <i>doido’s</i> part in <i>Patria</i> is accompanied +by a strange and impressive lilt in the rhythm<a id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> which +corresponds to the haunting refrains of some of the shorter poems. +But there seemed a danger that on the wings of applause, in +political invective, and turgid rhetoric the poet might allow his +genius to be totally misdirected, and it is his most remarkable +achievement that in <i>Os Simples</i> (1892) he laid all that aside and +returned to the simpler themes of peasant life which cast a spell +over some of the lyrics in <i>Finis Patriae</i>: harvesters, the <i>linda +boeirinha</i> guiding her great oxen, the old shepherd with his flute +and crook on the scented hills, the <i>cavador</i> going to his work at +cockcrow beneath the red morning star. <i>A Caminho</i>, the inimitable +opening poem, has a delicate inspiration which is masterly +in its restraint and ingenuous charm. It was well to rest on such +laurels. In two subsequent odes, <i>Oração ao Pão</i> (1902) and <i>Oração +á Luz</i> (1904), filled with a vague music, Snr. Guerra Junqueiro’s +poetry merges into a mystic philosophy which he intends to +express in prose. Some early poems appeared in <i>Poesias +Dispersas</i> (1921). A victim of Victor Hugo to whom it +is not easy for a critic to do justice, is the Lisbon poet<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</span> +<span class="smcap">Antonio Duarte Gomes Leal</span> (1849-1921). His capacity +is felt to be so much greater than his achievement. The +grandiloquence and declamatory character of the verse in his +first volume, <i>Claridades do Sul</i> (1875), are accentuated in subsequent +works: <i>A Fome de Camões</i> (1880), <i>A Historia de Jesus</i> +(1883), <i>O Fim de um Mundo</i> (1900), <i>A Mulher de Luto</i> (1902). +His satire here, as in <i>Satyras Modernas</i> (1899), or the biting +sonnets of <i>Mefistófeles em Lisboa</i> (1907), is sincerely indignant +but too often based on ignorance. In <i>O Anti-Christo</i> (1884) it +voices the eternal revolt against false civilization and materialism. +This, the most celebrated of his works, presents a strange +medley of persons, from Barabbas to Tolstoi and Huysmans, +who have this in common that they all declaim in hollow sonorous +Alexandrines. Science, saints, Hebrew prophets, Chinese philosophers, +the eleven thousand Virgins pass in a vision before the +Anti-Christ and converse with him. It is as if a Goethe without +genius had written the second part of <i>Faust</i>. But <i>Claridades do +Sul</i> contains poems in a totally different kind, poems like <i>De +Noute</i> and <i>Os Lobos</i>, which seem to have caught something of the +pathos and simplicity of <i>Les Pauvres Gens</i>, satire and <i>humorismo</i> +forgotten. In his descriptions of homely scenes his verse becomes +quiet, natural, and effective; after reading the restrained and +skilful <i>tercetos</i> of <i>De Noute</i> one is inclined to wonder whether the +secret of his comparative failure is that here was an excellent +Dutch genre-painter striving to be a high-flown Velazquez. But +certainly he has no lack of talent, imagination, and power of +expression in resonant verse.</p> + +<p>The cult of <i>saudade</i> has been deliberately revived by a group +of poets in the north who have founded the school of <i>Saudosismo</i>, +and in their monthly <i>A Aguia</i> and the <i>Renascença</i> press seek +to foster all that is native in Portuguese literature. Their creed +is a vague pantheism, their poetry is often equally vague and +lacking in individuality, but they have the advantage of being +remote from Lisbon and of not concerning themselves with foreign +schools, and can therefore be natural and Portuguese. At the head +of these poets Snr. <span class="smcap">Joaquim Teixeira de Pascoaes</span> (born in +1877) sings musically in an enchanted land of mists and shadows +of pantheism, <i>saudade</i>, and his native Tras-os-Montes. Merging<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</span> +itself entirely in Nature, his poetry becomes a wavering symphony<a id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> +woven of night and silence. The vagueness present in the +lyrics of <i>Sempre</i> (1897), <i>Terra prohibida</i> (1899), <i>Jesus e Pan</i> +(1903), <i>Vida Etherea</i> (1906), <i>As Sombras</i> (1907), is more marked +in his longer poems <i>Marános</i> (1911), in eighteen cantos, and +<i>Regresso ao Paraiso</i> (1912), in twenty-two cantos of monotonous +blank verse. But Nature is justified of her child, and +<i>Marános</i>, like a mountain-stream threading its transparent pools, +shows abundantly that the author has also the power of condensing +a picture into a single line. To this group belong Snr. +<span class="smcap">Mario Beirão</span> (born in 1891), whose verse in <i>O Ultimo Lusiada</i> +(1913) and <i>Ausente</i> (1915) is strong and concrete; Snr. <span class="smcap">Afonso +Duarte</span> (born in 1896), Snr. <span class="smcap">Augusto Casimiro</span>, author of +<i>Para a Vida</i> (1906), <i>A Victoria do Homem</i> (1910), and <i>A Evocação +da Vida</i> (1912), and other young writers of promise.</p> + +<p>Few if any of the younger poets have found in Portugal so +ready a reception for their work as <span class="smcap">Antonio Nobre</span> (1867-1900), +whether this be due to the all-pervading melancholy, <i>saudades +de tudo</i>, to the metrical skill, or to the haunting intensity of his +verse. In a series of poems written between 1884 and 1894 he +combined the dreams of a student at Coimbra, <i>a lendaria Coimbra</i>, +the home-sickness of a Portuguese in Paris, and a real sympathy +for the poor and miserable. In these poems of suffering and +disillusion, published under the title <i>Só</i> (1892), a strange alternation +of ingenuousness and satanism, fantastic visions and +serene simplicity, genuine poetry and sheer prose, refrains of +rustic gaiety and of morbid sentiment, produces a certain +measure of originality. He can fit his pliant metres to his will, +mould them like wax, and if the book contains no perfect poems +this is partly due to a deliberate intention to reflect his own +incoherent moods and to an evident pleasure in incongruous +effects. A second volume, of poems written between 1895 and +1899, <i>Despedidas</i> (1902), appeared posthumously.</p> + +<p>The permanent Secretary of the Lisbon Academy of Sciences, +Colonel <span class="smcap">Cristovam Ayres</span> (born in 1853), has won distinction +in many fields. Well known as an historian of the army (<i>Historia +Organica e Politica do Exercito Portuguez</i>, 8 vols., 1896-1908) and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</span> +as a critic, he has also written short stories and volumes of verse +which have placed him in the front rank of the living Parnassian +poets of Portugal. In <i>Indianas</i> (1878), <i>Intimas</i> (1884), <i>Anoitecer</i> +(1914), and <i>Cinzas ao Vento</i> (1921), he displays great technical +skill, especially in the reproduction of still scenes as in the +sonnets <i>Paizagem</i>, <i>Aguarella</i>, or <i>Ao luar</i>. The Parnassian verse +of <span class="smcap">Joaquim de Araujo</span> (1858-1917) in <i>Lyra Intima</i> (1881), +<i>Occidentaes</i> (1888), and <i>Flores da Noite</i> (1894) has a narcotic +spell, a slow lulling music. And there is real opium in the pliant +melodies of <span class="smcap">Antonio Feijó</span> (1862-1917), during sixteen years +Portuguese Minister at Stockholm, in <i>Lyricas e Bucolicas</i> (1884) +and <i>Ilha dos Amores</i> (1897). The words are heavy with sleep like +cistus flowers: <i>Astros das noites limpidas velae-vos</i> or <i>A neve cae +na terra lentamente</i> (<i>les lourds flocons des neigeuses années</i>). This +perfection of metre is seen at its highest in his <i>Cancioneiro Chinez</i> +(1890), translations from the French <i>Livre de Jade</i> (1867), itself +a translation by Judith Gautier from various Chinese poets. The +poems of <span class="smcap">João Diniz</span>, in <i>Aquarellas</i> (1889); <span class="smcap">Manuel Duarte de +Almeida</span> (1844-1914), in <i>Estancias ao Infante Henrique</i> (1889), +<i>Ramo de Lilazes</i> (1887), and <i>Terra e Azul</i>; Snr. Manuel +da Silva Gayo, in <i>Novos Poemas</i> (1906); Snr. Julio Brandão, +in <i>Saudades</i> (1893), in which he weaves the <i>linho luarento das +saudades</i>, <i>O Jardim da Morte</i> (1898) and <i>Nuvem de Oiro</i> (1912); +Snr. <span class="smcap">Fausto Guedes Teixeira</span> (born in 1872), in his remarkable +<i>O Meu Livro, 1896-1906</i> (1908); Snr. <span class="smcap">Luiz Osorio</span>, in <i>Neblinas</i> +(1884), <i>Poemas Portuguezes</i> (1890), and <i>Alma lyrica</i> (1891); +Snr. <span class="smcap">Guilherme de Santa Rita</span> in <i>Vacillantes</i> (1884) and +<i>O Poema de um Morto</i> (1897), and indeed of a great <i>caterva +vatum</i>,<a id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> belong to this school. The chiselling of faultless sonnets +has become a mannerism, but the critic who recalls the vague +and often slipshod diffuseness of earlier romantic poems pauses +before condemning. Perhaps it may be possible in time to +combine the cunning artifice of the verse-cutter with thought +and a breath of life and Nature.</p> + +<p>The <span class="smcap">Conde de Monsaraz</span> (1852-1913) wrote some pleasant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</span> +regional verse in <i>Musa Alemtejana</i> (1908), in which he describes +life in the <i>charnecas</i> (moors) and <i>herdades</i> (estates) of Alentejo: +the sound of the well-wheel among orange-trees, the ringing of +<i>trindades</i>, the long lines of women hoeing, the old herdsman +singing melancholy <i>fados</i>, the smoking <i>açorda</i> of the workmen’s +meals, the storks fleeing from the July heat, the processions +to pray for rain. The same out-of-door air and fullness of +treatment pervade the work of Snr. <span class="smcap">Augusto Gil</span>, with a more +popular strain, in <i>Musa Cerula</i> (1894), <i>Versos</i> (1901), <i>Luar de +Janeiro</i> (1909), <i>Sombra de Juno</i> (1915), <i>Alba Plena</i> (1916), Snr. +<span class="smcap">José Coelho da Cunha’s</span> <i>Terra do Sol</i> (1911) and <i>Vilancetes</i> +(1915),<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> and <span class="smcap">D. Branca de Gonta Collaço’s</span> <i>Canções do Meio +Dia</i> (1912). A more vigorous talent, also, is that of Snr. <span class="smcap">João de +Barros</span> in <i>Algas</i> (1899), <i>Entre a Multidão</i> (1902), <i>Dentro da Vida</i> +(1904), <i>Terra Florida</i> (1909), and <i>Anteu</i> (1912). At the head of +the Portuguese Symbolists (their symbolism has been rather external +than philosophic) stands Snr. <span class="smcap">Eugenio de Castro</span> (born +in 1869). He wished, while retaining perfection of form, to fill +it with a new imagery and colour, and that his verse in describing +Nature through his sensations should remain detached and +impersonal: the poet is <i>uma sombra saudosa d’outras sombras</i>. +The success achieved in <i>Oaristos</i> (1890) was strikingly maintained +in <i>Sagramor</i> (1895), <i>O Rei Galaor</i> (1897), <i>Constança</i> (1900), <i>Depois +da Ceifa</i> (1901), <i>A Sombra do Quadrante</i> (1906), <i>O Annel de +Polycrates</i> (1907), <i>O Filho Prodigo</i> (1910), and the twenty-one +sonnets of <i>Camafeus Romanos</i> (1921). His versification is not +sufficiently varied (a defect naturally less apparent in the shorter +poems), his rare words and rhymes often have a cumbrous air, +but a real fire occasionally runs through the cold monotony of +his verse, lighting up its heavy jewels with a glow almost of life. +If it is sometimes an echo of Baudelaire, it is a Baudelaire +thoroughly acclimatized.<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> His debt was not wholly to French +Parnassian or Symbolist, for he had also drunk deep of Greek and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</span> +German literature. His originality in modern Portuguese poetry +is a very real one. Yet it is a pleasure to pass from verse often so +perfect, always so artificial, to the more natural poems of two +younger writers. Snr. <span class="smcap">Antonio Corrêa de Oliveira</span> (born in +1880) in his <i>Auto do Fim do Dia</i> (1900), <i>Raiz</i> (1903), and <i>Auto +de Junho</i> (1904) shows a true lyrical gift, an inspiration of the +soil, of the quatrains of popular poetry:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Passou Maio taful, Maio magano,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E por onde passou nasceram rosas.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>In his later works, <i>Alma Religiosa</i> (1910), <i>Auto das Quatro +Estações</i> (1911), <i>Os Teus Sonetos</i> (1914), <i>A Minha Terra</i> (1916), +the effect is sometimes strained or marred by an almost morbid +iteration. Snr. <span class="smcap">Afonso Lopes Vieira</span> (born in 1878) displays +a genuine talent in <i>O Naufrago</i> (1898), <i>O Encoberto</i> (1905), +<i>Ar Livre</i> (1906), and <i>O Pão e as Rosas</i> (1908). <i>Ilhas de Bruma</i> +(1918) is filled with the rhythm of the sea and with the traditions +and native poetry of Portugal. There is a certain strength as +well as a subtle music about his verse which is of good promise +for the future. Whatever that future may be for Portuguese +literature, Portugal will join the more worthily in the great +literary age which will eventually spring from years of terrific +upheaval if she studies and utilizes her full heritage of prose +and verse. There is the less excuse now for its neglect since the +devoted labour of many Portuguese scholars is rendering it yearly +more accessible.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680" class="label">[680]</a> The incomplete list in the <i>Dicc. Bibliog.</i>, vol. viii. records forty-four +published in 1865 and 1866. These include Julio de Castilho’s <i>O Senhor Antonio +Feliciano de Castilho e O Senhor Anthero de Quental</i> (1865, 2ᵃ ed., 1866), +R. Ortigão’s <i>Litteratura d’Hoje</i> (1866), Snr. Braga’s <i>As Theocracias Litterarias</i> +(1865), Quental’s <i>A Dignidade das Lettras</i> (1865), and C. Castello Branco’s +<i>Vaidades irritadas e irritantes</i> (1866).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681" class="label">[681]</a> The <i>outeiro</i> (lit. ‘hill’) was an assembly of poets to <i>glosar motes</i>. Often +the gathering-place was outside a convent, from the windows of which the +nuns gave the <i>motes</i> for the poets to gloss.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682" class="label">[682]</a> Historical research and compilation are carried on by Snr. Fortunato +de Almeida in his <i>Historia da Igreja em Portugal</i> (1910, &c.), and by +Snr. Afonso de Dornellas (<i>Historia e Genealogia</i>, 1913, &c.). Snr. Lucio +de Azevedo, well known for his studies of Pombal (<i>O Marquez de Pombal e a +sua epoca</i>, 1909) and Antonio Vieira (<i>Historia de Antonio Vieira</i>, 2 vols., 1918, +21), is a Brazilian.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683" class="label">[683]</a> For the works of these and other authors here mentioned consult the +Bibliography.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684" class="label">[684]</a> It was published, with the necessary explanations, in two volumes (1874).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685" class="label">[685]</a> In this most delicate upholstery, if Wedgwood and Baedeker (as well as +Maple and Mappin) are introduced, they should surely be spelt correctly.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686" class="label">[686]</a> <i>The Athenaeum</i> in 1872 announced that Lord Stanley of Alderney was +preparing a translation of <i>As Pupillas</i>. According to a letter of Julio Diniz +(March 25, 1868), ‘an Englishman, a relation of Lord Stanley, who is here +[Oporto] studying the history of the Portuguese discoveries’, had expressed +a wish to translate it. The translation was never published. The date of +the first Portuguese edition is 1867. It was dramatized at Lisbon in 1868.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687" class="label">[687]</a> e.g. a girl, Rosario, in <i>Amor Divino</i>, is described—annihilated—with the +assistance of Cybele, Goya, the Venus of Milo, Reynolds, Shakespeare. +Cf. the names, from Descartes to Darwin, in <i>O Conto do Gallo</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688" class="label">[688]</a> <i>Comedia do Campo</i>, vol. vi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689" class="label">[689]</a> Vol. vii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690" class="label">[690]</a> Pathology, religious and social, crops up in the later novels of Snr. Vieira +da Costa, <i>Irmã Celeste</i> (1904), <i>A Familia Maldonado</i> (1908); yet his earlier +work, <i>Entre Montanhas</i> (1903), a story of contemporary life in the high-lying +vine-lands of Douro written in 1899, was more original. The modern +Portuguese novelists are nearly, although not quite, as numerous as the +poets. José de Caldas is the author of <i>Os Humildes</i> (1900) and <i>Cartas de um +Vencido</i> (1910), D. João de Castro of <i>Os Malditos</i> (1894) and <i>A Deshonra</i>, in +which a strange situation is too long drawn out.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691" class="label">[691]</a> He wrote under the name Bernardo de Pindella or Bernardo Pinheiro.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692" class="label">[692]</a> In novels intimately connected with the Portuguese soil such expressions +as <i>colorido gritante</i> (<i>criard</i>), <i>lunchar</i> (to partake of luncheon), <i>endomingado</i> (<i>endimanché</i>) +are more than ever out of place. The authoress has written other +stories: <i>Capital Bemdito</i> (1910), <i>Fé</i> (a Socialist novel), <i>Inocente</i> (1916), <i>A Praga</i> +(1917).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693" class="label">[693]</a> A <i>conto</i> written by Snr. Julio de Lemos in 1905 bears the same title.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694" class="label">[694]</a> de Quental or do Quental. See J. Leite de Vasconcellos, <i>Lições de Philologia +Portuguesa</i> (1911), p. 125 <i>ad fin.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695" class="label">[695]</a> e.g. <i>Tive castellos, fortalezas pelo mundo.... Não tenho casa, não tenho +pão.</i> The cadence here, as in many of Snr. Guerra Junqueiro’s lines, is +singularly arresting. The tendency to morbid repetition is exaggerated in +<i>Patria</i> and has influenced many younger poets, as Snr. Corrêa de Oliveira and, +especially, Antonio Nobre. The reader is credited with no imagination and +the effect is diminished. For instance, in <i>Patria</i>: <i>deixa-me dormir, Dormir em +paz ... dormir!</i> That is excellent; but the word <i>dormir</i> is then again thrice +repeated, until the reader sleeps.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696" class="label">[696]</a> In details his ear is not faultless. Cf. the unscannable line <i>E que na corda +do remorso enforçou Judas</i> (unless this is deliberately onomatopoeic).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697" class="label">[697]</a> Without counting those of Brazil, which had an exquisite word-chiseller +in the poet <span class="smcap">Olavo Bilac</span> (1865-1918), author of <i>Panoplias</i> and other verse +published in <i>Poesias</i> (1888, Nova ed. 1904).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698" class="label">[698]</a> He is the son of Snr. <span class="smcap">Alfredo Carneiro da Cunha</span> (born in 1863), +whose <i>Versos</i> (1900) contains the poignant lines <i>A uma creança morta</i>, which +recall Coventry Patmore and the pathos of Dr. Robert Bridges’ <i>On a Dead +Child</i>. The earlier edition, <i>Endeixas e Madrigaes</i>, appeared in 1891.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699" class="label">[699]</a> The word <i>Nephelibatas</i> (= Cloud-treaders), formerly applied to poets of +the decadent school in Portugal, is now seldom heard.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX</h2> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="Appendix_1">§ 1<br><span class="small">Literature of the People</span></h3></div> + + +<p>Side by side with literature proper there has always existed +in Portugal a literature of the people. Indeed, before Portuguese +poetry was written it flourished on the lips of the people, in +the songs of the women. Sometimes this popular literature +almost coalesced with written literature, as in the case of the +<i>cossantes</i> in the thirteenth century. Its poetry lent a glow and +magic to the work of Gil Vicente and later to some of the +lyrics of Camões; its proverbial lore was reproduced in Jorge +Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ prose plays and later by D. Francisco +Manuel de Mello; in indigenous folk-tales Trancoso found part +of his material. Eighteenth-century writers neglected it, but +Filinto Elysio returned to popular sources, and in the nineteenth +century they inspired two great poets, Almeida Garrett and João +de Deus. Literature and illiteracy have often gone hand in hand. +In Ferreira de Vasconcellos’ <i>Eufrosina</i> (Act <span class="allsmcap">III</span>, sc. ii) we read of +the workwoman (<i>lavrandeira</i>) who ‘sings <i>de solao</i>, composes +songs, loves to learn <i>trovas</i> by heart, gives a schoolboy farthings +to buy cherries in return for reading <i>autos</i> to her’; and the +<i>Pratica de Tres Pastores</i> gives us a picture of an old peasant +reading out from the Bible<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> of an evening to the whole village:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent10">Esse velhinho</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Tinha hum cartapolinho</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Feito de letra de mão</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Em papel de pergaminho,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E chamava-se o feitinho</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Do livro da creação.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">E então</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que sempre cada serão</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Á noyte depois da cea</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Com oculos á candea</div> + <div class="verse indent0">O lia por devoção</div> + <div class="verse indent0">A toda a gente d’aldea.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</span></p> +<p>The popular appetite for <i>autos</i>, simple Christmas plays, legends +of saints, and for long vague <i>romances</i> never flagged, and some +of the literature written to satisfy it, by Balthasar Diaz and +others, is reprinted and hawked about the country in <i>folhas +volantes</i> at the present day, as Diaz’ <i>Historia da Imperatriz +Porcina</i> (Porto, 1906)—a <i>romance</i> of some 1,500 octosyllables in +-<i>ía</i>—and his <i>Tragedia do Marques de Mantua</i>. The prose +<i>Verdadeira Historia do Imperador Carlos Magno</i> (Porto, 1906) is +the last descendant of Nicolas Piamonte’s Spanish translation +(from the French original) <i>Carlomagno</i>, printed at Seville in +1525 and at Alcalá in 1570, or rather of Jeronimo Moreira de +Carvalho’s Portuguese version (2 pts., 1728, 37). It is an instance +of the Portuguese delight in strange, even fantastic, but in any +case foreign, themes. The <i>Verdadeira Historia da Donzella +Theodora</i> (Porto, 1911), daughter of a merchant of Babylon, +was introduced from the East and was translated by Carlos Ferreira +from the Spanish (1524) and published at Lisbon in 1735. +The <i>Verdadeira Historia do Grande Roberto Duque de Normandia +e Imperador de Roma</i> (Porto, 1912) is a belated echo of the +French story of Robert le Diable, which also came to Portugal +through Spain (Burgos, 1509). The <i>Verdadeira Historia da +Princeza Magalona</i> (Porto, 1912) has a similar derivation from +France (14th or 15th c.) through Spain (Sevilla, 1519), and +retains its popularity as a record of unswerving constancy <i>na fe +e na virtude</i>. The <i>Verdadeira Historia de João de Calais</i>, +reprinted at Oporto in 1914, is also undisguisedly foreign. The +story of <i>Flores e Branca Fror</i>, last offshoot (a ‘vile extract’ +Menéndez y Pelayo called it) of the charming Greek tale which +came originally from the East,<a id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> was mentioned by several poets +(King Dinis, Joan de Guilhade, the Archpriest of Hita) in the +thirteenth and fourteenth centuries<a id="FNanchor_702" href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> and in the <i>Gran Conquista</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</span> +<i>de Ultramar</i> (13th c.), and was condemned by Luis Vives. The +prose story copied by Boccaccio in his <i>Filocolo</i> is still popular +in Portugal and Galicia. There is an edition printed at Oporto in +1912: <i>Historia de Flores e Branca-Flor, seus amores e perigos que +passaram por Flores ser mouro e Branca-Flor christã</i>. García +Ferreiro refers to <i>a historia de Branca Fror</i> as recited at a +Galician <i>escasula</i>.<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a> Most of these popular threepenny leaflets are +very quaintly illustrated on the title-page. The woodcut on the +1912 edition of <i>Flores e Branca-Flor</i> is worth many an epic.<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> +The portrait of Robert le Diable (1912 ed.) represents no less a +person than Napoleon III, and the ‘true likeness of the beautiful +Princess Magalona’<a id="FNanchor_705" href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> (1912 ed.) is Queen Alexandra. These <i>folhas +volantes</i> of the <i>literatura de cordel</i> with many <i>farsas</i>, such as <i>Manoel +Mendes</i> by Antonio Xavier Ferreira de Azevedo (1784-1814), +reprinted at Oporto in 1878, and various progeny of the ingenious +Bertoldo, as <i>Astucias de Mengoto</i>, <i>Industrias de Malandrino</i> (both +Porto, 1879), <i>Astucias de Zanguizarra</i> (Porto, 1878), <i>Vida de +Cacasseno</i> (Porto, 1904), contain little of the real people and +less of literature. More indigenous, but still attracting by +virtue of its foreign episodes, is the <i>Auto</i>, <i>Livro</i> (1554?), +<i>Historia</i> or <i>Tratado do Infante D. Pedro que andou as quatro +(sete) partidas do mundo</i>, which is attributed to Gomez de Santo +Estevam, one of the prince’s attendants in his long travels, and +of which the first known edition (1547) is in Spanish. It +has been constantly reprinted and, with romances of chivalry, +formed the education of the notary in <i>O Hyssope</i>.<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> Nor do the +<i>Trovas do Bandarra</i> belong to literature, although these verses +of the cobbler prophet of Trancoso, <span class="smcap">Gonçalo Annez Bandarra</span> +(†1556?), which caused him to figure in one of the earliest trials +before the Inquisition (1541) and were subsequently interpreted +as referring to the return of King Sebastian, exercised the fancy +of the people and even the wits of the educated for some three +centuries. Forbidden in Portugal, they were printed abroad, +probably at Paris in 1603, at Nantes in 1644, Barcelona 1809, +London 1810 and 1815. It was not until 1852 (Porto) that an +<i>Explicação</i> of them could be published in Portugal. Their interest +was then much diminished, since the thirty scissors of the verse,</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</span></p><div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Augurai gentes vindouras</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que o Rey que de vos ha de hir</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Vos ha de tornar a vir</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Passadas trinta tesouras,</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">had been thought to signify the year 1808, i.e. thirty closed +scissors = 30 × 8: 240 years after King Sebastian began to reign +(1568). A more reasonable computation would have been from +Alcacer Kebir (<i>de vos ha de hir</i>) = 1818, or, if the scissors were +open: ✂ (10), = 1878. Many sought to connect with Bandarra’s +prophecies the sayings of Simão Gomez (1516-76), the ‘Holy +Cobbler’, and his biography, written by the Jesuit <span class="smcap">Manuel da +Veiga</span> (1567-1647), <i>Tratado da Vida, Virtudes e Doutrina +Admiravel de Simão Gomes, vulgarmente chamado o Çapateiro +Santo</i> (1625), a book in more than one respect singular and +charming, was burnt by the public hangman at Lisbon in 1768 +in ‘Black Horse Square’. The 1759 edition had received the +ordinary <i>licenças</i>. But farther afield, deeper in the heart of the +people and far more ancient, exists another literature. Writers +who have gone to this source have never come away unrewarded. +Their work has gained a freshness and a charm<a id="FNanchor_707" href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> which the most +successful disciples of imported learning and latinity have in +vain attempted to rival, and gives the reader the impression +that if he is not plucking the bough of gold he is not far from the +tree on which it grows. And the reason is, perhaps, that the +Portuguese people still retains an element pre-Christian, even +pre-Roman, an element which goes back to solar myths and +pagan beliefs, and about which hangs a primaeval mystery and +wonder, a glamour and enchantment born of direct contact +with the forces of Nature, and the worship, fear, and propitiation +of many unseen powers and divinities. A great part +of the people still inhabits a region of fiery dragons and apples +of gold, and with ready imagination peoples streams and woods, +sea and air with spirits. December and June are connected with +the birth and supremacy of the sun’s power, and paganism, +thinly disguised, survives in several of the ceremonies of the +Christian Church, and serves to increase the Church’s hold on +the minds of the people. Both the songs and the dancing with +which it was accompanied were no doubt originally religious.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</span> +The movements of the dance seem to have influenced the song, +so that its metre was divided by real feet. When the Archbishop +of Braga, Frei Bartholomeu dos Martyres, was visiting his +diocese in the sixteenth century he was met by Minhoto peasants +with <i>danças e folias</i> and with <i>cantigas que entoavam entre as +voltas e saltos dos bailes</i>,<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> songs evidently similar to those in the +works of Gil Vicente, with <i>leixapren</i> and refrain (<i>aaxbbx</i><a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> or +<i>abxbcx</i>).<a id="FNanchor_710" href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> The <i>volta</i> + would correspond in action to the <i>leixapren</i><a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a> +of the song, the <i>salto</i> to the refrain. The origin of the refrain +was perhaps the pause (preceded by a final leap into the air) +made by the breathless dancers, as in the words <i>no penedo</i> of +this version of ‘The House that Jack Built’: <i>Quaes foram os +perros que mataram os lobos que comeram as cabras que roeram +o bacello que posera João preto no penedo.</i><a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a> The phrase <i>ver cantar</i>, +‘to see these songs sung’, might be defended.<a id="FNanchor_713" href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a></p> + +<p>In modern times the refrain has not been entirely lost, it +occurs occasionally, e.g. <i>Valhame Deus</i>, or <i>Valhame Deus e +a Virgem Maria</i>, but the usual song is a refrainless quatrain +rhyming in the second and fourth lines, perhaps originally +a distich broken up into four lines like the sixteen-syllable lines +of the old <i>romances</i>, and from which the refrain has disappeared. +It is essentially a love song: instead of the song of the people, +sung to the tread of dancing feet, the song of the love-lorn +individual, sung to the strumming of his guitar or of the professional +<i>cantadeira</i> at a rustic pilgrimage. But they are also sung +by the people generally, often by women<a id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> who can neither read +nor write but have a large stock of these <i>cantigas</i>, which, indeed, +are almost innumerable. They may be read in their thousands +in Antonio Thomaz Pires’ <i>Cantos Populares Portuguezes</i> (4 vols., +Elvas, 1902-10), Dr. Theophilo Braga’s <i>Cancioneiro Popular +Portuguez</i> (2 vols., Lisboa, 1911, 1913), Snr. Jaime Cortesão’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</span> +<i>Cancioneiro Popular</i> (Porto, 1914), and in other collections, and +hundreds of thousands die uncollected and unknown. Although +it is perhaps a pity that all the popular poetical talent should +tend to adapt itself to one mould—the quatrain—their brevity +is excellent in that it imposes concision. Their thought has to +be expressed in some twenty words, although they are rarely +epigrammatic in the sense of the modern epigram. Some are +geographical, or local, in praise of some town or village, river +or fountain. Many are religious, that is, they combine love and +religion in honour of the Lady of the Hills, the Star, the Snows, +the Rosary, the Sands, Pity, Affliction, Health, Hope, or in +honour of saints, and especially of the three popular saints of +June: St. Anthony, St. John, and St. Peter. Others are devoted +to special festivals: Christmas (<i>Natal</i>), the New Year (<i>Anno +Bom</i>), the Epiphany (<i>Os Reis</i>), the Resurrection.<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> The majority +are concerned with Nature, either generally or in detail. Sometimes +they are frankly pantheistic, more often they content +themselves with singing the praises of a favourite flower, +rosemary, myrtle, the rose, and especially the carnation—the +red <i>cravos</i> which glow in doorway or window-ledge of countless +houses and cottages in June. Among the birds the swallow,<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a> +‘the bird of the Lord’, as the peasants call it, is rare—perhaps +its rhyme is disdained as too easy—the parrot, the dove, +and the nightingale are far commoner. Numerous <i>cantigas</i> are +concerned with the sea, fewer with the sun, the stars, superstitions, +witches, sirens; many with dancing and various +occupations—the herdsman (<i>ganadeiro</i>), yokel (<i>ganhão</i>), shepherd +(<i>pastor</i>), harvesters (<i>ceifeiros</i>, <i>ratinhos</i>, <i>malteses</i>, <i>mondadeiras</i>). +But of course the principal subject is love, jealousy, separation, +constancy, <i>saudade</i>, satire. The occasional presence of a French +word, e.g. <i>négligé</i> or <i>cache-nez</i>, is not necessarily a proof that the +<i>cantiga</i> in question is not of popular origin, but merely that it is +urban. Of many <i>cantigas</i> the first line consists simply of a long-drawn +<i>Ailé</i> (αἴλινον, αἴλινον εἰπέ, τὸ δ’ εὖ νικάτω) or <i>Ai lari lari +lolé</i> (where the fanatic of Basque can find <i>il</i> (= dead) as easily<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</span> +as in the refrain of C. V. 415), so that they really consist of +three lines, the <i>ailé</i> being introductory.</p> + +<p>Some of the quatrains rise to real poetical beauty, and most +of them are charmingly spontaneous, forming in their unpremeditated +art the natural song-book of a nation of poets. The +number in print already approaches fifty thousand. In the mass +they perhaps produce a monotonous effect, being mostly of the +one pattern, despite the variety of their contents:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Tudo o que é verde se seca Em vindo o pino do verão:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Só meu amor reverdece Dentro do meu coração.<a id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a></div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Inda que o lume se apague Na cinza fica o calor:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Inda que o amor se ausente No coração fica a dor.<a id="FNanchor_718" href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a></div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Os tres reis foram guiados Por uma estrella do ceu:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Tambem teus olhos guiaram Meu coração para o teu.<a id="FNanchor_719" href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>A few links in these modern <i>cantigas</i> carry us back to the songs +in Gil Vicente’s plays and beyond: a dialogue between mother +and daughter, a reference to dancing <i>de terreiro</i>, <i>balho</i>, dance and +song, to the <i>casada</i>, <i>mas mal casada</i>, or <i>i-a</i> sequence, as <i>Filho da +Virgem Maria</i> (<i>Sagrada</i>). Other links in the popular literature +throughout the ages are the riddles (<i>adivinhas</i>) at which Gil +Vicente’s shepherds played in the <i>Auto Pastoril Castelhano</i> (the +example given in João de Barros’ <i>Grammatica</i> (1540) is:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ainda o pae não é nado</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Já o filho anda pelo telhado (1785 ed., p. 176)</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">—the father is still unborn and the son is on the roof: a fire and +its smoke; modern instances are printed in Dr. Theophilo Braga’s +<i>Cancioneiro Popular Portuguez</i>, vol. i (1913), pp. 363-70); the +lullabies (cf. the modern <i>Ró ró, meu menino, Dorme e descansa, +Tu es meu alivio E a minha esperança</i> with Gil Vicente’s <i>Ro, ro, +ro, Nuestro Dios y Redentor, No lloreis</i>, &c., i. 57); the <i>cantigas +de Anno Bom</i>; the ‘pagan <i>janeiras</i>’, as Filinto Elysio called +them; the <i>cantigas dos Reis</i>, the <i>alvoradas</i>, the <i>maios</i>. The <i>alva</i> +or <i>alvorada</i> should properly contain the word <i>alva</i> in the refrain, +as in C. V. 172, or Guiraut de Bornelh’s</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Qu’el jorn es apropchatz,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Qu’en Orien vey l’estela creguda</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Qu’adutz lo jorn, qu’ieu l’ai ben conoguda,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Et ades sera l’alba.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</span></p> + +<p>(For day is near, and high in the East appears the star that +brings in the day: I know it well, and soon it will be dawn.) +The theme is the parting of lovers at dawn:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Wilt thou be gone? it is not yet near day....</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>A Catalan <i>alba-cossante</i> is given in Milá y Fontanals’ <i>Romancerillo +Catalán</i><a id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a>:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Marieta lleva’t lleva’t de mati</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que l’aygua es clara, el sol vol sortir.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Como m’en llevaré si gipo no tinch?</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Marieta lleva’t, de mati lleva’t,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Que el sol vol sortir, que l’aygua es clara.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Como, &c.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>An example of a Galician <i>mayo</i>, that is, a song introducing the +<i>Mayo</i> or May-boy (corresponding to our Queen of the May), is +given in Milá’s article in vol. vi of <i>Romania</i>. It closely resembles +that of Gil Vicente (<i>Este é o Mayo, o Mayo é este</i>) in the <i>Auto da +Lusitania</i>:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Este é o Mayo que Mahiño é,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Este é o Mayo que anda d’o pé.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">O noso Mayo anque pequeniño</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Da de comer á Virxen d’o Camiño.</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Velay o Mayo cargado de rosas,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Velay o Mayo que las trae más hermosas.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>It then breaks into a <i>muiñeira</i> (in Castilian):</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ángeles somos, del cielo venimos (bajamos),</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Si nos dais licencia a la Reina le pedimos (la cantamos).</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>To the <i>janeiras</i> more than one classical author alludes. Mello +(<i>Epan.</i> i) thus notices them at Evora on New Year’s Eve, 1638, +before the house in which the Conde de Linhares was lodged: +<i>a fim de se lhe cantarem certas Bençoens & Rogatiuas (costume de +nossos anciãos que com nome de Janeiras entoavam placidamente +pelas portas dos mais caros amigos) se congregou grande numero +de pouo</i>.<a id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> Some <i>romances</i> (also <i>xacara</i>, <i>xacra</i>, and in the Azores +<i>arabia</i>) have been printed direct from the lips of the people<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</span> +by Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos in his <i>Romanceiro Portuguez</i> +(1886). The degenerate, more modern, and subjective form of +the <i>romance</i> is the <i>fado</i>, a ballad (melancholy as the old <i>solao</i><a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a>), +composed by the professional <i>fadistas</i> of the towns. The <i>fado</i> +is even more modern than the <i>modinha</i> (end of eighteenth and +beginning of the nineteenth century). It dates from the first +third of the nineteenth century, and has not even now penetrated +to the south, being indeed largely a Lisbon product. It may be +composed in verses of four (<i>quadras</i>), five (<i>quintilhas</i>), or ten +(<i>decimas</i>) lines.</p> + +<p>The individual in the favourite <i>quadras</i> expresses his personal +sorrow and his love; the immemorial lore of the Portuguese +people as a whole survives less in them than in the no less +numerous proverbs—<i>um bosque de muitas e varias maneiras de +adagios</i>. There is scarcely a Portuguese writer whose works do +not furnish a goodly crop of these proverbs, often in evidently +popular form, sometimes betraying their Spanish origin in +the rhyme. They have been collected in Antonio Delicado’s +<i>Adagios Portugueses</i> (1651), in <i>Adagios</i> (1841), <i>Philosophia Proverbial</i> +(1882), and elsewhere. The language is full of proverbial +phrases, and most Portuguese could at will conceal their meaning +from a foreigner in a maze of idiomatic expressions. The variety +of their names is sufficient proof of the extraordinary number +of the proverbs. They are crystallizations of some forgotten +fable or event (<i>adagios</i>)<a id="FNanchor_723" href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> or of a more personal anecdote (<i>anexins</i>), +or the refrain of a long-lost song (<i>rifões</i>).<a id="FNanchor_724" href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a> Or they are moral +(<i>maximas</i> and <i>sentenças</i>), biblical (<i>proverbios</i>), satirical (<i>dictados</i> +or <i>ditados</i>, <i>ditos</i>). Many of them embody the wisdom of the +ages in a form admirably concise and forcible, e.g. <i>Quem muito +abarca pouco abraça</i> (which is the very reverse of Portuguese +history: <i>e nulla stringe e tutto ’l mondo abbraccia</i>), or <i>Até ao +lavar das cestas é vindima.</i> Many of course correspond more +or less closely to those of other countries, e.g. <i>Muitos enfeitadores +estragão a noiva</i> (Too many cooks spoil the broth), <i>Gato +escaldado de agua fria ha medo</i> (The burnt child fears the fire); +<i>Manhan ruiva, ou vento ou chuva</i> (= <i>Alba gorri, hegoa edo uri</i>);<span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</span> +<i>Pedra movediça não cria bolor</i> (= <i>Pierre qui roule n’amasse pas +mousse</i>).<a id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> Many of these saws as well as the <i>contos</i> (folk-tales) +have their birth at <i>fiandões</i> as the women sit spinning, or as +<i>nossas velhas</i> sit at their cottage doors and gossip in the sun +(<i>soalheiro</i>), or as all gather round the spacious <i>lareira</i>. After +the day’s work on the farm, in field and granary, to the sound of +singing, legend and tradition come into their own of an evening +round the great fire of logs and scented brushwood. The <i>contos</i> +have been collected by Z. Consiglieri Pedroso, <i>Portuguese Folk +Tales</i> (London, 1882); F. Adolpho Coelho, <i>Contos Populares Portuguezes</i> +(Lisboa, 1879); Dr. Theophilo Braga, <i>Contos Tradicionaes +do Povo Portuguez</i> (2 vols., Porto, 1883); F. X. de Athaide Oliveira, +<i>Contos Tradicionaes do Algarve</i> (2 vols., Tavira, 1900, 5). +As was to be expected, they have their equivalents in the folklore +of other nations, a fact which does not prevent them from +possessing an indigenous character, a charm and flavour of +their own. The glowing imagination of the peasants spins out +fairy and allegorical tales with marvellous facility. Thus old +Mother Poverty (<i>Tia Miseria</i>) owned a pear-tree in front of her +cottage, and had obtained the privilege that whoever went up +it to steal her pears should be unable to come down. When +Death comes she asks him to fetch her one more pear. Once +up the tree all the priests and lawyers cannot bring him down, +and only when he agrees to the bargain that Poverty shall never +die is she willing to release him.</p> + +<p>A great part of the popular literature has been set down in +cold print during the last half-century. Much remains ungarnered. +In every province there are peculiar words, phrases, +traditions, heirlooms of times prehistoric, waiting to be gathered +in, and both the Portuguese literature and the Portuguese +language of the future will owe a debt of gratitude to their +collectors, and find rich material in the pages of the <i>Revista +Lusitana</i>.</p> + + +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_700" href="#FNanchor_700" class="label">[700]</a> The whole Bible in Portuguese was not translated until the eighteenth +century, by <span class="smcap">João Ferreira de Almeida</span>, <i>O Novo Testamento</i> (Amsterdam, +1681), <i>Do Velho Testamento</i>, 2 vols. (Batavia, 1748, 53). This is the version +still commonly in use. Another translation, entitled <i>Biblia Sagrada</i>, was +made from the Vulgate at the end of the eighteenth century by <span class="smcap">Antonio +Pereira de Figueiredo</span> (1725-97), author of some fifty theological and +historical works in Latin and Portuguese, and a paraphrase (<i>Historia Evangelica</i>, +1777, 78, <i>Historia Biblica</i>, 1778-82) by Frei <span class="smcap">Francisco de Jesus +Maria Sarmento</span> (1713-90). See C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos et S. Berger, +<i>Les Bibles Portugaises</i> in <i>Romania</i>, xxviii (1899), pp. 543-8: <i>La littérature +portugaise est en matière de traductions bibliques d’une pauvreté désespérante.</i> +The <i>Parocho Perfeito</i> (1675) speaks of <i>os parochos que não tiverem Biblias</i> (p. 19). +See also G. L. Santos Ferreira, <i>A Biblia em Portugal, 1495-1850</i> (L. 1906).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_701" href="#FNanchor_701" class="label">[701]</a> See <i>Floire et Blancheflor. Poèmes du xiiiᵉ siècle. Publiés d’après les +manuscrits ... par E. du Méril</i>, Paris, 1856. In the original story Flores +in a basket of roses enters the tower where Brancaflor is imprisoned. +Señor Bonilla y San Martín (<i>La Historia de los dos Enamorados Flores y Blancaflor</i>, +Madrid, 1916) attributes an Italian origin to the Spanish prose story. The +Spanish translation probably dates from the fifteenth century.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_702" href="#FNanchor_702" class="label">[702]</a> For its popularity with the Provençal troubadours see Raynouard, <i>Choix</i>, +e. g. ii. 297, 304, 305.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_703" href="#FNanchor_703" class="label">[703]</a> <i>A historia de Branca Fror Outra saca a relocer</i> (<i>Chorimas</i> (1890), p. 148).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_704" href="#FNanchor_704" class="label">[704]</a> It has been reproduced, from an earlier edition, in T. Braga, <i>Os Livros +Populares Portuguezes</i> (<i>Era Nova</i>, vol. i, 1881).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_705" href="#FNanchor_705" class="label">[705]</a> At either side explanatory verses, the only verse in the leaflet, tell us +that ‘Magalona was the most beautiful of all contemporary princesses, +beloved daughter of the King of Naples, and her heart full of goodness. She +was a model of virtues, of pure beliefs and a loving heart, married with Pierres, +Pedro of Provence, a noble knight and virtuous man.’</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_706" href="#FNanchor_706" class="label">[706]</a> One of the Elvas Chapter was <i>homem versado Na lição de Florinda e Carlo +Magno</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_707" href="#FNanchor_707" class="label">[707]</a> This charm hangs over many anonymous lyrics of popular inspiration, +as the <i>Trovas da Menina Fermosa</i>, seventeenth or eighteenth century +variations of a sixteenth century song: <i>Menina fermosa Dizei do que vem +Que sejais irosa A quem vos quer bem; Porque se concerta Rosto e condiçam +Dais por galardam A pena mui certa. Sendo tam fermosa Dizei</i>, &c. Even +less genuinely popular are the <i>Trovas do Moleiro</i> (1602), written by an +obscure native of Tangier, Luis Brochado, and others.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_708" href="#FNanchor_708" class="label">[708]</a> Luis de Sousa, <i>Vida</i>, 1763 ed., i. 462.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_709" href="#FNanchor_709" class="label">[709]</a> e. g. <i>Em Belem vila do amor</i> (i. 183).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_710" href="#FNanchor_710" class="label">[710]</a> e. g. <i>Que no quiero estar en casa</i> (i. 73) (which is <i>como laa cantaes co’ gado</i>, +essentially a peasant’s song).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_711" href="#FNanchor_711" class="label">[711]</a> The <i>leixapren</i> occurs in most of the songs accompanied by dance in Gil +Vicente: e. g. <i>Quem é a desposada</i> (<i>chacota</i>, i. 147), <i>Pardeus bem andou Castella</i> +(<i>em folia</i>) (ii. 389), <i>Ja não quer minha senhora</i> (ii. 439, <i>Esta cantiga cantarão +e bailarão de terreiro os foliões</i>). <i>Não me firaes madre</i> (ii. 440, <i>em chacota</i>), +<i>Mor Gonçalves</i> (ii. 509, <i>bailão ao som desta cantiga</i>), <i>Por Mayo era, por Mayo</i> +(ii. 525, <i>a vozes bailarão e cantarão a cantiga seguinte</i>: i. e. a <i>romance</i> with +<i>leixapren</i> and refrain). They are thus a combination of glee and dance.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_712" href="#FNanchor_712" class="label">[712]</a> Gil Vicente, <i>Obras</i> (ii. 448).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_713" href="#FNanchor_713" class="label">[713]</a> <i>Não nas quero ver cantar</i> (Gil Vicente) is, however, probably a misprint, +for which D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos suggests <i>quer’ eu</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_714" href="#FNanchor_714" class="label">[714]</a> Cf. J. Leite de Vasconcellos, <i>Ensaios Ethnographicos</i>, ii. 264: <i>O povo +(principalmente as mulheres) canta-as</i> [<i>cantigas soltas</i>] <i>em qualquer occasião</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_715" href="#FNanchor_715" class="label">[715]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Já os campos reverdecem, Já o alecrim tem flor,</i></div> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Já cantam os passarinhos A resurreição do Senhor.</i></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>(Now to the fields returns the green and the rosemary’s in flower, and the +little birds are singing the Lord’s Resurrection hour).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_716" href="#FNanchor_716" class="label">[716]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Ó triste da minha vida, Ó triste da vida minha,</i></div> + <div class="verse indent0"><i>Quem me dera ir contigo Onde tu vaes, andorinha.</i></div> + <div class="verse indent0">(O how sad my life is, O how sad my plight!</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Would I might go with thee, swallow, in thy flight!)</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">recalls the French <i>Si j’étais hirondelle Que je pusse voler, Sur votre sein, ma belle, +J’irais me reposer</i> (A swallow I Would be to fly And take my rest Upon thy +breast).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_717" href="#FNanchor_717" class="label">[717]</a> All green things in summer Their freshness lose: Only my heart Its love +renews.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_718" href="#FNanchor_718" class="label">[718]</a> When the light of the fire is dead The ashes its heat retain: When love +is over and fled In the heart abides the pain.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_719" href="#FNanchor_719" class="label">[719]</a> To the three kings was given A star in heaven for sign: And thy eyes +have guided My heart unto thine.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_720" href="#FNanchor_720" class="label">[720]</a> Reprinted in his article in <i>Romania</i>, vol. vi, and by Dr. Braga. <i>Aygua</i> in +the second line is probably a corruption from <i>alua</i> (dawn) to <i>agua</i> (water).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_721" href="#FNanchor_721" class="label">[721]</a> Fernam Rodriguez Lobo Soropita, speaking of the <i>noites privilegiadas</i>—the +eves of New Year and Epiphany—refers to <i>os villões ruins que essas +noutes vos perseguem</i> and to their <i>pandeirinhos, musica de agua-pé que toda +a noute vos zune nos ouvidos como bizouro, e sobre tudo isto haveis de lhe +offertar os vossos quatro vintens, e quando lh’os entregais a candeia vos descobre +o feitio dos ditos musicos: um mocho com sombreiro com mais chocas que +um corredor de folhas</i>. They thus resembled Christmas ‘waits’.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_722" href="#FNanchor_722" class="label">[722]</a> The Spanish translator of <i>Eufrosina</i> apparently derived this name from +musical notes (= a sung <i>romance</i>), since he translates <i>un romance de sol la</i>, +<i>Eufr.</i> i. 3; iii. 2 (<i>Oríg. de la Novela</i>, iii. 77 and 110), but even he would not +derive it from the <i>selah</i> of the Psalms (T. Braga, <i>Hist. da Litt. Port.</i> i (1914), +p. 205). In the Spanish <i>solao</i> in <i>Obras de Dom Manoel de Portugal</i> (1605), +Bk. XII, pp. 282-7, each singer takes three lines, of which the last two rhyme +together.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_723" href="#FNanchor_723" class="label">[723]</a> Formerly <i>verbos</i> (e.g. in the <i>Canc. da Vat.</i>) and <i>exemplos</i> (<i>enxempros</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_724" href="#FNanchor_724" class="label">[724]</a> The word <i>rifão</i> does not now mean the refrain or burden (<i>estribilho</i>) +of a song but proverb, like the Spanish <i>refrán</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_725" href="#FNanchor_725" class="label">[725]</a> There is another proverb <i>Mentras a pedra vae e vem Deus dará de seu bem</i> +(While the [mill?] stone doth come and go God his blessing shall bestow).</p> + +</div> +</div> + + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<h3 class="nobreak" id="Appendix_2">§ 2<br><span class="small"><i>The Galician Revival</i></span></h3></div> + + +<p>For over four hundred years—with the exception of a few +poems by Padres José Sanchez Feijoo and Martín Sarmiento<a id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a> +in the eighteenth century—the Galician language held aloof +from literature. It was peculiarly fitting that at a time when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</span> +Portugal was recovering for her own literature the early Galician +lyrics, which are now one of its most precious possessions, a new +company of poets should have sprung up in the region now, +as of old, <i>fertil de poetas</i><a id="FNanchor_727" href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a>—Galicia. They were no doubt multiplied +and encouraged by the discovery of the <i>Cancioneiros</i>, but +began independently of these, in the wake of that regionalism +which manifested itself so vigorously in the second half of the +nineteenth century, for instance in Provence, Catalonia, and +Valencia. Besides their general character—the mingling of +irony and sentimental melancholy—and a few conscious imitations, +the new poets and the ancient <i>Cancioneiros</i> present several +striking similarities. It is now some three-quarters of a century +since regionalism in Galicia assumed its first literary pretensions. +In 1861 the poets had become sufficiently numerous and distinguished +to warrant the holding of <i>Juegos Florales</i> (<i>xogos froraes</i>) +at La Coruña. <span class="smcap">Juan Manuel Pintos</span> (1811-76) had published +eight years earlier a small volume of verses, <i>A Gaita Gallega</i> +(Pontevedra, 1853), and <span class="smcap">Francisco Añon</span> (1817-78) had contributed +poems to various local newspapers. Añon led the life +of a wandering <i>jogral</i> of old, and his occasional verses soon won +him popularity, so that he came to be regarded as the father of +modern Galician poetry. He could express his love for his +native province in the tender and melancholy stanzas (<i>abbcdeec</i>) +<i>A Galicia</i>, and in his other poems, at once ingenuous and satirical; +he is also thoroughly Galician and foreshadowed the poetry that +was to follow. A leaflet of his verses appeared in the year after +his death, <i>Poesías</i> (Noya, 1879), and a more satisfactory collection +ten years later: <i>Poesías Castellanas y Gallegas</i> (1889). +<span class="smcap">José María Posada y Pereira</span> (1817-86), born at Vigo, the +son of a Vigo advocate, published his first volume of verses in +1865 and others were collected in <i>Poesías Selectas</i> (1888). The +second part of this collection (pp. 111-250) is written in Spanish, +but the Galician poems include a series of letters in octosyllabic +verse, the wistful humour of which is attractive. Born in the same +year as Añon, he survived Rosalía de Castro, twenty years his +junior. He survived in disillusion, for he had been one of the +pioneers and now felt himself neglected in the changed conditions. +When the first floral games were celebrated the most +talented of these early poets, <span class="smcap">Alberto Camino</span> (1821-61), had +but a few months to live. Another generation passed before his +poems were published: <i>Poesías Gallegas</i> (1896). Camino was +not a prolific writer, and this tiny book contains but twelve +of his poems; but there is not one of them that we would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</span> +willingly miss, whether he is giving harmonious form to a +poignant theme, as in <i>Nai Chorosa</i> and <i>O Desconsolo</i>, or in +lighter verses describing with a contagious glow and spirit some +scene of village merriment, as in <i>A Foliada de San Joan</i> or +<i>Repique</i>.</p> + +<p>Galician patriots, indignant at the neglect or contempt +habitually meted out to their region, might persevere in their +belief that the language which had produced the <i>cantigas</i> of +King Alfonso X, the Portuguese <i>Cancioneiros</i>, and the poems of +Macías was capable of revival as an instrument of poetry; +but it was for the most part by scattered poems, manuscript or +printed in periodicals (especially the Coruña paper <i>Galicia</i>, +1860-6), that they justified their faith, until in 1863 appeared +<i>Cantares Gallegos</i> by <span class="smcap">Rosalía de Castro</span><a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> (1837-85). The +authoress, born at Santiago, was but twenty-six when this +collection of poems gave her a wider celebrity than has been +granted to any Galician writer since Macías. Emilio Castelar +wrote a preface for her second volume, <i>Follas Novas</i> (1880), +and hailed her as ‘a star of the first order’. Indeed, so great +was her fame as a Galician singer that until recently it obscured +her Spanish poems, <i>En las orillas del Sar</i> (1884). It was an +unsought fame. Rosalía de Castro wrote much more than she +published and destroyed much that was worth publishing. +She sank herself in Galicia; her voice is that of the Galician +<i>gaita</i> in all its varying moods. In her preface to <i>Cantares Gallegos</i> +she wrote: ‘I have taken much care to reproduce the true spirit +of our people.’ That she succeeded in this all critics are agreed. +A favourite method in the <i>Cantares Gallegos</i> is to take a popular +quatrain and develop it at some length, as, for instance, in the +beautiful variations on the lines <i>Airiños</i>, <i>airiños</i>, <i>aires</i>, <i>Airiños</i> +<i>da miña terra</i>, <i>Airiños</i>, <i>airiños</i>, <i>aires</i>, <i>Airiños</i>, <i>levaime á ela</i>.<a id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> +Here, as throughout the book, there is such yearning passionate +sadness that we may say, in her own words, <i>non canta que chora</i>. +The sadness is of <i>soedade</i> and brooding over her country’s +plight. She has felt all the peasants’ sorrows, the longing of the +emigrant for his country, the fate of the women at home who +find no rest from toil but in the grave,<a id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a> above all the neglect +and poverty in which those sorrows centre—with the result +of sons torn from their families and scattered abroad to Castile<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</span> +and Portugal and across the seas in search of bread. Her themes +are thus often homely; their treatment is always plaintive and +musical. The metres used are very various. The book opens +with a chain of <i>muiñeiras</i> singing <i>Galicia frorida</i>, and the rhythmical +beat of the <i>muiñeira</i> constantly recurs throughout. Nothing +could serve better to express, as she so marvellously expresses, +the very soul of the Galician peasantry in its gentle, dreaming +wistfulness and tearful humour. Her style is so thin and delicate, +yet so flowing and natural, that it is more akin, almost, to music +than to language. Few writers have attained such perfection without +a trace of artifice. It is Galician—<i>esta fala mimosa</i><a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a>—seen +at its best, clear, soft, and pliant, rising in protest or reproach to a +silvery eloquence. In <i>Follas Novas</i> the melancholy note is accentuated, +without becoming morbid: the new leaves are autumnal. +The music of her sad and exquisite poetry had been forged +in the crucible of her own not imaginary suffering and grief, and +in these lyrics she utters her <i>inmortales deseios</i> (immortal longings) +as well as the woes of the peasant women of Galicia, +‘widows of the living and widows of the dead’. New metres +are introduced, the old skill and perfection of form is maintained. +A few poems in the second half even succeed in repeating +that identification between the poet and the genius of the +people which makes much of <i>Cantares Gallegos</i> almost anonymous +and assures its immortality.</p> + +<p>Midway between the publication of <i>Cantares Gallegos</i> and +<i>Follas Novas</i> appeared the first volume of Galician verse by the +blind poet of Orense, <span class="smcap">Valentín Lamas Carvajal</span> (1849-1906). +This book, <i>Espiñas, Follas e Frores</i> (1871), has remained the +most popular of his works.<a id="FNanchor_732" href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a> He is a true poet of the soil (<i>poeta +del terruño</i>), the soil of Galicia which he sings with melancholy +charm, and his verse is filled with <i>soedades</i>. He complains of +the peasant’s lot, protests against its injustice and the tyranny +of the <i>caciques</i>, laments the drain on Galicia’s best forces through +emigration and military service, and his later work especially +betrays a rustic cynicism and disillusion. But the value both +of his first book and of <i>Saudades Gallegas</i> (1889) and <i>A Musa +d’as Aldeas</i> (1890) is that in them speak the voices of the peasants. +Only occasionally does Aesop or Macías intrude to dispel the +charm, and even sophisticated touches—as when he speaks of +‘this century of enlightenment’, of Galicia as ‘a poetical +garden’, or of the <i>tamborileiro</i> as ‘the inseparable companion’<span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</span> +of the <i>gaiteiro</i>—are not out of keeping, since the peasant, to +whom a long word is a sign of education, will in ambitious +moments use such phrases. The Galician peasants are shown +in their sadness and superstitions, at their common tasks and +<i>festas</i>. When Lamas Carvajal is describing an <i>escasula</i><a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a> or +a <i>fiadeiro</i>,<a id="FNanchor_734" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a> a dance in the beaten space before the doors (<i>baile +de turreiro</i>), a <i>foliada</i><a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> in honour of some saint, a <i>ruada</i> or +<i>rueiro</i> (street courting), a summer <i>romaxe</i> or <i>romaria</i> (pilgrimage), +or autumn <i>magosto</i> (feast of chestnuts), his melancholy almost +deserts him, and he can sing, in his own phrase,</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Algun ledo cantar d’a sua terriña.</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The toil often becomes a <i>festa</i>, in which, he says, there is more +mirth than in all the city’s joys. In <i>Ey, boy, ey</i> he admirably +reproduces the thoughts of the slow-footed, slow-reasoning +peasant as he trudges along to market in front of his droning +and shrieking ox-cart. And, generally, all the life of the province +of Orense is in his poems: witches, exorcisers, <i>beatas</i>, +<i>curandeiros</i> (to whom the peasants turn in place of the doctor), +pilgrims, blind singers, <i>santeiros</i> selling images of saints, the +wailing <i>alalaa</i>, the evening litany or <i>rosario</i>, the angelus (<i>Ave +Maria</i> or <i>as animas</i>, or tocar <i>ás oraciós</i>). The <i>gaiteiro</i>, of course, +is a prominent figure, for without his bagpipe (the <i>gaita gallega</i>) +and the accompanying drum (<i>tamboril</i>), cymbals (<i>ferriñas</i>, +<i>conchas</i>), tambourine (<i>pandeiro</i>, <i>pandeireta</i>), and castanets +(<i>castañolas</i>),<a id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> no village <i>fête</i> would be welcome or complete, and +his <i>alborada</i> or his rhythmical dance-song, the <i>muiñeira</i>, is the +emblem of all the peasant’s pleasures. Melancholy pervades +the <i>Rimas</i> (1891) of <span class="smcap">D. Juan Bárcia Caballero</span> (born in 1852), +but it is no longer the melancholy of the peasant, but of the +poet. His verse is more artificial and subjective, and expressions +such as the ‘bed of Aurora’, ‘Olympic disdain’, ‘the +Nereids’, carry us far away from the peasant scenes so pleasantly +described by Lamas Carvajal. Yet in his lyrics lives a faint +music which raises them above the commonplace. He writes +of moonlight, the fall of the leaves, a flowing stream, tears, +death, and admires Heine and Leopardi; but in his slight +fancies, often built into a single brief sentence, he has a natural +charm of his own.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</span></p> +<p><span class="smcap">Benito Losada</span> (1824-91) gained great popularity in Galicia +with his <i>Contiños</i> (1888), epigrammatic and often far from +edifying stories in verse which mostly do not exceed ten lines. +He is said to have had them printed on matchboxes <i>ad maiorem +gloriam</i>, but for this he was probably not responsible. More +interesting and equally racy of the soil are the poems of his +<i>Soaces d’un Vello</i> (1886), of which the <i>contiños d’a terra</i> form only +Part 3. The first part consists of a long legend in octosyllabic +verse, and in the second some thirty poems give a coloured, +homely, delightful picture of peasant life in Galicia:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">En fias e espadelas,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">En festas, en foliadas<a id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="p0">—song and dance, the pot of chestnuts (<i>zonchos</i>) over the <i>lareira</i> +fire on the night of All Saints’ Day, the ox-girl quietly singing, +the girl with spindle and distaff keeping the cows, the sorrowful, +hard-working peasant women, the priests exorcising those +possessed by the Devil. The gay notes of the <i>gaita</i> with its +plaintive undertone sound from his pages. The language, +<i>a garrida lengua nosa</i>, has rarely been written more idiomatically +or with a surer instinct for the force and fascination of the +native word used in its rightful place. To turn from Losada +to <span class="smcap">Eduardo Pondal</span> (1835-1917), the poet of Ponteceso, a +small village in the district of Coruña, is to go from a village +<i>praça</i> to a high mountain-top. He stands quite apart from the +other Galician poets.<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> Their irony and scepticism, sorrows and +mirth, are mostly of the peasant. But here we have no dance +or rustic merriment. The pipe and the drum give place to the +wind blowing through an Aeolian harp. The poet</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent6">soña antr’as uces hirtas</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Na gentil arpa apoyado</div> + <div class="verse indent0">En donde o vento suspira.<a id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>He is a lonely, martial spirit, disdainful but never arrogant, +hating all servitude and looking upon a comfortable inertness as +a kind of servitude. There is no pettiness in him, although +details of Nature he may notice and love. The most learned of +Galician poets, and not sparing of classical allusions, he is yet +entirely merged in the forces of Nature and becomes a voice, +a mystery. Some of his poems are a single sentence of perhaps +twenty words, a musical cry borne slowly away on the wings<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</span> +of the wind. He sings of mists (the Gallegan <i>brétoma</i>) and +pregnant silences, the whispering of the pines, the great chestnut-trees +and Celtic oaks, of the swift daughter of the mists and the +‘intrepid daughter of the noble Celts’, of old forgotten far-off +things, battles long ago. One must go to Ireland for a parallel. +It has been noticed of him that he is entirely pre-Christian; +he is almost prehistoric. His long epic on the discovery of +America, in twenty-seven cantos, <i>Os Eoas</i>, remained unpublished +at his death. Nor would it be easy to account for his popularity +were it not for the poem by which he won early fame: <i>A Campana +d’Anllons</i>. It is full of music and melancholy, a plaintive farewell +addressed to his native village by a Galician peasant +imprisoned at Oran. His subsequent verses, collected in <i>Rumores +de los Pinos</i> (1879) and <i>Queixumes dos Pinos</i> (1886), if they +could not increase his popularity, brought him a wide recognition +among all lovers of poetry. The undefinable fascination of +many of these poems is due to their aloofness, tenderness, and +sorrowful music. He is a genuine Celtic bard, child of the wind +and the rain, with Rosalía de Castro the truest poet produced +by modern Galicia.</p> + +<p>The most prominent of the later Galician poets was <span class="smcap">Manuel +Curros Enriquez</span> (1851-1908), whose work <i>Aires d’a miña +terra</i> (1880) was condemned by the Bishop of Orense and republished +in the following year. Born at Celanova in the middle +of the nineteenth century, he studied law at Santiago de Compostela +and became a journalist. His advanced opinions caused +him to emigrate, first to London, then to South America. His +anticlericalism was pronounced in <i>Aires d’a miña terra</i>, and +even more so in a forcible satire describing a pilgrimage to +Rome, written in <i>triadas</i><a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> and entitled <i>O Divino Sainete</i> (1888). +He writes of dogma assassinating liberty, heaps abuse on Ignacio +de Loyola, hails the advent of the railway to Galicia as bringing +not priests but progress. All this has caused his poems to be +widely read. But the reader has the agreeable surprise to find +that many of them deal quite simply with the legends (<i>A Virxe +d’o Cristal</i>) or customs (<i>Unha Boda en Einibó</i>, <i>O Gueiteiro</i>, &c.) +of his native country, and show a true poetic power and a quiet +and accurate observation of Nature. We forget all about anticlericalism +and the Pope in reading of spring in Galicia, of the +<i>xentis anduriñas</i>, the <i>anemas</i> ringing, and the children who +come singing a <i>mayo</i> and asking for chestnuts. Curros Enriquez +would not be a Galician were not his work of a melancholy cast, +and the charm of some of his poems is also indigenous. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</span> +torch of Galician poetry burnt on after Curros Enriquez had +ceased to write. <span class="smcap">D. Evaristo Martelo Pauman</span> (born c. 1853) +in his <i>Líricas Gallegas</i> (1891) showed that he possessed the +traditional charm and satire of Galician verse, but a charm +and satire that in his case had become all individual and subjective. +<span class="smcap">Aureliano J. Pereira</span> (†1906), author of <i>Cousas +d’a Aldea</i> (1891), displayed a rustic humour in sketching with +many a gay note the life of the Galician peasantry, and, in his +more subjective poems, a very real and delicate lyrical gift. A +sly humour also marks the work of <span class="smcap">Alberto García Ferreiro</span> +(1862-1902) in <i>Volvoretas</i> (1887) and <i>Chorimas</i> (1890). It is +sometimes marred by the bitterness of his anticlerical and +anti-Spanish feeling. In the stream’s voice he hears a murmur +against the mayor and the judge, the <i>cacique</i> is ‘dragon, tiger +and snake’, the monks and priests are greedy and ignorant. +On the other hand, when they describe a fair (<i>N’a feira</i>) or a +pilgrimage or the woes of the Galician emigrant, his poems are +moving, vivid, and full of local colour. In a slight volume of +poems, <i>Salayos</i> (1895), <span class="smcap">Manuel Núñez González</span> (1865-1917) +shows true lyrical power. They are poems in Galician rather +than of Galicia, telling in a plaintive music of night, autumn, +<i>morriña</i>, <i>soedades</i>. For all the author’s love of his smaller +country, it is Galicia seen from without,<a id="FNanchor_741" href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> or sung from +memory. The ‘vintage songs and the gay din of chestnut +gatherings’ are no longer, as with Losada and Lamas, a part of +life, but ‘a dream in the ideal realm of thought’,<a id="FNanchor_742" href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> a subject of +disillusion and regret. <i>Folerpas</i><a id="FNanchor_743" href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a> (1894) by <span class="smcap">D. Eladio Rodríguez +González</span> (born in 1864) is also essentially not of the +people. In its less elaborate poems it often describes, attractively +and with much colour, popular customs and dances, the +night of St. John, <i>as festas d’a miña terra</i>. Yet after recording +the pleasant superstition that on St. John’s Day the sun rises +dancing, the author must needs pause to say ‘away with these +fanatical beliefs, unworthy of a civilized region’, to which the +answer is that such reflections may be sincere but are unworthy +of poetry, and should be expressed in prose. But the author +of these verses can, when he wishes, identify himself with the +peasants whose life he depicts,<a id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> and is capable of writing poems<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</span> +of great delicacy. The general impression is that he has not +grown up among these scenes but is observing them keenly as +might a stranger. The edict of the Archbishop of Santiago +(June 26, 1909), which made it a deadly sin to read <i>Fume de +Palla</i> (1909), by ‘<span class="smcap">Alfredo Nun de Allariz</span>’, as containing +impious, blasphemous, and heretical propositions, gave these +poems a wider publicity than they might otherwise have attained, +and they received a second edition in the same year. It certainly +savours of blasphemy and is bad criticism to call Curros Enriquez +the Galician Christ, but it is to be feared that the excommunication +of the author will only encourage him to abandon ‘simple +verses written without art’, as in his preface he describes these, +for more studied poems with a thesis to prove. It is perhaps +disquieting to find that three poets in most respects so different, +agree in this, that between them and popular poetry a gulf is +fixed, owing to the sensitive aloofness of a true poet (for Núñez +González was undoubtedly the most talented of the younger +Galicians), or owing to the adoption of the superior standpoint +of the rationalist or the anticlerical. Younger poets of remarkable +promise and achievement are <span class="smcap">D. Gonzalo López Abente</span> +(born in 1878), a relative of Eduardo Pondal, whom he sometimes +recalls in the original inspiration of <i>Escumas da Ribeira</i> +(1914) and <i>Alento da Raza</i> (1917); <span class="smcap">D. Antonio Noriega Varela</span> +(born in 1869), whose deep love for his native moors and mountains +gives an eternal magic to <i>Montañesas</i> (1904) and <i>D’O +Ermo</i> (1920); <span class="smcap">D. Ramón Cabanillas</span>, who voices the sorrows +and aspirations of Galicia in <i>Vento Mareiro</i> and <i>Da Terra Asoballada</i> +(1917); and <span class="smcap">D. Antonio Rey Soto</span>, who, however, writes +chiefly in Castilian. <span class="smcap">D. Xavier Prado</span> expresses the very soul +of the peasantry in <i>A Caron do Lume</i> (1918). The poets of the last +half-century have unquestionably justified the literary revival of +the Galician language, and even if in the future no poetry of +the highest order be written in Galicia, it is unthinkable that so +musical an instrument should be allowed to perish. Galician +poetry may be a thin, an elfin music, a scrannel voice, as of +a wind blowing through tamarisks, but it has a natural charm, +a raciness, a native atmosphere which give it a peculiar flavour +and attraction. Literary contests, <i>veladas</i>, <i>certames</i>, <i>xogos +froraes</i>, keep the flame of poetry alive in Galicia, but in its +anonymous form it is a very vigorous growth which needs no +fostering, and flourishes now as it flourished in the twelfth and +thirteenth centuries, as it flourished in the time of the Romans. +Hundreds of anonymous <i>quadras</i> (<i>cantiga</i>, <i>cantar</i>, <i>cantariño</i>, +<i>cantilena</i>, <i>cantiguela</i>, <i>cantiguiña</i>, <i>copra</i>, or <i>canció</i>) have been +collected in the <i>Cancionero Popular Gallego</i> (Madrid, 3 vols.,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</span> +1886) by <span class="smcap">José Pérez Ballesteros</span> (†1918). The peasant women +compose and sing their songs to-day<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> as when Fray Martín Sarmiento +(1695-1772) noticed that <i>en Galicia las mujeres no solo +son poetisas sino tambien músicas naturales</i>,<a id="FNanchor_746" href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> or the Marqués de +Montebello listened to <i>los tonos que a coros cantan con fugas y +repeticiones las mozuelas</i>, or the Archpriest of Hita watched the +cantaderas dancing (as well as singing) in neighbouring Asturias.<a id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a></p> + +<p>The ancient <i>muiñeira</i> rhythm continues, and the parallel-strophed +songs of the early <i>Cancioneiros</i> have their echoes in +the anonymous poetry of to-day. It is, indeed, of interest to +note how the poets of the revival fall quite naturally into the +same parallelism and the same repetition.<a id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> Besides these +<i>muiñeiras</i> the popular poetry consists principally of <i>quadras</i>.<a id="FNanchor_749" href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> +Traditional <i>romances</i> are nearly non-existent. This popular +poetry (soft, musical, malicious, satirical) connects by a thread +of anonymous song the Galicia of to-day with the whole of its +past life, and the revivalists are likely to prosper in proportion +as they seek their inspiration in popular sources, as did Rosalía +de Castro. For the Galician peasants, living in a land of mists +and streams, inlet arms of sea, dark pinewoods, deep-valleyed +mountains, green maize-fields, and grey mysterious rocks, a +land of spirits and fairies and witches, of legends and ruins, have +the Celt’s instinct and love of poetry. Poetry is their natural +expression. For prose in Galician literature there is less genius, +and perhaps less incentive, since the country has been described +with intimate knowledge and charm in the Castilian novels of Doña +Emilia Pardo Bazán (1851-1921) and Don Ramón María del +Valle-Inclán (born in 1870), and more recently by Don Jaime Solá +(born in 1877). But the value and possibilities of Galician prose +have been shown by <span class="smcap">D. Aurelio Ribalta</span> (born in 1864) in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</span> +<i>Ferruxe</i> (1894) and by <span class="smcap">D. Manuel Lugris y Freire</span> (born in 1863) +in <i>Contos de Asieumedre</i> (1909). It is, indeed, in the <i>conto</i> that +especial success has been won, and <span class="smcap">Heraclio Pérez Placer</span>, +whose novel <i>Predicción</i> appeared in 1887, is widely known for +his <i>Contos, Leendas e Tradiciós de Galicia</i> (1891), <i>Contos da +Terriña</i> (1895), and <i>Veira do Lar</i> (1901). <i>Contos da Terriña</i>, +thirty-four stories in some two hundred brief pages, are various +and unequal in value. Most of them are sad, even the harmless +St. Martin <i>magosto</i> ends in a death. They contain many intimate +descriptions of Galicia and the life of the villages about +Orense. There is much pathos in <i>Velliña, miña velliña!</i>, in +<i>Rapañota de Xasmís</i>, and especially in <i>Follas Secas</i>, an exquisite +picture of an old peasant dying alone in a dark room—its walls +are black with smoke, yellow maize-cobs hang from the ceiling—while +through the open door come all the gay sounds and colours +of a Galician vintage. The poetess <span class="smcap">Francisca Herrera</span>, author +of <i>Almas de Muller</i> (1915) and <i>Sorrisas e Bágoas</i> (1918), has +recently turned to prose with remarkable success in <i>Néveda</i> +(1920). Few Galician poets have published volumes of prose, +although many have contributed as journalists to the local +press, but it would be difficult to find a prose-writer who is not +also a poet.<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> And it is by its poetry that Galicia has won for +itself a notable place in modern literature and added another +leaf to the literary laurels of the Peninsula.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</span></p> +<div class="footnotes"><h4>FOOTNOTES:</h4> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_726" href="#FNanchor_726" class="label">[726]</a> See Antolín López Peláez, <i>Poesías Inéditas del P. Feijoo ... seguidas +de las poesías gallegas ‘Dialogo de 24 Rusticos’ y ‘O Tio Marcos da Portela’ +por el P. Sarmiento</i>, Tuy, 1901.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_727" href="#FNanchor_727" class="label">[727]</a> Cf. A. Ribeiro dos Santos, <i>Obras</i> (MS.), vol. xix, f. 21: <i>Galicia ... muito +affeita desde alta antiguidade ao exercicio de trovas e cantares.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_728" href="#FNanchor_728" class="label">[728]</a> Or Rosalía Castro de (or y) Murguía. Her husband, <span class="smcap">Don Manuel De +Murguía</span> (born in 1833), author of <i>Los Precursores</i> (1886), <i>Diccionario de +Escritores Gallegos</i> (1862), and other works devoted to the study of Galicia, +its ethnology and history, is still alive.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_729" href="#FNanchor_729" class="label">[729]</a> O winds of my country blowing softly together, Winds, winds, gentle +winds, O carry me thither! (1909 ed., pp. 95-8).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_730" href="#FNanchor_730" class="label">[730]</a> <i>Follas Novas: Duas palabras d’a autora</i>, 1910 ed., p. 31.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_731" href="#FNanchor_731" class="label">[731]</a> <i>Follas Novas</i> (1910 ed.), p. 254.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_732" href="#FNanchor_732" class="label">[732]</a> A sixth edition appeared in 1909, whereas most books of Galician verse +cling to the obscurity of their first edition or at best obtain a second in the +hospitable <i>Biblioteca Gallega</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_733" href="#FNanchor_733" class="label">[733]</a> <i>Esfolhada</i> or <i>desfolla</i>: gathering to husk the maize.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_734" href="#FNanchor_734" class="label">[734]</a> <i>Fiada</i>, <i>fiandon</i>: a rustic <i>tertulia</i> (evening party) of women to spin.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_735" href="#FNanchor_735" class="label">[735]</a> <i>Fuliada</i>, <i>afuliada</i>, <i>folion</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_736" href="#FNanchor_736" class="label">[736]</a> In Tras-os-Montes potatoes are called <i>castanholas</i>, i. e. large chestnuts, +which recalls the fact that Andrea Navagero, eating potatoes for the first +time at Seville in 1526, considered them to taste like chestnuts. In parts +of Galicia they are called <i>castañas d’a terra</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_737" href="#FNanchor_737" class="label">[737]</a> <i>Soaces</i>, p. 156. The <i>espadela</i> is the task of braking flax.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_738" href="#FNanchor_738" class="label">[738]</a> Perhaps the only poem that might have been written by Pondal is that +on p. 177 (the first verse) of Rosalía de Castro’s <i>Follas Novas</i> (1910 ed.).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_739" href="#FNanchor_739" class="label">[739]</a> <i>Queixumes dos Pinos</i> (1886), p. 101.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_740" href="#FNanchor_740" class="label">[740]</a> For an earlier example of the same kind of tercets (<i>abacdcefe</i>) see R. de +Castro, <i>Follas Novas</i>, 1910 ed., p. 158.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_741" href="#FNanchor_741" class="label">[741]</a> The very word <i>morriña</i> is more common (in the sense of <i>saudade</i>) at Madrid +than in Galicia.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_742" href="#FNanchor_742" class="label">[742]</a> <i>Salayos</i>, p. 65.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_743" href="#FNanchor_743" class="label">[743]</a> Also <i>flepa</i>, <i>folepa</i>, <i>folepiña</i>, Portuguese <i>folheca</i>—<i>floco</i>, <i>froco</i>, <i>copo</i> (= +‘flake’).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_744" href="#FNanchor_744" class="label">[744]</a> The passage (<i>Folerpas</i>, p. 182) in which a peasant, refusing alms to an old +woman, bids her beg of the rich, is scarcely drawn from life.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_745" href="#FNanchor_745" class="label">[745]</a> Cf. <i>Cancionero</i>, i. 50: <i>Cantade, nenas, cantade</i>; G. Ferreiro, <i>Chorimas</i>, +p. 76, <i>as cantiguiñas das moças</i>; R. de Castro, <i>Cant. Gall.</i>, p. 102, <i>As +meniñas cantan, cantan</i>. Cf. also E. Pardo Bazán, <i>De mi tierra</i> (1888), p. 122: +<i>las</i> [<i>coplas</i>] <i>gallegas de las cuales buena parte debe ser obra de hembras</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_746" href="#FNanchor_746" class="label">[746]</a> <i>Memorias para la historia de la poesía y poetas españoles</i> (<i>Obras Postumas</i>, +vol. i, Madrid, 1775, p. 238, § 538).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_747" href="#FNanchor_747" class="label">[747]</a> See <i>C. da Ajuda</i>, ed. C. Michaëlis de Vasconcellos (1904), ii. 902.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_748" href="#FNanchor_748" class="label">[748]</a> Cf. R. de Castro, <i>Cantares Gallegos</i> (1909 ed.), p. 18 (<i>mantelo</i>, <i>refaixo</i>), +p. 19 (<i>mar</i>, <i>río</i>), pp. 20-1 (<i>e-a</i>), p. 27 (<i>terras</i>, <i>vilas</i>), p. 29 (<i>pousaban</i>, <i>vivían</i>), +p. 85 (<i>vestira</i>, <i>calzara</i>); <i>Follas Novas</i> (1910 ed.), p. 229 (<i>a-e</i>); <i>Aires d’a +miña terra</i> (ed. 1911). p. 35 (<i>quería</i>, <i>pensaba</i>), p. 139 (<i>i-a</i>), p. 249 (<i>á miles</i>, +<i>á centos</i>); <i>Chorimas</i>, p. 36 (<i>estrevidos</i>, <i>ousados</i>); A. Camino, <i>Poesías Gallegas</i>, +p. 19: <i>Qué noite aquela en que eu a vin gemindo!</i> (<i>chorar!</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_749" href="#FNanchor_749" class="label">[749]</a> Quatrains of which lines 2 and 4 are in rhyme or assonance, e.g. <i>Ruliña +que vas volando Sin facer caso á ninguen, Vai e dille á aquela nena Que sempre +a quixen ben</i>. <i>Tercetos</i> are rarer (<i>aba</i>). Sometimes the <i>quadra</i> is really +a tercet with line 1 repeated (<i>aaba</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_750" href="#FNanchor_750" class="label">[750]</a> D. Aurelio Ribalta is author in verse of <i>Os meus votos</i> (1903) and +<i>Libro de Konsagrazión</i> (1910); D. Manuel Lugris of <i>Soidades</i> (1894), <i>Noitebras</i> +(1910); Snr. Pérez Placer of <i>Cantares Gallegos</i> (1891). <span class="smcap">D. Florencio Vaamonde</span> +(born in 1860), author of a <i>Resume da Historia de Galicia</i> (1898), +also wrote, in verse, <i>Os Calaicos</i> (1894). Recently Galician literature has +found a keen historian in <span class="smcap">D. Eugenio Carré Aldao</span>, whose <i>Literatura +Gallega</i> (2nd ed., 1911) also contains an anthology.</p> + +</div> +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</span></p> +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> +</div> + + +<ul class="index"> +<li class="ifrst">A</li> + +<li class="indx">Aboim (D. Joan de), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1">Abranches, Conde de, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="2">Abreu Mousinho (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="3">Academia das Sciencias de Portugal, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="4">Academia dos Esquecidos, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="5">Academia dos Generosos, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="6">Academia dos Singulares, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="7">Academia Real da Historia, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="8">Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="9">Acenheiro. <i>See</i> <a href="#1189">Rodriguez Azinheiro</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="10"><i>Actos dos Apostolos</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="11"><i>Adagios</i>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="12">Addison (Joseph), <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="13">Aesop, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="14">Afonso I, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>,</li> + +<li class="indx" id="15">Afonso III, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="16">Afonso IV, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="17">Afonso V, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, + <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="18">Afonso VI, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="19">Afonso, Infante [xiii c.], <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="20">Afonso, Infante [xiv c.], <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="21">Afonso, Infante [xv c.], <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="22">Afonso, Mestre, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="23">Afonso (Gregorio), <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="24">Afonso (Martim), Mestre, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="25"><i>Aguia, A</i>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="26">Agustobrica, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="27">Airas (Joan), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="28">Aires (Francisco), <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="29">Alarcón (Pedro Antonio de), <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="30">Alarte (Vicente) <i>pseud.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#640">Gomez de Moraes</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="31">Albuquerque (Afonso de), <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, + <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, + <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, + <a href="#Page_228">228-9</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="32">Albuquerque (Bras de), <a href="#Page_201">201-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="33">Albuquerque (Jeronymo de), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="34">Albuquerque (D. Jorge de), <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="35">Alcobaça (Bernardo de), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="36">Alcoforado (Marianna), <a href="#Page_263">263-4</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="37">Aleandro, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="38"><i>Aleixo, Vida de Santo</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="39">Alexandra, Queen, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="40">Alfieri (Vittorio), <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="41">Alfonso X, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, + <a href="#Page_41">41-6</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, + <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, + <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="42">Alfonso XI, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="43"><i>Alfonso Onceno, Poema de</i>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="44">Almeida (Cristovam de), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="45">Almeida (Diogo de), <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="46">Almeida (Fortunato de), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="47">Almeida (D. Francisco de), <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="48">Almeida (D. Leonor de), <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="49">Almeida (Lopo de), <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="50">Almeida (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="51">Almeida (Rodrigo Antonio de), <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="52">Almeida (Theodoro de), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="53">Almeida e Medeiros (Lourenço de), <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="54">Almeida Garrett (João Baptista da Silva Leitão), Visconde de, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, + <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287-92</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, + <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="55">Alorna, Marquesa de [D. Leonor de Almeida Portugal Lorena e Lencastre, Condessa de Assumar, Condessa de Oeynhausen], <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276-7</a>, + <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="56">Alvarengo Peixoto (Ignacio José de), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="57">Alvarez (Afonso), <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="58">Alvarez (Francisco), <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219-20</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="59">Alvarez (João), <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="60">Alvarez (Luis), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="61">Alvarez de Andrade (Fernam), <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="62">Alvarez de Lousada Machado (Gaspar), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="63">Alvarez de Villasandino (Alfonso), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="64">Alvarez do Oriente (Fernam), <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="65">Alvarez Pereira (Nuno), <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, + <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, + <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="66"><i>Amadis de Gaula</i>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65-71</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="67">Amaral (Antonio Caetano do), <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="68">Amaral (Francisco do), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="69"><i>Amaro, Vida de Santo</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="70">Ambrogini (Angelo). <i>See</i> <a href="#1112">Poliziano</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="71">Amigo (Pedro) de Sevilha, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="72">Amorim. <i>See</i> <a href="#632">Gomes de Amorim</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="73">Andrade (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="74">Andrade (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="75">Andrade (Thomé de). <i>See</i> <a href="#717">Jesus (Thomé de)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="76"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</span>Andrade Caminha (Pero de), <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149-50</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="77">Andrade Corvo (João de), <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="78">Andrade e Silva (José Bonifacio de), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="79">Anez Solaz (Pedro), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="80">Angeles (Juan de los), <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="81">Angra, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="82">Anjos (Luis dos), <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="83">Anjos (Manuel dos), <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="84">Annunzio (Gabriele d’), <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="85">Añon (Francisco), <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="86">Anrique. <i>See</i> <a href="#676">Henrique</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="87">Anriquez (Luis), <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102-3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="88">Antonio, Mestre, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="89">Antonio, D., Prior of Crato, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="90">Antonio (Nicolás), <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, + <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="91">Antunes (João), <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="92">Aquinas (Thomas). <i>See</i> <a href="#1364">Thomas</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="93">Araujo (Joaquim de), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="94">Araujo de Azevedo (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="95">Arcadia, A Nova, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="96">Arcadia Ulyssiponense, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="97"><i>Archivo Historico Portuguez</i>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="98">Argote de Molina (Gonzalo), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="99">Arias Montano (Benito), <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="100">Ariosto (Lodovico), <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, + <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="101">Aristotle, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, + <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="102">Arnoso, Bernardo Pinheiro Corrêa de Mello, Conde de, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="103"><i>Arquivo.</i> See <i><a href="#97">Archivo</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="104"><i>Arquivo Historico Português.</i> See <i><a href="#97">Archivo Historico Portuguez</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="105">Arraez (Jeronimo), <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="106">Arraez de Mendoça (Amador), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237-8</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="107"><i>Arte de Furtar</i>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264-5</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="108">Asenjo Barbieri (Francisco), <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="109">Athaide (Catherina de), <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="110">Athaide Oliveira (Francisco Xavier de), <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="111">Augustine, Saint, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="112">Austen (Jane), <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="113"><i>Auto da Fome</i>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="114"><i>Auto da Forneira de Aljubarrota</i>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="115"><i>Auto da Geraçao Humana</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="116"><i>Auto das Padeiras</i>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="117"><i>Auto de Deus Padre</i>, <a href="#Page_156">156-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="118"><i>Auto del Nascimiento de Christo</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="119"><i>Auto de Santa Genoveva</i>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="120"><i>Auto do Dia de Juizo</i>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="121"><i>Auto do Escudeiro Surdo</i>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="122"><i>Auto Figurado da Degolação dos Inocentes</i>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="123">Aveiro, D. João de Lencastre, Duque de, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="124">Aveiro, Dukes of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="125">Aveiro (Pantaleam de), <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="126">Avellar Brotero (Felix de), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="127">Avicenna, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="128">Avis, Mestre de. <i>See</i> <a href="#719">João I</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="129">Ayres de Magalhães Sepulveda (Cristovam), <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334-5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="130">Ayres Victoria (Anrique), <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="131">Azevedo (Briolanja de), <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="132">Azevedo (Guilherme de). <i>See</i> <a href="#138">Azevedo Chaves</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="133">Azevedo (João Lucio de), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="134">Azevedo (Luis de), <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="135">Azevedo (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="136">Azevedo (Maximiliano Eugenio de), <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="137">Azevedo (Pedro A. de), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="138">Azevedo Chaves (Guilherme Avelino de), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="139">Azevedo Tojal (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="140">Azinheiro. <i>See</i> <a href="#1189">Rodriguez Azinheiro</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="141">Azorín <i>pseud.</i> [Don Jose Martínez Ruiz], <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="142">Azurara. <i>See</i> <a href="#1478">Zurara</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">B</li> + +<li class="indx" id="143">Bacellar (Antonio Barbosa). <i>See</i> <a href="#155">Barbosa Bacellar</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="144">Bacon (Francis), <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="145">Bahia (Jeronimo), <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="146">Baião (Antonio), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="147">Baist (Gottfried), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="148">Balzac (Honoré de), <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="149">Bandarra (Gonçalo Annez), <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340-1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="150">Bandello (Matteo), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="151">Barata (Antonio Francisco), <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="152">Barbieri (Francisco Asenjo). <i>See</i> <a href="#108">Asenjo Barbieri</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="153">Barbosa (Ayres), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="154">Barbosa (Duarte), <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="155">Barbosa Bacellar (Antonio), <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="156">Barbosa de Carvalho (Tristão), <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="157">Barbosa Machado (Diogo), <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, + <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="158">Barcellos, Conde de. <i>See</i> <a href="#1049">Pedro Afonso</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="159">Bárcia Caballero (Juan), <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="160">Baretti (Giuseppe), <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="161"><i>Barlaam e Josaphat, Lenda dos Santos</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="162">Barradas (Manuel), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="163">Barreira (João da), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="164">Barreiros (Caspar), <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="165">Barreiros (Lopo), <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="166">Barreto (Francisco), <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="167">Barreto (Pedro), <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="168">Barros (Bras de), <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="169">Barros (Guilherme Augusto de), <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="170"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</span>Barros (João de), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, + <a href="#Page_88">88</a>,<a href="#Page_95">95</a>, +<a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, + <a href="#Page_192">192-5</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, + <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, + <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>. + +<li class="indx" id="171">Barros (João de), of Oporto, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="172">Barros (João de), poet, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="173">Barros (Lopo de), <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="174">Baudelaire (Charles), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="175">Beatriz, Infanta, mother of King Manuel, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="176">Beatriz, Infanta, daughter of King Manuel, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="177">Beauvais (Vincent de), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="178">Beccari (Camillo), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="179">Beckford (William), <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="180">Beirão (Mario), <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="181">Beja, Bishop of. <i>See</i> <a href="#1451">Villas-Boas</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="182">Belchior, Padre, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="183">Bembo (Pietro), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="184"><i>Bento, Regra de S.</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="185">Berceo (Gonzalo de), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="186">Beresford (William Carr), Viscount, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="187">Berger (S.), <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="188">Bermudez (Geronimo), <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="189">Bernard, St., <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="190">Bernardes (Manuel), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, + <a href="#Page_249">249-50</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="191">Bernardes (Maria), <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="192">Bernardez (Diogo), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145-7</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, + <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="193">Bezerra (Branca), <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="194"><i>Bible, The</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, + <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, + <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="195">Biester (Ernesto), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="196">Bilac (Olavo), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="197">Bingre (Francisco Joaquim), <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="198">Bluteau (Raphael), <a href="#Page_284">284-5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="199">Bocage (Manuel Maria de Barbosa du), <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277-8</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="200">Bocarro (Antonio), <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="201">Boccaccio (Giovanni), <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="202">Boccalini (Traiano), <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="203">Boileau (Nicolas), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="204">Bonamis, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="205">Bonaval (Bernaldo de), <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="206">Bonifazio II, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="207">Bonilla y San Martín (Adolfo), <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="208"><i>Boosco Delleytoso</i>, <a href="#Page_93">93-4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="209">Bordallo (Francisco Maria), <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="210">Borges (Gonçalo), <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="211">Bornelh (Guiraut de), <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="212">Boron [= Borron] (Robert de), <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="213">Boscán Almogaver (Juan), <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, + <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="214"><i>Bosco Deleitoso.</i> See <i><a href="#208">Boosco Delleytoso</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="215">Bosque (Dimas), <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="216">Boswell (James), <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="217">Botelho (Abel Acacio de Almeida), <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="218">Botelho (Afonso), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="219">Bouterwek (Friedrich), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="220">Braamcamp Freire (Anselmo), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, + <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="221">Braga (Alberto Leal Barradas Monteiro), <a href="#Page_325">325-6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="222">Braga (Guilherme), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="223">Braga (Joaquim Theophilo Fernandes), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, + <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, + <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, + <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="224">Braganza, Ferdinand, Duke of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="225">Braganza, Isabella, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="226">Braganza, James, Duke of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="227">Braganza, John, Duke of. <i>See</i> <a href="#722">João IV</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="228">Braganza, Theodosio, Duke of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="229">Brancuti, di Cagli, Paolo Antonio, Conte, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="230">Brandão (Antonio), <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="231">Brandão (Diogo), <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103-4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="232">Brandão (Francisco), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="233">Brandão (Hilario), <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="234">Brandão (Julio), <a href="#Page_327">327-8</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="235">Brandão (Maria), <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="236">Brandão (Raul), <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="237">Braunfels (Ludwig von), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="238">Bridges (Robert), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="239">Brito (Bernardo de), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206-8</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, + <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="240">Brito (Duarte de), <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="241">Brito Aranha (Pedro Wenceslau de), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="242">Brito de Andrade (Balthasar de), <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="243">Brito Pestana (Alvaro de), <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="244">Brito Rebello (Jacinto Ignacio de), <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="245">Brochado (Luis), <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="246">Brulé (Gace), <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="247">Bruno <i>pseud.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1065">Pereira de Sampaio</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="248">Buchanan (George), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="249">Bulhão Pato (Raimundo Antonio), <a href="#Page_302">302-3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="250">Bunyan (John), <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="251">Buonarroti (Michelangelo), <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="252">Burgos (André de), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="253">Bussinac (Peire de), <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="254">Byron, George Gordon Noel, Lord, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">C</li> + +<li class="indx" id="255">Caamoões. <i>See</i> <a href="#274">Camões</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="256"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</span>Caballero (Fernán) <i>pseud.</i> [Cecilia Böhl de Faber], <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="257">Cabanillas (Ramón), <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="258">Cabedo de Vasconcellos (José de), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="259">Cabral (Paulo Antonio), <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="260">Cabral (Pedro Alvarez), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="261">Cacegas (Luis de), <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="262">Caceres (Lourenço de), <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="263">Caiel <i>pseud.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1074">Pestana (Alice)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="264">Cairel (Elias), <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="265">Caldas (José de), <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="266">Caldeira (Fernando Afonso Geraldes), <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="267">Calderón de la Barca (Pedro), <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="268">Calvo (Pedro), <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="269">Camacho (Diogo), <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="270">Camara (D. João Gonçalves Zarco da), <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="271">Caminha (Antonio Lourenço), <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="272">Caminha (João), <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="273">Camino (Alberto), <a href="#Page_348">348-9</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="274">Camões (Luis de), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, + <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, + <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, + <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174-86</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, + <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, + <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, + <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="275">Campancho (Airas). <i>See</i> <a href="#300">Carpancho</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="276">Campos (Agostinho de), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="277">Campos (Claudia de), <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="278">Campos Moreno (Diogode), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="279"><i>Cancioneirinho de Trovas Antigas</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="280"><i>Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti</i>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, + <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="281"><i>Cancioneiro da Ajuda</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, + <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="282"><i>Cancioneiro da Vaticana</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, + <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="283"><i>Cancioneiro del Rei D. Dinis</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="284"><i>Cancioneiro de Resende.</i> See <i><a href="#286">Cancioneiro Geral</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="285"><i>Cancioneiro Gallego-Castelhano</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="286"><i>Cancioneiro Geral</i>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96-105</a>, + <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, + <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, + <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="287"><i>Cancionero de Baena</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="288"><i>Cancionero General</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="289"><i>Cancionero Musical.</i> See <i><a href="#108">Asenjo Barbieri</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="290"><i>Cancionero Popular Gallego</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355-6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="291">Cantanhede, Conde de, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="292"><i>Canzoniere Portoghese Colocci-Brancuti.</i> See <i><a href="#280">Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="293"><i>Canzoniere Portoghese della Biblioteca Vaticana.</i> See <i><a href="#282">Cancioneiro da Vaticana</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="294">Cardim (Antonio Francisco), <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="295">Cardim (Fernam), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="296">Cardoso (João), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="297">Cardoso (Jorge), <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="298"><i>Carlos Magno, Verdadeira Historia do Imperador</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="299">Carneiro da Cunha (Alfredo), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="300">Carpancho (Airas), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="301">Carré Aldao (Eugenio), <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="302">Cartagena (Alonso de). Bishop of Burgos, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="303"><i>Cartas que os Padres ... escreveram</i>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="304">Carvalho de Parada (Antonio), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="305">Casimiro (Augusto), <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="306">Casquicio (Fernam), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="307">Castanheda (Fernam Lopez de). <i>See</i> <a href="#822">Lopez de Castanheda</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="308">Castanheira, Conde de [<i>or</i> da], <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="309">Castanhoso (Miguel de), <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="310">Castelar (Emilio), <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="311">Castello Branco (Camillo), Visconde de Corrêa Botelho, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, + <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297-9</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, + <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="312">Castello Rodrigo, Marqueses de, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="313">Castiglione (Baldassare), <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="314">Castilho (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="315">Castilho (Antonio Feliciano), Visconde de, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299-300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, + <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="316">Castilho (João de), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="317">Castilho (Julio), second Visconde de, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="318">Castillejo (Cristobal de), <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="319">Castro (Augusto de), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="320">Castro (Eugenio de), <a href="#Page_336">336-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="321">Castro (Inés de), <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, + <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, + <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="322">Castro (D. João de), <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227-8</a>, + <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="323">Castro (D. João de), novelist, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="324">Castro (João Baptista de), <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="325">Castro (Publia Hortensia de), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="326">Castro de Murguía (Rosalía de), <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349-50</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, + <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="327">Castro e Almeida (Virginia de), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="328">Castro Osorio (Anna de), <a href="#Page_324">324-5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="329">Catherina, Queen, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="330">Catherine II, Empress of Russia, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="331"><i>Cava, Poema da</i>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="332">Caxton (William), <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="333">Ceita (João da), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244-5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="334"><i>Celestina, La</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, + <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="335">Ceo (Maria do) [Maria de Eça], <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="336">Ceo (Violante do) [Violante Montesino], <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="337">Cervantes (Miguel de), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, + <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="338">Cerveira (Afonso), <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="339"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</span>Chagas (Antonio das), <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248-9</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="340">Chamilly, Noël Bouton, Marquis de, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="341">Chariño (Pai Gomez). <i>See</i> <a href="#637">Gomez Chariño</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="342">Charles V, Emperor, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="343">Châtillon, Duc de, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="344">Chiado. <i>See</i> <a href="#1172">Ribeiro Chiado</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="345">Child Rolim de Moura (Francisco), <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="346"><i>Chrisfal, Trovas de.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#408">Crisfal</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="347">Christina, Queen of Sweden, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="348"><i>Chronica.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#410">Cronica</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="349">Cicero, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, + <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="350"><i>Cid, Poema del</i>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="351">Claro (João), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="352">Claudian, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="353">Clenardus (Nicolaus), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="354">Cleynarts (Nicholas). <i>See</i> <a href="#353">Clenardus</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="355">Clusius. <i>See</i> <a href="#483">Écluse</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="356">Codax (Martin), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="357">Coelho (Estevam), <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="358">Coelho (Francisco Adolpho), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="359">Coelho (Jorge), <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="360">Coelho da Cunha (José), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="361">Coelho Rebello (Manuel), <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="362">Coimbra (Leonardo de), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="363">Coincy (Gautier de), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="364">Colocci (Angelo), <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="365">Colonna (Egidio), <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="366">Colonna (Vittoria), <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="367">Conceição (Alexandre da), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="368">Conestaggio (Girolamo Franchi di), <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="369">Congreve (William), <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="370"><i>Conquista de Ultramar, Gran</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="371">Consciencia (Manuel), <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="372">Consiglieri Pedroso (Zophimo), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="373">Cordeiro (Antonio), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="374">Cordeiro (Luciano), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="375">Cornu (Jules), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="376">Corpancho (Airas). <i>See</i> <a href="#300">Carpancho</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="377">Corpancho (Manuel Nicolás), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="378"><i>Corpus Illustrium Poetarum Lusitanorum</i>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="379"><i>Coronica do Condestabre de Purtugal.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#410">Cronica</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="380">Corrêa (Gaspar), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, + <a href="#Page_198">198-201</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="381">Corrêa (Jeronimo), <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="382">Corrêa (Luis Franco), <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="383">Corrêa de Oliveira (Antonio), <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="384">Corrêa Garção (Pedro Antonio Joaquim), <a href="#Page_271">271-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="385">Corrêa Pinto (Roberto), <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="386">Correggio (Antonio Allegri da), <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="387">Correia. <i>See</i> <a href="#380">Corrêa</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="388"><i>Corte Imperial</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="389">Corte Real (Jeronimo), <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187-8</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="390">Cortesão (Jaime), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="391">Costa (Antonio da), <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="392">Costa (Bras da), <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="393">Costa (Claudio Manuel da), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="394">Costa (Diogo da), <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="395">Costa (D. Francisco da), <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="396">Costa (Leonel da), <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="397">Costa (Manuel da), <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="398">Costa Lobo (Antonio de Sousa da Silva), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="399">Costa Perestrello (Pedro da), <a href="#Page_147">147-8</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="400">Cota (Rodrigo), <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="401">Coudel Môr, O. <i>See</i> <a href="#1292">Silveira (Fernam de)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="402">Coutinho (Fernando de), <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="403">Coutinho (D. Francisco), Conde de Redondo, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="404">Coutinho (D. Gonçalo), <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="405">Couto (Diogo do), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, + <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195-8</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="406">Couto Guerreiro (Miguel de), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="407">Craveiro (Tiburcio Antonio), <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="408"><i>Crisfal, Trovas de</i>, <a href="#Page_136">136-9</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="409">Cristoforus, Dr., <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="410"><i>Cronica Breve do Archivo Nacional</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="411"><i>Cronica da Conquista do Algarve</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="412"><i>Cronica da Fundaçam do Mosteiro de S. Vicente</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="413"><i>Cronica da Ordem dos Frades Menores</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="414"><i>Cronica do Cardeal Rei D. Henrique</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="415"><i>Cronica do Condestabre de Portugal</i>, <a href="#Page_84">84-5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="416"><i>Cronica dos Vicentes.</i> See <i><a href="#412">Cronica da Fundaçam</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="417"><i>Cronica Troyana</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="418"><i>Cronicas Breves</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="419">Cruz (Agostinho da), <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="420">Cruz (Bernardo da), <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="421">Cruz (Caspar da), <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="422">Cunha (João Lourenço da), <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="423">Cunha (José Anastasio da), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="424">Cunha (Nuno da), <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="425">Cunha (D. Rodrigo da), <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="426">Cunha (Tristão da), <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="427">Cunha Rivara (Joaquim Heliodoro da), <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="428">Curros Enriquez (Manuel), <a href="#Page_353">353-4</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="429"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</span>Curvo Semedo Torres Sequeira (Belchior Manuel), <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">D</li> + +<li class="indx" id="430">Daniel (Samuel), <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="431"><i>Danse macabre</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="432">Dantas (Julio), <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="433">Dante Alighieri, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, + <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, + <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="434"><i>Danza de la Muerte</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="435"><i>De Imitatione Christi</i>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="436">Delicado (Antonio), <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="437"><i>Demanda do Santo Graall</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="438">Denis, King. <i>See</i> <a href="#455">Dinis</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="439">Denis (Jean Ferdinand), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="440">Deslandes (Venancio), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="441">Desmond, Maurice, first Earl of, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="442"><i>Destroyçam de Jerusalem.</i> See <i><a href="#1430">Vespeseano, Estorea de</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="443"><i>Destruction de Jérusalem</i>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="444">Deus (João de). <i>See</i> <a href="#989">Nogueira Ramos</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="445">Dias (Epiphanio). <i>See</i> <a href="#1287">Silva Dias</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="446">Dias Gomes (Francisco), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="447">Diaz (Balthasar), <a href="#Page_158">158-9</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="448">Diaz (Bartholomeu), <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="449">Diaz (Henrique), <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="450">Diaz (D. Lopo), <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="451">Diaz (Nicolau), <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="452">Diaz (Ruy), El Cid, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="453">Diaz de Landim (Gaspar), <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="454">Dickens (Charles), <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="455">Dinis, King, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, + <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54-7</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, + <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, + <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="456">Diniz, King. <i>See</i> <a href="#455">Dinis</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="457">Diniz (João), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="458">Diniz (Julio) <i>pseud.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#631">Gomes Coelho</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="459">Diniz da Cruz e Silva (Antonio), <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273-4</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="460">Dioscorides, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="461"><i>Ditos da Freira.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#596">Gama (D</a>. Joana da).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="462">Döllinger (Johann Joseph Ignaz von), <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="463">Dornellas (Afonso de), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="464">Dozy (Reinhart), <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="465">Drake (Sir Francis), <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="466">Dryden (John), <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="467">Duarte, Infante [†1576], <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="468">Duarte, Infante [†1540], brother of João III, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="469">Duarte, Infante, brother of João V, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="470">Duarte, King, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, + <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, + <a href="#Page_90">90-2</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="471">Duarte (Afonso), <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="472">Duarte de Almeida (Manuel), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="473">Dürer (Albrecht), <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">E</li> + +<li class="indx" id="474">Eanez (Rodrigo). <i>See</i> <a href="#1473">Yannez</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="475">Eanez de Vasconcellos (D. Rodrigo), <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="476">Eanez de Zurara (Gomez). <i>See</i> <a href="#1478">Zurara</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="477">Eannez. <i>See</i> <a href="#474">Eanez</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="478">Eannez (Rodrigo). <i>See</i> <a href="#1473">Yannez</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="479">Ébrard (Ayméric d’), <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="480">Eça (Maria de). <i>See</i> <a href="#335">Ceo (Maria do)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="481">Eça de Queiroz (José Maria de), <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316-18</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="482"><i>Eccos que o Clarim da Fama dá</i>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="483">Écluse (Charles de l’), <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="484">Edward I, of England, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="485">Egas Moniz. <i>See</i> <a href="#952">Moniz Coelho</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="486">Elizabeth, Queen of England, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="487"><i>Eloy, Lenda de Santo</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="488">Elysio (Filinto). <i>See</i> <a href="#980">Nascimento</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="489">Encarnação (Antonio da), <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="490">Ennes (Antonio), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="491">Enzina (Juan del), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, + <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="492">Erasmus (Desiderius), <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="493">Ericeira, Conde da. <i>See</i> <a href="#922">Meneses</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="494">Esguio (Fernando), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="495"><i>Esopo, Livro de</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="496"><i>Espelho de Prefeyçam</i>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="497"><i>Espelho de Christina.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1101">Pisan (Christine de)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="498">Esperança, Visconde de, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="499">Esperança (Manuel da), <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="500">Espinola (Fradique), <a href="#Page_247">247-8</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="501">Espirito Santo (Antonio do). <i>See</i> <a href="#1172">Ribeiro Chiado</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="502">Esplandian. <i>See</i> <a href="#1273">Sergas</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="503">Espronceda (José de), <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="504">Esquio (Fernando). <i>See</i> <a href="#494">Esguio</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="505">Estaço (Achilles), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="506">Estaço (Balthasar), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="507">Estaço (Gaspar), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="508">Este (João Baptista d’), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="509">Esteves Negrão (Manuel Nicolau), <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="510">Esteves Pereira (Francisco Maria), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, + <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="511"><i>Estorea de Vespeseano.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1430">Vespeseano</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="512">Estrella (Antonio da), <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="513"><i>Eufrosina, Vida de</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">F</li> + +<li class="indx" id="514">Falcão (Cristovam de Sousa), <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137-9</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="515">Falcão de Resende (André), <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150-1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="516">Faria (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="517"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</span>Faria (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="518">Faria e Sousa (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, + <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, + <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="519">Faria Severim (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="520">Feijó (Antonio Joaquim de Castro), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="521">Feijoo (José Sanchez), <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="522">Felipe, Infante, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="523">Fénelon (François de), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="524"><i>Fenix Renascida</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="525">Feo (Antonio), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="526">Ferdinand, King. <i>See</i> <a href="#543">Fernando</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="527">Fernandes Thomaz Pippa (Annibal), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="528">Fernandez (Alvaro), <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="529">Fernandez (Antonio), <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="530">Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c.], <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="531">Fernandez (Diogo) [xv c. poet], <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="532">Fernandez (Diogo) [xvi c.], <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="533">Fernandez (Lucas), <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="534">Fernandez (Roy), <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="535">Fernandez Alemão (Valentim), <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="536">Fernandez de Lucena (Vasco), <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="537">Fernandez Ferreira (Diogo), <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="538">Fernandez Galvão (Francisco), <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="539">Fernandez Torneol (Nuno), <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="540">Fernandez Trancoso (Gonçalo), <a href="#Page_231">231-2</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="541">Fernando, Infante [son of João I], <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="542">Fernando, Infante [son of King Manuel], <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="543">Fernando, King Consort, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="544">Fernando I, of Portugal, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="545">Fernando III, of Castile, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="546">Ferrandez de Gerena (Garci), <a href="#Page_78">78-9</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="547">Ferreira (Antonio), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148-9</a>, + <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="548">Ferreira (Carlos), <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="549">Ferreira de Almeida (João), <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="550">Ferreira de Azevedo (Antonio Xavier), <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="551">Ferreira de Figueiroa (Diogo), <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="552">Ferreira de Lacerda (Bernarda), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="553">Ferreira de Vasconcellos (Jorge), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, + <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167-73</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, + <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="554">Ferreira de Vera (Alvaro), <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="555">Ferrer (Miguel), <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="556">Ferrus (Pero), <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="557">Feuillet (Octave), <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="558">Fialho de Almeida (José Valentim), <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="559">Ficalho, Francisco Manuel Carlos de Mello, third Conde de, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="560">Fielding (Henry), <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="561">Figueira (Guilherme), <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="562">Figueiredo (Antero de), <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="563">Figueiredo (Antonio Candido de), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="564">Figueiredo (Fidelino de Sousa), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="565">Figueiredo (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="566">Fitzmaurice-Kelly (James), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="567">Flaubert (Gustave), <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="568"><i>Flores e Branca Flor, Historia de</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="569">Florida. See <i><a href="#1158">Relaçam Verdadeira dos trabalhos</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="570"><i>Flos Sanctorum</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="571">Fonseca (Balthasar Luis da), <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="572">Fonseca (João da), <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="573">Fonseca Soares (Antonio da), <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="574">Fontaines, Baron de, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="575">Forner (Juan Pablo), <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="576">Fradique, Infante, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="577">Franco (Luis). <i>See</i> <a href="#382">Corrêa (Luis Franco)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="578">François I, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="579">Frederick III, Emperor, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="580">Freire (Antonio), <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="581">Freire (Francisco José), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="582">Freire de Andrade (Jacinto), <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="583">Froissart (Jean), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="584">Fructuoso (Gaspar), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="585">Furtado de Mendoza (Diego), <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">G</li> + +<li class="indx" id="586"><i>Galaaz, O Livro de</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="587">Galen, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="588">Galhegos (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="589">Galvam (Antonio), <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202-3</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="590">Galvam (Duarte), <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="591">Galvam (Francisco), <a href="#Page_147">147-8</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="592">Galvam de Andrade (Antonio), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="593">Gama (Arnaldo de Sousa Dantas da), <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="594">Gama (D. Cristovam da), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="595">Gama (D. Estevam da), <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="596">Gama (D. Joana da), <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="597">Gama (Jose Basilio da), <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="598">Gama (Leonarda Gil da). <i>See</i> <a href="#624">Gloria (Maria Magdalena Euphemia da)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="599">Gama (D. Vasco da), Conde de Vidigueira, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, + <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, + <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="600">Gama Barros (Henrique), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="601">Gandavo. <i>See</i> <a href="#851">Magalhães de Gandavo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="602">Garcia (Fernan), Esgaravunha, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="603">Garcia (Pero) de Burgos, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="604">Garcia de Castrogeriz (Johan), <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="605">Garcia de Guilhade (D. Joan), <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="606">Garcia de Mascarenhas (Bras), <a href="#Page_259">259-60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="607">García Ferreiro (Alberto), <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="608">Garcia Peres (Domingo), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="609">Garret (B.), Chariteo, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="610">Garrett. <i>See</i> <a href="#54">Almeida Garrett</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="611"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</span>Garrido (Luiz Guedes Coutinho), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="612">Gautier (Judith), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="613">Gavaudan, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="614">Gavy de Mendonça (Agostinho de), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="615">Gayangos y Arce (Pascual de), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="616">Gibbs (James), <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="617">Gil (Augusto), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="618">Gil y Carrasco (Enrique), <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="619">Ginzo (Martin de), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="620">Giraldez (Afonso), <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="621">Giraldi (Giambattista), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="622">Giraldo, Mestre, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="623">Glareanus (Henricus), <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="624">Gloria (Maria Magdalena Euphemia da) [Leonarda Gil da Gama], <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="625">Godinho (Cristovam), <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="626">Godinho (Manuel), <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="627">Goes (Damião de), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, + <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211-14</a>, + <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="628">Goethe (Johann Wolfgang von), <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="629">Goldsmith (Oliver), <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="630">Gomes (João Baptista), <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="631">Gomes Coelho (Joaquim Guilherme) [Julio Diniz], <a href="#Page_314">314-16</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="632">Gomes de Amorim (Francisco), <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301-2</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="633">Gomes de Brito (José Joaquim), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="634">Gomes de Carvalho (Theotonio), <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="635">Gomes Leal (Antonio Duarte), <a href="#Page_332">332-3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="636">Gomez (Simão), <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="637">Gomez Chariño (Pai), <a href="#Page_29">29-30</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="638">Gomez de Briteiros (Rui), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="639">Gomez de Brito (Bernardo), <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="640">Gomez de Moraes (Silvestre), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="641">Gonçalves Crespo (Antonio Candido), <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330-1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="642">Gonçalves Dias (Antonio), <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="643">Gonçalves Lima (Augusto José), <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="644">Gonçalves Vianna. <i>See</i> <a href="#648">Gonçalvez Viana</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="645">Gonçalvez (Ruy), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="646">Gonçalvez de Seabra (Fernan), <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="647">Gonçalvez Lobato (Balthasar), <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="648">Gonçalvez Viana (Aniceto dos Reis), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="649">Góngora (Luis de), <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="650">Gonta Collaço (Branca de), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="651">Gonzaga (Thomaz Antonio), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="652">Gonzalez de Sanabria (Ferrant). <i>See</i> <a href="#646">Gonçalvez de Seabra</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="653">Gouvêa (André de), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="654">Gouvêa (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="655">Gouveia. <i>See</i> <a href="#653">Gouvêa</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="656">Gower (John), <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="657">Gracián (Baltasar), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="658">Granada (Luis de), <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="659">Grão Para, Bishop of. <i>See</i> <a href="#1258">S</a>. Joseph Queiroz.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="660">Grave (João), <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="661">Gray (Thomas), <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="662">Gregory, St., <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="663"><i>Grinalda, A</i>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="664">Guarda (Stevam), <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="665"><i>Guarda, Foros da</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="666">Guedes Teixeira (Fausto), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="667">Guerra Junqueiro (Abilio Manuel), <a href="#Page_331">331-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="668">Guilhade (Joan de), <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="669">Guilherme (Manuel), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="670">Guimarães (Delfim), <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="671">Gusmão (Alexandre de), <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="672">Gusmão (Alexandre de), Jesuit, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">H</li> + +<li class="indx" id="673">Halifax (John of), <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="674">Hallam (Henry), <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="675">Heine (Heinrich), <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="676">Henrique, Cardinal, King, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, + <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="677">Henrique, Infante, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, + <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="678">Henriques (Guilherme J. C.), <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="679">Henry VIII, of England, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="680">Henry the Navigator, Prince. <i>See</i> <a href="#677">Henrique, Infante</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="681">Henry, of Burgundy, Count, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="682">Henryson (Robert), <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="683">Herberay des Essarts (Nicholas), <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="684">Herculano de Carvalho e Araujo (Alexandre), <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, + <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292-5</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, + <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="685">Herodotus, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="686">Herrera y Garrido (Francisca), <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="687"><i>Historia dos Cavalleiros da Mesa Redonda.</i> See <i><a href="#437">Demanda do Santo Graall</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="688"><i>Historia Tragico-Maritima</i>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217-8</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="689"><i>Historia Tristani</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="690"><i>Historias abreviadas do Testamento Velho</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="691">Hita, Archpriest of. <i>See</i> <a href="#1212">Ruiz</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="692">Hollanda (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="693">Hollanda (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_229">229-30</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="694">Homem (Pedro), <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="695">Homer, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, + <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="696">Horace, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, + <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="697">Horta. <i>See</i> <a href="#1018">Orta</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="698"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</span>Hugo (Victor), <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, + <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="699">Humboldt (Alexander von), <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="700">Hurtado (Luis), <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="701">Huysmans (J. K.), <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">I</li> + +<li class="indx" id="702">Ichoa (Martim), <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="703">Idanha (Pedro de Alcaçova Carneiro), Conde de, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="704">Ignacio de Loyola, San, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="705">Isabel, Empress, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="706">Isabel, Infanta, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="707">Isabel, Queen Consort of Afonso V, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="708">Isabel, Queen Consort of Dinis, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="709">Isabel, Queen of Spain, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="710"><i>Isabel, Vida de Santa</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="711">Ivo (Pedro) <i>pseud.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#805">Lopes (Carlos)</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">J</li> + +<li class="indx" id="712">Jardin (G. du). <i>See</i> <a href="#1017">Orta</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="713">Jeanroy (Alfred), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="714">Jerome, St., <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="715">Jesus (Francisco de). <i>See</i> <a href="#1218">Sá de Meneses (F</a>. de).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="716">Jesus (Raphael de), <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="717">Jesus (Thomé de), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238-40</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="718">Joana, Infanta, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="719">João I, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89-90</a>, + <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="720">João II, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, + <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, + <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="721">João III, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, + <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, + <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, + <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>. 232, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, + <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="722">João IV, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, + <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="723">João V, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="724">João, Infante [xvi c.], <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, + <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="725"><i>João de Calais, Verdadeira Historia de</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="726">João Manuel (D.). <i>See</i> <a href="#863">Manuel (D</a>. João).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="727">John, Prester, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="728">Johnson (Samuel), <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="729">Jorge, D., <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="730">Jorge (Ricardo), <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="731">José I, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="732"><i>Josep ab Arimatia, Livro de</i>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="733">Joséphine, Empress, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="734">Juan I, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="735">Juan de Austria, Don, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="736">Juan Manuel, Infante Don, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="737">Juana, Infanta, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="738">Juana, la Loca, Queen, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="739">Juromenha, João Antonio de Lemos Pereira de Lacerda, Visconde de, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="740">Justinianus (Laurentius), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">K</li> + +<li class="indx" id="741">Karr (Alphonse), <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="742">Keats (John), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">L</li> + +<li class="indx" id="743">La Bruyère (Jean de), <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="744">Lacerda (Augusto), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="745">Lafões, Duque de, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="746">Lafões, third Duque de, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="747">La Fontaine (Jean de), <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="748">Lamartine (Alphonse de), <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="749">Lamas Carvajal (Valentin), <a href="#Page_350">350-1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="750">Lamennais (Hugues Félicité Robert de), <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="751">Lancastre (D. Lourenço de), <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="752">Lang (Henry Roseman), <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, + <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="753">Lara (João Carlos de), <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="754">Lasso de la Vega (Garci), <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, + <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="755">Latino Coelho (José Maria), <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="756">Lavanha (João Baptista), <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="757"><i>Lazarillo de Tormes</i>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="758">Leam (Gaspar de), <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="759"><i>Lear, King</i>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="760">Leitão de Andrade (Miguel), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="761">Leite (Solidonio), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="762">Leite de Vasconcellos Cardoso Pereira de Melo (José), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, + <a href="#Page_308">308-9</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="763">Leite Ferreira (Miguel), <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="764">Lemos (Jorge de), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="765">Lemos (Julio de), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="766">Lemos Seixas Castello Branco (João de), <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="767">Lencastre (D. Philippa de), <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="768">Leo X, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="769">Leon (Luis de), <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, + <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="770">Leonor. <i>See</i> <a href="#775">Lianor</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="771">Leonor, successively Queen of Portugal and France, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="772">Leopardi (Giacomo), Count, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="773"><i>Lettres Portugaises.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#36">Alcoforado</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="774">Levi (Juda), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="775">Lianor, Empress, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="776">Lianor, Queen Consort of Duarte, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="777">Lianor, Queen Consort of João II, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, + <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="778">Lima (Alexandre Antonio de), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="779">Lima (D. Rodrigo de), <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="780"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</span>Lima Pereira (Paulo de), <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="781">Linhares, second Conde de. <i>See</i> <a href="#993">Noronha (D</a>. Francisco de).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="782">Linhares, Conde de [xvii c.], <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="783">Linhares, Violante, Condessa de, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="784">Lipsius (Justus), <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="785">Lisboa (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="786">Lisboa (Cristovam de), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="787">Lisboa (João de), <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="788"><i>Livro da Noa</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="789"><i>Livro das Aves</i>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="790"><i>Livro das Heras</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="791"><i>Livro de Josep ab Arimatia.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#732">Josep</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="792"><i>Livro Velho</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="793"><i>Livro Vermelho</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="794"><i>Livros de Linhagens</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="795">Livy, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="796">Lobato (Gervasio), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="797">Lobeira (Gonçalo de), <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="798">Lobeira (Joan de), <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="799">Lobeira (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="800">Lobeira (Vasco de), <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="801">Lobo (Alvaro), <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="802">Lobo (D. Francisco Alexandre), Bishop of Viseu, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="803">Lobo (Francisco Rodriguez). <i>See</i> <a href="#1199">Rodriguez Lobo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="804">Lollis (Cesare de), <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="805">Lopes (Carlos), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="806">Lopes (David de Melo), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="807">Lopes (Francisco), <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="808">Lopes de Mendonça (Antonio Pedro), <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="809">Lopes de Mendonça (Henrique), <a href="#Page_312">312-13</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="810">Lopes de Moura (Caetano), <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="811">Lopes Vieira (Afonso), <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="812">Lopez (Afonso), <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="813">Lopez (Anrique), <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="814">Lopez (Diogo), <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="815">Lopez (Fernam), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, + <a href="#Page_81">81-5</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, + <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="816">Lopez (Martinho), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="817">Lopez (Thomé), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="818">López Abente (Gonzalo), <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="819">Lopez de Ayala (Pero), <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="820">Lopez de Bayan (D. Afonso), <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="821">Lopez de Camões (Vasco), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="822">Lopez de Castanheda (Fernam), <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190-1</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, + <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, + <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="823">Lopez de Sousa (Pero), <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="824">Lopez de Ulhoa (D. Joan), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="825">Lopo, jogral, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="826">Losada (Benito), <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="827">Loti (Pierre) <i>pseud.</i> [Julien Viaud], <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="828">Louis XI, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="829">Lourenço, jogral, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="830">Lucan, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="831">Lucena (João de), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="832">Lucena (Vasco Fernandez de). <i>See</i> <a href="#536">Fernandez Lucena</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="833">Lucian, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="834">Ludolph of Saxony. <i>See</i> <a href="#1226">Sachsen</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="835">Lugris y Freire (Manuel), <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="836">Luis, Infante, <a href="#Page_106">106-7</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, + <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="837">Luis (Nicolau), <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="838">Lull (Ramón), <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="839">Luther (Martin), <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="840">Luz (André da), <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="841">Luz (Philipe da), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="842">Luz Soriano (Simão José da), <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">M</li> + +<li class="indx" id="843">Macedo (Anna de). <i>See</i> <a href="#1221">Sá e Macedo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="844">Macedo (José Agostinho de), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, + <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, + <a href="#Page_279">279-82</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="845">Machado (Julio Cesar), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="846">Machado (Simão), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="847">Machado de Azevedo (Manuel), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="848">Macias, <a href="#Page_76">76-77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, + <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="849">Magalhães (Fernam de), <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="850">Magalhães (Luiz Cypriano Coelho de), <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="851">Magalhães de Gandavo (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="852">Magalhães Lima (Jaime de), <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="853"><i>Magalona, Verdadeira Historia da Princeza</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="854">Malheiro Dias (Carlos), <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="855">Mallarmé (Stéphane), <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="856">Malory (Sir Thomas), <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="857">Mangancha (Diogo Afonso), <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="858">Manrique (Gomez), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="859">Manrique (Jorge), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="860">Mantua (Bento), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="861">Manuel I, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, + <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, + <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, + <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, + <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, + <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="862">Manuel, Infante, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="863">Manuel (D. João), <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="864"><i>Maranhão, Jornada do</i>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="865">Marcabrun, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="866">Marcos, Frei, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="867">Maria, Infanta, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, + <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="868">Maria, Consort of King Manuel, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="869">Maria da Gloria, Queen, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="870"><i>Maria Egipcia, Vida de</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="871">Marialva, second Conde de, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="872"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</span>Marialva, Marques de, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="873">Mariana (Juan de), <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="874">Marie Antoinette, Queen, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="875">Marinho de Azevedo (Luis), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="876">Mariz (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="877">Mariz (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="878">Marot (Clément), <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="879">Martelo Pauman (Evaristo), <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="880">Martial, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="881">Martim Afonso, Mestre. <i>See</i> <a href="#24">Afonso (Martim)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="882">Martinez de Resende (Vasco), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="883">Martínez Salazar (Andrés), <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="884">Martinho, de Alcobaça, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="885">Martorell (Pedro Juan), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="886">Martyres (Bartholomeu dos), <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="887">Marueil (Arnaut de), <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="888">Mascarenhas (D. Fernando de), <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="889">Mascarenhas (D. João de), <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="890">Mascarenhas (D. Pedro de), <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="891">Mattos (João Xavier de), <a href="#Page_278">278-9</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="892">Medina e Vasconcellos (Francisco de Paula), <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="893">Meendinho, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="894">Melanchthon (Philip), <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="895">Mello (Carlos de). <i>See</i> <a href="#559">Ficalho</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="896">Mello (D. Francisco Manuel de), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, + <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252-5</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, + <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="897">Mello (Garcia de), <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="898">Mello (Martim Afonso de), <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="899">Mello Breyner (D. Theresa de), Condessa de Vimieiro, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="900">Mello Franco (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="901">Mena (Juan de), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="902">Menander, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="903">Mendes de Vasconcellos (Luis), <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="904">Mendes dos Remedios (Joaquim), <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="905">Mendes Leal (José da Silva), <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="906">Mendez (Afonso), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="907">Mendez (Manuel), <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="908">Mendez de Sá (Gonçalo), <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="909">Mendez de Vasconcellos (Diogo), <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="910">Mendez Pinto (Fernam), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221-5</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="911">Mendez Silva (Rodrigo), <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="912">Mendoça (Jeronimo de), <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="913">Mendoça (Joana de), <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="914">Mendonça (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="915">Mendonça (Jeronimo). <i>See</i> <a href="#912">Mendoça</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="916">Mendonça Alves (Vasco de), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="917">Menéndez Pidal (Ramón), <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="918">Menéndez y Pelayo (Marcelino), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, + <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, + <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="919">Meneses (D. Aleixo de), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="920">Meneses (D. Duarte de), <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="921">Meneses (D. Fernando de), <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="922">Meneses (D. Fernando de), second Conde da Ericeira, <a href="#Page_266">266-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="923">Meneses (D. Francisco Xavier de), fourth Conde da Ericeira, <a href="#Page_270">270-1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="924">Meneses (D. Henrique de), <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="925">Meneses (D. João de), <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="926">Meneses (D. Luis de), third Conde da Ericeira, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="927">Meneses (D. Pedro de), <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="928">Meneses (D. Sebastião Cesar de), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="929"><i>Menina Fermosa, Trovas da</i>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="930">Menino (Pero), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="931">Meogo (Pero), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="932"><i>Merlim</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="933">Mesquita (Marcellino Antonio da Silva), <a href="#Page_311">311-12</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="934">Mesquita Perestrello (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="935">Meyer (Paul), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="936">Michaëlis (Gustav), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="937">Michaëlis de Vasconcellos (Carolina), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, + <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, + <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, + <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, + <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="938">Michelangelo. <i>See</i> <a href="#251">Buonarroti</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="939">Mickle (William Julius), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="940">Miguel I, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="941">Milá y Fontanals (Manuel), <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="942">Milton (John), <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="943">Miranda (Afonso de), <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="944">Miranda (Jeronimo de), <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="945">Miranda (Martim Afonso de), <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="946"><i>Misterio de los Reyes Magos</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="947"><i>Moleiro, Trovas do</i>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="948">Molière (Jean-Baptiste Poquelin), <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="949">Molteni (Enrico Gasi), <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="950">Monaci (Ernesto), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="951">Moniz Barreto (Guilherme), <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="952">Moniz Coelho (Egas), <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="953">Mons (Nat de), <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="954">Monsaraz, Antonio de Macedo Papança, Conde de, <a href="#Page_335">335-6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="955">Montaigne (Michel de), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="956">Montalvão (Justino de), <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="957">Montalvo. <i>See</i> <a href="#1193">Rodriguez de Montalvo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="958">Montebello, Marques de, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="959">Monteiro (Diogo), <a href="#Page_246">246-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="960">Montemayor (George de). <i>See</i> <a href="#961">Montemôr (Jorge de)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="961">Montemôr (Jorge de), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="962">Montesino (Violante). <i>See</i> <a href="#336">Ceo (Violante do)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="963">Montesquieu (Charles Louis de Secondat), <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="964">Montoia (Luis de), <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="965">Montoro (Anton de), <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="966"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</span>Moogo (Pero). <i>See</i> <a href="#931">Meogo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="967">Moraes (Cristovam Alão de), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="968">Moraes Cabral (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, + <a href="#Page_232">232-4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="969">More (Sir Thomas), <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="970">Moreira (Julio), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="971">Moreira Camello (Antonio), <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="972">Moreira de Carvalho (Jeronimo), <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="973">Moreno (Bento) <i>pseud.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1348">Teixeira de Queiroz</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="974">Moura (Miguel de), <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="975">Mousinho de Quevedo (Vasco), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="976">Murguía (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">N</li> + +<li class="indx" id="977">Napier (Sir William), <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="978">Napoleon I, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="979">Napoleon III, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="980">Nascimento (Francisco Manuel do), <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274-5</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, + <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="981">Navagero (Andrea), <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="982">Newton (Sir Isaac), <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="983">Niebuhr (Barthold Georg), <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="984"><i>No figueiral figueiredo</i>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="985"><i>Nobiliario do Collegio dos Nobres</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="986"><i>Nobiliario do Conde.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1049">Pedro Afonso, Conde de Barcellos</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="987">Nobre (Antonio), <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="988">Nobrega, Padre, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="989">Nogueira Ramos (João de Deus), <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329-30</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="990">Noriega Varela (Antonio), <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="991">Noronha (D. Anna de), <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="992">Noronha (D. Antonio de), <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="993">Noronha (D. Francisco de), second Conde de Linhares, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="994">Noronha (D. Lianor de), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="995">Noronha (D. Thomas de), <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="996">Novaes (Francisco Xavier de), <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="997">Nun’ Alvarez. <i>See</i> <a href="#65">Alvarez Pereira (Nuno)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="998">Nun de Allariz (Alfredo) <i>pseud.</i>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="999">Nunes (Claudio José), <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1000">Nunes (José Joaquim), <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1001">Nunes Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio), <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1002">Nunez (Airas), <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52-3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1003">Nunez (João), <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1004">Nunez (Pedro), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226-7</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1005">Nunez (Philipe), <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1006">Nunez da Silva (Manuel), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1007">Nunez de Leam (Duarte), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210-11</a>, + <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1008">Nuñez del Arce (Gaspar Esteban), <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1009">Nuñez González (Manuel), <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">O</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1010">Oeynhausen, Count of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1011">Olanda (Francisco de). <i>See</i> <a href="#693">Hollanda</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1012">Olivares, Conde-Duque de, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1013">Oliveira (Fernam de), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1014">Oliveira (Francisco Xavier de), Cavalheiro de Oliveira, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285-6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1015">Oliveira Marreca (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1016">Oliveira Martins (Pedro Joaquim de), <a href="#Page_305">305-6</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1017">Orta (Garcia da), <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225-6</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1018">Orta (Jorge da), <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1019">Ortigão (Ramalho). <i>See</i> <a href="#1152">Ramalho Ortigão</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1020">Osborne (Dorothy), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1021"><i>Osmia.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#899">Mello Breyner</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1022">Osorio (Luiz), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1023">Osorio da Fonseca (Jeronimo), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1024">Ossian, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1025">Ovid, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">P</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1026">Pacheco (João), <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1027">Pacheco Pereira (Duarte), <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1028">Paez (Balthasar), <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1029">Paez (D. Maria), <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1030">Paez (Pedro), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1031">Paganino (Rodrigo), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1032">Paiva (Isabel de), <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1033">Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de) [xvi c.], <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1034">Paiva de Andrade (Diogo de) [xvii c.], <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1035">Palmeirim (Luiz Augusto), <a href="#Page_300">300-1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1036"><i>Palmeirim de Inglaterra.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#968">Moraes (F</a>. de).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1037"><i>Palmerín de Oliva</i>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1038">Pardo Bazán (Emilia), Condesa de, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1039">Patmore (Coventry), <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1040">Pato Moniz (Nuno Alvares). <i>See</i> <a href="#1066">Pereira Pato Moniz</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1041">Patricio (Antonio), <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1042"><i>Paixam de Jesu Christo, A</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1043">Paul III, Pope, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1044">Paulo (Marco). <i>See</i> <a href="#1113">Polo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1045">Payne (Robert), <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1046">Pedro I, of Portugal, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1047">Pedro II, of Portugal, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1048">Pedro V, of Portugal, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1049">Pedro Afonso, Conde de Barcellos, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1050">Pedro, Duque de Coimbra, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, + <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, + <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1051">Pedro, O Condestavel D., <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79-80</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, + <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1052"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</span>Pedro, King of Aragon. <i>See</i> <a href="#1051">Pedro, O Condestavel D</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1053"><i>Pedro, Tratado do Infante D.</i>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1054"><i>Pelagia, Vida de Santa</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1055">Penha Fortuna (João de Oliveira), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1056">Pereda (José María de), <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1057">Pereira (Antonio Nunalvarez), <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1058">Pereira (Aureliano J.), <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1059">Pereira (Nuno), <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1060">Pereira Brandão (Luis), <a href="#Page_188">188-9</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1061">Pereira de Castro (Gabriel), <a href="#Page_258">258-9</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1062">Pereira de Castro (Luis), <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1063">Pereira de Figueiredo (Antonio), <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1064">Pereira de Novaes (Manuel), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1065">Pereira de Sampaio (José) [Bruno], <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1066">Pereira Pato Moniz (Nuno Alvarez), <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1067">Pereira Pinheiro (Bernardino), <a href="#Page_295">295-6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1068">Pereira Teixeira de Vasconcellos (Joaquim). <i>See</i> <a href="#1347">Teixeira de Pascoaes</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1069">Pérez Ballesteros (José), <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1070">Pérez Galdós (Benito), <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1071">Pérez Placer (Heraclio), <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1072">Perez de Camões (Vasco), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1073">Perez de Oliva (Hernan), <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1074">Pestana (Alice), <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1075">Petrarca (Francesco), <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, + <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, + <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1076">Philip II, of Spain, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, + <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, + <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1077">Philip III, of Spain, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1078">Philip IV, of Spain, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1079">Philippa, Queen Consort of João I, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1080">Piamonte (Nicolas), <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1081">Picaud (Aimeric), <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1082"><i>Pierres de Provence</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1083">Pimenta (Agostinho). <i>See</i> <a href="#419">Cruz (Agostinho da)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1084">Pimentel (Manuel), <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1085">Pina (Fernam de), <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1086">Pina (Ruy de), <a href="#Page_87">87-9</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1087">Pindella (Bernardo de). <i>See</i> <a href="#102">Arnoso</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1088">Pinheiro (D. Antonio), <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1089">Pinheiro (Bernardino). <i>See</i> <a href="#1067">Pereira Pinheiro</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1090">Pinheiro (Bernardo). <i>See</i> <a href="#102">Arnoso</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1091">Pinheiro Chagas (Manuel), <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1092">Pinheiro da Veiga (Thomé), <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1093">Pinto (Heitor), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236-7</a>, + <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1094">Pinto (João Lourenço), <a href="#Page_318">318-19</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1095">Pinto (Jorge), <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1096">Pinto Ribeiro (João), <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1097">Pintos (Juan Manuel), <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1098">Pires (Antonio Thomaz), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1099">Pires de Rebello (Gaspar), <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1100">Pirez Lobeira (Joan). <i>See</i> <a href="#798">Lobeira (Joan de)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1101">Pisan (Christine de), <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1102">Pisano (Mattheus de), <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1103">Pius IV, Pope, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1104"><i>Platir</i>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1105">Plato, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1106">Plautus, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1107">Pliny, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1108"><i>Poema da Perda de Espanha.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#331">Cava</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1109"><i>Poema del Cid.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#350">Cid</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1110"><i>Poetica</i>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1111">Poitou, Guillaume, Comte de, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1112">Poliziano (Angelo [Ambrogini]), <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1113">Polo (Marco), <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1114">Pombal, Sebastião José de Carvalho e Mello, Marques de, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, + <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1115">Ponce (Bartolomé), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1116">Pondal y Abente (Eduardo), <a href="#Page_352">352-3</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1117">Ponte (Pero da), <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1118">Pope (Alexander), <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1119">Portela (Severo), <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1120">Porto Carreiro (Lope de), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1121">Portugal (D. Anrique de), <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1122">Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvi c.], <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1123">Portugal (D. Francisco de) [xvii c.], <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1124">Portugal (D. Francisco de), Conde de Vimioso, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103-4</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, + <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1125">Portugal (D. João de), <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1126">Portugal (D. Manuel de), <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1127"><i>Portugaliae Monumenta Historica.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#684">Herculano (Alexandre)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1128">Posada y Pereira (José María), <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1129">Potter (Maria), <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1130">Potter (Thomas), <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1131">Poyares (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1132">Prado (Xavier), <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1133">Prazeres (João dos), <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1134">Presentação (Cosme da), <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1135">Prestage (Edgar), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1136">Prestes (Antonio), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160-1</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1137"><i>Primlaeon</i>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1138"><i>Primor e honra da vida soldadesca</i>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1139">Ptolemy, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1140">Purificaçam (Antonio da), <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1141">Purser (William Edward), <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">Q</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1142">Queimado (Roy), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1143"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</span>Quental (Anthero Tarquinio de), <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328-9</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1144">Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco Gomez de), <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1145">Quinet (Edgar), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1146">Quintilian, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1147">Quita (Domingos dos Reis), <a href="#Page_272">272-3</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">R</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1148">Rabelais (François), <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1149">Rabello (Gabriel de), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1150">Racine (Jean), <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1151">Raleigh (Sir Walter), <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1152">Ramalho Ortigão (José Duarte), <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1153">Ramos Coelho (José), <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1154">Ramusio (Giovanni Battista), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1155">Rebello da Silva (Luiz Augusto), <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1156">Redondo, Conde de. <i>See</i> <a href="#403">Coutinho (D</a>. Francisco).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1157"><i>Regras e Cautelas</i>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1158"><i>Relaçam verdadeira dos trabalhos</i>, &c., <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1159">Renan (Ernest), <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1160">Resende (Garcia de), <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96-8</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, + <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, + <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, + <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1161">Resende (Lucio André de), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, + <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1162"><i>Revista de Historia</i>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1163"><i>Revista Lusitana</i>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1164">Rey Soto (Antonio), <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1165">Ribalta (Aurelio), <a href="#Page_356">356-7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1166">Ribeira Grande, Conde da, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1167">Ribeiro (Bernardim), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132-9</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, + <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1168">Ribeiro (Jeronimo), <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1169">Ribeiro (João), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1170">Ribeiro (João Pedro), <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1171">Ribeiro (Mattheus de), <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1172">Ribeiro Chiado (Antonio), <a href="#Page_157">157-8</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1173">Ribeiro de Macedo (Duarte), <a href="#Page_265">265-6</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1174">Ribeiro de Sousa (Salvador), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1175">Ribeiro dos Santos (Antonio), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1176">Ribeiro Ferreira (Thomaz Antonio), <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1177">Ribeiro Sanches (Antonio Nunes). <i>See</i> <a href="#1001">Nunes Ribeiro Sanches</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1178">Ribeiro Soarez (Jeronimo). <i>See</i> <a href="#1168">Ribeiro (Jeronimo)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1179">Richardson (Samuel), <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1180">Riquier (Guiraut), <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1181"><i>Roberto, Verdadeira Historia do Grande</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1182">Rocha Martins (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1183">Rodrigues (José Maria), <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1184">Rodrigues Cordeiro (Antonio Xavier), <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1185">Rodriguez (Fernan), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1186">Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of Almazan, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1187">Rodriguez (Gonzalo), Archdeacon of Toro, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1188">Rodriguez (Melicia), <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1189">Rodriguez Azinheiro (Cristovam), <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1190">Rodriguez de Calheiros (Fernan), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1191">Rodriguez de Escobar (Gonçalo), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1192">Rodriguez de la Cámara (Juan), <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1193">Rodriguez de Montalvo (Garci), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1194">Rodriguez de Sá e Meneses (João), <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1195">Rodriguez de Sousa (Gonçalo), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1196">Rodriguez del Padrón (Juan). <i>See</i> <a href="#1192">Rodriguez de la Cámara</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1197">Rodriguez González (Eladio), <a href="#Page_354">354-5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1198">Rodriguez Leitão (Manuel), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1199">Rodriguez Lobo (Francisco), <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153-5</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1200">Rodriguez Lobo Soropita (Fernam), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1201">Rodriguez Silveira (Francisco), <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1202">Roiz. <i>See</i> <a href="#1185">Rodriguez</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1203"><i>Roland, Chanson de</i>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1204">Rolim de Moura. See <a href="#345">Child Rolim</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1205"><i>Romances</i>, <a href="#Page_74">74-6</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1206">Romero (Sylvio), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1207">Roquette (José Ignacio), <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1208">Rousseau (Jean-Jacques), <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1209">Rucellai (Giovanni), <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1210">Rudel (Jaufre), <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1211">Rueda (Lope de), <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1212">Ruiz (Juan), Archpriest of Hita, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, + <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1213">Ruiz de Toro (Alvar), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">S</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1214">Sá (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1215">Sá (Diogo de), <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1216">Sá (Gonçalo de), <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1217">Sá (Mem de), <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1218">Sá de Meneses (Francisco de), epic poet, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1219">Sá de Meneses (Francisco de), Conde de Mattosinhos, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1220">Sá de Miranda (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, + <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139-45</a>, + <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, + <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1221">Sá e Macedo (Anna de), <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1222">Sá Sottomaior (Eloi de), <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1223">Sabugal, Conde de, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1224">Sabugosa (Antonio Maria José de Mello Silva Cesar e Meneses), Conde de, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1225">Sacchetti (Franco), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1226"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</span>Sachsen (Ludolph von), <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1227"><i>Sacramental.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1238">Sanchez de Vercial</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1228">Sacro Bosco (Joannes de). <i>See</i> <a href="#673">Halifax (John of)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1229">Sadoletto (Jacopo), Cardinal, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1230">Sainte-Beuve (Charles-Augustin), <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1231">Saint-More (Benoît de), <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1232">Saint Victor (Adam de), <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1233">San Pedro (Diego de), <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1234">Sanches de Baena Farinha Augusto Romano, Visconde, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1235">Sanchez (D. Afonso), <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1236">Sanchez (Francisco), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1237">Sanchez de Badajoz (Garci), <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1238">Sanchez de Vercial (Clemente), <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1239">Sancho I, of Portugal, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, + <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1240">Sancho II, of Portugal, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1241">Sannazzaro (Jacopo), <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1242">Santa Catharina (Lucas de), <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1243">Santa Maria (Francisco de), <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1244">Santa Rita (Guilherme de), <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1245">Santa Rita Durão (José de), <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1246">Santa Rosa de Viterbo (Joaquim de), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1247">Santarem (Manuel Francisco de Barros e Sousa de Mesquita Leitão e Carvalhosa), Visconde de, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1248"><i>Santarem, Foros de</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1249">Santillana, Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza, Marqués de, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, + <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1250">Santo Antonio (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1251">Santo Antonio (Sebastião de), <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1252">Santo Estevam (Gomez de), <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1253">Santos (João dos), <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1254">Santos (Manuel dos), <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1255">Santos e Silva (Thomaz Antonio de), <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1256">S. Bernardino (Gaspar de), <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1257">S. Boaventura (Fortunato de), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1258">S. Joseph Queiroz (D. João de), <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1259">S. Luis (D. Francisco de), Cardinal Saraiva, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1260">Saraiva, Cardinal. <i>See</i> <a href="#1259">S</a>. Luis.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1261">Sarmento (Augusto Cesar Rodrigues), <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1262">Sarmento (Francisco de Jesus Maria), <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1263">Sarmiento (Martín), <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1264">Savoy, Duke of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1265">Schwalbach Lucci (Eduardo), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1266">Scott (Sir Walter), <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1267">Sebastian, King, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, + <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, + <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, + <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1268">Semmedo (Alvaro), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1269">Semmedo (Curvo). <i>See</i> <a href="#429">Curvo Semedo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1270">Seneca, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1271">Senna Freitas (Joaquim de), <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1272">Sepulveda (D. Lianor de). <i>See</i> <a href="#1314">Sousa (D</a>. Lianor de).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1273"><i>Sergas de Esplandian, Las</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1274">Serpa Pimentel (José Freire de), <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1275">Serrão de Castro (Antonio), <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1276">Servando (Joan), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1277">Severim de Faria (Manuel), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, + <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215-16</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1278">Sevilha (Pedro Amigo de). <i>See</i> <a href="#71">Amigo</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1279">Shakespeare (William), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, + <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1280">Sigea (Angela), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1281">Sigea (Luisa), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1282">Siglar (Pierres de), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1283">Silius Italicus, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1284">Silva (Antonio José da), <a href="#Page_282">282-4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1285">Silva (Innocencio Francisco da), <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, + <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1286">Silva (Nicolau Luis da). <i>See</i> <a href="#837">Luis (Nicolau)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1287">Silva Dias (Augusto Epiphanio da), <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1288">Silva Gayo (Manuel da), <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1289">Silva Mascarenhas (André da), <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1290">Silva Pinto (Manuel José da), <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1291">Silva Souto-Maior (Caetano José da), <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1292">Silveira (Fernam da) [†1489], <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1293">Silveira (Fernam da), O Coudel Môr, <a href="#Page_100">100-1</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1294">Silveira (Francisco Rodriguez). <i>See</i> <a href="#1201">Rodriguez Silveira</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1295">Silveira (Jorge da), <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1296">Silveira da Motta (Francisco), <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1297">Simões Dias (José), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1298">Soares de Brito (João), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, + <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1299">Soares de Passos (Antonio Augusto), <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1300">Soarez (Martin), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1301">Soarez Coelho (D. Joan), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1302">Soarez de Paiva (D. Joan), <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1303">Soarez de Sousa (Gabriel), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1304">Soarez de Taveiroos (Pai), <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1305">Solá (Jaime), <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1306">Sophocles, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1307">Soropita. <i>See</i> <a href="#1200">Rodriguez Lobo Soropita</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1308">Soto (Hernando de), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1309">Sotomaior (Luis de), <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1310">Sousa (D. Antonio Caetano de), <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1311">Sousa (Diogo de), <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1312">Sousa (Francisco de) [xvi c.], <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1313">Sousa (Francisco de) [xvii c.], <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1314">Sousa (D. Lianor de), <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1315"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</span>Sousa (Luis de), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, + <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241-3</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1316">Sousa (Manuel Caetano de), <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1317">Sousa (Martim Afonso de), <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1318">Sousa (Philippa de), <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1319">Sousa (Rui de), <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1320">Sousa Costa (Alberto de), <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1321">Sousa Coutinho (Lopo de), <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1322">Sousa Coutinho (Manuel de). <i>See</i> <a href="#1315">Sousa (Luis de)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1323">Sousa de Macedo (Antonio), <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, + <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260-1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1324">Sousa Falcão (Cristovam de). <i>See</i> <a href="#514">Falcão</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1325">Sousa Farinha (Bento José de), <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1326">Sousa Monteiro (José de), <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1327">Sousa Moraes (Wenceslau José de), <a href="#Page_322">322-3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1328">Sousa Sepulveda (Manuel de), <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1329">Sousa Viterbo (Francisco Marques de), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1330">Southey (Robert), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1331">Souto-Maior (Caetano Jose da Silva). <i>See</i> <a href="#1291">Silva Souto-Maior</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1332">Souto Maior (Eloi de Sá). <i>See</i> <a href="#1222">Sá Sottomaior</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1333">Souvestre (Émile), <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1334">Spinoza (B.), <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1335">Stanley of Alderney, Lord, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1336">Storck (Wilhelm), <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1337">Straparola (Giovanni Francesco), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1338">Stuart (Charles), Lord Stuart of Rothesay, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1339"><i>Sylvia de Lisardo</i>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">T</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1340">Tacitus, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1341">Tancos (Hermenegildo de), <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1342">Tasso (Bernardo), <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1343">Tasso (Torquato), <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1344">Tavares (Manuel), <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1345">Tavares Zagalo (Joana), <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1346">Teive (Diogo de), <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1347">Teixeira de Pascoaes (Joaquim), <a href="#Page_333">333-4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1348">Teixeira de Queiroz (Francisco), <a href="#Page_319">319-20</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1349">Teixeira Gomes (Manuel), <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1350">Tellez (Balthasar), <a href="#Page_204">204-5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1351">Tellez (Lianor), Queen Consort of Fernando I, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1352">Tellez (Maria), <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1353">Tellez de Meneses (Aires), <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1354"><i>Tello, Vida de D.</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1355">Tennyson (Alfred), Lord, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1356">Tenreiro (Antonio), <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1357">Terence, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1358"><i>Testament de Pathelin</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1359">Theocritus, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1360"><i>Theodora, Verdadeira Historia da Donzella</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1361">Theotocopuli (Domenico), El Greco, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1362">Thierry (Augustin), <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1363">Thomas (Henry), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1364">Thomas Aquinas, St., <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1365">Thomson (James), <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1366">Tilly (John), <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1367">Timoneda (Juan de), <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1368"><i>Tinherabos nam tinherabos</i>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1369"><i>Tirant lo Blanch</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1370">Tolentino de Almeida (Nicolau), <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1371">Tolstoi (Leo), Count, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1372">Tolomei (Lattanzio), <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1373">Torcy (Claude Blosset de), <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1374">Toro, Archdeacon of. <i>See</i> <a href="#1187">Rodriguez (Gonzalo)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1375">Torres (Alvaro de), <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1376">Torres (Domingos Maximiano), <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1377">Torres Naharro (Bartolomé de), <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1378">Trancoso (Gonçalo Fernandez). <i>See</i> <a href="#540">Fernandez Trancoso</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1379">Trindade (Adeodato da), <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1380">Trindade Coelho (José Francisco de), <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1381">Trissino (Giangiorgio), <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1382"><i>Tristam, O Livro de</i>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1383"><i>Tristan</i>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1384"><i>Trovador, O</i>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1385"><i>Trovador, O Novo</i>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1386">Trueba (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1387"><i>Tundalo, Visão de</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">U</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1388">Usque (Abraham ben), <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1389">Usque (Samuel), <a href="#Page_245">245-6</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">V</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1390">Vaamonde (Florencio), <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1391">Valcacer. <i>See</i> <a href="#1392">Valcarcel</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1392">Valcarcel (Pedro de), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1393">Valdés (Juan de), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1394">Valente (Afonso), <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1395">Valera (Juan), <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1396">Valla (Lorenzo), <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1397">Valle Inclán (Ramón María del), <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1398">Van Zeller (Francisco), <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1399">Vaqueiras (Raimbaut de), <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1400">Varnhagen (Francisco Adolpho de), <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1401">Vasconcellos (Antonio de), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1402">Vasconcellos (Henrique de), <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1403">Vasconcellos (Joaquim de), <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1404"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</span>Vasconcellos (Jorge de), <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1405">Vasconcellos (Jorge Ferreira de). <i>See</i> <a href="#553">Ferreira</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1406">Vasconcellos (Simão de), <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1407">Vaz (Francisco), de Guimarães, <a href="#Page_161">161-2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1408">Vaz (Joana), <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1409">Vaz da Gama (Guiomar), <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1410">Vaz de Camões (Luis). <i>See</i> <a href="#274">Camões</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1411">Vaz de Camões (Simão), <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1412">Vaz de Carvalho (Maria Amalia), <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1413">Vazquez (Francisco), <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1414">Veer (Pero de), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1415">Vega (Garci Lasso de la). <i>See</i> <a href="#754">Lasso de la Vega</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1416">Vega Carpio (Lope Felix de), <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, + <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1417">Veiga (Manuel da), <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1418">Veiga (Thomas da), <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1419">Veiga Tagarro (Manuel da), <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1420">Velázquez (Diego), <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1421">Velez de Guevara (Luis), <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1422">Velez de Guevara (Pero), <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1423">Velho (Alvaro), <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1424">Verba (João), <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1425">Verde (José Joaquim Cesario), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1426">Vernier (P.), <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1427">Verney (Luis Antonio), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1428">Veronese (Paolo), <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1429">Vespasian, Emperor, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1430"><i>Vespeseano, Estorea de</i>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1431"><i>Vespesiano, Estoria del noble</i>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1432">Vicente (Belchior), <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1433">Vicente (Gil), <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, + <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, + <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106-31</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, + <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, + <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, + <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, + <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1434">Vicente (Luis), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1435">Vicente (Luis), son of Gil Vicente, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1436">Vicente (Martim), <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1437">Vicente (Paula), <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1438">Vicente de Almeida (Gil), <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1439"><i>Vicentes, Cronica dos.</i> See <i><a href="#412">Cronica da Fundaçam</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1440">Vieira (Antonio), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, + <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, + <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267-9</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1441">Vieira (Nicolao), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1442">Vieira da Costa (J.), <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1443">Vieira Ravasco (Cristovam), <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1444">Vilhena (D. Joana de), <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1445">Vilhena (D. Magdalena de), <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1446">Vilhena (D. Philippa de), Condessa de Athouguia, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1447">Villa-Moura, Visconde de, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1448">Villa Nova, Condessa de, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1449">Villani (Giovanni), <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1450">Villareal, Fernando, Marques de, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1451">Villas-Boas (D. Manuel do Cenaculo), Bishop of Beja, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1452">Villena (D. Enrique de), <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1453">Vimieiro, Counts of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1454">Vimieiro, fourth Conde de, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1455">Vimioso, first Conde de [<i>or</i> do]. <i>See</i> <a href="#1122">Portugal (D</a>. Francisco de).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1456">Vimioso, third Conde de, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1457">Virgil, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, + <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1458"><i>Visão de Tundalo.</i> See <i><a href="#1387">Tundalo</a></i>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1459">Viseu, Diogo, Duke of, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1460">Viseu, Henry, Duke of. <i>See</i> <a href="#677">Henrique, Infante</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1461"><i>Visio Tundali</i>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1462"><i>Vita Christi.</i> <i>See</i> <a href="#1226">Sachsen (Ludolph +von)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1463">Vives (Juan Luis), <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1464">Voltaire (François Arouet), <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1465">Vyvyães (Pero), <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">W</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1466">Wieland (Christoph Martin), <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1467">Wyche (Sir Peter), <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">X</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1468">Xavier, St. Francis, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1469">Xavier de Mattos. <i>See</i> <a href="#891">Mattos</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1470">Xavier de Novaes. <i>See</i> <a href="#996">Novaes</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1471">Xenophon, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1472">Ximenez de Urrea (Geronimo), <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">Y</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1473">Yannez (Rodrigo), <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1474">Ychoa (João de), <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> + + +<li class="ifrst">Z</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1475">Zamora (Gil de), <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1476">Zola (Émile), <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1477">Zorro (Joan), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="1478">Zurara (Gomez Eanez de), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, + <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, + <a href="#Page_85">85-7</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li> +</ul> +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + + +<div class="chapter"> +<p class="center"> +PRINTED IN ENGLAND<br> +AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS<br> +</p> +</div> + + +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75425 ***</div> +</body> +</html> + diff --git a/75425-h/images/000.jpg b/75425-h/images/000.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..f005b8b --- /dev/null +++ b/75425-h/images/000.jpg diff --git a/75425-h/images/001.jpg b/75425-h/images/001.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..ef5484e --- /dev/null +++ b/75425-h/images/001.jpg diff --git a/75425-h/images/002.jpg b/75425-h/images/002.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..129be19 --- /dev/null +++ b/75425-h/images/002.jpg diff --git a/75425-h/images/cover.jpg b/75425-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..587f338 --- /dev/null +++ b/75425-h/images/cover.jpg diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. 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